Content and context of visual arts in the Islamic world: papers from a colloquium in memory of Richard Ettinghausen, Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2-4 April 1980, planned and organized by Carol Manson Bier 9780271006147
This volume focuses on the question of meaning in the visual arts of the Islamic world. Twelve essays deal with a wide v
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English Pages 300 Year 1988
Polecaj historie
Table of contents :
Frontmatter
List of Illustrations (page vii)
Foreword by James R. McCredie (page xv)
Note on Transliteration (page xvii)
List of Abbreviations (page xix)
Introduction by Carol Manson Bier and Priscilla P. Soucek (page xxi)
The Nishapur Metalwork: Cultural Interaction in Early Islamic Iran (James W. Allan, page 1)
Observations on the Iconography of the Mosaics in the Great Mosque at Damascus (Klaus Brisch, page 13)
The Draped Universe of Islam (Lisa Golombek, page 25)
The Iconography of Islamic Architecture (Oleg Grabar, page 51)
Sa،d: Content and Context (Marilyn Jenkins; Technical Note by Gary W. Carriveau, page 67)
Two Illustrated Manuscripts in the Malek Library, Tehran (B. W. Robinson, page 91)
Calligraphy and Common Script: Epitaphs from Aswan and Akhlat (J. M. Rogers, page 105)
The "Iconography" of the Internal Decoration in the Mausoleum of Ūljāytū at Sultaniyya (Eleanor Sims, page 139)
Imperial Symbolism in Mughal Painting (Robert Skelton, page 177)
The Life of the Prophet: Illustrated Versions (Priscilla P. Soucek, page 193)
Representations of the Khāṣṣikīyah and the Origins of Mamluk Emblems (Estelle Whelan, page 219)
The Scholar, the Drinker, and the Ceramic Pot-Painter (Marina D. Whitman, page 255)
Citation preview
Content and Context of Visual Arts in the Islamic World
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Nishapur: Metalwork of the Early Islamic Period. In addi- 6. R. W. Hamilton, “Who Built Khirbat al-Mafjar?” tion, I would like to thank Dr. Marilyn Jenkins of the Is- Levant, 1, 1969, 61-67.
lamic Department, Manuel Keene, formerly of the 7. E. Kihnel, “Islamische Rauchergerat,” Berliner
lamic Department, and Drs. Helmut Nickel and Dav1 Museen. Berichte aus den preuszischen Kunstsammlungen, Alexander of the Arms and Armor Department at the Me- XLI, 1920, 241-50
, . . 8. M. Aga-Oglu, “A -
tropolitan Museum for their cooperation and assistance. M. A O: '
2. I. Krachkovski, “Sasanidskaya chasha v’stikhakh’ Burner.” Fe Art Bulletin ov ee oF esac Incense
Abt Nuvasa,” Seminarium Kondakovianum, U, 1928, 113- 29-32 , , » 194 D, 45, SP y 25; R. Ghirshman, Iran: Parthians and Sassanians, Lon-
don, 1962, 204, 209, 214. 9. B. I. Marshak, “Bronzoviy kuvshin 1z Samarkan3. R. B. Serjeant, “Material for the History of Is- “a 5 rednyaya Aziya 1 Iran, Hermitage, Leningrad, lamic Textiles up to the Mongol Conquests,” Ars Islami- 97?» 90.
ca, IX, 1942, 63; XI-XII, 1946, 98. 10. P. J. Rus, ed., Hama. Fouilles et recherches 1931-
THE NISHAPUR METALWORK 7 1938, IV, 3. Les petits objets médiévaux sauf des verreries et 28. T. Schreiber, Die Alexandrinische Toreutik, Leip-
poteries, Copenhagen, 1969, fig. 24. zig, 1894, 333, fig. 69-70.
Il. Excavations at Samarra 1936-39, Baghdad, Depart- 29. G. Fehérvari, Islamic Metalwork of the Eighth to the
ment of Antiquities, 1940, I, pl. 142. Fifteenth Century in the Keir Collection, London, 1976, 12. F. Petrie, Objects of Daily Use, London, 1927, 28, no. 107, pl. 36a.
nos. 45-50, and pl. 23 (hereafter, Petrie). 30. Ibid., 87. 13. Unpublished; information supplied by Dr. 31. Ibid., nos. 109-10, pl. 37a—b.
George Scanlon. 32. Pope, SPA, pls. 1297 and 1304. 14. E. Babelon and J.-A. Blanchet, Catalogue des
; , ls. —46.
bronzes antiques de la Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris, 1895, 33. Ibid., pl. 1312B.
no. 1627. 34. Sir John Marshall, Taxila, Cambridge, 1951, mI, 15. London, Victoria and Albert Museum, 528-76, pis. 144 40 h: 7.4. cm, w: 2.0 cm. The top of each side of the body is 35. Petrie, pl. 34, nos. 18 and 20. decorated with the word al-daw{lah] in Kufic script. A. 36. Ibid., pl. 34, nos. 33-34.
S. Melikian-Chirvani, Islamic Metalwork from the Iranian ,
World, Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 1982, 43- 37: Scanlon, 104, fig. 14. Dr. Scanlon informs me 44, no. 4 (hereafter, Melikian-Chirvani, 1982). that there is a wooden example of this type in the Islamic
| Museum, Cairo, and that he saw a schist example in the
16. C. J. Lamm, Mittelalterliche Glaser und Stein- collection of M. David-Weill.
schnittarbeiten aus dem nahen Osten, Berlin, 1929, 1, 163-
64; 0, pl.. cm). 59, 61-62. 38. No. 1533-3903 (1: 10.851-$2, cm, w: 8.0 Melikian-Chirvani, 1982, no.cm, IS.h: 2.5
17. A. Stein, “An Archaeological Tour in the Ancient ,
Persis,” Iraq, 1, 1936, pl. 29, nos. 47 and 57. Objects of 39. R. Ettinghausen, Turkish Elements on Silver this form have provoked considerable disagreement with Objects of the Seljuq Period of Iran, Communications regard to their original use and purpose; this problem is Presented to the First International Congress of Turkish Arts, discussed in the Nishapur metalwork catalogue, p. 37. Ankara, 1961, 128-33.
S ted that the 1 t implied drop- ,
Members of the audience at the Ettinghausen Memorial 40. Ibid., 133. edron woamee e hatever” Pevid. che sbice 41. G. Laszl6, Etudes archéologiques sur l’histoire de la
yrereP pow OF + 4 : société des Avars, 1955, Archaeologia Hungarica, XxxIVv,
contained—indicating its ability to conserve a precious Ge. 60 (hereafter. Laszlé
liquid or to dispense it in small quantities with consider- 223, fig. 60 (hereafter, Laszlo). able accuracy. Another observation was that the flanges 42. T. J. Arne, La Suéde et l’Orient, Upsala, 1914,
enabled the contents to be heated. figs. 194-204. 18. Nos. S.69/70, 3197, and $5195. 43. Ibid., fig. 127.
19. Paris, Louvre, S. 417. 44. Laszld, 163, fig. 47.
20. Philadelphia, University Museum, RCH 1711. 45. Ibid., 281, fig. 85. 21. No. QY 78.11. See “Survey of Excavations, © 46. E.g., a seventeenth-century Turkish horse har-
Iran, xvu, 1979, pl. VIIa; and Philadelphia, University ness in Karlsruhe, Die Ttirkenbeute, Badishes Landes-
Museum, [,-274. museum, Karlsruhe, 1970, pls. 18-19.
22. G. Scanlon, “Fustat Expedition: Preliminary Re- 47. S. I. Rudenko, Kul’tura naseleniya tsentral’nogo port, 1965, Part I,” Journal of the American Research Cen- altaya v skifskoe vremya, Moscow and Leningrad, 1960,
ter in Egypt, v, 1966, 97, fig. 11 (hereafter, Scanlon). fig. 133. 23. O. Wulff, Altchristliche und mittelalterliche byzan- 48. Ibid., Frozen Tombs of Siberia, London, 1970, pl. tinische und italienische Bildwerke, 1, 1909, pl. 53, nos. 85 A.
1057-58 and 1060-61. . .
_ ou, 49. Ibid., Kul’tura naseleniya gornovo altaya v skifskoe
24. J. Strzygowski, Catalogue générale des antiquités vremya, Moscow and Leningrad, 1953, pl. CIIl.
égyptiennes du Musée du Caire, Koptische Kunst, Vienna,
1904, nos. 91§0—52. so. N. Fettich, “Die Metallkunst der landnehmanden
” Archaeologia H ; . ,
0 ; VI(12). 1943-44, 288. 52. Ibid., $0.
25. O. M. Dalton, Catalogue of Early Christian Antiqui- Ungarn,” Archaeologia Hungarica, Xx1, 1937, pl. XXXI
ties, London, 1901, 104, no. §27, pl. 27. sr. W.'W. Arendt, “Turkische Sabel aus dem VIII26. C.K. Wilkinson, “Heating and Cooking at Nisha- IX. Jahrhundert,” Archaeologia Hungarica, Xvi, 1935, pl.
pur,” Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, n.s. 2, |
no. 18754. T3.
27. F. W. von Bissing, Catalogue générale des antiquités 53. J. Hampel, Alterthitimer des Friihen Mittelalters in égyptiennes du Musée du Caire, Steingefasse, Vienna, 1904, Ungarn, Braunschweig, 1905, I, 24; 1, pl. 268, nos. 12—
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Metropolitan Museum of Art arris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1939. Courtesy The
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4 ro » 39- _ - , . 30- . st at ; - ) II,pt.ptI,; 1956 _ thank. Prof aMa proper na s much him); me. I would ]i . id. Pottery, ;(in)A”. y,”.Kulltvat g ofessor this ni1ver° (Ahmad); pls. 36, 37 22, 26, 27 (al-Tabib); pls. Pls. bear what Neem bowls are discussed hy or fragmen-
(M von Saji); pls. 84 A 4i (al Sharif), pls. 42 3 Z Hisham,” repeated one a proper name, a are said to votammad). al-Faraj); pl "3 hani’an it do . The correct reading approximately haban’s (hereafter. Plate andVi » ira SUSU “Potters ”); aN (May - 87 more a . you much good ; is word is
al-Adab XVI n Ancient Fatimid ’ : Yusut. h ppropriate than ), which seem
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unpublished) (Musi 1921, C1598-I useum, ha ere are medieval r confirmation of
1973.79.61 ’ etropolit 97 (all e at the end . pts in which t
ramics,” Phil 971.89 (both wapublished) (Muslie of Art, xamples) rather than © end oF the word (as on the rae
ramics,” Philon, figs. 402 ed) (Muslim); “ 8 Tenkins. “ it properly bel Blass
Potters, ’ pls : 402, 407, 408 (Musli ’ “Ce- Jenkins, Muslim.” 26 y belongs. Islamische Ke _, 2 14 (Muslim); Hetj im); Yusuf, 9. Ibid , 366, Appendix no
Metropolit ramik, Diisseldort, 1973 etjens Museum _ 360, fig. 2. a
a e in ;
1973. itan Museum of Art, 1 , no. 106 (Muslim); 10. Ibid., 360, fig. 2. Phi
hami); 1973.79.28-34 ‘Chaead 1973-79.22-25 oy tal of the Fatimid period) (roughly placed in the that in her 1973.79.36 3 . 4); azal): 1 ’(al-Faqi al-: redto©er1o sion e second h 9.36,37 (al-Ustad 1973-79-35 occur a d)rarer signatures are alf Mu“allim); stadh al-Misri); al-Faqir); be found and wh
“ton Ghavbi) Ses D. Ol themed. are aL farther antes that, Sung the outer wall“vor of the ‘he bo y 1). See D.Bown Fou Contribution rmuzi); 1973.79.2 states sa‘oninvariably 3an ah (among owl quet, a l'étude . i,urther Kufic onthat a 4sa‘d foun of). She out letters her chapter thatissutd Thus, assume “hronoh. sa‘di is the she name of st rougha potter. How-
74 MARLEY TEM eINS ever, as therg is sf lease are example of the word khass 23. According to Professor S. D. Goitein in a letter to being found on the veverse cf a bows. cotally by itself (fig. me dated 14 February 1980: “Among the many thouib and n. 5), ner theeary toac a word on the reverse just sands of male persons in Egypt whose names l cardbelow che vim is 4 :2,aacure does not stand up to close indexed there is not a single Sa‘d. The names Aba Sa‘d, scrutiny. in other words, placement alone cannot be used Sa‘dan, Sa‘ada, etc., are extremely common. . .- .. The as proot of a word being a name on Fatimid pottery. Asa name Sa‘d was common in earliest Islam but soon lost matter of fact, of the 114 signed Egyptian ceramic objects ground against other names derived from that root. ” As surveyed tor this study, only one has a signature on the regards the use of Aba Sa‘d, this does not presuppose outside wall without ‘amal, and this exception is problem- the existence of a Sa‘d, since a childless person could atic (see Yusuf, “Potters,” pl. 2). Otherwise, when a sig- have a kunyah or a kunyah could express a characteristic nature is found on the outside wall, it is accompanied by other than paternity. ‘amal, min san‘ah, or the area immediately preceding the 24. Wilkinson, no. 1, 146.
signature 1s missing and, with one exception noted in n. ;
16, the inscription is cursive. Thus, the odds are over- 25. E. Kuhnel and L. Bellinger, Catalogue of Dated
whelmuingly against a solitary word in Kufic on the out- Tiraz Fabrics, Washington, D.C., 1952, pl. XXIX, no.
side of a bowl being a signature. 73-573, and pl. XXXI, no. 73.72.
rr. L. de Beyhé, La Kalaa des Beni-Hammad, une _ 26. Metropolitan Museum of Art, 31.106.62 (unpubcapitale berbére de l’Afrique du Nord au XI® siécle, Paris, lished).
1909, pl. XXI, upper right. 27. A further substantiation, however, exists in the 12. Hayward Gallery, The Arts of Islam, London, ceramic products of Malaga, Spain. The sixty-one
1976, no. 277. luster-painted objects attributed to this Andalusian cenay: ; ter (datable after 1063 and into the twelfth century) are tS. C. K. Wilkinson, Nishapur: Pottery of the Early very strongly influenced by pottery vessels bearing the
Islamic Period, New York, 1973, no. 24, a,b, 99 and 118 word sa‘d. (See my Ph.D. dissertation, “Medieval Magh(hereafter, Wilkinson). Confirmed by Dr. Golombek in rib1 Ceramics: A Reappraisal of the Pottery Production
a private communication. of the Western Regions of the Muslim World,” Institute 14. Lamm, 49, mentions a fragment in the Islamic of Fine Arts, New York University, 1978.) These are Department of the Berlin Museums (now East Berlin) influenced not only in major but also in minor motifs as on which sa‘d is combined with Hasan. I have not yet well as in matters of design execution, such as the incisbeen able to secure a photograph of this sherd, but such ing of spirals through the luster paint and often the exea fragment could serve to support further the basic thesis cution of the decoration in reserve on a luster ground.
of this essay. Perhaps some of the potters who made the objects bear; ing the word sa‘d were those spoken of in a text by a
15. See note 5 for complete reference to this material. Cordovan doctor, Abii al-Walid ben Janah, who speaks 16. al-Tabib. See note 5 for references to this potter’s of Eastern potters in Andalusia in the eleventh century
work. who were able to teach some techniques to the local
17. These consistent idiosyncracies enabled me to craftsmen or to make objects in their style with local read correctly the signature inside the footring on a materials. (Jenkins, “Medieval Maghribi Ceramics,” bowl in the Keir Collection as al-Baytar, not Abi Sa‘d, 140-88, and pls. XLVI-LXXXIIL.) as was previously assumed (E. Grube, Islamic Pottery, 28. E.g., transparent glaze, greenish tint to glaze. The Keir Collection, London, 1976, no. 89).
See note 3, sa‘d no. 45. 18. See note 3, sa‘d no. 25. I would like to29.thank Dr.
George Scanlon for his confirmation of the technique 30. See note 3, sa‘d nos. 1-9, II, 13-20.
involved. 31. J. D. Frierman, F. Asaro, and H. V. Michel, “The 19. See note 3, sa‘d no. 45. Provenance of Early Islamic Luster Wares,” Ars
ee Orientalis, x1, 1979, 111-26. These control points are desin Lane, Pottery, pl. 26A. that correspond to the data in Tables 2 and 3, pages 122 _ 20. Compare the human being in Figure 9 with that ignated in Figure 25 by those numbers preceded by “FA”
21. See note 3, sad no. 17 and 3s. and 125, numbered consecutively FAo1—FAIo.
22. See note 3, sa‘d no. 20A. 32. Philon, 88. TECHNICAL NOTE Gary W. Carriveau
The results shown in Figure 25 were produced using elemental concentration determinations from I79 ceramic samples. These samples were from 55 objects in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (1-5 5);
eight each from the Victoria and Albert Museum, London (56-63), and Benaki Museum, Athens (64-71), and one
SA‘D: CONTENT AND CONTEXT 75 from the Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. (72). Additional results were taken from the papers of Frierman, Michel, and Asaro!? (shown as FA series of 69 samples and MR series of 38 samples). Elements studied were Na, Cs, Ba, Sc, Ce, Eu, Hf, Lu, Th, CR, Fe, Co, K, Rb, La, Ta, Mn, U, and Ca. Experimental details are found in reference 3. The samples were chosen to represent a variety of wares, including both clay and composition fabric from Egypt, Syria, and Iran and glazes characterized as either tin-opacified or alkaline-silicate. Eighteen objects containing the word sa‘d were sampled.
Figure 25 is a representation of how the results cluster, called a dendrogram.} This tree structure illustrates how the points and clusters are tied together at junctions, whose distance, measured from left to right, is the value of dissimilarity. In this way, groups and subgroups can be identified through their varying nearness, from left to night.
It is clear from Figure 25 that objects with the word sa‘d are distributed throughout the field, showing that the materials bearing the word come from differing geographical areas, including clay and composite fabrics and both glaze types.
References 1. Jay D. Frierman, Frank Asaro, and Helen V. Michel, cal Composition Patterns of Ceramic Wares from “The Provenance of Early Islamic Lustre Wares,” Ars Fustat, Egypt,” Archaeometry, XVII, 1976, 85-92.
Orientalis, Xl, 1980, 111-26. 3. German Harbottle, “Activation Analysis in Archae2. H.V. Michel, J. D. Frierman, and F. Asaro, “Chemi- ology,” Radiochemistry, 11, 1986, 33-72.
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*For further reference to these objects, see note 3.
Two Ilustrated Manuscripts in the Malek Library, Tehran B. W. Robinson
a private collectionoff of one books, and other worksItofwas art, TT HE originally Malek Library is situated of pictures, the outerpainted alleys lacquer, of the Tehran bazaar.
but it is now semipublic, and its reading room is frequented by a few dedicated students. Its two exhibition rooms contain much valuable material for those interested in the arts of the Qajar period, but it is the enormous collection of manuscripts that forms its largest and most important section. Access to it is not readily obtained; on my last visit to Tehran (shortly before the current troubles broke out)—after two unsuccessful attempts—I succeeded. In the course of a general examination of the Library’s contents, | was shown the two manuscripts forming the subject of the present article,‘ and they struck me as particularly interesting.
I
The first of these two manuscripts (MS No. 5932) is a small anthology measuring 13.5 by 9 cm and unfortunately in a very worn and damaged condition.” The outer faces of the binding, which is of brown leather with sunken medallions and pendants, may well be original. The text, on a written surface of 8.75 by 6 cm, is in an early nasta‘liq, in two columns of seventeen lines, with a marginal column of twelve lines written diagonally. The colophon at the end of the first part gives the scribe’s name as Mahmud, called Qutb, but no date. The last folio, which might have supplied this and perhaps further information, is unfortunately missing.3 The text consists of:
92 B. W. ROBINSON 1. Poems on astronomical and astrological themes 2. The Black and Green Pavilion episodes and stories from the Haft Paykar of Nizam1 3. Part of the Iskandar-namah of Nizami 4. The Ghazaliyart of Jalal al-Din Rumi There are three illuminated headings, the first only lightly tinted but the other two fully colored, and all are of the highest quality. Besides these, there are areas of decoration throughout the manuscript, filling in the space remaining on the page after the conclusion of a section of the text, these consist of geometrical and arabesque designs in gold, like those found in the British Library Miscellany (Add. 27261) and elsewhere. Three miniatures occupy the central text area in the usual way; all are badly damaged and rubbed. Their subjects are:
1. The man entertained by the fairies, from the story told by the Princess in the Black Pavilion (cf. British Library Add. 27261, fol. 159b) (fig. 1).4 2. Bashr, and the body of his friend in the well, from the story told by the Princess in the Green Pavilion (fig. 2). 3. Iskandar enthroned, surrounded by courtiers and attended by a man with an astrolabe (fig. 3).
In addition, throughout the Nizami portions of the anthology, the triangular corner pieces at the top and bottom of the marginal column are occupied by tiny miniatures relating to the text— usually a single figure, or a figure with a dragon or other animal—and these sometimes spill out into the margin. They are generally colored in the usual way but sometimes take the form of tinted drawings, drawings in blue and gold, or drawings in plain blue. On one or two pages, where the text is written in couplets arranged diagonally, the resulting triangles in the main written surface are filled with similar little paintings and drawings; there must be something like two or three hundred of them throughout the manuscript. It will be clear from the above that this small volume has a close family relationship with certain other manuscripts known, or accepted, as having been produced for Iskandar Sultan b. Umar Shaykh at Shiraz, Isfahan, or Yazd, between about 1405 and 1415, and especially with the fragmentary Iskandar-namah in the British Museum (No. 1958—7—12-025). It is very similar to
this last in dimensions—and the style of the miniatures, the combination of small marginal ulustrations with miniatures of normal type in the text, and the script all tally—thus bringing the
Malek anthology into the small but select group of manuscripts that can be associated with Iskandar Sultan, the early Timurid bibliophile and political stormy petrel.
It may be well at this point to be reminded of this group, which consists of the following manuscripts (in chronological order):
I. 800/1397: Two companion volumes of epics in the British Library (Or.2780) and the Chester Beatty Library (MS 114), respectively. They contain no dedication or ex libris, but the style of the illuminations places them firmly at Shiraz, and the style of the miniatures, derived from the Jalayrid school of Baghdad, is that found in later volumes dedicated to Iskandar Sultan, though on a slightly larger scale. The young prince (who acted as regent for his father at Shiraz for several years from 1393) was thirteen years old in 1397, and it seems not unlikely that this anthology of epics was made for him. 5
TWO ILLUSTRATED MANUSCRIPTS IN THE MALEK LIBRARY 93 2. 807/1405(°?): Iskandar-namah (fragmentary). British Museum 1958—7—12-025.°
3. 810/1407: Anthology, copied “at Yazd.” Topkap: Library H. 796. The style of the best miniatures in
this volume corresponds exactly with that associated with the court of Iskandar Sultan (governor of Yazd at the time, appointed by Shah Rukh in 1405).7 4. 812/1410: Anthology. Gulbenkian Museum, Lisbon. Dedication to Iskandar Sultan. 5. C. 1410:
Anthology. Rampur State Library, India, MS 742. Miniatures in Iskandar Sultan’s court style, and the scribe was Nasr al-Katib al-Shirazi, one of the two copyists of British Library Add. 27261.9 6. Cc. I410:
Two masnavi poems. Formerly in the Library of the Marquess of Bute. Miniatures in Iskandar Sultan’s court style. '° 7. C. 1410: ‘Aja’ib al-Makhlugat of Qazwini. Only three detached miniatures are known to survive from
this pocket copy; two are at present in an English private collection (figs. 4 and 5 and the third in the Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva [ex Pozzi Collection])." 8. c. 1410: Astronomical anthology. Istanbul University Library F. 1418. One miniature and a number of tinted astronomical drawings in the court style of Iskandar Sultan. 9. 813-814/1410—-I14II: Literary miscellany. British Library Add. 27261. Dedication to Iskandar Sultan (fig. 6).'3 IO. 816/1414:
Encyclopedic work, of which some twenty-eight large folios are preserved in Topkapi Library Album B. 411 (fols. 138-66). Copied “at Isfahan” and dedicated to Iskandar Sultan. One large page of miniatures, several drawings, and a map of the world. Unpublished. *
All of these, from first to last, show a remarkable stylistic consistency in their miniatures— more so, for example, than do the manuscripts executed for Baysunghur Mirza—and this may indicate the presence of an extremely able and, indeed, dominating figure among Iskandar’s painters. Speculation about his identity is premature, but in an admirable study of the Fogg Museum miniature of Rustam and Tahminah, the late Eric Schroeder made a good case for Pir Ahmad Baghshimali as the leading artist at Iskandar’s court.!4 Dist Muhammad, a reliable source, and almost our only one for this period, mentions this painter after Junayd of Baghdad (who illustrated the famous British Library Khwaja Kirmani manuscript, Add. 18113, of 1396) and before the painters who worked for Baysunghur in the 1420s and 1430s. Since his account is broadly chronological, it would be natural to place Pir Ahmad between them at the court of Iskandar Sultan. After describing Pir Ahmad as a pupil of Shams al-Din, Dist Muhammad merely says, “He was the zenith of his time. No one could rival him. He reached the age of fifty.” Whoever this leading painter may have been, there can be no doubt that after the fall of Iskandar Sultan in 1415 he took service with Shah Rukh, and some splendid paintings of his appear in the Topkap: Hafiz-i-Abra manuscript (B. 282, with a dedicatory inscription to Shah Rukh on fol. *Since this essay was written, a further manuscript dedicated to Iskandar Sultan has surfaced at the Library of the Wellcome Foundation, London. It is a horoscope of the prince with one splendid miniature closely resembling Kuhnel, Miniaturmalerei im Islamischen Orient (Berlin, 1923), pl. 41.
O4 B. W. ROBINSON roa, and a chronogram on fol. 296a that seems to give the date 818/1415).'5 He was not only a highly accomplished painter but the originator, in the British Library Miscellany, of several compositions that remained standard in manuscripts of Firdawsi and Nizami throughout the Timurid period. From this group of manuscripts I feel justified in inferring that Iskandar Sultan had a strong predilection for anthologies and pocket volumes. Of the twelve volumes considered here (including the Malek manuscript), eight come into the former category and six into the second. The very worn condition of the pocket volumes (or what remains of them) may be due to their having been constantly carried about and used by the prince in the course of his travels and campaigns. His natural fondness for the Iskandar-namah, in which the exploits of his great namesake are celebrated, may be assumed from its comparatively frequent appearance among the texts. I conclude, then, by dating the Malek anthology to about 1405-10, and accepting it as an additional fruit of Iskandar Sultan’s discriminating patronage.
II The other manuscript (MS no. 5986), also unpublished, 1s a copy of the Shah-namah measuring 32
by 20 cm. It is enclosed in a fine contemporary binding of dark leather; the outer faces, lightly tooled with arabesque medallions, contain designs of animals; the surfaces are somewhat worn and flattened, but the fine details of the work can be seen on the flap. The doublures are decorated with bold leather cutout work of medallions, pendants, and corner pieces. The whole bears a marked resemblance to the binding of Bodleian Library (Oxford) MS Pers. c. 4, another copy of the national epic, dating from 1448.'° The text is nasta‘liq, in four columns of twenty-five lines. There is no colophon. The illuminations, in a broad style and of good quality, consist of two rosettes on folios 1b and 2a, the first containing a dedication to a certain Sultan Salim (so far unidentified) and the second with two seated figures, and fine headings in the same style for the preface and the beginning of the poem. The miniatures, of which there are twenty-six in all (not counting the two figures in the rosette
just mentioned), are in two very different styles. The first six, mostly damaged and repaired, appear on the lower portions of consecutive pages of the preface. They all represent gatherings of people (the court of Sultan Mahmud?), some wearing crowns, in outdoor settings. Their style is characterized by rather small figures and weak drawing (especially in the faces) and composition. They bear a certain resemblance to second-rate Bukhara work. The twenty miniatures illustrating the poem itself, however, are very different, with their large strongly drawn figures, confined as
a rule to those essential to the incident depicted, as in early Timurid Shiraz painting. Rustam nowhere wears his leopard’s-head helmet, but his tiger-skin cuirass, with plain black stripes, appears. The subjects portrayed are as follows:
1. Muhammad and his companions in the Ship of Faith, as described in Firdawsi’s prologue (fig. 7). This is a very rare subject for illustration, but it occurs in the Topkapi copy H. 1509 and the Leningrad Oriental Institute copy C. 822 (of which more below), as well as in the Houghton Shah-namah. 2. The old warrior Qubad slain by the Turanian Barman. 3. Rustam captures his horse, Rakhsh. 4. Rustam lifts the petrified King of Mazandaran (represented as a large mass of rock).
TWO ILLUSTRATED MANUSCRIPTS IN THE MALEK LIBRARY 95
5. Rustam slays Zhandah Razm. 6. Suhrab slain by Rustam. 7. Siyawush playing polo. 8. Siyawush captive before Afrasiyab. 9. Murder of Siyawush. 10. Rustam dragging the Khaqan from his elephant. 11. Siyamak led captive by Gurazah (Battle of the Twelve Rukhs). 12. Shidah slain by Kay Khusraw. 13. Isfandiyar shot by Rustam. He is pierced in only one eye with an ordinary single-pointed arrow. 14. Death of Rustam. The traitor Shaghad is shown inside a hollow tree (fig. 8). 15. Execution of Faramurz by Bahman. He is suspended head downward from a gibbet and shot with arrows. 16. Encounter of Iskandar with Israfil, the Angel of the Last Trump (fig. 9). The trumpet is unusual, with its bell curved sharply toward the mouthpiece. The same type of trumpet, but with twin bells, is shown in the corresponding miniature of Topkapi H. 1509. 17. Bahram Gur’s master-shot. He is shown on foot, on a green hillside, while Azadah is seated on a carpet with refreshments near her; her face is badly damaged. 18. Bahram Gur hunting lions (fig. 10). 19. Bahram Gur and the jeweler’s daughter. 20. Bahram Gur and the dragon.
The style of these miniatures, the unorthodox choice of subjects (such perennial favorites as Rustam and the White Demon and the Rescue of Bizhan are not represented), and the unusual treatment of incidents such as the death of Isfandiyar and Bahram Gur’s master-shot, combine to place this manuscript outside the mainstream of Persian painting. It seems to be a late member of a group that includes Topkapi H. 1509;'7 Leningrad Oriental Institute C. 822;!8 a copy of Jami’s Yusuf u Zulaykha, formerly in the Kevorkian Collection (the date of the poem’s completion, 1483, provides a terminus post quem here);'9 and a number of detached miniatures, some from a Shah-namah characterized by very tall helmets,?° and others assigned by Fraad and Ettinghausen to Sultanate India.?! None of these 1s dated. The miniatures in Topkapi H. 1509 (figs. 11 and 12), by far the finest in the group, formed the subject of an interesting article by Giiner Inal,?? who noted in particular the large figures, a preference for outdoor scenes, and a certain rigidity. She dated the manuscript to c. 1460-90 after invoking parallels in costume details from the Garrett Zafar-namah; this manuscript is dated 872/1467, but the Bihzadian miniatures must be nearly a generation later. She obviously found the Topkapi volume puzzling and does not assign it to any particular place of origin. In spite of their occasional oddities, the miniatures in the Malek Shahnamah, and indeed in the rest of the group, seem to be too basically Persian in character to be relegated to India. They have none of the spindly drawing, horror vacui, and general gaucherie that characterize much Indian painting of the fifteenth century. They certainly cannot be Turkish, nor can they be affiliated with Herat, Shiraz, or the Turkman school. However, there seems to be one outlying region to which they may be ascribed. We are told that after the death of Shah Rukh in 1447, his eldest son, Ulugh Beg, transported a
number of artists and craftsmen from the Herat kitab-khanah and settled them in his capital of Samargand beyond the Oxus. But we have only three firmly documented manuscripts from his reign. The first, Topkapi Library H. 786, 1s a fine copy of the Khamsah of Nizami dated 850/1447, the year of his accession, and inscribed as having been “copied in the reign of Ulugh Beg.” But it
96 B. W. ROBINSON is a highly individual work, with the miniatures and illuminations ascribed in a final medallion to a certain Sultan ‘Ali al-Bavardi, probably a recent arrival from Herat, to which his style clearly belongs,*3 and does not fit in with the other two. These are a detached double-page frontispiece and a fine copy of al-Sifi’s Treatise of Fixed Stars. The frontispiece (half in the Freer Gallery and half in the Keir Collection) shows Ulugh Beg himself sitting under an awning inscribed with his name and titles and surrounded by courtiers and ladies.*4 It has been pointed out that Ulugh Beg
b. Shah Rukh, the royal astronomer, was not the only Timurid prince of that name; there was another, a son of Abu Sa‘id, but he was a comparatively obscure person who ruled at Ghazna and Kabul between 1461 and the beginning of the sixteenth century. Such a date seems too late for the Freer frontispiece, and the tall and fantastic headdresses of the attendant ladies in it are a Mongol fashion more likely to be found in Central Asia than Afghanistan. Also, the manuscript to which
the frontispiece originally belonged was evidently of a standard worthy of the cultured son of Shah Rukh, but probably beyond the means of his lesser namesake. The copy of al-Sufi’s Treatise of Fixed Stars in the Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris (Arabe 5036), contains a dedication to Ulugh Beg, and after his death it passed through a number of distinguished collections, including the
Ottoman Imperial Library, until it was finally acquired and transmitted to the Bibliothéque Nationale by Bouriant, director of the French Archaeological Mission in the first half of the nineteenth century.?5
In both the Freer and Bibliotheque Nationale manuscripts, strong Herat influence is obvious, but the figures tend to be larger, and the faces to have a stronger Mongol cast, than those found in
Herat work. One other miniature that might be placed beside them at Samarqand during the reign of Ulugh Beg is the extraordinary painting of “Cavalry in a Landscape” in the Keir Collection.’° The fantastic landscape, with its bare trees and towering rocks, occupies most of the miniature, and the cavalry only appear at the bottom, which seems to have been trimmed. But the faces and figures of the riders recall the Ulugh Beg frontispiece, and there are certainly signs of Herat inspiration in the landscape (comparable bare trees appear in the Royal Asiatic Society’s Shah-namah, for example), though—also certainly—the miniature is not itself Herat work. It may even have come from a Shah-namah to which the frontispiece originally belonged. The Topkapi (H. 1509) and Leningrad (C. 822) Shah-namahs seem to have a certain amount in common with the Ulugh Beg frontispiece and the Paris Treatise of Fixed Stars on the one hand, and, on the other, with the Malek Library Shah-namah considered here. With the former they share the tall and rather stiff figures with a Mongol cast of features and a general appearance of Herat inspiration, and with the latter, in addition to these stylistic features, they share an unusual
choice of subjects for illustration and some curious variations of treatment of more familiar themes. Thus both illustrate some rare subjects, such as the Prophet in the Ship of Faith, and Iskandar and Israfil (the trumpets being of similar pattern in the two manuscripts, but unlike other representations); both show Isfandiyar shot in only one eye, and Rustam’s treacherous halfbrother inside a hollow tree. The drawing of both, like that in the Malek Shah-namah, is firm and assured and could well derive, like the large figures, from the Herat-inspired style of Ulugh Beg’s frontispiece; and the Mongol appearance of the faces certainly suggests Transoxiana. It may be, then, that in this interesting manuscript we have the latest in a handful of examples of the late Timurid style of Transoxiana, on the eve of its rejuvenation under the Shaybanids by
the importation of latter-day Herat painters trained in the school of Bihzad. The six inferior miniatures in the Malek preface might, indeed, be unskilled and untutored efforts to imitate the Herat style of the time, executed shortly before the Herat painters themselves arrived in Bukhara to teach it correctly. The manuscript may then be tentatively placed in Transoxiana and dated toward the end of the fifteenth century. If this date seems too late for the binding, consider that
TWO ILLUSTRATED MANUSCRIPTS IN THE MALEK LIBRARY Q7
the style could well have been learned about the middle of the century by a young craftsman of conservative habit, who saw no harm in practicing it more or less unchanged at an outlying center some forty years later.
NOTES 1. I had set aside ample time for a second visit, in Farsca Yazmalar Katalogu, Istanbul, 1961, no. 138 (hereorder to take detailed notes and slides, but unavoidable after, Karatay). F. Ogtitmen, Miniature Art from the circumstances cut this time down to about forty min- XIIth to the XVITIth century, Istanbul, 1966, nos. 7, 14. utes, and some shortcomings may have resulted in what See also M. Aga-Ofglu, “Preliminary Notes on Some Per-
follows here. sian Illustrated MSS. in the Topkapu Sarayi Muzesi— 2. I do not claim to have discovered this one; that Part I,” Ars Islamica, 1, 1934, 192, figs. 8, 9. distinction belongs to Dr. Eleanor Sims, who showed 16. B. W. Robinson, A Descriptive Catalogue of the
me slides of it some years ago. Persian Paintings in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, 1958, 3. Dr. Sims thought that there was a date elsewhere 74; L. Binyon, J. V. S. Wilkinson, and B. Gray, Persian
in the volume, but I did not see it. Miniature Painting, London, 1933, no. 65.
4. B. W. Robinson, Persian Miniatures, Oxford, U7 Karatay, no. 340. Gtiner Inal, Topkapi Muzesin-
1957, pl. IV. deki Hazine 1509 numarali Sehnamenin Minyatiirleri (with English translation), Sanat Tarihi Arastirmalart, Is5. B. W. Robinson, Persian Miniature Painting from tanbul, 1970, 197-316.
Collections in theIsles, British (VictoranddM. Al, . Iranskiye Minyaollections in the British LondonIsles, (VictoriaLondon an 18. L. Gyuzalian Diakonov,
bert Museum), 1967, nos. 9, I0.
co ae 180.
turi, Moscow and Leningrad, 1935, 48-52, pls. 15-17.
6. B. W. Robinson, “The Earliest [lustrated Copy Sothebv’s (Lond D b 6 le ] of Nizam1?” Oriental Art, Autumn 1957, 96-103; Robin- 19. Sotheby's (London), 1 December 1969 sale, lot son, Persian Miniature Painting, no. 11.
4. I. Stchoukine, “La peinture 4 Yazd au début du _ 20. Miniatures from this manuscript are reproduced
XV° siécle.” Syria, XLII, 1966, 99-104 in A. K. Coomaraswamy, Les Miniatures orientales de la
> OPN, Collection Goloubew au Museum of Fine Arts de Boston,
8. Hayward Gallery, The Arts of Islam, London, Paris and Brussels, 1929, no. 19, pl. IX, and Persian and 1976, no. 5ST. R. Hillenbrand, Imperial Images in Persian Islamic Art, London, 1977, no. 9. There are several more
Painting, Edinburgh (Scottish Arts Council), 1977, no. in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, and others have 45ff. (and references there quoted). See also F. R. Mar- come up at auction from time to time. See also nos. 21 tin, Miniatures from the Period of Timur, Vienna, 1926, and 24.
pls. XIV-AVI. . 21. I. Fraad and R. Ettinghausen, “Sultanate Painting 9. [am grateful to my friend and colleague Robert in Persian Style,” Chhavi, Benares, 1969, fig. 164. Figs. Skelton for drawing my attention to this manuscript. Its 145-47 in the same article illustrate miniatures from the inclusion in the group is based on an examination of Shah-namah, to which note 20 refers. slides taken at Rampur by Mr. Skelton while the Maha- 55. See note 17 above
rajah held his flash. : , : |
to. B. W. Robinson, “Two Persian Manuscripts in 23. L. Stchoukine, Sultan “Alt Bavardi: un peintre
9 ; iranien inconnu du XV‘ siécle,” Syria, XLIV, 1967, 403-— the Library of the Marquess of Bute, Part I,” . were 8. Stchoukine thought that Oriental two different painters
Art, Winter 1971, 1-4. , _ involved.
11. Robinson, Persian Miniature Painting, no. 12. - 24. Washington, D.C., Freer Gallery of Art, no.
12. I am grateful to Miss Norah Titley of the British 46.26; B. W. Robinson et al., Islamic Painting and the Arts Library for drawing my attention to this manuscript and of the Book, London, 1976, no. III.76, color pl. 10. No. for lending me her slides of it. It is not mentioned in F. III.78 (pl. 23) is another miniature from the Shah-ndmah
Edhem and I. Stchoukine, Les MSS ... de tla to which note 20 refers. Bibliotheque de | Universite de Stamboul, Pans, 1933. 25. E. Blochet, Les enluminures des manuscrits orien13. Robinson, Persian Miniature Painting, no. 13. taux .. . dela Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris, 1926, 85-87, 14. E. Schroeder, Persian Miniatures in the Fogg Mu- pls. XXXVIN-XL.
seum of Art, Cambridge, Mass., 1942, 51-74. 26. Robinson, Islamic Painting, no. HI.77, color pl. 15. F. E. Karatay, Topkapi Saray: Miizesi Kiitiphanesi Il.
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f Siyawush. Topkapi Library Fic. 12. Bahram Chubinah in Female Attire. Topkap Fic. 11. The Fire-ordeal of S1yawush. Library, lopkapH.,1509, fo] 68b fol. 3 ; H. 1509, fol. 772.
Calligraphy and Common Script: Epitaphs from Aswan and Akhlat
J. M. Rogers ICHARD ETTINGHAUSEN'’S distinguished contributions to Islamic epigraphy far
R outran the reading of inscriptions.‘ In particular, he cogently argued, the errors and
misconstructions that abound in monumental inscriptions must subordinate their visual form to their factual content—as even an illegible or misspelled signature may validate a document.” Not that Muslim craftsmen were necessarily negligent, for the fear of textual corruption (tahrif), even in banal texts, was deeply rooted. Nor did literacy guarantee correctness. With lapidary inscriptions the carver was often too close to his text (compare writing on a blackboard) to detect errors of execution; the difficulty of correcting errors elegantly, or even unobtrusively, encouraged him to leave what he had done and hope that the mistakes would not immediately be detected. The survival of error must, therefore, reflect the absence of supervision of the craftsman
or the powerlessness of the client. Manuscript texts, on the other hand, are easily, even if obtrusively, corrected, and there are remarkably few cases where, out of respect for the written word, errors remain uncorrected.
A more intractable, though less discussed, problem is the divergent relationship between lapidary and manuscript hands. To give an obvious example, rounded scripts appear as early, perhaps, as the Umayyad period, on papyri or on ostraka, and they evolve into fine book hands by A.D. 1000, as in the Koran of Abt al-Hasan Ibn al-Bawwab in the Chester Beatty Library;3 but their earliest known monumental use is at Qazwin in the early twelfth century, in the Great
106 ‘J.M. ROGERS Mosque.+ The divergence is in part due to the extreme conservatism of lapidary hands. But even ‘fone makes due allowance for conservatism, it is difficult to parallel lapidary inscriptions with earlier book hands. This lack of relationship has not been considered, probably for want of a body of comparable stone inscriptions (few exist and fewer are published). In the past few years, however, enough inscriptions of Aswan and Akhlat have been published to make the topic worth investigating.
THE ASWAN INSCRIPTIONS Though a history of Aswan remains to be written, the first volume of the collected tombstones of Aswan’ and those inscriptions already published in the ten volumes of Stéles funérairves (as part of the Catalogue du Musée Arabe)? together form a remarkably homogeneous group that, though early, provincial, and of modest social status, 1s characteristically Islamic and forms an appropriate prelude to the more finished products of Akhlat. Typically the tombstones of Aswan are undecorated rectangular sandstone tabulae with plain raised margins, and they bear monoline scripts executed with a hollow chisel more or less adequate to carve the stone (though employed to deplorable effect on contemporary marble stelae in the southern cemetery of Cairo). The scripts are very conservative: neither chisel nor technique improved markedly between 172/789 and 255/869.8 The chisel did much to minimize individuality of style, and letter forms showing indebtedness to book hands are the exception. There are no calligraphic sources for many of the hands, and for many of the Aswan inscriptions the term calligraphy is inappropriate. Nevertheless, the Aswan masons show a certain basic competence. On some tabulae the masons have deliberately refrained from trespassing onto the left-hand margin, so that they must have given passing thought to the lineation of the inscriptions to be carved. However, this 1s offset by obtrusively scratched guide lines, quite often crooked, that were left unworked to serve as base lines for the inscriptions, which then appear top-heavy. Another characteristic feature 1s the splitting of words that contain letters without medial forms (dal, ra’, alif, etc.) at these letters when the lineation demanded it. This was a convenience in the case of names or numerals—for example, ar:ba‘ah (more usually arba‘ at Aswan)—but, in the case of Koranic ayahs, the practice was to be condemned because of the obvious danger of textual corruption (tahrif). Such practices suggest lax supervision over format and little correction of errors in execution, and indicate that barely literate clients gave the masons virtually a free hand. The occupation of the clients, when these are recorded—al-sayydad (fisherman), al-‘assal (beekeeper), al-najjar (carpenter)—corroborate this theory.
Elongation of the letter forms, even the use of conventions like a double bow over the dad of ridwanihi to emphasize a word without disrupting the ductus, is so rare as to suggest some regard for the disapproval of elongated lettering of any sort, which is enunciated in standard manuals of penmanship from the tenth century onward.? However, the Aswan inscriptions also show some peculiarly lapidary features, including the elongation of certain letters to fill up lines or to end certain sections of inscriptions (for example, the tasliyah) so that the epitaph proper begins or ends a line.!° Such is particularly the case with a group of stelae on which the introductory formula is cut with a different chisel, to produce “form” inscriptions with marked wedge-shaped terminals; these precede epitaphs, which are executed by other hands and are carved in the usual, undistinguished monoline script. This strongly suggests that some stelae were prepared in advance, an obvious precaution when the masons were provincial and relatively untutored. Strangely, there is
CALLIGRAPHY AND COMMON SCRIPT 107 no evidence that this practice was general in ninth-century Aswan. However, these early “form” inscriptions foreshadow later Islamic practice.
A further peculiarity of these ninth-century inscriptions is the minimal importance of the Koran and the absence of du‘a’ (that is, non-Koranic prayers). Of the hundred-and-fifty inscriptions published by S. Ory, only forty-seven bear any dyah, and of these, only sixteen bear two. The commonest are Koran 9:33 aand 23:7, which in twelve cases are used together to conclude inscriptions. The Ayat al- Kursi (2:255), so common elsewhere in Islam, is not recorded here at all. In their complete form, therefore, the inscriptions consist of: basmalah; a rather elaborate (Sunni) tasltyah; the epitaph proper (giving the name and patronymics of the deceased followed by a brief
prayer for God’s mercy, and the date, including the day of the week, calculated from the beginning or the end of the month); and the shahadah or an ayah. The smaller tombstones, or those of negligible clients,'! bear only basmalah, the name, and the detailed date. Thus these, and not the prayers, were evidently the essential elements of the Aswan epitaphs. The insistence upon the date, which is also characteristic of Fatimid inscriptions from the Aswan cemeteries, is a local peculiarity. But it is far from inexplicable. The collections of traditions on jana’iz of muhaddithin like al-Tirmidhi, al-Nasa’i, and Ibn Maja all roundly condemn the marking of graves by inscriptions or in any other way, and the ‘ulama’ distinctly proclaimed their disapproval long after public opinion had completely accepted the cult of graves. Monneret de Villard ironically cites!” the epitaph of the mystic, Dht al-Nian al-Misri'3 that boasts his piety
in refusing burial under a domed mausoleum but is a boast nevertheless. The avoidance of Koranic citations on tombstones seems prompted by similar scruples. Hence the stress on dates rather than prayers at Aswan, where one can assume provincial conservatism and, doubtless, somewhat distant reminiscences of the orthodox prohibition. This minute legalism 1s not atypical of medieval Islam and seems indeed quite reasonable: if sin is inevitable, then it had better be venial. How far the Aswan formulary also reflects orthodox belief in the inefficacy, impossibility, or gratuitousness of prayers for the dead demands further documentation. But the material at hand suggests that the ninth-century inscriptions of Aswan predate the acceptance in the area of
prayers for the dead or (which may come to the same thing) the appropriateness of certain Koranic ayahs, notably the Ayat al-Kursi, for funerary inscriptions. Inevitably, it has been necessary to stress the provinciality of the Aswan epitaphs. How far they are atypical is extremely difficult to judge. So many of the great medieval urban cemeteries have
been destroyed unrecorded that funerary inscriptions in large numbers must be collected from remote provincial sites; these have their own peculiarities which may make comparison misleading. However, the Aswan inscriptions provide a broad framework for the study of these epitaphs: the general social and economic condition of the deceased; the relationship of Koranic citations and prayers for the dead to the factual record of personal details; the status and methods of the corps of masons; and the sources for their repertoire of letter forms. It is in the light of this that the cemeteries of Akhlat are relevant, and it 1s to them that the remainder of this paper is devoted.
THE AKHLAT INSCRIPTIONS The Historical Background In contrast to the history of Aswan, the history of Akhlat can only be reconstructed to a limited extent, mainly from pre-Mongol sources—in other words, tor the period preceding the vast
108 ~~ J. M. ROGERS
majority of burials in the main cemetery. The best account of Akhlat in the early thirteenth century is by V. M. Minorsky,'+ who deals ingeniously with the bewildering complexity of races, politics, and religions—Muslims and Christians of various sorts; Georgians, Syrians, Kurds, Armenians, and Turks; Ayyubids, Khwarizmshahs, Saljugs, Mkharerdzelis, and ultimately Mongols—involved in the political maneuvers that led to the annexation of the town by the Saljug sultan, ‘Ala’ al-Din Kayqubad in 629/1231, after his victory at Yassi1 Cimen. Even this study casts little light on the social and cultural milieu, which must have been correspondingly heterogeneous. But then too, it is strange that the Muslim cemeteries should have been so vast and that the non-Muslim cemeteries should have disappeared so completely. One possible explanation might be that Akhlat was the center of a Muslim cult, one which formed a nucleus for the cemeteries, as shrines so often do. But it is significant that there is no mention of Akhlat in the ziyarah-book of Abt al-Hasan b. Abi Bakr al-Harawi (died 611/1215),!5 the most assiduous of the early shrine seekers. In fact, the easternmost point of al-Harawi’s journeys was Amid/Diyarbekir,
but had there been a further famous shrine beyond, it would not have gone unmentioned. His silence, therefore, is evidence that none was known.
After 1230, the history of Akhlat is extremely lacunary. Taeschner implies that most of the town was destroyed by an earthquake in 644/1246.'° However, desertion of the site is incompatible with the many thirteenth- and fourteenth-century epitaphs in the cemeteries. There is, moreover, evidence that the remnants of Jalal al-Din Khwarizmshah’s troops were still actively destructive in the area. This state of affairs may have continued until the Mongol occupation of Akhlat in late 641—-642/spring—summer 1244, but the source, Sa‘d al-Din b. Hamawiyah al-Juwayni,?7 is
silent on the history of Akhlat in the subsequent period. Following the Mongol occupation, a Mongol governor was evidently appointed, since Akhlat was an I]-Khanid mint city at least up to the reign of Abu Sa‘id. That Akhlat is not mentioned in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century histories as a source of mamluks to the Egyptian state!* may be evidence that the town persisted as an independent provincial center during this time. The general pattern, in, for example, Anatolia in the Il-Khanid and post-Il-Khanid period, was for towns that had fallen into decline to export their
surplus population as mamluks, a fact attested by the copious Mamluk historical and literary sources. The absence of references to Akhlat in them thus suggests that it was not in decline. The history of the towns around Lake Van in the period from the death of Abt Sa‘id in 1336 and the subsequent breakup of the I]-Khanid state to the establishment of Ottoman control in the sixteenth century presents a chaotic picture of warring factions and tribal groups. The most detailed references to Akhlat in the early fifteenth century are in the treatise of c. 1425 by the Armenian historian, Thomas of Metsop‘ (d. c. 1448). Minorsky’s review of this work!9 concludes
that the whole region around Lake Van was in a state of feudal parcellation. Van was ruled alternately by a Kurdish family of Ostan/Vastan (modern Turkish: Gevas) and by the Kurdish amirs of Hakkari. Archesh/Ercis formed the base of the Qaraqoyunlu Turkman. Artskhé/. -cha h _Kapt: 4. (&fie; Rey far mes Bis nt Ah i. a aa a hei = emCes iN.ISPS ew omsued caskBil. ; 7o.pitaph ashnigi 4 Page Speer aS Tes , aE red Ch obli 1girwajah [si : al.% aeWi) ae SEE pee fry tk,‘oe Ae“SEN AA Vee epi ampl sic], dSeaaa aSe cto Oe Sygmat cep ty ION PS git2Y6: taph .éb evé?iterat ed: , cate . oebe ie ; otoe Stans ‘Be, eerons SS Aes Scrat inciNCIS MR .7Be a ny 7 ae eespa feeeyt RRS ? See ord nMg ao ais iopen BA . 0” “eta: HEX. fi) ched expande li ed be er eul 0. — page ae: Co hge bat rane Soa eee Wor) cccly et ween Ii ogy: ELE ee oat aga
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