Connected Histories of India and Southeast Asia: Icons, Narratives, Monuments 2022919520, 9789354795572, 9789354795411

Table of contents :
Publisher Note
Half Title
Title Page
Copyright Page
Publisher Note
CONTENTS
Illustration List
Illustration List
FOREWORD
PREFACE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I Overviews: Culture and Connectivity
CHAPTER 1 Introduction Icons, Narratives, and Monuments across the Indian Ocean
CHAPTER 2 Mapping Connections Early Trade and Cultural Contacts Between India and Southeast Asia
II Monuments and Mobility: Transregional Perspectives
CHAPTER 3 The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture A View from the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Vietnam
CHAPTER 4 Pre-Angkorian Śaiva Temples of Īśānapura A New Perspective on Early India–Cambodia Links
CHAPTER 5 Art and Architecture of Myanmar Links with India
CHAPTER 6 Dynamics of Relationship between Indonesia and India in the Hindu–Buddhist Period
III Icons and Narratives: Connecting Cultures
CHAPTER 7 Epic Visions in Terracotta, Stone, and Stucco Rāmāyaṇa in Indian Sculpture (Beginning to 8th Century CE)
CHAPTER 8 From the Ganges to the Chao Phraya River Early Transmission of Indian Religion, Arts, and Architecture in Central Thailand (c. 7th–8th Centuries CE)
CHAPTER 9 Tracing Indian Cultural Connections in Malaysia and Brunei From Early Candis to Modern Art
CHAPTER 10 Buddhist Arts of Laos
CHAPTER 11 Agusan Tārā The Unfolding of a Pilgrim Circuit in the Philippines*
CHAPTER 12 Littorally Speaking Some Instances of Singapore’s Tamil Connection
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Contributors
Index

Citation preview

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Buddha in the Interior of Vishvakarma Cave, Ellora. Photo © Kevin Standage

CONNECTED HISTORIES OF INDIA AND SOUTHEAST ASIA

CONNECTED HISTORIES OF INDIA AND SOUTHEAST ASIA Icons, Narratives, Monuments Celebrating Thirty Years of ASEAN-India Relations Edited by

Parul Pandya Dhar

Copyright © ASEAN-India Center (AIC), Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), 2023 Individual chapters: © Authors

This book is an open access publication. It can be downloaded from www.sagespectrum.com. This book is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/), which permits copying, adapting, remixing, transforming and building upon the material and redistributing the material in any medium or format. You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. You may not use the material for commercial purposes. If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the same license as the original. You may not apply legal terms or technological measures that legally restrict others from doing anything the license permits. The images and third-party material in this book are included in the book’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise. If the material is not included in the book’s Creative Commons licence, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. If your intended use of any material included in the book’s Creative Commons licence is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission from SAGE. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from

relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. First published in 2023 by

SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd B1/I-1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044, India www.sagepub.in

Typeset in 9/12 pt PT Serif. Library of Congress Control Number: 2022919520 DOI: https://doi.org//10.4135/978-93-5479-557-2 ISBN: 978-93-5479-541-1 (HB) ISBN: 978-93-5479-557-2 (ePub) Cover Image: Vishvakarma Cave, Interior, Ellora, India. Photo (c): Kevin Standage.

Adoration of Dharmachakra at the Deer Park. Sanchi South Torana Detail. Photo © Kevin Standage

CONTENTS List of Figures List of Maps Foreword by Dr S. Jaishankar Preface Acknowledgments Part I: Overviews: Culture and Connectivity Chapter 1 Introduction: Icons, Narratives, and Monuments across the Indian Ocean Parul Pandya Dhar Chapter 2 Mapping Connections: Early Trade and Cultural Contacts between India and Southeast Asia Suchandra Ghosh Part II: Monuments and Mobility: Transregional Perspectives Chapter 3 The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture: A View from the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Vietnam Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh Chapter 4 Pre-Angkorian Śaiva Temples of Īśānapura: A New Perspective on Early India–Cambodia Links Swati Chemburkar Chapter 5 Art and Architecture of Myanmar: Links with India Chedha Tingsanchali Chapter 6 Dynamics of Relationship between Indonesia and India in the Hindu-Buddhist Period Agustijanto Indradjaja Part III: Icons and Narratives: Connecting Cultures Chapter 7 Epic Visions in Terracotta, Stone, and Stucco: Rāmāyaṇa in Indian Sculpture (Beginnings to 8th Century CE) Parul Pandya Dhar Chapter 8 From the Ganges to the Chao Phraya River: Early Transmission of Indian Religion, Arts, and Architecture in Central Thailand (c. 7th–8th Centuries CE) M.L. Pattaratorn Chirapravati Chapter 9 Tracing Indian Cultural Connections in Malaysia

and Brunei: From Early Candis to Modern Art Cheryl Chelliah Thiruchelvam and Sarena Abdullah Chapter 10 Buddhist Arts of Laos Vatsana Douangmalasy Chapter 11 Agusan Tārā: The Unfolding of a Pilgrim Circuit in the Philippines Joefe B. Santarita Chapter 12 Littorally Speaking: Some Instances of Singapore’s Tamil Connection Nalina Gopal Bibliography About the Editor and Contributors Index

LIST OF FIGURES 1.1 Viṣṇu Temple Built in Stone, Deogarh, c. late 5th–early 6th Century CE. 7 1.2 Brick Temple, Bhitargaon, Central India, c. Late 5th–early 6th Century CE. 8 1.3 Sambor Prei Kuk, N 17, c. 7th Century CE. 9 1.4 Sambor Prei Kuk Flying Palace in Relief, c. 7th Century CE. 10 1.5 Angkor Wat, Cambodia, c. First Half of 12th Century. 11 1.6 Candi Arjuna, Dieng Plateau, Central Java. 12 1.7 Arjuna Ratha, Māmallapuram, Tamil Nadu, c. 7th Century CE. 13 1.8 Karle, Great Chaitya, Façade Simulating Earlier Building Practices in Wood. 14 1.9 Bronze Miniature Stupa, Nalanda, Bihar, c. 9th Century CE, National Museum, New Delhi. 15 1.10 Dargah of Sufi Saint Hazrat Shahul Hamid Nagori, Nagore, Tamil Nadu. 16 1.11 Menara Kudus Mosque in Central Java; 16th Century, Built in the Hindu–Buddhist Style of theMajapahit Period. 16 1.12 Miniature Stupa, Bodhgaya, Possibly the Prototype for Bagan-Period Stupas. 18 1.13 Stupa at Sien Nyet Nyima Temple, Bagan. 19

2.1 Replication of the Sikhara of the Buddha in Bhūmisparśa. Found in Bagan, Central Myanmar; c. 12th Century CE. 24 2.2 Buddha in Bhumisparśa Mudrā Seated beneath a Trefoil Arch Surmounted by an Umbrella from Which Issue Slender Leafy Branches, from Bagan, Central Myanmar; c.11th Century CE. 25 2.3 Example of Martaban Jar. Zaykabar Museum, Yangon, Period Uncertain. 26 2.4 Twelve-Armed Avalokiteśvara from Trang, Peninsular Thailand, c. 9th–10th Centuries CE. 28 2.5 Four-Armed Avalokiteśvaras, Wat Harm, near the Trang River, North of Kovantami, Peninsular Thailand, C.11th Century CE. 29 2.6 Padmapani, Bronze, C. 9th Century CE., Mainamati, Comilla. 33 3.1 Site Plan. Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary. 38 3.2 The Holy River Mahānadī or Thu Bồn River and the Holy Mountain Mahāparvata, or Hòn Đền (in the Middle), Thu Bồn Valley. 39 3.3 The Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Base of Mountain Mahāparvata, Quang Nam. 40 3.4 Bhadreśvara-liṅga in Sandstone. Kalan of Mỹ Sơn B1. 41 3.5 The Courtyard of B-C-D Temple Towers. East View. Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Quang Nam, 10th Century. 42 3.6 Kalan Mỹ Sơn B3. Brick, 10th Century. 43 3.7 Deva (?) Carved in the Brick Inner Pilaster Wall, Mỹ Sơn B3 Temple, 10th Century. 44

3.8 The Vermiculated Pattern Motif, Carved on Brick. Mỹ Sơn B4 Temple. Late 9th to Early 10th Centuries. 45 3.9 The koṣagṛha or the So-Called “Fire Tower.” Mỹ Sơn Temple B5, 10th Century. 46 3.10 Ground Plan and Section of B-C-D Temple Groups. Mỹ Sơn B5, 10th Century. 47 3.11 Window Tympanum Decorated with Two Elephants and a Mango Tree Representing the Goddess Gajalakshmi. Mỹ Sơn Temple B5. 10th Century. 48 3.12 The Small Temple of Mỹ Sơn B7, Worshipping Surya, that is, Sun, of Saptagrahas, 11th and 12th Centuries. 49 3.13 Mỹ Sơn Temple C1, 11th Century. Quang Nam. 50 3.14 Shiva Statue, Mỹ Sơn Temple A’1. Sandstone, 8th Century CE. Mỹ Sơn D1 Gallery. 51 3.15 Ekamukhaliṅga. Kalan Mỹ Sơn Temple E1. Sandstone. Early 8th Century. 52 3.16 Statue of Bhagavati or Yang Inu Po Nagar. Po Nagar Temple, Nha Trang, Sandstone, 11th Century. 53 3.17 Original Open-Sanctum Temple (janūk). Mỹ Sơn Temple E1, Quang Nam. 54 3.18 Kalan C7. Mỹ Sơn Temple. It Is One of the Earliest Structures Built by the Corbel Technique at the Beginning of the 8th and 9th Century CE. 55 3.19 Mỹ Sơn A Temple Group. Quang Nam. 10th Century. 57 3.20 Kīrttimukha/Kāla Mask. Temple Base, Mỹ Sơn A1. Brick, 10th Century. 58

3.21 Kalan Mỹ Sơn A1 and Six Small Temples, from A2–A7, around the Temple Base. Quang Nam. c. 10th Century CE. 59 3.22 Maṇḍapa, North View. Mỹ Sơn D1, 10th Century. 60 3.23 Illustration of the Cham Technique of Temple Building. 61 3.24 The Process of the Mỹ Sơn B-C-D Temple Complexes through the Three Architectural Stages. The First Stage: Ca. the 7th to 8th Centuries; The Second Stage: Ca. the 9th to 10th Centuries; the Third Stage: Ca. the 11th to 13th Centuries. 62 3.25 Mỹ Sơn G Temple Group, Quang Nam, 1157/8 CE. 63 3.26 Shiva dancing (?) Tympanum of kalan Mỹ Sơn H1, Quang Nam. Late 12th to Early 13th Centuries. 64 4.1 Central Group Temple Showing Stone Structural Elements. Sambor Prei Kuk, Kampong Thom Province, 7th century. 72 4.2 Different Temple Plans at Īśānapura and Their Arrangements within the Temple Complexes. 73 4.3 Octagonal Temple at Īśānapura. Sambor North Group, N7, Kampong Thom Province, 7th century. 74 4.4 Plan of N10 Temple, with Annex Building. Plans: Courtesy of Ichita Shimoda. 75 4.4 (Continued) Annex Building, Banteay Srei Temple, Angkor, 10th Century CE. 76 4.5 Gavākṣa Motif with a Head from Upper Śivālaya (Left) and Malegitti Śivālaya (Right), Bādāmī, Karnataka, 7th Century CE. 77 4.6 Sambor Prei Kuk South Group S2 Temple gavākṣa (Top Two Images); Sambor Prei Kuk Lintel, S1 Temple, National Museum of Cambodia, Phnom Penh (Ka. 1748). 78

4.7 Flying palace. Sambor North Group, N1, Kampong Thom Province, 7th century. The Top Tier Depicts a Miniature Shrine Representing a Possible Śivapura. 79 4.8 (A and B) Flying Palaces at 6th Century Aihole, Karnataka and Jogeśvari Caves, Maharashtra. (C and D) Flying Palaces of 7th Century Sambor Prei Kuk North Group of Temples. 80 4.9 (A) Ascetic with Yogapaṭṭa West Wall, N11, Sambor Prei Kuk, Kampong Thom Province. 7th Century. (B) Lakulīśa. Fakir Mohan Autonomous College, Balasore, Odisha, Sandstone, 8th–9th Century. 81 5.1 The Relief of a Stupa. Khin ba Mound, Sri Ksetra, Pyu Period 2nd BCE–9th century CE. 86 5.2 Phyagyi Stupa. Pyay, Sri Ksetra, c.5th Century CE. This is the Localised Version of a South Indian/Sri Lankan-Styled Stupa, Pyu Period. 86 5.3 The Ruin of a Circular Stupa KKG3 in Beikthano, Magway. 87 5.4 Sien Nyet Nyima Temple, Bagan.11th Century. The PalaInfluenced Stupa Is Decorated with Niches. 88 5.5 Pala-Influenced Stupa. Myingaba Village, Bagan. 10th–11th Century. The Stupa Is Decorated with Tiny Triangular Decorations. 89 5.6 Miniature Stupa. Bodh Gaya, Bihar. 11th Century. It Is Possibly the Prototype for the Pala-Influenced Stupa in Bagan Art. 89 5.7 Unglazed Terracotta Plaques at the Base of Vikramshila Temple, Bihar, Early Pala Art, 7th–8th Century. 90 5.8 Hsindat Myindat. Zhok Thok, 7th–8th Century. 91 5.9 Unglazed Jataka Plaques. Base of Hpetleik Stupa, Pagan,

11th Century Early Bagan Art. The Plaques Narrate the Story of Sri Lankan Jataka as Narrated in the Theravada Commentaries. 92 5.10 Dhammayazika Stupa, Pwasaw. 12th Century. GreenGlazed Jataka Plaques Decorate the Base of the Late Bagan Art. 93 5.11 Zegu, Sri Ksetra.12th–13th Century. A Small Temple Can Be Seen with a Single Closed Sanctum and Short Porch from the Pyu Period. 94 5.12 Lemyetha. Sri Ksetra. 13th Century. The Temple Has Opened Porches at Four Cardinal Directions from the Pyu Period. 95 5.13 Sarvatobhadra Type of Temple at Paharpur, Early Pala Art, Predecessor of the Colossal Temple in Bagan. 96 5.14 Ananda Temple, the Most Impressive Sarvatobhadra Temple with Nāgara Śikhara, Bagan Period. 97 5.15 Nagayon Temple Bagan. It Is an Example of the SIngleentrance Temple with Nāgara Sikhara. 98 5.16 Buddha, Kamalapur, Bangladesh. Pala Architecture as Reflected in Bas-Relief. 99 5.17 Śikhara with Gavākṣa, Nan Hpahya Temple, 11th Century, Early Bagan Period. 100 5.18 Vishnu with Āyudhapuraṣas at Vesali, Rakhine State. 101 5.19 Reclining Vishnu at Kaw Gon Cave near Pha-An, Mon State. 102 5.20 Silver Buddha with Vitārka Gesture Unearthed from the Khinba Mound, Pyu Period. 103

5.21 Buddha on the Silver Reliquary Unearthed from the Khinba Mound, Pyu Period. 104 5.22 Tablet Depicting the First Sermon. Sri Ksetra. 10th–11th Century, Pyu Period. It Marks the Advent of Pala Influence. 105 5.24 Crowned Buddha at the Yathepyan Cave near Pa-An (Kayin State), Late Mon Period. 106 5.23 The High-Classic Bagan Buddha Image with Strong Late Pala Influence. 10th–11th Century. 107 5.25 Crowned Buddha. Ananda, Bagan, 12th Century, Bagan Period. 108 5.26 The Nativity of the Master, Phya-Thon-Zu in Bagan. 13th Century. 109 5.27 Double Miracle, Lokathiekpan, Bagan. 13th Century. 110 5.28 Avalokiteśvara as Depicted at the Alopye Temple, Bagan. 111 5.29 The Lokatheikpan Temple, Bagan. 13th Century. It Provides the Buddha Image Combined with Murals Narrating the Eight Great Events of Buddha’s Life. 112 6.1 Temples on the Dieng Plateau, c. 8th Century CE, at an Altitude of 2000 Meters above Sea Level, Central Java. 115 6.2 Excavations on the East Wall of Boto Tumpang Temple. 116 6.3 Blandongan Temple, One of the Large Brick Temples in the Batujaya Temple Complex, c. 7th Century CE. 117 6.4 Candi Borobudur, Central Java, c. 9th Century CE. 118 6.5 Candi Prambanan, c. 9th Century CE, Central Java. 119

6.6 Candi Jawi, East Java, c. Late 13th Century CE. 120 6.7 Candi Sukuh, Central Java, c. Late 15th Century CE. 122 6.8 Sempaga Buddha Sculpture, South Sulawesi, Which Was Influenced by the Amaravati Style. 123 6.9 Manjuśrī Bodhisattva from Candi Plaosan, 9th–10th Century CE. 124 6.10 Shiva from Tegal, Central Java, Śailendra style. 125 6.11 Portrait Sculpture of King Kṛtarājasa. Majapahit Period, from Candi Simping. 127 7.1 Dasaratha-jātaka, Nāgarjunakoṇḍā Buddhist Site, Ikṣvāku Period, c. 3rd and 4th Century CE, Nāgarjunakoṇḍā Site Museum. 132 7.2 Rāvaṇa in the Guise of an Ascetic Mendicant, Seeking Alms from Sītā Moments before Her Ill-Fated Abduction, Bhitargaon Temple, Śikhara, Western Face, Northwest Corner, c. Early 6th Century CE, Uttar Pradesh. 133 7.3 [Rāma], Lakṣmaṇa and Sītā Head toward Pañcavaṭī, Terracotta Fragment Inscribed with Rāmāyaṇa Verse, Nācharkheḍā, c. 5th Century CE, Courtesy: Gurukul Museum Jhajjar. 134 7.4 Rākṣasa Tṛśira Accompanied by Attendants, Terracotta, Nācharkheḍā, c. 5th Century CE, Courtesy: Gurukul Museum Jhajjar. 135 7.5 Inscribed Rāma, Terracotta, c. 4th Century CE, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Gift of Marilyn Walter Grounds; M. 83.221.6. 137 7.6 Terracotta Brick Fragment: Rāvaṇa Disguised as a Parivrājaka (Ascetic Mendicant) Appears in Front of Sītā’s Forest

Cottage, Haryana (?) Uttar Pradesh (?), Accession no. 71.246. 138 7.7 Jaṭāyus, the Heroic Vulture King Confronts Rāvaṇa to Prevent Him from Abducting Sītā, Uttar Pradesh (?), c. 5th Century CE, Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, Gift of the Connoisseurs’ Council, 1988.40. 139 7.8 Hanumān Visits Sītā in the Aśoka Grove; Terracotta, c. 5th/6th Century CE, Honolulu Museum of Art. 140 7.9 Rāvaṇa in the Guise of an Ascetic Mendicant Seeking Alms from Sītā, Nācnā-Kuṭhārā, ASI Sculpture Shed, Acc. No. NC 18, Stone, c. Late 5th Century CE. 141 7.10 Disfigurement of Śūrpaṇakhā by Lakṣmaṇa in Pañcavaṭī, as Rāma and Sītā Look on, Vishnu Temple, Deogarh, Stone, c. Early 6th Century CE, National Museum, New Delhi. 142 7.11 Setubandhana, c. 6th Century CE, Uttar Pradesh (?), Bharat Kala Bhawan, Varanasi. 143 7.12 Sage Viśvāmitra in the Court of King Daśaratha to Take Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa with Him for Defending the Sacrifice. Palasbari, Terracotta, c. 7th Century CE, Bangladesh National Museum, Dhaka. 145 7.13 Rāma Breaks the Bow to Win Sītā’s Hand in Marriage. Palasbari, Terracotta, c. 7th Century CE, Bangladesh National Museum, Dhaka. 145 7.14 Daśaratha’s Queens Mourn His Demise. Palasbari, Terracotta, c. 7th Century CE, Bangladesh National Museum, Dhaka. 146 7.15 Rāma, Sītā, and Lakṣmaṇa Cross the River (Left); Rāma and Sītā Seated Under a Tree as Lakṣmaṇa Keeps Vigil From the Top (Right); Aphsaḍ, Stucco, c. Second Half of 7th Century CE.

147 7.16 A Procession on Elephants and Horses Accompanying Bharata to Meet Rāma. Aphsaḍ, Stucco, c. Second Half of 7th Century CE. 148 7.17 The Golden Deer Episode (Read Right to Left) with Mārīca Emerging Out of the Deer Shot by Rāma’s Arrow. Baraṇḍa Recess on the North Side of the Svarṇajāleśvara, Bhubaneswar, c. Early 7th Century CE. 149 7.18 Portion of the Epic Battle with Rāvaṇa on the Viewer’s Right and the Fight Between Vānaras and Rākṣasas, Baraṇḍa Frieze, Siṃhanātha Temple, Baramba, Orissa, Late 8th Century CE. 149 7.19 The Awakening of Kumbhakarṇa, Upper Śivālaya, Bādāmi, c. Beginning of 7th Century CE. 151 7.20 Rāma, Sītā, Lakṣmaṇa, and the Golden Deer (Left), and Rāvaṇa-Jaṭāyus Duel (Right), Virūpākṣa Temple, Paṭṭadakal, c. 745 CE. 152 7.21 Hanumān in Laṅkā, Pillar inside the Hall, Virūpākṣa Temple, Paṭṭadakal, c. 745 CE. 153 7.22 Rāmāyaṇa Scenes on the Southern Side of the Pāpanātha Temple, Paṭṭadakal. c. Mid-8th Century CE. 154 7.23 The Coronation Scenes, Pāpanātha Temple, Paṭṭadakal, c. Mid-8th Century CE. 155 7.24 Rāmāyaṇa Narrative Registers, Kailāsa Temple, Ellora, c. 775 CE. 156 8.1 Jātaka Stories from the Base of the Phra Pathon Stupa, Nakhon Prathom. Phra Prathom Chedi National Museum, c. 7th Century CE. 160 8.2 Dharmacakra, Nakhon Prathom, Phra Prathom Chedi

National Museum, c. 7th–8th Centuries CE. 161 8.3 Buddha Seated in bhadrāsana and Vitarkamudrā, from the Phra Men Stupa, Nakhon Prathom Bangkok National Museum; c. 7th Century CE. 162 8.4 Buddha Seated in Bhadrāsana and Vitarkamudrā, Wat Phra Men Stupa, Nakhon Prathom Province. C 7th–8th Centuries CE. 163 8.5 Buddha Seated in Bhadrāsana Preaching to Shiva, Vishnu, and Other Deities, Tham Photisat (Bodhisattva Cave) in Saraburi Province; c. 7th Century CE. 165 8.6 Seated Buddha in Bhadrāsana, Turning the Wheel of Law (Dharmacakra Mudrā), Ajanta Cave 3, India, c. 2nd Half of 5th Century CE. 166 8.7 Buddha in Bhadrāsana and Vitarkamudrā, Tham Ruesi, Ratchaburi Province; c. 7th Century CE. 168 8.8 Reclining Buddha, Tham Fatho, Ratchaburi Province. 7th century. 170 9.1 Bukit Batu Pahat Temple in the Bujang Valley, Kedah; c. 6th Century CE. 175 9.2 Kampung Bendang Dalam Temple, Kedah; c. 12th–13th Centuries CE. 175 9.3 (A) and (B): Sita Dewi (Left) and Seri Rama (Right) of the Wayang Kulit Melayu Kelantan Puppet Figures. 176 9.4 Syed Thajudeen, “Hanuman Visits Sita” 1972, Oil on canvas. 177 9.5 Long Thien Shih, “Wayang Kulit (Shadow Play)” 1964. 178 9.6 Norma Abbas, “Rama and Sita.” 179

9.7 (A) and (B) Perantau Langit (Luke Skywalker) on the Left and Seri Rama on the Right, Peperangan Bintang (Star Wars) Wayang Kulit Project. 180 9.8 Siti Zainon Ismail, “Hikayat Beringin Tenggarong” 2008. 181 9.9 Haris Abadi, “Kimba Kimba” 2018. 182 10.1 (A) and (B) Stone Buddha and Stele Found at Ban Thalat, Vientiane Province. 186 10.2 Buddha Figures at Vang Sang, Vientiane Province. 187 10.3 Buddha, Rock Shelter. Dan Sung, Vientiane Province. 188 10.4 (A) and (B) Inscribed Sema, Dang Sung and Sema with Carved Buddha, Vientiane Province. 189 10.5 Wat Phu, Champasak Cultural Landscape, Laos. 189 10.6 That Sam Pang, Champasak Province. 190 10.7 Prasat Huean Hin, Savannakhet Province. 12th Century. 191 10.8 A Buddhist Triad. 12th Century. 191 10.9 Pha That Luang. Vientiane Capital. 192 10.10 Pha That Sikhottabong. Khammouane Province. 5th–6th Centuries. 193 10.11 Pha That Sikhottabong. Savannakhet Region. 194 10.12 Sim or Congregation Hall. Wat Xiengthong, Laung Prabang Province. 195 11.1 The Agusan Image, 9th Century. Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago. 199

11.2 Tara and Bodhisattva Padmapān̟I, Cave 6 Ellora, 7th Century CE. 201 11.3 The Buddhist Goddess Shyama Tara (Green Tara) Attended upon by Sita Tara (White Tara) and Bhrikuti. Madhya Pradesh, India, c. 8th Century CE. 202 11.4 White Tara, Folio from a Dispersed As̟t̟asāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra (the Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Verses) Manuscript, Bengal, India, c. 12th Century CE. 203 11.5 The Site Where the Image Was Discovered. Barangay Cubo, Agusan del Sur. 205 11.6 The Monument to the Image, Barangay Cubo, Agusan del Sur. 206 11.7 A Close-Up Photo of the Marker at the Site. 207 11.8 Logo of the Municipal Tourism Office of Esperanza. 208 12.1 Drawings of Three Fragments of the Singapore Stone. 212 12.2 The Puduveligopuram or Chinese Pagoda of Nagapattinam (Left). View in Singapore Town Showing the Hindoo Pagoda and [Chulia] Mosque, Singapore by John Turnbull Thomson, 1846 (Right). 215 12.3 Shrine Dedicated to the 16th Century Sufi Saint Shahul Hamid in Nagore, South India. 217 12.3 (Continued) Singapore’s Nagore Dargah Situated at Telok Ayer Street, 1907. 218

LIST OF MAPS 1.1 Maritime Trade in Southeast Asia, First through Sixth Centuries CE. 5 1.2 Maritime Trade in Southeast Asia, c. 1000–1400 CE. 6 2.1 The Sea Trade Route through Samandar. 27 2.2 Isthmus of Kra and Associated Areas. 31 4.1 Pre-Angkroian Kingdoms of Funan and Zhenla. 68 4.2 (A) Īśānapura Archaeological Site Map of the Religious Area and the Secular Area. 70 4.2 (B) Map of the Central Temple Area with Causeways. 71 6.1 Distribution of Hindu–Buddhist Sites in the Archipelago. 114 11.1 Province of Agusan del Sur on the Island of Mindanao. 204

FOREWORD

India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have an enduring and multifaceted partnership, deeply rooted in our

civilisational and cultural linkages spanning millennia. India-ASEAN relations also form the central pillar of India’s Act East Policy, which traces its genesis to the setting up of modern India-ASEAN collaboration three decades ago. That now spans a wide spectrum of engagement from economic to socio-cultural cooperation and includes strategic aspects, connectivity, as also new and emerging technologies. ASEAN centrality is an important pillar of India’s vision for the Indo-Pacific. The year 2022 marks the 30th anniversary of India-ASEAN ties and is being celebrated as ASEAN-India Friendship Year. While the economic engagement with ASEAN forms the core at our contemporary relationship, it is the age-old civilisational connect between India and ASEAN that provides the foundation. As we enter into the fourth decade of our current partnership, it is the right time now to reflect upon our cultural and civilisational connect that has helped develop our contemporary convergences. Connected Histories of India and Southeast Asia: Icons, Narratives, Monuments aims to turn the spotlight on these cultural bridges between India and ASEAN by bringing together scholarly perspectives from India and different ASEAN Member States and by tracing the common nodes in our traditions, cultural practices, art and architecture. I congratulate the editor and the contributing scholars from the ASEAN Member States and India for their efforts in putting together a wellresearched and insightful publication. I also commend ASEAN-India Centre at Research and Information System for Developing Countries, New Delhi, for collaborating with the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, in bringing out this publication to commemorate the 30th anniversary of ASEAN-India relations. This publication would prove to be a valuable addition to the existing body of studies and contribute to further enhance our knowledge and understanding of the longstanding and vibrant cultural linkages between India and ASEAN.

Dr S. Jaishankar Minister of External Affairs, Government of India

Vishnu, Katra, c. 5th century CE. National Museum, New Delhi. Photo © Kevin Standage

PREFACE To mark the completion of thirty years of ASEAN-India relations, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), Government of India, and the ASEAN-India Centre (AIC) at the Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi, proposed the publication of a book that revisits premodern cultural connections between India and Southeast Asia, with a special focus on art and architectural expressions. In view of the above, this book, Connected Histories of India and Southeast Asia: Icons, Narratives, Monuments, explores the long history of cultural connections between India and member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), namely, Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. With the contribution of eminent scholars of India and Southeast Asia, the book is organized in three parts. The first part offers overviews on the nature of cultural and artistic interactions, and the trade routes that facilitated an exchange of ideas, objects, people, and knowledge systems. The second section addresses issues relating to architectural forms, built heritage, and mobility across long distances. The final component includes essays that discuss narratives and iconographies arising from cross-cultural artistic exchange. A few scholars from India and ASEAN member countries were invited to share their research on past cultural developments and interactions between Southeast Asia and India within a revised historiography that takes cognizance of regional and subregional agencies. The idea was to ensure that the view from India engages in a meaningful dialogue with Southeast Asian scholarly perspectives on connected histories of art, architecture, culture, and heritage. The connected histories of India and Southeast Asia have continually adapted to changing contexts until the present times. These are intrinsically tied to living cultural practices, ideas, motifs, and forms on either side of the eastern Indian Ocean region. The antiquity and

diversity of the ancient links in their economic, social, cultural, and political dimensions are being brought forward through a renewed commitment to cooperate in the fields of education, science and technology, trade and commerce, diplomacy, heritage, museums, art and architecture, archaeology, conservation, and allied areas. Historical experience informs contemporary practices and suggests the need for rethinking India’s deep cultural links with Southeast Asia by engaging in collaborations suitable to the present context. The past lives on in the present and guides the future of ASEAN-India collaborations. This book offers fresh ideas and suggestions for deepening cultural relations between India and Southeast Asia. It will be a good resource for those who have an interest in the rich and remarkable history and civilizational dimensions of cultural engagements between India and her Southeast Asian neighbors.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Grateful acknowledgements are due to all the contributing scholars for their learned essays and cooperation throughout the process. I thank the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), Government of India, and the ASEAN-India Centre (AIC) at Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), New Delhi, especially Ms Geetika Srivastava, Joint Secretary (IP), for inviting me to plan and edit this volume. Dr Prabir De, Professor and Coordinator of AIC at RIS, who coordinated this publication, made every effort to anchor and support this project. This volume would not have been possible without their help. I am thankful to Ambassador Mohan Kumar, Chairman, RIS and Professor Sachin Chaturvedi, Director General, RIS for their institutional support and cooperation. Kenneth R. Hall shared two of his maps to illustrate routes of transoceanic interactions. Kevin Standage was prompt in providing some of his excellent photographs, one of which also graces the front cover of this book. The photo-archives and libraries of the American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurugram, Archaeological Survey of India, Asian Art Museum San Francisco, Gurukul Museum Jhajjar, National Museum, New Delhi, and University of Delhi have been a great resource. Nishant Singh, Ajeya Vajpayee, and Srija Sahay, research scholars in the Department of History, University of Delhi, have worked meticulously and tirelessly in their role as Research Associates to this project. I could not have completed this work in the short time at hand had it not been for their committed research and editorial assistance. My colleagues and friends, Raziuddin Aquil, Aparna Balachandran, Suchandra Ghosh, Arlo Griffiths, Charu Gupta, Sushil Kumar, S. Pandian, Arvind Rautela, Rajat Sanyal, Vipul Singh, Vandana Sinha, and Peter Skilling deserve all praise for sound advice and encouragement. At home, Sanjay Dhar and Urvi Dhar have been most supportive.

I thank SAGE Publications for their role in producing this elegant volume. Last but not the least, I am grateful to the honorable Minister for External Affairs, Dr S. Jaishankar, for a perceptive and erudite Foreword. Views expressed by the authors are their own and do not represent the views of the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, and the respective ASEAN member countries. The usual disclaimers apply.

Bodhisattva Padmapāṇi, Ajanta Cave 1, c. 5th century CE. Photo © Kevin Standage

I OVERVIEWS: CULTURE AND CONNECTIVITY

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION : ICONS, NARRATIVES, AND MONUMENTS ACROSS THE INDIAN OCEAN Parul Pandya Dhar

I. THE BACKDROP The year 2022 marks thirty years of sustained efforts at strengthening relations between India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Cultural connections between India and ASEAN, however, go much further back in time to at least two millennia and earlier Indian Ocean connections that developed before the historical period have also been established (Hall 2019, 1–4). This connected past informs the present through an interplay of history and memory and shapes our understanding of a period when the present political boundaries of nation-states did not exist. This was a time when ancient and medieval kingdoms across either side of the eastern Indian Ocean were connected through trade, religion, and politics. A historically informed understanding of the nature of pre-modern cultural encounters between the two larger zones of contact is a key factor in revitalizing present contacts between India and the ASEAN. Art and architecture provide the most spectacular and tangible evidence of intra-Asian connections in the form of pre-modern stupas, temples, mosques, palaces, and associated artefacts that have survived the ravages of time. These art remains are testimonies to a deep history of cultural exchange and speak to us through their varied forms, images, narratives, rituals, and epigraphs. Viewing transregional interactions between India and Southeast Asia through the lens of visual cultures opens a rich narrative of transmission, translation, and transformation of ideas, motifs, forms, and practices, which developed and impacted the different cultures in contact. How were regional cultural identities expressed through processes of artistic exchange and localization? What can we learn about our historical similarities and differences from visual arts and architecture? How have the cultural connections between India and Southeast Asia been reaffirmed and reimagined over time through pre-modern art and architecture? These themes and concerns run through the various chapters of this volume. ASEAN as a cohesive group of modern nation-states represents a

diversity of sociocultural and religious practices even as it shares historical links, cultural values, challenges, and aspirations among its members as well as with India. So, even as it is important to perceive Southeast Asia’s history in a unified way, it is equally important to draw attention to the subregional diversities that struggle for space within what is often perceived as an integrated Southeast Asian identity. For Southeast Asia, despite some shared cultural markers among its parts, has never been historically, politically, geographically, ethnically, or linguistically homogenous. Stretching across about 5,000 km from Myanmar to eastern Indonesia, it includes many highlands and lowlands with intervening seas; its people are linguistically aligned to diverse subgroups of Austronesian and Austro-Asiatic languages and reveal a range of racial affiliations (Bellwood 1999, 56–73). India’s cultural interactions with different parts of Southeast Asia also deserve to be addressed individually. This has been one of the guiding principles in the organization of the various chapters in this volume.

II. HISTORICIZING CULTURAL CONNECTIONS Before World War II, modern scholarly tradition on Southeast Asia was, of necessity and opportunity, in sync with the boundaries of control exercised by different European colonial powers. At the end of World War II, the earlier colonial order gave way; several colonial dependencies in Southeast Asia asserted their independence, as was also the case with India. This led to a shift in interest on the part of Western nations, from past histories of the erstwhile colonies to the future of South and Southeast Asia as a whole. International politics, change in power-structures, and policy-related matters took precedence (Legge 1999, 15–38). The early histories of specific Southeast Asian subregions were less enthusiastically pursued at this juncture, although they continued to make progress within the welldeveloped frameworks of the colonial-era institutions. In the newly independent home countries, there was, at the same time, an increasing interest in exploring their own distant pasts and in reinterpreting and asserting nationalist histories.1 Before taking the narrative forward, it is pertinent to return briefly to the historiography of India–Southeast Asia cultural connections. In the different Southeast Asian colonies, a carefully planned and meticulously executed program of Eurocentric investigations had gained momentum by the late-19th/early 20th century—and this led to the building of impressive antiquarian, archaeological, anthropological, and historical documentation. The period witnessed pioneering research in specific parts of the larger region—be it the Dutch Indies, French Indo-China, and so on. The generous monumentality of ancient and medieval art and architectural remains in various parts of Southeast Asia and their frank affiliations with India nourished a long historiography of a dominating Indian imprint in Southeast Asian polities, societies, and cultures. The emerging narrative of discernable indebtedness to India in its script,

religion, art, architecture, epigraphy, politics, myths, literature, and other knowledge systems was of great interest to Indian scholarship in British colonial and, next, in independent India to build upon and assert India’s contributions far beyond its geopolitical borders. R.C. Majumdar, Nilakanta Sastri, H.B. Sarkar, Ananda Coomaraswamy, and several other scholars of note wrote about the dominant presence of Indian culture in Southeast Asia, which inadvertently or consciously fed into the Indian nationalist discourse at the threshold of India’s independence from the British colonial rule. The intellectually vibrant city of Calcutta, also home to the Asiatic Society (1784) and the Indian Museum (1814), provided fertile ground for the inauguration of the Greater India Society in 1926, that brought forth the Journal of the Greater India Society for two dozen years, from 1936 to 1959 (Kwa Chong-Guan 2013). The various explanatory models for an understanding of India’s role in Southeast Asia during the ancient and medieval times included those that supported trade-based cultural contact theories (N.J. Krom), theories of cultural colonization of Southeast Asia (R.C. Majumdar, C.C. Berg), and theories that focused attention on local initiatives (Van Leur, Paul Mus, F.D.K. Bosch) by the Southeast Asian ruling elites who invited Indian brahmins and monks to their courts for a selective assimilation and localization of Indian political, religious and other cultural ideas, motifs, and forms to suit the requirements of the emerging polities of Southeast Asia.2 In more recent decades, scholars have investigated the historical links between India and Southeast Asia in revised historiographical frameworks (Mabbett 1977; Manguin 2011; Kulke 2014). This has led to a shift in focus from the concept of “Indianization” to “localization” and “cultural convergence.” Hermann Kulke has interpreted the cultural, political, and socioeconomic processes linking premodern India and Southeast Asia as “cultural convergence.” This is an important and empirically verifiable approach, which observes analogous developments and parallelisms between the two regions on either side of the eastern Indian Ocean. Chronological developments in regional political formations and cultural expressions in early

medieval South India and East India are in many ways comparable to those observed in different parts of Southeast Asia. The parallel historical processes observed from about the middle of the first millennium in parts of India and Southeast Asia further promoted the transference, adaptation, localization, and assimilation of Indic cultural elements in Southeast Asia (Kulke 2014; Mabbett 1977; Wolters 1999). Such a perspective accords far greater agency to the diverse regions and people of Southeast Asia and brings to sharper focus processes of localization in the assimilation of influences. Slowly but surely, the individuality, originality, and agency of Southeast Asia as a whole and of its different cultural and political subregions began to be recognized within a revised historiography. In more recent scholarship, Southeast Asia is being studied and interpreted on its own terms and not as a region sandwiched between two ancient and dominant cultural powers—India and China.

III. CONNECTED HISTORIES OF ART AND ARCHITECTURE Cross-cultural histories of art explore the nature of relationships between art forms across diverse spatial, cultural, and temporal zones. Historians of Indian and Southeast Asian art and architecture have tried to understand the presence of a culturally established symbol, motif, form, object, or monument found in one culture, which finds resonance in another distant culture. “Difference” as much as “similarity” across a wide range of shared art concepts, themes, languages, and forms in India and Southeast Asia, for example, requires systematic interpretation (Dhar 2020).3

HINDU–BUDDHIST MONUMENTS AND ARTEFACTS Indian art and architectural elements made their way across land and seas and registered a presence on premodern monuments and artefacts in different regions of mainland and maritime Southeast Asia through complex and circuitous localizing processes. These were closely tied with the transmission of religious ideas, trade, movements of people and objects, and political missions. Scholars have written extensively on trading networks in the eastern Indian Ocean, Java Sea, and South China Sea (Maps 1.1 and 1.2).4 Brahmin priests and Buddhist monks were invited to Southeast Asian courts by the local ruling kings and given important positions to affect an aesthetics of religious authority in which Buddhist and Hindu art and architecture assumed a very important place (Kulke 2014, 7–10). The close alliance between Buddhism and trade has been studied by scholars in detail (Ray 2021, 136–190; Sen 2003). Beyond the presence of Hindu–Buddhist temples that were more directly related to royal and elite cultures, trade, trading settlements, and migratory populations led to the building of coastal shrines in the port towns and along river routes (Bopearachchi 2014; Ray 2021). The proliferation of stupas, temples, and associated sculptures and paintings in premodern Southeast Asia are part of these larger transcultural aesthetics of religion and power at the intersections of trade and migration.

Map 1.1 Maritime Trade in Southeast Asia, First through Sixth Centuries CE. Source: Map © Kenneth R. Hall.

Disclaimer: This figure is not to scale. It does not represent any authentic national or international boundaries and is used for illustrative purposes only.

Map 1.2 Maritime Trade in Southeast Asia, c. 1000–1400 CE. Source: Map © Kenneth R. Hall.

Disclaimer: This figure is not to scale. It does not represent any authentic national or international boundaries and is used for illustrative purposes only. Ancient religious monuments built in brick and stone dot the architectural landscape of a large part of South and Southeast Asia and are tangible reminders of deeply connected histories of trade, political, and religious interactions. Most well-preserved structures in Southeast Asia are from the middle of the first millennium CE onwards. Whereas brick and stone stupa and monastic complexes of the first half of the first millennium CE are found in various parts of India, extant temples in stone are known from about the 5th century CE (Figures 1.1 and 1.2). By virtue of its relatively permanent nature, stone was gradually being preferred over wood and brick for

constructing the “abodes of the gods” or temples in India.5 But brick as a medium of temple construction in India continued to exert influence throughout. However, surviving examples of brick temples in early medieval India are far fewer than those in stone. By the 6th–7th centuries CE, stone temples were being built across the length and breadth of India, in varied regional and subregional styles and in territories within the control of various early medieval regional dynasties that had gained prominence.

Figure 1.1 Viṣṇu Temple Built in Stone, Deogarh, c. late 5th–early 6th Century CE. Source: Creative Commons Public Domain.

In Southeast Asia, the earliest well-preserved religious structures in situ date from c. 6th—7th century CE onwards, with much of the earlier evidence being encountered in the shape of fragmentary

remains and epigraphic sources.6 The temples of Campā in presentday Vietnam, for example, are built predominantly in brick, with select architectural elements such as altar-pedestals, pillars, and tympana being rendered in stone.7 In Cambodia, pre-Angkorian temples such as the 7th-century structures from the well-known site of Sambor-PreiKuk in the Kampong Thom province were similarly built mainly in brick, although exceptions such as the all-stone flat-roofed structures in the Northern group identified as N 17 (Figures 1.3 and 1.4) are also in evidence (Dhar 2018). The medium of construction of temples in Angkorian Cambodia gradually shifted to stone, leading to the grand temple-mountains, the most famous one being the grand Angkor Wat patronized by the Khmer king, Sūryavarman II, during the first half of the 12th century (Figure 1.5). Central Java in Indonesia has yielded some of the best-preserved 7th–8th century monuments, notably the Caṅḍis Gedong Songo at Mount Ungaran and the remarkable group of caṅḍis located on the picturesque Dieng Plateau (Figure 1.6). These Indonesian caṅḍis, including the famous 9th-century Buddhist complex of Borobudur, have been built in stone. The art and architecture of Dvāravatī in Thailand and Wat Phu in Laos are just a few of the most famous monumental complexes scattered across Southeast Asia that reveal a coming together of local and subregional Southeast Asian characteristics with clear Indian links. While the architectural vocabulary of the early temples of Southeast Asia reveals close generic links with Indian temples (Figure 1.7), the details of their form and embellishment indicate that the beginnings of the transmission of architectural ideas and forms between India and Southeast Asia need to be investigated from a period earlier than that of the earliest, wellpreserved monuments from Southeast Asia (Dhar 2018a).

Figure 1.2 Brick Temple, Bhitargaon, Central India, c. Late 5th– early 6th Century CE. Source: Creative Commons Public Domain.

The missing links need to be investigated in the surviving architectures, relief sculptures (Figure 1.8), and related historical sources of the pre-7th century CE period on both sides of the eastern Indian Ocean. There is also clear evidence of a rich, intra-Southeast

Asian architectural dialogue during this period: the Javanese, the Khmer, and the Cham architects and sculptors were also drawing architectural ideas, motifs, and forms liberally from each other. This suggests an intense criss-cross of architectural ideas and forms, and circuitous routes of interface of the Southeast Asian with the Indian modes and systems of architectural knowledge (Dhar 2018 and 2018a).

Figure 1.3 Sambor Prei Kuk, N 17, c. 7th Century CE. Source: Author.

In the transmission of architectural knowledge across land and seas, portable artefacts carried on voyages by seafarers, merchants, traders, pilgrims, monks, priests, and political emissaries played a very important role (Dhar 2018 and 2020). Objects such as bronze images of deities, terracotta tablets, miniature temples and stupa models (Figure 1.9), and manuscripts, which, unlike the monuments themselves, were portable are well-known to have been carried across circuitous sea and land routes between South and Southeast Asia since ancient times. Localization of architectural knowledge entailed a selective appropriation and adaptation of forms based on local predilections and needs. At times, shared religious and philosophical concepts created

distinct architectural imagery in the different zones of contact. The varied visualizations of the concept of Meru in different Southeast Asian monuments offer a case in point (Dhar 2018). In such cases, the creation of architectural forms proceeded from the transmission of ideas or texts, which were translated in the shape of newer imageries and forms. At other times visual correspondences between Indian and Southeast Asian buildings suggest more direct transmissions and localization processes from an earlier period.

ISLAMIC CONNECTIONS AND VISUAL CULTURE Artistic exchanges between pre-modern India and Southeast Asia have predominantly been explored in terms of Hindu and Buddhist monuments and artefacts, where evidence is more abundant and direct. Islamic connections between the two larger zones of contact, however, deserve greater attention than they have so far received in cross-cultural histories of Indian and Southeast Asian art. This becomes even more relevant in the context of India’s cultural links with Malaysia, Brunei, and Indonesia, some ASEAN countries with a large Muslim population.

Figure 1.4 Sambor Prei Kuk Flying Palace in Relief, c. 7th Century CE. Source: Author.

Figure 1.5 Angkor Wat, Cambodia, c. First Half of 12th Century. Source: Author.

Trade and literary networks between West Asia, South Asia, East Asia, and Southeast Asia as well as conversions and assimilative tendencies are known to have resulted in the popularity of Islam in Southeast Asia (Aljunied 2022, 1–10; Andaya 2022). Sufism is also well-known to have played an important role in the spread of Islam to different parts of Southeast Asia (Andaya 2022). Some of the earliest Indonesian gravestones at Pasai in North Sumatra and Gresik in Java (c. 15th century) display a strong resemblance to gravestones from Khambhat (Cambay) in the western Indian state of Gujarat. In several instances, the stones, intricately carved and inscribed in Kufic script, are known to have been prepared in Khambhat and then transported to the coasts of Sumatra and Java

(de Graaf 1963, 4; Lambourn 2003). Those prepared for the Sultans of Pasai, one of the earliest Muslim Sultanates on the Malacca Straits, belong to the 15th century. The Cambay gravestones at Pasai further reveal the importance of Gujarat’s trade links with Indonesia in the middle centuries of the second millennium (Lambourn 2003). Indian Muslim merchants from Tamil Nadu are known to have established trade settlements at Penang, Malaysia, and Singapore, which resulted in the building of mosques and dargahs in these places. Catherine Asher has discussed the dargahs of the Sufi saint Hazrat Shahul Hamid Nagori (16th century), who was first venerated in Nagore in Tamil Nadu (Figure 1.10) and whose shrine was then duplicated in Singapore and in Georgetown, Penang, Malaysia (Asher 2009, 247). Some early modern mosques of Malaysia and Singapore also reveal an Indian connection through British colonial intervention which resulted in the building of mosques in the “Indo-Saracenic” style, for example, the Captain Kling mosque in Penang built in 1801 (Asher 2009, 247). These are but a few examples that draw attention to further possibilities of research for a better understanding of Islamic cultural and artistic exchanges between India and Southeast Asia (Figure 1.11).

Figure 1.6 Candi Arjuna, Dieng Plateau, Central Java. Source: Author.

IV. AVENUES OF CONNECTIONS Early cultural contacts between India and Southeast Asia received impetus on account of trade, religion, and political motivations, and an overview of these developments provides the essential backdrop for understanding cross-cultural artistic interactions. In her chapter, “Mapping Connections: Early Trade and Cultural Contacts between India and Southeast Asia,” Suchandra Ghosh emphasizes the importance of maritime routes and the centrality of the Bay of Bengal as a site where subregional, regional, and long-distance maritime networks between India and Southeast Asia have been established since antiquity. The ancient mainland polities of present-day Myanmar, Cambodia, and Thailand and the erstwhile kingdoms located on the upper Malay Peninsula and the northern and western coasts of Sumatra were connected to India’s eastern seaboard and Sri Lanka through a range of networks criss-crossing the Bay of Bengal. Religious exchanges, especially Buddhist and Hindu, inspired cultural dialogues. At times the overland and maritime routes linking India with Southeast Asia were complementary and interconnected, whereas at other times, they became competitive avenues.

Figure 1.7 Arjuna Ratha, Māmallapuram, Tamil Nadu, c. 7th Century CE. Source: Author.

Southeast Asia was well-integrated with the Bay of Bengal trade networks on account of favorable monsoon winds. Ancient Buddhist jātakas speak of sea voyages undertaken by Indians to the “land of gold” (Suvannabhumi) in search of wealth, and the many ports lining the western and eastern Indian seaboards offer clear evidence of trading activities. By focusing on representative artefacts such as molded clay tablets, highlighting the circulation of commodities such as aromatic tree products, aloes wood, the mobility of tin for casting metal sculptures, and the dissemination of script and language, Ghosh highlights the complex and circuitous routes that led to the flow of cultural and artistic ideas and imagery across the Bay of Bengal interaction zone. Another aspect of her essay is its focus on the importance of intermediary South Asian ports such as Mantai in Sri Lanka and Samandar at Chittagong in Bangladesh in facilitating early India–Southeast Asia connectivity.

Figure 1.8 Karle, Great Chaitya, Façade Simulating Earlier Building Practices in Wood. Source: © Kevin Standage.

Figure 1.9 Bronze Miniature Stupa, Nalanda, Bihar, c. 9th Century CE, National Museum, New Delhi. Source: © Kevin Standage.

Figure 1.10 Dargah of Sufi Saint Hazrat Shahul Hamid Nagori, Nagore, Tamil Nadu. Source: Creative Commons CC BY 3.0.

Figure 1.11 Menara Kudus Mosque in Central Java; 16th Century, Built in the Hindu–Buddhist Style of the Majapahit Period. Source: Creative Commons CCO1.0.

Having gained important insights into some of the overarching issues relating to artistic exchange and the historical avenues of contact that facilitated it, the volume next addresses the assimilation and localization of artistic ideas and forms—icons, narratives, and monuments—in each of the ASEAN countries in their specific relationships with India. The political boundaries followed are, of necessity and convenience, national in this case, but not without the realization that in the pre-modern times that is the subject of attention here, the cultural and political boundaries played out differently in different centuries. The various chapters in the book highlight the transmission and localization of art and architecture with a special emphasis on how historical links with India have been assimilated and localized in the

premodern art and architecture of each of the ASEAN member countries—Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. The different chapters contributed by experts from India and Southeast Asia include discussions on significant themes of historical interest that continue to have a bearing in the present. Based on the nature of cultural interactions observed in each country, these include discussions on Buddhist art and architecture, art and architecture of the Hindu temples, Islamic art and architecture, and the spread of narrative traditions such as the epics and jātakas.

V. MONUMENTS AND MOBILITY The section on “Monuments and Mobility: Transregional Perspectives” includes contributions by scholars working on the ancient and medieval Hindu, Buddhist, and Islamic monuments of Vietnam, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Indonesia. It opens with an essay titled, “The Cham Original Adaptation of Indian Temple Art and Architecture: A View from Mỹ Sơn, Vietnam,” by Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh. The focus of this chapter is the unique UNESCO World Heritage Site of Mỹ Sơn in Central Vietnam, a scenic valley that has a deep historical and modern connection with India, with epigraphs and temples that clearly establish the site’s antiquity to the early 5th century and with the latest temples belonging to the 13th century CE. Conservation initiatives by the Archaeological Survey of India at Mỹ Sơn in modern times have brought this ancient connection alive in modern times. As the authors have shown, the monuments and epigraphs at the site, although in ruins, offer an unprecedented opportunity to study the development of ancient Cham art and architecture during its most prolific and aesthetically significant period. They reveal much useful information about the economy, society, religion, philosophy, and arts of the kingdoms of ancient Campā, which forms a large part of present-day Vietnam. The authors have offered a meticulous investigation of the Cham adaptation of Indic influences in temple art and architecture in a way that highlights both similarity and difference with Indian temples and the gradual processes of assimilation and localization that shaped a new language of temple art and architecture in ancient Vietnam. Of special interest is the historical fact that despite greater geographical proximity and equally ancient economic ties with China, the ancient art and architecture of the Chams reveals a greater affiliation to Indic cultural and artistic features. The archaeological artefacts at Mỹ Sơn explored by the authors lead them to conclude that Indian cultural influences became more significant from about the 3rd century CE, after local uprisings against the Han Chinese domination in ca. 192 CE. The early temples of Cambodia built by the Khmers at Sambor Prei

Kuk during the late 6th to early 8th centuries CE find representation in this volume in the chapter, “Pre-Angkorian Śaiva temples of Īśānapura: A New Perspective on Early India-Cambodia Links,” by Swati Chemburkar. Modern Sambor Prei Kuk was likely the ancient city of Īśānapura which finds mention in the Sanskritic inscriptions of ancient Cambodia and was the capital of the Zhenla kingdom mentioned in the Chinese annals. Several scholars have understood the Hindu temples at Sambor Prei Kuk as bearing allegiance to Indian temples of the period of Gupta dominance, which were built in northern and central India during the 5th and 6th centuries CE (Boisselier 1989, 31; Dalsheimer 2001, 44; Dumarçay and Royère 2001, 40–42). But beyond a generic allegiance to Indian architectural prototypes, it has not been possible to establish near-perfect correlations between ancient Indian and Khmer temple architecture. What is possible to observe in the case of early Khmer temples is a coming together of architectural motifs and forms belonging to temples from different parts of India and built during the middle centuries of the first millennium. Even as one cannot ignore the generic similarity of early Indian and Khmer temple architecture, and their shared religious and conceptual basis, it becomes equally imperative to investigate the novel elements and localized features of Khmer temples. Chemburkar examines and draws our attention to some unique architectural innovations seen on the pre-Angkorian Khmer temples of Cambodia for which there are no exact Indian equivalents. The ten octagonal Śaiva temples at Sambor Prei Kuk offer an interesting case study for her investigations.

Figure 1.12 Miniature Stupa, Bodhgaya, Possibly the Prototype for Bagan-Period Stupas. Source: Chedha Tingsanchali.

In the next chapter, “Art and Architecture of Myanmar: Links with India,” Chedha Tingsanchali offers a useful survey of the Hindu– Buddhist monumental heritage of Myanmar, focusing on the nature of its relationships with ancient and early medieval Indian art and architecture. He discusses the Pyu, Mon, and Rakhine schools of art, which are the three main schools of the Pre-Bagan period, datable from the 6th to the 10th centuries, and subsequently examines the Bagan-period monuments of the 10th to the 13th centuries CE. In Tingsanchali’s analysis, southern Indian influence from India, especially from the region of Andhradeśa, appears to be more prominent in the Pyu-period art of ancient Myanmar. Alongside this trend with respect to Buddhist art and architectural remains, he also observes the remarkable presence of Vaishnava motifs and forms in the pre-Bagan period and, on this basis, hypothesizes the influx of Vaishnava Hindus from eastern India during this time. The author illustrates and draws our attention to remarkably distinct and novel Vaishnava iconographies, different from India, for example, the representation of a reclining Vishnu with the puranic triad arising on triple lotuses. The early medieval art of eastern India during the time of Pāla rule had a remarkable bearing on the Buddhist art and architecture of Myanmar in the Bagan period (Figures 1.12 and 1.13). Pāla manuscripts, which would have made their way to Myanmar on account of their portable nature, also served as an important source of inspiration for the Bagan paintings or murals. The Bagan-period temples, with their tall Nāgara śikharas (superstructures) of eastern and northern Indian affiliation bear further testimony to close ties between eastern India and Myanmar. These artistic inspirations from India were not mere transplants but developed their own distinct yet affiliated languages of expression in ancient and medieval Myanmar.

Figure 1.13 Stupa at Sien Nyet Nyima Temple, Bagan. Source: Chedha Tingsanchali.

Bringing the focus to maritime Southeast Asia, Augustijanto Indradjaja discusses “Dynamics of Relationship between Indonesia and India in the Hindu-Buddhist Period.” His essay foregrounds the historical processes and cultural dynamics that enabled the ancient Indonesians to absorb and assimilate select elements of Indian culture and to adapt and localize them to render them suitable in the Indonesian context. The author offers a succinct prehistory of cultural developments in the Indonesian archipelago prior to trade and religious and artistic exchange with India. This provides the backdrop against which the connected histories of Indian and Indonesian art and architecture can best be understood. Early emergence of Hindu– Buddhist kingdoms in Indonesia are known from the 5th to 7th century CE, with Kutai in East Kalimantan and Tarumanagara in West Java being the best known. Indian influence and its transformation in Indonesia may be observed in the assertion of an aesthetics of royal and religious authority expressed through Hindu–Buddhist art and architecture on the Dieng Plateau, Gedong Songo, Borobudur, Prambanan, Panataran, and several other sites in Central and East Java, the use of India-inspired script and language in the inscriptions, Javanese and Balinese literary texts, and the Saka year calendar. All of this was localized on the substratum of ancient Indonesian cultural practices and led to the creation of distinctive Javanese–Bali languages of artistic expressions. The 15th-century Tantu Panggelaran manuscript of the Majapahit period in Kawi language from East Java, which describes the mythical origin of the island of Java, offers an apt poetic metaphor for the “Javanization” of Indian motifs and forms in the Indonesian archipelago. The text offers a riveting mythical narrative about the relocation of Mount Meru of Jambūdvīpa (India) to Javadvīpa (Java) in a manner that simultaneously connects with the mountainous topography of the Indonesian islands.

VI. ICONS AND NARRATIVES The modes of transregional artistic transmission between India and Southeast Asia involved the actual movement of objects and artefacts across land and sea routes through trade, political embassies, war, and religious transfers. Such movements played an important role in shaping mythologies, literatures, religious icons, and visual narratives in Southeast Asia. The visual vocabulary of the traveling artefacts that arrived from across the shores or overland guided the making of art and architecture in the receiving regions. In addition, the making of icons and visual narratives was also inspired by verbal imagery and the traveling texts. Equally important was the role of local imagery, beliefs, and practices in fashioning newer iconographies and narratives. Parul Pandya Dhar’s essay, “Epic Visions in Terracotta, Stone and Stucco: Rāmāyaṇa in Indian Sculpture,” brings into focus visual representations of the epic tradition in different parts of India, from their early beginnings to the 8th century CE. The Rāmāyaṇa gained a more definitive visual presence as part of the sculptural repertoire of brick and stone temples during the period of Gupta dominance in India. The sculptures, chiselled in stone or molded in terracotta or stucco, were part of the iconographic program of temples of different sectarian affiliations. A robust tradition of making terracotta Rāmāyaṇa sculptures for brick temples appears to have been in vogue during the 4th to the 6th centuries CE. Temple remains, with loose terracotta plaques or in situ fragments, have been recovered during archaeological excavations and explorations, often near riverbanks and along the northern trade route (Uttarāpatha). Such sites are spread across the present-day states of Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Bengal, and in Bangladesh. A majority of the Rāmāyaṇa sculptures that had once adorned the brick monuments of ancient and early medieval India have either been lost forever, damaged, or have landed in museums and private collections in India and abroad. A few sites have yielded terracotta panels inscribed with names identifying the Rāmāyaṇa characters sculpted on them. Some

among them bear abbreviated verses from the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa inscribed in Gupta-period Brāhmī letters. This suggests that recitation, visual transcreation, and theatrical performance of epic themes were an integral part of premodern Indian cultures. Certain themes gained greater favor in some regions, even as fresh themes and variations were evolved in different parts during the centuries that followed. Some of the most emotive and theatrical narrative highlights from the Rāmāyaṇa have been visualized in stone and stucco during the 5th to 8th centuries in various regions. The author interprets these developments that had an important bearing on epic traditions in Southeast Asia as well. In her contribution, “From the Ganges to the Chao Phraya River: Early Transmission of Indian Religion, Arts, and Architecture to Central Thailand (c. 7th–8th Centuries CE),” Pattaratorn Chirapravati focuses on the early religious art and architecture of Central Thailand, which reveals close contacts with Indian Buddhism and artistic influences. Interestingly, in the earliest surviving cave temples of the region, Buddhist and Hindu deities have been depicted alongside each other. Chirapravati draws our attention to the Chula Pathon and Phra Men stupas located in Nakhon Pathom and the cave temples, the Tham Photisat (Bodhisattva Cave) in Saraburi Province and Tham Ruesi (Hermit Cave) in the Khao Ngu mountain range (Snake Hill, Ratchaburi Province), datable to about 7th century CE. These caves provide material evidence for the transmission of Indian religious concepts and iconographies to the forest monasteries of Central Thailand. The monuments, icons, and ornamental repertoire of this group are closely aligned to the Gupta and post-Gupta period art vocabularies from India (c. 4th to 6th centuries). The author indicates that while religious monuments located in city centers were built of bricks and stones, the cave temples meant for the use of forestdwelling monks were situated in remote regions. She observes that whereas the religious monuments in the ancient city of Dvāravatī in Central Thailand harbored images of the Buddha in bhadrāsana (seated with pendant legs) like those found in India, their hand gestures were visualized differently from Indian prototypes, which points to shifts in local religious practices from an early period of

religious development in the Chao Phraya region. India’s artistic links with Malaysia and Brunei, two countries with a Muslim majority, are surveyed in an article titled, “Tracing Indian Cultural Connections in Malaysia and Brunei: From Early Candis to Modern Art,” authored by Cheryl Chelliah Thiruchelvam and Sarena Abdullah. Malaysia is a multiracial nation with Islam as its official religion, while Brunei is an independent Islamic sultanate. The authors discuss the continued impact of ancient and medieval Indian cultural influences in the modern times. Thiruchelvam and Abdullah interpret the adaptation of the epics, Rāmāyaṇa and Mahābhārata, into the wayang kulit shadow puppet repertoire as examples of the assimilation and adaptation of long-held Indian cultural connections. Malaysian visual artists have continued to capture some of the Indian cultural elements in their artistic expressions. The “Buddhist Arts of Laos” forms the subject of Vatsana Douangmalasy’s contribution to this volume. The author demonstrates how premodern Lao Buddhist art and architecture shares similarities with the arts of India, Thailand, Cambodia, and Burma. Due to the unfortunate loss of Laotian heritage to war and neglect, only a few sites survive to illustrate its past grandeur. The author draws attention to a range of surviving premodern Buddhist monuments from Laos. She discusses the development of Buddhism and Buddhist art in Lao PDR and its relationships to Indian Buddhist art. Joefe B. Santarita focuses on a unique sculpture from the Philippines in his essay titled, “Agusan Tārā: The Unfolding of a Pilgrim Circuit in the Philippines.” The image of Agusan, cast in 21-carat gold and eight inches tall, suggests Indian influence on the gold-producing culture of Butuan in the Philippines during the periods of Śrīvijayan and the Majapahit kingdoms of Java, Indonesia. The image was accidently discovered by a local in 1917 and was subsequently sold to the Americans in 1922, who brought it to a museum in Chicago. The memory of this icon in the Philippines led the local population to build a memorial by installing a replica at the site of discovery. It also led a Buddhist group, the Arya Tara Rigpa Rime Community, to retrace the

roots of Tantric Buddhism in the Philippines and to lobby for a legislative instrument that would declare the city as a heritage tourism and pilgrimage destination. Santarita presents his archival and site research wherein he revisits the discovery of the medieval-period Agusan image, documents the making of the modern holy site, and evaluates the extent to which the memory of the Agusan Tārā icon has inspired the making of a modern tourist and pilgrimage destination. In the final essay, “Littorally Speaking: Some Instances of Singapore’s Tamil Connection,” Nalina Gopal reconstructs a littoral view of the age-old connection between Singapore and India. As the author points out, with the founding of the British outpost in 1819, the movement of Indians from colonial settlements in Southeast Asia and India had become a familiar occurrence in Singapore. Such modern migrations were founded on an ancient familiarity with the region, going back to at least two millennia. Archaeological evidence has revealed maritime networks connecting the ancient kingdom of Singapura with India. Singapore’s strategic location in relation to the Malacca Straits and the South China Sea ensured its importance along the Sino-Indian trade route. Memories of these cultural and trade networks are recorded in literature, importantly in the Sejarah Melayu or Malay Annals, widely known as the Sulalut al Salatain, a 17th-century text providing the genealogy of the Malak kings of Singapura. Through such memories embedded in late medieval and modern sources, Gopal takes a long view of the India–Singapore connections. She foregrounds some instances of pre-modern and colonial Tamil connections with Singapore. By evoking archaeological and literary heritage, the scholar offers thought-provoking insights into networks among the littoral towns of South India and Singapore. In doing so, her approach seeks to overcome “the many complexities of researching diasporic ethno-histories transcending geographic, social, and linguistic boundaries.” The deep, connected histories of India and Southeast Asia have continually adapted to changing contexts until the present times. These are intrinsically tied to living cultural ideas, forms, and practices

on either side of the eastern Indian Ocean zone. The antiquity and richness of the ancient links in their varied economic, cultural, and political dimensions have been brought forward through a renewed commitment towards cooperation in the fields of heritage, museums, arts, education, technology, diplomacy, and related fields. The past lives on in the present and guides the future of ASEAN-India collaborations.

NOTES 1. For important interventions in the larger discourse on “Connected Histories” that are not directly related to premodern India–Southeast Asia cultural connections, see J.F. Richards (1975) for Early Modern India and World History; J. Fletcher (1985) for the Early Modern Period; V. Lieberman (1999) for Europe and Asia; and S. Subrahmanyam (1997; 2016; 2018) for Early Modern Europe and Asia. 2. For a succinct introduction to these theories of cultural transmission between India and Southeast Asia, see Mabbett 1977. 3. Several of these ideas were discussed by me in a talk given on April 3, 2013, at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi, titled, “India and Southeast Asia: The iconography of early cultural interactions.” See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=82oDJGop5f4. 4. Some of the most significant writings on this subject include Hall (1982, 2011 and 2019); Glover (1989); Ray (1994 and 2003); Manguin (1996 and 2011); Sen (2003, 2014 and 2015); Chakravarti (2019 and 2020); Mukherjee (2011 and 2022); and Ghosh (2019). 5. For further details on the formal logic and historical backdrop of these and other temples of the Gupta period in India, see EITA II. 1: passim. 6. At the easternmost extent of mainland Southeast Asia, for example, a 5th-century inscription from ancient Campā (C.72) at the site of present-day Mỹ Sơn in Vietnam speaks of a [wooden] temple dedicated to Śiva as Bhadreśvara, which was consumed by fire. For the text and translation of this inscription, see Études épigraphiques sur le pays Cham [EEPC]: pp. 3–7. 7. For useful insights into brick-building technology in ancient Campā, see Hardy et al. (2009: 1–13, 260–311). In Dhar (2016), the present

author explores the precise nature of architectural transmission and the localization of architectural knowledge in early Campā (Vietnam) between the 7th and 9th centuries CE.

CHAPTER 2 MAPPING CONNECTIONS : EARLY TRADE AND CULTURAL CONTACTS BETWEEN INDIA AND SOUTHEAST ASIA Suchandra Ghosh

INTRODUCTION The close connection between the regions of India and Southeast Asia unlocks avenues for economic and cultural integration, which can be regarded as a transnational process of the present times as it helps to shift our gaze from the individual study of regions to a “connected histories” perspective (Subrahmanyam 1997, 735–762). Thus, the participation of societies across the two sides of the Bay of Bengal can be envisaged. This process works perfectly when we have intersections of local, regional, inter-regional and long-distance networks. Contacts were based on the movement across land and sea, of objects, people, and knowledge systems. With the Bay of Bengal holding the center stage between the two regions, the maritime route gained primacy in this particular context. The Bay of Bengal network encapsulated the Myanmarese, Cambodian, and Thai mainland polities, and the different kingdoms on the upper Malay Peninsula, and the northern and western coasts of Sumatra along with India’s eastern seaboard, and Sri Lanka. Trade, along with religion, acted as one of the conduits that facilitated civilizational dialogue across the Bay. The symbiotic relationship between Buddhism and trade was aptly foregrounded by H.P. Ray in 1994 (Ray 1994). Tansen Sen has also recently talked about complementary, interconnected, and sometimes competitive roles of the overland and maritime routes in Buddhist interactions across Asia (Sen 2014, 41). Factors such as wind patterns, navigational knowledge, and port facilities determined the trading networks as well as movement of monks, merchants, and other people. Faxian’s journey from the Ganges delta to Sri Lanka (415 CE) in a mercantile ship during winter was facilitated by a northerly wind. This shows that the high sea voyage was regulated by the northeast monsoon wind (Legge, 1886). The favorable monsoonal winds integrated Southeast Asia into the economic and cultural network of the Bay of Bengal. The Jataka stories narrate tales of travels in a ship laden with merchandise heading towards Suvannabhumi (Suvarṇabhūmi) in search of wealth. These representations bring home two facts: first, that Suvarṇabhūmi was visualized as a place to venture for quick money in Indian texts;

and second, that the Indians were not averse to taking high sea voyages even at the cost of being ostracized by the society following the dictums of Brahmanical texts like the Dharmaśāstras. In fact, the numerous ports in the eastern and western seaboard indicate brisk commercial activities and mobility across the Indian Ocean (Chakravarti 2019, 191–226). Through a few apparently disparate examples, I will try to attempt a mapping of a few routes which were instrumental in the transfer/transmission of ideas, technology, rituals, art forms, writing, etc. The theme of mapping connections would be approached largely from the point of view of select objects and commodities.

TRAVELING OBJECTS We begin with the clay molded tablets which were one of the agencies of the circulation of Buddhist rituals (Chirapravati 2000; Ghosh 2014; Revire 2014; Skilling 2011). This ritual practice was clearly linked to the concept of merit. They can easily be given the epithet of “voyaging objects” as they traveled across Asia. Itinerant merchants, missionaries, pilgrims, and others carried these items from one region to another. Certain images were widely diffused transregionally across Asia through the export of molds. Local molds were also created. It is especially these molds and the images they produced which substantiate the long-distance diffusion of iconography with its attendant ritual or liturgical practices. Specimens of such tablets could have been used as models for further replication or innovation in their own locality—a major case in point being the replication of the Bodhgaya temple in tablets found from Myanmar. John Guy has brought to our notice the importance of the Mahabodhi Temple as pilgrim souvenirs of practitioners of Buddhism, whereby the benefits of pilgrimage could be enjoyed and shared by those unable to make the journey in person (Guy 1991, 356–367). A close study of the clay molded tablets suggests that in most cases, the origin of the iconography of the images depicted on the tablets was either related to Bodhgaya or Nalanda. Technology of manufacture and design were also contributing factors. The fact that Buddha is seated underneath a structure associated with the site of his enlightenment links the image with that important event in Buddha’s life. Replication of the shikhara of the Mahabodhi Temple in the Myanmarese tablets is natural considering the link Myanmar had with Bodhgaya ( Figure 2.1).

Figure 2.1 Replication of the Sikhara of the Buddha in Bhūmisparśa. Found in Bagan, Central Myanmar; c. 12th Century CE. Source: Courtesy Victoria and Albert Museum. IS. 658.1883. Photo—Author.

With regards to the manufacturing technique, the interaction is evident in the case of a few tablets, which are currently housed in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London. We may cite one example, dating to the 11th century CE found from the Kyauk Gu Cave Temple at Bagan in the middle of Irrawaddy. The tablet is stamped with a deeply sunk low

relief impression from a mold, as is the case at Bodhgaya. It shows Buddha in bhūmisparśa mudrā seated beneath a trefoil arch surmounted by a parasol, from which issue slender leafy branches. Numerous similar smaller Buddhas or portions of Buddhas are repeated in five rows ( Figure 2.2).

Figure 2.2  Buddha in Bhumisparśa Mudrā Seated beneath a Trefoil Arch Surmounted by an Umbrella from Which Issue Slender Leafy Branches, from Bagan, Central Myanmar; c.11th Century CE. Source: Courtesy Victoria & Albert Museum. IM 364. 1914. Photo—Author.

Thus, the manufacturing technique was adopted from Bodhgaya. Normally, such deeply sunk low relief tablets are not found in other parts of South and Southeast Asia. In the case of the tablets with depictions of the Mahabodhi Temple, the motif of the temple inspired belief and finally led to its adoption into a ritual practice. When pilgrims came to Bodhgaya, they bought these clay tablets, offered them to the sacred memory of the Buddha, and took them back home as mementos, which also signified the completion of the pilgrimage. Here, the patronage showered upon Bodhgaya by the rulers of the Bagan kingdom may also be discussed. The reign of King Kyanzittha (1084–1112 CE) witnessed the first Burmese mission to the Bodhi tree and temple in Bodhgaya. From the Burmese inscriptions, we learn that there were three such missions during the Bagan period with the purpose of repairing the Mahabodhi Temple. The last mission took place from 1296 to 1298 CE, while the second cannot be dated (Frasch 1998, 69–92). Though overland travel was possible between Bagan and Bodhgaya, it appears that the maritime route was more preferred, as it was used by the ruler of Bagan for sending materials to Bodhgaya. An inscription found at Shwesandaw Pagoda at Prome, dating from approximately 1100 CE reads, in part:

King Kyanzittha got together jewels of diverse kind and sent them in a ship with intent to build up the holy temple of the glorious Vajrasana.... The great temple built by King Dhammasoka, which had fallen into utter ruin, His Majesty proceeded to build a new, making it finer than even before.

In an attempt to map the route of this shipment by Kyanzittha, it appears that the goods had to be brought to a port in lower Myanmar from Bagan. Though the name of the port is not known, the logical assumption would be Martaban, which was an important port and also famous for the production of a special kind of pot mostly used in high

sea voyages for carrying condiments1 ( Figure 2.3). Kathāsaritsāgara (11th century CE) locates it within Suvarn̟advīpa and calls it Kalassapura, “city of pots.” P. Pelliot and G.H. Luce have also identified Martaban with Kalasapura (Gutman 2001,108–118; Luce 1969–1970 1, 20, n. 58).

Figure 2.3  Example of Martaban Jar. Zaykabar Museum, Yangon, Period Uncertain. Source: Rajat Sanyal.

Martaban developed as an important port in southern Myanmar and the nature of the ceramics produced in the area gave the Martaban jar its name. It also finds a place in Ibn Majid’s (15th century) description of ports in Southeast Asia like Bassein and Syriam (Gulf of Martaban, Ghubbat Asiyah) (Tibbetts 1981, 478). This indicates the importance

of this port. From the port of Martaban, the ship perhaps proceeded northward and reached the famous port of Samandar (in present day Chittagong), mentioned by the Arab geographers and merchants. From there, the cargo had to be carried through a land route to the subregion of Pun̟d̟ravardhana (north Bengal) via Samatat̟a (present Kumilla, Bangladesh) which was linked to both Nalanda and Bodhgaya. That Kalaśapura (Martaban) and Harikela (Chittagong), were linked is corroborated by an 8th-century text Mañjuśrimūlakalpa where three verses pronounce this connection (Ghosh 2019, 281– 296). One of these verses also mentions the worship of the goddess Tāra in Harikela (Chittagong) Karmaraṅga (Arakan), Kāmarūpa (present Assam), and [the city] called Kalaśa (Martaban) (sidhyate ca tadā tārā yakṣarāṭ caiva mahābalaḥ/harikele karmaraṅge ca kāmarūpe kalaśāhvaye // Mmk_53.833 //) (Vaidya 1964, 508). The linkage of these regions is visible in this verse (Griffiths 2015, 281– 340).

Map 2.1  The Sea Trade Route through Samandar. Source: Suchandra Ghosh.

Disclaimer: This figure is not to scale. It does not represent any authentic national or international boundaries and is used for illustrative purposes only. This was also the only route through which the Ganga valley could connect to the sea after 8th century CE (Map 2.1). The Dudhpani inscription (8th century CE) is the last epigraphic record which mentions Tamralipta as a port (Kielhorn 1884, 345). Prior to this inscription, the port of Tamralipta was undoubtedly the most active port in the Bengal delta. Friendly relations between the Palas and Śailendras are evident from the content of the Nalanda copper-plate inscription of Devapāladeva. It talks about a grant of five villages by the Pala king Devapāla in his 39th regnal year, at the request of Mahārāja Bālaputradeva, the Śailendra ruler of Suvarṇadvīpa/Yavabhūmi in favor of a monastery built by the latter at Nalanda (Majumdar 1926, 17–31). The Śailendra dynasty was based in central Java. This inscription can be dated to the 9th century. The income from the five villages was to provide for the various needs of the bhikṣ us living there, for the writing of the dharmaratnas and the maintenance of the monastery. Upinder Singh states that the grant fits in with the strong Buddhist element in the personal religious orientation and the patronage policy of the Palas and the Śailendras (Singh 2014, 47). The gift is described as the dharmmādhikāra (pious meritorious act) and kīrti (fame). Merit was naturally the main contention of both the rulers. It is perhaps the earliest endowment of a Southeast Asian ruler in South Asia. Nalanda’s relationship with the places of Peninsular Thailand manifests itself through art historical material, mostly clay molded tablets. The representation of Avalokiteśvara with twelve arms can be

seen on a tablet recovered from Wat Han, Trang province. This is an unusual motif which was probably first depicted in the Pala period. Debala Mitra published a twelve-armed image of Avalokiteśvara from Nalanda dated around 700–725 CE. Only two attributes are recognizable on the tablet in question: a vase carried in the lower left hand and a lotus in the upper left hand. Two figures accompany Avalokiteśvara. This tablet has been dated to the 9th–10th centuries ( Figure 2.4; Chirapravati 1997, 35). Sites of Perlis cave, Gua Kurong Batang, Malay Peninsula, have given us similar twelve-armed Avalokiteśvaras which are datable to more or less the same period. Close contact between Nalanda and the Thai-Malay peninsula could be visualized through these unusual iconographic borrowings (Ghosh 2017, 35–51). Nalanda seems to have exerted much influence in the case of Peninsular Thailand. A study of the tablets from the Peninsula reveals that the iconography of the seated Buddha in the Bodhi temple has not been much represented. This perhaps relates to the proximity of the Peninsula to Śrivijaya and in turn its relation to Nalanda. As indicated earlier, movement from Nalanda was through the port of Samandar in the Chittagong region of Southeastern Bangladesh. In this case, the political relation played a significant role in the dissemination of artistic trends. The belief that Avalokiteśvara was a protector from water-related dangers might be owing to the proliferation of clay tablets with his images in the regions of our discussion from around 7th century CE to 13th century CE ( Figure 2.5). Apart from their ritualistic use, the above-mentioned perception perhaps led the merchants on sea voyages to use these clay tablets as amulets. Though there is no textual basis for this statement, history has shown that society at times introduced new ideas even if the texts did not say so. Along with simple praying or uttering the name it was perhaps necessary to carry images of Avalokiteśvara as amulets to ward off danger (Ghosh 2020, 125–133).

Figure 2.4  Twelve-Armed Avalokiteśvara from Trang, Peninsular Thailand, c. 9th–10th Centuries CE. Source: Pattaratorn Chirapravati.

Figure 2.5  Four-Armed Avalokiteśvaras, Wat Harm, near the Trang River, North of Kovantami, Peninsular Thailand, C.11th Century CE. Source: Courtesy Victoria and Albert Museum. IM.6-1914.

The Upper Malay Isthmus was likely to have been used as a connecting link between Southeast Bengal and Peninsular Thailand. For the iconography and style of the bronze objects and representations in the clay tablets recovered in Peninsular Thailand, scholars have normally looked for Pala influence. It is proposed herein that we need to refocus attention on interactions taking place in southeastern Bengal.

DIFFUSION OF INDIC SCRIPTS Attention may also be drawn towards the various spheres of contact of which script and language form a significant area where a visible manifestation of cultural interaction can be observed. From the 4th century onward, inscriptions written in Sanskrit began to appear in increasing frequency in the places now known as Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam, Indonesia, and Malaysia. The inscriptions are generally written in Pallava Grantha. The presence of this script points towards the association of southern India with Southeast Asia. The distinguishing feature marking the southern alphabets from the northern one is the little hook attached to the foot of the long verticals. These hooks were sometimes prolonged. Apart from Southern India, Eastern India also contributed to the dissemination of scripts and thus the eastern Indian variety of Brāhmī was also used in inscriptions. We also have the box-headed type found in regions of Central India and Karnataka. It is interesting to note that a study of the paleographic features of early inscriptions from the regions of Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam reveals that the script of the inscriptions dated to the 5th–7th centuries have greater likeness to the contemporary Karnataka script (Nagaraju 1984, 67–80). D.C. Sircar had also suggested that in the introduction of the art of writing, the Kadambas of Vanavāsi and the Chalukyas of Badami must have played a very important role (Sircar 1969, 286). Why do we find the influence of a region from the west coast rather than from a more plausible east coast? It may be suggested that if trade was one of the agencies of transformation of ideas and other things, it must have been the traders from Karnataka who played a dominant role. References to the merchant guilds called the 500 svāmīs of Ayyavol̟e from Aihole area of Karnataka are present, who were later active in Tamil Nadu and had also operated in Southeast Asia. The box-headed variety of Karnataka must have reached Southeast Asian regions through them. Gradually the southern variety of Brāhmī made its impact on the already existing western variety. Therefore, the transculturation process during the 5th to around the 7th centuries

happened from the west central coast of India. The Siddhamatrikā scripts used in the Śailendra records of Java were also used in other places of Southeast Asia, but they were severely limited in point of time and space. This script has been used in the clay molded tablets of Sri Lanka and Myanmar, in Cambodian inscriptions of the time of King Yaśovarman as well as on the golden disc and inscribed stone in the relic chamber of Muara Takus (Sumatra) and in Bali. According to H.B. Sarkar, “it is evident that the scripts of these pre-Nagari inscriptions sharply differ from those of earlier and later times and inevitably draw us to eastern India, whatever be the reason” (Sarkar 1985, 168–179). Interestingly, even the peculiarities of paleography have been faithfully reflected in the corresponding inscriptions of Java. At Jambi, in northwest Palembang, the Buddhist creed is written in proto-Gauḍiya characters of about the 9th century CE. Even the spelling is influenced by northeastern pronunciation as in “je dharma” for “ye dharma.” This points to an intimate nature of contact between the Pala monarchs of Bengal and Bihar and the Śailendra rulers of Java as mentioned above.

MAPPING THROUGH COMMODITY CIRCULATION This section draws attention to a less discussed aromatic tree product called aloes wood and tin as an essential metal for casting bronze objects which were significant trading goods. Aloes wood, also known as agaru/gharu wood and eagle wood, was one of the most famous of the forest products and played an important role in the economy of the region where it grew. It was a prized item as it was used in the manufacture of perfume and medicine and also as incense burnt during religious and courtly ceremonies. Agaru is a common aromatic in Buddhist, Brahmanical, and Islamic rituals. Its medicinal value and usage as incense is well recorded. It was an important forest product which circulated across Southeast Asia and reached China. Zhaorugua in his Zhu Fan Zhi2 mentions the minute details regarding this product (Hirth and Rockhill 1912). Zhao speaks of the gharu woods imported from countries of Southeast Asia and he gives an interesting classification of the best gharu wood based on the quality of the product. According to him, the best gharu wood came from Cambodia. However, Zhao refers to the black aloes wood in one of these notices and maintains that it was costlier, though the origin of the product is not mentioned. I would like to suggest that this could be the aloes wood produced in ancient Kāmarūpa, present-day Assam, in India. It may be mentioned here that contemporary Arab sources refer to the aloes wood of Qamarun or Kāmarūpa and rate it second to the wood of Multan. Abu’l-Fida mentions the mountains of Qamarun as the place where aloes grow. Abu Dulaf Misa’r Ibn Muhalhil Yanbu’i in 331/943 CE made his land journey through Turkistan to China. He mentions the town of Qamarun on his voyage back to India (Reinaud 1994, 262–265). According to him, this place produced aloes wood known as Qmari. Description of forests abounding with black aloes tree in Kāmarūpa also finds mention in an inscription of a Chandra ruler of southeastern Bengal. The Paschimbhag copperplate record that Srichandra’s forces, in the course of their conquest of the Kāmarūpa country, entered the woodlands near the Lohitya, that is,

the Brahmaputra, where among other things, they saw numerous black aloe trees which made the woodland dark (kāl-aguru-śyāmalaḥ) (Sircar 1967–1968, 289–304). In Al Idrisi’s (1162 CE) opinion, perhaps the river Brahmaputra was used for transporting the aloes wood from Kamarupa to the port of Samandar (Chakravarti 2002, 165–167). From Samandar, it was shipped to China, traversing through ports of Southeast Asia. The Arabic work, Al-Masalik wa’l Mamalik (Reinaud 1994, 262–265) records the trade between the kingdom of Kāmarūpa and southwestern China through Myanmar. The importance of the port of Samandar has been discussed in the context of other networks. So, it may be postulated that the black aloes mentioned by Zhao could also be a product of northeast India. The long circuitous route naturally added to the price of the product. It was in great demand as a ritual item and its fragrance was much appreciated throughout the world right from Persia to China, at Rome, and later at the Abbasid court at Damascus (Mukherjee 2011, 27). The aloes wood network perhaps operated within the larger horse and silk networks.

Map 2.2  Isthmus of Kra and Associated Areas. Source: Author.

Disclaimer: This figure is not to scale. It does not represent any authentic national or international boundaries and is used for illustrative purposes only. Tin was an important metal in the Thai-Malay Peninsula and southern Myanmar. The presence of tin in the region was extremely significant for production of bronze images in southeastern Bengal from about

the 8th century CE. A question can be raised about the source of tin for southeastern Bengal. The answer probably lies within the connection of southeastern Bengal with the Thai-Malay isthmian tract. Nakhon Si Thammarat on the east coast and Ranong on the west coast were famous for their tin deposits. The indigenous products of Tambralinga include high quality tin among others. This is supported by a later text of the 14th century, Wang Ta-yuan’s Tao-I Chih-lioh (Munro Hay 2002, 235). Situated in a strategic location between oceans, the isthmian tract acted as a point of convergence for traders from both directions (Map 2.2). The river routes like the Mae Nam Trang offered relatively easy access to the central and west coast parts of the Peninsula. There were other routes from Takuapa to Chaiya, and from Kedah across to Songkhla and another from Trang that split into three different branches leading to Phatthalung, Nakhon Si Thammarat, and Bandon on the Gulf of Siam. A very important site here is Khao Sam Kaeo, located in the upper part of the Peninsula which marks the presence of South Asian groups as early as the 4th century BCE. The excavation by Berenice Bellina and her team foregrounded the importance of the movement of artisans from India, in addition to the well-documented presence of traders in regions of Southeast Asia (Bellina 2017). Craftsmen implemented traditional Indian techniques and by using the local tin and imported copper, high tin bronze ingots were made along with other products. Later, this imported tin was used for making bronze images in Buddhist centers like Chittagong. There is no doubt that highly competent sculpture workshops existed around the isthmus. There could have been migration or movement of sculptors, adept in the making of miniature as well as large metal sculptures from the Harikela (Chittagong) region around 7th/8th century CE as this is the beginning of profusion of metal sculptures in southeastern Bengal which culminated in the beautiful bronzes ( Figure 2.6).

MANTAI (SRI LANKA) AND THE SOUTHEASTERN SEABOARD OF INDIA Due to its strategic location, Sri Lanka occupied almost a central position in the Indian Ocean. One of the earliest shipwreck sites, Godavaya, lies in the southernmost part of Sri Lanka. It was a port which was rooted to traditions and cultures of the Buddhist world. Deep connections between the eastern seaboard and Sri Lanka in the early historic period was highlighted by Osmund Bopearachchi (Bopearachchi 2015, 225–243.) Among the various ports of Sri Lanka, Mantai stood the test of time and emerged as a significant port for a long time in the Bay of Bengal. Anuradhapura is linked to Mantai and is located close to the Aruvi Ari River. In fact, the river linked the two places. Close connection with India, the southeastern seaboard in particular, played a decisive role in the growth of Mantai (Mahātittha). Faxian’s account tells us that he boarded a merchant ship from Mantai for China in the 5th century CE. Mantai also probably acted as a halting abode for people who were proceeding to Java from the eastern coast of India. We know about Gunavarman, a Kashmiri monk, who halted in Mantai before proceeding to Java. Red Polished Ware and other archaeological findings indicate the Sassanian connection to Mantai. The Pali text Sahassavathupakarana of the 7th century CE described the grandeur of the house of a merchant Nandi, an inhabitant of the port of Mahātittha. The wealth gained was the result of their participation in long distance trade. The text also mentions Vanija Kumāra (merchant prince). The suffix Kumāra indicates an elevated social position given to some of the merchants. The period following the 7th century saw the presence of the Arab merchants in the Bay of Bengal and China as well. Mantai continued to be an important port of call (Carswell, Deraniyagala, and Graham 2013, 40–52). The textual evidence concurs with the archaeological evidence which suggest the prime position of the port of Mantai. The presence of Chinese, West Asian, and Indian ceramics at Mantai dating to the 8th, 9th, and 10th centuries imply the continued presence of merchants traversing the port. Sri Lanka seems to have furnished

the Chinese markets with ivory gems and cotton. A verse written by Suntaramurti Nayanar, perhaps of the 9th century CE, praises Shiva, the deity at Tirukketisvaram, describes the coast of Matota (Mantai) as a place where many ships frequented and abounded in pearls (ibid., 49). We have inscriptional evidence of 1090 CE from Visakhapatnam where it is recorded that a merchant Asavu from Mantai visited the port of Vishakhapatnam (Chakravarti 1995, 52–77).

CONCLUDING REMARKS I have presented in the foregoing paragraphs, certain cases of interactions between regions of South and Southeast Asia. Cultural artefacts related to religious belief systems formed a significant aspect of cross-cultural exchanges. Language and script could also be factored in as a lens for viewing social nearness between two sides of the Bay. These cases also underscore the fact that interaction happened at various levels. Communication at the level of royalty was seen when the Śrivijayan ruler contacted the Pala ruler. There is a possibility that this opened other avenues of exchange between the two kingdoms which facilitated movement. At another level, it was the Buddhist network that was active and the molded clay tablets traveled to regions of Southeast Asia and retained their exact form or attained a kind of mutation on the way. When Kyanzittha sent missions and goods to rejuvenate Bodhgaya, it was the Buddhist network at play. The merchants on the other hand were important players, and networks of trade were established among various polities, and wideranging commodities traveled across this network of which I mentioned only two. The case of Asavu adds to the narrative of the circulation of merchants from Mantai across the sea and land to various ports of India. In the case of artistic circulation, it is possible to see the multiple modes and levels of interaction from the case studies. Finally, through this essay, I tried to argue in a pronounced manner that connectivity between the regions of maritime Southeast Asia with present Bengal and Bihar post 8th century CE was possible only through the port of Samandar in present Chittagong and this deserves the attention of scholars. There was a unity of land route and sea route in this case. The sea routes did play an important role in shaping up inter-Asian connectivity.

Figure 2.6  Padmapani, Bronze, C. 9th Century CE., Mainamati, Comilla. Source: Courtesy Department of Archaeology. Photo—Author.

NOTES 1. It is interesting to note that the place name Martaban where the pots were made finally came to denote the pots themselves. Thus, in 1350 CE, Ibn Battuta mentioned that a princess of Kaylukari (in Southeast Asia, not identified) gave him four “Martabans or huge jars, filled with ginger, pepper, lemons and mangoes, all of them salted, prepared for sea voyages” (Gibbs 1997, 280). This is narrated in the section where Ibn Battuta describes his travels from India to Sumatra and Java. 2. The Zhu Fan zhi of Zhao Ru-gua written in 1225/26 CE is an extremely important document for the history of maritime trade. Zhao Ru-gua, a customs official, looks at the maritime scenario from the perspective of Song China. The Song Government perceived the sea as an active space of activity, both for its exports and imports.

II MONUMENTS AND MOBILITY: TRANSREGIONAL PERSPECTIVES

CHAPTER 3 THE CHAM ORIGINAL ADAPTATION OF INDIAN TEMPLE ART AND ARCHITECTURE : A VIEW FROM THE MỸ SƠN SANCTUARY, VIETNAM Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh The main criteria for UNESCO to list the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary as a World Cultural Heritage Site in December 1999 were:

Criterion (ii): The Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary is an exceptional example of cultural interchange, with the introduction of the Hindu architecture of the Indian sub-continent into SouthEast Asia; Criterion (iii): The Campā kingdom(s) was an important phenomenon in the political and cultural history of South-East Asia, vividly illustrated by the ruins of Mỹ Sơn. (UNESCO 1999)

This also confirms the cultural interaction between India and Campā as well as the other ancient polities of Southeast Asia during the premodern times. The Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary was rediscovered by French colonial soldiers in 1885. Ten years later, Camille Paris cleared the site of the jungle. The site was later studied by Louis Finot and Lunet de Lajonquière when some stone inscriptions were found during 1896–1999. During 1901–1902, Henri Parmentier had researched the art and architecture, and also carried out archaeological excavations at the site together

with Charles Carpeaux during 1903–1904 (Art Absolument 2005, 28– 33; Baptiste 2009, 14–25) (Figure 3.1).

Figure 3.1  Site Plan. Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary. Source: Drawn by Henri Parmentier (1909).

Currently, the site belongs to Mỹ Sơn village, Duy Phú commune, Duy Xuyên district, Quảng Nam province in central Vietnam, at N15°31’ and E108°34’, approximately 70 kilometers southwest of Đà Nẵng city, and some 40 kilometers west of the ancient town of Hội An. This place was once the holy land of the ancient Campā kingdom(s) (Mai 2022, 289–290; Po Dharma 1997, 39–55). The temple towers of Mỹ Sơn are located in a narrow valley, about 2 kilometers in diameter, surrounded by a high mountain range, creating a mysterious aura for the valley. A stream originates from the holy Mahāparvata mountain in the south, crossing the valley to join the holy Mahānadī river in the north, also known as the Thu Bồn river, as mentioned in the Bhadravarman’s inscription. The inscription states, “[t]he land within (the boundaries viz.) Suhala mountain in the east; the great mountain [Mahāparvata] in the south; the Kucaka mountain in the west and the great river [Mahānadī] in the north, together with its inhabitants, has been given […]” (Golzio 2004, 2–4 [C.72; C.147]; Majumdar 1927, III: 4–8). Thanks to its particular physical location combined with its specific artifacts, the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary has become unique among the sacred sites in Southeast Asia (Figures 3.2 and 3.3).

Figure 3.2  The Holy River Mahānadī or Thu Bồn River and the Holy Mountain Mahāparvata, or Hòn Đền (in the Middle), Thu Bồn Valley. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

THE ICONOGRAPHIC FEATURES OF THE SANCTUARY The earliest inscription of the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary belongs to king Bhadravarman, who ruled in c. 380–413 CE, and was called Phạm Hồ Đạt in Vietnamese or Fan Hu-Da (笵胡達) in Chinese historical records (Đào 1957, 128; Higham 1989, 300). The inscription mentioned that the king erected a temple dedicated to god Bhadreśvara (Shiva) and affirmed the land that was chosen to build the royal sanctuary as well as highlighted the ancient Cham beliefs, especially with regard to mountains being abodes of the gods. This manifested in the deification of the holy mountain named Mahāparvata, or Great Mountain, which can still be found today to the south of the valley. Nowadays, the local people call it Mount Răng Mèo (Cat Tooth Mountain) or Mount Hòn Đền (Temple Mountain). Besides, the first inscription of Mỹ Sơn also highlights the earliest cult of Campā worshipping the Hindu gods such as Śiva-Maheśvara and Umā, then Brahmā and Viṣṇu, as well as the reverence of the earth, wind, sky, water, and fire that became the royal cult of Campā dynasties (Golzio 2004, 4; Majumdar 1927, III: 6–7).

Figure 3.3  The Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Base of Mountain Mahāparvata, Quang Nam. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

The very first temple erected under the reign of Bhadravarman1 was made of wood, to enshrine the Bhadreśvara-liṅga.2 Originally, the cult of Bhadreśvara represented the most powerful manifestation of God Shiva; he was worshipped in temples along the east coast of India, dating back to the early centuries CE, and spread to Southeast Asia contemporarily (Sahai 2009, 81–82). Archaeological evidence indicates that the first temple of Mỹ Sơn was built with a simple ground plan with wooden pillars supporting a roof made with light-weight material. So far as we know from the inscriptions found in other religious architectural sites in Southeast Asia, the first Mỹ Sơn temple of Bhadravarman has been considered by historians as the oldestknown Hindu temple to worship a royal liṅga, built in the region around the late 4th or early 5th century CE (Cœdès 1966, 64–65, 1968, 48–

49). It no longer survives but several other liṅgas have been recovered from the site (Figure 3.4).

Figure 3.4  Bhadreśvara-liṅga in Sandstone. Kalan of Mỹ Sơn B1. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

In 1985, archaeologists found a sarcophagus of rectangular shape made from several pieces of sandstone, during the restoration works at Mỹ Sơn B-C-D groups. It contained broken fragments of pottery and coal ash from a cremation. The sarcophagus was laid inside a low wall between the B6 and C3 towers. This is believed to be the burial tomb of a king who ruled in the 10th century, testifying to the fact that Mỹ Sơn was both the sanctuary for worshipping god Bhadreśvara—the tutelary of the kings and royal ancestors—and the burial ground for the memorial shrines of the Cham kings (Trần 2008, 35–36). The Mỹ Sơn B-C-D groups represent the specific iconographical features of the holy place, which is the most remarkable temple complex on the site. The remaining works of this group were probably installed from the early 12th century onward in the following order: the main temple or kalan3 (in the Chăm language) B1, gate tower or gopura B2, ceremonial long hall or maṇḍapa D1, secondary temples of B3 and B4 perhaps dedicated to Gaṇeśa and Skanda, the two sons of Shiva, and the tower of B5, the repository for offering or koṣagṛha (so-called “fire tower,” or “bimong apeu” by the Chăm people). Its main door faces north in the direction of Kubera, the god of good fortune, and the tower itself symbolizes the treasury and prosperity of the realm. It can also be the place to continue lighting the sacred fire (Agni) while performing the ritual in kalan B1 (Figures 3.5–3.10).

Figure 3.5  The Courtyard of B-C-D Temple Towers. East View. Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, Quang Nam, 10th Century. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Figure 3.6  Kalan Mỹ Sơn B3. Brick, 10th Century. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Figure 3.7  Deva (?) Carved in the Brick Inner Pilaster Wall, Mỹ Sơn B3 Temple, 10th Century. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Figure 3.8  The Vermiculated Pattern Motif, Carved on Brick. Mỹ Sơn B4 Temple. Late 9th to Early 10th Centuries. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Figure 3.9  The koṣagṛha or the So-Called “Fire Tower.” Mỹ Sơn Temple B5, 10th Century.

Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Figure 3.10  Ground Plan and Section of B-C-D Temple Groups. Mỹ Sơn B5, 10th Century.

Source: Drawn by Shigeeda Yutaka (Trâǹ and Shigeeda 2005).

There is another temple marked as tower B6 built opposite the “fire tower” B5. Inside tower B6, an oval hollow basin made of sandstone with a lotus-shaped design has been found. It was used to store sacred water used by the royal family for the ritual of purgatory in kalan B1. This sacred water basin is unique among all the Cham archaeological sites (Trần 2009, 164–170). It can be assumed that group B once worshipped both Shiva and Vishnu. These assumptions are drawn from the findings that include a tympanum carving an image of Gajalakshmi on the west window of B5 and a brick Garuda figure sculpted on the roof of B6, along with other sacred images found in group B (Parmentier 1909, 363–382) (Figure 3.11).

Figure 3.11  Window Tympanum Decorated with Two Elephants and a Mango Tree Representing the Goddess Gajalakshmi. Mỹ

Sơn Temple B5. 10th Century. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

In the Mỹ Sơn B group, the gods of seven planets or nine planets, that is, saptagraha or navagraha, were worshipped in the seven shrines of B7–B13, that include Sūrya, the Sun god, riding on a horse; Candra, the Moon god, seated on a lotus throne; Maṅgala, Mars, riding on a rhinoceros; Budha, Mercury, on the back of a goose; Bṛhaspati, Jupiter, riding on an elephant; Śukra, Venus, riding on a bull; and Śani, Saturn, riding on a buffalo4 (Baptiste and Zéphir 2005, 275–281, cats. 64, 71; Trần 2008, 43–45) (Figure 3.12). The best example to compare with the image of saptagraha in Mỹ Sơn is the 10th-century sandstone frieze of the nine planetary deities or navagrahas, found at Trà Kiệu, which is now on display in the History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City (Kapoor 2022, cat. 47b).

Figure 3.12  The Small Temple of Mỹ Sơn B7, Worshipping Surya, that is, Sun, of Saptagrahas, 11th and 12th Centuries. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

The remaining construction of kalan Mỹ Sơn B1 reveals that it was once the largest temple of the sanctuary, distinguished by its huge sandstone, which was probably reconstructed in a later period between the 11th and 13th centuries. It is considered the central temple because of its remnants of inscriptions and architectural ornaments dating from the late 4th to the 13th centuries, and by its large-scale ground plan located in the middle of the site. Kalan Mỹ Sơn B1 enshrines a Bhadreśvara-liṅga in the sanctum, wherein a large pedestal of the yoni-liṅga rests on a water chute to drain the sacred water of the ritual. Much of the temple architecture of the Mỹ Sơn B group was built and restored continuously from the 7th to the 13th centuries (Trần, Oyama, and Toshihiko 2005, 22; Trần and Shigeeda 2005, 4–9). The comparison indicates that the Mỹ Sơn C group is simpler despite having the same planning as the Mỹ Sơn B group. It includes kalan C1, gopura C2, maṇḍapa D2, koṣagṛha C3, and so on, in which kalan C1 is a reconstruction that reuses several previous architectural fragments (Stern 1942, 87) (Figure 3.13).

Figure 3.13  Mỹ Sơn Temple C1, 11th Century. Quang Nam. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Kalan Mỹ Sơn C1 enshrines an anthropomorphic Shiva. It is a threedimensional sandstone statue erected on a large square yoni pedestal (Trần, Oyama, and Toshihiko 2005, 16). This masterpiece stands out among the Cham sculptures. The 194 cm high icon would be ornamented with a set of gold jewelry when performing the ritual,

which is confirmed by the archaeological findings discovered at the nearby temple of Mỹ Sơn C7 in 1903 (Baptiste 2009, 21; Boisselier 1963, 138–139). Shiva has a thick joined eyebrow, two big eyes with round pupils, a straight nose, and thick lips with a charming mustache. His hair is styled in a jaṭāmukuṭa shaped like a rice flower pattern. He wears a rare knee-length sampot, which has an elaborate belt on the right side; all his physical features are typical of the Cham sculpture popular during the late 8th to the early 9th centuries (Trần 1988, 32– 33). By comparing the distinctive iconographic features of the two kalans of Mỹ Sơn B1 and Mỹ Sơn C1, it can be argued that the installation of these temples reflected a double cult of Shiva in which he is represented by both his liṅga and his anthropomorphic statue. This phenomenon might be interpreted to suggest that the Cham kings emphasized their absolute belief in the almighty God of Shaivism—the tutelary god of their dynasties—by representing him as both a cosmological symbol of Shivalinga as well as an anthropomorphic icon. Furthermore, in this context, it might also be suggested that while the Shivalinga icon represented God Shiva himself; the anthropomorphic Shiva represented the deified Cham king as God Shiva posthumously.5 One can also find similar phenomena of two types of Shivas among the other Mỹ Sơn temples in group A’ and group E. The Mỹ Sơn A’ group includes several temple towers built in the early art period during the 8th and 9th centuries in which the Mỹ Sơn A’1 temple is dedicated to the Shivaliṅga, whereas the Mỹ Sơn A’4 temple is dedicated to Shiva’s anthropomorphic icon. The liṅga had been removed from the Mỹ Sơn A’1 temple; however, the anthropomorphic statue of Shiva was found at the Mỹ Sơn A’4 temple. This standing sandstone Shiva was erected on a high square yoni pedestal in which the god’s costume and face can be compared with the features of the Shiva of Mỹ Sơn C1. Technically, the sculpture of Shiva at Mỹ Sơn A’4 is more sophisticated than the one at Mỹ Sơn C1, although both could have been made in the same art period (Baptiste and Zéphir 2005, 192–196, cats. 9, 10; Boisselier 1963, 54) (Figure 3.14).

In the Mỹ Sơn E group, E1 temple is worshipped for Shiva in the form of the liṅga, whereas the E4 temple is worshipped for Shiva’s anthropomorphic statue. The E1 temple is one of the earliest structures on the site, and its pedestal is a masterpiece of Cham art. Both the temple and the pedestal of Mỹ Sơn E1 were constructed in the first half of the 8th century (Trần 2005, 132–139). The Mỹ Sơn E1 pedestal consists of a yoni-liṅga that was reconstructed by Parmentier at the beginning of the 20th century (Parmentier 1909, pl. CXX)6 (Figure 3.15). The Mỹ Sơn E4 temple is located closely on the northern side of Mỹ Sơn E1 wherein the architectural fragments, such as the large lintel and pediment in sandstone depicting the royal court and the image of a goddess, that is, Devi, reveal the distinctive art features and structural techniques, which proves that the temple itself belongs to the second half of the 11th century (Baptiste and Zéphir 2005, 284–286, cat. 73; Boisselier 1963, 212–213). It was built, probably, under the reign of king Śrī Harivarman, ca. 1081, when, “[h]e has re-established the edifices and the city of Campā during the troublesome days of the war […] and seeing Śrīśanabhadreśvara despoiled of all his possessions at the end of the war, he came to worship the god with a pious heart […]”. This passage is found in the king’s inscription left at Mỹ Sơn (Golzio 2004, 138–142 [C.90]; Majumdar 1927, III, 161–167). The Mỹ Sơn E4 temple enshrined Shiva’s anthropomorphic icon, which is a threedimensional sandstone statue standing atop a high square pedestal of yoni decorated with a row of breasts symbolizing goddess Uroja—the founder of the state (Trần and Shigeeda 2005, 11–13). The costume of Shiva is a long rectangular sampot falling to his ankles, which has a large front part decorated with Z-shaped folds; those are the sculptural features of Cham art styles appearing during the late 11th and the early 12th centuries (Boisselier 1963, 212). Shivalinga and Shiva’s anthropomorphic statues worshipped at the temples of Mỹ Sơn B1–C1, A’1–A’4, and E1–E4 represent the phenomena of the double cult of Shiva having been practiced significantly at the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary from the 8th to 12th/13th centuries. Among all the Cham religious sites, the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary

is unique because of the double cult of Shiva. Except for some images representing the goddess on bas-relief pediments, at Mỹ Sơn, there is no three-dimensional statue of a goddess found in the main temples, suggesting that the Hindu goddesses did not play an important role in this royal sanctuary. The specific iconographic features of the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary reflected the Cham royal cult through the centuries that also made the sanctuary a distinctive site among the Hindu cultural landscapes in Southeast Asia (Trần and Nakamura, 2008). Consequently, the worship of Shiva at Mỹ Sơn, together with the worship of goddess Bhagavati, a consort of Shiva, at the Po Nagar Nha Trang reflects the cult of dual cosmology, that is, male– female/father–mother/mountain–sea/areca clan–coconut clan, and so on, which was practiced at the two royal sanctuaries throughout the Cham dynasties from the 8th to the 13th centuries. Po Nagar Nha Trang is the other royal sanctuary of the southern state of the kingdom and is located approximately 500 kilometers from Mỹ Sơn. The Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary was in the north belonging to the Amaravati state where God Shiva-Bhadreśvara/Father of the Royal/Mountain/Areca was worshipped, and the Po Nagar Nha Trang Sanctuary was in the south belonging to the Kauthara state where goddess Bhagavati-Po Yang Inu Nagar/Mother of the State/Sea/Coconut was worshipped. Geographically, the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary was in a deep valley surrounded by high mountain ranges, whereas the Po Nagar Nha Trang Sanctuary was located on a riverside hill near the estuary. This cosmological dualism, which was rooted in the natural beliefs of the prehistoric Austronesian world, survives to this day in the Chăm ethnic community (Nakamura 2009, 78–106; Trần and Nakamura 2012, 267– 280) (Figure 3.16).

Figure 3.14  Shiva Statue, Mỹ Sơn Temple A’1. Sandstone, 8th Century CE. Mỹ Sơn D1 Gallery. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Figure 3.15  Ekamukhaliṅga. Kalan Mỹ Sơn Temple E1. Sandstone. Early 8th Century. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Figure 3.16  Statue of Bhagavati or Yang Inu Po Nagar. Po Nagar Temple, Nha Trang, Sandstone, 11th Century. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

THE PROCESSING OF ARCHITECTURAL WORKS AT THE SANCTUARY The Mỹ Sơn temple complexes were continuously constructed from the late 4th to 13th centuries CE. Art historians have pointed out that the original installation of the Cham temple complex was probably modeled after the Mahabalipuram/Mamallapuram complex in South India (Parmentier 1948, 60; Stern 1942, 62). In general, the temples in Mỹ Sơn are mostly representative of the Cham religious architecture. The distinctiveness of Mỹ Sơn is revealed through its artistic style, unique decorative motifs, and the improvement and perfection of construction techniques over the centuries. In addition, the ongoing restoration and construction of temples provides information to better understand the process of Cham art in Mỹ Sơn between the 7th and 13th centuries (Trần and Shigeeda 1997, 70–89). The process of the Cham temple architecture can be divided into two main stages based on the structural remains in Mỹ Sơn: The First Stage from the 7th to 9th Centuries: Construction techniques were not yet developed during this stage. The temple towers were small in size with low brick walls, and their roof tiles were supported by four wooden pillars erected at the four corners. The main hall was large and airy where natural light could reach inside. The construction can thus be called an “open-sanctum temple.” The Mỹ Sơn E1 temple is a good example of a temple constructed in the early 8th century (Figure 3.17). The Second Stage from the Late 9th to 13th Centuries: Construction techniques improved and gradually reached perfection in this stage. The temple towers were built higher by the technique of corbel with a pointed roof; the main hall is closed and dark, so it was lit by candles or torches in the interior. The construction can thus be called a “closed-sanctum temple,” for example, the temples of A1, B3, C1, and E4.

As mentioned, the first wooden temple was built at about the end of the 4th century by king Bhadravarman, although it was burnt in about the 6th century CE. The inscription of king Śambhuvarman indicated that “the temple of the God of Gods was burnt by fire” (Golzio 2004, 9 [C.73A]; Majumdar 1927, III: 11). The remains in Mỹ Sơn suggest that the earliest temple of the site made of brick or stone that dates to the 7th century relates to the eight tall sandstone columns left over from a large “open-sanctum temple” called B14. The stone columns were composed of intricately carved double lotus petals at bases and fluted octagonal shafts. These can be seen as the most charming stone columns in Cham arts. These columns are prime examples where one can see the original influences of proto-Indian art on the early Cham arts (Trần 2008, 58–59). In the early 8th century, numerous edifices appeared, the most notable of which is the Mỹ Sơn E1 pedestal, probably related to an inscription dating to 732 CE of king Vikrāntavarman II, who, “[f]urther covered the stone vedī [altar] with silver and gold plates” (Dhar 2016 and 2018a; Golzio 2004, 26; Majumdar 1927, III: 39; Maxwell 2003, 438–439; Trần 2005, 132–139). From the 8th to the beginning of the 9th century, there were several complete temples built on the site on a small scale and all are typical works of Hòa Lai art style (Stern 1942, 82–83). Most of them were completely built of bricks, so they were severely damaged, except for kalans A13, C7, and F1, which are still quite intact (Figure 3.18). The Mỹ Sơn F1 temple may be considered the most important architecture of this art period. There are two architectural stages of the Mỹ Sơn F1 temple, the first stage is of the “open-sanctum temple,” determined by the remains of the large brick base showing that it was once built as a high brick platform without walls, dating back to the mid-8th century. The second stage is probably in the early 9th century. It was made by a higher brick wall that was built to overlap the earlier one (i.e., the brick platform). However, there is still debate on whether the temple was built by the corbel technique in the second stage because the large interior space would have made a heavy brick roof difficult to support7 (Dhar 2016, 39–41; Parmentier 1909, 420–422; Trần and Bùi 2021, 162–171; Trần and Shigeeda 2005, 2018, 57–64).

Figure 3.17  Original Open-Sanctum Temple (janūk). Mỹ Sơn Temple E1, Quang Nam. Source: Reconstructed by Kumagai Company (Trâǹ, Akiko, and Toshihiko 2005).

Figure 3.18  Kalan C7. Mỹ Sơn Temple. It Is One of the Earliest Structures Built by the Corbel Technique at the Beginning of the 8th and 9th Century CE. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Around the mid-9th century, Mahayana esoteric Buddhism gained dominance in the Cham royal court. The Lakṣmīndra-Lokeśvara vihāra was constructed in Đồng Dương, about 30 kilometers southeast of Mỹ Sơn, thus heralding the decline of the important role of the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary (Shigeeda 2001, 100–107). This may explain why only a few temples were built in Mỹ Sơn during this period, among these being kalans A10 and B4 built around 875 CE. At the beginning of the 10th century, the cult of Shiva reasserted its dominance in the Campā kingdom(s). A series of Hindu temple complexes were built or restored during this renaissance. At Mỹ Sơn,

most of the temples, shrines, and ancillary constructions in the A, B, C, and D groups were built or restored at this time. The most remarkable building of Mỹ Sơn A group during the 10th century was kalan Mỹ Sơn A1. This is a masterpiece of Cham architecture, with 28 meters in height (Figures 3.19 and 3.20). Kalan A1 is a unique temple with two doors (facing east and west) and houses a large yoni-liṅga altar. It was surrounded by six secondary temples, which combine with the two entrances of the kalan to worship the gods of eight directions or aṣṭadikpālas. These gods include Indra, god of thunder, guardian of east, on an elephant; Agni, god of fire, protector of southeast, on a rhinoceros; Yama, god of death, guardian of south, on a buffalo; Varuṇa, god of water, defender of west, on a goose; Nirṛti/Nairṛta, god of destruction, tutelary of southwest, on a yakṣa (a demigod); Vāyu, god of wind, protector of northwest, on a horse; Kuvera, god of wealth and good fortune, defender of north, on a castle; and Iśana, the Supreme Being, tutelary of northeast, on a bull (Baptiste and Zéphir 2005, 275–281, cats. 64, 71; Trần 2008, 42). The worship of the gods of eight directions or aṣṭadikpālas of group A and the gods of seven/nine planets or saptagrahas/navagrahas of group B, as mentioned above, reflect the unique cosmological cult of Cham dynasties in Mỹ Sơn from the early 10th century onward (Figure 3.21). Despite sustaining heavy damage from bombing and shelling during the recent wars in the 20th century, many edifices representative of the Mỹ Sơn A1 art style have survived, most of the remaining temple towers were built between the 10th and 12th centuries, among them are the constructions of A1, B3, B5, B6, B7, C1, D1, D2, E4, and E7, which were considered the masterpieces of Cham architecture (Trần 1988, 35–49) (Figures 3.22 and 3.23). At about the end of the 10th century, there were several wars between the Đại Việt kingdom in north Vietnam and the Song empire in China, which needs to be mentioned as the main political factor that impacted the whole region. Contemporarily, the Song emperors tried to lure the Cham allies into wars against the Đại Việt from the southern borders, which seeded later conflicts between Đại Việt and Campā (Hoàng 1966, 234–263; Wade 2011, 152). In 981/2 CE, king Lê Hoàn of Đại

Việt took the initiative to attack Campā to reduce war threats from the south and the Lakṣmīndra-Lokeśvara vihāra in Đồng Dương was thus destroyed. Lê Hoàn’s attack, along with an uprising of Campā residents against Lưu Kỳ Tông’s usurpation in the following year, caused many Cham people to flee to Hainan Island (Trần and Nguyễn 2021; Wade 2011, 143–145). Moreover, in the year 1000 CE, king Śrī Yang Pu Ku Vijaya sent an envoy to the Chinese court to announce the relocation of the Cham capital to Vijaya. In 1044, 1047, and 1069 CE, the Lý dynasty of Đại Việt repeatedly attacked the north of the Campā kingdom(s), causing the kingdom to fall into crisis (Cœdès 1968, 125, 139–140). However, the southern Cham polity remained stable. King Jaya Parameśvaravarman in the southern Pāṇḍuraṅga region, thus, dedicated a Buddhist monastery called Rājākula in 1055 CE, in the present Phan Rang area in Ninh Thuận province. The king identified himself as a chakravartin (universal ruler), and a devout Buddhist believer as the Phú Quý inscription C.122 indicated (Golzio 2004, 131). King Śrī Harivarman, the hero of the kingdom, who ascended the throne in 1074–1081 CE, had begun reconstructing the state after years of war with Đại Việt.8 He restored all the temple towers at Mỹ Sơn and rebuilt villages and towns, which is appreciated and recorded on another epitaph of the king left in Mỹ Sơn during this century.9 Important temples, such as B1, B6, C1, C3, D2, E4, and E7 were restored and built during Śrī Harivarman’s reign (Stern 1942, 100– 101) (Figure 3.24).

Figure 3.19  Mỹ Sơn A Temple Group. Quang Nam. 10th Century. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Figure 3.20  Kīrttimukha/Kāla Mask. Temple Base, Mỹ Sơn A1. Brick, 10th Century. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Figure 3.21  Kalan Mỹ Sơn A1 and Six Small Temples, from A2– A7, around the Temple Base. Quang Nam. c. 10th Century CE.

Source: Drawn by Shigeeda Yutaka (Trần and Shigeeda 2005).

Figure 3.22  Maṇḍapa, North View. Mỹ Sơn D1, 10th Century. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Figure 3.23  Illustration of the Cham Technique of Temple Building. Source: Drawn by Shigeeda Yutaka (Trâǹ, Akiko, and Toshihiko 2005).

Figure 3.24  The Process of the Mỹ Sơn B-C-D Temple Complexes through the Three Architectural Stages. The First Stage: Ca. the 7th to 8th Centuries; The Second Stage: Ca. the 9th to 10th Centuries; the Third Stage: Ca. the 11th to 13th Centuries. Source: Trâǹ, Akiko, and Toshihiko (2005).

Trade between South India and South China was affected by the wars of Đại Việt and Campā because Campā was a center for transiting quality goods, and the war may have thus impacted maritime operations in the area. It may lead to the assumption that contemporary Cham kings invoked the help of the Cholas’ naval power to preserve the independence of the kingdom(s). This was possible, thanks to the close political, military, and commercial interactions between the Chola kingdom and Campā, which bridged the obvious influences on the Cham religious architecture during the period. In terms of architectural features during this period, the Cham temple architecture improved in construction techniques through their structure. For example, the temple towers were built higher and used more sandstone to combine with brick to withstand load on construction, as well as the application of decorative arts. The temple bases were specially made of brick, composed of stylized lotus shapes, which were formed by a series of moldings—beginning at the top and bottom with cyma. In addition, the Cham temples have been built at a higher scale, composed of high stone temple bases with their rich sculptural narratives, which illustrated various themes of Ramayana and Mahabharata that can be found at the Chiên Đàn, Khương Mỹ, and Tháp Bạc (Silver Tower) temple complexes, and so on (Trần 2008a, 59–72; 2018, 43, Figure 14; Trần and Nguyễn 2021).

CHAM BUDDHISM DURING THE 11TH AND 13TH CENTURIES AND THE HERUKA TEMPLE IN MỸ SO’N In about 1081 CE, Śrī Harivarman died, leaving a young Prince Vāk as his successor. Prince Pãn, the younger brother of Harivarman was assigned to rule the kingdom as a regent. Prince Pãn took the title Śrī Paramabodhisattva and was called a Mahayana devotee and rajacakravartin in inscription C.89 (Golzio 2004, 147). Śrī Paramabodhisattva’s regency should be construed as aligned with the matriarchal custom in Campā, rather than usurpation, as some scholars have argued (Cœdès 1968, 154; Maspero 1928, 147–148; Schweyer 2009, 324). In 1088–1089 CE, Śrī Paramabodhisattva abdicated in favor of Prince Vāk, who took the reign name Jaya Indravarman. Like his uncle, Jaya Indravarman was also a Buddhist. He ordered an inscription to be carved in praise of Paramabodhisattva and constructed a Buddhist monastery named Śrī Indralokeśvara in Tranul district, probably not far from Mỹ Sơn (Majumdar 1927, III: 172). Decades later, Paramabodhisattva’s merit was praised again in Mỹ Sơn inscription C.101 dated 1157 CE, which was erected by king Jaya Harivarman, who also claimed to be his descendant (Golzio 2004, 166–167). Jaya Harivarman was celebrated as a hero for defending Campā against a Khmer attack in 1150 CE. The inscription says that the king was a native of Bhūmiratnavijaya, that is, the Vijaya state. It is understood from later Khmer inscriptions that a young Khmer prince served in his army who would later become the great Cambodian Buddhist king Jayavarman VII from ca. 1182–1220 CE (Sharrock 2018, 116–168). Jayavarman VII gained power in Angkor by driving out the remnants of a Cham force that had penetrated the Khmer capital and killed his predecessor Tribhuvanādityavarman (Sharrock 2018, 112). He fought to return Vijaya to the Khmer empire but was held up for a decade by

his former Cham protégé, who defeated an invading Khmer army and proclaimed himself king Śrī Sūryavarmadeva of a briefly united Campā kingdom. King Sūrya celebrated his victory, according to his long and historical inscription C.92 B-C, by constructing in 1194 CE a temple to the esoteric Buddhist deity Śrī Heruka (Herukaharmya). Positioned next to the stone temple of the presiding Mỹ Sơn god, that is, Shiva-Bhadreśvara, this was the first fully esoteric Buddhist shrine built in Campā, which may imply that the cult of Shiva–Buddha was worshipped by the Cham elite at the same time as the local cult having been contemporarily practiced in Java (Acri 2015, 261–282; Chutiwongs 2005, 85; Golzio 2004, 174–176; Schweyer 2018, 76). Heruka, the fierce emanation of the supreme Buddha Vajrasattva, was later adopted as the most powerful deity of the Vajrayana by the courts of Angkor, Java, Sumatra, and Mongol China in the 12th to 14th centuries (Bautze-Picron 2014, 107–128; Calo 2020, 1–20; Schnitger 1937, 26, figure xxxiv; Sharrock 2009, 49–64; Sharrock 2022, 126–164). Although several Heruka figures have been discovered at various historical sites, proving that the cult of Heruka was contemporarily popular in Asia, inscriptions rarely mention the god Heruka, and only one has been discovered at Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary. The political crises that occurred in north-eastern India may have caused the spread of Tantric Buddhism to Southeast Asia in the 12th century, especially the Vajrayana sect that flourished in Java, Champa, and Khmer, with the Heruka cult, as mentioned in the recent studies on esoteric Buddhism (Acri 2016, 1–25; Acri and Sharrock 2022, 1–6). The political and military upheavals between the Chams and Khmers during the late 12th to early 13th centuries, lined with the economic pull of the new deep-water port of Vijaya, were key in profiting from the burgeoning sea trade of the Song dynasty (Sharrock 2018, 111– 119; Whitmore 2018, 31–36). This was reflected in the boom in art and architecture, most of it esoteric Buddhist, in the two states. In Campā, this was vividly present in Mỹ Sơn and the region around Vijaya. Esoteric Buddhism reached new heights during the Indrapura dynasty with the construction of Lakṣmīndra-Lokeśvara vihāra in 875

CE in Đồng Dương, Quảng Nam, and grew steadily in Campā in an economic boom from the Song trade between the 12th and 15th centuries (Acri 2016, 19–22; Acri and Sharrock 2022, 1–6; Whitmore 2018, 31–36). As mentioned above, from the beginning of the 12th century onward, lengthy, destructive wars with Cambodia raged across the kingdom of Campā (Vickery 2011, 394–407). That is why, only two temple groups were built in Mỹ Sơn during this period, both high on the hillside, namely groups G and H. At that time, king Jaya Harivarman (ca. 1157/58), who had achieved several victories in the wars against the Khmer empire and Đại Việt (Yavaṇa), built a notable architectural complex to worship god Śrīśanabhadreśvara (Shiva) and his parent king Śrī Paramabrahmaloka and queen Jinjyan on a small hill named Vugvan Mount (the Universal Mountain), where group Mỹ Sơn G sits today (Stern 1942, 101–102; Zolese 2009, 218) (Figure 3.25).10 In group H, a large stone tympanum 177 cm high was found, that is a bas-relief of the eight-handed god who is identified as Shiva dancing, or it may be supposed that the god is a fusion between Shiva and Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara (Baptiste and Zéphir 2005, 300–301, cat. 83; Southworth and Trần 2019, 331–332) (Figure 3.26). This remarkable work is from the last generation of Mỹ Sơn architecture, in the first half of the 13th century, bearing some influence from those of the Khmer Bayon style. The Khmer art influence in group H is reminiscent of the victory of king Jaya Parameśvaravarman, who fought a war against the Khmers of Cambodia for 32 years and left an inscription in Mỹ Sơn. The structural temple towers of group H, together with several architectural ornaments of kalan B1, where king Jaya Parameśvaravarman’s stela was erected during restoration work at this major temple in the first half of the 13th century, were the last to be built at Mỹ Sơn. This brought seven centuries of the development of Cham arts in this royal sanctuary to a conclusion.

Figure 3.25  Mỹ Sơn G Temple Group, Quang Nam, 1157/8 CE. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

Figure 3.26  Shiva dancing (?) Tympanum of kalan Mỹ Sơn H1, Quang Nam. Late 12th to Early 13th Centuries. The Mỹ Sơn D2 Gallery. Source: Trâǹ Kỳ Phương.

The epitaph of king Jaya Parameśvaravarman dated 1234/35 CE unearthed near kalan B1 mentions that,

[H]is Majesty Śrī Jaya Parameśvaravarmadeva […] During the disasters of the Cambodian war which lasted for 32 years, he was the sole king (putau ekacchatra) in the kingdom of Campā. He re-installed all the liṅgas of the south viz. those of Yang Pu Nagara, and the liṅgas of the north viz. those of Śrīśanabhadreśvara […]. (Golzio 2004, 178 [C.86A]; Majumdar 1927, III: 208–209)

The main temple of the sanctuary was probably restored on a large scale for the last time by this great king. Afterward, a notable inscription was found in Mỹ Sơn, which belonged to king Jaya Indravarman, the younger brother of king Jaya Parameśvaravarman, dated 1243/4 CE, to, “[t]he god Śrīśanabhadreśvara, who is the origin of the kingdom of Campā […]” (Golzio 2004, 186 [C.83]; Majumdar 1927, III: 210–211); but roughly 20 years after, there was a later dated inscription, carved on a pillar in 1263 CE, in which appears only a simple script, “[h]e (the king) has restored the whole (sanctuary).” (Stern 1942, 102). After that, no more recent stelae have been discovered at the sanctuary. At the end of the 13th century, Mỹ Sơn became isolated as a result of the wars with Đại Việts in the north. It made the Amarāvatī state decline. In addition, the state of Vijaya located further in the south (current Bình Định province) was now the center of the Campā kingdom(s) such that most major Hindu temples of the time were built

there. By this time, the north of the Campā kingdom(s) declined considerably step by step (Vickery 2011, 394–407). While none of the monuments at Mỹ Sơn have survived and are intact, they constitute the best evidence for studying the development of Cham arts during its most vital period. Additionally, these masterpieces at Mỹ Sơn have provided researchers with many epitaphs dating from the late 4th to the 13th centuries CE. The relics of Mỹ Sơn represent the best tangible evidence for research into the economy, society, religion, philosophy, and arts of the civilization of the Campā kingdom(s) through all the centuries of its existence (Shigeeda and Momoki 1994, 10–26; Trần 2009, 177–183).

CONCLUSION As a result of his long-term investigation of the Campā archaeology in central Vietnam during the 1990s and early 2000s, the late Professor Ian Glover of the Institute of Archaeology, University College London has concluded that,

the early states along the central coast of Vietnam were founded on existing social structures and were strongly influenced by Indian religious and political ideology but remained economically dependent on trade with China through the exportation of natural forest resources and the establishment of port entrepôts specializing in the transfer of inter-regional trade to the commercial centres of southern China and northern Vietnam. (Glover and Nguyễn 2011, 62)

Even though the Champa kingdom(s) had close economic contact with China from a very early period, the Chams chose Indian cultural features to build their own cultural identity, which reflects very well in the Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary with its specific religion and characteristic arts. The archaeological artifacts show us that Indian cultural influences became more significant in the third century CE, after the uprisings of the local people against the Han Chinese domination for their independence in c. 192 CE (Đào 1957, 122–124; Glover and Nguyễn 2011, 60–62). The phenomenon of the Chams rejecting Chinese or Hanized culture and art can be explained by the fact that they attempted to preserve a culture they identified with as a means of self-preservation against Chinese cultural aggression (those of Đại Việts in northern Vietnam/Sino-Vietnamese) and to build a stable alliance with the other neighboring states in the region, which had also undergone

Sanskritization (Cœdès 1966, 67). Along with the distinctive cult of the sanctuary, Mỹ Sơn was one of the longest historic sites in the whole region, which represents the constant development of Hindu temple architecture from the late 4th to the 13th centuries. This makes the sanctuary historically and archaeologically unique and significant for investigating Indian influence in comparison with Chinese influence in Southeast Asia.

NOTES 1. The temple was then burnt by fire a couple of centuries later as noted in the inscription of Śambhuvarman at Mỹ Sơn. For more information, see Majumdar (1927, III: 9–13) and Golzio (2004, 7–9 [C.73A]). 2. Whilst Majumdar suggested that the title given to the liṅga was possibly composed by coupling the proper name of king Bhadravarman with Iśvara, the other name of Śiva: Bhadravarman +; Iśvara = Bhadreśvara (Śiva). For more information, see Majumdar (1927, II: 181). 3. The term kalan was mentioned in the Chinese historical book of Tongdian 通典 as “can-lan干闌” that came to be compiled during the Tang dynasty in 766–801 CE. See «林邑» at https://ctext.org/tongdian/188/zh, accessed on May 10, 2022 (Đào 1957, 132–133). 4. In case the images are of navagrahas, they should include Rāhu and Ketu as the two nodes of the moon that are supposedly lost. 5. We may compare the cult of Mỹ Sơn to those of the cult of the Angkor temples in which G. Cœdès argued that,”[T]he national temple was also the personal temple of the king, erected by him during his life. When after his death his ashes or mortal remains were deposited there to animate the idol and give the cult a living image, the temple became his mausoleum […] in fact the great kings of Angkor built the monuments in order to contain their images and perpetuate their personal cults […] Angkor Wat was the final habitation of a being who enjoyed certain divine prerogatives during his life, and whom death had transformed into a god […]” For more information, see Cœdès (1969, 31, 34 and 38). 6. In November 2012, a sandstone ekamukhaliṅga, 126 cm high, was found at the north-eastern exterior corner of Mỹ Sơn E1 temple. The

liṅga was carved with a head of Shiva on the upper section (rudrabhāga section), Shiva’s head was decorated with a jaṭāmukuṭa. This recent found sandstone ekamukhaliṅga suggests that it was installed at the temple of Mỹ Sơn E1. For more information, see Trần (2018, 40). 7. During the excavation at the temple in 2003, conducted by the Vietnam Institute of Archaeology, the archaeologists found a large number of shards of terracotta tile that still remain within the interior of the temple. The terracotta tile supports the hypothesis that the temple was built by a tiled roof, and not by the brick corbel technique. For more information, see Lê (2017, 157–159) and Trần Kỳ Phương (2003: according to the author’s field notes). 8. Following is recorded in his inscription found at the Mỹ Sơn sanctuary, “[T]he enemies had entered into the kingdom of Campā and installed themselves as masters; having taken possession of all the royal property and the wealth of the gods; having pillaged the temples, the monasteries, the śālas, cells, hermitages, villages and various edifices together with the horses, elephants, padatis (infantry?), oxen, buffaloes, and the corps; having ravaged everything in the provinces of the kingdom of Campā; having plundered the temple of Śrīśanabhadreśvara and all the objects which the kings of past times had granted as endowments to Śrīśanabhadreśvara; having taken all the riches of the god and carried away the men belonging to the temple, the dancers, musicians […] servants together with the various properties of Śrīśanabhadreśvara; the temple remained empty and devoid of worship […]” (Golzio 2004, 137 [C.94A]; Majumdar 1927, III: 161–167). 9. “[T]he temple of Īśānabhadra had been devastated and taken […] The Yuvaraja ordered the people of Simhapura […] to construct the temple, to build the houses, to make perpetual sacrifices, to re-erect the chapels and to reconstruct the roads, all as before […]” (Golzio 2004, 141–142 [C.90A]; Majumdar 1927, III: 164).

10. As his epitaph noted, “[I]n accordance with his former vows he first destroyed the soldiers of Cambodia and Yavana, and then re-erected the temple of Śiva which they had destroyed […] In conformity to a previous vow, he installed, for obtaining success, a Śiva on the mountain called Vugvan, which was his own, being marked in a previous birth […]” (Golzio 2004, 160 [C.100B]; Majumdar 1927, III: 178–180).

CHAPTER 4 PRE-ANGKORIAN ŚAIVA TEMPLES OF ĪŚĀNAPURA : A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON EARLY INDIA–CAMBODIA LINKS Swati Chemburkar Recent scholarship (Acri 2016; Acri and Sharrock 2022; Ray 2021) has unveiled the multidirectional connections existing among maritime Hindu–Buddhist centers linked in overlapping networks of religious, political, economic, and diplomatic exchanges. Going beyond the metaphors of “cultural diffusion” or “flow of ideas” that have so far been part of the academic debate, this paper examines some of the 6th- to 8th-century Īśānapura temples. In addition to their shared religious, philosophical, and environmental history with India, the preAngkorian temples created unique architectural innovations for which there are no Indian counterparts. For example, among the densely clustered temple zone spread over 400 hectares at Sambor Prei Kuk, there are ten octagonal Shaiva temples which seem to be a Khmer innovation, as there are no known contemporary comparable Indian structures.

PRE-ANGKORIAN KINGDOMS: FUNAN (ANGKOR BOREI, ÓC EO) AND ZHENLA (ĪŚĀNAPURA) Reference to capital cities in the Mekong delta first appear in Chinese accounts which mention ‘Funan’ (1st-6th centuries) in Angkor Borei (possibly the kingdom’s capital in southern Cambodia) (Map 4.1). Funan developed religious brick architecture including moats, brick temples, and ponds, as well as elaborate residential architecture in wood within a fortified city and the perimeter wall of Angkor Borei, which belongs to the Funan period (Stark, Sanderson, and Bingham 2006). Structures such as the Asram Maha Rosei in Takeo, Kouk Preah Theat in Hanchey, and Banteay Prei Nokor in Kampong Cham are probably from the late Funan or pre Zhenla period (Mauger 1936; Parmentier 1932, 183–189). Funan played an important role in the trade network with its harbor— Óc Eo in present-day southern Vietnam. The Chinese were interested in getting valued products from India and the Middle East via Southeast Asia, and Indians were interested in the Chinese silk.1 Historical and archaeological data indicate that Angkor Borei was connected via maritime trade to the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean (Carter 2015). Funan maintained contact with China and India through regular embassies and hosted foreign visitors.2 By the early 7th century, the political power moved inland towards Sambor Prei Kuk in Kampong Thom, central Cambodia, with continuity in royal courts and culture (Vickery 1998). The site has been identified with Īśānapura, the capital of the Zhenla kingdom (6th–8th centuries), associated with the rulers Īśānavarman I (r. c.616–c.635) and Bhāvavarman (r. c. 637–c. 655) (Cœdès 1952, IV:4; O’Reilly 2007, 91–126; Vickery 1998, 410). A majority of the population of Īśanapura was Khmer but the presence of non-Khmer personal names and Chamic titles suggest the likelihood of a multiethnic society, possibly in continuation with Funan

(Vickery 1998, 111, 220–225). Like Funan, Zhenla maintained relationships with the neighboring kingdoms as an envoy to China was sent from Īśānapura in 616 CE (Aspell 2013, 6), and royal connections were established with the neighboring Campā, in present-day Vietnam.3 It was also known to some extent in India as in c. 635, Buddhist monk Xuanzang heard about it while traveling in northeastern India (Li 1996; Vickery 1998, 340). Several preAngkorian inscriptions mention distant places, such as Dakṣiṇāpatha, Madhyadeśa, Āryādeśa, Mathura, northeastern Kāñci/Kāñcipura, thus revealing long-distance relationships of Īśānapura rulers with different courts, among which some were surely Indian.4 Epigraphic sources mention Indian Brahmins arriving from parts of India and accepting daughters of Khmer royalty, also attested from Chinese sources.5

Map 4.1  Pre-Angkroian Kingdoms of Funan and Zhenla. Source: Author.

Disclaimer: This figure is not to scale. It does not represent any authentic national or international boundaries and is used for illustrative purposes only.

ĪŚĀNAPURA: THE SHAIVA/PĀŚUPATA RELIGIOUS LANDSCAPE Even though Vaishnavism, Buddhism, and Shaivism were practiced in pre-Angkorian Cambodia, a local variety of Shaivism was by far the most widely spread and deeply rooted religion. The name Īśānapura itself attests its Shaiva association (Īśāna being an epithet of Shiva) as do the material remains of the site. The foundation inscriptions of the majority of the Shaiva temples at Īśanapura borrowed the names of holy Indian places, but venerated local deities with epithets of Shiva.6 Bhadreśvara, the benevolent form of Shiva, who is well known in Indian sources, became the state god at Īśānapura.7 Sanderson (2003, 403–406) sees the recreation of Shaiva sites as “the practice to transfigure the Khmer realm by creating a Śaiva landscape whose sacred enclaves could be seen as doubles of those of the religion’s Indian homeland.” Rather than seeing it as a duplication of Shaiva sites, Cecil (2020, 346) argues:

The practices of localization intrinsic to Śaivism provided a template that allowed ruling [Khmer] elites to claim and control places that were already regarded as powerful, some of them are described enigmatically as the “old gods” in epigraphic sources. Guy (2014, 9) sees it as an expansion rather than re-creation of the Shaiva landscape that marks the indigenisation process of expanding Shiva’s land in a uniquely Khmer artistic style.

The principal agent for this expansion seems to be the missionary Shaiva sect of the Pāśupatas,8 who originated in northern India in the early first millennium and became prominent in the Deccan (parts of Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Andhra) around the 7th century and

moved towards the southeast (Nepal, Bengal),9 the south (Tamil Nadu), and possibly further south to Southeast Asia from the 4th century onwards.10 The sect actively propagated its religious beliefs, converting Indian and Southeast Asian royalty with the promise of ensuring their political success through the performance of rituals and austerities on their behalf. Epigraphic studies have shown that Īśānapura rulers supported the Pāśupatas, who played an important role at the Khmer royal courts, and obtained the confidence of kings by offering them initiations and intellectual services (Sanderson 2003, 402; Wolters 1979). In return, they were rewarded with lands, slaves, and other valuables such as parasols, palanquins, and other regal insignia (Sanderson 2003, 403, fn 197). Īśānavarman I (617–635) entrusted the Pāśupata master Vidyāviśeṣa with the care of a temple, and Bhāvavarman II (r.?—ca 657) employed another one, Vidyāpuṣpa, as a poet, who practiced asceticism and established an āśrama using royal endowment for the adepts of his sect.11 An important figure with respect to the history of Pāśupatas is Somaśarman, mentioned in the Skandapurāṇa (131.2; Bakker 2014, 140; Bisschop 2006, 43), who was initiated by Lord Shiva into the order, also occurs in two pre-Angkorian inscriptions.12 Other inscriptions, which do not name specific Pāśupatas, but which use the language of asceticism and Shaiva devotionalism, can be understood as indicating wider Pāśupata practice in pre-Angkorian Cambodia and its close connection with the political elites (Chemburkar 2022, 195–196; Goodall 2015, 6; Wolters 1979, 432– 434).

KHMER ARCHITECTURAL INNOVATIONS AT ĪŚĀNAPURA Īśānapura’s densely clustered temple area is spread over 400 hectares at Sambor Prei Kuk and displays 291 archaeological remains (Map 4.2 A).13 Most of the temples are primarily dated to the 7th–8th centuries with some modifications dating to the 10th century. They largely consist of brick with sandstone elements used for door lintels, jambs, and sills. One of the earliest scholars to study these temples was Henri Parmentier (1927) before the full extent of the Sambor Prei Kuk site was known. This was followed by a series of art historical and epigraphic studies by French historians, such as Pierre Dupont (1952, 1955), Philippe Stern (1934), Mireille Bénisti (studies of 1970s), Louis Finot (1928), and George Cœdès (1952). The east–west orientation of the ancient city divides the eastern part into a temple zone and the western part into a moated city zone. The central temple zone in the eastern part is conventionally referred to as including the north, south, and central groups and numbered with prefixes N, S, and C (Parmentier 1927), which now have designated numbers beginning with M (Shimoda 2010). The early comprehensive layout prepared by Parmentier marks the three main groups of the temple zone: Prasat Sambor (North group/M20), Prasat Yeai Poeum (South group/M24), and Prasat Tao (Central group/M26) along with group Z away from the central zone. Recent field surveys under the Sambor Prei Kuk Conservation Project since 2001 have documented more remains of the city, including the brick temples, their embanked causeways, the moats, ramparts, and waterworks for irrigation and town supply. The findings expose two major causeways originating from the north and south group connecting the central temple zone to the river, east of the zone, and the city. The causeways probably linked the city and temple complex to a harbor.

Map 4.2 (A) Īśānapura Archaeological Site Map of the Religious Area and the Secular Area. Source: Shimoda Ichita, Sambor Prei Kuk Conservation Project.

Disclaimer: This figure is not to scale. It does not represent any authentic national or international boundaries and is used for illustrative purposes only. Based on the placement of the causeways and the nature of archaeological remains, Shimoda and Shimamoto (2012, 11) speculate:

The front entrance to the capital of Zhenla [Īśanapura] was deliberately designed to impress foreign visitors…. If water transport through the Sen River was likely the main route to Isanapura, approaching the ancient city from the Sen River meant approaching the front entrance to the city. In other words, the long causeways at Prasat Sambor [north group temple cluster] and Prasat Yeai Poeun [south group] may have been designed to give a magnificent appearance to the capital of Zhenla.

Amongst all the pre-Angkorian temples, Sambor Prei Kuk is distinct due to its densely clustered temple complexes revealing many features of the later-Angkorian pyramidal state temples (Shimoda 2021, 52). All the three temple groups have multiple enclosures and several shrines, with a unique layout (Map 4.2 B). Even though the shrines appear very similar at first glance, they display diversity in their ground plans, as well as in their arrangement within the temple complex (multiple shrines within single/multiple enclosures, five shrines in quincunx, three shrines as a triad, or parallel shrines arrangement) (Figures 4.1 and 4.2). Shimoda and Shimamoto (2012, 55–56) conclude:

Map 4.2 (B) Map of the Central Temple Area with Causeways. Source: Shimoda Ichita, Sambor Prei Kuk Conservation Project.

Disclaimer: This figure is not to scale. It does not represent any authentic national or international boundaries and is used for illustrative purposes only.

As such, Sambor Prei Kuk was an experiment in innovation

and Khmerization that created various standard styles of the temple complex that would appear in subsequent periods in Khmer history.

Figure 4.1  Central Group Temple Showing Stone Structural Elements. Sambor Prei Kuk, Kampong Thom Province, 7th century. Source: Author.

Figure 4.2  Different Temple Plans at Īśānapura and Their Arrangements within the Temple Complexes. Source: Shimoda, So, and Chhum (2016).

The early contemporary Cālukyan temple complexes in Karnataka, India, are “organic” in layout, unlike the formal arrangements of Sambor temples. Variations on the shrine plans as well as extremely elaborate temples are seen at these sites except the octagonal form. So far, ten octagonal Shaiva temples are found at Īśanapura, which seem to be a Khmer innovation, as there are no known contemporary comparable Indian counterparts (Figure 4.3).14 Scholars have looked at the octagonal Śaiva temple of Muṇḍeśvarī in southwest Bihar (Datta and Benyon 2014, 159–160), but recently Buckee (2020, 194) has convincingly dated the temple to the 16th or 17th century. Hardy thinks that in India, an octagonal plan was more theoretical than practical. Noting (Hardy 2015, 22–23, 89–90) that the 6th century Indian texts Bṛhatsaṃhitā and Viṣṇudharmottarapurāṇa describe a great variety of temple shapes such as hexagonal, circular, eightpetalled, octagonal, sixteen-sided and eagle-shaped, Hardy (2015, 22–23, 89–90) points out that these early texts often seem to have applied to wooden architecture.15 As brick or stone temples of this shape have not survived in India, the Īśanapura group appears to be Asia’s earliest surviving examples of octagonal temples. There is a strong possibility that the Viṣṇudharmottara mentioned in the 7th and 8th century Khmer inscriptions might allude to

Viṣṇudharmottarapurāṇa indicating the knowledge of Indic temple treatises available to the Khmers16 (Finot 1928, 77, fn 5; cf. Chhom 2016, 218, 235).

Figure 4.3  Octagonal Temple at Īśānapura. Sambor North Group,

N7, Kampong Thom Province, 7th century. Source: Author.

A line of thought that needs more exploration but is beyond the scope of this paper is an examination of whether these temples are based on the concept of Shiva’s eight aspects (aṣṭamūrti), given its importance to the Pāśupatas.17 In the Indian iconographic texts, the eight aspects of Shiva, namely Bhāva, Sarva, Īśāna, Pāśupati, Ugra, Rudra, Bhīma, and Mahādeva are grouped as aṣṭamūrti and their sculptural representations are described for temple arrangements. This concept was followed in Shaiva temples where the eight principles are invoked within the sanctuary space (Kramrisch 1946, Vol I, 104). A 6th–7th century Preah Vihear stele invokes the eight bodies of Śiva.18 Another 7th-century one also invokes the eight bodies of Shiva and interestingly mentions a Pāśupata sacrificer—“Pon Bhāvacandra,” offering things to the liṅga of the temple along with others (Pāśupatas?) as beneficiaries of the fields and ponds.19 Ninth-century steles of Bakong, Neak Buos, record the erection of Shiva aṣṭamūrti and it is also alluded to in the 10th-century Mebon and Pre Rup steles20 along with its representation as eight liṅgas at all the temples. Bhattacharya argues (1953, 238):

At Bakong, the eight sanctuaries in question were the eight brick towers which rise to the present day at the base of the pyramid. A group of eight sanctuaries on the lower storey of the Mebon (eastern) temple similarly enshrined the aṣṭamūrtis installed there. At Pre Rup, [and at Neak Buos] however, the eight sanctuaries cannot be distinguished among the existing architectural remains at the site. No such shrine group seems to be present in India.

These later Angkorian temples incorporating the Shiva aṣṭamūrti in its architecture were possibly influenced by Īśānapura’s octagonal temple

forms. Another Khmer innovation at Īśānapura appears to be the structure located west of temple N10 (Figure 4.4). The upper part of the structure collapsed but the base and lower part are still in good condition. The building consists of a main chamber with an antechamber attached to its western side. Shimoda and Shimamoto (2012, 35) think that the construction of this building is relatively early but underwent modifications in the course of time.

This building introduces an asymmetrical dimension in the southeast quadrant of the temple layout and it faces to the west. Such characteristics are common to the so-called ‘library’ structures [annex buildings] in Khmer temples. These library buildings usually also have openings for ventilation, especially on their left sides, a characteristic shared with the initial stage of this building with its open-air pillared structure.

Figure 4.4  Plan of N10 Temple, with Annex Building. Plans: Courtesy of Ichita Shimoda. Source: Swati Chemburkar.

Figure 4.4 (Continued) Annex Building, Banteay Srei Temple, Angkor, 10th Century CE. Source: Author.

Recent studies on “annex buildings” have situated them within the Pāśupata milieu and argued for its use in initiations, ash-related practices, and homa rituals that formed a backbone of the movement (Kapoor 2022).

ICONOGRAPHIC DETAILS OF ĪŚĀNAPURA TEMPLES: FLYING PALACES, HORSESHOE MOTIF, LINTELS The most discussed iconographic features of Sambor temples are horseshoe motifs (gavākṣa), decorative lintels, and flying palaces. All these elements portray human figures, some of which have been seen as “foreigners” by scholars.21

Gavākṣa, Lintels, and Other Such Motifs A motif known as horseshoe arch/gavākṣa or kūḍu is known to have originated in South Asia (Hardy 2007, 63–82; 2008, 160–165) and is widely seen at several Īśānapura temples with an insertion of a male head within the arch (Figures 4.5 and 4.6). The motif also appears at this time in the Mekong Delta area, southern Cambodia, central Vietnam, and southern Laos. Wreyford’s analysis (2018, 126) of these motifs across South Asia and Cambodia demonstrates the similarities between the 7th-century Īśānapura and contemporary Indian early Cālukyan (543–753 CE) sites of Bādāmī, Mahākuṭa, Aihoḷe, and Paṭṭadakal, in Karnataka where Pāśupatas were active.22 Alongside Sambor Prei Kuk, these Cālukyan sites are important as they contain the largest number of temples then built in Deccan.

Figure 4.5  Gavākṣa Motif with a Head from Upper Śivālaya (Left) and Malegitti Śivālaya (Right), Bādāmī, Karnataka, 7th Century CE. Source: AIIS Photo Archive.

Figure 4.6  Sambor Prei Kuk South Group S2 Temple gavākṣa (Top Two Images); Sambor Prei Kuk Lintel, S1 Temple, National Museum of Cambodia, Phnom Penh (Ka. 1748). Source: Author.

Some of the male heads inside S2 temple gavākṣa have bushy moustaches, long curled hair, prominent noses, less round faces, and a distinctly different (foreign?) appearance from other such examples. Wreyford (2018, 142) suggests the possibility of seeing these figures in question as Pāśupatas. Similar Pāśupata figures with short, curled hair, or without piled hair (jaṭā) appear at 6th-century Jogeśvari caves in Maharashtra (Dhar 2009, 172–173; pl. 17.8) and at 7th–8th century Indragarh in central India (Cecil 2020, 223, figure 93). More conventional representations of the Pāśupata ascetics as the bearded holy men with piled up hair, wearing simple dhotis and the sacred thread, playing instruments, and dancing ecstatically in celebration appear on some of the Īśānapura temple lintels (Chemburkar and

Kapoor 2018).

Flying Palaces The external wall surfaces of many Īśānapura temples bear architectural aediculae described as “flying palaces,” which seem to represent an idealized human world with a celestial model and divine forms within the royal settings (Figure 4.7). Their specific meaning remains obscure. In India, this feature sometimes appears in a split and staggered form, which seems to express the dynamic process of the unfolding or descent of a temple from the metaphysical to the physical world (Hardy 1992, 41–57; 1998, 107–135) (Figure 4.8). It may represent specific Purāṇic conceptions of a heavenly city with a resident deity at its center, along with a plethora of protectors, attendants, and visiting deities in their palaces (Granoff 1997, 17–93).

Figure 4.7  Flying palace. Sambor North Group, N1, Kampong Thom Province, 7th century. The Top Tier Depicts a Miniature Shrine Representing a Possible Śivapura. Source: Author.

Figure 4.8  (A and B) Flying Palaces at 6th Century Aihole, Karnataka and Jogeśvari Caves, Maharashtra. (C and D) Flying Palaces of 7th Century Sambor Prei Kuk North Group of Temples. Source: (A & B) AIIS Photo Archive. (C & D) Swati Chemburkar.

Calling them “edifice reductions,” Parmentier (1927, 351–369) suggested that these depictions could reflect earlier architectural structures in perishable material, which have not survived.

Bénisti (2003, 126–134) compared it with a range of contemporary Hindu–Buddhist South Asian material, especially the early Cālukyan from the Deccan, Pallava from southern India, and the Maharashtra caves in western India. Wreyford (2018, 186–187) argues that 5th—6th century Cālukyan development of flying palaces along with prominent surmounted gavākṣa and celestial occupants provide material that is potentially relevant to understanding pre-Angkorian “flying palaces.” Situating the Sambor temples within a Pāśupata context he highlights the use of “Śivapura” in epigraphic sources:

It is generally thought a single pre-Angkorian ruler is represented by the name “[gone to] Śivapura,” but if Śivapura represented the afterlife goal for many individuals, one wonders if this [flying palaces] is necessarily the case. The Purāṇas affiliated with the Pāśupatas provide evocative imagery that doubtless helps to understand the “flying palaces” of Sambor Prei Kuk. They specifically describe the posthumous reward to meritorious devotees of an aerial conveyance that they could use to get to Śivapura. The term vimāna is sometimes translated as “aerial chariot” and “heavenly chariot.”

The miniature temple/palace placed on the topmost tier of many flying palaces, populated with figures, was possibly a representation of Śivapura (Wreyford 2018, 189). Puarāṇic descriptions of heavenly chariots describe them as raised on pillared platforms, bedecked in pearls and precious stone, their inhabitants adorned with jewelry and crowns and surrounded by celestial women. This appears to match well with the “flying palaces” iconography of Īśānapura.23

Figure 4.9  (A) Ascetic with Yogapaṭṭa West Wall, N11, Sambor Prei Kuk, Kampong Thom Province. 7th Century. (B) Lakulīśa. Fakir Mohan Autonomous College, Balasore, Odisha, Sandstone, 8th–9th Century. Source: (A) EFEO fonds Cambodge, ref. CAM00086_5. © EFEO Archive, Paris. (B) Umakant Mishra.

Nonetheless, at Īśānapura, the form developed locally with significant growth in scale, novel iconographic details, and prominent placement on the exterior walls, indicating it as a narrative panel rather than a mere architectural motif. The majority of brick temples have not survived the ravages of time, climate, political instability, and looting. Kapoor (2019, 7) however finds meaningful clues in a badly eroded image of an ascetic figure from temple N11, prominently placed in an external niche within a

flying palace (Figure 4.9).

Unlike the other ascetic images, which usually occur on the door lintels or as antefixes, or as a group or part of foliage decoration, this image stands out as being on its own. It’s a figure of a male ascetic seated with crossed ankles and the remnants of a yogapatta across his raised knees. Although the hands are no longer visible, the position of the shoulders indicates the possibility that the hands were in dharmachakra mudra. The earlobes are elongated, the hair is piled in a knot on the head, and what appears to be the outline of a club rests in the crook of the left elbow, which would identify the figure as Lakulisha. Unfortunately, given the state of decay of this image we cannot with certainty identify it as Lakulisha, but comparison with a depiction of Lakulisha from Odisha (Fig. 7) does suggest that the iconography of Lakulisha with the yogapatta is reflected in the imagery of the ascetics in Cambodian iconography.

Over time, Lakulīśa’s placement moved from the interior of the temple to the exterior and became a part of the larger pantheon of deities (Cecil 2020, 244).

CONCLUSION The paper argues for the involvement of Pāśupata ascetics in the royal and religious sphere of pre-Angkorian site of Īśānapura, since the temples coincide with the earliest instances of Pāśupatas in Khmer epigraphy. Even though there are specific references to Pāśupatas, it is often difficult to know to what degree the beliefs were Indian and to what degree they were specific to Khmers. Maxwell (2008, 74) argues that “we should not expect to find Indian Hinduism, or Indian Buddhism, in the Cambodia of Jayavarman VII—or even, perhaps in Funan.” If that was the case, then the architectural innovations of Īśānapura attests it, as what Sambor builders created within the Khmer Pāśuapata milieu is not seen in India.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My sincere thanks to Ichita Shimoda for generously sharing his work on Sambor Prei Kuk and allowing me to use the site plans, to Adam Hardy for patiently answering all my questions on the “Indian temple,” and to Miriam Stark for her help in understanding Angkor Borei. Andrea Acri is always a huge help and Shivani Kapoor and Peter Sharrock never get tired of draft readings. My sincere thanks to all.

NOTES 1. The Liang shu records that Indian and Sogdian traders may have supplied Central Asian horses to China via Funan in the middle of the 3rd century (Hall 2011, 59; Sen 2003, 163). Although Chinese silk has not left any material trace, we know that it was traded in Funan (Ishizawa 1995). 2. The Funan king sent an embassy to king Muruṇḍa in the 3rd century when he was ruling in the Ganges valley in North India. King Muruṇḍa reciprocated the gesture by gifting four horses to the returning Funan embassy. The identity and location of the Muruṇḍa kingdom is still not clear but there is much support for a Kuśāna territory in central Asia. See Pelliot (1903), Cœdès (1968:46–47), and Vickery (2003–2004, 125). 3. Relations are well established in 7th century Cam and Khmer epigraphy; see Cam inscription C. 96 in Coedès (1912, 8; 1908, 15–7) and Khmer inscription K. 53 in Barth (1885, no. XI: 64) 4. See inscriptions K. 438 S:16; K. 619:3; K. 842A:7, K. 300A:22; K. 904A:5; K. 216S:4; K. 95; K. 300 A:9; K. 910:2,3; K. 725:5; K. 832B:5; K. 809N:46, 48; K. 713B:25; K. 168:4; K. 669C:33, 37; K. 138. Cf. Vickery (1998, 124, 193–194, 205). Seventh-century inscriptions mentioning Kāñci/Kāñcipura (K. 138, K. 725:5) suggests the prestige of this South Indian city and its royal palace in Khmer territory, albeit in a fragmentary way. 5. For a comprehensive account of all the Indian places mentioned in the inscription and their numbers, see Sanderson (2003, 401). For the Chinese sources, see Pelliot (1903, 279) who mentions the 5thcentury lost account of Funan which is cited in the Taiping yulan (imperial Readings of the Taiping Reign), a Song encyclopaedia (leishu) published by Li Fang and others in CE 984, reporting “in Dunsun, (same area as of Funan) many brahmins have settled permanently after marrying Khmer women.” There is the possibility of

the perception of foreignness on a more local scale in inscriptions such as K. 440 at Sambor Prei Kuk, where “foreign kings” (parabhūbhṛtaḥ) are referenced, but it is unclear how precisely the Sanskrit term reflects the Khmer perception of otherness and distance. 6. An inscription dated 611 CE relates the merging of a god whose name ended in īśvara with another god called Vrah Kamrateng An Kamratan Tern Krom and also with the god Maniśvara. Coedes (IC, II: 22–23) explained that the Khmer name of the god signified a tree. This inscription suggests very clearly one of the methods by which spirits of indigenous beliefs came to be incorporated in the Hindu pantheon. Vickery’s analysis (1998: 140–141) of some 200 preAngkorian inscriptions observes fifty names, most ending in Īśvara, seem to be Shaiva, fourteen Vaishnava and eighth Shiva–Vishnu combined. Sanskrit names mentioned in the epigraphy combine resident deities with Shiva, such as Gambhīreśvara, Prabhāsomeśvara (K. 439), and Prahasiteśvara (K. 439 and K. 148). The epithets are found in Mahabharata and Sivapurana, K. 438 and K. 440-Shiva of Pataliputra. See Sanderson (2003: 405–406). 7. K. 81; K. 136 A, v. 10; K. 162; K. 190 A, v. 24; K. 258; K. 728; K. 809; K. 818; K. 940; K. 958, v. 16. 8. The founder of the sect Lakulīśa is believed to have lived in Karvan (in the state of Gujarat) during the 2nd century and is said to have walked to Ujjain (in Madhya Pradesh), where he initiated Kuśika, the first of his four disciples, followed by Gargya, Mitra, and Kaurushya. This established among the Pāśupata the tradition of teachers, or acharyas, who would set out to propagate their creed. Sanderson (2003, 405–406) traces at least nineteen doubles of the Indic Shivas, of which the first eight are Pāśupatas, including Vrddhesvara, Amareśvara, Prabhāsa, and Siddheśvara. 9. One such example is the famous Pāśupatī temple near Kathmandu in Nepal, which bears an inscription from the reign of Jiśnugūpta (c. 630 CE) that mentions the gifts to ācāryas in congregation of the Mundasrinkhalika-Pāśupatācārya (Indraji and Bühler 1880, 174).

10. A Sanskrit inscription from Bakong temple reads: “Brahmin who knows all the Vedas came here to purify the praiseworthy country of Kambu.” See (K. 923, Cœdès, IC, IV, st. XV: 39). Cf. Bhattacharya (1955, 479–490). 11. The priestly names beginning with Vidyā are typically Pāśupata in both Indian and the Khmer domains. See Estève 2009: 475 (cf. 547– 51) and Goodall (2015). Other relevant names are Vidyākīrti (K.127, IC, II: 89), Vidyādeva (K.80, IC, VI: 3), Vidyāvindu (K.13, ISC, no V: 31), Vidyāpuspa (K.733, IC, I: 3), and Vidyāvinaya (K.54, IC, III: 157). However, Zakharov (2019) has argued that vidyā was popular in ancient Cambodia and does not necessarily denote a Pāśupata. 12. The sixth-century Vat Kantel inscription (K. 359, st. 3, ISC, IV: 30); (K. 54/K. 55, ISC, I,: 56 and IC, III: 159) Dominic Goodall has drawn attention to Hans Bakker in this stanza mentioning “together with a statue of Śrī-Somaśarman.” Statues of Somaśarman have not yet come to light or have not yet been recognized. Cf. Bakker (2014, 142– 143). The Skandapurāṇa was possibly read in 7th-century Campa as argued by Goodall and Arlo Griffiths (2013, 438) and if that was the case, Khmers too would have known the text given the 7th century Cam–Khmer royal connections. https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1532/ There is only one confirmed laterite building (K8) and one sandstone building (N17). 13. There are five octagonal temples in the south group—S7 to S11, one in the north group—N11, none from the central group, two from the Z group, and four others found outside the three main temple groups. Some octagonal stupa structures have also been found at Candi Bukit Pendiat site 17 in Bujang Valley, Malaysia, Site 13 of U Thong monument, and site 10 of the Fa Daet monument in Thailand and the Bang An in Vietnam. 14. All the early studies have dated the Muṇḍeśvarī temple to the seventh century. See Asher (1980, 38–42), Williams (1982, 166–168), and Meister (1981, 77). For example, masonry hexagonal temples are present only in theory. Buckee (2020, 183) argues “If hexagonal temples were never built in masonry form, then, given the lack of any

evidence to the contrary, it is quite probable that neither were the octagonal temples referred to in the same portion of text.” The eleventh-century Samarāṅgaṇasūtradhāra also mentions octagonal temples, which is studied by Hardy (2015). 15. Seventh century K. 135 (IC, II: 95), 8th century K. 14 (ISC no XXXVIII: 312). 17. The conception of the eight forms of Shiva associated with the cult of Pāśupati is referred to in Tewar stone inscription of Gayākarṇa (IA, XVIII: 209), Bhedaghat stone inscription of Narasiṃha (IA, XVIII: 216, 219), and Karanbel stone inscription of Jayasiṃha (IA, XVIII: 214). 18. K. 1017, NIC, II–III:179. 19. K. 561 (IC, II: 40) found from Takeo Province mentions establishment of Khaṇḍaliṅga at Raṇḍparvateśvara. Along with Bhāvacandra, other elites such as Bhāśanti, Vidyādharadeva, and Vidyākumāra are mentioned. 20. In Khmer epigraphy, names commencing with Bhā or Bhāva such as Bhāvaruci, Bhāpuṣpa, Bhāvajñāna, are possibly Pāśupatas. On the basis of his study of the Shaiva cult in northern India, Pathak (1960, 19, fn. 2) argues that ascetics of Praṇāma and Ananta gotras of the Pāśupata sect bore names beginning with Bhāva, such as Bhāva Vālmīki, Bhāva-Tejas, and Bhāvodyota. Estève (2009, 476–480) and Goodall (2015, 26–27) support this view. Vickery (1998, 152, fn. 53) says: “probably the element bha should be bhā, occurring in several elite titles but not yet understood.” 21. Bakong stele K. 826, v.25-IC, I: 33; Mebon stele K. 867-IC, VI: 152; Pre Rup stele K. 806-IC, I: 73, also see 9th century, Neak Buos K. 580: 4,5,15,23 – IC, VI:154. 22. Parmentier (1927, 298), Jacques (2007, 88), Bruguier and Lacroix (2011, 200), Shimoda, So, and Chhum (2016, 14 of 47), and Wreyford (2018) examine the “foreignness” of these figures in detail.

23. Pāśupata iconography has been identified in the 6th century at Bādāmi cave 2, 7th—8th century Aihoḷe, Mahākuṭa, Siddhanakolla, Paṭṭadakal, and Ālampur by Soundara Rajan (1981, 52; 1988, 97–98); Prasad (1983, 8–9); Bolon (1992, 24–28); Filliozat (2001, 25–26); Mohite (2007, 54, 65–67 & 140–46). Benisti (2003, 27–29) highlights the Cālukyan sites as the closest counterparts of pre-Angkorian temples. 24. See Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa (2.3.16.13–15; 2.3.11.47–48; 2.3.10.116b–120; 2.3.16.52) in Tagare (1958, 504, 509, 559, 562); Vāyu Purāṇa (11.113;13.10–11; 18.3; 18.54) in Tagare (1960, 580, 585, 628, 632); Skanda-Purāṇa V (v.i.7.38–41; V.i.31.3) in Tagare (1994, 49,119); Skanda-Purāṇa VIII (III.i.35.67–70) in Tagare (1953, 226); Skanda-Purāṇa IX (III.iii.3.133; III.iii.16.65–69) in Tagare (1996, 269, 360); Skanda-Purāṇa XII (V.i.7.61–62; V.i.7.73–74) in Tagare (1955, 45, 46). For a documentation of Sambor flying palaces, see Shimoda (2003) and Wreyford (2018, Appendix 4).

CHAPTER 5 ART AND ARCHITECTURE OF MYANMAR : LINKS WITH INDIA Chedha Tingsanchali The art and architecture of Myanmar provides the most significant evidence of interconnection with India. Present in the form of stupas, temples, images, and murals, these artefacts are testimonies to the long history of cultural exchange between the two countries, starting from the 5th century CE. With Myanmar being located adjacent to the eastern part of the subcontinent, along with the popularity of Buddhism in the region, the art and architecture of the mainland continuously bind with eastern and southern India. Despite being less popular, some traces of Hinduism, especially Vaishnavism, have also been discovered throughout the country. This article aims to introduce the art and architecture of Myanmar with special emphasis on its artistic linkages with India. The article starts with the study of architecture, including stupas and temples as unmovable evidence of the knowledge transmission of Indian architecture. The article will also introduce the Hindu and Buddhist images along with the murals as evidence of religious exchange between Myanmar and the subcontinent. The article covers all ancient Myanmar, including the Pyu, Mon, and Rakhine schools, the three main schools of the Pre-Bagan which have been dated to the 6th–10th centuries, as well as the period of Buddhist art in the Bagan empire which has been dated to the 10th–13th centuries.

STUPA: BUDDHIST ARCHITECTURE IN MYANMAR AND ITS INDIAN LINKAGES The Pyu period in central Myanmar, the Mon period in southern Myanmar, and the Dhanyavatī period in the Rakhine state of western Myanmar (all dated to the 5th–10th centuries CE) are the three main dynastic schools of art during which the Buddhist architecture of Myanmar commenced. Buddhism, especially Theravada, enjoyed patronage by the rulers and the people alike. During the earliest period, Buddhist stupas can be connected to the South Indian and Sri Lankan schools of art, namely the Amarāvatī and Anurādhapura schools. The stupa, with the large hemispherical part (aṇḍa), with the square portion (harmikā), and the series of parasols (chatrāvalī) as the finial, is the most ancient type of stupa found in central Myanmar. Khinba Mound (Luce 1985, 136–137[Vol. 1]; 27[Vol. 2]), the ruin of a stupa in the city of Sri Ksetra (near Pyay), provides several slabs with an originally decorated inner crypt. These slabs exhibit the most ancient portrait of a stupa in Myanmar (Figure 5.1). South Indian or Sri Lankan stupas seem to provide the prototype for the later-localized Pyu stupa with the circular triple bases and the elongated hay-heaplike aṇḍa, such as the Phyagyi Stupa at Sri Ksetra. (Figure 5.2) This indigenous type of stupa was very popular in the Pyu period and was continued till the early phase of the Bagan art. This kind of stupa also corresponds to the excavated ruins of Stupa KKG3 (Thaw 1986, 19)1 at Beikthano (another Pyu city, which predated Sri Ksetra) as visible in the circular ambulatory path and the base supporting the already-lost large hemispherical portion (Figure 5.3). The second phase of Indian influence during the Pala period can be seen in Bagan art from the 10th—11th centuries. Examples of the Pala-type stupa are Sien Nyet Nyima2 (Figure 5.4) and a stupa near Myingaba village in Bagan (Figure 5.5). As a result of the overwhelming Pala influence, this phase of the stupa is characterized by the cylindrical hemispherical aṇḍa and the row of lotus petals beneath it. The cylindrical aṇḍa is decorated with niches enshrining

Buddha images in each cardinal direction. The square harmikā is characterized by the indented twelve or twenty corners. The rings of parasol finials (chatrāvalī) are sometimes punctuated with tiny triangular decorations. All these characters resemble the mid and late Pala stupa convention (Figure 5.6). The base moldings of the stupas from this period are decorated with terracotta or stucco plaques, which were normally meant for temples but not for stupas in Eastern India. During the early Pala period of the 7th—9th centuries, such decorations were popularized in Bihar and Bengal for several Buddhist temples, including Nalanda, Vikramshila (Figure 5.7), and Paharpur.3 The Pala plaques normally depict a single human or animal figure, auspicious symbols, or jālī-window-like motifs. In Myanmar, these plaques have been utilized for decorating the series of stepped bases of a stupa and the single base of a temple. In Mon, located to the South, the figure of walking animals is conceived as the main theme for decorating the laterite base of the Hsindat Myindat at Zhok Thok (near Binlin, Mon state), reminding us of the Pala style of decoration (Figure 5.8). Notably, this style of decoration is also shared by the contemporaneous Dvaravati style in central Thailand (Moore 2007, 152–153).

Figure 5.1  The Relief of a Stupa. Khin ba Mound, Sri Ksetra, Pyu

Period 2nd BCE–9th century CE. Source: Chedha Tingsanchali

Figure 5.2  Phyagyi Stupa. Pyay, Sri Ksetra, c.5th Century CE. This is the Localised Version of a South Indian/Sri Lankan-Styled Stupa, Pyu Period. Source: Chedha Tingsanchali.

Figure 5.3  The Ruin of a Circular Stupa KKG3 in Beikthano, Magway. Source: Author.

This convention continued in Bagan art of the 10th–12th centuries. Similar to the early Pala art, the early Bagan architects decorated the base of stupas with unglazed terracotta narrating scenes from the Jatakas, such as, at Hpetleik (Figure 5.9).4 Despite the Pala stylistic affiliation, the Jātaka stories seem to follow the Sri Lankan Theravada commentaries. Several figures of humans and animals, as well as architecture and trees are depicted in the same plaque instead of a single figure. This mode of decoration enjoyed the culmination of its popularity during the mid and the later period of Bagan art. Jataka stories are normally depicted on the terracotta plaques with greencoloured glazing and a short description (Stadtner 2005, 50–51) (Figure 5.10).5

TEMPLE: ARCHITECTURE IN MYANMAR AND ITS INDIAN LINKAGES Temples meant for enshrining Buddha images have already been introduced from India during the Pyu period. In the city of Sri Ksetra, small temples with a single closed sanctum and short porch (mukhamaṇḍapa) are the most popular (Figure 5.11). Temples that provide four entry doors at each cardinal point along with an inner circumambulatory path have also been constructed in the Pyu period. These are known as the sarvatobhadra-type temples in the Indian architectural convention (Figure 5.12)6. During the Bagan period, because of the developing skill of brick construction, the temples have evolved from small to colossal ones. The evolution reaches its zenith in terms of complexity by the 11th– 12th centuries. The technique of true radiating arch was used for constructing the vault to strengthen the structure.7 This allowed Bagan architects to place the śikhara and the sloping roofs on top of the sanctum and the inner circumambulatory path, respectively. In some cases, in order to strengthen the structure, the central solid core has been added for supporting the central śikhara. The colossal construction of brick temples in the Bagan period are reminiscent of the huge temple construction in the Pala period, including the sarvatobhadra type of temple at Paharpur (Figure 5.13).8 The skillfulness of Bagan architecture could not have developed without the Pala predecessor.

Figure 5.4  Sien Nyet Nyima Temple, Bagan.11th Century. The

Pala-Influenced Stupa Is Decorated with Niches. Source: Author.

Figure 5.5  Pala-Influenced Stupa. Myingaba Village, Bagan. 10th–11th Century. The Stupa Is Decorated with Tiny Triangular Decorations. Source: Author.

The most fascinating specimen of Bagan temple architecture is the Ananda temple (Figure 5.14). According to legends, it was king Kyanzittha who commissioned the construction of the temple and he is said to have followed the plan of the legendary Nandamūla Cave (Stadtner 2005, 98) as told by the Indian monks. However, this colossal temple with four porticos and the śikhara on top seems to follow the Pala sarvatobhadra type of temple, such as the one at Paharpur instead. Conceived in cruciform plan, the projecting entrance leads to the four gigantic standing Buddhas who are identified as the four previous Buddhas in the aeon (Stadtner 2005,

97).9 In the center, there is the solid core, supporting the śikhara, which resembles the same structure as at Paharpur.

Figure 5.6  Miniature Stupa. Bodh Gaya, Bihar. 11th Century. It Is Possibly the Prototype for the Pala-Influenced Stupa in Bagan Art. Source: Author.

Figure 5.7  Unglazed Terracotta Plaques at the Base of Vikramshila Temple, Bihar, Early Pala Art, 7th–8th Century. Source: Author.

Side by side with the sarvatobhadra type of temple, the temple with the single entrance, the single maṇḍapa, and single sanctum surrounded by the inner circumambulatory path (or sāndhāra type of temple) was also popular during the Bagan period. Interestingly, the sāndhāra type of temple has a unique character in mainland Southeast Asia, testifying to its close connection with Indian art and

the skillfulness of the architects during this period. The examples can be seen from the Nagayon and Abeyadana temples in Bagan (Figure 5.15). In some cases, the śikhara can be substituted with the stupa, denoting Bagan uniqueness. Comparing the bas-relief temple depicted in some late Pala sculptures, such as the one at Kamalapur in Bangladesh (Figure 5.16), Bagan temples reflect all elements derived from the eastern Indian architectural convention. This includes the niche enshrining Buddha, the sloping roof (which is depicted in the Pala sculpture as kapōta), the cornered miniature stupis, the curvilinear śikhara and the stupa finial. The Nāgara śikhara of Bagan art follows the eastern Indian architecture with the curvilinear contour, the division of the projections, and the decoration of each offset. The earliest Bagan śikhara seems to be closest to Indian art, as each projection is decorated with gavākṣas and āmalakas (Figure 5.17). It must be noted that ekaṇḍaka śikhara (the single śikhara) is the only type found in Bagan.

HINDU IMAGES: SCULPTURE IN MYANMAR AND ITS INDIAN LINKAGES Despite Vaishnavism being less popular in comparison to Buddhism, it seems to have had a widespread reach in Myanmar from the western to the southern part of the country during the 6th–10th centuries. This affirms the influx of Vaishnava Hindus from eastern India during the Pre-Bagan period. Interestingly, because of a paucity in the discovery of Shivalingas, the evidence of Shaivism is quite scanty in the region, which is different from other parts of the contemporaneous mainland Southeast Asia.

Figure 5.8  Hsindat Myindat. Zhok Thok, 7th–8th Century.

Source: Author.

In Vesali, an ancient city in Rakhine state in western Myanmar, a peculiar standing Vishnu image has been found10 (Figure 5.18). Although all attributes are lost, the hands of the main figure which are placed on the heads of the small flanking attendants remind us of a form of Vishnu iconography in northern India, both from the Gupta and early Pala periods. This iconography mentions Āyudhapuruṣas or the personified weapons as small figures flanking Vishnu. In North Indian art, Vishnu in this form normally places both his hands on the heads of the personified weapons. Although the iconographic details of Āyudhapuruṣas at Vesali figure are not distinctive, Vishnu with Āyudhapuruṣas is the most important, as it is the only case of this iconography in Southeast Asia. The most significant evidence of Vaishnavism in the southern Myanmar region is the image of Vishnu discovered at the Kaw Gon cave near Pha-An (Kayin state) (Figure 5.19). The bas-relief image depicts a four-handed Vishnu reclining on the multi-headed serpent Ananta. Vishnu wears the later-Pala styled diadems with a series of pointed leaves allowing us to assign this sculpture to the 10th century or later. The reclining posture of sitting crossed legged is an indigenous style, whereas the series of Naga heads sheltering Vishnu reminds us of the Dvāravatī style of the Naga-sheltered Buddha image in Thailand.

Figure 5.9  Unglazed Jataka Plaques. Base of Hpetleik Stupa, Pagan, 11th Century Early Bagan Art. The Plaques Narrate the Story of Sri Lankan Jataka as Narrated in the Theravada Commentaries. Source: Author.

In order to emphasize the supreme status of Vishnu, the Mon sculptors introduced new iconography depicting Trīmūrti springing out from lotuses. Brahma is shown emerging from the navel in the left, Vishnu himself in the center and Shiva in the right, respectively. This iconography focuses on the reclining Vishnu as the primordial being (Paramātmana), from which the others, Trīmūrti as well as Vishnu himself, were generated. This iconography is typical to Myanmar, not known to India or even other regions in Southeast Asia. This iconography has also been discovered in the Pyu region as well as in

Bagan.11

BUDDHA IMAGES: SCULPTURE IN MYANMAR AND ITS INDIAN LINKAGES During the periods prior to Bagan, South Indian and Sri Lankan schools of art seem to be the prime source of inspiration during the earliest period of Pyu and Mon, attesting to the advent of Theravada Buddhism. Early Buddha images follow the Southern Indian or Sri Lankan stylistic and iconographic conventions, including the low uṣnīṣa, vīrāsana sitting posture, dhyāna or vitārka gesture in some cases. The Gupta/Vākāṭaka influence from North India is, however, noticeable. The transparent robe, the throne decorated with makara, and the bhūmisparśa gesture are important North Indian characters. These have been mixed up with South Indian/Sri Lankan characters. In some cases, the bhūmisparśa gesture with the left hand is unique, of which the iconography is not known today. The most important examples of Pyu Buddha images are the Buddha images with vitārka mudrā unearthed from the Khinba mound (Figure 5.20) and the Buddha images and his disciples on the silver reliquary, also from Khinba12 (Figure 5.21).

Figure 5.10: Dhammayazika Stupa, Pwasaw. 12th Century. GreenGlazed Jataka Plaques Decorate the Base of the Late Bagan Art. Source: Author.

During the 8th century onwards, Myanmar witnessed the influx of influence from the adjacent region of the Pala, which penetrated in several waves, starting from the late period of Pyu and Mon art and continued up to the Bagan period. A stone tablet with the narrative of the first preaching scene was discovered from Sri Ksetra and exhibits a strong Pala influence (Figure 5.22). As of North Indian fashion, the Buddha in dharmacakrapravartana mudrā, sitting in vajrāsana posture, is sheltered by a temple with the Nāgara śikhara, reflecting as the copy of the clay votive tablets scattered around India and Southeast Asia. During the 10th–11th centuries, the high-classic Bagan Buddha

images, both standing and sitting, were overwhelmingly influenced by the art of the late Pala period. The most popular gesture for the sitting Buddha is bhūmisaparśa and the sitting posture is vajrāsana, as of the Pala convention. Stylistically, Bagan Buddha is quite difficult to differentiate from the Pala, as the Bagan style closely follows the characters of the Pala art, but some details and the body proportion would help us to classify these two schools. The face of the Bagan Buddha is characterized by a square with ūrṇā, and the pointed-lotusbud-like element placed on top of the protuberant head. The forehead of the Bagan Buddha is wider from that of the Pala. The sitting Buddha is normally in a one-shoulder-covered robe with short samghātī on his left shoulder, following the Pala style. However, the detail of the stylized samghātī differs from that of the Pala art (Figure 5.23).

Figure 5.11  Zegu, Sri Ksetra.12th–13th Century. A Small Temple

Can be Seen with a Single Closed Sanctum and Short Porch from the Pyu Period. Source: Author.

The Buddha image decorated with a crown is the testimony of the influx of Pala influence. Indicating the status of universal monarch, the crowned Buddha has already been initiated during the reign of Pala ruler Vigrahapala III in eastern India.13 This iconography continues to the later phases of the Pala and Sena style of Buddhist art in Bihar and Bengal in the 11th–12th centuries. Contemporaneous to the later phases of the Pala, the Mon country of south Myanmar adopted this idea, paralleling with the same trend also popular in other regions in mainland Southeast Asia, including the later Khmer art. The crowned Buddha at the Yathepyan cave near Pha-An (Kayin state) (Figure 5.24) is the prime specimen of this case. The crown of Yathepyan Buddha comprises the pointed leaves and the tassels tied and hanging down from the diadem to the shoulder. The pointed crown of the late-Pala style later became quite popular in the Bagan art, which was meant for both Buddha images as well as the figure of kings and nobles. The Buddha image at Ananda in Bagan is a prime example of the late-Pala-styled crown with pointed leaves and shouldered tassels (Figure 5.25).14

BUDDHIST MURALS: PAINTING IN MYANMAR AND ITS INDIAN LINKAGES Bagan murals are of the most significance in mainland Southeast Asia prior to the 13th century. Although religious murals and painted banners are supposed to have existed during the ancient period in other parts of Southeast Asia, Bagan is the only place yielding the most intact example of vivid and colorful murals that still survive in situ nowadays in several temples due to the non-humid climate. These murals allow us to examine the artistic relation between east India and Myanmar, either the exchange of painters within these two regions, or the carrying of painted manuscripts from east India to Myanmar.

Figure 5.12  Lemyetha. Sri Ksetra. 13th Century. The Temple Has

Opened Porches at Four Cardinal Directions from the Pyu Period. Source: Author.

The most popular Buddhist themes from the Bagan murals are the important episodes selected from Buddha’s life scenes, the Jatakas, the series of previous Buddhas, etc. Iconographically, the artistic elements and the composition of the scene remind us of the Pala manuscripts, even though some stories are derived from the Sri Lankan Theravada commentaries.15 For example, the nativity of Buddha at Phya-Thon-Zu in Bagan (Figure 5.26) is portrayed by the double female figures of Mahāmāyā and Gautamī grasping the branch of a tree, which corresponds to the same composition depicted in the Pala manuscript. The reddish color tone with a red-and-black background is the character of Pala manuscripts, attesting the close linkage. The double miracle at Lokathiekpan also follows the Pala iconographic convention (Figure 5.27) by narrating the triple Buddha sitting on the same lotus-throne, that is, the real master is flanked by the illusions. Two more standing illusions touching sun and moon are, however, reminiscent of Dvāravatī iconography. At Abeyadana and Alopye (Bautze-Picron 2003, 170–178, 187–188) temples in Bagan, some Mahāyana figures of Bodhisattvas, such as Avalokiteśvara holding the padma and Mañjuśrī holding the utpala are portrayed inside the temples as the attendants of Buddha.16 The iconography and the dress of these Bodhisattvas follow the late Pala conventions, including the sitting or standing posture, the vāstrayajñopavita (the upper garment), and the style of the coiffure (Figure 5.28). These Mahāyana Bodhisattvas in some cases are considered to be subordinate gods and assimilated in the Theravada pantheon.

Figure 5.13  Sarvatobhadra Type of Temple at Paharpur, Early Pala Art, Predecessor of the Colossal Temple in Bagan. Source: Author.

Figure 5.14  Ananda Temple, the Most Impressive Sarvatobhadra Temple with Nāgara Śikhara, Bagan Period. Source: Author.

Figure 5.15  Nagayon Temple Bagan. It Is an Example of the Single-entrance Temple with Nāgara Sikhara. Source: Author.

Figure 5.16  Buddha, Kamalapur, Bangladesh. Pala Architecture as Reflected in Bas-Relief. Source: Author.

Figure 5.17  Śikhara with Gavākṣa, Nan Hpahya Temple, 11th Century, Early Bagan Period. Source: Author.

Figure 5.18  Vishnu with Āyudhapuraṣas at Vesali, Rakhine State. Source: Author.

Figure 5.19  Reclining Vishnu at Kaw Gon Cave Near Pha-An, Mon State. Source: Author.

Figure 5.20  Silver Buddha with Vitārka Gesture Unearthed from the Khinba Mound, Pyu Period. Source: Sura Piriyasanguanpong.

Figure 5.21  Buddha on the Silver Reliquary Unearthed from the Khinba Mound, Pyu Period. Source: Sura Piriyasanguanpong.

Figure 5.22  Tablet Depicting the First Sermon. Sri Ksetra. 10th– 11th Century, Pyu Period. It Marks the Advent of Pala Influence. Source: Sura Piriyasanguanpong.

Figure 5.23  The High-Classic Bagan Buddha Image with Strong Late Pala Influence. 10th–11th Century. Source: Sura Piriyasanguanpong.

Figure 5.24  Crowned Buddha at the Yathepyan Cave near Pa-An (Kayin State), Late Mon Period. Source: Author.

Figure 5.25  Crowned Buddha. Ananda, Bagan, 12th Century, Bagan Period. Source: Author.

Figure 5.26  The Nativity of the Master, Phya-Thon-Zu in Bagan. 13th Century. Source: Author.

The most fascinating example of the Bagan mural with fully schemed iconography is the painting at Lokatheikpan (Ba Shin 1962, 9–12) (Figure 5.29). The back wall of the temple, against the main Buddha image, depicts seven important episodes from the master’s life scenes, including the nativity, the first preaching, the subjugation of mad elephant Nalagīrī, the great demise (already fade away), the descent from Tavatimsa heaven, the great miracle, and the receiving of the honey bowl from the monkey, respectively, from the left to the right.17 These paintings are surprisingly combined with the Buddha image in the center, which narrates his enlightenment. In the Pala art, the iconographic scheme of the eight important episodes from the master’s life scene reflects the most popular Buddhist pilgrimage places in India. This iconography was initiated from the mid-Pala period and continued to the late-Pala. Bagan, despite being Theravada, adapted this iconography and applied this scheme, for both sculptures and paintings. In the case of sculptures, the eight scenes of the Buddha are normally portrayed in the form of stone Andagu (white ivory-like dolomite) tiny tablets.18 For murals, Lokatheikpan provides the most complicated iconographic scheme, as shown in the painting and sculpture, simultaneously.

Figure 5.27  Double Miracle, Lokathiekpan, Bagan. 13th Century. Source: Author.

In conclusion, because Myanmar is the only country in mainland Southeast Asia which is connectible with the subcontinent by land route, the artistic and civilizational links between India and Myanmar have been continued from the Pyu, Mon, Rakhine, and Bagan periods with either implicit or explicit correlation. The rich evidence of art and architecture during the 5th–12th centuries, Buddhist stupas, temples, Hindu images, Buddha images, and murals, provide several aspects allowing art historians to understand both the Indianized and localized procedures that happened in Myanmar. Despite following Singhalese Theravada during the Bagan period, the art of Myanmar adapted east Indian Mahāyanist art to its own characters. After the 13th century, following Islamic presence in Bengal, Myanmar became one of the Buddhist centers and started transmitting the Indian concept of art and architecture to other regions in mainland Southeast Asia, including Lanna, Sukhothai, and Ayutthaya in Thailand.

Figure 5.28  Avalokiteśvara as Depicted at the Alopye Temple, Bagan. Source: Author.

Figure 5.29  The Lokatheikpan Temple, Bagan. 13th Century. It Provides the Buddha Image Combined with Murals Narrating the Eight Great Events of Buddha’s Life. Source: Author.

NOTES 1. The excavation report of Beikthano compares Stupa KKG3 with the Nagarjunakonda Stupa. 2. For further information about the Sien Nyet Nyima Stupa, see Stadtner (2005, 194–197). 3. For further details on Bangladesh terracotta plaques, see Ahmed (n.d., 61–109). 4. The list of Hpetleik Jataka terracotta plaques can be searched from Luce (1970, pls. 94–118, Vol. 3). 5. Provides further study on green-glazed terracotta plaques in Bagan art. 6. Some more information about the monuments at Sri Ksetra can be had from Moore (2007, 167–72). 7. For further information about Bagan vaulting techniques, see (Stadtner 2005, 56–57). 8. Further information about Paharpur or Somapuri Vihara can be studied from Mitra (1980, 240–243) and Huntington (1985, 389–391). 9. Four previous Buddha in the aeon at Ananda are Kakusandha, Konāgamana, Kassapa, and Gotama. 10. For further information about Vishnu iconography in ancient Rakhine, see Gutman (2001, 58–60). 11. Other sculptures of a reclining Vishnu with Trīmurtī on lotuses have been discovered throughout Myanmar. For further information, see Luce (1985, 170–171, Vol. 1, pl. 148; 89–90, Vol. 2, pl. 50). 12. For more information about silver reliquary unearthed from the

Khinba mound, see Luce (1985, 137, Vol. 1; Vol. 2, pl. 28–29) and Moore (2007, 175–179). 13. Bronze Buddha images provided with VigrahaPala III’s dated inscription have been discovered from Kurkihar, Bihar. For further details, see Huntington (1984, 64–67). 14. Further reading on the crowned Buddha image at Ananda, sometime entitled as the crown stone image at Shwe Chan, For further details, see Bautze-Picron (2010, 109–110). 15. For further details on the Pala manuscript paintings, see Huntington (1985, 406–407). 16. This book provides a complete description of the murals at Abeyadana and Alopye, respectively. 17. For further reading on Buddha’s eight life scene sculptures in Bagan art, see Strachan (1989, 27–28). 18. For further information on the Andagu sculpture in the Bagan art, see Luce (1970, 171–175, Vol. 2; Vol. 3, pls. 400–405).

CHAPTER 6 DYNAMICS OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INDONESIA AND INDIA IN THE HINDU–BUDDHIST PERIOD Agustijanto Indradjaja The beginning of the first millennium CE marked a new chapter of trade contacts between India, Southeast Asia, and China and was an important period in the historical development of ancient Indonesian culture. The people of the archipelago at that time had a paleometallic culture. The main characteristics of the period, among others, were the development of metallurgy (bronze and iron), settled lifestyle, and ancestor worship. The increasingly intense contact with India was followed by the acceptance of India’s influence in the archipelago. Some local community groups had also been involved in long-distance trade before the coming of influence from India or China. Some of the findings of Dong Son style kettledrums (nekaras) and axes are evidence of their long-distance trading networks (Manguin 1996, 255). From such observations, we can understand that the archaeological remains of the Dong Son culture (North Vietnam) are the earliest metal objects found in the archipelago, and they were not inspired by metal objects from India or China (Bellwood 2000, 389). Increased trading activities between China and India using maritime routes through the Malacca Straits resulted in the emergence of trade centers and entrepots in Southeast Asia, including Indonesia. At first, China was not interested in trading with areas in Southeast Asia, as the Chinese kings considered it to be located far from their center. Chinese control of Tongking (Tonkin) led to extensive trade with parts of Southeast Asia (Wolters 1967, 38–39). India’s expansion into the Southeast Asian region was triggered by a growing demand for exotic goods such as spices including cloves and cinnamon, and aromatics

such as sandalwood, during the 1st century CE. In addition, substantial improvements in maritime technology in the Southeast Asian region and long-distance shipping using double or single outrigger boats were responsible for increased trade (Glover 1989, 2). Archaeological evidence relating to the presence of Indian settlers in the archipelago has been found at several archaeological sites, which are generally located along the coast or estuary, such as Sembiran, Bali, Batujaya, and West Java. A number of pottery types of rouletted wares originating from Arikamedu (South India) and carnelian beads (from India or Southeast Asia) were found at these sites. On the east coast of Sumatra, such as the Karang Agung, Air Sugihan, and Cengal sites, there are ancient settlements that had trade contacts with Oc Eo (Funan) around the 4th century CE (Map 6.1). The tradition of settling and building a community of foreign traders in the archipelago seems to have been started by a network of Vaishnava traders in Southeast Asia, who came to Bali (Indonesia) in the 5th–7th century CE (Indradjaja 2014, 116). The continuation of this tradition is evident from the presence of a community of Indian traders, especially Tamils living in Barus and Kota Cina, North Sumatra, mentioned in the Lobu Tua inscription dated 1088 CE (Subbarayalu 2002, 25). The movement of people, commodities, and technologies across this broad sphere of interaction had a positive impact on local communities, which led to an exchange of new ideas and practices. The people of the archipelago began to recognize and adopt the concept of a Hindu–Buddhist kingdom. From about the 5th–7th centuries CE, two kingdoms emerged, namely Kutai in East Kalimantan and Tarumanagara in West Java. The Kutai Kingdom is marked by the presence of seven inscribed yupas written in Indicinspired Pallava script. The inscriptions include the ordination ceremony of King Mulavarman as ruler and the bestowal of several gifts to the brahmins who blessed the king. It is clearly implied in these inscriptions that brahmins from India were present in these religious ritual activities. Van Leur suggests that priests from India may have

come at the invitation of some of the island “rulers” (Holt 1967, 35; Van Leur 1955, 103). After that, in about the 7th–8th century CE, the Ho-ling Kingdom and the Mataram Kingdom in Central Java and the Śrīvijaya Kingdom in Sumatra emerged.

Map 6.1  Distribution of Hindu–Buddhist Sites in the Archipelago. Source: DEMIS Map Server, www.demis.nl

Disclaimer: This figure is not to scale. It does not represent any authentic national or international boundaries and is used for illustrative purposes only. Regarding the presence of the brahmins and monks who spread religion to the archipelago, it is recorded that several important religious figures had come and settled there. Among them were Guṇavarman who lived in Javadvīpa, Sakyakītri who lived in Śrīvijaya, and Dharmapāla from Kāñcī, who had taught for 30 years at Nalanda. In addition, there were also Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra who stopped by Śrīvijaya (Poerbatjaraka 1976, 28), and Atiśa, who in the 11th century, studied in Śrīvijaya for 12 years before going to Tibet (Damais 1995, 90). The arrival of religious leaders from India had an impact on the religious life in the archipelago. The Nalanda Mahāvihāra was one of the most important nodes for dissemination of Indic cultural elements

to Indonesia (Bernet-Kempers 1933, 3), and centres of Buddhist studies have been present in Śrīvijaya (Sumatra) and Ho-ling (Java) at least since the 7th century CE. Good relations with India were also reflected in the Nalanda copper-plate inscription, which mentions the construction of a monastery and village on behalf of King Balaputradeva of Suvarṇadvīpa, the king of Śrīvijaya, from around 860 CE (Coomaraswany 1965, 198). However, relations between the archipelago and India were not always good; the Chola Kingdom had attacked Śrīvijaya in 1007 and 1025 CE (Çœdès 1975, 142–43). Some scholars see the acceptance of Indian influence as “Indianization.” This term is still a matter of debate. Therefore, Veronique Degroot has opted for the term “Hindu–Buddhist” as its substitute (Degroot 2009, 9). The acceptance of Hindu–Buddhist religion had far-reaching effects on local communities. People began to recognize the architecture used for places of worship such as temples or stupas, and the iconography of Hindu and Buddhist sculptures. In architecture, building a temple was not in the nature of the local community, but with Indian influence, a new chapter began.

CANDIS OF THE CENTRAL JAVANESE PERIOD Soekmono divided the distribution of temples in Central Java into three large groups based on their geographical landscape, namely the Dieng temple group and Gedong Songo in the mountainous area, inland Java; the Borobudur Temple group in the south of the Kedu plain; and the Prambanan group in eastern Yogyakarta (Soekmono 1979, 475). In fact, there is another group, namely the temples in the north coast of Central Java. The structures in this area are part of the earliest chain in the reconstruction of the history of Hindu–Buddhist development in Central Java. Some scholars such as E.B. Vogler (1949) divided the temples in Central Java into five periods based on the kāla-makara ornament. Of the temples from periods 1 and 2 (to 760 CE), nothing survives. The oldest temples are from the third period (760–812 CE) and are represented by the Candis (temples) Arjuna, Semar, and Ghatotkacha in the Dieng, and the Candis Borobudur, Pawon, Mendut, Kalasan, Sari, Lumbung and Sewu. Specifically for the Dieng temples, Soekmono believes that all the temples in Dieng date before 800 CE (Soekmono 1979, 458–66) (Figure 6.1).

Figure 6.1  Temples on the Dieng Plateau, c. 8th Century CE, at an Altitude of 2000 Meters above Sea Level, Central Java. Source: Research Organization for Archaeology, Language, and Literature. National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia.

Candi Arjuna (Dieng group) shows a simple construction technique in the form of arranging stone blocks one on top of another with an uncomplicated building design. It has a squat appearance with a flat and wide base. It is shaped like a cube and the roof of the temple is like the pyramidal arrangement of the cubes that get smaller and smaller in size. The roof is shaped in a manner well known from South Indian temple architecture (Bernet Kempers 1959, 32). Furthermore, there are spouts under the recesses in the northern wall to drain water that was poured on the liṅga in the main chamber. The temple is

adorned with decorative patterns of kāla-makara, coiled tendrils, flower strands, and other decorative patterns, the processing and presentation of which, according to N.J. Krom, clearly shows a deep presence of local (Indonesian) elements. This decorative pattern is the result of Indonesia’s creativity with a Hindu style (Krom 1923; Soekmono 1989, 241). Reflecting on the design of the Dieng temples, it is difficult to find its exact counterpart in India. However, the Indian origin of the elements —including the art of the sculptures—cannot be denied. It is just that the point of origin is not limited to only one place or era but could be from various places and various ages at once. In addition, the absence of pillars and stacked stone construction as shown in the Dieng temples have given its own personality to Indonesian architecture which is fundamentally different from Indian architecture (Soekmono 1989, 240). According to Julie Romain, the Dieng temples that are “Indian” constitute an amalgamation of motifs associated with various regional South Indian temple styles. Except for Candi Bīma, all the Dieng temples have the distinctive Drāviḍa pyramidal towers which are constructed in tiers of miniature shrines with a finial as well as the raised plinth and S-shaped staircases (Romain 2011, 311). If previously experts believed that the oldest remaining temple was the Dieng temple group, the latest research (2019) at the mouth of the Kali Kuto River in the north coast of Central Java has led to the discovery of two temples from the early mid-7th century CE. The temples are Candis Balekambang and Boto Tumpang Temple (Indradjaja, Sukawati, and Degroot 2019, 324) (Figure 6.2). The molding of the profile on the lower part of the wall of the Boto Tumpang temple, from bottom to top, consists of a plinth, a large torus (kumuda), a band adorned with protruding bricks, and a space with panels and pilasters. The plinth and the large torus (kumuda) are like those of Candi Balekambang. At Balekambang, these are the only elements preserved, but at Boto Tumpang the molding of the base is almost complete and confirms the stylistic proximity with the Batujaya temple. The profile of Boto Tumpang, especially the protruding bricks

mimicking joist heads, is totally unheard of in Central Java but is strongly reminiscent of Candi Batujaya (West Java), where 6th–7thcentury Buddhist structures were excavated in the 1990s and early 2000s (Djafar 2010; Indradjaja, Sukawati, and Degroot 2019, 324– 326; Manguin 2011) (Figure 6.3). The discovery of Candis Balekambang and Boto Tumpang are also worth considering for a possible connection with the kingdom of Ho-ling, whose first envoys to China date back to the mid-7th century CE (Cœdès 1975, 79).

Figure 6.2  Excavations on the East Wall of Boto Tumpang Temple. Source: Research Organization for Archaeology, Language, and Literature. National Research and Innovation Agency.

Figure 6.3  Blandongan Temple, One of the Large Brick Temples in the Batujaya Temple Complex, c. 7th Century CE. Source: Research Organization for Archaeology, Language, and Literature. National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia.

During the reign of the Śailendra dynasty, as rulers of the Mataram Kingdom in the 8th–10th century, architectural development of temples advanced quite rapidly. The most spectacular structure of this period is the Borobudur temple, which has the shape of a ten-storied pyramid with a large stupa at the top. The lowest level is the foot of a closed temple, followed by five levels with a square plan and four levels with a circular plan. The whole structure might be regarded as an integration of the stupa concept and the terraced sanctuary. The last one was possibly inherited from the prehistoric period, functioning as a sanctuary for ancestor worship (Sedyawati 2009, 2). According to Robert L. Brown, Candi Borobudur does not follow Indian architecture but involves division and reformulation of Indian concepts to fit local notions. The monument suggests that the design was controlled by a small elite group, who was able to freely organize Indian ideas (Brown 1994, 17).

Candi Borobudur symbolizes the universe which, according to Buddhist cosmology, is divided into three levels. At the lowest level is the Kāmadhātu, the world where humans live, depicted by the foot of the temple and the balustrade. At this level, humans are still confined by the desires of the world which are subject to the law of cause and effect or karmawibhangga. Therefore, at this level, the walls are decorated with reliefs depicting the story of karmawibhangga. The second level is the Rūpadhātu, which is the “form-realm.” At Candi Borobudur it is described up to level five, for there is a rectangular plan with reliefs of the Lalitawistara, Jātakas, Awadānas, Gaṇḍawyūha, and Bhadra-cari. The highest level is Arūpadhātu, depicted by a circular level, where unadorned stupas are placed. This level describes emptiness where there is no longer an external being. Besides being decorated with narrative reliefs and decorative carvings, Candi Borobudur is also equipped with 504 Buddha sculptures in the Rūpadhātu and Arūpadhātu sections (Figure 6.4).

Figure 6.4  Candi Borobudur, Central Java, c. 9th Century CE. Source: Research Organization for Archaeology, Language, and Literature. National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia.

Kamulan I Bhumisambhara in the Tepusan inscription (842 CE) refers to a large maṇḍala (charged field) which was then known as Borobudur, that was built in the 9th century CE by the Śailendra Dynasty in Central Java According to Soekmono, Candi Borobudur was built around 842 CE and was intended to glorify Mahāyāna Buddhism (Soekmono 1986, 91), while Nurhadi Magetsari argued that Candi Borobudur represented the unique combination of Mahāyāna and Tantrayāna Buddhism. This is not a conceptual philosophical combination only but is also an integrated doctrinal teaching (Magetsari 2009, 236). Apart from Borobudur, Candis Mendut, Pawon, Kalasan, and Sewu are no less significant and beautiful. The construction of Buddhist

temples that flourished during the Śailendra period was also complemented by the construction of Candi Prambanan, built around the 9th century CE, dedicated to Shiva, which followed the pattern of placing the main temple with ancillary temples facing it. This pattern was maintained until the 10th century, and is found in later Candis such as Merak, Sambi Sari, Morangan, Mantup, Ijo, and Kedulan (858 CE). Candi Prambanan has three enclosed courtyards and the third one is the most sacred courtyard, where the three main temples with three ancillary temples are located. The Shiva temple has four entrances; Durgā Mahiṣāsuramardinī is placed on the north side, Gaṇeśa on the west side, Agastya on the south side, and Shiva is present in the main chamber. The inner balustrade of the temple is decorated with reliefs depicting the Rāmāyaṇa story, while at the top, there is the finial with the āmalaka (myrobalan) motif. The body of the temple appears to be divided in two levels because of the belt decoration. The terraced roof is decorated with āmalaka motifs. The Vishnu and Brahma temples were built like the Shiva temple, only smaller in size and consist of a single chamber with the entrance on the east side. The inner balustrade of the Brahma temple is decorated with reliefs depicting the last scene of the Rāmāyaṇa story, while the reliefs on the Vishnu temple tell the story of Krishna. Candi Prambanan can be regarded as a masterpiece of Hindu temples of the Śailendra dynasty, with a height of 43 meters. It was the tallest temple that could be built in Southeast Asia in the 9th century. Candi Prambanan is a Shiva temple that was built by Rakai Pikatan, king of Mataram, and located in Sleman, Central Java. According to the Śiwagṛha inscription, this temple was built in the year 856 CE (Figure 6.5).

Figure 6.5  Candi Prambanan, c. 9th Century CE, Central Java. Source: Research Organization for Archaeology, Language, and Literature. National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia.

CANDIS OF THE EAST JAVANESE PERIOD In the first half of the 10th century, the center of the kingdom of Mataram moved to the eastern part of the island (Boechari 1997; Krom 1931, 206). Consequently, the construction of temples began to bloom in East Java. This period coincided closely with the growing Hindu–Buddhist influence in Bali and Sumatra. Changes in architectural and art styles from Central Java to East Java must also be seen from the point of view of changes in the mindset of the people who supported it. Religious life in this period was marked by the strengthening of the concept of devarāja, namely god-king. With the growth of syncretism, Shivaite and Buddhist cults overlapped and fused, both strongly tinged by Tantric conceptions and practices delivered by magic means (Holt 1967, 68). A syncretism of Shiva– Buddha, in which Shiva and Buddha are seen and worshipped together, was in evidence. The ancient Javanese manuscript, Sutasoma (14th century CE) written by Mpu Tantular mentions the equality between Shiva and Buddha. But the two religions, Shaivism and Buddhism, never fused. This understanding was also manifested in the construction of Candi Jawi, dedicated to Shiva and Akṣobhya Buddha. The temple, which stands on a high stone platform, has its peak in the form of a stupa which is erected on a cube-shaped plinth. The top has the sculpture of Buddha Akṣobhya while on the body of the temple and in the main chamber (garbhagṛha) are placed Hindu sculptures. Candi Jawi is thus a temple that breathes two religions, Shivaite and Buddhist. In the Nagarakṛtāgama manuscript, it is stated that the Jajawa Temple (Jawi) was established by order of the last king of Singhasari, namely Kṛtanegara, as a place of worship for Shivaite and Buddhist religious people (Muljana 2006, 376; Pigeaud 1960, 41). The Nagarakṛtāgama manuscript mentions that this temple was established by King Kṛtanegara, the last ruler of the Singhasari kingdom and was used for Shivaite and Buddhist ceremonies (Figure 6.6).

Figure 6.6  Candi Jawi, East Java, c. Late 13th Century CE. Source: Research Organization for Archaeology, Language, and Literature. National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia.

The veneration of the figure of a king as the embodiment of a deity made temples be built as a place of worship of the deceased king, as also in the Candi Kidal, which was used as pendharmaan temple for Anusapati, the second king of the Singhasari kingdom (Muljana 2006, 376; Pigeaud 1960, 41). In the Singhasari period, temple construction had two models, namely, the temple on a single stone platform and a temple with the same structure but built on a high stone platform and terraced into several levels (Dumarcay 1993, 72). The body of the temples are slim and have sanctum chambers (garbhagṛha) and niches. These do not have a lot of framing, usually just decorated with flat framing and beveled sides. The roof of the temple is a combination of levels. The temple is decorated with kāla but without makara. Candis Singhasari, Jago, and Jawi are some examples of East Javanese architecture and art. As in Central Java, temples in East Java are also decorated with relief sculptures. However, the reliefs on the Central Javanese temples are made in a natural style, while those in East Java are of the wayang style, a depiction of humans which are two-dimensional and rigid. Natural motifs also become more and more stylized. The Rāmāyaṇa scenes in the relief sculptures of Candi Panataran (East Java), for example, are very different from the Rāmāyaṇa scenes in the Prambanan Temple (Central Java). On the reliefs of Panataran, scenes of danger and conflict especially are filled with flaming scrolls and spirals, which are suffused with the partly distinguishable shapes of demonic beings (Holt 1967, 84). In the late 15th century Majapahit period, the construction of temples emphasized the “prehistoric” elements as shown in the temple building on Mount Penanggungan and several others outside the Majapahit area, like Candis Sukuh and Ceto on the western slope of Mount

Lawu, east of Solo, Central Java. The complex of Sukuh consists of three terraced platforms and in the innermost one stands a truncated pyramidal building that has stairs going up to the top of the pyramid. The architectural form of the Sukuh temple, as well as the reliefs and sculptures depicted, are very different from the temple styles of Central Java or East Java. Candi Sukuh marks the end of the art of architecture and iconography of Hindu-Buddist sculptures in Java which was in evidence during the 7th–15th centuries CE (Figure 6.7).

SCULPTURAL ART: CENTRAL JAVANESE In addition to temple architecture, the art of sculpture also developed along with the acceptance of Hindu–Buddhist religion in the archipelago. The earliest archaeological evidence is the presence of a Vishnu sculpture wearing a high cylindrical headdress and a long waistcloth, which dates to around the 5th–7th centuries CE. This sculpture is known as “mitred Vishnu” and was found in Bangka (Sumatra), West Java, Central Java, up to Bali. In addition, bronze Buddha sculptures from Sempaga (South Sulawesi) and Blitar are depicted wearing a robe with a parallel line motif, which reminds us of the Amaravati style and was probably brought from India or Sri Lanka. Whereas the Amaravati style developed in South India during the early centuries of the common era, at the latter place, this kind of style had developed in the 7th century CE. Likewise, we have the Bukit Siguntang Buddha sculpture (stone) in Palembang which, based on its ceremonial dress, was influenced by the 7th-century Gupta and postGupta art (Suhaimi 1979, 33; Utomo 2016, 106). These sculptures can be considered the oldest Hindu and Buddhist sculptures found in the archipelago (Figure 6.8).

Figure 6.7  Candi Sukuh, Central Java, c. Late 15th Century CE. Source: Research Organization for Archaeology, Language, and Literature. National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia.

Figure 6.8  Sempaga Buddha Sculpture, South Sulawesi, Which Was Influenced by the Amaravati Style.

Source: Research Organization for Archaeology, Language, and Literature. National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia.

Sculptures in Java, Bali, and Sumatra during the Hindu–Buddhist period clearly had a strong influence of Gupta, post-Gupta, and Palaperiod sculptures. As stated by Bernet Kempers, the Hindu-Javanese bronzes in general were not developed from Pala art, but the Pala images have enriched the art of Java with several motifs and types. These Pala elements, once admitted into Hindu-Javanese art, have developed according to the rules of their new sphere (Bernet Kempers 1933, 74). Over time, Javanese sculptures continued to innovate and made several changes, such as clothing modifications that had begun to be adapted to local culture. Certain Indian iconographic features were adopted, while others were adapted to Javanese taste and were standardized (Klokke 1994, 178). Likewise is the case of the depiction of clothing for sculptures of gods and goddesses, which contrasts with Indian sculptures (Suleiman 1989, 172). In the Dieng temples, a sculpture of Lord Shiva sitting on Nandi, who is depicted anthropomorphically, was found. According to Robert L. Brown, it is not a copy of an Indian image (Brown 1994, 11). Similarly, a three-headed figure was found in the Dieng area. In Hindu iconography of India, it is known that the Sadāśiva and Trimūrti Mahādeva are depicted with five and three heads, respectively (Grace 1980, 88; Gupte 1972, 69). The Dieng sculpture is described as having three heads with a depiction of a calm face and four arms. The two arms at the back hold the akṣamālā (rosary) and the cāmara (fly whisk). Therefore, the depiction of the three-headed figure from Dieng cannot be equated with the sculpture of the god Trimūrti or Sadaśiva. The style of Hindu–Buddhist sculptures in Java can be grouped into three styles, namely: (a) the Śailendra art style, (b) the KādiriSinghasari art style, and (c) the Majapahit art style. Nevertheless, apart from these three groups, it is also known that there are sculptures brought directly from their place of origin (India) and local type sculptures (Polynesian) which are generally made more simply with limited attributes, and it is often difficult to determine who the god or character is that it depicts. Iconographically altered sculptures make

it challenging to identify the intended character. During the period of the Śailendra dynasty, the art of making sculptures in metal or stone mediums developed. The distinct characteristics of this style can be seen in the crown, clothing, and jewelry. Usually, the cloth is worn from the abdomen to the ankles, or sometimes the length of the cloth is unsymmetrical. On the left leg, it is only worn up to the knee, while on the right leg it extends up to the ankle. The cloth is pleated in the middle of the front. For a cloth binder, a belt decorated with flowers and a sampur (a kind of shawl) with a knot at the hip are used (Utomo 2013, 7). The sculptures from the peak period of Buddhism in Central Java (9th–10th centuries) are seen at the Borobudur, Mendut, Plaosan, Sewu, and Kalasan temples. These sculptures represent the aesthetic excellence of sculptures during the Śailendra dynasty period. The Bodhisattva Manjuśrī sculpture from Candi Plaosan is an excellent example of the beauty and harmony of the Śailendra-period sculptures. The jewelry on the sculpture is classified as high relief, with clear and natural cultivation, and has a smooth surface. The sculpture is depicted wearing a thigh-high cloth, and seated in lalitāsana (posture of ease), with the right leg hanging and supported by a small lotus pad. The depiction of an oval face and calm expression with half-open eyes (meditative attitude) shows the influence of Gupta art (Wirjosuparto 1956, 13). At the level of the neck, the stele support is decorated with a crescent moon motif. The sculpture is two-armed with the right hand in varada mudrā, while the left hand holds a lotus stalk carved near the left shoulder (Figure 6.9).

Figure 6.9  Manjuśrī Bodhisattva from Candi Plaosan, 9th–10th Century CE. Source: Research Organization for Archaeology, Language, and Literature. National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia.

The beauty of the Buddha sculptures is balanced by Hindu sculptures such as the Shiva sculptures found in Tegal Regency, Central Java. The deity is depicted as standing in samabhaṅga (equipoise) position, with rich but proportionate decorations. He wears a jaṭāmukuṭa (knotted hair crown) with an ardha-candra-kapāla (crescent and skullshaped ornament) at the front. He has a tiger-skin patterned cloth that covers the waist up to the ankles and a wide ribbon belt tied in the front. The second and third eyes are plated with silver while the lips are plated with gold and therefore this sculpture is often called “Shiva with the lips of gold” (Figure 6.10).

Figure 6.10  Shiva from Tegal, Central Java, Śailendra style. Source: Research Organization for Archaeology, Language, and Literature. National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia.

SCULPTURAL ART: EAST JAVANESE With the displacement of the center to East Java around the 10th century CE, there appeared the Singhasari style of sculpture which was marked by a lotus tree flanking the sculpture, curly hair on the left and right of the head, a crown with ribbon, and fabric decorations given kawung or jlamprang motifs and sculptural decorations. These features can be found in the sculptures of Prajnapāramitā, Durgā Mahiṣāsuramardinī, Gaṇeśa, Agastya, and dvārapāla (Candi Singhasari). It can be said that the Singhasari sculptures represent the pinnacle of the development of the sculptural art style of the East Java era. The sculpture of Durga Mahiṣāsuramardinī from Candi Singhasari is described as more expressive than the Durgā Mahiṣāsuramardinī from Candi Prambanan. The sculpture of Gaṇeśa from Candi Singhasari is more expressively frightening than the Gaṇeśa sculptures seen in India. What is different is that Gaṇeśa from Singhasari is depicted in a sitting position on a base of skulls. Skulls also adorn the elephant god’s crown, ear ornaments, and the beads of the bracelets. It appears that the reference to Gaṇeśa is only taken from Smaradahana, as there are many “deviations” present in the interpretations in India (Sedyawati 1994, 323). In the Majapahit period, sculptures embodying an important figure, or a king, became increasingly prevalent. According to the Nagarakṛatāgama manuscript, the Harihara sculpture of Simping Temple is a portrait sculpture of King Kṛtarājasa, the first king of the Majapahit Kingdom, conceived as Harihara (Figure 6.11).

Figure 6.11  Portrait Sculpture of King Kṛtarājasa. Majapahit Period, from Candi Simping. Source: Research Organization for Archaeology, Language, and Literature. National Research and Innovation Agency, Indonesia.

The sculptures from the late Majapahit period are increasingly more rigid, and Chinese influence can be seen in their facial features. During the Majapahit era, sculptures of Hindu and Buddhist gods appeared with lines around their bodies. These lines were considered as rays emanating from the body of the sculpture, which was a depiction of a deified human figure and experts often named it the “Majapahit Sun,” characteristic of the power of the Majapahit palace for two centuries (Munandar 2015, 31). It can be said that in the East Javanese period, a new culture developed which is still rooted in the Hindu–Buddhist conception but gradually accentuates the Indonesian nature. “Prehistoric” cultural traditions are seen more on the structure of the temples, which resembles a punden (terrace structure). Likewise, the expression on the sculptures is more influenced by the pre-Hindu sculpture tradition, which was rooted in animistic beliefs, magic, and fertility cults. The change in style of art from Central Java to East Java was not caused by the loss of quality associated with the waning of Indian influence but because of the re-emergence of original Indonesian elements which soon became a new art style in Java (Soekmono 1989, 237).

CONCLUSION The relationship between ancient India and Indonesia encouraged the growth of new cultural patterns in the archipelago. This resulted from a process of cultural transformation that occurred simultaneously and continuously without any coercion or domination of one culture over another. It gained momentum on account of trade, religion, and politics, especially the initiatives of ancient Indonesian communities, motivated by various interests. The people of the archipelago not only accepted incoming “foreign” elements, but they also processed and localized them, at times giving them a “new meaning” in accordance with the local needs and sociocultural conditions of ancient Indonesia. This may be seen, for example, in the Tantu Panggelaran manuscript, where the poet has “Javanised” the image of India in the life of the Javanese people. This text describes the translocation of Mount Mahā-Meru of Jambūdvīpa (India) to Jawadwīpa (Java), which in turn caused the gods to migrate and “belong” to Java! The ancient Javanese people were also looking for concepts and images that they could reshape with the clear purpose of ritualizing their beliefs. Another example is the emergence of the Shiva–Buddha teachings in Java, which reflected congruences between perceptions of Shiva as the supreme deity in Hinduism and Buddha as the goal of the Buddhist followers. The splendor of premodern Javanese Candis and their sculptural masterpieces bear testimony to the millennia-long fruitful relations between the two cultures, Indian and Indonesian.

III ICONS AND NARRATIVES: CONNECTING CULTURES

CHAPTER 7 EPIC VISIONS IN TERRACOTTA, STONE, AND STUCCO : RĀMĀYAṆA IN INDIAN SCULPTURE (BEGINNING TO 8TH CENTURY CE) Parul Pandya Dhar The Rāma story finds its earliest complete literary expression as the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa in Sanskrit. Its seven books or kāṇḍas begin in reverie and grief (śoka) to evolve into a great epic in verse (śloka). It proceeds from circumstances leading to the birth of its protagonist, Rāma, meanders through many fortunes and vicissitudes, and culminates in the death of its antagonist, Rāvaṇa of Laṅkā, and the coronation of Rāma of Ayodhyā, symbolizing the victory of good over evil.1 The scholarly consensus for its timeframe spans from the 7th century BCE for its earliest parts to the 3rd century CE for the latest additions and interpolations.2 From the early to mid-centuries of the first millennium CE, epigraphic and visual evidence registers the undeniable significance of this epic in Indic cultural thought and practice.3 This great poem (mahākāvya) has since held a significant place in the moral, social, cultural, and political fabric of India and Southeast Asia. Over the centuries, it has cut across diverse geographical, political, religious, and social boundaries and has been written, carved, painted, recited, and performed in different artistic genres. In the process, it has been continuously adapted, localized, and assimilated—in part or its entirety—in response to changing perceptions and motivations. The diverse Hindu Rāmāyaṇa traditions, Buddhist Dasaratha-jātaka, Jaina Rāmāyaṇas beginning with Vimalasūri’s Paumacariu, and Muslim Māppila Rāmāyaṇaṃ among others testify to a widespread acceptance of this epic in ways that have defied rigid boundaries.

DISPERSED FABLES: POST-MAURYAN TRACES A few terracottas from the Gangetic valley belt belonging to the postMaurya timeframe (c. 2nd century BCE to 2nd century CE) portray the abduction of a woman by a gigantic or demonic figure. In one such terracotta plaque from Kauśāmbī, the abducted woman’s jewels lie scattered on the ground.4 This depiction shares several features in common with the episode of Sītā’s abduction by Rāvaṇa in the Rāmāyaṇa. It is likely that such dispersed fables belonged to a common pool of ancient Indian stories that had a presence in folkloric and epic genres. In a similar vein, many Buddhist jātakas are known to have integrated elements from a shared pool of ancient Indian parables. In some cases, folkloric elements and epic stories were transformed into jātakas by identifying the chief character with a Buddha-to-be or bodhisattva. In the Pāli Dasaratha-jātaka (no. 461), for example, the chief character is Bodhisattva Rāma-paṇḍita, whose life events, as elaborated in the prose commentary on its gāthā or core verses, have several similarities with the Rāma story of the epic tradition (Figure 7.1).5

THE EPIC IN TERRACOTTA, C. 4TH TO 6TH CENTURIES The Rāmāyaṇa gained a more definitive visual presence as part of the sculptural repertoire of temples during the period of Gupta dominance in India (c. 4th to 6th centuries CE).6 Available evidence suggests that some of the earliest Gupta-period sculptures were directly inspired by the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa. Epic sculptures, chiseled in stone or molded in terracotta and stucco, were part of the iconographic program of temples of different sectarian affiliations.

Figure 7.1  Dasaratha-jātaka, Nāgarjunakoṇḍā Buddhist Site, Ikṣvāku Period, c. 3rd and 4th Century CE, Nāgarjunakoṇḍā Site Museum. Source: American Institute of Indian Studies.

A robust tradition of making Rāmāyaṇa terracottas for brick temples appears to have been in vogue during the 5th and 6th centuries CE. Temple remains and loose terracotta plaques or fragments with epic scenes have been recovered during archaeological excavations and explorations, often near riverbanks and along the northern trade route (Uttarāpatha). Such sites are spread across the present-day states of Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and West Bengal in India.7 An exceptional Rāmāyaṇa terracotta series from Palasbari (Palashbari) in Bangladesh deserves special mention and will be briefly noticed in this essay.

Given that relatively few brick structures have survived in an appreciable state of preservation from this period, the Rāmāyaṇa panels that had once adorned brick monuments of early medieval India have either been damaged, lost forever, or have landed in museums and private collections in India and abroad. Often, Rāmāyaṇa terracottas belonging to a single temple or temple clusters in close vicinity lie scattered in various Western and Indian museums and private collections.8 In such a situation, examples of in situ Rāmāyaṇa terracottas acquire special significance.

CENTRAL AND NORTH CENTRAL INDIAN TERRACOTTAS, C. 4TH TO 6TH CENTURIES The well-known brick temple of Bhitargaon, despite having lost much of its superlative terracotta adornment, still bears a few discernible narratives. This temple has terracotta plaques placed within niches on the jaṅghā (wall) and in inverted U-shaped niches on the lower courses of the superstructure. Terracotta tiles also adorned the plinth of this temple. This temple is a good example to begin with, as it provides an architectural context to the terracotta plaques being discussed in this essay. A portrayal of the demon-king Rāvaṇa in the guise of an ascetic mendicant (parivrājaka), seeking alms from Sītā, as described in the Rāmāyaṇa’s Araṇyakāṇḍa (forest book, 3.44.2–3.44.13) graces the lower course of the temple’s superstructure on the northwest corner on the West side (Figure 7.2). Rāvaṇa had earlier plotted with his uncle Mārīca, who took the form of a golden deer to lure Sītā, causing her to persuade Rāma to embark on a hunt for the deer. Sītā then forced Lakṣmaṇa to follow Rāma when Mārīca, before succumbing to Rāma’s arrow, misled them into believing that Rāma was in danger. At the opportune moment when Sītā was alone in her forest abode, Rāvaṇa appeared as a mendicant seeking alms and led Sītā to transgress the boundaries of her safety, enabling him to abduct her. The chosen moment in the sculpture represents Sītā offering water from a pitcher moments before her fateful abduction by Rāvaṇa. The earthy quality of the molded figures of Sītā and Rāvaṇa and the sensitive delineation of their body language—a cunning Rāvaṇa holding back in contrast with a trusting Sītā who leans forward to offer alms and water—qualify this sculpture as a fine example of the artistic excellence achieved during this period, even though one misses their facial contours and expressions, which are lost forever. Their feet, precariously close, seem to signal the lurking danger. “Rāvaṇa the mendicant” wears a broad cross-belt that holds up a bag resting on his

back.

Image and Word: Inscribed Terracottas A few sites located in the states of Haryana and Uttar Pradesh have yielded terracotta plaques inscribed with names identifying the Rāmāyaṇa characters sculpted on them. Some among them bear abbreviated lines of verses from the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa inscribed in the Gupta-period Brāhmī letters of about 5th century CE. In these and some uninscribed terracottas, emotive and theatrical narrative highlights from the Rāmāyaṇa have been visualized. All of this suggests that recitation, visual transcreation, and theatrical performance of epic and purāṇic themes were an integral part of premodern Indian cultures. Some episodes gained greater favor, even as fresh themes and variations were evolved in the centuries to follow.

Figure 7.2  Rāvaṇa in the Guise of an Ascetic Mendicant, Seeking Alms from Sītā Moments before Her Ill-Fated Abduction, Bhitargaon Temple, Śikhara, Western Face, Northwest Corner, c. Early 6th Century CE, Uttar Pradesh. Source: Sabya Sachi Ghosh.

Scenes from the Rāmāyaṇa are depicted on several terracottas attributed to Nācharkheḍā in the Jind district of Haryana, of which the largest group is housed in the Gurukul Museum at Jhajjar in Haryana (Bawa 2018; Devakarni 2007; Greaves 2018; Handa 2006, 105–111; Yogananda 1970). The surviving panels and fragments suggest that this series of carved and inscribed epic narrations must have graced a magnificent 5th-century brick temple in the region. In one of the fragments, Sītā and Lakṣmaṇa are seen on their way to the forest after being exiled from Ayodhyā (Figure 7.3). Rāma, who would expectedly have been ahead of Sītā, is not seen as that part of the panel is damaged and lost. The iconography of Lakṣmaṇa, like Rāma at this stage, is that of a young warrior hero sporting a top-knot (jaṭā),

the cross-belt ornament (channavīra), a bow resting on his left shoulder, and a quiver full of arrows fastened on his back. The visualization of “Rāma with a bow” (kodaṇḍa-rāma) later became his chief iconographic attribute. The terracotta medium and the artist’s treatment of it have lent the composition an earthy, rustic appeal, full of endearing details such as Sītā’s flower-bedecked coiffure, and the large, incised eyes, gentle smiles, and well-modeled forms of both. Their young faces convey an overwhelming nobility of character.

Figure 7.3  [Rāma], Lakṣmaṇa and Sītā Head toward Pañcavaṭī, Terracotta Fragment Inscribed with Rāmāyaṇa Verse, Nācharkheḍā, c. 5th Century CE, Courtesy: Gurukul Museum Jhajjar. Source: Author.

On the top margins of the frame, a condensed version of a verse from the forest book of the Rāmāyaṇa has been inscribed in Brāhmī, of

which the available portion reads as follows9:

///?? °aṁntarā raghunandana °āsasāda mahāgṛddhraṁ

This appears to have been abbreviated to suit the space on the margins of the tile and derives from a longer verse in the Araṇyakāṇḍa of the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa (VR 3.13.1):

atha pañcavaṭīṁ gacchann antarā raghunandanaḥ/ āsasāda mahākāyaṁ gṛdhraṁ bhīmaparākramaṁ//

(tr.) As the delight of the Raghus was traveling to Pañcavaṭī, he encountered on the way a huge vulture of awesome strength. The surviving Nācharkheḍā terracotta tablets with epic scenes also include vivid portrayals of simians (vānaras) and demons (rākṣasas).10 A remarkable sculpture of the monkey-king Sugrīva, Hanumān, and others is part of the Gurukul Museum, Jhajjar collection. Also of note is a well-preserved terracotta depicting the three-headed demon, Tṛśira (Figure 7.4). He sits regally on a raised stool within a pavilion, with four pillars bearing ribbed āmalaka,11 cushion capitals and flared double-volute brackets. A corpulent Tṛśira sits majestically in mahārāja-līlāsana (posture of royal ease), his right hand resting on his thigh and the left one placed closer to the lower waist. Two smaller figures flank him; the one to his right is kneeling in subordination. The demon’s name, “tṛśira,” is inscribed next to his right head, leaving no doubt about his identity. A line in Brāhmī letters of the 5th century CE on the lower margin of this terracotta tile reads as follows: cat(u)rdaśarākṣasā °a(r)jja(ś) cā♢rāmādhibhu♢śaḥ.12 It refers

to the fourteen demons sent by Rāvaṇa who were defeated by Rāma. There is no exact corresponding passage in the Araṇyakāṇḍa but some references to the fourteen demons come close to it, and one of them also mentions Tṛśira.13

Figure 7.4  Rākṣasa Tṛśira Accompanied by Attendants, Terracotta, Nācharkheḍā, c. 5th Century CE, Courtesy: Gurukul Museum Jhajjar. Source: Author.

Inscribed Rāma from LACMA: A Reassessment The earliest known definitive sculpture of Rāma, attested by the letters “rā ma” inscribed in Brāhmī beneath his left elbow, is of considerable artistic and historical significance (Figure 7.5). Presently housed in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA), USA, it also finds a place in the LACMA catalog, Indian Sculpture, by Pratapaditya Pal (1986, 232, no. S 107), where a doubtful provenance (Nācharkheḍā?) and a 5th century CE date is recorded. The sculptural style, however, does not bear resemblance to the Nācharkheḍā terracotta Rāmāyaṇa series. The attire of a royal tunic and pajamas and the general bearing and stylistics of the sculpture suggest an earlier date in the 4th century CE. Rāma’s dress resembles the type of tunic worn by the king on some Gupta coins of Chandragupta I, Samudragupta, and Kumāragupta I.14 A comparison of Rāma’s stylized jaṭā or headgear in this sculpture with the “tight-fitting cap” worn by the Gupta kings as depicted on their coins is also worthy of note. Rāma’s hair is styled as a “tight-fitting cap” or an inverted ridged bowl with undulating edges. This is unusual because 5th century terracotta sculptures depict Rāma with a more naturalistic top-knot of matted locks, especially in the forest episodes. Such parallels between royalty and divinity are also known from the epigraphic corpus of ancient India. The Gupta kings styled themselves as parama-bhāgvata, worshippers of Vishnu, and the expression parama-daivata (supreme deity) is also encountered in their epithets.15 Rāma gained favor as an epic hero and an incarnation of Vishnu. Direct comparisons of Gupta kings and their allies with Rāma are admittedly few. Two known instances may be cited here. The “Gangdhar stone inscription of the Aulikara ruler Viśvavarman” (424 CE, Jhalawar district, Rajasthan), a contemporary of Kumāragupta I, describes the king as a standard of comparison even for Rāma and Bhagīratha.16 The Gupta king, Skandagupta, is described as “rāma tulyo dharma paratayā” (like Rāma in righteous conduct), alongside

comparisons with a Cakravartin (universal king) and another epic hero from the Mahābhārata, Yudhiṣṭhira.17 A 5th-century date is untenable also on account of the paleography of the inscribed letters, which point to a late 3rd or 4th century CE timeframe.18 Rāma here is very much a warrior hero, wearing a long tunic and channavīra cross-belt, holding a bow in his left hand, and a quiver full of arrows on his back. The big eyes, thick lips, prominent chin, and unadorned ears bear a serious and purposeful expression. Of utmost interest is his oversized right hand, held in a gesture of protection from fear (abhaya). He is represented as a divine hero in this frame, the exact context for which is difficult to tell as the rest of the terracotta composition is damaged and lost. Rāma in abhayahasta is rarely seen in sculptures of the 4th to 8th century period, which makes this an even more significant example. For all these reasons, the “LACMA Rāma” needs more careful attention than he has thus far received.

Rāvaṇa with a Donkey’s Head: Earliest Visualization Moving from the epic’s hero to its antihero, a 5th-century relief sculpture in the reserve collection of the National Museum, New Delhi, portrays the favorite theme of events leading up to Sītā’s abduction from the Araṇyakāṇḍa (3.44.2–3.44.13). Rāvaṇa, having manufactured the circumstances to find Sītā alone in her forest cottage, appears before her in the guise of a parivrājaka (mendicant ascetic) seeking alms. The broken brick fragment only shows Rāvaṇa, yet this is a significant artifact as it offers the earliest example of an iconographic variant of Rāvaṇa with an ass-head (Figure 7.6). This is a theme for which ancient Indian textual references from the period have not until now been identified in scholarly writings on the subject. An important clue comes from the Śabda-kalpadrum, which cites verses from the Agni-purāṇa that describe Rāvaṇa’s countenance.19 There, the name “Saṅkukarṇa” (lit. one possessing conical/arrowheadshaped ears) means an ass or donkey. This is an important ancient textual source for the iconography of the ass-head associated with Rāvaṇa. Earlier, Brockington (2020) had drawn our attention to a 9th century Khotanese version where there is a reference to a horse’s head.

Figure 7.5  Inscribed Rāma, Terracotta, c. 4th Century CE, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Gift of Marilyn Walter Grounds; M. 83.221.6. Source: Creative Commons Public Domain.

Figure 7.6  Terracotta Brick Fragment: Rāvaṇa Disguised as a Parivrājaka (Ascetic Mendicant) Appears in Front of Sītā’s Forest Cottage, Haryana (?) Uttar Pradesh (?), Accession no. 71.246. Source: National Museum, New Delhi.

In Indian sculpture, some of the best-known examples of Rāvaṇa with an ass-head are seen in the Brahmanical caves of Ellora, where sculptures of a ten-headed Rāvaṇa are often crowned with a donkey’s head. In popular understanding, it symbolizes the stubborn arrogance that leads him to the path of self-destruction despite his great learning

and prowess. During the 5th and 6th centuries CE, Rāvaṇa is most often depicted with a single head; his multiple heads begin to appear in Indian art from about the end of the 6th century CE, with the notable exception of Rajaona (Asher 1986, figures 12–13). The fine aesthetics of this sculpture is revealed in the persuasive expression on Rāvaṇa’s bearded face that fails to hide his lust for Sītā, his eyes gazing at her in frank admiration. The donkey’s head could not have been more opportunely placed: it is this misguided moment of greed that caused the epic battle and Rāvaṇa’s demise. The upper border has some faint letters in the late 4th/early 5th century Brāhmī script, which are effaced and difficult to interpret. According to Rajat Sanyal, “the letters are in late Brāhmī of c. 4th century CE and appear to be _ntīgr[īva]. The first graph is illegible. It may not be altogether improbable that Pantīgrīva (i.e., Paṅktigrīva), one of the names of Rāvaṇa, is intended.”20 Another climactic moment from the abduction episode is captured in a horse-shoe-shaped terracotta panel that is now housed in the Asian Art Museum in San Francisco (Figure 7.7). The provenance is unknown, perhaps from a site in the state of Uttar Pradesh, but a 5thcentury date is evident from the artistic style. The superlative quality of this sculpture suggests that it belonged to an important temple built during the rule of the Guptas or their allies. It is a well-known episode that illustrates the valiant fight that Jaṭāyus, the giant vulture king and friend of king Daśaratha of Ayodhyā, gave Rāvaṇa in his unsuccessful attempt to save Sītā, even at the cost of his own life. In this sculpture, the giant vulture Jaṭāyus is in a close encounter with Rāvaṇa, who wields the sword with his right hand even as his left hand prepares to pull out a dagger. The curled hairlocks are typical of the period style, as are the well-modeled faces and bodies in high relief. Rāvaṇa’s torso is incised with scales, perhaps to indicate his demonic traits. Sītā’s grief-stricken demeanor and delicately bent body evoke helplessness and despair as she suffers the fate of being abducted by Rāvaṇa. The style and format of this panel are very similar to another exquisite terracotta panel depicting Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa as warrior ascetics, which is part of the Asia Society Museum collection in New York.21

Figure 7.7  Jaṭāyus, the Heroic Vulture King Confronts Rāvaṇa to Prevent Him from Abducting Sītā, Uttar Pradesh (?), c. 5th Century CE, Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, Gift of the Connoisseurs’ Council, 1988.40. Source: Asian Art Museum of San Francisco.

Figure 7.8  Hanumān Visits Sītā in the Aśoka Grove; Terracotta, c. 5th/6th Century CE, Honolulu Museum of Art. Source: Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Public Domain.

A terracotta piece in the Honolulu Museum of Art portrays Hanumān’s visit to Sītā in Laṅkā’s Aśoka grove (Figure 7.8). This episode from the Sundarakāṇḍa (5.34.1–5.38.24) of the Rāmāyaṇa describes Sītā’s initial apprehension followed by assurance and reverie when Hanumān presents her with Rāma’s ring as proof of his role as Rāma’s messenger. Sītā holds the ring in her palm, relief writ large on her face as Hanumān reverentially assures her of being united with her husband.22

STONE SCULPTURES, CENTRAL AND NORTH-CENTRAL INDIA, C. 5TH AND 6TH CENTURIES Some stone temples of the 5th and 6th centuries CE from northcentral and northeastern India included Rāmāyaṇa narratives on the jagati (raised platform) of the temples. A set of six late 5th to early 6th century panels illustrating episodes from the epic was recovered from the site of Nācnā-Kuṭhārā in the Panna district of Madhya Pradesh (Williams 1982, 113 and pls. 165–170; The Golden Age, 275, Cat. nos. 82 and 83). These include two episodes from the Araṇyakāṇḍa (Sītā rebukes and urges Lakṣmaṇa to go to Rāma’s aid in his hunt for the golden deer; Rāvaṇa appears in the guise of a mendicant to abduct Sītā, Figure 7.9), one from the Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa (Hanumān takes leave of Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa to depart to Laṅkā); one from the Sundarakāṇḍa (Hanumān in Laṅkā); and two from the Yuddhakāṇḍa (Rāma threatens the sea god as Nala and Nīla build a bridge to Laṅkā; Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa watch Nala and Nīla building the bridge).23 Nācnā-Kuṭhārā is in northeastern Bundelkhand and was governed by the Uccakalpas in the second half of the 5th century CE, who, along with the Parivrājakas (forest ascetics), were minor governors under the Gupta and Vākāṭaka dynasties (Williams 1982, 104). The Nācnā epic narratives reveal a local, provincial idiom of expression within the larger Gupta-Vākāṭaka period style.

Figure 7.9  Rāvaṇa in the Guise of an Ascetic Mendicant Seeking Alms from Sītā, Nācnā-Kuṭhārā, ASI Sculpture Shed, Acc. No. NC 18, Stone, c. Late 5th Century CE. Source: American Institute of Indian Studies.

A group of ten Rāmāyaṇa stone panels belonging to the Vishnu temple at Deogarh, located in the Lalitpur district of the state of Uttar Pradesh, form the largest such series in stone from this period. Several of them are presently housed in the National Museum, New Delhi. The Vishnu temple at Deogarh marks the climax of temple art and architecture during the period of Gupta dominance in these parts. The jagati platform (55½ × 55½ feet) of this temple originally harbored an extensive Rāmāyaṇa and Kṛṣṇāyana series (Vats 1952, plates XV– XXI; Williams 1982, 128–137). These have been carved in relief on rectangular blocks of stone in two tiers, the larger and more elaborate ones measuring ca. < 3 × 2 feet, and a smaller set of panels ca. < 2 × 1 feet, aligned separately. Scenes from the Bālakāṇḍa, Araṇyakāṇḍa, and Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa can be identified on these panels. These include Ahalyā’s redemption (Ahalyā-uddhāra) from the Bālakāṇḍa; visit to Sage Atri’s hermitage from the Ayodhyākāṇḍa, Rāma, Sītā, and

Lakṣmaṇa in the forest, disfigurement of Śūrpaṇakhā, and abduction of Sītā (effaced) from the Araṇyakāṇḍa; and Lakṣmaṇa garlanding Sugrīva, and Tārā with the dying Vālin from the Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa, among others (Vats 1952, 16–18 and plates XV–XVII). The sophistication and embellishment of the Deogarh Rāmāyaṇa series, especially in the case of the larger panels, is noteworthy. The disfigurement of Śūrpaṇakhā, one of the most evocative panels from this series (Figure 7.10), takes place in Pañcavaṭī, the forest abode of Rāma, Sītā, and Lakṣmaṇa, and is described in the Araṇyakāṇḍa (3.17.20–3.17.25). A persistent and lustful Śūrpaṇakhā (Rāvaṇa’s sister) continued to advance amorous proposals to Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa, despite being ridiculed and shunned. But when she threatened to harm Sītā, Rāma instructed Lakṣmaṇa to mutilate her face, and Lakṣmaṇa chopped her nose and ears to humiliate and punish her. The visualization at Deogarh differs in one important respect from the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa: the artist portrays Śūrpaṇakhā disguised as a beautiful woman, whereas the text describes her as an ugly, pot-bellied demoness throughout. Like the men in the panel, she sports a channavīra (cross-belt) that symbolizes her martial character. To recreate the natural habitat of Pañcavaṭī, the artist has conjured a canopy of lush foliage filled with flowering and fruiting trees in the upper portion of the composition. The warrior-ascetic princes and Sītā are bejeweled, an artistic license perhaps, that serves to reinforce their royal status. Rāma sits on a rock; his left hand holds his bow as if ready for use. Interestingly, his somewhat effaced right hand is held in the abhaya hasta (gesture of protection from fear), perhaps symbolizing his assurance to Sītā, who stands with her arms across her body as if recovering from the shock of Śūrpaṇakhā’s attack. Lakṣmaṇa catches Śūrpaṇakhā by her hair and wields the sword as she struggles to extricate herself. Her kneeling stance is in the vṛṣcika āsana (scorpion posture), which is employed to portray flying figures in ancient and early medieval Indian art. The choice of vṛṣcika āsana here serves the dual purpose of representing a struggling, kneeling Śūrpaṇakhā writhing in pain and of presaging the next moment of her flight or escape from Pañcavaṭī, to inform her brothers about her

humiliation. The entire composition has a dynamic, cameo-like quality as if inspired by performance traditions.

Figure 7.10  Disfigurement of Śūrpaṇakhā by Lakṣmaṇa in Pañcavaṭī, as Rāma and Sītā Look on, Vishnu Temple, Deogarh, Stone, c. Early 6th Century CE, National Museum, New Delhi. Source: Kevin Standage.

The episode of building a bridge, or the causeway episode (setubandhana), from the Yuddhakāṇḍa (6.15.1–6.15.25) was another favorite theme of the sculptors. A 6th century panel in the collection of Bharat Kala Bhawan, Varanasi, is noteworthy for the way movement is captured in this visual composition (Figure 7.11). Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa are shown in consultation with Sugrīva and Hanumān, the four of them seated on the rocky hillock and supervising the simian army busily carrying stone blocks in the foreground, to build the bridge across the sea that is visible along the lower margin.

EASTERN INDIA AND BANGLADESH, C. 6TH TO 8TH CENTURIES Despite an early allusion to Rāma in the 5th-century Gangdhar inscription of Viśvavarman from the region of Jhalawar in Rajasthan (Margabandhu 2003 [1983], 128; Sircar 1965, 400), the states of Gujarat and Rajasthan have not yielded Rāmāyaṇa narrative panels for the period under consideration. Eastern India, on the other hand, reveals a rich tradition of epic narrative sculptures that continues from the 5th and 6th centuries to the 7th and 8th centuries CE.

Figure 7.11  Setubandhana, c. 6th Century CE, Uttar Pradesh (?), Bharat Kala Bhawan, Varanasi. Source: American Institute of Indian Studies.

Epic as Continuous Narrative Panels carved with epic narratives had once flanked the entrance stairway of a 5th/6th century ruined temple in Rajaona, Bihar (Asher 1986, Figures 10–13). They are significant for the use of a continuous narrative mode in visualizing the Rāmāyaṇa. In place of the usual episodic terracotta and stone slabs separated by architectural members that we have been discussing thus far, at Rajaona, the narrative proceeds in a continuous register, much like the continuous use of narrative space encountered in the early Buddhist art of Sanchi Stupa I (c. 1st century CE). In the 1980s, Frederick Asher documented two epic narrative registers from the jagati platform of the ruins of a temple at Rajaona. This placement is similar to what was encountered in the Vishnu temple, Deogarh. The first narrative portrays Sugrīva’s coronation and the second, somewhat effaced, register depicts Rāvaṇa’s court from the Sundarakāṇḍa (Asher 1986, Figures 10–13).

Portrayals from the Palace Rāmāyaṇa terracotta panels recovered from Palasbari (Palashbari) near Mahasthangarh in the Bogra district of Bangladesh were published by Gouriswar Bhattacharya about three decades ago (Bhattacharya 1990). Although beyond the modern political boundaries of India, the Palasbari series deserves special mention for the unique interventions and innovations in visualizing Rāmāyaṇa themes in the premodern cultural zone of eastern India. Bhattacharya mentioned thirty inscribed plaques that would have belonged to a brick temple in the vicinity and are now part of the Bangladesh National Museum collections. Based on stylistic grounds and paleography, a late 7th-century date has been indicated by him. One of the most striking features of this set is its unique emphasis on themes from the Bālakāṇḍa and Ayodhyākāṇḍa, with several episodes illustrating palace settings. It is likely that the panels depicting subsequent episodes from forest settings and episodes that took place in Rāvaṇa’s Laṅkā, culminating in the epic battle and coronation, have been lost or damaged, but this can at best only be presumed. Since surviving Rāmāyaṇa narratives of the 5th to 7th century from different parts of India rarely highlight the Bālakāṇḍa and Ayodhyākāṇḍa episodes, what is offered by the artists of the Palasbari terracottas in terms of theme and visual compositions adds great value to the available repertoire of the Rāmāyaṇa in the visual arts of early South Asia. The Palasbari narrative begins with Sage Viśvāmitra’s arrival in the court of King Daśaratha in Ayodhyā to take Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa with him to defend the sacrifice (yajña) grounds from the demons and demonesses (Figure 7.12; Bhattacharya 1990, figure 6). The narrative travels from here to Rāma targeting the demoness Tāṭakā to guard the sacrifice; Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa arriving with Viśvāmitra to win Sītā’s hand in a svayaṃvara ceremony and being welcomed by her father, king Janaka; and a particularly well-composed panel showing Rāma winning Sītā’s hand in marriage by breaking the bow (Figure 7.13; Bhattacharya 1990, figure 8). An elderly Viśvāmitra blesses

Rāma while a young Lakṣmaṇa looks on. The next episodes include an unprecedented visualization of the arrival of Daśaratha with his other two sons, Bharata and Śatrughna, to Janaka’s palace; the marriage ceremony; the departure to Ayodhyā and encounter with Paraśurāma; and Daśaratha resting in his palatial bed chamber in Ayodhyā. Next, a boldly rendered composition evokes grief as experienced by king Daśaratha’s queens upon his demise (Figure 7.14; Bhattacharya 1990, figure 10). The king’s deceased body is covered in cloth and his three queens mourn their bereavement. As in the other Palasbari Rāmāyaṇa terracottas, the identities of the four characters are known by their names inscribed carelessly near each of the figures (Daśaratha, Kausalyā [Kosala], Sumitrā, and Kaikeyī).24 The eldest queen, Kausalyā, mourns her grief with restraint and maturity; the youngest one, Sumitra, prostrates helplessly at Daśaratha’s feet; while the scheming and guilt-ridden Kaikeyī mourns the loudest, her mouth agape and hands thrown wide open, the movement of the upper scarf further registering her state of agitation. Kaikeyī is shown larger than the others and occupies a central position, drawing attention to her role in bringing about the huge shadow of grief and darkness cast on the kingdom of Ayodhyā due to their beloved king’s death.

Figure 7.12  Sage Viśvāmitra in the Court of King Daśaratha to Take Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa with Him for Defending the Sacrifice. Palasbari, Terracotta, c. 7th Century CE, Bangladesh National Museum, Dhaka. Source: Photo—Gouriswar Bhattacharya; Courtesy—Gerd J.R. Mevissen.

Figure 7.13  Rāma Breaks the Bow to Win Sītā’s Hand in Marriage. Palasbari, Terracotta, c. 7th Century CE, Bangladesh National Museum, Dhaka. Source: Photo—Gouriswar Bhattacharya; Courtesy—Gerd J.R. Mevissen.

Figure 7.14  Daśaratha’s Queens Mourn His Demise. Palasbari, Terracotta, c. 7th Century CE, Bangladesh National Museum, Dhaka. Source: Photo—Gouriswar Bhattacharya; Courtesy—Gerd J.R. Mevissen.

This is followed by scenes depicting the preservation of Daśaratha’s body for the arrival of his sons; Daśaratha’s funeral; Bharata in a chariot; and Daśaratha’s funeral cortege. Only the final scene is from the Araṇyakāṇḍa and shows the two banished brothers, Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa, dressed as warrior ascetics in an outdoor setting (Bhattacharya 1990, figure 15). At Palasbari, it is the royal palace, courtly life, and the royal family of Ayodhyā that gained precedence over the deep forests, the vānaras (simians) and dānavas (demons), or the world beyond the palace center.

A Lost Stucco Series The eastern Indian state of Bihar produced the finest stucco Rāmāyaṇa panels from Aphsaḍ in the Gaya district, belonging to the latter part of the 7th century CE, then under the rule of the later Guptas of Magadha.25 Unfortunately, these are all but lost to us except in publications and archival photographs.26 Arranged in a sequence of alternating key-hole shaped and rectangular panels (ca. 3 × < 2 feet) on the jagati plinth of a large brick temple, the Aphsaḍ series illustrated scenes that mostly form the subject of the Ayodhyākāṇḍa, from the crossing of the river (Figure 7.15, left) to the meeting with Bharata. This exquisite series, rendered in a local idiom, was originally fitted on the plinth of a grand late 7th century brick temple in Aphsaḍ. One of the Aphsaḍ stuccos was carved with a rare depiction of the procession accompanying Bharata from Ayodhyā to Citrakūṭa to persuade Rāma to return to the throne of Ayodhyā after Daśaratha’s demise (Figure 7.16). In the Ayodhyākāṇḍa (2.77.1–2.87.27), an enthusiastic delegation of counselors, family priests, and men and women from different walks of life accompanied Bharata on 9,000 elephants and 60,000 chariots, with 1,00,000 horse riders to convince Rāma to return—a collective appeal that righteous Rāma chose to decline to keep his promise to his deceased father. The rhythmic alignment of striding elephants in a row and the twisted bodies of the horses and one of the riders convey the exuberance and hope with which the procession embarked on this journey to bring their hero back home.

Figure 7.15  Rāma, Sītā, and Lakṣmaṇa Cross the River (Left); Rāma and Sītā Seated Under a Tree as Lakṣmaṇa Keeps Vigil From the Top (Right); Aphsaḍ, Stucco, c. Second Half of 7th Century CE. Source: American Institute of Indian Studies.

Temple Friezes from Kalinga, c. 7th and 8th Centuries In the eastern Indian state of Orissa, the usual location for Rāmāyaṇa narratives on early medieval temples is the baraṇḍa or varaṇḍikā (recessed band of the moldings connecting the temple walls [bāḍa] to its curvilinear superstructure [gaṇḍī]). The earliest representation is on the Śatrughneśvara temple in Bhubaneswar (beginning of the 7th century) where, exceptionally, scenes leading up to Vāli-vadha (Vālin’s death caused by Rāma) from the Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa are placed on dentils above a wall-niche (Williams 1996, 70–71 and figure 272). The early 7th-century Svarṇajāleśvara temple includes two episode sequences at the level of the baraṇḍa: episodes leading up to the abduction of Sītā on the western half of the north side (Figure 7.17) and the Vāli-vadha series on the northern half of the west wall (Williams 1996, figures 274–276). An interesting innovation is introduced by the Orissan artists in their visualization of the golden deer narrative. The demon Mārīca, who had disguised himself as the golden deer to lure Sītā, is shown emerging from the body of the slain deer. The late 8th century Siṃhanātha temple, Baramba, also harbors Rāmāyaṇa narratives, including the much-favored Vāli-vadha as a band above a niche on the rear side (Williams 1996, 73 and figure 278). The baraṇḍa frieze above this harbors the epic battle between Rāma and Rāvaṇa, with a greater part devoted to the fight between the armies of the vānaras and rākṣasas (Figure 7.18). The Rāmāyaṇa formed a part of the temple’s sculptural repertoire during the 7th and 8th centuries in Orissa, but it occupied a relatively less prominent place on the temple’s exterior.

Figure 7.16  A Procession on Elephants and Horses Accompanying Bharata to Meet Rāma. Aphsaḍ, Stucco, c. Second Half of 7th Century CE. Source: American Institute of Indian Studies.

Figure 7.17  The Golden Deer Episode (Read Right to Left) with Mārīca Emerging Out of the Deer Shot by Rāma’s Arrow. Baraṇḍa Recess on the North Side of the Svarṇajāleśvara, Bhubaneswar, c. Early 7th Century CE. Source: American Institute of Indian Studies.

Figure 7.18  Portion of the Epic Battle with Rāvaṇa on the Viewer’s Right and the Fight Between Vānaras and Rākṣasas, Baraṇḍa Frieze, Siṃhanātha Temple, Baramba, Orissa, Late 8th Century CE. Source: American Institute of Indian Studies.

THE DECCAN AND SOUTHERN INDIA, C. LATE 6TH TO 8TH CENTURIES Among the most elaborate Rāmāyaṇa narratives are those encountered on temples built during the late 6th/early 7th to the mid 8th centuries in the Western Deccan, during the reign of the early Western Calukyas, notably at Bādāmi, Aihoḷe, and Paṭṭadakal in northern Karnataka. The eastern Deccan does not reveal comparable representations for the period under consideration. The rock-cut Anantaśayana guḍi at Uṇḍavalli and the Mogalarajapuram cave in the Vijayawada region harbor a few Rāmāyaṇa sculptures datable to the late 6th/early 7th centuries CE. From Ālampur, during the period of the Bādāmi Calukyas, the Viśvabrahmā temple pillars bear a few scenes portraying the episode of Sītā’s abduction. From the Pallava territories in the Tamil region, Gillet has proposed fresh identifications from Pallava-period temples in Kāñcīpuram that are worthy of note (Gillet 2021).

Inscribing the Epic Hero To return to the Western Deccan, including the states of Maharashtra and Karnataka, Rāma finds mention in some epigraphic records of the Kadambas of Banavāsī, who had preceded the Calukyas. The 5th century Tāḷagunda inscription of Śāntivarman lists the early Kadamba kings, Bhagīratha, Raghu, and Kaku(t)stha, whose names are inspired by the Ikṣvāku lineage to which Rāma, the hero of the Rāmāyaṇa, belonged (Gai 1996, 24–25 and 64–68).27 The 6th century Dāvaṇagere plates of Ravivarman compare the Kadamba king Kākustha to Kāku(t)stha or Rāma himself (EI, 33, 87–92; Gai 1996, 100–102). The 5th/6th century Maḍikēri copper-plate inscription of the Western Gaṅga king Avinīta28 refers to the king as Rāmabhadra (later, this changes to Rāmacandra), who urges future kings to always protect the dharma-setu (bridge of dharma), thus alluding to the Rāmāyaṇa.29 Comparisons are drawn between the king and Rāma also in the 6th century Mahākūṭa pillar inscription of Calukya Maṅgaleśa (595/6 CE), which includes excerpts from the Raghuvaṃśa and Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa in its dynastic eulogy and speaks of Maṅgaleśa as being invincible as Rāma, rāmivāparājitaḥ (Padigar 2010, 12–14). The Sanjān plates of Buddhavarasa liken Calukya Pulakeśī II’s skills in archery to Rāma-deva and king Daśaratha (Konow 1917–1918). The term Rāma-deva suggests Rāma’s status as a divine hero. Rāma in these and other early epigraphs signifies desirable qualities in a king: as an upholder of dharma, protector of the people, savior of the earth, destroyer of demons, and conqueror of enemies.

Chiseled in Stone The upper Śivālaya at Bādāmi (beginning of the 7th century CE) displays Vaiṣṇava iconography on its outer wall niches. Rāmāyaṇa narratives organized clockwise on the south side of the temple’s adhiṣṭhāna (base) include the journey of the exiled Rāma, Sītā, and Lakṣmaṇa to the forest; Śūrpaṇakhā’s disfigurement; and her appeal to Rāvaṇa in his court, where the majestic demon king is seated amidst his courtiers. Alongside an effaced example from Rajaona (Asher 1986, figures 12 and 13), this is one of the earliest portrayals of Rāvaṇa in court. Other episodes include a rare depiction of Rāvaṇa in consultation with his uncle Mārīca to aid him in Sītā’s abduction (3.33.36–3.39.20). Next, Rāma’s hunt of the golden deer is followed by the Rāvaṇa–Jaṭāyus duel (3.48.1–3.49.40). Panels showing the piercing of seven trees in a row by Rāma (Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa, 4.12.1– 4.12.4), a monkey scaling a wall, Kumbhakarṇa being awakened by the sound of dance and music and being trampled upon by elephants (Yuddhakāṇḍa, 6.48.21–6.48.47; Figure 7.19), and effaced panels of the final epic battle are noticed.

Figure 7.19  The Awakening of Kumbhakarṇa, Upper Śivālaya, Bādāmi, c. Beginning of 7th Century CE. Source: Author.

The front porch of the late 7th century Durga temple at Aihoḷe bears episodes from the Ayodhyākāṇḍa on the northern side, whereas the southern side is carved with themes from the Sundarakāṇḍa. This is of special interest as it marks the start of a tradition in Karnataka where Rāmāyaṇa episodes generally, and the more southerly scenes in its mythical geography especially, are carved on the southern side of a monument. To the north, the journey of Rāma, Sītā, and Lakṣmaṇa in exile is depicted; to the south, the themes are Ravana’s palace interiors and Hanumān’s visit to Laṅkā (5.2.1–5.10.25 and 5.46.1– 5.49.36). The artist has imaginatively conjured visions of the luxurious interiors of the ten-crowned king’s palace, Indrajit’s capture of Hanumān, and the latter’s encounter with Rāvaṇa, as well as scenes of revelry in Rāvaṇa’s Laṅkā (Dhar 2019, 2021, 2021a). Three temples at Paṭṭadakal that are directly associated with royalty— the Virūpākṣa (c. 740 CE), Mallikārjuna (c. 740 CE), and Pāpanātha (c. 720–50 CE)—bear epic scenes.30 However, the Saṅgameśvara (c. 720 CE), which is the earlier royal temple at this site, does not harbor epic narratives. The architectural frame for the Rāmāyaṇa sculptures at Paṭṭadakal shifts to the outer walls and pillars inside the temple’s hall, giving them greater visibility. On the exterior southwestern wall of the Virūpākṣa’s maṇḍapa (hall), Rāma, Sītā, and Lakṣmaṇa, with Mārīca as the golden deer in the upper right corner, are portrayed (Figure 7.20, left; Aranyakanda 3.41.1–3.41.49). Sītā persuades Rāma to bring the deer to her, and he reluctantly leaves her in Lakṣmaṇa’s care. The artist has visualized this episode as an almost iconic depiction of Rāma flanked by Sītā and Lakṣmaṇa in a manner that presages a later development in Indian art—the portrayal of a deified Rāma with his bow (kodaṇḍarāma), flanked by Sītā and Lakṣmaṇa. Above, Śūrpaṇakhā’s encounter with Lakṣmaṇa provides narrative continuity to the central composition. On another wall niche, the Rāvaṇa–Jaṭāyus duel

appears to derive its inspiration from performance art (Figure 7.20, right; 3.48.1–3.49.40). The great vulture king Jaṭāyus fights Rāvaṇa fiercely to obstruct him from fleeing with Sītā to Laṅkā. Above, we see Rāvaṇa forcibly whisking away Sītā. Below the central niche, the viewer is reminded of the valiant efforts made by Jaṭāyus to stop Rāvaṇa. It captures the vulture king’s brief triumph when he injured and delayed the demon king. Above the niche, Sītā peeps out of her cottage, which is carved like a single-storeyed Drāviḍa vimāna, reminding the viewer of the events that led to the abduction.

Figure 7.20  Rāma, Sītā, Lakṣmaṇa, and the Golden Deer (Left), and Rāvaṇa-Jaṭāyus Duel (Right), Virūpākṣa Temple, Paṭṭadakal, c. 745 CE. Source: Author.

A third wall-niche panel from the Virūpākṣa at Paṭṭadakal brings the story forward to the Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa, depicting Vāli-vadha (killing of Vālin) by Rāma during a staged wrestling bout between the simian kings, Vālin and Sugrīva (Dhar 2021, 10–11, figure 1.9). In the interior of the Virūpākṣa temple’s mahā-maṇḍapa (big hall), bold, square pillars are carved with epic and purāṇic tales organized at eye level in horizontal registers. One such pillar narrates Śūrpaṇakhā’s infatuation for Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa, followed by her mutilation, and continues the story culminating in Sītā’s abduction and

the Rāvaṇa–Jaṭāyus duel (Dhar 2021, 12, figure 1.10). Inscribed labels in early Kannaḍa along the upper margins of the registers identify the epic characters: Khara-Dūṣaṇan, Suppaṇagi, Lakkaṇa, Rāma, Sītē, Rāvaṇan, and Ponmaṛi (deer) (IA, 10: 168, no. CX; Padigar 2010, 273–274). Word and image reaffirm each other; it is likely that in the temple environs, visitors partook in the epic’s performed as well as visual tellings. Another pillar from the same hall interior narrates Hanumān’s explorations of Rāvaṇa’s palatial quarters in Laṅkā (Figure 7.21). This portion of the Sundarakāṇḍa narrative (5.5.1–5.9.44) includes Hanumān’s entry into the inner chambers of the mansions of Laṅkā’s residents; his encounter with Laṅkā-devī; his gaze into the inner apartments of the elites of Laṅkā; his capture and audience with Rāvaṇa, and the burning of Laṅkā (Dhar 2021a). The epic receives its most prominent visual representation on the southern side of the exterior walls of the Pāpanātha temple (Annigeri 1961; Wechsler 1994; Dhar 2021, 14–16). The Rāmāyaṇa progresses in an anticlockwise direction, with epic characters identified by inscribed labels (Padigar 2010, 279–285). The story begins with Brahmā granting a boon to Rāvaṇa and moves forward to Daśaratha’s yajña (sacrifice) for the birth of sons. The long narrative registers traverse important milestones in the story from the Bālakāṇḍa to the Yuddhakāṇḍa, culminating in two coronation scenes on a pillar at the eastern porch (Dhar 2019, figure18; Figures 7.22 and 7.23). Annigeri (1961, 46) had earlier correctly identified these as the coronations of Vibhīṣaṇa (top) and Rāma (bottom); however, Wechsler (1994, 36– 37) later misidentified the upper panel as Sugrīva’s coronation.

Figure 7.21  Hanumān in Laṅkā, Pillar inside the Hall, Virūpākṣa Temple, Paṭṭadakal, c. 745 CE. Source: Author.

Figure 7.22  Rāmāyaṇa Scenes on the Southern Side of the Pāpanātha Temple, Paṭṭadakal. c. Mid-8th Century CE. Source: Author.

Figure 7.23  The Coronation Scenes, Pāpanātha Temple, Paṭṭadakal, c. Mid-8th Century CE. Source: Author.

A significant inscription on a pillar of this temple’s front porch mentions that “Vibhīṣaṇa will reign as long as he recites the name of Rāma” (Padigar 2010, 279–280). The Rāmāyaṇa extols Vibhīṣaṇa’s loyalty to Rāma, which led to his coronation as the king of Laṅkā. It is possible to read in this word–image partnership, a political message of loyalty and its reward: A vassal king’s loyalty to the Rāma-like Calukya king would be rewarded, whereas those who opposed (like Rāvaṇa) would meet a bitter end. But the qualitative and quantitative importance of the Rāmāyaṇa sculptures at the Virūpākṣa and Pāpanātha temples at Paṭṭadakal cannot be explained solely or even dominantly by the political legitimation argument. The sociocultural motivations of a people, who drew sustenance from the moral and aesthetic universe of the epic, were an important factor in the carving and performance of epic narratives in temple spaces. In style, theme, and composition, the long, expansive registers of the Rāmāyaṇa carved on the world-renowned Kailāsa at Ellorā in Maharashtra (Figure 7.24) are inspired by those seen on the pillars in the interior of the Virūpākṣa temple at Paṭṭadakal. At Kailāsa, although, the long-spanning registers are unmatched in the excellence of their conception, delineation, detail, and impact. The southern exterior wall on the lower storey of the front maṇḍapa (hall) at Kailāsa harbors this visual epic in continuous narrative mode, almost as if it were an expansive wall hanging etched in stone. The story commences with the last parts of the Ayodhyākāṇḍa and moves along the various books to culminate abruptly with a scene from the Yuddhakāṇḍa (Lakṣmaṇa killing Rāvaṇa’s son Indrajit) (Markel 2000, 59–71).

Figure 7.24  Rāmāyaṇa Narrative Registers, Kailāsa Temple, Ellora, c. 775 CE. Source: Creative Commons Public Domain.

CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS Beginning with dispersed visual evidence in the shape of sculptures associated with the Rāma story from the early centuries of the first millennium CE, Rāmāyaṇa reliefs began to gain momentum from the 4th century CE as part of the repertoire of brick and stone temples of different sectarian affiliations. As several brick temples of 4th to 8th century CE in India are either lost or have not survived in a good state of preservation, many of the terracotta epic narratives are now part of museums and private collections; some of the best specimens are in museums abroad. Inscribed terracottas found from sites in Haryana and Uttar Pradesh in India, and from Bangladesh, have helped scholars to gain a better appreciation of the development of epic traditions in ancient India. Some reassessments and fresh interpretations have been offered in this essay. During the period of Gupta dominance in northern India, narrative panels in terracotta and stone from the different books (kāṇḍas) of this epic were made as part of interrelated oral, visual, and theatrical epic renditions in popular and elite contexts. While episodic portrayals of events that occurred in the hermitage and forest environs of the Araṇyakāṇḍa and Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa appear to have been favored at some sites, narratives anchored in the court and palace locations from the Bālakāṇḍa, Ayodhyākāṇḍa, and Sundarakāṇḍa are also well recorded, especially from eastern India and the contiguous cultural region of Bangladesh. Surprisingly, the Yuddhakāṇḍa with its final epic battle is underrepresented in surviving sculptures of the 4th to 6th century CE, except for the causeway episode. Inscriptions comparing Rāma to the king are also very few from these two centuries. It is plausible that during this time, even as the epic resonated in the collective consciousness of the people for its social, cultural, and moral values, it was not central to political thought. In the succeeding two hundred years, from the end of the 6th century to the end of the 8th century CE, visual renditions of the epic acquire greater variety and narrative sophistication. Early medieval western

Deccan offers the most extensive Rāmāyaṇa relief sculptures during this timeframe. Early inscriptions from the Deccan and Karnataka refer to the epic hero as a standard of comparison for the king and as an incarnation of Vishnu. The Bālakāṇḍa and Ayodhyākāṇḍa recede in importance (except at the Pāpanātha-Paṭṭadakal); forest life and the kingdom of the vānaras as described in the Araṇyakāṇḍa and Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa continue to be elaborated upon in imaginative ways; and the Sundarakāṇḍa and Yuddhakāṇḍa gain in prominence. From eastern India, the 7th and 8th centuries are well-represented in stone and stucco, but the Aphsaḍ stuccos are unfortunately almost lost to us. On Orissan temples of the 7th and 8th centuries, Rāmāyaṇa friezes usually occupy the recessed band just beneath the curvilinear rise of the temple’s superstructure. The death of Vālin is a particular favorite, as are the golden deer and abduction episodes and, in a few cases, the final epic battle. In the Pallava-dominated Tamil region, the epic presents itself sparsely during this period; the same is true of the eastern Deccan. In a range of visual, literary, and performance practices, the Rāmāyaṇa has been retold and refashioned time and again (Ramanujan 1991; Richman 1991). The adaptive potential of this epic is even more palpable in its translocation to Southeast Asian countries, where it has been localized in different literary, visual, and performative genres. The transmission of the epic to Southeast Asia was influenced by Hindu Rāmāyaṇas such as the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa, Bhaṭṭikāvya (Rāvaṇavadha), Kampan’s Irāmavatāram, regional vernacular Rāmāyaṇas including many kāvyas and nāṭakas, and the Buddhist Dasaratha-jātaka.31 Such epic connections occurred over a long period of time; the spread of the epic tradition was multidirectional and circuitous, not linear and unidirectional. In India and Southeast Asia, Rāmāyaṇa tellings continue to the present as a vibrant component of living cultural traditions. In many cases, Southeast Asian tellings have ingeniously adapted to Buddhist and Islamic contexts and the epic flows on in its fresh incarnations. These assimilative and generative powers of the Rāmāyaṇa are of essence —they lie at the core of its emotive appeal and are the reason for its enduring presence in India and Southeast Asia.

NOTES 1. The seven books of the epic are the Bālakāṇḍa, Ayodhyākāṇḍa, Araṇyakāṇḍa, Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa, Sundarakāṇḍa, Yuddhakāṇḍa, and Uttarakāṇḍa. See, “Bibliography” under The Rāmāyaṇa of Vālmīki, vols. I to VII. 2. Its 1st and final books (Bālakāṇḍa and Uttarakāṇḍa) were added a little later than the other 5. 3. A long period of oral recitation appears to have predated the written versions. Textual evidence appears much later. See, Goldman trans. (2007, TRV, vol. I, 83). 4. Kauśāmbī terracotta, c. 2nd to 1st century BCE, Allahabad Museum accession no. 5108. See Kala (1988, figure 16). 5. See, Fausböll 1871, Utgikar 1924, and Analayo 2012. The Dasaratha-jātaka is later than the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa and is inspired by it. See, Goldman trans. (2007, TRV, vol. I, 32). See also, Ray (2015). 6. In addition to Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa, Pravarasena’s Setubandha, and Kālidāsa’s Raghuvaṃśa were also well known in the Gupta-Vākāṭaka age (c. 4th to 6th centuries CE). A favourite iconographic theme, focused on the epic’s anti-hero and often encountered independently of other Rāmāyaṇa narratives, is the Rāvaṇānugraha-murti. It portrays Rāvaṇa’s arrogant attempt to uproot and Kailāsa, the Himalayan abode of the great god, Shiva. As this visualisation is not directly associated with Rāmāyaṇa sculptures in Indian art, it is not being discussed further in this chapter. 7. John Brockington has listed several sites based on his evolving visual archive of Rāmāyaṇa narratives. These include Barehat, Bhītā, Bhītargāon, Bilsad, Candraketugarh, Causā, Kauśāmbī, Nācharkheḍā, Neval, Pahāṛpur, Sahet-Mahet, Sandhaya, Śr̥ṅgaverapura, Sirsā,

Sugh, Pawāyā, and possibly Mansar. See, also Brockington, John, and Mary Brockington. Oxford Research Archive: ‘Development and spread of the Rāma narrative (pre-modern),’ URL (last accessed December 2, 2020). 8. Laxshmi R. Greaves (2018) has “re-assembled” dispersed terracotta tablets presently located in various museums and private collections in India and abroad and traced their origins to a site near the village of Katingara in District Etah, Uttar Pradesh. 9. I am grateful to Arlo Griffiths for these readings of the inscribed text from photographs of the terracotta plaques and for providing their cross-references from the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa. See also, Handa (2006, 107). 10. See, Handa (2006, 105–111); Devakarni (2007, passim); Bawa (2018) and Greaves (2018). Lively and dynamic portrayals of Hanumān are also seen from other sites in Haryana. A terracotta from Jind in Haryana shows the destruction of the Aśokavana by Hanumān and bears the inscription, hanumān aśokavāṭikāhantā. See Brockington (2020). See also, the depictions of Hanumān among the relocated Katingara group re-assembled by Laxshmi Greaves (2018). 11. An āmalaka is a myrobolan fruit shaped crowning architectural member. 12. The latter part of the inscription is not very clear, and the following alternate possibilities were suggested by Arlo Griffiths (personal communication): cat(u)rdaśarākṣasā °a(r)jja(ś) cā♢rā mahībhṛ♢taḥ/ cat(u)rdaśarākṣasā °a(r)jja(ś) cā♢rā mahībho♢gaḥ/ cat(u)rdaśarākṣasā °a(r)jjadvā♢rā mahībho♢gaḥ/ cat(u)rdaśarākṣasā °a(r)jjavvā♢rāmadhabho♢gaḥ 13. I am grateful to Professor Arlo Griffiths of EFEO-Paris for reading the inscription afresh and for providing its following references and correspondences for caturdaśa rākṣasās in the Araṇyakāṇḍa (email communication): 3.19.16: ity evam uktvā saṁrabdhā rākṣasās te

caturdaśa; 3.19.16: udyatāyudhanistriṁśā rāmam evābhidudruvuḥ; 3.20.7: preṣitāś ca tvayā śūrā rākṣasās te caturdaśa; 3.20.7: nihantuṁ rāghavaṁ ghorā matpriyārthaṁ salakṣmaṇam; 3.26.13: evam uktvā tu saṁrabdhaḥ śarān āśīviṣopamān; 3.26.13: triśiro vakṣasi kruddho nijaghāna caturdaśa. 14. See, The Golden Age of Classical India, 2007, 116–131. 15. For references to parama-bhāgvata and parama-daivata in relation to the Gupta kings, see, Sircar (1965): Bilsad stone pillar inscription of Kumaragupta I, 415–416 CE (No. 15, p. 286) for a reference to parama-bhāgvata, and Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of the time of Kumaragupta I, 444 CE (No. 18, p. 291) for a reference to parama-daivata. See also, Bhattacharya (1990, 1043). 16. Sircar (1965, 400): Gangdhar Stone Inscription of Viśvavarman: v.6: buddhyā bṛhaspati samassakalendu vaktaḥ// aupamya-bhūta iva rāma-bhagīrathābhyām. See, also, Margabandhu (2003 [1983], 128). 17. Bhandarkar ed. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. III, pp. 318– 319: No. 32: Supiā Pillar Inscription of time of Skandagupta (460/1 CE). See, also Pollock (1993, 270). 18. As per Dr Rajat Sanyal, epigraphist and historian, “A fifth-century date seems untenable paleographically. The letters are in late Brahmi of the third/fourth century CE.” I am grateful to him for this information (personal communication, August 5, 2022). 19. I am grateful to Dr Rajat Sanyal for sharing this information with me (email communication, August 7, 2022). The verse from the Śabdakalpadrumaḥ is as follows:śaṅkukarṇo daśagrīvaḥ piṅgalo raktamuddhajaḥ/ catuṣpādviṃśatibhujo mahākāyo mahābalaḥ// jātyañjananibho marddalohitagrīvā eva ca/ nisargaddāruṇaḥ krūraḥ sa rāvaṇa iti smṛtāḥ// (Deva 1967, 155). 20. I am grateful to Dr Rajat Sanyal for his efforts at reading the partially effaced and incomplete text of the surviving Brahmi letters and sharing his reading via email communication (August 7, 2022).

21. The Asia Society piece is listed as: Rāma and Lakshmana, India; 5th century, Terracotta; (44.5 × 42.5 × 13.3 cm); Mr and Mrs John D. Rockefeller 3rd Collection of Asian Art 1979.006. 22. More recently, Laxshmi Greaves (2018, 127, figure 5) has proposed a provenance for this panel as being one among the dispersed Rāmāyaṇa terracotta sculptures with label inscriptions that originally belonged to brick temples in Katingara in the Etah District of Uttar Pradesh. 23. My identification of the “building of the bridge” episodes differ from Joanna G. William’s reading but agree with M.C. Joshi’s interpretation in The Golden Age, 275. 24. Gouriswar Bhattacharya (1990) has carefully read all these labels, indicated errors, and identified the episodes. 25. At the Buddhist site of Nālandā in Bihar, Site no. 2 has a series of over 200 stone panels fitted on a brick plinth, of which a few are Rāmāyaṇa scenes, including one that depicts the abduction of Sītā (c. 7th century CE). 26. Asher (1980, 53–55; plates 83–86). Frederick Asher refers to B.P. Sinha, “Representations of Ramayanic Scenes in an Old Temple Wall at Aphsad,” Journal of the Bihar Research Society, LIV, 1968, pp. 216–218. Unfortunately, I was unable to access this article. 27. Rāma is also known by the names Rāghava and Kākutstha, for being of the Ikṣvāku lineage of Raghu and Kakutstha. The Kadamba inscriptions, however, record the name as Kākustha instead of Kākutstha. 28. The date of Avinīta’s rule is much debated because of the absence of a clear era. See, EC, 1: 4–11; Moraes (1931: 58–9); Ramesh (1984: xxiv–xxxi); and Gai (1996: 8–14) for the varied interpretations. 29. See, “No. 1: Merkara plates of Avinīta Kongani, the year 388”, in

EC, 1: 30–31, 52, and notes 5 and 7. 30. Vikramāditya II’s two queens, Lokamahādevī and Trailokyamahādevī, patronized the Virūpākṣa (Lokeśvara) and Mallikārjuna (Trailokyeśvara) temples respectively; and the Pāpanātha temple shows three stages of building activity from c. 720–750 CE, i.e., during the reigns of Vijayāditya, Vikramāditya II, and Kīrttivarma II. It is during the final phase that the Rāmāyaṇa visual narratives appear to have been executed, including those on the earlier parts of the temple’s exterior. See, Padigar (2010: 234–236). 31. Several of these have been discussed in the Introduction and the different chapters of Dhar ed. (2021). The primary texts consulted are listed in the Bibliography.

CHAPTER 8 FROM THE GANGES TO THE CHAO PHRAYA RIVER : EARLY TRANSMISSION OF INDIAN RELIGION, ARTS, AND ARCHITECTURE IN CENTRAL THAILAND (C. 7TH–8TH CENTURIES CE) M.L. Pattaratorn Chirapravati The Chao Phraya is a major river that flows through the alluvial plain in Central Thailand. The river begins at the confluence of the Ping and Nan Rivers at Pak Nam Pho in Nakhon Sawn Province and exits into the Gulf of Thailand. Important ancient communities settled along the estuaries of the Chao Phraya and three other rivers of the central region: the Bang Pakong, Tha Chin, and Mae Klong Rivers. Buddhism and Hinduism were transmitted to this region in about the middle of the 5th century CE and they had a strong cultural influence in the Chao Phraya River basin. Early city states such as P’an P’an (5th century CE), Dvāravatī (early 7th–9th centuries CE), and Śrīvijaya (mid-7th to 9th centuries CE) adopted Indian writing systems (e.g. Pallava scripts) and the Pali and Sanskrit languages.1 While Brahmins performed court rituals, it was Buddhism that informed the characteristic art and culture of the Chao Phraya River region. The earliest remains of Buddhist objects and architectural structures in this region reflect the transmission of Indian Buddhist religious practices into the river plain. Indian artistic elements and styles, especially those from the Andhra–Telangana belt, as at Amarāvatī (c. 2nd century BCE to 3rd century CE), and the artistic expressions of the Gupta (c. 320–550 CE) and Pala (c. 750–1161 CE) periods,

inspired the development of Buddhist art forms in the central region of Thailand. As a part of merit making (puṇya), Buddhist objects such as small stupas, large stone dharmacakras, Buddha images, and small Buddhist tablets were commonly made in this region between the 7th and 9th centuries CE.2 In general, themes from Buddha’s life (e.g., the First Sermon or the Twin Miracles) and jātaka tales, were carved in limestone reliefs. In the Northeastern region, large scale boundary stones (semā) with themes from Buddha’s life were commonly made as offerings for merit making.3 This article focuses on religious art and architecture in the central region of Thailand. Buddhist cave temples and stupas were adorned with images and decorative motifs that clearly reflect Indian religious elements of the 5th–7th centuries CE. Interestingly, images of the Buddha and Hindu gods were often depicted side by side in the early cave temples of this period. This article concentrates on the Chula Pathon and Phra Men Stupas at the center of present-day Nakhon Prathom, and cave temples in the central region, namely, Tham Photisat (Bodhisattva Cave, Saraburi Province), and Tham Ruesi (Hermit Cave) in the Khao Ngu mountain range (Snake Hill, Ratchaburi Province), which dates to about the 7th century CE.

THE MIGRATIONS OF PEOPLE ALONG THE CHAO PHRAYA RIVER BASIN From the mid-2nd to the mid-5th century CE, the Chao Phraya River basin held a very diverse community of people speaking ancient Mon and Khmer languages. While the Mons settled to the west of the Chao Phraya River, the Khmers resided on the eastern side of the river, and in present-day Cambodia. Dvāravatī developed as a result of expanding settlements in the riverine regions. The earliest ancient cities in the Central region were located in U-thong (Saraburi Province), Nakhon Prathom (Nakhon Prathom Province), and Khu Bua (Ratchaburi Province). Indian objects such as seals, ivory combs, and coins were recovered in these regions.4 Nakhon Prathom, known in local chronicles as “Nagara Jayasri,” was the largest of the ancient Dvāravatī cities. It had a network of waterways, both within the city and in nearby areas, and it was a mercantile and maritime state (Dhida 1999, 55). At its center, near a royal palace was a large rectangular brick stupa, the Chula Pathon (or Phra Pathon Chedi), that was likely multitiered. The structure was first built during the 7th century, but was later renovated during the 8th and 9th centuries CE. The upper part of the structure was originally adorned with five niches into each of which was placed a relief of a standing Buddha. Its lower base was decorated with reliefs of the jātaka stories, Buddha’s past lives, and avadāna literature (Figures 8.1[A]—[C]).5 Dvāravatī structures were also adorned with animals (e.g., lions) and mythical figures, and prominently, dharmacakra (Figure 8.2).

Figure 8.1  Jātaka Stories from the Base of the Phra Pathon Stupa, Nakhon Prathom. Phra Prathom Chedi National Museum, c. 7th Century CE. Source: Author.

Figure 8.2  Dharmacakra, Nakhon Prathom, Phra Prathom Chedi National Museum, c. 7th–8th Centuries CE. Source: Author.

In his doctoral dissertation, “The Chula Pathon Chedi: Archaeology and Sculpture of Dvāravatī,” Piriya Krairiksh provided a thorough

study of the jātaka and avadāna panels. He identified this phase of decoration as the Theravadin phase (Krairiksh 2012, 35–37). Betty Gosling, a historian of Thai art, compared the architectural style of the Chula Pathon to that of the Puduveli Gopuram at Nagapattinam and the Sariputra Chaitya (Stupa III) at Nalanda (Gosling 2014, 65). Pierre Dupont, French archeologist, excavated both the Chula Pathon and Wat Phra Men in about 1930–1940. He published information about these temples in his book, L’Archeologie Mone de Dvāravatī, in 1959. Another large brick stupa, Phra Men, is located on the south of Phra Pathon Chedi. The excavation of this temple was conducted by the Fine Arts Department of Thailand and the École Française d’ExtrêmeOrient in 1939. Based on the archeological remains of Phra Pathon, Dupont believed that the structure had been twice enlarged and modified in antiquity (Dupont 1959, 24–54). They discovered a circular shaped stupa with a square base, about 3.5 meters in height. On each side of the square base is placed a large stone Buddha image (3.75 meters high) seated in bhadrāsana. His right hand performs the teaching gesture (vitarkamudrā) and the left is placed near his left knee. He is seated on a square base and his feet are placed on a round-shaped double lotus pedestal ((Figures 8.3 and 8.4). The images were arranged with their backs against each other in the vihāra.6

Figure 8.3  Buddha Seated in Bhadrāsana and Vitarkamudrā, from the Phra Men Stupa, Nakhon Prathom Bangkok National Museum; c. 7th Century CE. Source: Author.

Figure 8.4  Buddha Seated in Bhadrāsana and Vitarkamudrā, Wat Phra Men Stupa, Nakhon Prathom Province. C 7th–8th Centuries CE. Source: Author.

Piriya Krairiksh identified them as the four Buddhas of the past: Kakusandha, Konagama, Kassapa, and Gautama. The last one has an inscription in the Ancient Mon and Pali languages (Krairiksh 2012, 64). Gosling remarked that the Phra Men Chedi closely resembled the style of Indian temples at Paharpur located not far from the mouth of the Ganges, and at Nalanda, the famous Buddhist center where monks from India and abroad came to study. Gosling also pointed out that the Paharpur stupa is distinctive for its three tiers of cruciform terraces with recessed projecting corners (Gosling 2014, 63–64). Dupont suggested that Wat Phra Men was probably a center for manufacturing Buddhist tablets because a large number of them were found at the site. At least three types of Buddhist tablets were found at Phra Men, two of which date to the Dvāravatī period and one to the Khmer period (Pattaratorn 1997, 96). Outside of the city is the Pathom Chedi, which is the oldest stupa in the area. However, it was modified into a bell-shaped one in the 19th century.

CAVE TEMPLES WITH THE BUDDHA SEATED IN THE BHADRĀSANA Evidence of the introduction of Buddhist and Hindu religions can be found on reliefs carved into the walls of cave temples in the central region. In India, rock-cut caves were excavated for religious purposes for both Buddhism and Hinduism. Among the earliest caves are those situated in the Barabar and Nagarjuni Hills in the Magadha region that were constructed during the Maurya period (c. 323–185 BCE). Rockcut caves became increasingly popular and were still being made on a large scale until the 8th–9th centuries CE. The Ellora caves in the Western Deccan region, for example, were constructed on the Charanandri Hills for the three different religions of Buddhism (Caves 1–12), Hinduism (Caves 13–29), and Jainism (Caves 30–34). For Buddhism, one of the best examples of monastic cave temples that include vihāras and caityas, with cells for monks, are found at the Ajanta caves, most of them dating to the late 5th century CE. These caves have been excavated along a curved mountain cliff above the Waghora River, in the state of Maharashtra. In Cave 26, a seated Buddha image with the legs in bhadrāsana is depicted on a freestanding stupa in the center of the hall.7 Although several historians of Indian art have different opinions on this type of sitting posture, they seem to agree that at the Ajanta caves, the pendant legs or bhadrāsana posture became more commonly used towards the end of the Ajanta development rather than the beginning (Huntington 1985, 39). On a stylistic basis, Ajanta Cave 26 has been dated to about the late 5th century CE. Both the stylistic and iconographic appearances of this cave strongly inspired early cave temples in the Chao Phraya region. While cave temples are commonly found in India up to the late 8th century CE, only a handful of Buddhist caves were made in the central region of Thailand: Tham Photisat (Bodhisattva Cave, Saraburi Province), Tham Ruesi (Hermit Cave) in the Khao Ngu range (Snake

Hill, Ratchaburi Province), Tham Chin (Chinese Cave), Tham Cham (Cham Cave), and Tham Fatho (Lid Cover Cave). Who were the sponsors of these caves? For whom were these caves made and were they constructed for Hindu or Buddhist practice, or both? Can specific types of Buddhist traditions be precisely identified? In her book, (Śrī) Dvāravatī: The Initial Phase of Siam’s History, Dhiya Saraya states as follows:

Brahmins in Siam Predesh, both of Indian and indigenous ethnic origin, must have settled around coastal ports and trading centers. In other words, Hinduism was associated with the stream of urban trade, while Buddhism spread among city dwellers, into villages and towns, even to isolated folk living on forests and in mountain areas…. Hindu deities were associated with kings. Sculptures associated with Hinduism from the Dvāravatī period appear to have been the work of urbanized master craftsmen whose skills were well developed. (Saraya 1999, 28)

Among the earliest Buddhist cave temples in the central region, Tham Photisat (Bodhisattva Cave) in Saraburi Province, also known as Tham Phra Ngam (Beautiful Buddha Cave) or Tham Khao Namphu (Hot Spring Cave), has a most distinctive relief that depicts both Hindu and Buddhist imagery. Tham Photisat is the first and largest of six caves at Khao Wong (Wong Mountain). The relief in Tham Photisat is carved high up on the cave wall. It represents an enthroned Buddha seated in bhadrāsana preaching to Shiva, Vishnu, and other deities (Figure 8.5).

Figure 8.5  Buddha Seated in Bhadrāsana Preaching to Shiva, Vishnu, and Other Deities, Tham Photisat (Bodhisattva Cave) in Saraburi Province; c. 7th Century CE. Source: Nicolas Revire.

His feet are placed on a circular double-lotus pedestal. He is seated on a throne decorated with a sea creature (makara) motif. It is similar to a throne in a mural painting of Cave 16 at Ajanta, dating to the second half of the 5th century CE (Krairiksh 2012, 49). The Buddha has a round halo, commonly depicted on early Indian Buddha images. His right hand performs the teaching gesture (vitarkamudrā), with the thumb and forefingers touching, and his left hand holds the ends of a draped monastic robe (uttarāsaṅga) at chest level. In Indian art, the standard hand gesture for a seated Buddha in bhadrāsana is the turning of the wheel of law (dharmacakra mudrā) (Figure 8.6). It is interesting to note that no known early image of the Buddha from central Thailand performs this dharmacakra gesture. This may be the reason why Nicolas Revire, an art historian specializing in images of the Buddha seated in bhadrāsana, remarks in his article that, “This

combination of hand gestures is rarely attested for in this iconographic type and could testify to a certain archaism or, on the contrary, to an important innovation” (Revire 2012, 97). In my opinion, even though the Tham Photisat cave has one of the earliest representations of Buddha depicted in such a remote cave in the central region of Thailand, its iconographic program is not that different from images on the exterior walls of structures in the center of the city. However, its sculptor(s) seem(s) to have been more familiar with the hand gestures that were utilized for both standing and seated Buddha images in South India (e.g., Amaravati, Nagarjunakonda, etc.) and Sri Lanka. Thus, it could give us some clues about the religious practices that were introduced from those regions to this area. To the left of the Buddha is an image of Shiva seated with one of his legs folded in lalitāsana, a position commonly used for Shiva images in Indian art. His right hand is raised and almost touches the Buddha’s arm, which makes it appear as if he is welcoming the Buddha. His left hand holds a rosary, one of his attributes. He has a distinctive hairstyle, with curly hair topped with a chignon decorated with a crescent moon in the center. This hairstyle is similar to those seen on deities in Buddhist caves in India during the Gupta period, such as the dvarapāla or door guardian image at the entrance of Cave 6 at Udayagiri (Madhya Pradesh) and a standing figure on a stone plinth of Site No. 2 at Nalanda8 (Asher 1980, plate 73). Shiva also wears big, round earrings that resemble those depicted on Indian sculptures. His lower garment covers both legs and a long stylish sash is tied around his waist. At the center of the relief panel and next to Shiva is a large figure of Vishnu, who is standing in a relaxed position. Vishnu has four arms, two of which are crossed at his chest in a gesture of reverence. His upper hands hold two of his important attributes, a wheel (cakra) on the right and a conch shell (śankha) on the left. It is interesting to note that the crossed-arm gesture is also depicted on a large standing 12th-century image at the Gal Vihara in Polonnaruva in Sri Lanka.

Like Shiva, Vishnu also wears a long sash with both ends hanging down along the left side of his body. In comparison to the other two figures, Vishnu has the largest scale but is placed slightly lower than the Buddha and Shiva.

Figure 8.6  Seated Buddha in Bhadrāsana, Turning the Wheel of Law (Dharmacakra Mudrā), Ajanta Cave 3, India, c. 2nd Half of 5th Century CE. Source: Licensed from Creative Commons CC-BY-SA-3.0 https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/93/Buddha%2C_Ajanta_cave_3.JPG

Three other figures are depicted next to Vishnu. One is a tiny figure who is bowing on the ground, venerating the deities, while performing the gesture of respect (añjalimudrā). This figure is the smallest one on the wall, and because it is carved in profile view, it is difficult to identify the image with certainty. While Robert L. Brown identified it as a brāhmaṇ who is shown worshiping the three gods (Brown 1996, 30), Krairiksh identified the image as an ascetic who may be the owner of the cave (Krairiksh 2012, 49). Some other scholars identified it as a female figure. In my opinion, the image probably represents a devotee and/or viewer who is worshiping the three divinities. Above this devotee are two flying celestial figures (vidyādharas), who are also honoring this episode. Both wear long sashes similar to Shiva and Vishnu. One of the vidyādharas wears a hairstyle similar to that of the devotee; the other wears his hair similar to that of Shiva. Stylistically, these two flying figures look similar to the early 6th century vidyādharas seen on many Indian temples. An example of this type of vidyādhara can be found on a relief on the east side of the Vishnu Temple at Deogarh, dated to about the late 5th to early 6th centuries CE (Huntington 1985, 210). Regarding the Tham Photisat relief, Hiram Woodward remarks that, “The choice of figures is unique, and one straightforward explanation— that the Buddha is merely preaching to the gods—leaves questions about the composition of the figures and about why the carving should have been executed in a cave” (Woodward 2003, 57). In sum, the overall stylistic appearances of the images of the Buddha, Vishnu, and Shiva; the clothing and hairstyles; and the decorative elements (e.g., the throne and wheel) clearly indicate that the transmissions of Hinduism and Buddhism reached the central region by the 7th century CE. But what was the function of these caves and who used it? In his studies of the Ajanta Caves, the renowned art

historian Walter Spink remarks that “one could worship both the Buddha and the Hindu gods” and “The Ajanta Caves were built in a period when both the Buddha and the Hindu gods were simultaneously revered in Indian culture” (Spink and Yaguchi 2014). Like Spink, Brown concludes that the presence of the Buddha and the two Hindu gods clearly supports the nonexclusive nature of Buddhism and Hinduism in pre-9th century Thailand and Cambodia (Brown 1996, 31). Thus, the relief at Tham Photisat reflects similar trends that were popularly portrayed in India at that time. It is important to note that by the 7th century, Buddhist and Hindu gods were venerated together as sacred beings in the Chao Phraya region. Do the details of this relief follow any specific Buddhist or Hindu traditions? Are there any specific textual sources that dictated the content of this relief? On the basis of style and a record by Xuanzang (601–664 CE), a Chinese monk who traveled to India between 629 and 645 CE, Piriya Krairiksh concluded that the relief was created for the Mahāsaṃghikas, one of the subsects. What made this sect distinct from the Sthaviravāda school was probably the fact that it honored the Buddha as a supramundane being. In this case, it means that the Buddha is above both Shiva and Vishnu. Most scholars seem to agree that the images were inspired by Indian art and that the content reflects the Mahayana Buddhism that was practiced during the early Pāla period.9

THAM RUESI (HERMIT CAVE) Tham Ruesi (Hermit Cave) is the largest cave in the Khao Ngu mountain range (Snake Hill) in Ratchaburi Province. Smaller caves with early Buddha images on this mountain include Tham Chin (Chinese Cave), Tham Cham (Cham Cave), and Tham Fatho (Lid Cover Cave). Unlike at Tham Photisat, where the Buddha image was carved high up on the cave wall, here a seated Buddha in bhadrāsana is carved on the wall at ground level, with his feet placed directly on the base of the throne (Figure 8.7). His legs are depicted differently from those on the image in Tham Photisat cave; they are more angular in shape, like the style depicted on Gupta Buddha images of the late 5th century, such as at the Nalanda Stupa 3 and the Ajanta Caves 19 and 26. This style was commonly depicted on various types of reliefs, bronze figures, and terracotta tablets. This form of pendant legs became a standard form for bhadrāsana images not only in the Chao Phraya region but also in other parts of early Southeast Asian kingdoms. While Buddha’s right hand performs the teaching gesture (vitarkamudrā), the left hand is placed on his left thigh with the palm facing up. Interestingly, although Dvāravatī Buddhist art followed both the iconographic representations and stylistic appearances of the Gupta and late Gupta styles, the common hand gesture of the dharmacakra mudrā, representing the First Sermon of the Buddha, used in the Ganges region was not copied in the Chao Phraya region.

Figure 8.7  Buddha in Bhadrāsana and Vitarkamudrā, Tham Ruesi, Ratchaburi Province; c. 7th Century CE. Source: Author.

Underneath the throne of this Buddha image is an inscribed line of Sanskrit written in Pallava script. George Çœdès first read it in 1929 as, “puñ vraḥ ṛṣi (...) śrī samādhigupta,” translated as “the meritorious deed of the holy hermit... Śrī Samādhigupta” (Revire 2012, 94). He explained that, “It is to some extent the signature of the author of the image, who was a hermit having chosen for retirement [in] this cave, whose name of Thāṃ Rūṣi recalls this memory or that of one of his peers” (Revire 2012, 95). Other scholars such as Jean Boisselier (1993) and Cha-em Kawkhlai also read and translated this inscription. While Boisselier translated ṛṣi as monk, Cha- em Kawkhlai interpreted the inscription as “Śrī Samādhigupta is pure from merit he accrued.” Revire has summarized the most recent debate on this inscription in his article, “A Comprehensive Study of Bhadrāsana Buddha Images from First-Millennium Thailand,” and concludes as follows:

At any rate, this name “Samādhigupta”, suffixed to -gupta, bears resemblance to a cluster of people from the same generation found in South and Southeast Asia throughout the seventh-eighth centuries, such as Buddhagupta, from the famous mahānāvika inscription of South Kedah (ca. early seventh century), or Dharmagupta and Śrīgupta, resident monks at Nālandā (ca early eighth century). (Revire 2012, 95)

Revire concludes that the name, Samādhigupta, may be on par with his contemporaries in other kingdoms of Southeast Asia. In addition, it also helps support his attribution of the dates of Bhadrāsana Buddha reliefs during the Dvāravatī to about the 7th to early 8th centuries CE (Revire 2012, 95). Buddha images were carved on the walls of the

other three cave temples that are also situated on Khao Ngu. Unfortunately, very little remains of these Buddha images because the caves were continuously utilized and the images were restored during the Ayutthaya period (1350–1767 CE). At any rate, the large deposits of broken bricks in Tham Cham indicate that the caves were created at the same time as Tham Ruesi. It is interesting that small, seated bronze images of the Buddha (ht. 7.4 cm) in bhadrāsana with similar hand gestures were also produced in the region. An example was discovered in the ancient city of U Thong. It shares a close similarity to the relief at Tham Ruesi. At Tham Fatho, a large reclining Buddha was carved along the south wall of the cave (Figure 8.8). The image is 8.75×1.85 meters. The facial detail clearly shows the Dvāravatī style of the 7th century. Above his round halo are seven celestial beings who witnessed the Buddha’s parinirvāṇa, when he reclined on his right side between the branches of the sāla tree. The layout of the cave is similar to Ajanta Cave 26. Seven celestial beings are depicted above the Buddha. One holds a lotus flower, the second holds his hands in anjalimudrā, and the third holds a garland of flowers. Unfortunately, because only the heads of other celestial beings (numbers 4–7) have survived, it is unknown what they originally held in their hands. Four monks are depicted on the north side of the wall. One has his arms crossed on his chest, similar to the Vishnu posture at Tham Photisat. Based on their style, these images were likely added during the Ayutthaya period. Since these caves are located in a remote area of the hill, it is clear that they were utilized by forest monks. While Piriya Krairiksh tries to define specific Buddhist sects with iconographic details of reliefs in his studies, the Buddhist scholar Prapod Assavavirulhakarn has a very different view. He suggests in his book, The Ascendancy of Theravada Buddhism in Southeast Asia, that “It is logical to assume that the stupa in the centre of the city served as the centre of religious activities for the townspeople, while the stupa outside the city served the forest monks” (Assavavirulhakarn 2010, 92). He also points out that a stupa of a city or pilgrimage center did not belong to any one school of Buddhism. His arguments are

supported by inscriptions that attest that numerous monks of various traditions lived peacefully together in the vicinity of the great stupas of Amaravati and Nagajunikornda in the southeastern region of India (Assavavirulhakarn 2010, 92). Thus, early cave temples probably served the forest monks of different traditions as they transmitted their religious practices and/or migrated into the Southeast Asian regions.

Figure 8.8  Reclining Buddha, Tham Fatho, Ratchaburi Province. 7th century. Source: Author.

CONCLUSION Waves of Indian religions and their icons, both Buddhism and Hinduism, arrived in the Chao Phraya region and were manifested as early as the 7th century CE. Temples, images, and decorative ornaments were built in the styles of the Gupta and late Gupta periods (c. 4th to 6th centuries CE). While religious structures built of bricks and stones were constructed in the center of the city, cave temples in the remote areas were utilized by forest monks. Although Dvāravatī religious structures were commonly decorated with images of the Buddha seated in bhadrāsana like those found in India, their hand gestures did not follow exact Indian prototypes, but appear to have drawn from different Indic traditions. This reflects their preferences and changing practices at the beginning of religious development in the Chao Phraya region.

NOTES 1. For further information on this subject, see Guy (2014a). 2. For further information on this subject, see Skilling (2008, 248–262). 3. For further information on this subject, see Murphy 2010 (unpublished doctoral dissertation). 4. For more information about this, see Wales (1969). 5. For further information on this subject, see Krairiksh 1975 (unpublished doctoral dissertation). 6. One of these images is presently on display at the Bangkok National Museum, one is located at the Chao Sam Phraya Museum in Ayutthaya, one is placed at the southern entrance of Phra Pathom Chedi in Nakhon Prathom, and one is located in the ubosot of Wat Phra Prathom Chedi in Nakhon Prathom. 7. For further information on this subject, see chapters 3 and 4 of Spink and Yaguchi (2005). 8. On a stylistic basis, Susan Huntington (1985) attributes its date to 401 CE in the reign of Ramagupta. 9. The art historian, Thanongsak Lertpipatworakul, lists different opinions by scholars on a website called “Than khomun lang borankadee thi samkhan nai prathedthai” (Sources of Important Archaeological Remains in Thailand, n.d.). These scholars tried to pinpoint the textual sources that dictated the narrative. Some also attributed the date on the basis of style.

CHAPTER 9 TRACING INDIAN CULTURAL CONNECTIONS IN MALAYSIA AND BRUNEI : FROM EARLY CANDIS TO MODERN ART Cheryl Chelliah Thiruchelvam and Sarena Abdullah Malaysia today consists of the Malay Peninsula and its counterparts of Sabah and Sarawak located on the Island of Borneo. Brunei, which is also located in Borneo, shares its borders with Sarawak. Brunei is a Malay Islamic monarchy (Saunders 2002, xv–xix, xviii), with the Sultan as the head of state. In multiracial and multireligious Malaysia, Islam is the official religion (Wan Husin and Ibrahim 2016, 1217) with the Prime Minister being the head of the country. Out of the thirteen states in Malaysia, nine of the states are headed by Sultans (constitutional monarch) who oversee matters pertaining to Islam and the Malay traditions (Lowe 1982, 71–72). Countries which are partly located on the Malay Archipelago (with the exclusion of peninsular Malaysia) still bear evidence of Hindu–Buddhist cultural connections that happened during the first millennium. The strategic location of present-day Malaysia and Brunei on the Malay Archipelago meant that this region was exposed to early contacts with the outside world as it was located on the east–west maritime trade route. Malaysia and Brunei have a shared and interconnected past and have hence been placed together in this essay. The early contacts of Southeast Asia with its outside world were initiated by trade that involved China in the Far East and Rome in the West. With external influences (maritime trade and networks), the complexity of the region’s history becomes inevitable. Southeast Asia was predisposed in various aspects such as maritime networks, trade routes, religious centers to the spreading of Indic culture, and the attributes of its civilization across the region. The impact of the

Indian cultural and artistic influence in the Southeast Asian region cannot be dismissed without careful consideration on aspects such as ways of living, literature, conceptions of law and kingship, and an evolved philosophy of life (Rawson 1967, 7). Under the Hindu–Buddhist influence, several kingdoms and mandalas (political system or fields of influence) shaped and shifted the geopolitical structure as well as the sociocultural settings of Southeast Asia and its people. This was then followed by the arrival of the Islamic waves in the 13th–14th centuries CE (Ahmad and Latif 2008, 12), and lastly Christianity in the 16th century CE, which introduced greater complexity into the sociocultural and religiopolitical frameworks of the countries. Consequently, the Southeast Asian region was in a continuous cultural flux, as the locals adapted these various external influences to suit their needs and beliefs. Despite exposure to various external factors, the Indian influence in Southeast Asia is clearly present. The Malay Peninsula, Java, and Sumatra were convenient ports for maritime traders traveling between China and India. The strategic location of the Malay Archipelago inevitably made it a flourishing center for the Hindu–Buddhist religion and culture from the 6th to the 13th centuries CE (Ahmad and Latif 2008, 7). Various politico-religious powers came into existence and contributed to the historiography of the region during the Hindu–Buddhist period. There are significant influences and relics from the Hindu–Buddhist period that remain important to this day. Among them are the devaraja (god-king) and chakravartin (universal ruler) concepts of kingship, Sanskrit words that are deeply embedded in the local languages, the Ramayana and Mahabharata epics, the massive monuments such as Borobudur and Angkor Wat along with smaller candis (temples) spread across the region, religious beliefs and practices, cultural forms, artistic developments, as well as traditional heritage, namely the wayang kulit practice in this region. Take the Ramayana and the Mahabharata as case studies: These Indian epics were sculpted on temple walls, after adoption, adaptation,

and localization in the Southeast Asian region. Transformations in the local original oral literature and leather puppet shadow tradition show that the Indian cultural influence was shared and accepted by locals in this region. In the case of Malaysia, the Ramayana epic is distinguished in the Wayang Kulit Melayu Kelantan, Mak Yung, royal court culture and kingship, and literature and oral folk tradition, eventually inspiring the visual arts. The process of assimilation, adaptation and syncretization of indigenous practices and new influences that came along with modernization and globalization gave birth to a much more complex and multifaceted region that Southeast Asia is today (Acharya 2012, passim). From a complex history of its precolonial period to its current globalized age, the debate on defining the Southeast Asian region continues. It is now demarcated politically by nation-states. However, the region was as such not separated or differentiated with regard to the culture and its people during the precolonial era. With this background that precedes the current narrative of modern Malaysia and Brunei, the present essay will first examine the Indian cultural connection in Malaysia through its earliest monuments, the candis in the Bujang Valley. This will be followed by an analysis of the transformation of the Ramayana into Malaysian culture and modern art.

EARLY INDIAN INFLUENCE IN THE MALAY PENINSULA One of the earliest types of evidence of Indian religious–cultural connection in Malaysia are the Hindu–Buddhist monuments found in the northwestern state of Kedah in Peninsular Malaysia. The Bujang Valley, located along the Andaman Coast was the “Silk Route of the Sea” (Chaisuwan 2011, 95), connecting the east and west that inevitably brought merchants, traders, and religious influence from India to this strategic port. Archaeological findings such as candis prove the significance of the Bujang Valley as one of the leading Hindu–Buddhist centers of maritime Southeast Asia (Ahmad and Latif 2008, 10). The rebuilt Candi Bukit Batu Pahat was a master temple at Bujang Valley (Figure 9.1).1

Figure 9.1 Bukit Batu Pahat Temple in the Bujang Valley, Kedah; c. 6th Century CE. Source: Author, at Lembah Bujang, February 2022.

Candi Bukit Batu Pahat was constructed in memory of a deceased ruler or official (Andaya and Andaya 1982, 16). The construction style of this temple bears similarity with other sites found in the Southeast Asian region (Andaya and Andaya 1982, 16). Another candi found at the Bujang Valley Archaeological Site is the Kampung Bendang Dalam Temple (Figure 9.2). It was built between the 12th to 13th centuries CE.2 Pillar bases, somasutra, linga, yoni, glass beads, and China’s stoneware were found during the excavation of the temple.3

Figure 9.2 Kampung Bendang Dalam Temple, Kedah; c. 12th– 13th Centuries CE. Source: Author at Lembah Bujang, February 2022.

EXAMINING INDIAN INFLUENCE IN MALAYSIAN CULTURE AND MODERN ART Besides the stupas, chandis, Hindu–Buddhist teachings, and the Malay Sultanate sovereignty and regalia, the influence of the Ramayana epic in the wayang kulit (leather puppet shadow play) tradition in Malaysia is noteworthy. Besides the wayang kulit tradition, the Ramayana can also be found in Malay literary texts, such as Hikayat Seri Rama, and more importantly, in the Malay courtly literature (Osman 1978, 30). In Malaysia, the single and comparatively smaller size puppets (Wayang Kulit Melayu Kelantan, known originally as Wayang Kulit Siam) are known to be a derivative from the Wayang Kulit Purwa of Java (Yousof 2006, 9) due to close geographical proximity and inadvertently shared cultural beliefs. The wayang kulit tradition was brought sometime between the 13th to 16th centuries, when Majapahit was at its peak as the wayang kulit performance was noted to be popular in the Malacca Sultanate (16th century) (Brandon 1967, 56). As part of the assimilation process by the Malays, the wayang kulit was translated to Malay, woven into their life and culture, and further combined with the Thai Khon masked dance to narrate the Thai version of the Ramayana epic (Brandon 1967, 57–58). The Sita Dewi and Seri Rama puppet figures of the Wayang Kulit Melayu Kelantan (Figures 9.3A and B) are inspired by Sita and Rama’s characters from the Ramayana epic. The Cherita Maharaja Wana or Hikayat Maharaja Wana is a symbolic plot in the wayang kulit performances which relates Rama’s mission to rescue his wife Sita after she was abducted by Ravana (Sweeney 1972, 118). However, in the repertoire of the wayang kulit performances, these characters have been Islamized and localized to suit local sociocultural settings and religiopolitical frameworks. In Malaysia, the traditional performance of wayang kulit went beyond an artistic heritage, serving as cultural education, entertainment, healing, spiritual refinement, balance, and the appeasement of spirits (Morse 2013, 137). Over the decades, the wayang kulit tradition has evolved and transformed with

changing contexts and modernization, as contemporary performances of wayang kulit are anchored on current trends and content.

Figure 9.3 (A) and (B): Sita Dewi (Left) and Seri Rama (Right) of theWayang Kulit Melayu Kelantan Puppet Figures. Source: Author, at Muzium Negara Malaysia, December 2016.

The extremely stylized and complex wayang kulit leather puppets are symbolic of Malaysian culture and tradition (Aljeffri 2001, 84–85). Various elements and attributes from the Ramayana that were derived from the wayang kulit tradition are prevalent in the Malaysian visual arts. Among the earliest works that capture the colorful and elaborate forms of the leather puppet are those by Yusoff Haji Abdullah and Nik Zainal Abidin. Nik Zainal Abidin, who was among the pioneers in transferring the iconographic element of these leather puppets, has juxtaposed few vital characters in his painting titled “Wayang Kulit Kelantan”4 produced in 1961. His canvas somewhat captures the

liveliness and energy of the puppet figures in a wayang kulit performance. Yusoff Haji Abdullah composes the tradition of the wayang kulit with other significant cultural elements of the state of Kelantan, such as the Mak Yong, the offerings in wayang kulit performance, the tok dalang (puppeteer), among others in his work titled “Wayang Kulit” (1960).5 Both these artists have captured the puppet figures of the Wayang Kulit Melayu Kelantan from the repertoire of Hikayat Maharaja Wana (a localized version of the Ramayana epic) in their works. This comes as no surprise as Nik Zainal was a Kelantanese who was exposed to the wayang kulit performances since childhood and developed an obsession for it.6 The presence of Hanuman Kera Putih (White Monkey Hanuman)—the white puppet character with his coiling tail, along with Seri Rama who is green and accessorized with a crown can be identified in both the works by Nik Zainal and Yusoff Haji Abdullah. Shellabear further explains the use of green for Seri Rama’s puppet figure due to the association of his character with the incarnation of Lord Vishnu (Singaravelu 2004, 258). Syed Thajudeen captures a vital plot from the Ramayana epic, “Hanuman Visits Sita,” on his canvas panels where Rama sends Hanuman to rescue Sita from Ravana in Lanka (Figure 9.4). Hanuman who brings along Rama’s ring (here signified as a jewel) is a proof of Rama’s intention and austerity to Sita. Hanuman here is represented more like a simian, at the top of the canvas, who flies in to meet Sita who is shown in a seated position at the right. Sita is illustrated here as a side-profiled character with elongated limbs, doe-like eyes, and pouted lips that are relatable to the aesthetic influence of the Wayang Kulit Purwa puppet characters. With the blotches of rustic colors, positioning of his characters and detailing of his environment, the artist gives the viewer a magical, mysterious, and fantasy-like feeling. In a conversation with the artist when queried upon the selection of Ramayana for his canvas, Syed Thajudeen responded by noting that the epic is our cultural history, and on a personal level, the epic was close to his heart due to its values and teachings.7

Figure 9.4 Syed Thajudeen, “Hanuman Visits Sita” 1972, Oil on canvas. Source: Author.

In Figure 9.5, Long Thien Shih captures the behind-the-screen scene in a traditional wayang kulit performance. Unlike the popular and favorite choice of the wayang kulit leather puppets representation in most paintings and visual arts, Thien Shih brings forth the importance of the tok dalang (puppet master) who narrates and controls the entire performance by himself with the support of a gamelan orchestra to enhance the performance and dramatize the storytelling. Furthermore, in a traditional performance, the dalang’s role is not only constrained to acting as a performer, but also as a healer and a spiritual medium. It is interesting to note that spiritual mediums are available and offerings are still practiced in Kelantan to this very day, if one seems to be incurable and has a persistent illness (or disturbed by spirits), as explained by one of the dalangs.8 Such cultural tradition which are deeply woven and embedded in the spiritual beliefs and psyche of the Kelantanese are neither acknowledged nor validated by the state government, Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), as these practices are

against Islamic teachings.

Figure 9.5 Long Thien Shih, “Wayang Kulit (Shadow Play)” 1964. Source: Author.

The characters of Rama and Sita are popular choices among local artists, undoubtedly, due to their struggles and enduring love for each other. Norma Abbas’ black and white print of “Rama and Sita” can be considered as the epitome of a visual story book titled The Love Story of Rama and Sita (Figure 9.6). The narrative of this visual storybook in black and white prints makes a connection with Valmiki Ramayana, although the details of the main events have been omitted. In this visual storybook, important characters such as Ravana, Hanuman, a vulture (Jatayu in Valmiki’s version and Jentayu in Malay), and the golden deer are still very much present, although Lakshmana is absent. The influence of cubism and infusion of local context can be seen—in Sita’s portrayal as a local Malay princess, while Rama is seen in modern attire. Norma Abbas’s print version of Rama and Sita’s unconditional love (Zulkepli 2016, 29) indicates the symbolic importance of this epic (the love and devotion between husband and wife) and its continued relevance to the people of the Malay Archipelago.

Figure 9.6 Norma Abbas, “Rama and Sita.” Source: Author.

Tintoy Chuo uses elements from Wayang Kulit Melayu Kelantan

puppet figures to recreate contemporary characters from movies such as Fusion Wayang Kulit. Collaborating with a local puppeteer, Tintoy Chuo has come up with a few characters inspired by Star Wars. Some of these characters are Perantau Langit (Luke Skywalker), Sangkala Vedeh (Darth Vader), Hulubalang Empayar (Stormtrooper), Tuan Puteri Leia (Princess Leia) and even the cute Ah Tuh (R2). The approach of contemporary and “fusion” wayang kulit puppets was intentionally adopted to make this traditional art appeal to the younger generation. Considering the adaptation of former Wayang Kulit Melayu Kelantan characters into the Star Wars-inspired puppets, Tintoy Chuo9 explains that Seri Rama, the central figure of Wayang Kulit Melayu Kelantan, was used as a reference for Perantau Langit (Luke Skywalker), who was the main character in the Peperangan Bintang (Star Wars) play (Figures 9.7A and B).

Figure 9.7 (A) and (B) Perantau Langit (Luke Skywalker) on the Left and Seri Rama on the Right, Peperangan Bintang (Star Wars) Wayang Kulit Project. Source: Author.

Besides the puppet figures in a wayang kulit performance, the pohon beringin or “tree of life” puppet plays a significant role, apart from being used to represent nature. The pohon beringin is used to begin and end the performance of a wayang kulit (Abdul Ghani 2012, 329). The pohon beringin puppet is used to bring other characters to life and employs itself as a ritual (Bujang 2007, 146) and as a spiritual tool in a traditional performance. The significance of the pohon beringin as a source of energy is derived from the philosophy of Mount Meru as the center of the universe that radiates life into its surroundings (Mabbett 1983, 66). Siti Zainon applies the iconic shape of the pohon beringin puppet by dividing it into three tiers (Figure 9.8). In a conversation with the artist, she explained that Tenggarong was a great Malay kingdom

in the south of Borneo in the 5th century.10 Moreover, Tenggarong was the city district11 of Kutai Kertanegara, which was the earliest Indic kingdom in the Indonesian Archipelago in the 5th century (Supomo 2006, 310). Mulawarman’s father, Aswawarman, and his grandfather, Kundungga, formed three generations of kings who ruled this kingdom (ibid., 310). The surrounding chieftains and tribal communities of Tenggarong had paid tributes to Mulawarman, parallel to the practice of how other kings paid tribute to Yudhishthira in Mahabharata (ibid., 310–311).

Figure 9.8 Siti Zainon Ismail, “Hikayat Beringin Tenggarong”

2008. Source: Courtesy of the artist.

Prior to analysing the work as seen in Figure 9.9, it should be said that “Kimba-Kimba” is one of the many works by Haris Abadi from his solo exhibition Ulang-Ulang in Malaysia. In Malay, ulang means repeat, and as such, the title Ulang-Ulang places emphasis on the context of repetition in the title and in the content of his exhibited works. Moreover, it also serves as an analogy to re-examine the privilege and uniqueness of local culture through the practice of contemporary visual art.12 Elaborating on his choice of using the pohon beringin as a subject for this exhibition, Haris feels the need to emphasize the understanding and the larger philosophical context of the pohon beringin13 which is deeply rooted and intertwined with the cultural practices and spiritual beliefs of the Malays, especially the Kelantanese. Extending further on the context of his exhibition, “Repeat” is also to bring forth or somewhat introduce a traditional symbol which is the Pohon Beringin or Tree of Life. The two white lions are to represent the characters of Simba and Kimba according to Haris, and further elucidate the possibility that everything can be related and connected with each other.14 The choice of the distinctive repetitive pohon beringin symbol (from its original meaning relating to life and the center of the universe) has been given a cultural appropriation with a contemporary context that deals with a currentday issue by the artist.

Figure 9.9 Haris Abadi, “Kimba Kimba” 2018.

Source: Author.

CONCLUSION This essay has brought forth a few examples of architecture and visual artworks and discussed the content and context that establishes its cultural connection with India. Furthermore, the prevalence of the Ramayana in both the performative and visual arts has had a strong foothold in the Southeast Asian region. The wayang kulit, which remains as one of the vital cultural traditions in countries such as Malaysia and Indonesia, are commonly used by visual artists as their source of inspiration as well as expression. As discussed and analysed in this essay, the prevalence of the Ramayana in Malaysian visual arts is not without adaptation and localization. Over the years, parallel with the change of time and cultural development, artists have freely captured certain plots of the Ramayana and assimilated with local narrative or characters, or even historical events, in their works. More importantly, as the earlier works were a close depiction of the traditional wayang kulit leather puppets, modern and contemporary artists have been more adventurous by incorporating their personal styles into their works. Although time has changed and transformed the cultural landscape of Southeast Asia, nevertheless, the cultural connection that this region had in its past with India is prevalent in its artistic heritage as well as some of its cultural traditions till the present day.

NOTES 1. “Bukit Batu Pahat Temple” (Merbok: Bujang Valley Archaeological Museum, n.d.). 2. “Kampung Bendang Dalam Temple” (Merbok: Bujang Valley Archaeological Museum, n.d.). 3. Ibid. 4. The artwork “Wayang Kulit Kelantan,” 1961, is part of the collection of the National Art Gallery, Kuala Lumpur, which has been published in Rupa Malaysia: Meninjau Seni Lukis Modern Malaysia, 2001. 5. The artwork “Wayang Kulit,” 1960, is part of the collection of the National Art Gallery, Kuala Lumpur. 6. “Nik Zainal Abidin Malaysia’s Foremost Wayang Kulit Artist” (Kuala Lumpur: Interpret Art Space, 2013). 7. One of the authors had met Syed Thajudeen at Ilham Gallery in Kuala Lumpur on February 24, 2016, who had briefly discussed my research and asked him on his preference to use Ramayana in his works. 8. In a research trip to Kelantan in early October 2018, one of the authors was able to speak with a practicing tok dalang name [withheld] who had just performed mak yung on his patient in the early hours of the morning who was diagnosed to be “sick.” Due to the sensitivity of spiritual mediums and ritualistic practice, the tok dalang’s name is withheld. 9. One of the authors had an informal discussion with Tintoy Chuo regarding the selection of the characters in the Peperangan Bintang play on July 4, 2019. 10. One of the authors had a discussion with Siti Zainon Ismail

regarding her works from her exhibition Pameran Siti Zainon Ismail: Dari Jogja Ke Bawah Bayu Karya Pilihan Dari Tahun 1970 Hingga 2016 on July 5, 2019. 11. “A Boisterous Royal Ritual,” The Jakarta Post, July 2013, https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/07/06/a-boisterous-royalritual.html. 12. Haris Abadi Abdul Rahim, Ulang-Ulang (Seri Iskandar: Kapallorek Art Space, 2018). 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid.

CHAPTER 10 BUDDHIST ARTS OF LAOS Vatsana Douangmalasy The artistic heritage of Laos reflects many influences: Indian, Khmer, Burmese, Thai, and Chinese. Buddhism plays a significant role in Laos through temples with cultural and artistic values spread across the north and the south of the country. Unfortunately, much of the ancient heritage of Laos has been lost over the centuries to war and neglect, but there are still sites that illustrate its past grandeur. Laos has a range of Buddhist temples that rank among the most interesting and important in the world. This essay aims to discuss some aspects of Buddhist art and architecture in Laos. Laos is part of mainland Southeast Asia and shares its borders with the People’s Republic of China, Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam. The country comprises seventeen provinces and the national capital, Vientiane. Officially known as the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR), Laos as a landlocked country has always been relatively more insulated and remote than its neighbors. About onethird of its seven and a quarter million population lives in the Mekong River Valley, concentrated in four cities: Vientiane, Luang Prabang, Savannakhet, and Champasak. Laos comprises 50 ethnic groups with distinct differences in languages and culture. There are four groups of languages in Laos: Tai-Kadai including eight ethnic groups that cover 64.9% of the population; Mon-Khmer including thirty-three ethnic groups, covering 22.6%; Hmong-Elmien including two ethnic groups and covering 8.5% of population, and the Chinese-Tibetan-speaking group including seven ethnic groups that cover 2.8% of the population. Theravada Buddhism is the largest religion in Laos. During the first millennium CE, Indian traders had crisscrossed the region en route to China by both land and sea. Traders and merchants also helped to

spread the Hindu religion. Local rulers also likely invited monks and scholars from India to help develop a new political structure and belief system. They brought Pali and Sanskrit language systems that form the basis of many modern languages in the region. One of the most important Indianized cultures that shaped the evolution of Laos was from Dvaravati that had enormous influence in the region, stretching from India to the Gulf of Thailand. It is also known that the residents of Dvaravati were Mon people who converted to Theravada Buddhism. Buddhism was solidly entrenched in Laos, as evidenced by relics and statues. Lao people have built significant Buddhist temples, besides sculptures of Buddhist and other religious deities. Laos is one of the countries where Buddhism still flourishes and exists as a living force. Historians and archaeologists hold divergent views regarding the exact period when Buddhism is said to have reached Laos. Some scholars believe that Buddhism was introduced in Laos during the reign of Emperor Ashoka, who is credited with having sent Buddhist missionaries to various parts of the world. However, archaeological remains and literary evidence suggest a time frame of 7th–8th centuries CE. Some scholars suggest that the religion was introduced into Laos in four different stages as follows: Early Theravada Buddhism (Hinayana sect or southern Buddhism) in the third century CE; Mahayana Buddhism (Northern sect) in the 7th century CE; Pukam (Pagan) Theravada Buddhism in the 11th century CE; and Lanka (Lankavong) Theravada Buddhism in the 13th century CE (Champakeomany 2018, 225–228). Spread to Laos by traders and missionaries from India, by the 11th and 12th centuries CE, Buddhism had taken firm root, and by the mid14th century, it had become the dominant religion in Lan Xang (modern Laos) (Thepsimuong 2011, 124). It became the official religion of the kingdom in early 16th century CE. Since the spread of Buddhism to Laos, it has played a huge role in Lao society. A lot of temples and golden stupas were built, distributed from the north to the south of the country. Most Lao villages center around a temple called “Wat,” where people gather for daily worship. These Wats are also home to the village’s monks who lead the town’s religious ceremonies,

and these Wats usually contain a guesthouse and are used as a school as well.

BUDDHIST ART IN LAOS Buddhist architecture encompasses stupas, prayer halls, and temples. Though much of their inspiration and many of their features have been influenced by the Indian, Mon-Khmer, Chinese, and other cultures, Laotian traditional arts have numerous distinctive qualities which make them easily distinguishable from those of other neighboring countries in Southeast Asia. Most of Laotian art is Buddhist in nature, and a predominance of religious motifs can be seen. Indian influence on Buddhist art in Laos can be observed in the prototypes; however, the inspiration came from varied sources. The Dvaravati School of Art (7th–8th centuries CE) is seen as the earliest school in Laos (Saengpathoum 2013, 13). Buddha images, semas, and steles have been discovered from this period. The culture of the Dvaravati kingdom was heavily influenced by Indian artistic and cultural traditions and adapted and mixed with the indigenous traditions to create a unique stylized art form (Thepsimuong 2011, 126–130). The nature and extent of the Indian influence on Lao art and architecture depend on the period considered. Several distinct influences of this art are discussed below. Dvaravati influence lasted from the 7th to12th centuries CE. Herein, the stylistics were more inclined towards Mon (Burmese) and Indian features dated to the 5th–6th centuries, as compared to Tai (people settling from Southwest China). Mon artefacts have been found in Laos, mainly in the provinces of Vientiane and Savannakhet. Michel Lorrillard, who is credited with excavation of sites in the Vientiane plain to the southward provinces of Laos, particularly along the Mekong and Ngum river basins, states that evidence of Buddhist art has been found in the region between the 5th and 12th centuries CE. These consist of more than a hundred semas and a large stone Buddha associated with a stele, bearing an inscription in Mon language and script, which was discovered in Ban Thalat, some sixty kilometers north of Vientiane (Figures 10.1[A] and [B]). These two pieces have been dated to the 8th century and display some features

proper to the Dvaravati civilization (Lorrillard 2017, 235–236).

Figures 10.1  (A) and (B) Stone Buddha and Stele Found at Ban Thalat, Vientiane Province. Source: Author.

The Buddha figures found in Vang Sang and Dan Sung demonstrate a transitional form of artistic expression that combined the Dvaravati tradition with Khmer regional art (Figure 10.2). As Michel Lorrillard explains: Vang Sang evidence is like other sites in that it offers remains undoubtedly belonging to the Mon domain, but it also displays some specific features proper to a later form of art betraying some Khmer influence—for instance, motifs referring to social insignia such as the parasol, the fly whisk, lotus flowers, and so on (Lorrillard 2017, 241).

Figure 10.2  Buddha Figures at Vang Sang, Vientiane Province. Source: Creative Commons Open Access

A stele bearing an inscription in Sanskrit that seems initially to have been written using Mon script followed by the Khmer script (Figure 10.3) has been found, as well as semas and several other sculptures whose style more specifically refers to that of the Mon art (Lorrillard 2017, 243). The decorated semas represent the most interesting type of artefacts recovered, especially as some of them, instead of displaying the usual stupa motif, have carved narrative scenes and inscriptions written in Mon script and language, with Sanskrit additions (Figures 10.4 and 10.5).

Figure 10.3  Buddha, Rock Shelter. Dan Sung, Vientiane Province. Source: Creative Commons Open Access.

Figures 10.4  (A) and (B) Inscribed Sema, Dang Sung and Sema with Carved Buddha, Vientiane Province. Source: Author.

Khmer Influence The Khmer region actively participated in artistic activities during their occupation of the whole of Central Vientiane to southward Laos (Phothisan and Phoummachan 2000, 73). The architecture of this period is found in Vientiane and South Lao. It is of great significance due to its peculiar features and bears a strong influence of Khmer art. The stone temple at Wat Phu in Champasak province along with Heuan Hin in Savannakhet province are regarded as the best examples of Khmer architecture in Laos. Wat Phu temple complex (Figure 10.5) not only represents a historical site with ancient buildings but is also a marvelous example of planning and engineering of a landscape that reflects the religious beliefs and economic approaches of both ancient Khmer architecture and Hindu religion. Remains of baray, water channels, quarries, historic field systems and settlement sites as well as an ancient road to Angkor Wat have been found in the area. Wat Phu temple is divided into six terraces on three levels joined by a stairway ascending the mountain to the main shrine at the top (Rotbun 2002, 49–52).

Figure 10.5  Wat Phu, Champasak Cultural Landscape, Laos. Source: Creative Commons Open Access.

Wat Phu’s middle section features two exquisitely carved quadrangular pavilions built of sandstone and laterite that are believed to date from the mid-10th or early 11th century CE (Champakeomany 2018, 223–224). The buildings consist of four galleries and a central open courtyard. Wat Phu was converted into a Buddhist site in later centuries but much of the original Hindu sculpture remains in the lintels, which feature various forms of Vishnu and Shiva. A good example is the eastern pediment of the north pavilion, which presents a relief of Shiva and Parvati sitting on Nandi, Shiva’s bull mount (Rotbun 2002, 53–54). On the uppermost level of Wat Phu is the sanctuary itself. It has many carvings, notably two guardians and two apsaras (celestial dancers),

and it once enclosed a Shiva linga that was bathed by a system of sandstone pipes, with waters from the sacred spring that still flows behind the complex. The sanctuary now contains a set of very old, distinctive Buddha images on an altar. The brick rear section, which might have been built in the 9th century, is a cella where the holy linga was kept. Sculpted into a large boulder behind the sanctuary is a Khmer style representation of the Trimurti, which is the Hindu holy trinity of Shiva, Vishnu, and Brahma. Further back, beyond some terracing to the south of the Trimurti, is the cave from which the holy spring flowed into the sanctuary. Up a rough path to the north of the Trimurti, a Buddha footprint and an elephant are carved into the rock wall. That Sam Pang (the temple of the three stupas, Figure 10.6) is one of the most important and interesting ancient sites in Champasak province, which is located to the southern region around 21 kilometers away from Wat Phu. Many constructs such as That Sam Pang, altar, inscription podiums, elephant podiums, and one chapel are included within the area of That Sam Pang. The time frame for the construction of this ancient site is not clear because the site has not been studied in detail. According to the documents of the Department of Information, Culture and Tourism of Champasak province. That Sam Pang was built during the age of Khmers, based on the architectural design and stylistic execution of the sculptures (Phabouddy et al. 2018, 19–24). The design and conception in the construction of this temple are not Buddhist but Brahmanical. The three stupas of this temple arranged alongside one another inevitably recalls the Hindu trinity of Brahma, Shiva, and Vishnu. These styles of stupas, called Pang, represent a peculiar form of Khmer architecture, which appeared in Laos in this period and later became one of the developed religious structures of Lao Buddhist art (Champakeomany 2018, 251).

Figure 10.6  That Sam Pang, Champasak Province. Source: Author.

One of the most significant sites related to Khmer art influence in this region is the sandstone temple of Heuan Hin or Prasat Hin which is in the Savannakhet province (Figure 10.7). The history of Prasat Hin remains unclear. However, some historians in the region presumed that Prasat Hin in Savannakhet province was established during the golden period of Sikhottabong dating approximately between the 6th to 7th centuries, dedicated to the worship of Lord Shiva. The edifice itself does not have decorative sculptures, but stone sculptures found on or in the vicinity of the site suggest that Buddhist iconography must have existed there (Lorrillard 2018, 247–248). At about thirty kilometers from Prasat Heuan Hin, away from the Mekong, a modest sculpture that has been exhumed gives evidence of Buddhist worship in the area under the reign of Jayavarman VII: a Buddhist triad of typical style (Figure 10.8).

Figure 10.7  Prasat Huean Hin, Savannakhet Province. 12th Century. Source: Creative Commons Open Access.

Figure 10.8  A Buddhist Triad. 12th Century. Source: Author.

Lao Buddhist art and architecture was produced by artists and flourished in Laos from the beginning of Lan Xang kingdom in the mid14th century CE. The people who came to settle in Laos have their own artistic activities and it is here that Lao art is closely connected with Lan Xang history. They imitated or adopted some aspects of art from the primitive Buddhist art available in the country. The Buddhist arts of Mon and Khmer served as the prototypes of the new Lao Buddhist art, but the fact is that the principal prototype of all Buddhist arts is Indian art, through successive imitations or adaptations through the centuries from the original mold (Champakeomany 2018, 230– 249).

Pha That Luang or the Great Stupa (Figure 10.9) is a sacred Buddhist site located in the capital city of Vientiane in Laos. This large golden stupa is the most revered religious site in the country. This historical monument is a national icon and is also present on the currency of Laos. According to a religious legend from ancient Vientiane, it suggested that Pha That Luang was initially established in the 3rd century CE, to house the breastbone of Buddha, which was brought to the region from India. Later, this stupa went through a series of reconstructions, and its present form, built in 1566 CE, can be credited to King Setthathirath (Singthong 2021, 11).

Figure 10.9  Pha That Luang. Vientiane Capital. Source: Author.

Pha That Luang is a massive monument around 45 meters tall. It has a unique, pyramid-like shape and is surrounded at the base by 30 smaller spire-shaped stupas. The entire stupa is divided into three tiers, each narrower than the last. The stupa is surrounded by cloister walls with small windows. The galleries on the inside of the cloister walls contain ancient Lao and Khmer artefacts like statues, many of them badly damaged, inscribed steles, and other sculpting. Among them is a statue of the Khmer King Jayavarman VII (Rotbun 2002, 157–159). On the top of the first level wall are hundreds of sema stones that mark the sacred area. At the center of each side of the wall is a prayer gate called Haw Wai, an open structure with a double roof containing a Buddha image.

The stairs to it are guarded by Naka snakes. On the top of the wall, marking the second level, are hundreds of sema stones and 30 small stupas. Arched gates lead to the third level that measures 30 × 30 meters and contains the 45-meter-high stupa. The upper part of the stupa resembles an elongated lotus bud topped with a multi-tiered parasol. The associated temple around the stupa also contains numerous statues and paintings of Buddha, as well as altars that are used in Laotian festivals throughout the year. Pha That Sikhottabong, also known as Sikhottabong stupa, is a typical stupa in Lan Xang style located in present Muang Kao temple, Khammouane province, central Laos. According to the historical record, the Sikhottabong stupa was founded by King Soumintharat or Soumittathamvongsa of the Sikhottabong Empire in about the 5th–6th centuries. King Soumintharat built the original Mekong Riverside shrine for the safekeeping of Buddha relics. They also built Pha That Ing Hang in Savannakhet province and Pha That Phanom in Nakhon Phanom province of Thailand, for the same purpose at the same time. After the 7th century, when the area was assimilated into the Khmer Empire, the stupa was renovated in Hindu style (Saengpathoum 2013, 54–58). This stupa is one of the most sacred sites in the Khammouane region (Figure 10.10). The stupa has four squares with each side measuring 25 meters. Its base is 14.33 square meters and rises to a height of 29  meters. When the Lan Xang kingdom regained control of the area, King Phothisarat (1520–1550 CE) added the lotus bud to the top of the structure. Later, King Setthathirath refurbished the stupa to its present form, which has remained unchanged since. During the 1950s, many of the facilities surrounding the stupa were constructed (Rotbun 2002, 155–157).

Figure 10.10  Pha That Sikhottabong. Khammouane Province. 5th–6th Centuries. Source: Creative Commons Open Access.

Pha That Ing Hang, a 25-meters tall square-shaped stupa, is the most sacred Buddhist stupa in the Savannakhet region. The stupa is believed to have originally been of Khmer design (Figure 10.11). According to some local thamnans (folklore or legends), natives in the region believe that it was initially built by King Soumittathamvongsa during the golden period of Sikhottabong kingdom approximately between the 1st and 6th centuries. As per these legends, Pha That Ing Hang was built on the advice of the Buddhist missionary of Kusinarai from India during the reign of Emperor Ashoka (Rotbun 2002, 149–152). Conspicuously, the local folklore reflected the psychological quality of the regional Tais helping to form the sacralization of Pha That Ing Hang. They also mentioned that the backbone of Buddha was kept in it.

Figure 10.11  Pha That Sikhottabong. Savannakhet Region. Source: Creative Commons Open Access.

Based on the document of the Department of Information, Culture and Tourism of Savannakhet Province in 2017, it is stated that the style of architecture of Pha That Ing Hang combined three eras, such as the era of Sikhottabong flourished in the 1st to 6th centuries. By the 9th century, Khmer culture flourished in the Lao-lands and Pha That Ing Hang changed its orientation to Hinduism. This can be observed from the various carvings present on the stupa. In the Lan Xang period, Pha That Ing Hang was substantially rebuilt during the reign of King Setthathirath (1548–1571 CE) and currently features three terraced bases topped by a traditional Lao stupa and a gold umbrella. A hollow chamber in the lower section contains a distinguished collection of Buddha images. Wat Xiengthong is one of the largest temples in Luang Prabang. A symbol of great historic importance, its structure has characteristics of the 16th century Lao architecture, with elaborate mosaic patterns, wall carving, and rare Buddhist deities. The temple was built in 1560 by King Setthathirath to commemorate the memory of the Chanthaphanith (8th century CE)— a betel merchant and the legendary first king of Laung Prabang. Several gold-on-black stencils inside the sim recount the story of Chanthaphanith and Jataka stories from Buddhist cosmology. There are over twenty structures on the grounds including shrines, pavilions, and residences. The main temple building at Wat Xiengthong is the congregation hall or “sim,” as this part of a temple is known in Lao language. The sim has undergone several refurbishments over the years, it is made of wood and therefore needs constant maintenance; however, the building is essentially still the same one that was constructed in 1560 (Chayyavad 2020, 5–7). The low sweeping double-tiered roof (the front portico forms a third tier) and the rich interior and exterior decoration of its sim create a fine example of the classic Luang Prabang style (Figure 10.12). The various chapels and other buildings make the entire monastery complex an architectural gem.

Figure 10.12  Sim or Congregation Hall. Wat Xiengthong, Laung Prabang Province. Source: Author.

The exterior of the sim is elaborately decorated. The multi-tiered sweeping roof is the classic example of Laotian temple architecture wherein all other Lao-style temple roofs are based on. The wooden exterior also features amazing stencil work in gold leaf on all sides. The “Tree of Life” mural on the rear of the temple is a later addition dating back to the 1960s, depicting the Lord Buddha, a tiger, an ox, and two large peacocks under a glistening tree. The stencil work is continued inside the sim, which houses the main Buddha statue (Chayyavad 2020, 8). The large teak pillars supporting the roof are particularly striking with black lacquer forming a contrasting background to the floral designs in gold stencil work. Like many other later temples in Laos, scenes from the life of the Buddha are printed on the walls and the ceiling. This is another example of how Wat Xieng Thong has been used as a model for the design of other temples in Laos.

It can be concluded that Buddhist art in Laos was a composite art. The various influences of the art forms of different nations were imbibed by the Lao artists into their own work. The Lao artists introduced new elements of art side by side with the adaptation of the old style, which makes Lao art one of the most interesting Buddhist arts of Southeast Asian arts. The art of the Mons of Dvaravati and Khmer art contributed much towards the development of Lao art, but while the process of borrowing was going on, the Lao artists introduced new elements which were ultimately responsible for the birth of many schools of arts in this land, having an independent style of their own which is best seen in the well-known arts of the Sikhottabong period. It can be said that Indian art served as the prototype of art in Laos. Laotian art during the centuries developed its independent character and style, combining local artistic talents and inspirations. The indigenous artists never lost the individuality, clearly indicating the real independent character and artistic workmanship of the Lao people all through the ages.

CHAPTER 11 AGUSAN TĀRĀ : THE UNFOLDING OF A PILGRIM CIRCUIT IN THE PHILIPPINES* Joefe B. Santarita India and Southeast Asia have had an intense exchange not only of ideas and knowledge systems but also of objects and people since the ancient times, through sea and land routes (Dhar 2018, 325). Such interactions in the region produced tangible and intangible heritage, such as monuments, temples, and other arts forms. Historical records show that the architectural landscape of a large part of South and Southeast Asia by about the 7th century was dotted with religious monuments built in brick and stone. In Southeast Asia, the earliest well-preserved religious structures in situ date from 7th century CE onwards. This does not mean, however, that there were no religious structures constructed earlier. In fact, there is evidence of earlier temples in Southeast Asia encountered in the form of fragmentary remains and other historical sources (Dhar 2018, 326). Monuments of Indian origin or influence are preserved in the region and have been attracting pilgrims and tourists for decades such as the Angkor temples in Cambodia, Borobudur complex in Indonesia, and other religious monuments in maritime Southeast Asia. Due to the geographical distance of the Philippines from mainland Southeast Asia, however, the history of Indian contacts with early Filipinos is considered to be limited, if not totally absent. There are no temples or any monuments of ancient origin that have Indian semblances discovered in any of the islands of the Philippines. According to Kroeber: “Had not the Philippines been so remote that the first force of Indian contact was spent before their shores were reached, we should undoubtedly find ancient stone buildings here

also” (Kroeber 1943, 98). In spite of the absence of monumental edifices, several artefacts that were discovered in various parts of the country prove the lengthy interactions of Indians with the Filipinos centuries prior to the coming of Spaniards to colonize the archipelago. According to Henry Otley Beyer, the first Indian immigrants into the Southeast Asian region seemed to have been adherents of an admixture of ancient Vedic faith and early nature veneration. Beyer further postulated that the merchants and colonizers of Indian origin came to the country via eastern and northern Borneo and continued to arrive till around the 13th–14th centuries CE. It should be pointed out, however, that Buddhist ideas became prevalent in the area prior to the 12th century. As such, the latter movements could be considered as offshoots of indirect engagements of several parties (Santarita 2014, 128). Such interactions resulted in the emergence of various Indian footprints in the country. These include the presence of Maharadia Lawana (Philippine version of Ramayana), several Sanskrit loan words, Darangen, Singkil, and the unearthing of several artefacts of Hindu and Buddhist inspirations, etc. (Santarita 2014, 129–130). Another manifestation of these engagements with India was artistic exchange. An excellent example of this is the “Agusan Image,” believed to be the manifestation of Indic religious influence on the gold-producing culture of the people in Agusan during the period of expansion of the Srivijayan Empire and the Majapahit Empire in Southeast Asia. This twenty-one carat gold image weighs almost two kilograms and measures around eight inches tall. The image was found along the Esperanza side of the Wawa River bank after a storm by a native of the Manobo tribe in July 1917. It was passed on to the hands of the American provincial deputy governor at that time. In 1922, the image was brought to the United States of America. It is now exhibited at the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago. Despite the long absence of the icon in the Philippines, locals built a landmark and installed the replica at the site where the image was discovered. The Arya Tara Rigpa Rime Contemplative Dharma

Community (ATRRCDC) retraced the roots of Vajrayana Buddhism in the Philippines. This retracing includes actual visits to the site, lobbying for a legislative instrument that declares Butuan as a heritage tourism zone and encouraging arrangements with the tourism association to attract more pilgrims in the region. Drawn from interviews and textual research, this paper attempts to (a) revisit the discovery of the Agusan image in the southern part of the Philippines, (b) document the making of the holy place, and (c) evaluate the extent of the image’s inspiration in the development of the tourist destination. This paper, therefore, will also look at the three cumulative transformations that circumscribe both the existence and absence of the golden image. These include the shift from Image to Icon, from Abstract to Concrete (as a structural monument), and from Monument to Object of Pilgrimage/Pilgrim Site/Tourist Destination.

TARA’S JOURNEY FROM WAWA RIVER TO FIELD MUSEUM The Agusan golden image, a priceless 13th-century statue of a Hindu–Malayan goddess was discovered in the province of Agusan del Sur in 1917 (Figure 11.1 and Map 11.1). This province is located in the northeastern part of Mindanao Island. The image is made of four pounds of solid twenty-one carat gold and is 178 millimeter in height (FMNH A109928) (Field Museum Collections). It has a richly ornamented headdress and is complemented by several adornments found on the different parts of the body (Francisco, 1963, 390). The following vivid description of the image is provided by CapistranoBaker:

The Agusan image portrays a seated female with legs folded in the vajrasana (diamond position) similar to the lotus pose but with the two feet resting on the thighs. Her arms are akimbo with fingers curled inward, the back of the hands resting on the hips. She holds her torso and head in a straight frontal gaze with slightly downcast almond-shaped eyes and her nose is wide and her lips full.

Figure 11.1 The Agusan Image, 9th Century. Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago.

Source: Licensed under Creative Commons 3.0. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Filippine,_provincia_di_agusan,_immagine_hindu,_statuetta_in_oro_

Map 11.1 Province of Agusan del Sur on the Island of Mindanao. Source: Author.

Disclaimer: This figure is not to scale. It does not represent any authentic national or international boundaries and is used for illustrative purposes only. For accessories, the image has a halo framing her floriated mountainshaped crown and conveys her divinity. Furthermore, she wears neck adornments and a long chain that converges between her ample breasts, circles around her slender torso and crisscrosses at the back with a single floret at the center. In addition, there are three matching pairs of floriated rings that adorn her upper arms, elbows, and wrists. A waistband, worn low at the hips with a quatrefoil near the navel secures her sheer lower garment. It is suspected that there were two loops that appeared to be soldered to the bottom right that might have secured the image to its base but are now missing (Capistrano-Baker, 2012, 251). While it is definite that the image is currently exhibited in Chicago, there are three contending stories of its discovery, which are presented further. The first version was by John M. Garvan. He noted that the chiefs of the Manobo tribe knew of this image long ago. Further, one of their members kept it secretly hidden as a sacred heirloom (pusaka) for an unknown number of generations, and that the image had been lost during a great flood which destroyed several villages during the late 19th century. Because of the fear of possible punishment from their ancestral spirits, the guardians of the image moved away to another district and did not claim it after hearing the news of its rediscovery in 1917. The probable truth of this story is strongly supported by the number of bronze Shaivite and Buddhist images confiscated by the early Jesuit missionaries from the possessions of the Mandayas, the Shiva image from Cebu, and other similar finds (Francisco 1963, 393).

The second version starts with the discovery of the Agusan image by a Manobo woman in the Esperanza side of Wawa River in 1917. She saw the image from the silt in a ravine along the river bank. She kept the image for a while until it went to the hands of Blas Baklagon. There was no explanation offered regarding the transfer but the latter brought the image in 1918 to Dr Henry Otley Beyer. The anthropologist carefully photographed, measured, and tested the image at the Bureau of Science before calling the attention of the American colonial government to purchase it for the National Museum. Unfortunately, funds were not available during that time. Shortly after this, ownership of the image went to the Agusan Coconut Company as payment to Baklagon’s considerable debt (Beyer 1947, 301). This news subsequently reached the attention of many people including the wife of the American governor-general in the archipelago, Louis Wood. Mrs Wood immediately organized a fundraising campaign to prevent the possible melting down of the image for its gold. She subsequently asked the assistance of FayCooper Cole, the curator of the Southeast Asian department of the Field Museum, together with Professor Shaler Matthews of the University of Chicago to collect funds for the purchase of the artefact. Their consolidated efforts finally paid off when the image was purchased for the Field Museum in 1922 in the amount of 4,000 pesos. The image was then transported to Chicago and finally stored at the Field Museum until today (Kelly, 2012, 262). The third version is the story of Constancia Guiral, the granddaughter of Belay Campos, the discoverer of the golden image. She recalled that her grandmother kept the item as a doll which she later placed on an altar it for worship. This was, however, allegedly taken from their Manobo abode and ended up in the ownership of Blas Baklagon (Tiangco 2011). She asserts that Belay discovered the image under a big tree, not really in the river, when she was about to answer the call of nature; she saw something glittering, and when she approached, she saw a golden doll (Pasilan, Interview, 2022).

FROM IMAGE TO ICON Regardless of the veracity of the various versions of the rediscovery story recounted here, the fact remains that this icon occupied an important position in the pantheon of the early Filipinos. This discovery has been an important development in the history of the Philippines. Its transfer to the United States of America in 1922 has temporarily denied the image of its sacred status and has made it into a mere object of curiosity for decades. The people in the Philippines, however, did not forget the importance of that image, and some sections of the society, including the local government unit, revived the call for the return of the image. Although the request did not prosper, the plan drummed up more attention in the community. The image became an icon, although in absentia, and replicas were made not just as souvenirs but as objects of veneration. But why did it become an icon? The image is believed to be a Tara. In his 1963 paper, Juan Francisco noted that the image is a goddess of the Mahayana pantheon. It is related to the concept of the feminine aspect of Boddhisattvas, and at the same time is the counterpart of the Shakti (Hindu goddess). Such suspicion was further confirmed by the assistant superintendent of the Archaeological Survey of India, P.R. Srinivasan (Francisco 1963, 399). In recent years, however, a study has presented a new finding that the twenty-one carat gold image was Vajralāsyā image dating to the 9th– 10th centuries. Capistrano-Baker has identified the image as Vajralāsyā or the Bodhisattva of amorous dance. It is one of the four deities associated with providing offerings to the Buddha Vairocana and is assigned in the southeast corner of a Vajra-dhātumaṇḍala (Orlina 2012, 166; as cited from Capistrano-Baker). Despite this new finding, there are still followers who have continued to perform their veneration in the site where the image they considered as Tara was re/discovered. Regardless of its authentic identification, the image has been

considered by the people in the community as an heirloom, and also by the pilgrims as Tara worthy for veneration. In recent years, this image (replica to be exact) has been elevated to an icon with an increasing number of believers coming to the Municipality of Esperanza from nearby communities and beyond. Tara is part of both the Hindu and Buddhist Tantric Pantheon which makes her a significant deity in both religious traditions (Figures 11.2 and 11.3). In Vajrayana Buddhism, Tara was introduced as one of its twenty-one types, that is, Ugra Tara. Shaw (2015) defined Ugra Tara as dark blue, intense, and daunting with upward blazed hairs and disheveled dress. This description of Ugra Tara is said to bear resemblance to Kali, the Hindu Goddess. In the Shiva Purān̟a, she is described as being part of the 10 māhāvidyās as per Shiva Purāṇa. Similarly, in the second book of the Mahābhārata, the Sabhā Parva, Tara is called a residential deity, to be installed in every house to keep away the demons (Kaur 2022, 212).

Figure 11.2 Tara and Bodhisattva Padmapān̟I, Cave 6 Ellora, 7th Century CE. Source: Licensed through Creative Commons 2.0. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:182_Cave_6,_Tara_and_Padmapani_%2834112625686%29.jpg

Figure 11.3 The Buddhist Goddess Shyama Tara (Green Tara) Attended upon by Sita Tara (White Tara) and Bhrikuti. Madhya Pradesh, India, c. 8th Century CE. Source: Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Public Domain Image.

In Sanskrit and Pali, Tara means “star” or “planet.” In Tibetan, she is known as Dolma which means “saviour” or “Protector Deity.” In her ultimate nature, she is identical with the Prajñāpāramitā, the Holy Perfection of Wisdom, who is the mother of all the Buddhas. She was also conceived as a personified star who guides the sailors under night skies (Kaur 2022, 213). Tara is believed to have emanated from Avalokiteshvara’s tear which fell to the ground and formed a lake. A lotus rose from its water and revealed the goddess. Similar to Avalokiteshvara, Tara is a benevolent and merciful deity who assists humans “to cross to the other shore.” She is known also as the protector of navigation and earthly travel as well as of spiritual travel along the path to enlightenment. In Tibet, she is believed to be an incarnate in every pious woman and an example of the venerability of the two wives (a Chinese princess and a Nepali princess) of Srong-brtsan-sgam-po, the first Buddhist king of Tibet. White Tara (Figure 11.4) was incarnated as the Chinese princess. She symbolizes purity and is often represented standing to the right of Avalokiteshvara, or seated with legs crossed, holding a full-blown lotus. She is generally shown with a third eye. Tara is also sometimes shown with eyes on the soles of her feet and the palms of her hands (then she is called “Tara of the Seven Eyes,” a form of the goddess popular in Mongolia).

Figure 11.4 White Tara, Folio from a Dispersed As̟t̟asāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra (the Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Verses) Manuscript, Bengal, India, c. 12th Century CE. Source: Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Public Domain Image.

It is also believed that Tara emerged in India as part of the evolution of Hindu and Buddhist Tantra around 6th–7th centuries CE (Wooten, 2020, 24). These aspects of Tara, from its abstract nature, and further because of its absence from the community, have led to the image’s great popularity. The image has received concrete form through the replicas produced in the province of Agusan del Sur and more importantly in the establishment of a marker or “monument” which is discussed in the succeeding section.

FROM ABSTRACT TO CONCRETE For a predominantly Catholic country in general and a strong lyIslaminfluenced region in southern Philippines, the revival of Buddhism, particularly Tantrism, has been observably cordial. Filipinos have tolerance to any religious denominations and the making of a sacred site for Tara is a welcome addition to the local government unit and community. The belief in Tara, as manifested by the discovery of the image more than a century ago, and its equally long absence from the site has pushed for the memorialization of the image and, by extension, the site where the object was discovered (Figure 11.5). Being the symbol of transformation herself, the golden image of Tara in the Philippines has evolved from an abstract form into several concrete forms. The memorialization is now upgraded to the making of replica, and later of its concrete marker.

Figure 11.5 The Site Where the Image Was Discovered. Barangay Cubo, Agusan del Sur. Source: Joefe B. Santarita

The locals have commissioned the creation of a replica of the original image that is currently exhibited in Chicago. In addition, they also ordered for a bigger statue that is placed at the top of the concrete pedestal during special occasions. The authorities decided to make the image immovable to protect it from possible vandalism or plundering. In the process of transformation, one can see the shift from abstract (memorializing despite the fact that the real image is in absentia) to the construction of a concrete pedestal or “monument” as referred by the locals. The said monument is constructed in the area where the image was discovered. It is located in Barangay Cubo in the Municipality of Esperanza (see Figures 2 and 3). The town was founded in 1953 per Executive Order 611 and developed into a firstclass municipality in the province of Agusan del Sur in recent years. This municipality is the home of the indigenous peoples such as Higaonon, Banwaon, and Manobo (Pasilan Interview, 2022). For reference, Barangay Cubo is situated at approximately 8.6917 latitude and 125.6526 longitude in the island of Mindanao. Elevation at these coordinates is estimated at 16.7 meters or 54.8 feet above mean sea level. Cubo shares common border with barangays of San Roque and Eduardo G. Montilla of the municipality of Las Nieves of the province of Agusan del Norte in the north, by the Poblacion in the south, and the barangays of Bentahon and San Isidro in the east, all of the municipality of Esperanza (Philatlas 2022). In an interview in 2011, Mayor Leonida Manpalitan asked for assistance from the Philippine government and even to access funds from the United States to develop the site where the Tara was discovered as a historical landmark (Tiangco, 2011). It was not mentioned if the local government unit was able to access funds from the United States but in 2013, the Municipality of Esperanza has

earmarked an amount of 10,000 pesos from the local fund to construct the monument in Barangay Cubo (Siohan, Interview, April 2022). The edifice is made of concrete cement, soil and gravel, and some steel with an approximate height of two meters and width of one meter. It bears resemblance to a log and has a marker stating the discovery of the image, and below is a glass case for the smaller replica of the Tara. In an early part of the installation, a replica of the image is covered by a transparent glass at the front of the marker. In recent times, however, the said replica and the glass are removed and a fading inscription about the discovery is located above it (Samonte, 2015, A5). Another meter is added in length if the movable bigger replica is installed during ceremonies. There is also a wooden shed with galvanized steel roofing which was added in early 2020 to provide shelter to people and pilgrims who are visiting the area.

FROM MONUMENT TO SACRED SITE Over the years, the “monument” has become the site of memorialization and veneration. As a de facto sacred site, it became the rationale of pilgrimage (Margry 2008, 325) and is hoped to develop as a pilgrimage circuit and tourist destination. The distance of the site (a kilometer away from the town proper of Esperanza, almost 44 kilometers from the capital, Prosperidad, and 21 kilometers from Bayugan, the largest city in Agusan del Sur) contributes to a certain romanticization of the image of the long-distance pilgrimage (Margry 2008, 324). The condition of the road leading to the site also added to it. Although the development of the Esperanza site is still in its nascent stage, the monument (Figures 11.6 and 11.7), like most sacred places, has a meaning and also a materiality (a specific natural environment, religious constructions, etc.) attached to it. There are symbols in sacred places that manifested through space (site) and time (rituals). Religion includes not only the beliefs, customs, traditions, and rituals that belong to a particular society, but also the collective and personal experiences of people in the search of realization or meaning. In sacred space and time, the believer lives in a special atmosphere, where there is a feeling of being with a superior force (Aulet & Duda 2020, 4). As expected, the pilgrim at the shrine seeks an encounter with a specific object in order to acquire spiritual, emotional, or physical healing or benefit (Margry 2008, 17).

Figure 11.6 The Monument to the Image, Barangay Cubo, Agusan del Sur. Source: Joefe B. Santarita.

Figure 11.7 A Close-Up Photo of the Marker at the Site. Source: Joefe B. Santarita.

In the case of the Agusan image in the Philippines, the space (site) has already been established but the time (rituals) requires sustainability. The idea of the pilgrimage emanated from the ATRRCDC. On August 30, 2015, Lama Yeshe Lunhdrup and his ATRRCDC, with the support of Congressman Lawrence Lemuel Fortun, went to Barangay Cubo for the ceremony and pilgrimage. The group did a courtesy call to Barangay Captain Sotero Bignay and was escorted to the marker almost a kilometer away from the village hall. At 15 minutes past noon, Lama Yeshe started the Buddhist ritual on an altar-like table filled with fruits fronting the Golden Tara marker with the village officials and residents standing. For an hour, Lama Yeshe chanted and spoke in Sanskrit. At the end of the ceremony, the Buddhist group members offered the fruits on the ritual table while the barangay staff distributed palagsing (traditional dessert from sago

starch, young coconut meat, and brown sugar) and soft drinks to the participants (Samonte 2015, also, agusandelsur.gov.ph). According to Lama Yeshe, Tara is one of the most important deities of Vajrayana Buddhism. A female Bodhisattva, Tara is a tantric meditation deity who represents virtuous and enlightened action. Her name is derived from the Sanskrit “tri” or “to cross” which implies her power to help all sentient beings cross the ocean of existence and suffering. Lama Yeshe further believed that “the Golden Tara represents the divine feminine energy, which transcends religions. It is found in Buddhism and in Christianity as well, through Mary”. This divine feministic energy remains crucial today at a time that “domination of the patriarchal energy, manifested in the prejudice against women, against other genders, puts down other genders, puts masculine above other energies” (Samonte 2015; also, agusandelsur.gov.ph). Lama Yeshe Lhundrup is the first Filipino ordained in the Tibetan Buddhist tradition. Born as Virgilio Antonio, he was ordained by the 16th Karmapa, Rangjung Rigpe Dorje, and studied under the great masters of Tibetan Buddhism and Bon tradition. The ATRRCDC is founded on the Indo-Tibetan Tara tantric tradition. The community members who joined Lama Yeshe in this pilgrimage were Chayie Maligalig, Bong dela Torre, Olive Balatan, Rey Bobis, John Paul Rodrigo, and Rohini Bobis (Samonte 2015, also, agusandelsur.gov.ph). Since then, the group planned to do this pilgrimage annually but was temporarily stopped by the pandemic. The group is looking forward to revive the activity when the situation permits them to do so. In support of this activity, the local government unit through the Municipal Tourism Office has requested for additional support from the national government to fund the construction of facilities in the area. There are also allied industries that promote tourism and attract pilgrims in the area with souvenir products such as “Tara” replica, shirts, and other handicrafts. The Municipal Tourism Office of

Esperanza also adopted the image in their logo (see Figure 6). The local government unit of Esperanza tried to incorporate the image in their tourism office’s logo as a way of legitimizing the claim of the municipality as the home of the image (Siohan, Interview, May 2022) (Figure 11.8). This also gives it an official representation to several stakeholders. It is a symbol of local pride for the community and pride in the people for the local government unit as well as domestic tourists, and a sanctum for the pilgrims.

Figure 11.8 Logo of the Municipal Tourism Office of Esperanza. Source: Municipal Tourism Office, Esperanza, Agusan del Sur.

CONCLUSION Unlike other countries in Southeast Asia, art and architecture in the Philippines as tangible evidence of intra-Asian connections, particularly with India, are very minimal. There are no temples or any ancient stone buildings found in the islands of the Philippines. Despite the absence of a monumental edifice linked to India, there are artefacts that were unearthed in past decades which point to India’s cultural footprint in the country. One of this was the discovery or rediscovery of the Agusan image. The image which is believed by the community as Tara, despite the new finding linking to Vajralāsyā, is a tangible proof of the connected past between India and the Philippines. Despite this new twist in the history of the image, the community residing at the site where the image was discovered considered it as Tara. Tara as subject of inquiry is a symbol of transformation. In its literal form, the icon, the narratives about and surrounding its discovery as well as the constructed monument associated with it has undergone three cumulative transformations. This evidence of a connected past started to evolve from a simple image to an icon. The golden image since 1917 is considered important not only because of its gold value but due to its historical significance. However, 2015 onwards, the image has attracted a number of believers and adherents. This development restores its former status as an icon for the believers of Vajrayana Buddhism. The second change is the transformation of an abstract to something concrete with the construction of a marker or “monument.” As stated, the abstractness of the concept of a deity and by extension to the image in a community of strong Catholic and traditional influences has been magnified by the physical absence of the image in the Philippines for more than one hundred years. Despite the long lacuna, the memorialization of the image did not diminish in the minds of the people for several generations and instead pushed them to construct a modest “monument” and make several replicas to continuously remind people of its historical importance to culture and legitimacy of the place. The last shift is the transformation of the

“monument” to a sacred place which in the long term could encourage the development of a pilgrim circuit and tourist destination. In the preliminary examination, this study finds that the site has cemented the meaning and materiality of the Esperanza “monument.” It has added new meaning to the historical significance of the Agusan image into a sacred place for pilgrims within and outside the municipality. In the near future, this site will attract pilgrims and tourists from other countries, particularly India. Before realizing it, the people and the local government units should be conscious of the symbols in sacred places that are manifested through space (site) and time (rituals). As mentioned earlier, the construction of the “monument” in Barangay Cubo is already the realization of the sacred space (site). What needs to be done is the initiative related to time (rituals) which needs to be sustained regularly. The initiative of the Arya since 2015, however, has been disrupted, for almost three years, due to the pandemic. There is a need to complement this development by improving the road network from the town proper to the site and subsequently encouraging allied industries to establish food- and tourist-related businesses in the vicinity towards the development of a pilgrim destination.

NOTE * Thanks to Arnel Pasilan and Dhanna Buquir of the Agusan del Sur Provincial Tourism Office, Leodian Siohan of Esperanza Municipal Tourism Office, and Col. Von Albert Sumergido and the 23rd IB for their support and to Baldwin John Seraspe for additional photographs.

CHAPTER 12 LITTORALLY SPEAKING : SOME INSTANCES OF SINGAPORE’S TAMIL CONNECTION Nalina Gopal There is an ancient proverb in Tamil திைரகட ஓ திரவிய ேத . Loosely translated it means “should you cross the ocean, there seek your fortune.” This has been true of the Tamil diasporas that have traveled across the waters in search of opportunity for over two millennia. I found in the Southeast Asian region’s Tamil community a reminder to move beyond the confines of nation-states and reimagine their history from a transnational perspective. Take, for instance, the Sangam epic, Manimekalai, that unfolds the Tamil familiarity with Cāvakam (Java) or the Sulalat al-salāṭ īn (also known as the Sejarah Melayu or Malay Annals) which displays the Malay world’s familiarity with Chola territory. These lands were connected, not distanced by the waters that lay in between, and so were its people. In an increasingly shrinking world, this diaspora’s transformation from premodern to contemporary times, offers an exemplary longue durée narrative in navigating issues of assimilation and integration. Tamil history in the Straits of Melaka has been plagued by a repeated “catachresis"1 as Tamils were mislabelled, a hallmark of the colonial hand. Apart from the spurious orthography of Tamil names and labels, there was also the added complication that there was no one term that was universally accepted within and outside, and the majority (of the members of the diaspora) remained nameless in the margins. Demonyms like chulia associated with privileged commercial diasporas became diluted, labels like coolie produced invisibility, while pejorative terms like kling were rejected by the 19th century. The fact that the ethnonym Tamil only appeared in popular usage by the second half of the 19th century would necessitate the careful

reinspection of archival records, shipping manifests, and even literary sources to pinpoint a clear Tamil footprint (Gopal 2019, 4–44). Conflating the situation of invisibility further is that Tamils of the era were polyglots, and often the clear marker of identity—language—was de-prioritized in favor of economic aspirations. Tamils played a critical role in the founding of these modern port cities, and yet their personal histories lie on the fringes, often faceless, nameless, and undelineated in the chronicles of these polyethnic societies. This paper is constructed in keeping with the title of this publication —Icons, Narratives, and Monuments. It thus surveys some instances of premodern and colonial Tamil connections for Singapore. It falls back on archaeological, literary, material, and sacred built heritage to offer some glimpses of a network among the littoral towns of South India and Singapore. It looks at this narrative through a decolonial lens. It adopts methods through which one could overcome the many complexities of researching diasporic ethnohistories transcending geographic, social, and linguistic boundaries.

A PREMODERN INTERCONNECTION From Canto XIV of Mpu Prapanca’s 14th century CE Kakavin Desavarnana or Nagarakrtagama, we know that Singapore was a Majapahit dependency known then as Tumasik or Temasek. The poem is unique in that it is the only one detailing the empire’s history when it was still at the zenith of its power. The name Singapura used for the island, of course, has Indic roots and is likely adapted due to its association with the Hindu–Buddhist world. And the term was not without precedent in the Subcontinent or the Southeast Asian region— Singapuram was a place name in Chola territory, Singai Nagar was the capital under the Arya Chakravartis of Jaffna, and Singapura was the ancient name of Trà Kiệu in Vietnam as early as the 4th century CE. A contemporary eyewitness account published as a monograph (Colless 1969, 1–11), the Dao-yi zhi-lue by Chinese traveler Wang Dayuan, dated to the Yuan period, contains 99 country segments that give a total of 108 places (Ptak 1995, 45–47) visited by him during two voyages between 1330 and 1339. In it he describes the land of Temasek, Long Ya Men or Dragon’s Tooth Strait, referring to Batu Berlayar, a prominent rock that once overlooked the entrance of a waterway that was the thoroughfare for traders traveling from regions west of Singapore to China. It was destroyed by the British in the mid19th century to widen the waterway to admit steamships. Lastly, he describes Banzu referring to Pancur, a settlement located on a hill, likely Fort Canning Hill. The same Wang Dayuan describes his visit to a prominent 14th century port, Dabadan, in coastal South India. This was likely the ancient port of Periyapattinam (Karashima 1990, 19–24) in presentday Tamil Nadu. When reading a report (Flecker 2022) published by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies detailing the Temasek Wreck, a 14th century shipwreck found in the waters of Singapore surrounding Pedra Branca, I was reminded of another report by Noboru Karashima with Y. Subbarayalu, published in the 1980s; the

report details his survey of Chinese porcelain in the port of Periyapattinam. While the ceramics found in the shipwreck at Periyapattinam are contemporaneous and from similar kilns (i.e., the Yuan period manufactures from the Longquan and Jingdezhen kilns), there the similarity ends. As suggested by Michael Flecker (2022, 75), perhaps Singapore was a crucial entrepot in Southeast Asia for the transhipment of ceramics to trading ports in West Asia and South Asia. Turning to an Indian source, one might construe an earlier knowledge of the port. In the Tirukkadaiyur Inscription issued in the 15th regnal year of Rajendra Chola I (1027 CE) appear the names of his many territorial conquests in Southeast Asia. These include the more famed Srivijaya port Kadaram or Kedah in the Malay peninsula, but the epigraph also contains four place names whose identification has not been conclusive. Among them is Valaippanduru, a term that the scholar Colless has hypothesized could be a reference to the Malay Balai Pancur used to indicate Fort Canning Hill, the epicentre of the pre-modern kingdom of Singapura (Colless 1969, 1–11). Iain Sinclair further suggests that Valaippanduru could thus refer to the waterway at the mouth of the Singapore River (Sinclair 2019, 48–58). In the tales of Sejarah Melayu,2 a 17th century literary text that details the genealogy of the Malay kings of Singapore, one finds preserved traces of the centuries-old connection between the regions. This literary feat embraces the Indic roots of the Malay kings and applies the epithet bangsa (from vamsa in Sanskrit) hindustan alongside raja melayu. Three stories from the text are discussed here to illustrate the familiarity of South India in the Malay world. First, it recounts the story of Sang Nila Utama, the founder of the kingdom of Singapura who is said to have stood in front of an ancient will and testament of Raja Chulan in the form of the inscribed Singapore Stone (Figure 12.1). The Singapore Stone, recently daited to the 11th–13th centuries, was located at the mouth of the Singapore River and was dynamited by the British in the first half of the 19th century; it is perhaps the oldest material evidence for Singapore’s

Indian connection. Popular scholarly consensus identifies Raja Chulan with Rajendra Chola I, a figure to whom the Malay kings of Singapura traced their roots. Iain Sinclair associates this account with the Thiruvalangadu Plates which recounts the installation of a jayastambha by Rajendra Chola I following his victory at Kedah (Sinclair 2019, 48–58).

Figure 12.1 Drawings of Three Fragments of the Singapore Stone. Source: As published in Laidlay (1848).

The second is a matrimonial alliance with contemporaneous Indian empires, that of Raja Kichil Besar with Nila Panchadi, the daughter of Jambuga Raja Mudaliar, the purported ruler of Bija Nagara

(Vijayanagara). In the Annals, we find the suggestion that a 14th century ruler of Singapore contracted matrimonial ties with an Indian dynasty or a wealthy mercantile family. The third is a contrived myth popular even in contemporary times, that of Badang, a local strongman who is celebrated after his defeat of a Kling rival. As a place name, Kling, was applied to India in general; it denoted not just Kalinga (in present day Odisha) but the southeastern or the Coromandel coast in particular. This memory of the ancient circulation of ideas and people was retained well into the colonial era when circulation between Tamil country and the straits region redoubled.

CIRCULATING MOTIFS OF THE LITTORAL By the time of the establishment of Singapore as a trading post of the East India Company in 1819, Tamils were fairly well established in the Straits of Melaka. Consequently, some of the earliest Tamils to settle in Singapore came from within the region, primarily Malacca and Penang. Take for instance Naraina Pillai3 who arrived with Sir Stamford Raffles on the island from Penang in mid-1819. A trader, he was a loyal merchant-middleman associated with the East India Company. Perhaps the most important testament to the influence of Tamil settlers in the founding decade of the port-colony are the religious structures erected on land granted to the Hindu and Muslim trading communities. In observing these early instances of Tamil architecture in Singapore lies a clue to the roots of these merchant communities. But first, here is a quick mention of the port towns migrants left behind and their influence in shaping the architecture of the diaspora. Nagapattinam, located along the Coromandel Coast, was for centuries a prominent port, known for its trade across the Bay of Bengal to Southeast Asia and beyond, from the precolonial era to modern times as a Portuguese, Dutch, and then a British port. During the Chola era, the port was also a Buddhist center, well-connected with centers in Southeast and East Asia, having a two-way flow of people and ideas. This is evidenced in the construction of a Buddhist vihara in the 11th century by Maravijayatungavarman, the king of Kedah, in memory of his father, with the support of Rajaraja Chola as recorded in the Leiden grants. By the latter half of the 19th century, Nagapattinam was a designated port of emigration to Penang and Singapore. Nagore on the other hand likely acted as a satellite for Nagapattinam and was the most crucial port for southern Indian trade with Ceylon and for the Coromandel–Malabar trade (Arasaratnam 1986, 28). Located on the southern bank of the river Kadavaiyar, the chief exports from this port were rice, textiles, chanks, and other sea produce (ibid.). The port’s community of Muslim merchants also had long-standing commercial relations with Southeast Asia. The dargah

dedicated to the Sufi saint Shahul Hamid was also a customary stop for travelers of all faiths coming to Singapore and other parts of Southeast Asia. They would pray for safety in travel to the Nagore antavar as the saint was known (Asher 2009, 247–258). The memory of sacred architecture from these twin-towns can be found in the public building constructed by Tamil merchant communities in the 19th century port-city of Singapore. Let’s consider the Sri Mariamman Temple, the longest standing Hindu temple in Singapore, dating back to 1827. Its establishment accredited to the efforts of the merchant Naraina Pillai; the temple was also known as Kling Street temple. We of course know from the contemporary context, that Mariamman is a deity popular among Tamil diasporas. But why was such effort dedicated to the mother goddess Mariamman and not another Hindu deity? Who is the goddess, Mariamman? The name can be broken down to two Tamil words—mari meaning rain and amma(n) meaning mother. Her antiquity can be traced back to the Sangam era. In the Tamil epic, Cilappatikāram, written by the prince Ilanko Adikal, in the introductory stanzas the following lines appear:—

அ

ெதா

, பா

ய நா

, வ ைம எ தி, ெவ

ேநா

ெதாடர, ெகா ைகயி ந ைக

இ

த ெவ றிேவ

ெபா ெகா ல ஆயிரவைர ெகா

களேவ வியா நா

மைழ வற

விழெவா

ம ய மைழ ெப

ெசழிய ,

சா தி ெச ய,

, ேநா

ப

நீ கிய

[From that time, the Pandyan kingdom suffered drought, poverty, and excessive heat leading to small-pox. Unable to bear the suffering, the Pandyan king at Korkai offered a sacrifice of a thousand goldsmiths to the [goddess] Pattini and also made a festival in her honour, whereupon rain came in abundance, and there was a cessation of famine and pestilence.4]

These lines reveal the knowledge of a goddess of rain who cured pox famed across the Tamil kingdoms of the South, as Pattini, as early as the 5th century CE, when the epic was composed. In Tamil Buddhist tradition, Mariamman is considered a Buddhist nun of Nagapattinam with curative powers, particularly for smallpox through the use of a neem paste, and meditated under a neem tree (Hanumanthan 1980, 97–98). To the Portuguese, she was Meriamman, a Christian goddess (ibid.). Mariamman is also connected with the Sanskritic tradition, through her equation with Sheetala devi and association with the deified heroine of the Mahabharata, Draupadi. In Singapore’s Sri Mariamman Temple too, the shrine most significant after that of Mariamman, is dedicated to the goddess Draupadiamman in whose honor the Timiti or firewalking festival has been observed since 1835 to the present times (Straits Times, 1893, 3). The cult of Draupadi and her shrine at the temple is attributed to a community of boat repairmen who came from the village of Vadakku Poigaiyoor near Nagapattinam (Babb 1974). Sri Mariamman Temple’s association with littoral communities is further reinforced by a stone stele inscribed in 1831 noting the donation of land to the temple by Seshachalam Pillay of Cuddalore in honor of Kothundaramaswamy. Consequently, the temple was also a unique diasporic shared space across Hindu pantheons—mother goddess worship and Vaishnavism. The Dao-yi zhi-lue records a Chinese-sponsored pagoda at

Nagapattinam bearing an inscription noting its completion in 1267 CE. To reciprocate, a Tamil temple was installed in Quan-zhou dating to 1281 CE pointing to the presence of a flourishing community of Tamil traders there (Wade 2009, 221–265). The pagoda was a three-storied, four-sided brick tower, with ventilators at every level. Known as the Puduveligopuram, the tower was a landmark for vessels traveling along the coast and approaching Nagappatinam (Figure 12.2). It was broken down by French Jesuits in 1867 (Dehejia 1988, 64). In an issue of the Indian Antiquary in 1878, Sir Walter Eliott (1878, 224– 227) remarks on the pagoda:

Till within the last few years there was to be seen on the Coromandel coast, between one and two miles to the north of Nakapattinam, a tall weather-beaten tower, affording a useful landmark to vessels passing up and down the coast. It went by various names, as the Puduveligopuram, the old pagoda, Chinese pagoda….

Figure 12.2 The Puduveligopuram or Chinese Pagoda of Nagapattinam (Left). View in Singapore Town Showing the Hindoo Pagoda and [Chulia] Mosque, Singapore by John

Turnbull Thomson, 1846 (Right). Source: Left—per the Drawing by Sir Walter Eliott Published in the Indian Antiquary, 1878. Right— Watercolour on Paper, Hocken Collections, Uare Taoka O Hākena, University of Otago, New Zealand Hocken Collections, 92/1158.

Could the memory of this famed Nagapattinam landmark have influenced the chosen design for the Sri Mariamman Temple when first constructed in the mid-19th century in brick and mortar? The temple’s gopuram or tower bears close resemblance to the pagoda of Nagapattinam in appearance. They were both three-storied and rectangular in form, with window-like openings at every level. The gopuram is typically a tapering tower, oblong with many stories. Apart from the conventional barrel vaulted roofs with the kalasam or finials, the old gopuram was fairly short, minimal in sculptural detail and straight with little taper.

MEMORY OF A SHRINE TRANSPORTED ACROSS THE SEA The term Chulia, has in the context of the Malay Peninsula been long defined as “derived from ‘Cholamandalam’, taken to indicate Tamil Muslim merchants” (Subrahmanyam 2018, 90). By the 17th century, Muslim mercantile communities were firmly settled at ports along the Coromandel Coast, engaged in trade with Ceylon and Southeast Asia. Evidence of the veneration of Sufi saints by these trading communities can be found in a curious relic called the Tamil Bell in the collection of the Te Papa Tongarewa.5 Bearing an inscription in Tamil, the bell dating to the 17th–18th century likely reveals the name of the ship— Mohideen Bux, a common name accorded after the Sufi saint Mohideen Abdul Qadir Jilani to shipping vessels belonging to Tamil Muslim merchants. In December 1822, a petition was submitted by over 60 Chulia merchants to William Farquhar, the Resident of Singapore, nominating Naraina Pillai and Qayamutullah as the respective heads for merchants and laborers. The petition illustrates the dominance of Tamil Muslim merchants in Singapore, and their political clout at the time. An invocation to Nagore Antavar or Shahul Hamid firmly endorses the identity of these merchants because just as 19th century Tamil Hindu merchant and labor migrants transported the images of their deities to the port city, Tamil Muslim merchant communities transferred the memory of the patron-saint, Shahul Hamid, through the replication of his shrine (Figure 12.3). Just as the worship of Mariamman was common among Tamil Hindu Diasporas across Southeast Asia, so also one sees the veneration of Shahul Hamid through the construction of dargahs or shrines at port towns in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and even Sri Lanka. This was of course happening in tandem with the construction of mosques to serve the worship needs of the Tamil Muslim community. The influence of Sufi saints like Abdul Qadir Jilani and Shahul Hamid in Southeast Asia is further endorsed by the instances such as that of

Aceh, where they were the only saints revered even though not buried there.6 Located on Telok Ayer Street, the Nagore Dargah was constructed in Singapore between 1828 and 1830, and is credited to the efforts of brothers Mohammed and Haja Mohideen. It is today a museum dedicated to Singapore’s Indian Muslim heritage, and yet continues to witnesses the primary flag-hoisting festival associated with the patron saint under the patronage of the Tamil Muslim community. The shrine does not contain relics of the Saint similar to other reproductions of the dargah in Southeast Asia or Sri Lanka. This construction of multiple shrines dedicated to the same saint, outside of the site of the saint’s burial site, was a unique anomaly. The shrines in these instances focused on devotion to the saint and his curative powers; the saint’s association with water and his ability to rescue were especially meaningful to the seaborne Tamils (Asher 2009, 247). The worship of patron saints and deities is but one example of cultural reproduction in transnational contexts. The patron Sufi saint Hazrath Shahul Hamid, whose life stories are preserved in the Tirukkarana Puranam (Narrative of Divine Miracles) and the Nakur Puranam, was thought to protect ships and their crew. The conduct of an annual kudiyetram or flag-hoisting ceremony to mark the commencement of the Kanduri festival, a 14-day observance of the urs or death anniversary of the patron saint, continues till date and occurs in parallel, even today, with the celebrations organized in Nagore (Gopal 2017, 175–176). Annually, the Tamil Muslim community in Singapore would contribute one of the five flags hoisted at the dargah in Nagore (Tschacher 2006, 231). Thus, it was not only the shrines but the associated festivities and customs that were transferred to the diasporic settlement. The dargah covers an approximate area of 194,790 square feet and five minarets surround it. The minarets were built between the 17th and 18th centuries by prominent Muslim devotees whose wishes were granted through the miraculous grace of Shahul Hamid (Narayanan 2012, 69). The tallest of the minarets stands 40 meters high and was built by the Hindu king of Tanjore, Pratap Singh, in gratitude for the

birth of a son. In the case of the dargah constructed in the diasporic settlement in Singapore, the freestanding minarets are absent and corner piers take their place (Tajudeen 2017). The layout of the dargah has been equated to South Indian temples reminiscent of “long-standing Indic practices co-existing alongside Islamic practices” (Asher 2009, 254) in the Tamil region. Within the dargah in Nagore is a core chamber where the remains of Shahul Hamid are interred. This core chamber is one that is reimagined in the reconstruction in Singapore. Just as the core chamber is fueled by the scent of incense and sandalwood paste offered to the saint, migrants would offer incense to the saint at an inner enclosure. It was the spiritual presence or baraka of the patron saint that the migrants brought with them to the port city. They created these memorials to acknowledge his spiritual powers and miracles, asking him to protect them from the danger of ship travel and ensure their safe circulation between India and Singapore and Malaysia (Asher 2009, 257).

Figure 12.3 Shrine Dedicated to the 16th Century Sufi Saint Shahul Hamid in Nagore, South India. Source: Licensed through Creative Commons https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Nagore_dargah.jpg.

Figure 12.3 (Continued) Singapore’s Nagore Dargah Situated at Telok Ayer Street, 1907. Source: Collection of National Museum of Singapore.

CONCLUSION The instances of cultural contact illustrated in this paper were chosen for their cross-cultural and syncretic values. They were chosen to demonstrate the crucial role played by littoral communities from southern India in shaping the early history of Singapore from premodern times to the years after the founding of the port city. But by no means does the Tamil connection for Singapore end with the 19th century. With Singapore’s function as a penal colony, several Indian prisoners also arrived on the island, and formed a storehouse of talent contributing lastingly to the development of 19th century architecture and infrastructure. By 1860, there were 2,275 Indian convicts in Singapore. The most striking feature of Tamil, and in fact Indian migration to Singapore and Malaya in the late 19th century, was the preponderance of labor diaspora, who arrived as sojourners, fully intending to return to the homeland. However, by the 1930s, it had become evident to the authorities that most of these migrants had turned settlers. The stoppage of labor immigration prior to Japanese occupation led to a decline in the proportion of labor in the Indian population, who until then had formed half of the gainfully employed Indian population. Combined with the ideas of anticolonialism, nationalism, and subethnic nationalism flowing from the Subcontinent, dreams of a better future also saw a spurt in interest and efforts towards education, literacy, and modernization. By this period, a significant number of Indians were Singapore-born, displaying the strong influence of local culture and social practice. In general, while many migrants retained emotional ties with the homeland, actual contact with the country had steadily declined. Many Indians were encouraged and became inclined to become Singapore citizens, encouraged by leaders such as Thamizhavel G. Sarangapani, and contribute lastingly to the burgeoning local society. In the post-war period, the umbilical cord between India and Singapore began to atrophy. By this period, a significant number of Tamils were Singapore-born, displaying the strong influence of local culture and social practice. In fact, till the

1950s, many Tamils were in the mode of the sojourner, retaining emotional ties with the homeland or “Ur” (Gopal and Mahizhnan 2020, 25–32). In recent decades, a significant influx of new migrants from India has made complex an already complex social fabric, while simultaneously having enriched the cultural scene. Singapore is also not home only to a Tamil diaspora. From 1819, there has been the presence of a diverse Indian settlement with a Tamil majority, which was added to by many waves of colonial and postcolonial migration. An inspection of the Tamil diaspora of the Straits of Melaka propels a shift from the mobility bias inherent in their migration histories, by identifying the core motivations behind putting down roots as well as the inclination for limited movement between source and settlement locations. In delving into the particulars of Tamil experience, there lies a unique opportunity to investigate an exemplary Asian transnational network operating in the Straits of Singapore and Melaka, maritime arteries for trade between the Indian subcontinent, mainland Southeast Asia, and China. And in understanding the centuries old interstitial existence of this collective lies the key to contemporary ideas of race, ethnicity, and identity, shaping definitions of community and nationhood in the region.

NOTES 1. For an insightful discussion on catachresis in the postcolonial context, see Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (1991). 2. The earliest extant copy of the Sejarah Melayu is the Raffles 18 manuscript dating from 1612. There is also more than one version of the Sejarah Melayu. See Roolvink (1967). See Sureshkumar Muthukumaran (2020, 77–82), in which he notes that manuscript colophons securely establish a 1612 date for the earliest version of the Sejarah Melayu or Malay Annals which was redacted by the scholar, Tun Bambang, under the patronage of the Johor prince, Raja Bongsu, later Sultan Abdullah Ma’ayat Shah. 3. For a fuller discussion on Naraina Pillai, see See Nalina Gopal (2019, 4–44). 4. Translation by M. Arokiaswami (2014, 153). 5. For more information on the Tamil Bell, See Nalina Gopal (2019, 4– 44). 6. Statement made by Dutch Orientalist Snouck Hurgronje, as recounted in Torsten Tsachcher (2006, 231).

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ABOUT THE EDITOR AND CONTRIBUTORS

EDITOR Parul Pandya Dhar is Professor in the Department of History, University of Delhi. Her work engages with the history of Indian art and architecture, art historiography, and connected cultural histories of South and Southeast Asia. She has authored The Toraṇa in Indian and Southeast Asian Architecture (2010); edited The Multivalence of an Epic: Retelling the Rāmāyaṇa in South India and Southeast Asia (2021), and Indian Art History: Changing Perspectives (2011); and coedited Temple Architecture and Imagery of South and Southeast Asia (2016), Asian Encounters: Exploring Connected Histories (2014), and Cultural Interface of India with Asia (2004). She has been awarded the Alexander von Humboldt Post-Doctoral Fellowship, Germany (2007– 2008), the CAA-Getty International Travel Award, USA (2012 and 2018), and the Nehru Trust Research Grant, UK (2004). She is currently writing on artists and artistic practices in ancient and early medieval Deccan, and issues relating to art and mobility across the Indian Ocean.

CONTRIBUTORS Sarena Abdullah, PhD, is the current Dean and an Art Historian at the School of the Arts, Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM). She was awarded the inaugural London Asia Research Award, by Paul-Mellon Centre, London, and Asian Art Archive, Hong Kong, in 2017. She was also the recipient of the 2016, and 2017 and 2019 CAA-Getty Travel Grant as part of the CAA-Getty International and Reunion Program. Now, she is the co-chair for the College Arts Association (CAA) International Committee. Sarena wrote Malaysian Art since the 1990s: Postmodern Situation (2018) and the co-edited Ambitious Alignments: New Histories of Southeast Asian Art 1945–1990 (2018), published by the Power Institute and the National Gallery Singapore. She is the current editor of Berita, the Malaysia/Singapore/Brunei (MSB) Studies Group bulletin. MSB is a committee under the Southeast Asia Council of the Association for Asian Studies. She has greatly promoted Malaysian arts by publishing extensively in various academic journals and other platforms. Swati Chemburkar is an architectural historian whose work focuses on Southeast Asia, especially Cambodia. She directs a postgraduate diploma course on Southeast Asian Art and Architecture at Jnanapravaha, Mumbai. She also lectures on the Southeast Asian Art Academic Programme at SOAS, London University. She is the editor of Art of Cambodia: Interactions with Cambodia, MARG, 2016. Some of her recent publications include, “Khmer Empire and Southeast Asia (8th to 14th Centuries)” (2018); “Prajñāpāramitā and Khmer Esoteric Buddhism in the 10th to 13th Centuries” (2022); “Dancers, Musicians, Ascetics, and Priests: Performance-Based Śaiva Worship and Its Development in the Temple Cults of Angkor” (2022); and “Libraries or Fire Shrines? Reinterpreting the Function of ‘Annex Buildings’ in Khmer Śaiva Temples from Prism of Early Śaivism” (2022) with Shivani Kapoor, Andrea Acri, and Olivier Cunin. M.L. Pattaratorn Chirapravati is an art historian who specializes in Buddhist art and Southeast Asian visual cultures. She received her

PhD in Southeast Asian Art history and Southeast Asian Studies at Cornell University. She has published extensively on ancient Buddhist art (e.g., Votive Tablets in Thailand: Origin, Styles, and Uses (1997) and Divination Au Royaume De Siam: Le corps, la guerre, le destine (2011). She cocurated two major art exhibitions at the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco entitled The Kingdom of Siam: Art from Central Thailand (1530–1800) and Emerald Cities: Arts of Siam and Burma (1775–1950). She is a faculty member in the Art Department and former Director and Vice Director of the Asian Studies Program at California State University, Sacramento. She is also a former Head of Studies, Division of Arts and Humanities, at Yale-NUS College (Singapore). Vatsana Douangmalasy is a lecturer in the Department of History and Archaeology, Faculty of Social Sciences, National University of Laos. She is the head of the World History Unit in the Department of History and Archaeology. Aside from teaching and research, she has also supervised numerous BA dissertations and served in the dissertation defence committee of BA students at the National University of Laos. She attained her BA Degree in History from the Faculty of Social Sciences in 2007 and BA Degree in English from the Faculty of Letters, National University of Laos in 2013, and MA Degree in Vietnamese History from College of Education—Thai Nguyen University in 2016. Her areas of interest include History, Anthropology, and Sociology. She enjoys reading and talking about politics in her free time. Currently she is a PhD student in Ho Chi Minh National Academy of Politics. Her research area involves the Vietnam Communist Party’s History. She is a key contributor for History disciplines in Laos. Suchandra Ghosh is a Professor in the Department of History, University of Hyderabad. Her area of research is the politico-cultural history of Northwest India, early India’s linkages with early Southeast Asia, Indian Ocean Buddhist and trade network and the histories of everyday life. She is the author of From the Oxus to the Indus: A Political and Cultural Study (2017) for which she received the Savitri Chandra Shobha Memorial Prize of the Indian History Congress. She

was the Sectional President, Ancient India for the 80th session of Indian History Congress in 2019. She has published extensively in peer reviewed, national, and international journals. Her recent coedited volumes are Early Indian History and Beyond: Essays in honour of B.D. Chattopadhyaya (2019), Cross-Cultural Networking in the Eastern Indian Ocean Realm,C.100–1800 CE (2019) and Exploring South Asian Urbanity (2021). She is the Area Editor of the Encyclopedia of Ancient History: Asia and Africa. Nalina Gopal is an Independent Curator and Researcher based in Singapore, where she runs a historical research and museum consultancy, Antāti. She was, until recently, curator at the Indian Heritage Centre and oversaw the Centre’s curatorial team. She has spent over 15 years researching the history and heritage of diasporic South Asian communities in Singapore and Southeast Asia. Her penchant to make history relevant has seen her curate landmark exhibitions and author seminal publications on the subject. Some of her recently curated projects include “Indians in Singapore: Past and Present,” “Chetti Melaka of the Straits: Rediscovering Peranakan Indian Communities,” “From the Coromandel Coast to the Straits: Revisiting Our Tamil Heritage,” and “Sikhs in Singapore: A Story Untold.” She has edited exhibition catalogues, Once Upon a Time in Little India, and Word & the Image, as well as coedited Sojourners to Settlers: Tamils in Southeast Asia and Singapore, a Bi-centennial, two-volume commemorative publication which traces the spread of Tamils into Southeast Asia from pre-modern times and their impact on the region right up to the contemporary era. Agustijanto Indradjaja is an archaeologist, who works at the Research Organization for Archaeology, Language and Literature, National Research and Innovation Agency. His research focus is on Hindu–Buddhist archaeology in Indonesia. He has attended conferences such as the 15th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists at the Universite Paris Ouest Nanterre la Defences, Paris (2015) and the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association Conference in Hanoi (2018). Among his published articles are: “Early Traces of Hinduism and

Buddhism across the Java Sea” in Lost Kingdoms: Hindu–Buddhist Sculpture of Early Southeast Asia, New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art and “Note on Two Pre-Mataram Sites Recently Discovered near Weleri, North Central Java, Indonesia” in Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient (BEFEO) 105 (2019). Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh is currently a lecturer at the University of Social Sciences and Humanities—Ho Chi Minh City (USSH-HCMC). She earned her BA and MA Degrees in archaeological studies at the History Faculty of the USSH-HCMC in 2004 and 2014, respectively. She obtained the diploma and MA degrees in History of Art and Archaeology from SOAS—University of London in 2018–2019. She is doing her PhD dissertation on Cham art at the History Faculty of USSH-HCMC. She has published several articles on the Cham and Óc Eo/Funan arts in Vietnamese and English in SPAFA Journal (Bangkok), Journal of Vietnamese Archaeological Studies (Hanoi), and others. Joefe B. Santarita is Professor and former Dean of the University of the Philippines’ Asian Centre. In 2012, he was conferred the Doctor of Philosophy in South Asian Studies at the National University of Singapore. He has been serving as an affiliate faculty of the UP Open University’s ASEAN Studies Graduate Program, Tri College PhD Philippine Studies Program, and the School of Library and Information Studies. His research interest focuses on India–ASEAN relations, data diplomacy, and maritime history, and he has published several books, chapters, and journal articles. He also served as Associate Editor and Editorial Board member of three leading journals in the Philippines and as a reviewer of international publications. He has received several international publication awards and professorial chairs since 2012, as well as the University’s most prestigious award for excellent teaching in 2019. Currently, he serves as the President of the ASEAN Studies Association of the Philippines. Cheryl Chelliah Thiruchelvam has recently earned her PhD in Art History from the School of the Arts, USM. She is currently attached to the Advertising Department, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences in

Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman, Perak, Malaysia. Her research interests are anchored in Hindu–Buddhist arts of the Southeast Asian region, and to a lesser extent on feminist studies. Her latest publication is a book chapter on the prevalence of the Ramayana epic in Malaysian visual arts, for the book The Multivalence of an Epic: Retelling the Ramayana in South India and Southeast Asia (2021). She also has a forthcoming essay entitled, “Subjectivity in Writing Art History Objectively”, for the Convergence in Arts and Design book. She is also interested in writing as an art critic and writing reviews or commentaries in the Malaysian art scene. Chedha Tingsanchali is a renowned scholar of Indian and Southeast Asian art history and a Professor in the Department of Art History, Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn University. He finished his BA and MA in Art History from Silpakorn University, Bangkok, and PhD from the National Museum Institute, New Delhi, India. His academic interest is in Indian and Southeast Asian art, and he usually writes in Thai. His books and research works include: research on the origin of Dvaravati foliage motifs and a comparative study with Gupta-Vakataka motifs; Burmese and Mon Stupas in Thailand: A New Stylistic Study; Pala art and its influence on the arts in Thailand; Hindu and Buddhist sculpture in India: The coincidence with Sanskrit Silpasastra scriptures; and the Indian influence on the sculptures in Southeast Asia. Trần Kỳ Phương, formerly Curator of the Danang Museum of Cham Sculpture, Vietnam (1978–1998), is currently a Senior Research Fellow with the Association of Vietnamese Archaeological Studies, Hanoi. He has published several books and articles in Vietnamese, English, and Japanese, including: Mỹ Sơn in the History of Cham Art (1988); Vestiges of Champa Civilization (2008); Champa Iseki: Umi ni mukatte tasu (Champa Ruins: Standing Facing toward the Ocean) coauthored with Shigeeda Yutaku (1997); The Cham of Vietnam: History, Society and Art, coedited with Bruce Lockhart (2011); Vibrancy in Stone: Masterpieces of the Danang Museum of Cham Sculpture, coedited with Võ V. Thắng and Peter D. Sharrock (2018); From the Red River to the Mekong Delta: Masterpieces of the History Museum—Ho Chi Minh City, coedited with Hoàng Anh Tuấn and Peter

D. Sharrock (2022).

INDEX Agaru i, 30 Agusan golden image, 198 Agusan image, 197 icon, 200–203 Manobo woman, 198 amma(n), 213 Angkor Wat, 22, 187 Aphsaḍ stuccos, 146 procession on elephants and horses, 158 art and architecture of Myanmar, 85 Hindu images, 90–92 Indian linkages, 109–112 Supta, 85 temples, 87–90

art and architecture Hindu–Buddhist Monuments and Artefacts, 5 intra-Asian connections, 3 Arya Tara Rigpa Rime Contemplative Dharma Community (ATRRCDC), 198, 207, 208 Asian Art Museum in San Francisco, 139 Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), 3 cultural connections with India, 3 Avalokiteshvara tear, 202 Avalokiteśvara, 112 Bagan art, 87 Bagan Buddha, 93 bangsa, 213 baraka, 216 Barangay Cubo, 205 Bay of Bengal network, 23 Blandongan temple, 126 Boddhisattvas, 200

Boto Tumpang discovery, 117 profile, 117 temple wall, 126 Brick temple, 22 Buddha images sculpture in Myanmar and Indian linkages, 92 Buddha Vairocana, 200 Buddha bhumisparśa mudrā, 34 Buddhism and trade, 23 Buddhism monastic cave temples, 164 Buddhist Goddess Shyama Tara (Green Tara), 209 Bujang Valley, 174 Candi Arjuna, 116

Candi Borobudur symbolizes, 117 Candi Bukit Batu Pahat, 174 Candi Kidal, 121 Candi Panataran, 121 candis, 174 central and north-central Indian terracottas, 133 image and word, 133–136 central group temple stone structural elements, 83 Central Java, 7 candi Arjuna, 22 temples, 121 Central Javanese mitred Vishnu, 121

period candis, 115 Shiva from Tegal, 126 central Thailand Buddha seated in bhadrāsana and vitarkamudra, 171 Buddhist caves, 164 Buddhist objects, 159 cave temples with Buddha, 164–167 Chao Phraya river, 159 Dharmacakra, 171 Indian art, religion and architecture transmission, 159 Indian Buddha images, 165 Jātaka stories, 171 Tham Photisat cave, 165 Tham Phra Ngam, 164 Tham Ruesi (Hermit Cave), 167–170 chakravartin (universal ruler), 174 Cham Buddhism 11th and 13th centuries, 59

Cham temple, 54 first stage, 7th to 9th centuries, 54 illustration of technique, 66 second stage, 9th to 13th centuries, 54 Chao Phraya river, 159 migrations of people along, 159–164 Cherita Maharaja Wana, 176 Chulia, 214 association, 211 clay molded tablets, 23 closed-sanctum temple, 54 Constancia Guiral, story, 200 cultural connections historicizing, 4 Dao-yi zhi-lue, 212, 214 dargah, 216

Dasaratha-jātaka, 158 Deccan and Southern India awakening of Kumbhakarṇa, 158 chiselled in stone, 150 coronation scenes, 158 Hanumān in Laṅkā, 158 inscribing epic hero, 150 Rāma, Sītā, Lakṣmaṇa and golden deer, 158 Rāmāyaṇa narrative, 158 Rāmāyaṇa scenes, 158 devaraja (god-king), 174 Dhammayazika Stupa, 112 Dieng Plateau, 8 temples, 116, 121, 126 Draupadiamman, 214 Dudhpani inscription, 26 Dvaravati, 185 Dvaravati School of Art, 186

Dvaravati civilization, 186 tradition with Khmer regional art, 187 East Javanese period candis, 119 Durga Mahiṣāsuramardinī, 126 eastern India and Bangladesh Daśaratha’s queens, 158 epic as continuous narrative, 144 epic battle with Rāvaṇa, 158 golden deer episode, 158 lost stucco series, 146 Palasbari, terracotta, 158 portrayals from palace, 144 Sage Viśvāmitra, 158 temple friezes from Kalinga, 147–148 edifice reductions, 78

epic in terracotta, 132 Esperanza Municipal Tourism Office, 208 Executive Order 611, 205 Fay-Cooper Cole, 200 Field Museum Collections, 198 flying palaces 6th century, 83 Sambor North Group, N1, 83 Funan, 67 religious brick architecture, 67 gavākṣa motif, 83 gharu wood, 30 Golden Tara, 207 Hanuman Kera Putih, 177 Hanuman Visits Sita, 177 Hikayat Maharaja Wana, 176, 177

Hindu images sculpture in Myanmar and Indian linkages, 90 hindustan, 213 Hindu–Buddhist acceptance, 114 archaeological evidence, 113 distribution of sites in Archipelago, 126 influence, 173 monuments, 174 period, 113 religion and culture, 173 sculptures, style in Java, 122 Holy Perfection of Wisdom, 202 holy River Mahānadī, 66 horseshoe arch, 74 male heads inside S2 temple, 76 Sambor Prei Kuk South group S2 temple, 83

Hsindat Myindat, Zhok Thok, 112 Indian influence early cultural contacts with Southeast Asia, 12 early trade contacts with Southeast Asia, 23 Malaysian culture and modern art, 180 Indian religious–cultural Malaysia, 174 Indianization, 114 inscribed terracottas image and word, 133–136 Rāma, 158 Rāma from LACMA, 136 Iśānapura archaeological site map, 83 jayastambha, 213 kalan A1, 56

Kalan C7, Mỹ Sơn temple., 66 kalan Mỹ Sơn A1, 66 Kalan Mỹ Sơn C1, 42 kalasam, 214 Kalaśapura, 26 Kalaśa, 26 Karle, Great Chaitya, 22 Kimba-Kimba, 180 King Kṛtarājasa portrait sculpture, 126 King Śrī Harivarman, 56 kling, 211 kudiyetram, 216 Kutai Kingdom, 114 Kīrttimukha/kāla mask, 66 lalitāsana, 165 Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR), 185 Laos, 185–186 Buddhist art, 186–196 multitiered sweeping roof, 195

Lemyetha, Sri Ksetra, 112 littoral motifs, 213–214 Lokatheikpan temple, 112 Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA), 136 Mahabodhi temple śikhara replication, 34 Maharadia Lawana, 197 Mahayana devotee, 59 mahākāvya, 131 Mak Yung, 174 Malay Archipelago, 173 Malay kings of Singapore, 213 Malay Peninsula, 173 Indian influence, 174 Manjuśrī Bodhisattva, 126 mapping connection of India

commodity circulation, 30 diffusion of Indic scripts, 30 isthmus of Kra, 34 Padmapani, 34 tin, 31 mari, 213 Mariamman, 214 Martaban Jar, 34 southern Myanmar, 26 matrimonial alliance, 213 Mayor Leonida Manpalitan, 205 miniature stupa, 22, 112 mitred Vishnu, 121 monument to sacred site, 206–208 mouments and mobility transregional perspectives, 17 Municipality of Esperanza, 205 Mỹ Sơn G temple group

Quang Nam, 66 Mỹ Sơn B-C-D groups, 39 temple C1, 66 A’1–A’4, 47 B1–C1 temple, 47 construction of kalan, 40 courtyard of temple, 66 E1 temple, 45 E1–E4 temples, 47 E4 temple, 47 Ekamukhaliṅga, 66 ground plan, 66 Kalan Mỹ Sơn B3., 66 koṣagṛha, 66 Shiva statue, 66 small temple, 66 window tympanum, 66 Yang Inu Po Nagar, 66

Mỹ Sơn F1 temple, 55 Mỹ Sơn Sanctuary, 37, 66 B-C-D groups, 39 Bhadreśvara-liṅga, 66 iconographic features, 37 pocessing of architectural works, 54 site plan, 66 temple-towers, 37 Nagapattinam, 214 Nagarakṛtāgama manuscript, 120 Nagayon Temple Bagan, 112 Nagore antavar, 213 Nakur Puranam, 216 Nācharkheḍā terracotta, 136 Nācnā-Kuṭhārā, 140 open-sanctum temple, 66 Pala-type stupa, 85 Palasbari narrative, 144 Pandyan kingdom, 214

Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), 178 Peperangan Bintang, 178 petleik stupa unglazed Jataka plaques, 112 Pha That Ing Hang eras, 194 Pha That Luang, 192 Philippines, history, 200 Phra Men, 161 Phyagyi Stupa, 112 pohon beringin, 178, 180 post-Mauryan traces dispersed fables, 131 Prasat Heuan Hin, 190 pre-Angkroian kingdoms Funan and Zhenla

map, 83 Puduveligopuram, 214 Pāli Dasaratha-jātaka, 131 Quang Nam, 66 raja melayu, 213 Rajendra Chola I (1027 CE), 212 Remains of baray, 187 ruin of circular Stupa KKG3, 112 Sam Pang, 188 Sambor Prei Kuk, 22, 69, 71 Samādhigupta, 169 sculptural art Central Javanese, 121–126 sema stones, 192 semas, 187 Shiva-linga, 188 shrine transported across sea, 214–216 Sien Nyet Nyima temple, 112

Siguntang Buddha sculpture, 121 Sikhottabong stupa see Pha That Sikhottabong, 193 Silk Route of the Sea, 174 silver Buddha, 112 Singapore Stone, 213 South India, 213 Southeast Asia Bay of Bengal trade networks, 13 early cultural contacts with India, 12 early trade contacts with India, 23 icons and narratives, 20 Mantai, sea connections, 32 maritime trade, 6, 22 Nalanda’s relationship, 28 sea trade route, 34 Upper Malay Isthmus, 29 well-preserved religious structures, 7 World War II, 4 Śailendra dynasty, 28

Srong-brtsan-sgam-po, 203 Stone Sculptures Rāvaṇa Vishnu temple at Deogarh, 141 stone sculptures building bridge, 143 central and north-central India, 140 disfigurement of Śūrpaṇakhā, 158 Rāvaṇa, 158 setubandhana, 158 Stupa Buddhist architecture in Myanmar and Indian linkages, 85 relief, 112 Tamil history, 211 Tamil Nadu Arjuna Ratha, 22 Tantric Pantheon, 200

Tantrism, 203 Tara of the Seven Eyes, 203 Temasek, 211 temple architecture in Myanmar and Indian linkages, 87–90 terracotta brick fragment, Rāvaṇa, 158 Hanumān visits Sītā in Aśoka grove, 158 Honolulu Museum of Art, 140 Jaṭāyus, 158 Lakṣmaṇa and Sītā, 158 Rākṣasa Tṛśira, 158 Rāvaṇa, 158 Rāvaṇa with Donkey’s Head, 136 Thai Khon, 174 Tham Cham, 167 Tham Chin, 167 Tham Fatho, 167

reclining Buddha, 169, 171 Tham Photisat cave, 167 Tham Ruesi, 167 Buddha in bhadrāsana and vitarkamudrā, 171 Theravada Buddhism, 185 Thiruvalangadu Plates, 213 Tibetan Buddhist tradition, 208 Timiti, 214 tin, 31 Tirukkarana Puranam (Narrative of Divine Miracles), 216 tok dalang (puppet master), 178 traveling objects armed Avalokiteśvaras, 34 clay molded tablets, 23 Dudhpani inscription, 26 Martaban Jar, 34 replication of the śikhara, 34 twelve-armed Avalokiteśvara, 34

Ugra Tara, 200 Ulang-Ulang, 180 United States of America in 1922, 200 Upper Malay Isthmus, 29 Vajra-dhātumaṇḍala, 200 Vajralāsyā, 200 vamsa, 213 Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 24 Vikramshila temple unglazed terracotta plaques, 112 visual culture Dargah of Sufi saint Hazrat Shahul Hamid Nagori, 22 Islamic connections, 9 Menara Kudus Mosque, 22 Viṣṇu temple, 22 VālmīkiRāmāyaṇa, 131, 178 Waghora River, 164 Wat Phu temple, 187

Wawa River to Field Museum, 198–200 Wayang Kulit, 174, 176 Wayang Kulit Melayu Kelantan, 174, 176, 178 Wayang Kulit Purwa, 174, 177 World War II Southeast Asia, 4 Zegu, Sri Ksetra, 112 Āyudhapuruṣ as, 91 Īśanapura population, 67 Shaiva temples, 71 Zhenla, 70 Īśānapura Khmer innovation, 73 N10 temple plan, 83 Octagonal temple, 83 Shaiva/Pāśupata religious landscape, 69

Shimoda and Shimamoto, 73 temple plans, 83 Śailendra dynasty, 117 Śrīvijaya Kingdom, 114