Confucian Analects, the Great Learning & the Doctrine of the Mean 9780486122922, 0486122921

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
CHAPTER I. OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY. (page 1)
CHAPTER II. OF THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS (page 12)
CHAPTER III. OF THE GREAT LEARNING (page 22)
CHAPTER IV. THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN (page 35)
CHAPTER V. CONFUCIUS AND HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES (page 56)
CHAPTER VI. LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS WHICH HAVE BEEN CONSULTED IN THE PREPERATION OF THIS VOLUME (page 128)
I. CONFUCIAN ANALECTS (page 137)
II. THE GREAT LEARNING (page 355)
III. THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN (page 382)
INDEXES (page 435)

Citation preview

Confucius CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, THE GREAT LEARNING | AND

THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN Translated, with Critical and Exegetical Notes, Prolegomena, Copious Indexes,

and Dictionary of All Characters by

James Legge

TO THE MEMORY OF

THE HON. JOSEPH JARDINE, ESQ. BY WHOSE MUNIFICENT ASSISTANCE IT IS NOW PUBLISHED

AND BUT FOR WHICH IT MIGHT NEVER HAVE BEEN PUBLISHED

Chis Work ig ingeribed

Bw eu SK

Zt BK Mencius, V. Pt. I. iv. 2.

PREFACE. ‘THE author arrived in the East asa Missionary towards the end of 1839, and was stationed at Malacca for between three and four years. Before leaving England, he had enjoyed the benefit of a few

months’ instruction in Chinese from the late Professor Kidd at University College, London, and was able in the beginning of 1840

to commence the study of the first of the Works in the present publi- | cation. It seemed to him then—and the experience of one and twenty years gives its sanction to the correctness of the judgment—

that he should not be able to consider himself qualified for the duties of his position, until he had thoroughly mastered the Classical Books of the Chinese, and had investigated for himself the whole field of thought through which the sages of China had ranged, and in which were to be found the foundations of the moral, social, and

political life of the people. Under this conviction he addressed himself eagerly to the reading of the Confucian Analects, and proceeded from them to the other Works. Circumstances occurred in the Mission at Malacca to throw various engagements upon him

which left him little time to spend at his books, and he consequently sought about for all the assistance which he could find from the labours of men who had gone before.

‘In this respect he was favourably situated, the charge of the Anglo-Chinese College having devolved upon him, so that he had free access to all the treasures in-its Library. He had translations and dictionaries in abundance, and they facilitated his progress. Yet he desiderated some Work upon the Classics, more critical, more full

and exact, than any which he had the opportunity of consulting, and he sketched to himself the plan of its execution. This was distinctly before him in 1841, and for several years he hoped to hear that some experienced Chinese scholar was preparing to give to the public something of the kind. As time went on, and he began to feel assured as to his own progress in the language, it occurred to him that he might venture on such an undertaking himself. He studied, wrote out translations, and made notes, with the project in his mind.

| iv PREFACE. He hopes he can say that 1t did not divert him from the usual active labours of a Missionary in preaching and teaching, but it did not allow

him to rest satisfied in any operations of the time then being. ‘In 1856 he first talked with some of his friends about his purpose, and among them was the Rev. Josiah Cox,.of the Wesleyan

Missionary Society. The question of the expense of publication came up. The author's idea was that by-and-by he would be able to digest his materials in readiness for the press, and that then he would be likely, on application, to meet with such encouragement from the British and other foreign merchants in China, as would enable him to go forward with his plan. Mr. Cox, soon after, without the slightest intimation of his intention, mentioned the whole matter to his friend, Mr. Joseph Jardine. In consequence of what he reported of Mr. Jardine’s sentiments, the author had an interview

, with that gentleman, when he very generously undertook to bear the expense of carrying the Work through the press. His lamented death leaves the author at liberty to speak more freely on this point than he would otherwise have done. Mr. Jardine expressed himself favourably of the plan, and said, ‘‘ I know the liberality of the merchants in China, and that many of them would readily give their help to such an undertaking, but you need not have the trouble of canvassing the community. If you are prepared for the toil of the publication, I will bear the expense of it. We make our money in China, and we should be glad to assist in whatever promises to be

of benefit to it.” |

‘The author could not but be grateful to Mr. Jardine for his proffer, nor did he hesitate to accept it. The interruption of missionary labours, consequent on the breaking out of hostilities in the

end of 1856, was favourable to retired and literary work, and he immediately set about preparing some of his materials for the press. A necessary visit to England in 1857, which kept him absent from the colony for eighteen months, proved a serious interruption, but

the first-fruits of his labours are now in a state to be presented to the public.’

The preface to the former edition of this volume, when it was published at Hongkong in 1861, commenced with the preceding

paragraphs. The author has thought it desirable to reproduce them, as giving an account of the first conception in his mind of his

labour on the Chinese Classics, and of the circumstances under which his earlier volumes were published.

PREFACE. V Though Mr. Joseph Jardine died before the publication of the first volume, the assistance given by him was continued with equal generosity by his brother, now Sir Robert Jardine, Baronet, until the second and third volumes had been published, and also during

the preparation of the fourth and fifth volumes. | Soon after the publication of the fifth volume, which contained,

besides the translation of the Confucian Text, a version of all the notes and additions to it in the voluminous Work of Tso Ch'it-ming, the author was obliged to return to this country in 1873; but since

he was appointed to his present position in the University here, translations of the Hsido-ching, the Yi-ching, and the Li Chi, have been contributed by him to the series of ‘The Sacred Books of the East, which has been issued from the Clarendon Press since 1879. He has thus done for the Confucian Classics more than he contem-

plated in 1861. He then undertook to produce versions of what are called ‘The Four Books’ and ‘The Five King (Ching), and added that ‘if life and health were spared’ he would like to give a supplementary volume or two, so as to embrace all the Books in the collection of ‘The Thirteen Ching,’ which began to appear under the T'ang dynasty in our seventh century. He has translated ten of those Books, including the extensive Work of Tso Ch'id-ming mentioned

above. Other scholars have also done their part. M. Edouard Biot, the younger, indeed, had published at Paris in 1851 his translation of ‘Le Cheou Li,’ the Rites, or the Official Book, of the dynasty of Chau, under which Confucius lived; and in the present year Professor C. de Harlez, of Louvaine, has given to the world a version of the other great Ritual work, the f Lt.

Thus all the ‘Thirteen Ching’ of China have been made accessible to scholars of the West, excepting the Urh (R) Ya, which

has been named ‘The Literary Expositor,’ a lexical work, the precursor of the dictionaries which Chinese literature possesses in abundance.

To return to the volume of which a revised edition is now sub-

mitted to the public, the author would state that 1200 copies of it were printed in 1861. These were exhausted several years ago, and many calls for a new edition have come to him from China, to which only other engagements have prevented his responding sooner. So far as typographical execution is concerned, this edition ought to excel the former very much, Other improvements will also be discovered. The author has carefully gone over

vi PREFACE. the text of the translation and notes. He is glad to have found occasion but rarely for correction and alteration of the former. He

thought indeed at one time of recasting the whole version in a terser and more pretentious style. He determined, however, on reflection to let it stand as it first occurred to him, his object having always been faithfulness to the original Chinese rather than grace of composition. Not that he is indifferent to the value of an elegant and idiomatic rendering in the language of the translation, and he hopes that he was able to combine in a considerable degree

correctness of interpretation and acceptableness of style. He has to thank many friends whose Chinese scholarship is widely acknowledged for assuring him of this.

He has seen it objected to his translations that they were modelled on the views of the great critic and philosopher of the Sung dynasty, the well-known Chai Hsi. He can only say that he commenced and has carried on his labours with the endeavour to search out the meaning for himself, independent of all commentators. He soon became aware, however, of the beauty and strength of Chi’s style, the correctness of his analysis, and the comprehen-

sion and depth of his thought. That his own views of passages generally coincide with those of ‘The Old Man of the Cloudy Valley’

should be accepted, he submits, as complimentary to him rather than the reverse. While this volume now reappears with few alterations of translation, it will be found that the alterations in the representation of proper names and names of Chinese characters generally are very many. The method adopted in it for the transliteration of their sounds may be considered as a compromise between that proposed

by Sir Thomas F. Wade in his Hsin Ching Li and that with which the author has become familiar through his work in con-

nexion with ‘The Sacred Books of the East.’ The principal differences in the two transliterations are & for 6, du for ou, z for j, ze for zu, r for urh, and w for u. He has also given up attempting to reproduce in the notes and in the seventh Appendix the names and tones of the Southern Mandarin dialect, and has endeavoured to confine himself to the tones as given in the Hsin Ching Ld.

J. L. OxForD, December, 1892.

CONTENTS. THE PROLEGOMENA. CHAPTER I.

SECTION PAGE OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY.

I. Books included under the Name of the Chinese Classics. . . 1

II. The Authority of the Chinese Classics , , ; , , . 38 CHAPTER II. OF THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS.

Dynasty . , . . , , , . . . . . 12

I. Formation of the Text of the Analects by the Scholars of the Han

II. At what time, and by whom, the Analects were written ; their Plan ;

and Authenticity. ; , . . . , . . . 14

III. Of Commentaries upon the Analects . . , , , . . 18

IV. Of Various Readings . . , ; , . . . . . 21 CHAPTER III. OF THE GREAT LEARNING,

I. History of the Text, and the different Arrangements of it which have ,

been proposed , . , . . . . . . . 22 Commentary . , , , , . . ; , . . 26 III. Its Scope and Value . , , . . , , . , . 27 II. Of the Authorship, and distinction of the Text into Classical Text and

CHAPTER IV. , THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN.

I. Its Place in the Li Chi, and its Publication separately . . . 85

II. Its Author; and some account of him . . . . . . 86

III. ItsIntegrity . . , , , . . , . . . 43 IV. Its Scope and Value . . . , . . , . , . 44

vill CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. CONFUCIUS AND HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES.

I. Life of Confucius . . . , , , - , . 656

If. His Influence and Opinions . ; , , . , . . 90 III. His Immediate Disciples . , , , . , . . 112 CHAPTER VL. LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS WHICH HAVE BEEN CONSULTED IN THE PREPARATION OF THIS VOLUME.

I. Chinese Works, with Brief Notices . . , . , , . 128

II. Translations and other Works , , ; . , , . 135 THE BODY OF THE VOLUME.

I. ConFructan ANALECTS , , ; ; ; , , . . 137

Book I. HsioR . , ; , . ; . , . . 187 II. Wei Chang 145 Ill. Pa Yi . , . ., ,;; ., .; ., .. .. .154

IV. Li Zan . . . , ; . . . . . 165 V. Kung Yé Chiang . , . . ; , , . 172 VI. Yung Yé .;,..;, ,, ;, ;; ,. .. 195 184 VII. Sha R . , VIII. Tai-po . ; ; ; ; , ; ; . . 207

IX. Tsze Han , , ; , ; , ; . . 216 X. Hsiang Tang.. ;; ., ,; |;, ., ,, .. 237 227 XI. Hsien Tsin XII. Yen Yiian. 250 XIII. Tsze-la . . ;, .; ;; .; ,, ., ;; .. 262

XIV. Hsien Wan . , , . ; , ; ; . 275

XV. Wei 294 XVI. ChiLing ShihKung. , . ; ,. .; ;; .. ,. ,..806 XVII. Yang Ho .. ,, ;. .; .. ;. ;, ., .. 317 XVIII. Wei Tsze 331 XIX. Tsze-chang. . , ; ; , , , . 339 XX. Yao Yiieh.. . ; ; . . , , . 350 II. Tue Great Learnina . . , , , , . . 355

III. Tue Docrrive or tHe Mean. . . , , , , . $382 INDEXES.

I. Subjects in the Confucian Analects . . ; . , , . 435

II. Proper Names in the Confucian Analects ; , ; , . 442

: III, Subjects in the Great Learning . . ; , , , . 445

az IV. Proper Names in the Great Learning. , ; , . 446

VY. Subjects in the Doctrine of the Mean , , , , . 446

VI. Proper Names in the Doctrine of the Mean , , ; . 448

VII. Chinese Characters and Phrases. , , , , , . 449

PROLEGOMENA. CHAPTER I. OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY.

SECTION I. BOOKS INCLUDED UNDER THE NAME OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS.

1. The Books now recognised as of highest authority in China are comprehended under the denominations of ‘The five Ching?’ and ‘The four Sh@d*’ The term Ching is of textile origin, and signifies the warp threads of a web, and their adjustment. An easy application of it is to denote what is regular and insures regularity. As used with reference to books, it indicates their authority on the subjects of which they treat. ‘The five Ching’ are the five canonical Works, containing the truth upon the highest subjects from the sages of China, and which should be received as Jaw by all generations. The term Shd simply means Writings or Books, = the Pencil Speaking ; it may be used of a single character, or of books containing thousands of characters. 2. ‘The five Ching’ are: the Yé3, or, as it has been styled, ‘The : Book of Changes ;’ the Shd@+4, or ‘The Book of History;’ the Shih °,

or ‘The Book of Poetry;’ the Zt Chéi®, or ‘Record of Rites;’ and the Ch'un Chad", or ‘Spring and Autumn,’ a chronicle of events, extending from 722 to 481 Bc. The authorship, or compilation rather, of all these Works is loosely attributed to Confucius, But much of the Li Chi is from later hands. Of the Yi, the Sha, and the

Shih, it is only in the first that we find additions attributed to the philosopher himself, in the shape of appendixes. The Ch'un Chi is the only one of the five Ching which can, with an approximation to correctness, be described as of his own ‘ making.’

WE. * EP. a. EE. eK.

2 THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY. [PROLEGOMENA. ‘The Four Books’ is an abbreviation for ‘The Books of the Four

Philosophers!.’ The first is the Lun Yui’, or ‘ Digested Conversations, being occupied chiefly with the sayings of Confucius. He is the philosopher to whom it belongs. It appears in this Work under the title of ‘Confucian Analects.’ The second is the Ta Hsio®, or ‘Great Learning,’ now commonly attributed to Tsing Shin *, a disciple of the sage. He is the philosopher of it. The third is the Chung Yung, or ‘ Doctrine of the Mean, as the name has often been translated, though it would be better to render it, as in the present edition, by ‘The State of Equilibrium and Harmony. Its composition is ascribed to K'ung Chi®, the grandson of Confucius. He is the philosopher of it. The fourth contains the works of Mencius. 3. This arrangement of the Classical Books, which is commonly supposed to have originated with the scholars of the Sung dynasty, is defective. The Great Learning and the Doctrine of the Mean are both found in the Record of Rites, being the thirty-ninth and twenty-eighth Books respectively of that compilation, according to the best arrangement of it. 4. The oldest enumerations of the Classical Books specify only the five Ching. The Yo Chi, or ‘Record of Music’, the remains of which now form one of the Books in the Li Chi, was sometimes added to those, making with them the sia Ching. A division was also made into nine Ching, consisting of the Yi, the Shih, the Shd, the Chau Li, or ‘Ritual of Chau,’ the I Li®, or certain ‘ Ceremonial Usages,’ the Li Chi, and the three annotated editions of the Ch'un Chit”, by Tso Ch'it-ming"™, Kung-yang Kao, and K4aliang Ch'ih'®. In the famous compilation of the Classical Books, undertaken by order of T'di-tsung, the second emperor of the Tang dynasty (A.D. 627-649), and which appeared in the reign of his successor, there are thirteen Ching, viz. the Yi, the Shih,

the Shi, the three editions of the Ch'un Ch'id, the Li Chi, the Chiu Li, the I Li, the Confucian Analects, the R YA", a sort of ancient dictionary, the Hsido Ching ®, or ‘Classic of Filial Piety,’ and the works of Mencius.

5. A distinction, however, was made among the Works thus

‘FC. ae CA RR. OR Oe ‘FUR. ‘Rit. “Ae. ‘Rig. “se K= S.

"AW. "AR is. "Rap. «RTE. ae.

cu.1.sxcr.11.] | AUTHORITY OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS. 3

comprehended under the same common name; and Mencius, the Lun Yi, the Ta Hsio, the Chung Yung, and the Hsidéo Ching were spoken of as the Hsido Ching, or ‘Smaller Classics,’ It thus appears, contrary to the ordinary opinion on the subject, that the Ta Hsio

and Chung Yung had been published as separate treatises before the Sung dynasty, and that Four Books, as distinguished from the _ greater Ching, had also previously found a place in the literature of China}.

SECTION ILI. THE AUTHORITY OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS,

1. This subject will be discussed in connexion with each separate Work, and it is only designed here to exhibit generally the evidence on which the Chinese Classics claim to be received as genuine productions of the time to which they are referred.

2. In the memoirs of the Former Han dynasty (B.c. 202A.D. 24), we have one chapter which we may call the History of Literature 2, It commences thus: ‘After the death of Confucius 3, there was an end of his exquisite words; and when his seventy disciples had passed away, violence began to be done to their meaning. It came about that there were five different editions of the Ch'un Ch'it, four of the Shih, and several of the Yi. Amid the disorder and collisions of the warring States (B.c. 481-220), truth and falsehood were still more in a state of warfare, and a sad confusion marked the words of the various scholars. Thencame the calamity inflicted under the Ch'in dynasty (B.c. 220-205), when the literary monuments were destroyed by fire, in order to keep

the people in ignorance. But, by and by, there arose the Han dynasty, which set itself to remedy the evil wrought by the Ch'in. Great efforts were made to collect slips and tablets‘, and the way was thrown wide open for the bringing in of Books. In the time of the emperor Hsido-wi ® (B.c. 140-85), portions of Books being

wanting and tablets lost, so that ceremonies and music were , 1 For the statements in the two last paragraphs, see py vay Ly +E K el ae BL, ‘ A 38. —slips and tablets of bamboo, which supplied in those days the place of paper.

TE cae 2 EE ie

4 THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY. [PROLEGOMENA.

suffering great damage, he was moved to sorrow, and said, “I am very sad for this.” He therefore formed the plan of Repositories, in which the Books might be stored, and appointed officers to transcribe Books on an extensive scale, embracing the works of the various scholars, that they might all be placed in the Repositories. The emperor Ch'ing?! (B.c. 32-5), finding that a portion of the Books still continued dispersed or missing, commissioned Ch'&én Ning, the Superintendent of Guests *, to search for undiscovered Books throughout the empire, and by special edict ordered the chief of the Banqueting House, Lid Hsiang?, to examine the Classical

Works, along with the commentaries on them, the writings of the scholars, and all poetical productions; the Master-controller of Infantry, Zin Hwang‘, to examine the Books on the art of war ; the Grand Historiographer, Yin Hsien 5, to examine the Books treating of the art of numbers (i.e. divination); and the imperial Physician, Li Chi-kwo °, to examine the Books on medicine. When-

ever any book was done with, Hsiang forthwith arranged it, indexed it, and made a digest of it, which was presented to the emperor. While this work was in progress, Hsiang died, and the emperor Ai (B.c. 6-A.D. 1) appointed his son, Hsin’, a Master of the imperial carriages, to complete his father’s work. On this, Hsin collected all the Books, and presented a report of them, under seven divisions,’

The first of these divisions seems to have been a general catalogue * containing perhaps only the titles of the works included in the other six. The second embraced the Classical Works*®. From the abstract of it, which is preserved in the chapter referred to, we find that there were 294 collections of the Yi-ching from thirteen different individuals or editors!°; 412 collections of the Shi-ching, from nine different individuals; 416 volumes of the Shih-ching, from six different individuals"; of the Books of Rites, 555 collec-

FM EA it. A a BR. ER KR Be.

age eC ee Se er

‘HRB TER. aH mE BE EB.

+ = FR, _ a Tu + pu a , How much of the whole work was contained in each j= , it is impossible for us to ascertain. P. Regis says: ‘ Pien, quemadmodum Gallice

dicimus ‘' des pieces d’éloquence, de poésie.”’ i a4 ; WS ZR, pu Ba — ++ *K ES. The collections of the Shih-ching are mentioned under the name of chiian, ‘sections,’ ‘ portions.’ Had p‘ien been used, it might have been understood ofindividual odes. This change of terms shows that by p‘ten in the other summaries, we are not to understand single blocks or chapters.

CH. I. SECT, II.] AUTHORITY OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS. o

tions, from thirteen different individuals; of the Books on Music, 165 collections, from six different editors ; 948 collections of History,

under the heading of the Ch'un Ch'ii, from twenty-three different individuals; 229 collections of the Lun Yii, including the Analects and kindred fragments, from twelve different individuals; of the Hsido-ching, embracing also the A Y4, and some other portions of the ancient literature, 59 collections, from eleven different individuals; and finally of the lesser Learning, being works on the form of the characters, 45 collections, from eleven different indi-

viduals. The works of Mencius were included in the second division’, among the writings of what were deemed orthodox scholars *, of which there were 836 collections, from fifty-three different individuals,

3. The above important document is sufficient to show how the emperors of the Han dynasty, as soon as they had made good their

possession of the empire, turned their attention to recover the ancient literature of the nation, the Classical Books engaging their

first care, and how earnestly and effectively the scholars of the time responded to the wishes of their rulers. In addition to the facts specified in the preface to it, I may relate that the ordinance of the Ch'in dynasty against possessing the Classical Books (with the exception, as it will appear in its proper place, of the Yi-ching)

was repealed by the second sovereign of the Han, the emperor Hsido Hi, in the fourth year of his reign, B.C. 191, and that a large portion of the Shi-ching was recovered in the time of the third

emperor, B.C. 179-157, while in the year B.c. 136 a special Board was constituted, consisting of literati, who were put in charge of

the five Ching *. . 4. The collections reported on by Lid Hsin suffered damage in the troubles which began a.p. 8, and continued till the rise of the second or eastern Han dynasty in the year 25. The founder of it (A.D. 25-57) zealously promoted the undertaking of his predecessors, and additional repositories were required for the Books which were collected. His successors, the emperors Hsido-ming * (58-75), Hsido-chang ° (76-88), and Hsido-hwo7 (89-105), took a part themselves in the studies and discussions of the literary tribunal, and

‘TR. Mee. ERS RH

gf 7G ch. SF, 49) a Te RE HG bk. BA ae 2 A OSS ir.

Re on =F eS. EO Sr

6 THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY. [PROLEGOMENA.

the emperor Hsido-ling1, between the years 172-178, had the text of the five Ching, as it had been fixed, cut in slabs of stone, and set up in the capital outside the gate of the Grand College. Some old accounts say that the characters were in three different forms,

but they were only in one form ;—see the 287th book of Cha I-tsun’s great Work. 5. Since the Han, the successive dynasties have considered the literary monuments of the country to be an object of their special care. Many of them have issued editions of the Classics, embodying the commentaries of preceding generations. No dynasty has distinguished itself more in this line than the present Manchau possessors of the empire. In fine, the evidence is complete that the Classical Books of China have come down from at least a century before our Christian era, substantially the same as we have them at present.

6. But it still remains to inquire in what condition we may suppose the Books were, when the scholars of the Han dynasty commenced their labours upon them. They acknowledge that the tablets—we cannot here speak of manuscripts—were mutilated and in disorder. Was the injury which they had received of such — an extent that all the care and study put forth on the small remains would be of little use? This question can be answered satisfactorily, only by an examination of the evidence which is adduced for the text of each particular Classic; but it can be made apparent that there is nothing, in the nature of the case, to interfere with our believing that the materials were sufficient to enable the scholars to execute the work intrusted to them. 7. The burning of the ancient Books by order of the founder of the Ch'in dynasty is always referred to as the greatest disaster which they sustained, and with this is coupled the slaughter of many of the Literati by the same monarch. The account which we have of these transactions in the Historical Records is the following ?:

‘In his 34th year [the 34th year, that is, after he had ascended the throne of Ch'in. It was only the 9th after he had been acknowledged Sovereign of the empire, coinciding with B.c. 213], the emperor, returning from a visit to the south, which had extended 1 ae a LI ip 2 [have thought it well to endeavour to translate the whole of the passages. Father de Mailla merely constructs from them a narrative of his own ; see L’ Histoire

Générale de La Chine, tome ii. pp. 399-402. The Fi ee wal | avoids the difficulties of the original by giving an abridgment of it.

cu.t. szct.11.] | AUTHORITY OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS. 7 as far as Yiieh, gave a feast in his palace at Hsien-yang, when the Great Scholars, amounting to seventy men, appeared and wished him long life’. One of the principal ministers, Chiu Ch'ing-ch'kn 2,

came forward and said, “Formerly, the State of Ch'in was only 1000 li in extent, but Your Majesty, by your spirit-like efficacy and intelligent wisdom, has tranquillised and settled the whole empire, and driven away all barbarous tribes, so that, wherever the sun and moon shine, all rulers appear before you as guests acknowledging subjection. You have formed the states of the various princes into provinces and districts, where the people enjoy a happy tranquillity, suffering no more from the calamities of war

and contention. This condition of things will be transmitted for 10,000 generations. From the highest antiquity there has been no one in awful virtue like Your Majesty.”

‘The emperor was pleased with this flattery, when Shun-yii Yiieh*, one of the Great Scholars, a native of Ch'l, advanced and said, “ The sovereigns of Yin and Chau, for more than a thousand years, invested their sons and younger brothers, and meritorious

ministers, with domains and rule, and could thus depend upon them for support and aid ;—that I have heard. But now Your Majesty is in possession of all within the seas, and your sons and younger brothers are nothing but private individuals. The issue will be that some one will arise to play the part of Tien Ch’ang 4, or of the six nobles of Tsin. Without the support of your own family, where will you find the aid which you may require? That a state of things not modelled from the lessons of antiquity can long continue ;—that is what I have not heard. Ch'ing is now showing himself to be a flatterer, who increases the errors of Your Majesty, and not a loyal minister.”

‘The emperor requested the opinions of others on this representation, and the premier, Li Sze°, said, “ The five emperors were not one the double of the other, nor did the three dynasties accept

one another’s ways. Each had a peculiar system of government, not for the sake of the contrariety, but as being required by the changed times, Now, Your Majesty has laid the foundations of i {i + + + AK BY gz *. The +8 + were not only ‘great scholars,’ but had an official rank. There was what we may call a college of them, consisting of seventy

members. Be a, Jel FG EL. ee ie. ‘Hi -

should probably be bE , a8 it is given in the T‘ung Chien. See Analects XIV. xxii. Tien

Hang was the same as Ch‘an Ch‘ing of that chapter. 5 AK A AS HR.

8 THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY. [PROLEGOMENA.

imperial sway, so that it will last for 10,000 generations. This is indeed beyond what a stupid scholar can understand. And, moreover, Yiieh only talks of things belonging to the Three Dynasties, which are not fit to be models to you. At other times, when the princes were all striving together, they endeavoured to gather the wandering scholars about them ; but now, the empire is in a stable condition, and laws and ordinances issue from one supreme authority. Let those of the people who abide in their homes give their strength

to the toils of husbandry, while those who become scholars should

study the various laws and prohibitions. Instead of doing this, however, the scholars do not learn what belongs to the present day,

but study antiquity. They go on to condemn the present time, leading the masses of the people astray, and to disorder.

‘“ At the risk of my life, I, the prime minister, say: Formerly, when the nation was disunited and disturbed, there was no one who could give unity to it. The princes therefore stood up together ; constant references were made to antiquity to the injury of the present state; baseless statements were dressed up to confound

what was real, and men made a boast of their own peculiar learning to condemn what their rulers appointed. And now, when Your Majesty has consolidated the empire, and, distinguishing black from white, has constituted it a stable unity, they still honour their peculiar learning, and combine together ; they teach men what is

contrary to your laws. When they hear that an ordinance has been issued, every one sets to discussing it with his learning. In the court, they are dissatisfied in heart ; out of it, they keep talking

in the streets. While they make a pretence of vaunting their — Master, they consider it fine to have extraordinary views of their own. And so they lead on the people to be guilty of murmuring

and evil speaking. If these things are not prohibited, Your Majesty’s authority will decline, and parties will be formed. The best way is to prohibit them. I pray that all the Records in charge of the Historiographers be burned, excepting those of Ch'in ; that, with the exception of those officers belonging to the Board of Great Scholars, all throughout the empire who presume to keep copies of the Shih-ching, or of the Shd-ching, or of the books of the Hundred Schools, be required to go with them to the officers in charge of the

several districts, and burn them!; that all who may dare to speak

‘AS ae OT lel RE BE

CH. I, SECT. II. | AUTHORITY OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS. 9

together about the Shih and the Sha be put to death, and their bodies exposed in the market-place ; that those who make mention of the past, so as to blame the present, be put to death along with

their relatives: that officers who shall know of the violation of those rules and not inform against the offenders, be held equally guilty with them; and that whoever shall not have burned their Books within thirty days after the issuing of the ordinance, be branded and sent to labour on the wall for four years. The only Books which should be spared are those on medicine, divination, and husbandry. Whoever wants to learn the laws may go to the magistrates and learn of them.” ‘The imperial decision was—‘‘ Approved.” ’

The destruction of the scholars is related more briefly. In the year after the burning of the Books, the resentment of the emperor was excited by the remarks and flight of two scholars who had been favourites with him, and he determined to institute a strict inquiry about all of their class in Hsien-yang, to find out whether they had been making ominous speeches about him, and disturbing the minds

of the people. The investigation was committed to the Censors’, and it being discovered that upwards of 460 scholars had violated the prohibitions, they were all buried alive in pits’, for a warning to the empire, while degradation and banishment were employed more strictly than before against all who fell under suspicion. The emperor's eldest son, Ff-si, remonstrated with him, saying that such measures against those who repeated the words of Confucius and sought to imitate him, would alienate all the people from their infant dynasty, but his interference offended his father so much that he was sent off from court, to be with the general who was superintending the building of the great wall. 8. No attempts have been made by Chinese critics and historians to discredit the record of these events, though some have questioned

the extent of the injury inflicted by them on the monuments of

their ancient literature®. It is important to observe that the edict against the Books did not extend to the Yi-ching, which was

4 SE AG FS TA ae AB, a AB Rl. | OB AL 7k x, Ww a K + a KA, = Pir 2. 37 FB. The meaning of this passage as a whole is sufficiently plain, but I am unable to make out the force of the phrase = ie. > See the remarks of Chang Chia-tsi (Ak Kens eK FR). of the Sung dynasty, on the subject,

in the Ml 34 , Bk. elxxiv. p. 5.

10 THE CHINESE CLASSICS GENERALLY. [PROLEGOMENA.

exempted as being a work on divination, nor did it extend to the other classics which were in charge of the Board of Great Scholars. There ought to have been no difficulty in finding copies when the Han dynasty superseded that of Ch'in, and probably there would

have been none but for the sack of the capital in B.c. 206 by Hsiang Yi, the formidable opponent of the founder of the House

of Han. Then, we are told, the fires blazed for three months among the palaces and public buildings, and must have proved as destructive to the copies of the Great Scholars as the edict of the tyrant had been to the copies among the people. — It is to be noted also that the life of Shih Hwang Ti lasted only three years after the promulgation of his edict. He died in B.c, 210, and the reign of his second son who succeeded him lasted only

other three years. A brief period of disorder and struggling for the supreme authority between different chiefs ensued; but the reign of the founder of the Han dynasty dates from B.c. 202. Thus, eleven years were all which intervened between the order for the burning of the Books and the rise of that family, which signalized itself by the care which it bestowed for their recovery ; and from the edict of the tyrant of Ch'in against private individuals

having copies in their keeping, to its express abrogation by the emperor Hsido Hii, there were only twenty-two years. We may believe, indeed, that vigorous efforts to carry the edict into effect would not be continued longer than the life of its author,—that 1s, not for more than about three years, The calamity inflicted on the ancient Books of China by the House of Ch'in could not have approached to anything like a complete destruction of them. There would be no occasion for the scholars of the Han dynasty, in regard

to the bulk of their ancient literature, to undertake more than the

work of recension and editing. |

9. The idea of forgery by them on a large scale is out of the | question. The catalogues of Liang Hsin enumerated more than 13,000 volumes of a larger or smaller size, the productions of nearly 600 different writers, and arranged in thirty-eight subdivisions of subjects!, In the third catalogue, the first subdivision contained the orthodox writers ?, to the number of fifty-three, with

836 Works or portions of their Works. Between Mencius and

WEAR =A TARBELAATAR B= T =A AT He. * tia eA Ui.

CH. I. SECT. I1.] AUTHORITY OF THE CHINESE CLASSICS. ll

K‘ung Chi, the grandson of Confucius, eight different authors have place. The second subdivision contained the Works of the TAoist school ?, amounting to 993 collections, from thirty-seven different

authors. The sixth subdivision contained the Mohist writers 2, to the number of six, with their productions in 86 collections. I specify these two subdivisions, because they embrace the Works of schools or sects antagonistic to that of Confucius, and some of them still hold a place in Chinese literature, and contain many references to the five Classics, and to Confucius and his disciples. 10, The inquiry pursued in the above paragraphs conducts us to

the conclusion that the materials from which the Classics, as they have come down to us, were compiled and edited in the two centuries

preceding our Christian era, were genuine remains, going back to a still more remote period. The injury which they sustained from the dynasty of Ch'in was, I believe, the same in character as that to which they were exposed during all the time of ‘the Warring States.’ It may have been more intense in degree, but the constant warfare which prevailed for some centuries among the different states which composed the kingdom was eminently unfavourable to the cultivation of literature. Mencius tells us how the princes had made away with many of the records of antiquity, from which their own usurpations and innovations might have been condemned ®.

Still the times were not unfruitful, either in scholars or statesmen, to whom the ways and monuments of antiquity were dear, and the space from the rise of the Ch'in dynasty to the death of Confucius was not very great. It only amounted to 258 years. Between these two periods Mencius stands as a connecting link. Born probably in the year B.C. 371, he reached, by the intervention of Kung Chi, back to the sage himself, and as his death happened B.o. 288, we

are brought down to within nearly half a century of the Ch'in dynasty. rom all these considerations we may proceed with confidence to consider each separate Work, believing that we have in these Classics and Books what the great sage of China and his disciples gave to their country more than 2000 years ago.

1 4 Be sy is. 3 ae Be iF ie, 3 See Mencius, V. Pt. IT, ii. 2.

12 THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, [PROLEGOMENA.

CHAPTER II. OF THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS.

SECTION I. FORMATION OF THE TEXT OF THE ANALECTS BY THE SCHOLARS OF THE HAN DYNASTY.

1. When the work of collecting and editing the remains of the Classical Books was undertaken by the scholars of Han, there appeared two different copies of the Analects, one from Li, the

native State of Confucius, and the other from Ch't, the State adjoining. Between these there were considerable differences. The former consisted of twenty Books or Chapters, the same as those

into which the Classic is now divided. The latter contained two Books in addition, and in the twenty Books, which they had in common, the chapters and sentences were somewhat more numerous than in the Ld exemplar.

2. The names of several individuals are given, who devoted themselves to the study of those two copies of the Classic. Among the patrons of the Lai copy are mentioned the names of Hsi4-hau Shing, grand-tutor of the heir-apparent, who died at the age of 90, and in the reign of the emperor Hsiian (B.c. 73-49)'; Hsido Wang-chih ?, a general-officer, who died in the reign of the emperor

Yiian (B.c. 48-33); Wei Hsien, who was premier of the empire from B.C. 70-66; and his son Hsiian-ch'ing®. As patrons of the Ch't copy, we have Wang Ch‘ing, who was a censor in the year B.C. 99‘;

Yung Shing’; and Wang Chi‘, a statesman who died in the beginning of the reign of the emperor Yiian.

3. But a third copy of the Analects was discovered about B.c. 150. One of the sons of the emperor Ching was appointed king of Ld’ in the year B.c. 154, and some time after, wishing to enlarge his palace, he proceeded to pull down the house of the K‘ung family, known as that where Confucius himself had lived.

KREABRRB “MAH Bc. ‘aM,

BERS EM. OMA OBES. "BER ( 4).

CH. IT, SECT. 1.] FORMATION OF THE TEXT. 13 While doing so, there were found in the wall copies of the Shd-ching, the Ch'un Ch'1d, the Hsi4o-ching, and the Lun Yii or Analects, which had been deposited there, when the edict for the burning of the Books was issued. They were all written, however, in the most ancient form of the Chinese character 1, which had fallen into disuse, and the king returned them to the K‘ung family, the head of which, K‘ung An-kwo 2, gave himself to the study of them, and finally, in obedience to an imperial order, published a Work called ‘The Lun Yi, with Explanations of the Characters,

and Exhibition of the Meaning 3’ |

4. The recovery of this copy will be seen to be a most important

circumstance in the history of the text of the Analects. It is referred to by Chinese writers, as ‘The old Lun Yi.’ In the historical narrative which we have of the affair, a circumstance is added which may appear to some minds to throw suspicion on the whole account. The king was finally arrested, we are told, in his purpose to destroy the house, by hearing the sounds of bells, musical stones, lutes, and citherns, as he was ascending the steps that led to the ancestral hall or temple. This incident was contrived, we may suppose, by the K‘ung family, to preserve the house, or it may have been devised by the historian to glorify the sage, but we may not, on account of it, discredit the finding of the ancient copies of the Books. We have K‘ung An-kwo’s own account of their being committed to him, and of the ways which he took to decipher them. The work upon the Analects, mentioned above, has not indeed come down to us, but bis Jabours on the Shi-ching still remain. 5. It has been already stated, that the Lun Yii of Ch'i contained two Books more than that of Lai. In this respect, the old Lun Yii agreed with the Lai exemplar. Those two books were wanting

in it as well. The last book of the Li Lun was divided in it, however, into two, the chapter beginning, ‘Y4o said,’ forming a whole Book by itself, and the remaining two chapters formed another Book beginning ‘ Tsze-chang.’ With this trifling difference, the old and the Lf copies appear to have agreed together. 6. Chang Yii, prince of An-ch'ang 4, who died B.c. 4, after having i A} Ds AL + —iit. ‘tadpole characters.’ They were, it is said, the original forms devised by Ts'ang-chieh, with large heads and fine tails, like the creature from which they were named, See the notes to the preface to the Shé-ching in ‘The Thirteen Classics.’

3 +L te . 8 ani Be. alll ff. See the preface to the Lun Yi in ‘The Thirteen Ching.’ It has been my principal authority in this section. ‘ ri ‘= BR, Phe HB .

14 THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [PROLEGOMENA. sustained several of the highest offices of the empire, instituted a comparison between the exemplars of Ld and Ch'l, with a view to

determine the true text. The result of his labours appeared in twenty-one Books, which are mentioned in Lit Hsin’s catalogue. They were known as the Lun of prince Chang’, and commanded general approbation. To Chang Yii 1s commonly ascribed the ejecting from the Classic the two additional books which the Ch'i exemplar contained, but Ma Twan-lin prefers to rest that circumstance on the authority of the old Lun, which we have seen was without them’. If we had the two Books, we might find sufficient reason from their contents to discredit them. That may have been sufficient for Chang Yii to condemn them as he did, but we can hardly suppose that he did not have before him the old Lun, which had come to light about a century before he published his Work. 7. In the course of the second century, a new edition of the Analects, with a commentary, was published by one of the greatest scholars which China has ever produced, Ching Hsiian, known also

as Ching K‘ang-ch‘ing*. He died in the reign of the emperor Hsien (A.D. 190-220)* at the age of 74, and the amount of his labours on the ancient classical literature 1s almost incredible. While he adopted the Lf Lun as the received text of his time, he compared it minutely with those of Ch'i and the old exemplar. In the last section of this chapter will be found a list of the readings in his commentary different from those which are now acknowledged in deference to the authority of Cha Hsi, of the Sung dynasty. They

are not many, and their importance is but trifling. 8. On the whole, the above statements will satisfy the reader of

the care with which the text of the Lun Yi was fixed during the dynasty of Han.

SECTION II. AT WHAT TIME, AND BY WHOM, THE ANALECTS WERE WRITTEN ; THEIR PLAN ; AND AUTHENTICITY.

1. At the commencement of the notes upon the first Book, under the heading, ‘The Title of the Work,’ I have given the received account of its authorship, which precedes the catalogue

ra es

Dy Med Cae 2rd 2

CH. I. SECT. II.] BY WHOM WRITTEN. 15 of Lid Hsin. According to that, the Analects were compiled by the disciples of Confucius coming together after his death, and digesting the memorials of his discourses and conversations which

they had severally preserved. But this cannot be true. We may believe, indeed, that many of the disciples put on record conversa-

tions which they had had with their master, and notes about his manners and incidents of his life, and that these have been incorporated with the Work which we have, but that Work must have taken its present form at a period somewhat later. In Book VIII, chapters 11 and iv, we have some notices of the last days of Tsing Shin, and are told that he was visited on his death-bed by the officer Ming Ching. Now Ching was the posthumous title of Chung-sun Chieh?, and we find him alive (Li Chi, IT.

Pt. ii. 2) after the death of duke Téo of Lfi?, which took place B.C. 431, about fifty years after the death of Confucius.

Again, Book XIX is all occupied with the sayings of the disciples. Confucius personally does not appear in it. Parts of it, as chapters 111, xl, and xvill, carry us down to a time when the disciples had schools and followers of their own, and were accustomed to sustain their teachings by referring to the lessons

which they had heard from the sage. | Thirdly, there is the second chapter of Book XI, the second paragraph of which is evidently a note by the compilers of the Work, enumerating ten of the principal disciples, and classifying them according to their distinguishing characteristics. We can hardly suppose it to have been written while any of the ten were alive. But there is among them the name of Tsze-hsid, who lived to the age of about a hundred. We find him, B.c. 407, threequarters of a century after the death of Confucius, at the court of Wei, to the prince of which he is reported to have presented some of the Classical Books °.

2. We cannot therefore accept the above account of the origin

of the Analects,—that they were compiled by the disciples of Confucius. Much more likely is the view that we owe the work to their disciples. In the note on I. i. 1, a peculiarity is pointed out in the use of the surnames of Yew Zo and Tsang Shin, which

LL es cee eee ee 1 See Cht Hsi’s commentary, in loc.— FF FL F,, Aah k KX, Arh % K, ys Ft.

» i, Dp. 77:

16 THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [PROLEGOMENA. has made some Chinese critics attribute the compilation to their followers. But this conclusion does not stand investigation. Others have assigned different portions to different schools. Thus, Book V is given to the disciples of Tsze-kung; Book XI, to those of Min Tsze-ch‘len ; Book XIV, to Yiian Hsien; and Book XVI has been supposed to be interpolated from the Analects of Ch'i. Even if we were to acquiesce in these decisions, we should have accounted only for a small part of the Work. It is best to rest in the general conclusion, that it was compiled by the disciples of the disciples of the sage, making free use of the written memorials concerning him which they had received, and the oral statements which they had heard, from their several masters. And we shall not be far wrong, if we determine its date as about the end of the fourth, or the beginning of the fifth century before Christ. 3. In the critical work on the Four Books, called ‘Record of Remarks in the village of Yung!,’ it is observed, ‘The Analects, in my opinion, were made by the disciples, just like this record of remarks. There they were recorded, and afterwards came a firstrate hand, who gave them the beautiful literary finish which we now witness, so that there is not a character which does not have

its own indispensable place*.. We have seen that the first of these statements contains only a small amount of truth with regard

to the materials of the Analects, nor can we receive the second. If one hand or one mind had digested the materials provided by many, the arrangement and style of the work would have been different. We should not have had the same remark appearing in several Books, with little variation, and.sometimes with none at all. Nor can we account on this supposition for such fragments as the last chapters of the ninth, tenth, and sixteenth Books, and many others. No definite plan has been kept in view throughout. A degree of unity appears to belong to some Books more than others, and.in general to the first ten more than to those which follow, but there is no progress of thought or illustration of subject

from Book to Book. And even in those where the chapters have 1 YN Ait ah. Te 8 Ay, ‘the village of Yung,’ is, I conceive, the writer’s nom

aestome, —* Be RE AL Ps Py BB — RY, EIR

BA AF, OMS OS KF \ Rl.

CH. IL. SECT. 11.] THEIR AUTHENTICITY. 17 a common subject, they are thrown together at random more than on any plan. 4. We cannot tell when the Work was first called the Lun Yii?. The evidence in the preceding section is sufficient to prove that

when the Han scholars were engaged in collecting the ancient Books, it came before them, not in broken tablets, but complete, and arranged in Books or Sections, as we now have it. The Old copy was found deposited in the wall of the house which Confucius

had occupied, and must have been placed there not later than B.C, 211, distant from the date which I have assigned to the com-

pulation, not much more than a century and a half. That copy, written in the most ancient characters, was, possibly, the autograph of the compilers,

We have the Writings, or portions of the Writings, of several authors of the third and fourth centuries before Christ. Of these, in addition to ‘The Great Learning,’ ‘The Doctrine of the Mean,’ und ‘The Works of Mencius, I have looked over the Works of Hsiin Ch'ing? of the orthodox school, of the philosophers Chwang and Lieh of the Taoist school®, and of the heresiarch Mo‘.

In the Great Learning, Commentary, chapter iv, we have the words of Ana. XII. xiii, In the Doctrine of the Mean, ch. i, we have Ana, VI. xxvii; and in ch. xxviii. 5, we have substantially Ana.

III. ix. In Mencius, II. Pt. I. ii. 19, we have Ana. VII. xxxiil, and in vil. 2, Ana. 1V.i; in IIT. Pt. I. iv. 11, Ana. VIII. xvii, xix; in IV, Pt. I. xiv. 1, Ana. XI. xvi. 2; in V. Pt. II. vii. 9, Ana. X. xi. 4;

and in VII. Pt. II. xxxvii. 1, 2, 8, Ana. V. xxi, XIII. xxi, and XVII. xiii. These quotations, however, are introduced by ‘The Master said,’ or ‘Confucius said,’ no mention being made of any book called ‘The Lun Yi,’ or Analects. In the Great Learning,

Commentary, x. 15, we have the words of Ana. IV. iu, and in 1 In the continuation of the ‘General Examination of Records and Scholars (4 al

i ) , BK. exeviii. p. 17, it is said, indeed, on the authority of Wang Ch‘ung (=E Ft) , @ scholar of our first century, that when the Work came out of the wall it was named a Chwan or Record (#4 ) ) and that it was when K‘ung An-kwo instructed a native

of Tsin, named Fi-ch‘ing, in it, that it first got the name of Lun Yu — pet ih 48. aa ah.

FREE AZAELAAU HE wR AK SB, uP FI aii ah. If it were so, it is strange the circumstance is not mentioned in Ho

Yen’s preface. a Aa} Sey. 8 HE -F,, Aj F.. * ies +.

18 THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [PROLEGOMENA. Mencius, ITI. Pt. II. vii. 3, those of Ana, XVII. i, but without any notice of quotation. In the Writings of Hsiin Ch'ing, Book I. page 2, we find something like the words of Ana. XV. xxx; and on p. 6, part of XIV. xxv. But in these instances there is no mark of quotation.

In the Writings of Chwang, I have noted only one passage where the words of the Analects are reproduced. Ana, XVIII. v is found, but with large additions, and no reference of quotation, in his treatise on ‘Man in the World, associated with other Men ?.’

In all those Works, as well as in those of Lieh and Mo, the references to Confucius and his disciples, and to many circumstances

of his life, are numerous*% The quotations of sayings of his not found in the Analects are likewise many, especially in the Doctrine of the Mean, in Mencius, and in the Works of Chwang. Those in — the latter are mostly burlesques, but those by the orthodox writers have more or less of classical authority. Some of them may be found in the Chia Yii%, or ‘ Narratives of the School,’ and in parts of the Li Chi, while others are only known to us by their occurrence

in these Writings. Altogether, they do not supply the evidence, for which I am in quest, of the existence of the Analects as a distinct Work, bearing the name of the Lun Yii, prior to the Ch'in dynasty. They leave the presumption, however, in favour of those conclusions, which arises from the facts stated in the first section, undisturbed. They confirm it rather. They show that there was abundance of materials at hand to the scholars of Han, to compile a much larger Work with the same title, if they had felt it their duty to do the business of compilation, and not that of editing.

SECTION IIL. OF COMMENTARIES UPON THE ANALECTS.,

1, It would be a vast and unprofitable labour to attempt to give a list of the Commentaries which have been published on this Work. My object is merely to point out how zealously the business

of interpretation was undertaken, as soon as the text had been , KN Al Tir. 7 In Mo’s chapter against the Literati, he mentions some of the characteristics of Confucius in the very words of the Tenth Book of the Analects.

FR iit

CH. II. SECT. IIT. | COMMENTARIES. , 19 recovered by the scholars of the Han dynasty, and with what — industry it has been persevered in down to the present time. 2. Mention has been made, in Section I. 6, of the Lun of prince Chang, published in the half century before our era, P&o Hsien}, a distinguished scholar and officer, of the reign of Kwang-wi ?, the first emperor of the Eastern Han dynasty, a.p. 25-57, and another scholar of the surname Ch4u3, less known but of the same time, published Works, containing arrangements of this in chapters and

sentences, with explanatory notes. The critical work of K‘ung An-kwo on the old Lun Yii has been referred to. That was lost in consequence of suspicions under which An-kwo fell towards the

close of the reign of the emperor Wd, but in the time of the emperor Shun, A.D. 126-144, another scholar, Ma Yung‘4, undertook

the exposition of the characters in the old Lun, giving at the same time his views of the general meaning. The labours of Ching Hsiian in the second century have been mentioned. Not long after his death, there ensued a period of anarchy, when the empire was divided into three governments, well known from the celebrated historical romance, called ‘The Three Kingdoms.’ The strongest of them, the House of Wei, patronized literature, and three of its high officers and scholars, Ch'in Ch'iin, Wang Sd, and Chau Shang-lieh§,

in the first half, and probably the second quarter, of the third century, all gave to the world their notes on the Analects. Very shortly after, five of the great ministers of the Government

of Wei, Sun Yung, Ching Ch'ung, Ts4o Hsi, Hsiin K‘ai, and Ho | Yen ®, united in the production of one great Work, entitled, ‘A Collection of Explanations of the Lun Yi.’ It embodied the labours of all the writers which have been mentioned, and, having been frequently reprinted by succeeding dynasties, it still remains. The preface of the five compilers, in the form of a memorial to the emperor, so called, of the House of Wei, is published with it, and has been of much assistance to me in writing these sections. Ho

‘Aim “SHR. AR. ‘BR ie ee, Be BB OK

aik, wt ey to ae 1 tes est AAD). ‘ei AK, BA PR, TR bs FE ik FF. HG hs BE A, HH a, Dew ae He,

4% FH, By GA; ter Se, GN BG AS Jt BAA ie, fer ae” Se fH. I possess a copy of this work, printed about the middle of our fourteenth century.

20 THE CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [PROLEGOMENA. Yen was the leader among them, and the work is commonly quoted as if it were the production of him alone.

3. From Ho Yen downwards, there has hardly been a dynasty which has not contributed its labourers to the illustration of the Analects. In the Liang, which occupied the throne a good part of the sixth century, there appeared the ‘Comments of Hwang K‘an'!,’ who to the seven authorities cited by Ho Yen added other thirteen, being scholars who had deserved well of the Classic during the intermediate time. Passing over other dynasties, we come to the Sung, A.D. 960-1279. An edition of the Classics was published by imperial authority, about the beginning of the eleventh century, with the title of ‘The Correct Meaning.’ The principal scholar engaged in the undertaking was Hsing P'ing?. The portion of it on the Analects? is commonly reprinted in ‘ The Thirteen Classics, after Ho Yen’s explanations. But the names of the Sung dynasty are all thrown into the shade by that of Chad Hsi, than whom China has not produced a greater scholar. He composed, or his disciples compiled, in the twelfth century, three Works on the Analects :—the first called ‘Collected Meanings‘ ;’ the second, ‘Collected Comments*;’ and the third, ‘Queries *.’ Nothing could exceed the grace and clearness of his style, and the influence which he has exerted on the literature of China has been almost despotic. The scholars of the present dynasty, however, seem inclined to question the correctness of his views and interpretations of the Classics, and the chief place among them is due to M&o Ch't-ling’, known by the local name of Hsi-ho®. His writings, under the name of ‘ The collected Works of Hsi-ho%, have been published in eighty volumes, containing between three and four hundred books or sections, He has nine treatises on the Four Books, or parts of them, and deserves to take rank with Ching Hsiian and Cha Hsi at the head of Chinese scholars, though he is a vehement opponent

of the latter. Most of his writings are to be found also in the great Work called ‘A Collection of Works on the Classics, under the Imperial dynasty of Ch'ing?°” which contains 1400 sections, and is a noble contribution by the scholars of the present dynasty to the illustration of its ancient literature.

‘SL ER KG. EER ee Se. a SRE. = AY EAP i. ‘Pa. «= PA A.” ES er EH.

CH. IL. SECT. IV.] VARIOUS READINGS. 21

SECTION IV. | OF VARIOUS READINGS.

In ‘ The Collection of Supplementary Observations on the Four Books?,’ the second chapter contains a general view of commentaries

on the Analects, and from it I extract the following list of various readings of the text found in the comments of Chang Hsiian, and

referred to in the first section of this chapter. | Book ITI. i, Ft for FE; viii, #8 for fae xix, i for GEE XXiii. I, + {it Ay art

without 4H, for fH BY 4at tH,. Book 111. vii, in the clause A th, Ah TE, he makes a full stop at tH; xxi. 1, + for qe . Book IV. x, Rag for 4 , and He for J . Book V. xxi, he puts a full stop at ¥. Book VI. vii, he has not the characters Hil ee. Book VII. iv, ie for aR Xxxiv, -F- Pe simply, for -F- Te Hi - Book IX. ix, FP. for

Fa. Book XI. xxv. 7, (ee for ie , and fa for Fe Book XIII. iii. 3, 7 4+ for ir ; | XViii. 1, rH for 5. Book XIV. xxxi, BE for Fy XXXiv. I, Any $e iL it 79 Bid.

for Any 93 FE iL iL 2% Hil. Book XV. i. a, ie for ne Book XVI. i. 13, fH for Fi. Book XVII. i, Ba for fae ; XXIV. 2, a for ie Book XVIII. iv, fal for a ; viii. 1, ws for ys :

These various readings are exceedingly few, and in themselves

insignificant. The student who wishes to pursue this subject at length, is provided with the means in the Work of Ti Chido-shau 2,

expressly devoted to it. It forms sections 449-473 of the Works on the Classics, mentioned at the close of the preceding section.

A still more comprehensive work of the same kind 1s, ‘The Examination of the Text of the Classics and of Commentaries on them,’ published under the superintendence of Yiian Yiian, forming chapters 818 to 1054 of the same Collection. Chapters 1016 to 1030 are occupied with the Lun Yii; see the reference to Yiian Yiian farther on, on p. 132.

tS TE, eR.

1 py a +; BP ae Published in 1798. The author was a Tsao Yin-ka — Bs

22 THE GREAT LEARNING. [PROLEGOMENA.

CHAPTER III. OF THE GREAT LEARNING.

SECTION I. HISTORY OF THE TEXT, AND THE DIFFERENT ARRANGEMENTS OF IT WHICH HAVE BEEN PROPOSED.

1. It has already been mentioned that ‘The Great Learning’ forms one of the Books of the Li Chi, or ‘Record of Rites, the formation of the text of which will be treated of in its proper place. I will only say here, that the Records of Rites had suffered much more, after the death of Confucius, than the other ancient Classics which were supposed to have been collected and digested

by him. They were in a more dilapidated condition at the time of the revival of the ancient literature under the Han dynasty, and were then published in three collections, only one of which—the Record of Rites—retains its place among the five Ching. The Record of Rites consists, according to the ordinary arrange-

ment, of forty-nine Chapters or Books. Lii Hsiang (see ch. I. sect. IT. 2) took the lead in its formation, and was followed by the two famous scholars, Tai Teh?, and his relative, Tai Shang?, The first of these reduced upwards of 200 chapters, collected by Hsiang,

to eighty-nine, and Shing reduced these again to forty-six. The three other Books were added in the second century of our era, the Great Learning being one of them, by Ma Yung, mentioned in the last chapter, section III. 2. Since his time, the Work has not received any further additions. 2. In his note appended to what he calls the chapter of ‘Classical

Text, Cha Hsi says that the tablets of the ‘old copies’ of the rest of the Great Learning were considerably out of order. By those old copies, he intends the Work of Ching Hsiian, who published his commentary on the Classic, soon after it was completed by the additions of Ma Yung; and it is possible that the tablets were in confusion, and had not been arranged with sufficient care; but such a thing does not appear to have been suspected until the 1 ry fits, 2 ry HD Shing was a second cousin of Teh.

CH. III. SECT. 1.] _ HISTORY OF THE TEXT. 23 twelfth century, nor can any evidence from ancient monuments be adduced in its support. I have related how the ancient Classics were cut on slabs of stone by imperial order, a.D. 175, the text being that which the various literati had determined, and which had been adopted by Chang Hsiian. The same work was performed about seventy years later, under the so-called dynasty of Wei, between the years 240 and 248, and the two sets of slabs were set up together. The only difference between them was, that whereas the Classics had been cut in the first instance only in one form, the characters in the slabs of Wei were in three different forms. Amid the changes of dynasties, the slabs both of Han and Wei had perished, or nearly so, before the rise of the T’ang dynasty, a.p. 624; but under one of its emperors, in the year 836, a copy of the Classics was again cut on

stone, though only in one form. of the character. These slabs we can trace down through the Sung dynasty, when they were known as the tablets of Shen. They were in exact conformity with the text of the Classics adopted by Ching Hsiian in his commentaries ; and they exist at the present day at the city of Hsi-an, Shen-hsi, still called by the same name. The Sung dynasty did not accomplish a similar work itself, nor

did either of the two which followed it think it necessary to engrave in stone in this way the ancient Classics. About the middle

of the sixteenth century, however, the literary world in China was | startled by a report that the slabs of Wei which contained the Great

Learning had been discovered. But this was nothing more than the result of an impudent attempt at an imposition, for which it is difficult to a foreigner to assign any adequate cause. The treatise, as printed from these slabs, has some trifling additions, and many alterations in the order of the text, but differing from the arrangements proposed by Chi Hsi, and by other scholars. There seems to be now no difference of opinion among Chinese critics that the whole

affair was a forgery. The text of the Great Learning, as it appears in the Record of Rites with the commentary of Chang Hsiian, and was thrice engraved on stone, in three different dynasties, is, no doubt, that which was edited in the Han dynasty by Ma Yung.

3. I have said, that it is possible that the tablets containing the

Dk

24 THE GREAT LEARNING. [PROLEGOMENA. text were not arranged with sufficient care by him; and indeed, any one who studies the treatise attentively, will probably come to the conclusion that the part of it forming the first six chapters of com-

mentary in the present Work is but a fragment. It would not be a difficult task to propose an arrangement of the text different from any which I have yet seen; but such an undertaking would not be interesting out of China. My object here is simply to mention the Chinese scholars who have rendered themselves famous or notorious

in their own country by what they have done in this way. The first was Ch‘ang Hao, a native of Lo-yang in Ho-nan province, in the eleventh century’. His designation was Po-shun, but since his death he has been known chiefly by the style of Ming-tdo 2, which we may render the Wise-in-doctrine. The eulogies heaped on him by Chi Hsi and others are extravagant, and he is placed immediately after Mencius in the list of great scholars. Doubtless he

was a man of vast literary acquirements. The greatest change which he introduced into the Great Learning, was to read sin® for chiin*, at the commencement, making the second object proposed in

the treatise to be the renovation of the people, instead of loving them. This alteration and his various transpositions of the text are found in M4o UHsi-ho’s treatise on ‘The Attested Text of the Great Learning®.’

Hardly less illustrious than Ch'ing Hao was his younger brother Ch'ing I, known by the style of Ching-sht’, and since his death by that of I-chwan’. He followed Hao in the adoption of the reading

‘to renovate, instead of ‘to love. But he transposed the text differently, more akin to the arrangement afterwards made by Chi Hsi, suggesting also that there were some superfluous sentences in

the old text which might conveniently be erased. The Work, as proposed to be read by him, will be found in the volume of Mao just referred to. We come to the name of Chi Hsi who entered into the labours

of the brothers Ch'ing, the younger of whom he styles his | Master, in his introductory note to the Great Learning. His arrangement of the text is that now current in all the editions of

the Four Books, and it had nearly displaced the ancient text

‘Fe FB FS, ee eB A. WAS. °F.

BA AEB FIER, HC

oF SI

CH. IIL, SECT. 1.] HISTORY OF THE TEXT. 25 altogether. The sanction of Imperial approval was given to it during the Yiiin and Ming dynasties. In the editions of the Five Ching published by them, only the names of the Doctrine of the Mean and the Great Learning were preserved. No text of these

Books was given, and MHsi-ho tells us that in the reign of Chia-ching’, the most flourishing period of the Ming dynasty (A.D. 1522-1566), when Wang W4An-ch'ang? published a copy of

the Great Learning, taken from the T‘ang edition of the Thirteen

Ching, all the officers and scholars looked at one another in astonishment, and were inclined to suppose that the Work was a forgery. Besides adopting the reading of se for chin from the Ching, and modifying their arrangements of the text, Chd Hsi

made other innovations. He first divided the whole into one

chapter of Classical text, which he assigned to Confucius, and ten chapters of Commentary, which he assigned to the disciple Tsang. Previous to him, the whole had been published, indeed, without any

specification of chapters and paragraphs. He undertook, moreover, to supply one whole chapter, which he supposed, after his master Ch'ing, to be missing. Since the time of Chi Usi, many scholars have exercised their wit on the Great Learning. The work of Mao Hsi-ho contains four

arrangements of the text, proposed respectively by the scholars Wang Li-chai’, Chi P'%ng-shan*, K4o Ching-yi, and Ko Ch'i-chan®. The curious student may examine them there.

Under the present dynasty, the tendency has been to depreciate the labours of Chi Hsi. The integrity of the text of Chang Hsiian is zealously maintained, and the simpler method of interpretation employed by him is advocated in preference to the more refined and

ingenious schemes of the Sung scholars. I have referred several times in the notes to a Work published a few years ago, under the title of ‘The Old Text of the sacred Ching, with Commentary and Discussions, by Lo Chung-fan of Nan-hai’.’ I knew the man many

years ago. He was a fine scholar, and had taken the second degree, or that of Chii-zin. He applied to me in 1843 for Christian baptism, and, offended by my hesitancy, went and enrolled himself

a ak

among the disciples of another missionary. He soon, however,

J ERM EBB (RBI. Tt) ae) ee. ce? 2,

26 THE GREAT LEARNING. [PROLEGOMENA. _ withdrew into seclusion, and spent the last years of his life in literary studies. His family have published the Work on the Great Learning, and one or two others. He most vehemently

impugns nearly every judgment of Chi Hst; but in his own exhibitions of the meaning he blends many ideas of the Supreme Being and of the condition of human nature, which he had learned from the Christian Scriptures.

SECTION II. OF THE AUTHORSHIP, AND DISTINCTION OF THE TEXT INTO CLASSICAL

TEXT AND COMMENTARY. |

1. The authorship of the Great Learning is a very doubtful point, and one on which it does not appear possible to come to a decided conclusion. Chi Hsi, as I have stated in the last section, determined that so much of it was Ching, or Classic, being the very

words of Confucius, and that all the rest was Chwan, or Commentary, being the views of Tsing Shin upon the sage’s words, recorded by his disciples. Thus, he does not expressly attribute the composition of the Treatise to Tsang, as he is generally supposed to do. What he says, however, as it is destitute of external support,

is contrary also to the internal evidence. The fourth chapter of commentary commences with ‘The Master said.’ Surely, if there were anything more, directly from Confucius, there would be an intimation of it in the same way. Or, if we may allow that short sayings of Confucius might be interwoven with the Work, as in the fifteenth paragraph of the tenth chapter, without referring them expressly to him, it is too much to ask us to receive the long chapter

at the beginning as being from him. With regard to the Work having come from the disciples of Tsing Shin, recording their master’s views, the paragraph in chapter sixth, commencing with ‘The disciple Tsing said,’ seems to be conclusive against such an hypothesis. So much we may be sure is Tsiting’s, and no more. Both of Cha Hst’s judgments must be set aside. We cannot admit either the distinction of the contents into Classical text and Commentary, or that the Work was the production of T'sing’s disciples. 2. Who then was the author? An ancient tradition attributes it to Kung Chi, the grandson of Confucius. In a notice published, at the time of their preparation, about the stone slabs of Wei, the

CH. IIL. SECT. 111.) ITS SCOPE AND VALUE. 27 following statement by Chia K‘wei, a noted scholar of the first century, is found :— ‘ When K‘ung Chi was living, and in straits, in

Sung, being afraid lest the lessons of the former sages should become obscure, and the principles of the ancient sovereigns and kings fall to the ground, he therefore made the Great Learning as the warp of them, and the Doctrine of the Mean as the woof}! This would seem, therefore, to have been the opinion of that early time, and I may say the only difficulty in admitting it is that no

mention is made of it by Ching Hsiian. There certainly is that agreement between the two treatises, which makes their common authorship not at all unlikely. 3. Though we cannot positively assign the authorship of the

Great Learning, there can be no hesitation in receiving it as a genuine monument of the Confucian school. There are not many words in it from the sage himself, but it is a faithful reflection of his teachings, written by some of his followers, not far removed from him by lapse of time. It must synchronize pretty nearly with the Analects, and may be safely referred to the fifth century before our era.

| SECTION III. ITS SCOPE AND VALUE.

1. The worth of the Great Learning has been celebrated in most extravagant terms by Chinese writers, and there have been foreigners who have not yielded to them in their estimation of it. Pauthier, in the ‘Argument Philosophique,’ prefixed to his trans-

lation of the Work, says :—, substituted

in his place. The ruling authority of the principality became thus still more enfeebled than it had been before, and, on the other hand, the chiefs of the Chi, the Sha, and the Mang, could hardly keep their ground against their own officers. Of those latter, the two most conspicuous were Yang Hi, called also Yang Ho’, and 1 See the FA 3 FL -F- TH Be, p.2 ? Ana, XVIIL iii, * Sze-ma Chien makes the first observation to have been addressed directly to Confucius. ¢ According to the above account Confucius was only once, and for a portion of two years, in Ch‘i. For the

refutation of contrary accounts, see Chiang Yung’s Life of the Sage. 5 iss BS.

‘Bit 'BH.

70 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [ PROLEGOMENA.

Kung-shan Fd-z4o', At one time Chi Hwan, the most powerful of the chiefs, was kept a prisoner by Yang H4, and was obliged to make terms with him in order to obtain his liberation. Confucius

would give his countenance to none, as he disapproved of all, and he studiously kept aloof from them. Of how he comported himself among them we have a specimen in the incident related in

the Analects, XVII. ii‘ Yang Ho wished to see Confucius, but Confucius would not go to see him. On this, he sent a present of a pig to Confucius, who, having chosen a time when Ho was not at home, went to pay his respects for the gift. He met him, however, on the way. “Come, let me speak with you,” said the officer. “Can

he be called benevolent, who keeps his jewel in his bosom, and leaves his country to confusion?” Confucius replied, “ No.” “Can he be called wise, who is anxious to be engaged in public employment, and yet is constantly losing the opportunity of being so?” Confucius again said, “No.” The other added, “The days and months are passing away; the years do not wait for us.” Confucius said, ‘‘ Right ; I will go into office.”’ Chinese writers are eloquent in their praises of the sage for the combination of propriety, complaisance and firmness, which they see in his behaviour in this matter. To myself there seems nothing remarkable in it but a somewhat questionable dexterity. But it was well for the fame of Confucius that his time was not occupied during those years with official services. He turned them to better account, prosecuting his researches into the poetry, history, ceremonies, and music of the nation. Many disciples continued to resort to him, and the legendary writers tell us how he employed their services in digesting the results of his studies. I must repeat, however, that several of them,

whose names are most famous, such as Tsing Shin, were as yet children, and Min Sun? was not born till B. c. 500.

To this period we must refer the almost single instance which we have of the manner of Confucius’s intercourse with his son Li. ‘Have you heard any lessons from your father different from what

we have all heard?’ asked one of the disciples once of Li. ‘No,’ said Li. ‘He was standing alone once, when I was passing through the court below with hasty steps, and said to me, “ Have you learned

the Odes?” On my replying, “ Not yet,” he added, “ If you do not learn the Odes, you will not be fit to converse with.” Another day,

AL UY Bh ie (5B at, He). BB.

CH. V. SECT. 1.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS, 71 in the same place and the same way, he said to me, “ Have you read

the rules of Propriety?” On my replying, “Not yet,’ he added, “If you do not learn the rules of Propriety, your character cannot be established.” J have heard only these two things from him.’ The disciple was delighted and observed, ‘I asked one thing, and I

have got three things. I have heard about the Odes. I have heard about the rules of Propriety. I have also heard that the superior man maintains a distant reserve towards his son!.’ I can easily believe that this distant reserve was the rule which Confucius followed generally in his treatment of his son. A stern

dignity is the quality which a father has to maintain upon his system. It is not to be without the element of kindness, but that must never go beyond the line of propriety. There is too little room left for the play and development of natural affection. The divorce of his wife must also have taken place during these

years, if it ever took place at all, which is a disputed point. The curious reader will find the question discussed in the notes on the second Book of the Li Chi. The evidence inclines, I think, against the supposition that Confucius did put his wife away. When she died, at a period subsequent to the present, Li kept on weeping aloud for her after the period for such a demonstration of grief had expired, when Confucius sent a message to him that his sorrow must be subdued, and the obedient son dried his tears. We are glad to know that on one occasion—the death of his favourite disciple, Yen Hfi—the tears of Confucius himself would flow over and above the measure of propriety °. 7. We come to the short period of Confucius’s official life. In the He holds office. year B.C. 501, things had come to a head between the B.C. 500-496. chiefs of the three Families and their ministers, and

had resulted in the defeat of the latter. In that year the resources of Yang Ht were exhausted, and he fled into Cb'i, so that the State was delivered from its greatest troubler, and the way was made more clear for Confucius to go into office, should an opportunity occur. It soon presented itself. Towards the end of that year he was made chief magistrate of the town of Chung-tt *. 1 Ana. XVI xiii, ? Seethe LiChi, IL. Pt.Li27 %Ana.XLix. ‘ FA rN ae Amiot says this was ‘la ville méme owt le Souverain tenoit sa Cour’ (Vie de Confucius, p. 147). He is followed of course by Thornton and Pauthier. My reading has not shown me that such was the case. In the notes to K‘ang-hsi’s edition of the ‘Five Ching,’ Li Chi, II. Sect. I. 1i1. 4,

it is simply said—‘ Chung-ti,—the name of a town of La. It afterwards belonged to Ch‘i when it was called P‘ing-la ( 2p. (42 ).’

12 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA. Just before he received this appointment, a circumstance occurred

of which we do not well know what to make. When Yang-hd fled into Chi, Kung-shan Ff-z4o, who had been confederate with hin, continued to maintain an attitude of rebellion, and held the city of Pi against the Chi family. Thence he sent a message to Confucius

inviting him to join him, and the Sage seemed so inclined to go that his disciple Tsze-li remonstrated with him, saying, ‘ Indeed you cannot go! why must you think of going to see Kung-shan ? ’ Confucius replied, ‘Can it be without some reason that he has invited me? If any one employ me, may I not make an eastern

Chau!?’ The upshot, however, was that he did not go, and I cannot suppose that he had ever any serious intention of doing 80. Amid the general gravity of his intercourse with his followers, there gleam out a few instances of quiet pleasantry, when he amused himself by playing with their notions about him. This was probably one of them. As magistrate of Chung-ti he produced a marvellous reformation

of the manners of the people in a short time. According to the * Narratives of the School,’ he enacted rules for the nourishing of the living and all observances to the dead. Different food was assigned

to the old and the young, and different burdens to the strong and the weak. Males and females kept apart from each other in the streets. A thing dropped on the road was not picked up. There was no fraudulent carving of vessels. Inner coffins were made four inches thick, and the outer ones five. Graves were made on the high grounds, no mounds being raised over them, and no trees planted about them. Within twelve months, the princes of the other States all wished to imitate his style of administration 2. The duke Ting, surprised at what he saw, asked whether his rules could be employed to govern a whole State, and Confucius told him that they might be applied to the whole kingdom. On this the duke appointed him assistant-superintendent of Works?, in | which capacity he surveyed the lands of the State, and made many improvements in agriculture. From this he was quickly made minister of Crime‘, and the appointment was enough to put an end to crime. There was no necessity to put the penal laws in execution. No offenders showed themselves °. 1 Ana, XVII. v. a Be an. , Bk. I. : Bl ae This office, however, was held by the chief of the Ming family. We must understand that Confucius was only an

assistant to him, or perhaps acted for him. ‘ K B] Fae. 5 Fe sh. Bk. I.

CH. V. SECT. 1.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 13 These indiscriminating eulogies are of little value. One incident, related in the annotations of Tso-shih on the Ch‘'un-Ch'iti!, commends itself at once to our belief, as in harmony with Confucius’s character. The chief of the Chi, pursuing with his enmity the duke

Chao, even after his death, had placed his grave apart from the graves of his predecessors ; and Confucius surrounded the ducal cemetery with a ditch so as to include the solitary resting-place, boldly telling the chief that he did it to hide his disloyalty *, But he signalised himself most of all in B.c. 500, by his behaviour at an interview between the dukes of La and Ch’, at a place called Shihch'i’, and Chia-kd 4, in the present district of Lai-w4, in the department of T‘di-an®. Confucius was present as master of ceremonies

on the part of La, and the meeting was professedly pacific. The two princes were to form a covenant of alliance. The principal officer on the part of Ch'i, however, despising Confucius as ‘a man of ceremonies, without courage,’ had advised his sovereign to make the duke of Li a prisoner, and for this purpose a band of the halfsavage original inhabitants of the place advanced with weapons to

the stage where the two dukes were met. Confucius understood the scheme, and said to the opposite party, ‘Our two princes are met for a pacific object. For you to bring a band of savage vassals to disturb the meeting with their weapons, is not the way in which Chii can expect to give law to the princes of the kingdom. These barbarians have nothing to do with our Great Flowery land. Such vassals may not interfere with our covenant. Weapons are out of place at such a meeting. As before the spirits, such conduct is unpropitious. In point of virtue, itis contrary to right. As between mnan and man, it is not polite.’ The duke of Ch't ordered the disturbers off, but Confucius withdrew, carrying the duke of La with him. The business proceeded, notwithstanding, and when the words

of the alliance were being read on the part of Ch'l,—‘So be it to

La, if it contribute not 300 chariots of war to the help of Chit, when its army goes across its borders,’ a messenger from Confucius

added,—‘ And so be it to us, if we obey your orders, unless you return to us the fields on the south of the Wan.’ At the conclusion of the ceremonies, the prince of Ch'i wanted to give a grand entertainment, but Confucius demonstrated that such a thing would be

‘Fe EA TCR. RG BRL TPH. RR. He ZeHE, HE HEE.

v4 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA., contrary to the established rules of propriety, his real object being

to keep his sovereign out of danger. In this way the two parties separated, they of Chit filled with shame at being foiled and disgraced

by ‘the man of ceremonies;’ and the result was that the lands of La which had been appropriated by Ch'i were restored ?. For two years more Confucius held the office of minister of Crime.

Some have supposed that he was further raised to the dignity of

chief minister of the State 2, but that was not the case. One instance of the manner in which he executed his functions is worth recording. When any matter came before him, he took the opinion of different individuals upon it, and in giving judgment would say,

‘I decide according to the view of so and so.’ There was an approach to our jury system in the plan, Confucius's object being to enlist general sympathy, and carry the public judgment with him in his administration of justice. A father having brought some charge against his son, Confucius kept them both in prison for three months, without making any difference in favour of the father, and

then wished to dismiss them both. The head of the Chi was dissatisfied, and said,‘ You are playing with me, Sir minister of Crime. Formerly you told me that in a State or a family filial duty was the

first thing to be insisted on. What hinders you now from putting to death this unfilial son as an example to all the people?’ Confucius with a sigh replied, ‘When superiors fail in their duty, and yet go to put their inferiors to death, it is not right. This father has not taught his son to be filial ;—to listen to his charge would be to slay the guiltless. The manners of the age have been long in a sad condition; we cannot expect the people not to be transgressing the laws *.’

At this time two of his disciples, Tsze-l4 and Tsze-yd, entered the employment of the Chi family, and lent their influence, the former especially, to forward the plans of their master. One great cause of disorder in the State was the fortified cities held by the three chiefs, in which they could defy the supreme authority, and were in turn defied themselves by their officers. Those cities were like the castles of the barons of England in the time of the Norman 1 This meeting at Chid-kii is related in Sze-ma Ch‘ien, the ‘ Narratives of the School,’ and

Ki-liang, with many exaggerations. I have followed V3 K {es ) iE IS + aE. 2 The Be SE says, Bk. IT, +L -F- Fe hak Ts] | ek, +r AH HB. But he was a AH enly in the sense of an assistant of ceremonies, as at the meeting in Chia-kt, described above.

* See the Be FH Bk. IL.

OH. V. SECT, I.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 795 kings. Confucius had their destruction very much at heart, and partly by the influence of persuasion, and partly by the assisting counsels of Tsze-l, he accomplished his object in regard to Pi}, the chief city of the Chi, and Hau 2, the chief city of the Sha.

It does not appear that he succeeded in the same way in dismantling Ching 3, the chief city of the Mang‘; but his authority in the State greatly increased. ‘He strengthened the ducal House and

weakened the private Families. He exalted the sovereign, and depressed the ministers. A transforming government went abroad. Dishonesty and dissoluteness were ashamed and hid their heads. Loyalty and good faith became the characteristics of the men, and chastity and docility those of the women. Strangers came in crowds from other States *,’ Confucius became the idol of the people, and flew in songs through their mouths °. But this sky of bright promise was soon overcast. As the fame of the reformations in Ld went abroad, the neighbouring princes began to be afraid. The duke of Ch'i said, ‘ With Confucius at the head of its government, Li will become supreme among the States, and Ch'i which is nearest to it will be the first swallowed up. Let

us propitiate it by a surrender of territory. One of his ministers proposed that they should first try to separate between the sage and his sovereign, and to effect this, they hit upon the following scheme. Kighty beautiful girls, with musical and dancing accomplishments, and a hundred and twenty of the finest horses that could be found,

were selected, and sent as a present to duke Ting. They were put up at first outside the city, and Chi Hwan having gone in disguise to see them, forgot the lessons of Confucius, and took the duke to look at the bait. They were both captivated. The women were received,

and the sage was neglected. For three days the duke gave no audience to his ministers. ‘Master,’ said T'sze-lh to Confucius, ‘it is time for you to be going.’ But Confucius was very unwilling to leave. The spring was coming on, when the sacrifice to Heaven would be offered, and he determined to wait and see whether the : i a Jab. 8 IK . * In connexion with these events, the ‘ Narratives of the School’ and Sze-ma Ch‘ien mention the summary punishment inflicted by Confucius on an able

but unscrupulous and insidious officer, the Shaou-chang, Maou ( Ap iE H)). His judgment and death occupy a conspicuous place in the legendary accounts. But the Analects, Tsze-sze, Mencius, and Tso Ch‘it-ming are all silent about it, and Chiang Yung rightly rejects it as one

of the many narratives invented to exalt the sage. 5 See the Be =. , Bk. Il. ° See 4L = F- ) quoted by Chiang Yung.

16 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES, [PROLEGOMENA. solemnization of that would bring the duke back to his right mind. No such result followed. ‘The ceremony was hurried through, and portions of the offerings were not sent round to the various ministers,

according to the established custom. Confucius regretfully took his departure, going away slowly and by easy stages’. He would have welcomed a message of recall. But the duke continued in his abandonment, and the sage went forth to thirteen weary years

of homeless wandering. 8. On leaving Ld, Confucius first bent his steps westward to the State of Wei, situate about where the present provinces of Chih-li

He wanders and Ho-nan adjoin. He was now in his fifty-sixth com, sate © = year, and felt depressed and melancholy. As he B.c. 497-484. went along, he gave expression to his feelings in verse :— ‘Fain would I still look towards Li, But this Kwei hill cuts off my view. With an axe, I'd hew the thickets through :— Vain thought! ’gainst the hill I nought can do;’

and again,— ‘Through the valley howls the blast, Drizzling rain falls thick and fast. Homeward goes the youthful bride, O’er the wild, crowds by her side. How is it, O azure Heaven, From my home I thus am driven, Through the land my way to trace, With no certain dwelling-place ? Dark, dark, the minds of men! Worth in vain comes to their ken. Hastens on my term of years; Old age, desolate, appears’.’

A number of his disciples accompanied him, and his sadness infected them. When they arrived at the borders of Wei, at a place called 1, the warden sought an interview, and on coming out from the sage, he tried to comfort the disciples, saying, ‘ My friends, why

are you distressed at your master's loss of office? The world has been long without the principles of truth and right; Heaven is going to use your master as a bell with its wooden tongue®.’ Such

was the thought of this friendly stranger. The bell did indeed sound, but few had ears to hear. 1 Bi =u, 4b -F- tH Fe , P. 5 See also Mencius, V. Pt. II. i. 4; et al. 2 See

Chiang Yung’s Life of Confucius, + * Ji iF S. 8 Ana. III. xxiv.

CH. V. SECT. I.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS, (7 Confucius’s fame, however, had gone before him, and he was in little danger of having to suffer from want. On arriving at the capital of Wei, he lodged at first with a worthy officer, named Yen Ch‘Auyaut. The reigning duke, known to us by the epithet of Ling *, was

a worthless, dissipated man, but he could not neglect a visitor of such eminence, and soon assigned to Confucius a revenue of 60,000 measures of grain®, Here he remained for ten months, and then for

some reason left it to go to Ch'én*. On the way he had to pass by K' wang, a place probably in the present department of K‘ai-fung in Ho-nan, which had formerly suffered from Yang-hi. It so happened that Confucius resembled H4, and the attention of the people being called to him by the movements of his carriage-driver, they thought it was their old enemy, and made an attack upon him. His followers were alarmed, but he was calm, and tried to assure them by declaring his belief that he had a divine mission. He said to them, ‘ After the death of king W&n, was not the cause of truth

lodged here in me? If Heaven had wished to let this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal, should not have got such a relation to that cause. While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people of K'wang do to me*?’ Having escaped from the hands of his assailants, he does not seem

to have carried out his purpose of going to Ch'an, but returned to Wei.

On the way, he passed a house where he had formerly lodged, and finding that the master was dead, and the funeral ceremonies going on, he went in to condole and weep. When he came out, he told Tsze-kung to take the outside horses from his carriage, and give them as a contribution to the expenses of the occasion. ‘ You never did such a thing,’ T'sze-kung remonstrated, ‘at the funeral of any of

your disciples; is it not too great a gift on this occasion of the death of an old host?’ ‘When I went in,’ replied Confucius, ‘my presence brought a burst of grief from the chief mourner, and I joined him with my tears. I dislike the thought of my tears not being followed by anything. Do it, my child’ On reaching Wei, he lodged with Chii Po-yii, an officer of whom

1 A fe Hy. See Mencius, V. Pt. I. viii. 2. 2 a B. 3 See the Bi =i,

JL -F th ZX, ps. * Bae fe] . * FE. 6 Ana, IX. v. In Ana. XI. xxii, there is another reference to this time, in which Yen Hi is made to appear. 7 See the Li Chi, IT. Sect. I. ii. 16.

78 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA,

honourable mention is made in the Analects'. But this time he

3.0. 496. did not remain long in the State. The duke was

married to a lady of the house of Sung, known by the name of Nan-tsze, notorious for her intrigues and wickedness. She sought an interview with the sage, which he was obliged unwillingly

to accord®. No doubt he was innocent of thought or act of evil, but it gave great dissatisfaction to Tsze-li that his master should have been in company with such a woman, and Confucius, to assure him, swore an oath, saying, ‘ Wherein I have done improperly, may

Heaven reject me! May Heaven reject me?!’ He could not well abide, however, about such a court. One day the duke rode out through the streets of his capital in the same carriage with Nan-tsze, and made Confucius follow them in another. Perhaps he intended to honour the philosopher, but the people saw the incongruity, and

cried out, ‘Lust in the front; virtue behind!’ Confucius was ashamed, and made the observation, ‘I have not seen one who loves virtue as he loves beauty *.’ Wei was no place for him. He left it, and took his way towards Ch‘an. Ch'in, which formed part of the present province of Ho-nan, lay

south from Wei. After passing the small State of Ts'4o0°, he approached the borders of Sung, occupying the present prefecture of Kwei-teh, and had some intentions of entering it, when an incident

occurred, which it is not easy to understand from the meagre style

in which it is related, but which gave occasion to a remarkable saying. Confucius was practising ceremonies with his disciples, we are told, under the shade of a large tree. Hwan Tdi, an ill-minded

officer of Sung, heard of it, and sent a band of men to pull down the tree, and kill the philosopher, if they could get hold of him. The disciples were much alarmed, but Confucius observed, ‘Heaven has produced the virtue that is in me ;—what can Hwan T'tdi do to

me®?’ They all made their escape, but seem to have been driven

westwards to the State of Ching’, on arriving at the gate conducting into which from the east, Confucius found himself separated from his followers, Tsze-kung had arrived before him, and was told by a native of Ching that there was a man standing by the east gate,

with a forehead like Yao, a neck like K4o-y4o, his shoulders on a level with those of Tsze-ch'an, but wanting, below the waist, three 1 Ana, XIV. xxvi; XV. vi. 2 See the account in the Bi =i ; FL -F- TE KR ,

p. 6. > Ana, VI. xxvi. * Ana, IX. xvii. 5 wy . ® Ana. IX. xxii: 7 ww.

CH. V. SECT. 1.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. | 79 inches of the height of Yu, and altogether having the disconsolate appearance of a stray dog.’ Tsze-kung knew it was the master, hastened to him, and repeated to his great amusement the descrip-

tion which the man had given. ‘The bodily appearance,’ said Confucius, ‘is but a small matter, but to say I was like a stray dog,

—capital! capital'!’ The stay they made at Chang was short, and by the end of B. c. 495, Confucius was in Ch‘dn.

All the next year he remained there, lodging with the warder of the city wall, an officer of worth, of the name of Chang’, and we have no accounts of him which deserve to be related here *, In B.c. 494, Ch'én was much disturbed by attacks from Wd 4, a large State, the capital of which was in the present department of

Sa-chau, and Confucius determined to retrace his steps to Wei. On the way he was laid hold of at a place called P'QA5, which was

held by a rebellious officer against Wei, and before he could get away, he was obliged to engage that he would not proceed thither. Thither, notwithstanding, he continued his route, and when Tszekung asked him whether it was right to violate the oath he had taken, he replied, ‘It was a forced oath. The spirits do not hear such *.” The duke Ling received him with distinction, but paid no more attention to his lessons than before, and Confucius is said then _ to have uttered his complaint, ‘ If there were any of the princes who

would employ me, in the course of twelve months I should have done something considerable. In three years the government would be perfected 7.’

A circumstance occurred to direct his attention to the State of Tsin *, which occupied the southern part of the present Shan-hsi, and extended over the Yellow river into Ho-nan. An invitation came to Confucius, like that which he had formerly received from Kung-shan Fid-zio. Pi Hsi, an officer of Tin, who was holding the town of Chung-mau against his chief, invited him to visit him, and Confucius was inclined to go. Tsze-li was always the mentor on such occasions. He said to him, ‘ Master, I have heard you say, 1 See the Ff =, +L -F- tit Be p. 6. 3 a] by j= -F-. See Mencius, V. Pt. I. viii. 3. 3 Chiang Yung digests in this place two foolish stories,—about a large bone found in the State of Yiieh, and a bird which appeared in Ch‘i& and died, shot through

with a remarkable arrow. Confucius knew all about them. 4 Fi. 5 i] _ 6 This is related by Sze-ma Ch‘ien 4b -F- {it KR, p. 7, and also in the ‘ Narratives of the School.’ I would fain believe it is not true. The wonder is, that no Chinese critic should have set

about disproving it. 7 Ana, XII. x. 8 —-

80 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA. that when a man in his own person is guilty of doing evil, a superior

man will not associate with him. Pi Hsi is in rebellion; if you go to him, what shall be said?’ Confucius replied, ‘ Yes, I did use those words. But is it not said that if a thing be really hard, it may be ground without being made thin; and if it be really white, it may be steeped in a dark fluid without being made black? Am

Ia bitter gourd? Am I to be hung up out of the way of being eaten 1%’

These sentiments sound strangely from his lips. After all, he did not go to Pi Hsi; and having travelled as far as the Yellow river that he might see one of the principal ministers of Tsin, he heard of the violent death of two men of worth, and returned to Wei, lamenting the fate which prevented him from crossing the stream, and trying to solace himself with poetry as he had done on leaving La. Again did he communicate with the duke, but as ineffectually, and disgusted at being questioned by him about military tactics, he left and went back to Ch'in. He resided in Ch’&n all the next year, B.c. 491, without anything occurring there which is worthy of note?, Events had transpired in Ld, however, which were to issue in his return to his native State. The duke Ting had deceased B.c. 494, and Chi

Hwan, the chief of the Chi family, died in this year. On his death-bed, he felt remorse for his conduct to Confucius, and charged -

his successor, known to us in the Analects as Chi K‘ang, to recall

the sage; but the charge was not immediately fulfilled. Chi K‘ang, by the advice of one of his officers, sent to Ch'an for the disciple Yen Ch'id instead. Confucius willingly sent him off, and would gladly have accompanied him, ‘Let me return!’ he said, ‘Let me return®!’ But that was not to be for several years yet. In B.C. 490, accompanied, as usual, by several of his disciples, he

went from Ch'in to Ts'di, a small dependency of the great fief of Ch'a, which occupied a large part of the present provinces of H4-

nan and Hi-pei. On the way, between Ch'in and Ts4i, their provisions became exhausted, and they were cut off somehow from obtaining a fresh supply. The disciples were quite overcome with

want, and Tsze-li said to the master, ‘Has the superior man indeed to endure in this way?’ Confucius answered him, ‘The superior man may indeed have to endure want ; but the mean man, 1 Ana, XVIL. vii. ? Tso Ch‘it-ming, indeed, relates a story of Confucius, on the report of a fire in Li, telling whose ancestral temple had been destroyed by it. 3 Ana, V, xxi.

CH, V. SECT. I] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 81 when he is in want, gives way to unbridled license.’ According to the ‘ Narratives of the School,’ the distress continued seven days, during which time Confucius retained his equanimity, and was even

cheerful, playing on his lute and singing’. He retained, however, a strong impression of the perils of the season, and we find him afterwards recurring to it, and lamenting that of the friends that. were with him in Ch'in and Ts‘4i, there were none remaining to enter his door, Escaped from this strait, he remained in Ts‘4i over B.C. 489, and in the following year we find him in Sheh, another district of Ch’, the chief of which had taken the title of duke, according to the usurping policy of that State. Puzzled about his visitor, he asked Tsze-l what he should think of him, but the disciple did not venture a reply. When Confucius heard of it, he said to Tsze-ld, ‘Why did you not say to him:—He is simply a man who in his eager pursuit of knowledge forgets his food, who in the joy of its attainment forgets his sorrows, and who does not perceive that old

age is coming on‘?’ Subsequently, the duke, in conversation with Confucius, asked him about government, and got the reply, dictated by some circumstances of which we are ignorant, ‘Good government obtains, when those who are near are made happy, and those who are far off are attracted 5, After a short stay in Sheh, according to Sze-m4 Chrien, he returned to Ts‘4i, and having to cross a river, he sent Tsze-lQ to inquire for the ford of two men who were at work in a neighbouring field. They were recluses,—men who had withdrawn from public life in disgust at the waywardness of the times. One of them was called Ch'ang-tsii, and instead of giving Tsze-lQ the information he wanted, he asked him, ‘Who is it that holds the

reins in the carriage there?’ ‘It is K’ung Ch'id.’ ‘K'ung Ch'id of Li?’ ‘Yes, was the reply, and then the man rejoined, ‘ He knows the ford.’

Tsze-l applied to the other, who was called Chieh-ni, but got

for answer the question, ‘Who are you, Sir?’ He replied, ‘I am Chung Yt.’ ‘Chung Y4, who is the disciple of K'ung Ch'1d of

Li?’ ‘Yes,’ again replied Tsze-lQ, and Chieh-ni said to him, ‘Disorder, like a swelling flood, spreads over the whole kingdom,

tans. XV.i3,3 7 Ze an. 4s —, FE fe, — 1 B. > Ana. XI. ii.

* Ana. VIL. xviii. ° Ana, XIII. xvi.

82 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA., and who is he that will change it for you? Than follow one who merely withdraws from this one and that one, had you not better follow those who withdraw from the world altogether?’ With this he fell to covering up the seed, and gave no more heed to the stranger. Tsze-ld went back and reported what they had said, when Confucius vindicated his own course, saying, ‘ It is impossible to associate with birds and beasts as if they were the same with us. If I associate not with these people,—with mankind,—with whom

shall I associate? If right principles prevailed through the kingdom, there would be no need for me to change its state?.’ About the same time he had an encounter with another recluse, who was known as ‘The madman of Ch't.’ He passed by the carriage of Confucius, singing out, ‘O phoenix, O phcenix, how is your virtue degenerated! As to the past, reproof is useless, but the future may be provided against. Give up, give up your vain pursuit.’ Confucius alighted and wished to enter into conversation with him, but the man hastened away’. But now the attention of the ruler of Ch'd—king, as he styled himself—was directed to the illustrious stranger who was in his dominions, and he met Confucius and. conducted him to his capital,

which was in the present district of [-ch'ang, in the department of Hsiang-yang’, in Hd-pei. After a time, he proposed endowing the philosopher with a considerable territory, but was dissuaded by his prime minister, who said to him, ‘ Has your majesty any officer who could discharge the duties of an ambassador like Tsze-kung? or

any one so qualified for a premier as Yen Hii? or any one to compare as a general with Tsze-lad? The kings Wan and Wd, from

_ their hereditary dominions of a hundred 4, rose to the sovereignty of the kingdom. If K'ung Ch'id, with such disciples to be his minis-

ters, get the possession of any territory, it will not be to the prosperity of Ch'd*? On this remonstrance the king gave up his purpose ; and, when he died in the same year, Confucius left the State, and went back again to Wei. The duke Ling had died four years before, soon after Confucius

B.C. 489. had last parted from him, and the reigning duke, known to us by the title of Ch'd’, was his grandson, and was holding the principality against his own father. The relations

1 Ana, XVIIL vi. 7 Ana.XVILv. 3 y BU HR. —s * See oe LF Zeno Hae

CH. V. SECT. I.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 83 between them were rather complicated. The father had been driven out in consequence of an attempt which he had instigated on the life of his step-mother, the notorious Nan-tsze, and the succession was given to his son. _Subsequently, the father wanted to reclaim what he deemed his right, and an unseemly struggle ensued. The duke Ch'd was conscious how much his cause would be strengthened by the support of Confucius, and hence when he got to Wei, Tsze-li could say to him, ‘The prince of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to administer the government ;— what will you consider the first thing to be done!?’ The opinion of the philosopher, however, was against the propriety of the duke’s course ?, and he declined taking office with him, though he remained

in Wei for between five and six years. During all that time there is a blank in his history. In the very year of his return, according to the ‘Annals of the Empire,’ his most beloved disciple, Yen Hi, died, on which occasion he exclaimed, ‘Alas! Heaven is destroying me! Heaven is destroying me®!’ The death of his wife is assigned to B.c. 484, but nothing else is related which we can connect with this long period. 9. His return to LQ was brought about by the disciple Yen Y4, who, we have seen, went into the service of Chi K‘ang, in B.c. 491.

From his ree In the year B.o. 483, YO had the conduct of some hn ieen. ©” ~=military operations against Ch’t, and being successful, B.0. 484-478 = Chi Kang asked him how he had obtained his military

skill;—was it from nature, or by learning? He replied that he had learned it from Confucius, and entered into a glowing eulogy of the philosopher. The chief declared that he would bring Con-

fucius home again to Li. ‘If you do so,’ said the disciple, ‘see that you do not let mean men come between you and him. On this K‘ang sent three officers with appropriate presents to Wei, to invite the wanderer home, and he returned with them accordingly‘. | This event took place in the eleventh year of the duke Ai®, who succeeded to Ting, and according to K‘ung Fd, Confucius’s descendant, the invitation proceeded from him*®. We may suppose that 1 Ana. XIII. iii. In the notes on this passage, I have given Chi Hsi's opinion as to the time when Tsze-li made this remark. It seems more correct, however, to refer it to Confucius’s return to Wei from Ch‘i, as is done by Chiang Yung. 2 Ana. VIL. xiv. $ Ana. XI. viii. In the notes on Ana. XI. vii, I have adverted to the chronological difficulty connected with the dates assigned respectively to the deaths of Yen Hii and Confucius’s own

son, Li. Chiang Yung assigns Hii’s death to B.c. 481. * See the Bi = ; 4h -F-

Ti RR. 5 5 Rr. 6 See Chiang Yung’s memoir, in loc,

84 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA. while Chi K‘ang was the mover and director of the proceeding, it was with the authority and approval of the duke. It is represented in the chronicle of Tso Ch'id-ming as having occurred at a very opportune time. The philosopher had been consulted a little before by K‘ung Wan}, an officer of Wei, about how he should conduct a feud with another officer, and disgusted at being referred to on such a subject, had ordered his carriage and prepared to leave the State, exclaiming, ‘The bird chooses its tree. The tree does not choose the bird.’ K‘'ung Win endeavoured to excuse himself, and to prevail on Confucius to remain in Wei, and just at this juncture the messengers from Ld arrived ?.

Confucius was now in his sixty-ninth year. The world had not dealt kindly with him. In every State which he had visited he had met with disappointment and sorrow. Only five more years remained to him, nor were they of a brighter character than the past.

He had, indeed, attained to that state, he tells us, in which ‘he could follow what his heart desired without transgressing what was

right *, but other people were not more inclined than they had been to abide by his counsels. The duke Ai and Chi K‘ang often conversed with him, but he no longer had weight in the guidance of state affairs, and wisely addressed himself to the completion of his literary labours. He wrote a preface, according to Sze-ma Chrien, to the Shi-ching; carefully digested the rites and ceremonies determined by the wisdom of the more ancient sages and kings ; collected and arranged the ancient poetry ; and undertook the reform of music’. He has told us himself, ‘I returned from Wei to Li, and then the music was reformed, and the pieces in the

Songs of the Kingdom and Praise Songs found all their proper place ’.’ To the Yi-ching he devoted much study, and Sze-ma& Ch'ien says that the leather thongs by which the tablets of his copy were bound together were thrice worn out. ‘If some years were added to my life,’ he said, ‘I would give fifty to the study of the Yi, and then I might come to be without great faults*.’ During this time also, we may suppose that he supplied Tsang Shan with the materials of the classic of Filial Piety. The same year that he

returned, Chi K‘ang sent Yen Yd to ask his opinion about an 1 +L AL -F- ) the same who is mentioned in the Analects, V. xiv. 2 See the

Fe (8, yt A+ — 4E. * Ana, II. iv. 6. * See the FA SA, FL {it Be , D. 12. > Ana. IX, xiv. S$ Ana. VII. xvi.

CH. V. SECT. 1.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 85 additional impost which he wished to lay upon the people, but Confucius refused to give any reply, telling the disciple privately his disapproval of the proposed measure. It was carried out, however, in the following year, by the agency of Yen, on which occasion,

I suppose, it was that Confucius said to the other disciples, ‘ He is

no disciple of mine; my little children, beat the drum and assail him!, The year B.c. 483 was marked by the death of his son Li, which he seems to have borne with more equanimity than he did that of his disciple Yen Hdi, which some writers assign to the following year, though I have already mentioned it under the year B.C. 489.

In the spring of B.c. 481, a servant of Chi K‘ang caught a Ch'i-lin on a hunting excursion of the duke in the present district of Chia-hsiang*. No person could tell what strange animal it was, and Confucius was called to look at it. He at once knew it to be a lin, and the legend-writers say that it bore on one of its horns the piece of ribbon, which his mother had attached to the one that appeared to her before his birth. According to the chronicle of Kung-yang, he was profoundly affected. He cried out, ‘ For whom have you come? For whom have you come?’ His tears flowed freely, and he added, ‘ The course of my doctrines is run %,’ Notwithstanding the appearance of the lin, the life of Confucius

was still protracted for two years longer, though he took occasion to terminate with that event his history of the Ch'un Ch'id. This Work, according to Sze-ma Ch'ien, was altogether the production of this year, but we need not suppose that it was so. In it, from the standpoint of Lt, he briefly indicates the principal events occurring throughout the country, every term being expressive, 1t 1s said, of the true character of the actors and events described. Confucius said himself, ‘It is the Spring and Autumn which will make men know me, and it is the Spring and Autumn which will make men condemn me‘. Mencius makes the composition of it to have been an achievement as great as Yt’s regulation of the waters of the deluge :—‘ Confucius completed the Spring and Autumn, and rebellious ministers and villainous sons were struck with terror °,’ Towards the end of this year, word came to Ld that the duke

1 Ana. XI. xvi. > ae PN if BA oe OR. * HK 2G fe Ft A + pu oF. According to Kung-yang, however, the lin was found by some wood-gatherers. * Mencius IIT. Pt. IT. ix. 8. 5 Mencius III. Pt. IT, ix. 11.

86 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. (PROLEGOMENA. of Ch‘t had been murdered by one of his officers. Confucius was moved with indignation. Such an outrage, he felt, called for his solemn interference. He bathed, went to court, and represented the matter to the duke, saying, ‘Ch'in Hing has slain his sovereign, I beg that you will undertake to punish him.’ The duke pleaded his incapacity, urging that L& was weak compared with Chit, but Confucius replied, ‘One half the people of Ch't are not consenting to the deed. If you add to the people of Ld one half the people of Chi, you are sure to overcome.’ But he could not infuse his spirit into the duke, who told him to go and lay the matter before

the chiefs of the three Families. Sorely against his sense of propriety, he did so, but they would not act, and he withdrew with the remark, ‘Following in the rear of the great officers, I did not dare not to represent such a matter?’ In the year B.o, 479, Confucius had to mourn the death of another of his disciples, one of those who had been longest with him,—the well-known T'sze-li. He stands out a sort of Peter in the Confucian school, a man of impulse, prompt to speak and prompt to act. He gets many a check from the master, but there is evidently a strong sympathy between them. Tsze-li uses a freedom with him on which none of the other disciples dares to venture, and there is not one among them all, for whom, if I may speak from my own feeling, the foreign student comes to form such a liking. A pleasant picture is presented to us in one passage of the Analects. It is said, ‘The disciple Min was standing by his side, looking bland and precise; Tsze-l4 (named Y4), looking bold and soldierly; Yen Yd and Tsze-kung, with a free and straightforward manner. The master was pleased, but he observed, “Yd there !—he will not die a natural death %.”’

This prediction was verified. When Confucius returned to Li from Wei, he left T'sze-ld and Tsze-k4o? engaged there in official service. ‘Troubles arose. News came to Li, B.c. 479, that a revolution was in progress in Wei, and when Confucius heard it, he said, ‘Ch'di will come here, but Yd will die*.’ So it turned out. When T'sze-k4o saw that matters were desperate he made his escape, but T’sze-l4 would not forsake the chief who had treated 1 See the EE {ei , re YN ++ pu aE and Analects XIV. xxii. ? Ana. XI. xii. 8 -F Eo , by surname Kaéao (fey), and name Ch‘ai (38). * See the Fr {eB ) C4

AT EF.

CH. V. SECT. 1.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 87 him well. He threw himself into the melée, and was slain. Confucius wept sore for him, but his own death was not far off. It took place on the eleventh day of the fourth month in the same year, B.C. 479°.

Karly one morning, we are told, he got up, and with his hands behind his back, dragging his staff, he moved about by his door, crooning over,— ‘The great mountain must crumble ; The strong beam must break ; And the wise man wither away like a plant.’

After a little, he entered the house and sat down opposite the — door. Tsze-kung had heard his words, and said to himself, ‘If the

great mountain crumble, to what shall I look up? If the strong beam break, and the wise man wither away, on whom shall I lean?

The master, I fear, is going to be ill.’ With this he hastened into the house. Confucius said to him, ‘Ts'ze, what makes you so late ? According to the statutes of Hsid, the corpse was dressed and coffined at the top of the eastern steps, treating the dead as if he were still the host. Under the Yin, the ceremony was performed between the two pillars, as if the dead were both host and guest. The rule of Chau is to perform it at the top of the western steps, treating the dead as if he were a guest. I am a man of Yin, and last night I dreamt that I was sitting with offerings before me between the two pillars. No intelligent monarch arises; there is not one in the kingdom that will make me his master. My time has come to die. So it was. He went to his couch, and after seven days expired ”.

Such is the account which we have of the last hours of the great

philosopher of China. His end was not unimpressive, but it was melancholy. He sank behind a cloud. Disappointed hopes made his soul bitter. The great ones of the kingdom had not received his teachings. No wife nor child was by to do the kindly offices of affection for him. Nor were the expectations of another life present

with him as he passed through the dark valley. He uttered no prayer, and he betrayed no apprehensions. Deep-treasured in his own heart may have been the thought that he had endeavoured to serve his generation by the will of God, but he gave no sign. ‘The mountain falling came to nought, and the rock was removed 1 See the EE 4, i As ++ WK aE, and Chiang Yung’s Life of Confucius, in loc. 2 See the Li Chi, II. Sect. I. ii. 20.

88 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA. out of his place. So death prevailed against him and he passed; his countenance was changed, and he was sent away.’

10. I flatter myself that the preceding paragraphs contain a more correct narrative of the principal incidents in the life of Confucius than has yet been given in any Kuropean language. They might easily have been expanded into a volume, but I did not wish to exhaust the subject, but only to furnish a sketch, which, while it

might satisfy the general reader, would be of special assistance to the careful student of the classical Books. I had taken many notes of the manifest errors in regard to chronology and other matters in the ‘ Narratives of the School, and the chapter of Sze-m4 Ch'ien on the K'ung family, when the digest of Chiang Yung, to which I have

made frequent reference, attracted my attention. Conclusions to which I had come were confirmed, and a clue was furnished to difficulties which I was seeking to disentangle. I take the oppor-

tunity to acknowledge here my obligations to it. With a few notices of Confucius’s habits and manners, I shall conclude this section.

Very little can be gathered from reliable sources on the personal

appearance of the sage. The height of his father is stated, as I have noted, to have been ten feet, and though Confucius came short

: of this by four inches, he was often called ‘the tall man.’ It is allowed that the ancient foot or cubit was shorter than the modern, but it must be reduced more than any scholar I have consulted has

yet done, to bring this statement within the range of credibility. The legends assign to his figure ‘nine-and-forty remarkable peculiarities 1,’ a tenth part of which would have made him more a monster than a man. Dr. Morrison says that the images of him, which he had seen in the northern parts of China, represent him as of a dark, swarthy colour?. It is not so with those common in the south. He was, no doubt, in size and complexion much the same as many of his descendants in the present day. Dr. Edkins and myself enjoyed the services of two of those descendants, who acted as ‘wheelers’ in the wheelbarrows which conveyed us from Ch'i-

fau to a town on the Grand Canal more than 250 miles off. They were strong, capable men, both physically and mentally superior to their companions. WY + Ju Fe. —* Chinese and English Dictionary, char. FL. Sir John Davis also mentions seeing a figure of Confucius, in a temple near the Po-yang lake, of which the complexion was ‘quite black’ (The Chinese, vol. ii. p. 66).

CH. V. SECT. 1.] LIFE OF CONFUCIUS. 89 But if his disciples had nothing to chronicle of his personal appearance, they have gone very minutely into an account of many of his habits. The tenth Book of the Analects is all occupied with

his deportment, his eating, and his dress. In public, whether in the village, the temple, or the court, he was the man of rule and ceremony, but ‘at home he was not formal.’ Yet if not formal, he was particular. In bed even he did not forget himself ;—‘he did not lie like a corpse, and ‘he did not speak.’ ‘He required his

sleeping dress to be half as long again as his body.’ ‘If he happened to be sick, and the prince came to visit him, he had his face set to the east, made his court robes be put over him, and drew his girdle across them,’ He was nice in his diet,—‘ not disliking to have his rice dressed

fine, nor to have his minced meat cut small.’ ‘Anything at all gone he would not touch.’ ‘He must have his meat cut properly, and to every kind its proper sauce; but he was not a great eater.’ ‘It was only in drink that he laid down no limit to himself, but he did not allow himself to be confused by it.’ ‘When the villagers were drinking together, on those who carried staffs going out, he went out immediately after.’ There must always be ginger at the table, and ‘when eating, he did not converse.’ ‘ Although his food might be coarse rice and poor soup, he would offer a little of it in sacrifice, with a grave, respectful air.’ ‘On occasion of a sudden clap of thunder, or a violent wind, he would change countenance. He would do the same, and rise up moreover, when he found himself a guest at a loaded board.” ‘At the sight of a person in mourning, he would also change counten-

ance, and if he happened to be in his carriage, he would bend forward with a respectful salutation.’ ‘His general way in his carriage was not to turn his head round, nor talk hastily, nor point

with his hands.’ He was charitable. ‘When any of his friends died, if there were no relations who could be depended on for the necessary offices, he would say, “I will bury him.”’ The disciples were so careful to record these and other characteristics of their master, it 1s said, because every act, of movement or of rest, was closely associated with the great principles which it was his object to inculcate. The detail of so many small matters, however, hardly impresses a foreigner so favourably. There rather seems to be a want of freedom about the philosopher.

90 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. {[PROLEGOMENA.

SECTION II. HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS.

1. Confucius died, we have seen, complaining that of all the princes of the kingdom there was not one who would adopt his Homage ren- principles and obey his lessons. He had hardly soe by the wove passed from the stage of life, when his merit began reigns of China. t¢ 9 be acknowledged. When the duke Ai heard of his death, he pronounced his eulogy in the words, ‘ Heaven has not

left to me the aged man. There is none now to assist me on the throne. Woe is me! Alas! O venerable Ni?!’ Tsze-kung complained of the inconsistency of this lamentation from one who could not use the master when he was alive, but the prince was probably sincere in his grief. He caused a temple to be erected, and ordered that sacrifice should be offered to the sage, at the four seasons of the year *.

The sovereigns of the tottering dynasty of Chiu had not the intelligence, nor were they in a position, to do honour to the departed philosopher, but the facts detailed in the first chapter of these prolegomena, in connexion with the attempt of the founder of the Ch'in dynasty to destroy the literary monuments of antiquity,

show how the authority of Confucius had come by that time to prevail through the nation. The founder of the Han dynasty, in passing through Ld, B.c. 195, visited his tomb and offered the three victims in sacrifice to him. Other sovereigns since then have often

made pilgrimages to the spot. The most famous temple in the empire now rises near the place of the grave. The second and greatest of the rulers of the present dynasty, in the twenty-third year of his reign, the K'ang-hsi period, there set the example of kneeling thrice, and each time laying his forehead thrice in the dust, before the image of the sage.

In the year of our Lord 1, began the practice of conferring honorary designations on Confucius by imperial authority. The emperor Ping® then styled him—‘ The duke Ni, all-complete and ? Li Chi, II. Sect. I. iii. 43. This eulogy is found at greater length in the x {ii , immediately after the notice of the sage’s death. 2 See the ay je niu HL fal B, As —, art. on Confucius. I am indebted to this for most of the notices in this para-

graph. 3 af. ih. ,

CH. V. SECT. II.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 91 illustrious!’ This was changed, in a.D. 492, to—‘ The venerable Ni, the accomplished Sage*’ Other titles have supplanted this. Shun-chih’, the first of the Man-ch4u dynasty, adopted, in his second year, A.D. 1645, the style,—‘ K‘ung, the ancient Teacher, accomplished and illustrious, all-complete, the perfect Sage‘ ;’ but twelve years later, a shorter title was introduced,—‘ K'ung, the ancient Teacher, the perfect Sage®’ Since that year no further

alteration has been made.

At first, the worship of Confucius was confined to the country of Ld, but in a.pD. 57 it was enacted that sacrifices should be offered

to him in the imperial college, and in all the colleges of the principal territorial divisions throughout the empire. In those sacrifices he was for some centuries associated with the duke of Chau, the legislator to whom Confucius made frequent reference, but in a.D. 609 separate temples were assigned to them, and in 628 our sage displaced the older worthy altogether. About the same time began the custom, which continues to the present day, of erecting temples to him,—separate structures, in connexion with all the colleges, or examination-halls, of the country.

The sage is not alone in those temples. In a hall behind the principal one occupied by himself are the tablets—in some cases, the images—of several of his ancestors, and other worthies; while associated with himself are his principal disciples, and many who in subsequent times have signalized themselves as expounders and

exemplifiers of his doctrines. On the first day of every month, offerings of fruits and vegetables are set forth, and on the fifteenth

there is a solemn burning of incense. But twice a year, in the middle months of spring and autumn, when the first ting day ® of the month comes round, the worship of Confucius is performed with peculiar solemnity. At the imperial college the emperor himself is required to attend in state, and is in fact the principal performer. After all the preliminary arrangements have been made, and the emperor has twice knelt and six times bowed his head to the earth, the presence of Confucius’s spirit is invoked in the words, ‘ Great

art thou, O perfect sage! Thy virtue is full; thy doctrine is complete. Among mortal men there has not been thine equal. All kings honour thee. Thy statutes and laws have come gloriously

RBA (RB RR OW (KR BENE Ae LP. BAMA “ETH.

92 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. — [PROLEGOMENA.

_ down. Thou art the pattern in this imperial school. Reverently have the sacrificial vessels been set out. Full of awe, we sound our drums and bells 1,’

The spirit is supposed now to be present, and the service proceeds through various offerings, when the first of which has been set forth, an officer reads the following *, which is the prayer

on the occasion:—‘On this ... month of this ... year, I, A.B, the emperor, offer a sacrifice to the philosopher K'ung, the ancient Teacher, the perfect Sage, and say,—O Teacher, in virtue equal to Heaven and Harth, whose doctrines embrace the past time and the

present, thou didst digest and transmit the six classics, and didst hand down lessons for all generations! Now in this second month of spring (or autumn), in reverent observance of the old statutes, with victims, silks, spirits, and fruits, I carefully offer sacrifice to thee. With thee are associated the philosopher Yen, Continuator of thee; the philosopher Tsang, Exhibiter of thy fundamental

principles; the philosopher Tsze-sze, Transmitter of thee; and the philosopher Mang, Second to thee. May’st thou enjoy the offerings!’

I need not go on to enlarge on the homage which the emperors of China render to Confucius. It could not be more complete. He was unreasonably neglected when alive. He is now unreasonably venerated when dead. 2. The rulers of China are not singular in this matter, but in entire sympathy with the mass of their people. It is the distinction of this empire that education has been highly prized ciation of Con- in it from the earliest times. It was so before the _ Metas. era of Confucius, and we may be sure that the system met with his approbation. One of his remarkable sayings was,— ‘To lead an uninstructed people to war is to throw them away 3.’ When he pronounced this judgment, he was not thinking of military training, but of education in the duties of life and citizenship. A people so taught, he thought, would be morally fitted to fight for their government. Mencius, when lecturing to the ruler of T'ang on the proper way of governing a kingdom, told him that he must provide the means of education for all, the poor as well as the rich. ‘Establish,’ said he, ‘hsiang, hsii, hsio, and hsido,—all those educational institutions,—for the instruction of the people 4.’

General appre-_, . . ;

1? Soothe Ft fae 37H tl Zee. Ana. XIIL xxx.‘ Mencius III. Pt. I. iii. ro.

CH, Y. SECT. 11.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 93 At the present day, education is widely diffused throughout China. In few other countries is the schoolmaster more abroad, _ and in all schools it is Confucius who is taught. The plan of competitive examinations, and the selection for civil offices only from those who have been successful candidates,—good so far as

the competition is concerned, but injurious from the restricted range of subjects with which an acquaintance is required,—have obtained for more than twelve centuries. The classical works are

the text books. It is from them almost exclusively that the themes proposed to determine the knowledge and ability of the students are chosen. The whole of the magistracy of China is thus versed in all that is recorded of the sage, and in the ancient literature which he preserved. His thoughts are familiar to every man in authority, and his character is more or less reproduced in him.

The official civilians of China, numerous as they are, are but a—

fraction of its students, and the students, or those who make literature a profession, are again but a fraction of those who attend

school for a shorter or longer period. Yet so far as the studies have gone, they have been occupied with the Confucian writings.

In the schoolrooms there is a tablet or inscription on the wall, sacred to the sage, and every pupil is required, on coming to school

on the morning of the first and fifteenth of every month, to bow

before it, the first thing, as an act of reverence!, Thus all in China who receive the slightest tincture of learning do so at the fountain of Confucius. They learn of him and do homage to him at once. I have repeatedly quoted the statement that during his life-time he had three thousand disciples. Hundreds of millions are his disciples now. It is hardly necessary to make any allowance in this statement for the followers of TAoism and Buddhism, for, as Sir John Davis has observed, ‘ whatever the other opinions or faith

of a Chinese may be, he takes good care to treat Confucius with respect *,) For two thousand years he has reigned supreme, the undisputed teacher of this most populous land. 3. This position and influence of Confucius are to be ascribed, I conceive, chiefly to two causes :—his being the preserver, namely of 1 During the present dynasty, the tablet of BL =] Fi pay , the god of literature, has to a considerable extent displaced that of Confucius in schools. Yet the worship of him does not clash with that of the other. He is ‘the father’ of composition only. 4 The Chinese, vol, ii. p. 45.

94 CONFUCIUS ANDHIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA. the monuments of antiquity, and the exemplifier and expounder of The causes of the maxims of the golden age of China; and the devohis influence. tion to him of his immediate disciples and their early

followers. The national and the personal are thus blended in him, each in its highest degree of excellence. He was a Chinese of the Chinese ; he is also represented as, and all now believe him to have been, the beau ideal of humanity in its best and noblest estate. 4. It may be well to bring forward here Confucius’s own estimate

of himself and of his doctrines. It will serve to illustrate the

His own esti- Statements just made, The following are some of

mate chit ne his sayings:—‘The sage and the man of perfect

trines. virtue ;—how dare I rank myself with them? It may simply be said of me, that I strive to become such without

satiety, and teach others without weariness. ‘In letters I am perhaps equal to other men; but the character of the superior man, carrying out in his conduct what he professes, is what I have

not yet attained to. ‘The leaving virtue without proper cultivation; the not thoroughly discussing what is learned; not being able to move towards righteousness of which a knowledge is gained;

and not being able to change what is not good ;—these are the things which occasion me solicitude.’ ‘I am not one who was born in the possession of knowledge ; I am one who is fond of antiquity

and earnest in seeking it there.’ ‘A transmitter and not a maker, believing in and loving the ancients, I venture to compare myself with our old P'éng 1’

Confucius cannot be thought to speak of himself in these declarations more highly than he ought to do. Rather we may recognise in them the expressions of a genuine humility. He was conscious that personally he came short in many things, but he toiled after the character, which he saw, or fancied that he saw, in the ancient sages whom he acknowledged ; and the lessons of government and morals which he laboured to diffuse were those

which had already been inculcated and exhibited by them. Emphatically he was ‘a transmitter and not a maker.’ It is not to be understood that he was not fully satisfied of the truth of the

principles which he had learned. He held them with the full approval and consent of his own understanding. He believed that if they were acted on, they would remedy the evils of his time. ' All these passages are taken from the seventh Book of ttig~Atialectsz. See chapters raxilil, XXxii, iii, xix, and i.

CH. V. SECT. 11.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 95 There was nothing to prevent rulers like Y4o and Shun and the great Yii from again arising, and a condition of happy tranquillity being realised throughout the kingdom under their sway. If in anything he thought himself ‘superior and alone,’ having

attributes which others could not claim, it was in his possessing a divine commission as the conservator of ancient truth and rules. He does not speak very definitely on this point. It is noted that ‘the appointments of Heaven was one of the subjects on which he rarely touched?.’ His most remarkable utterance was that which I have already given in the sketch of his Life :—‘When he was put in fear in K'wang, he said, “After the death of king Wan, was not the cause of truth lodged here in me? If Heaven had wished to Jet this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal, should not have got such a relation to that cause. While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people of K'wang do to me??”’’ Confucius, then, did feel that he was in the world for a special purpose. But it was not to announce any new truths, or to initiate any new economy. It was to prevent what had previously been known from being lost. He followed in the wake of Y4o and Shun, of T'ang, and king Wan. Distant from the last by a long interval of time, he would have said that he was distant from him also by a great inferiority of character, but still he had learned the principles on which they all happily governed the country, and in their name he would lift up a standard against the prevailing lawlessness of his age.

5. The language employed with reference to Confucius by his disciples and their early followers presents a striking contrast with Estimate of hisown. I have already, in writing of the scope and ciples “and their value of ‘The Doctrine of the Mean,’ called attention early followers. to the extravagant eulogies of his grandson Tsze-sze.

He only followed the example which had been set by those among whom the philosopher went in and out. We have the language of Yen Yiian, his favourite, which is comparatively moderate, and’

simply expresses the genuine admiration of a devoted pupil ®. Tsze-kung on several occasions spoke in a different style. Having heard that one of the chiefs of Ld had said that he himself— Tsze-kung—was superior to Confucius, he observed, ‘Let me use the comparison of a house and its encompassing wall. My wall * Ana, IX. i. 7 Ana. IX. iii. 5 Ana. IX. x.

96 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA.

only reaches to the shoulders. One may peep over it, and see whatever is valuable in the apartments. The wall of my master is several fathoms high. If one do not find the door and enter by it, he cannot see the rich ancestral temple with its beauties, nor all the officers in their rich array. But I may assume that they are few who find the door. The remark of the chief was only what might have been expected 1.’

Another time, the same individual having spoken revilingly of Confucius, Tsze-kung said, ‘It is of no use doing so. Chung-ni cannot be reviled. The talents and virtue of other men are hillocks and mounds which may be stepped over. Chung-ni is the sun or moon, which it is not possible to step over. Although a man may wish to cut himself off from the sage, what harm can he do to the

sun and moon? He only shows that he does not know his own capacity.’ In conversation with a fellow-disciple, Tsze-kung took a still higher flight. Being charged by T'sze-ch'in with being too modest, for that Confucius was not really superior to him, he replied, ‘ For one word a man is often deemed to be wise, and for one word he is

often deemed to be foolish, We ought to be careful indeed in what we say. Our master cannot be attained to, just in the same way as the heavens cannot be gone up to by the steps of a stair. Were our master in the position of the prince of a State, or the chief of a Family, we should find verified the description which has been given of a sage’s rule :—He would plant the people, and forthwith they would be established ; he would lead them on, and forthwith they would follow him ; he would make them happy, and forthwith

multitudes would resort to his dominions; he would stimulate them, and forthwith they would be harmonious. While he lived,

he would be glorious. When he died, he would be bitterly lamented. How is it possible for him to be attained to ??’ From these representations of Tsze-kung, it was not a difficult

step for Tsze-sze to take in exalting Confucius not only to the level of the ancient sages, but as ‘the equal of Heaven.’ And Mencius took up the theme. Being questioned by Kung-sun Ch'4u, one of his disciples, about two acknowledged sages, Po-i and I Yin, whether they were to be placed in the same rank with Confucius, he replied, ‘No. Since there were living men until now, there never

was another Confucius ;’ and then he proceeded to fortify his ‘ Ana. XIX. xxiii. ? Ana. XIX. xxiv. 8 Ana. XIX, xxv.

CH. V. SECT. 11.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 97 opinion by the concurring testimony of Ts4i Wo, Tsze-kung, and Ya Zo, who all had wisdom, he thought, sufficient to know their master. ‘'sdi Wo’s opinion was, ‘According to my view of our master, he is far superior to Yao and Shun.’ Tsze-kung said, ‘ By

viewing the ceremonial ordinances of a prince, we know the character of his government. By hearing his music, we know the character of his virtue. From the distance of a hundred ages after, I can arrange, according to their merits, the kings of those hundred ages ;—not one of them can escape me. From the birth of mankind

till now, there has never been another like our master. Yt Zo said, ‘Is it only among men that it is so? There is the ch'i-lin among quadrupeds; the fung-hwang among birds; the Tai mountain among mounds and ant-hills ; and rivers and seas among rainpools. Though different in degree, they are the same in kind. So the sages among mankind are also the same in kind. But they stand out from their felluws, and rise above the level; and from the birth of mankind till now, there never has been one so complete

as Confucius!.’ I will not indulge in farther illustration. The judgment of the sage’s disciples, of ‘T'sze-sze, and of Mencius, has been unchallenged by the mass of the scholars of China, Doubtless

it pleases them to bow down at the shrine of the Sage, for their profession of literature is thereby glorified. A reflection of the honour done to him falls upon themselves. And the powers that be, and the multitudes of the people, fall in with the judgment. Confucius is thus, in the empire of China, the one man by whom all possible personal excellence was exemplified, and by whom all possible lessons of social virtue and political wisdom are taught.

6. The reader will be prepared by the preceding account not to expect to find any light thrown by Confucius on the great prob-

Subjects on lems of the human condition and destiny. He did Wi not nee not speculate on the creation of things or the end of

to the charge of . . . .

religious wnsph them. He was not troubled to account for the origin ritual, and open of man, nor did he seek to know about his hereafter.

insincerity. He meddled neither with physics nor metaphysics’. The testimony of the Analects about the subjects of his teaching is the following :—‘ His frequent themes of discourse were the Book + Mencius, IT. Pt. I. ii. 23-28. 2 ‘The contents of the Yi-ching, and Confucius’s labours upon it, may be objected in oppo-

sition to this statement, and I must be understood to make it with some reservation. Six years ago, I spent all my leisure time for twelve months in the study of that Work, and wrote

out a translation of it, but at the close I was only groping my way in darkness to lay hold of

98 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA. of Poetry, the Book of History, and the maintenance of the rules of

Propriety. ‘He taught letters, ethics, devotion of soul, and truthfulness.’ ‘Extraordinary things; feats of strength; states of disorder ; and spiritual beings, he did not like to talk about}. Confucius is not to be blamed for his silence on the subjects here

indicated. His ignorance of them was to a great extent his misfortune. He had not learned them. No report of them had come to him by the ear; no vision of them by the eye. And to his practical mind the toiling of thought amid uncertainties seemed

worse than useless. |

The question has, indeed, been raised, whether he did not make changes in the ancient creed of China?, but I cannot believe that he did so consciously and designedly. Had his idiosyncrasy been different, we might have had expositions of the ancient views on some points, the effect of which would have been more beneficial than the indefiniteness in which they are now left, and it may be doubted

so far, whether Confucius was not, unfaithful to his guides. But that he suppressed or added, in order to bring in articles of belief originating with himself, is a thing not to be charged against him. I will mention two important subjects in regard to which there is a conviction in my mind that he came short of the faith of the

older sages. The first is the doctrine of God. This name is common in the Shih-ching and Shi-ching. Tt or Shang-Ti appears there as a personal being, ruling in heaven and on earth, the author of man’s moral nature, the governor among the nations, by whom kings reign and princes decree justice, the rewarder of the good,

and the punisher of the bad. Confucius preferred to speak of Heaven. Instances have already been given of this. Two others may be cited :—‘ He who offends against Heaven has none to whom

he can pray*?’ ‘Alas!’ said he, ‘there is no one that knows me.’ Tsze-kung said, ‘What do you mean by thus saying that no one knows you?’ He replied, ‘I do not murmur against Heaven. I do its scope and meaning, and up to this time I have not been able to master it so as to speak positively about it. It will come in due time, in its place, in the present Publication, and I do not think that what I here say of Confucius will require much, if any, modification.’ So I wrote in 1861 ; and I at last accomplished a translation of the Yi, which was published in 1882, as the sixteenth volume of ‘The Sacred Books of the East.’ I should like to bring out a revision of that version, with the Chinese text, so as to make it uniform with the volumes of the Classics previously published. But as Yang Ho said to Confucius, ‘The years do not wait

or 1 Ana. VII. xvii; xxiv; xx. 2 See Hardwick’s ‘Christ and other Masters,’ Part iil. pp. 18, 19, with his reference in a note to a passage from Meadows’s ‘The Chinese and their

Rebellions.’ 3 Ana. ITT. xiii.

CH. V. SECT. 11.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS, 99 not grumble against men. My studies lie low, and my penetration rises high. But there is Heaven ;—ruat knows me?!’ Not once throughout the Analects does he use the personal name. I would

say that he was unreligious rather than irreligious; yet by the coldness of his temperament and intellect in this matter, his influence is unfavourable to the development of ardent religious feeling among the Chinese people generally; and he prepared the way for the speculations of the literati of medisval and modern times, which have exposed them to the charge of atheism. Secondly, Along with the worship of God there existed in China, from the earliest historical times, the worship of other spiritual beings,—especially, and to every individual, the worship of departed ancestors. Confucius recognised this as an institution to be devoutly observed. ‘He sacrificed to the dead as if they were present ; he

sacrificed to the spirits as if the spirits were present. He said, “TY consider my not being present at the sacrifice as if I did not sacrifice?.”’ The custom must have originated from a belief in the

continued existence of the dead. We cannot suppose that they who instituted it thought that with the cessation of this life on earth there was a cessation also of all conscious being. But Confucius

never spoke explicitly on this subject. He tried to evade it. ‘Chi Li asked about serving the spirits of the dead, and the master said, “ While you are not able to serve men, how can you serve their

spirits?” The disciple added, ‘‘I venture to ask about death,” and he was answered, “While you do not know life, how can you know about death*®.”’ Still more striking is a conversation with another disciple, recorded in the ‘Narratives of the School.’ Tsze-kung asked him, saying, ‘Do the dead have knowledge (of our services, that is), or are they without knowledge?’ The master replied, ‘If I were to say that the dead have such knowledge, I am afraid that filial sons and dutiful grandsons would injure their substance in paying the last offices to the departed ; and if I were to say that the dead have not such knowledge, I am afraid lest unfilial sons should leave their parents unburied. You need not wish, T's‘ze, to

know whether the dead have knowledge or not. There is no present urgency about the point. Hereafter you will know it for yourself‘, Surely this was not the teaching proper to a sage. 1 Ana, XIV. xxxvii. 2 Ana, III. xii. 3 Ana, XI. xi. 4 BR ate 7 ~~ ) art. BY KA, towards the end.

| 100 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA. He said on one occasion that he had no concealments from his

disciples. Why did he not candidly tell his real thoughts on so interesting a subject? I incline to think that he doubted more than he believed. If the case were not so, it would be difficult to account for the answer which he returned to a question as to what constituted wisdom :—‘ To give one’s self earnestly,’ said he, ‘to the duties due to men, and, while respecting spiritual beings, to

keep aloof from them, may be called wisdom*’ At any rate, as by his frequent references to Heaven, instead of following the phraseology of the older sages, he gave occasion to many of his protessed followers to identify God with a principle of reason and the course of nature; so, in the puint now in hand, he has led them to deny, like the Sadducees of old, the existence of any spirit at all, and to tell us that their sacrifices to the dead are but an outward form, the mode of expression which the principle of filial piety requires them to adopt when its objects have departed this life. It will not be supposed that I wish to advocate or to defend the practice of sacrificing to the dead. My object has been to point out how Confucius recognised it, without acknowledging the faith from _ which it must have originated, and how he enforced it as a matter of form or ceremony. It thus connects itself with the most serious charge that can be brought against him,—the charge of insincerity. Among the four things which it is said he taught, ‘ truthfulness ’ 1s specified’, and many sayings might be quoted from him, in which ‘sincerity’ is celebrated as highly and demanded as stringently as

ever it has been by any Christian moralist; yet he was not altogether the truthful and true man to whom we accord our highest approbation. There was the case of Mang Chih-fan, who

boldly brought up the rear of the defeated troops of Lf, and attributed his occupying the place of honour to the backwardness of his horse. The action was gallant, but the apology for it was weak and unnecessary. And yet Confucius saw nothing in the whole but

matter for praise‘. He could excuse himself from seeing an unwelcome visitor on the ground that he was sick, when there was nothing the matter with him®. These were small matters, but what shall we say to the incident which I have given in the sketch of his Life, p. 79,—his deliberately breaking the oath which he had

sworn, simply on the ground that it had been forced from him? + Ana. VII. xxiii. 7 Ana, VI. xx. 3 See above, near the beginning of this

paragraph, * Ana. VI. xiii. 5 Ana, XVII. xx.

CH, V. SECT. 11.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 101 I should be glad if I could find evidence on which to deny the truth

of that occurrence. But it rests on the same authority as most other statements about him, and it is accepted as a fact by the people and scholars of China. It must have had, and it must still have, a very injurious influence upon them. Foreigners charge a habit of deceitfulness upon the nation and its government ;—on the justice or injustice of this charge I say nothing. For every word of falsehood and every act of insincerity, the guilty party must bear his own burden, but we cannot but regret the example of Confucius in this particular. It is with the Chinese and their sage, as 1t was with the Jews of old and their teachers. He that leads them has —

caused them to err, and destroyed the way of their paths. | But was not insincerity a natural result of the un-religion of Confucius? There are certain virtues which demand a true piety in order to their flourishing in the heart of man. Natural affection, the feeling of loyalty, and enlightened policy, may do much to build up and preserve a family and a state, but it requires more to maintain the love of truth, and make a lie, spoken or acted, to be shrunk from with shame. It requires in fact the living recognition

of a God of truth, and all the sanctions of revealed religion. Unfortunately the Chinese have not had these, and the example of

him to whom they bow down as the best and wisest of men, does not set them against dissimulation. 7. I go on to a brief discussion of Confucius’s views on govern-

ment, or what we may call his principles of political science. It His views on Could not be in his long intercourse with his disciples

government. but that he should enunciate many maxims bearing

on character and morals generally, but he never rested in the improvement of the individual. ‘The kingdom, the world, brought to a state of happy tranquillity?,’ was the grand object which he

delighted to think of; that it might be brought about as easily as ‘one can look upon the palm of his hand, was the dream which it pleased him to indulge®, He held that there was in men an adaptation and readiness to be governed, which only needed to be

taken advantage of in the proper way. There must be the right administrators, but given those, and ‘the growth of government would be rapid, just as vegetation is rapid in the earth; yea, their

1 [saiah iii. rea. 3 IK ?p oe See the k ea, AK, pars. 4, 5; &c. , 3 Ana. III. xi; ef al.

102 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA. government would display itself like an easily-growing rush.’ The - same sentiment was common from the lips of Mencius. Enforcing

it one day, when conversing with one of the petty rulers of his time, he said in his peculiar style, ‘Does your Majesty understand the way of the growing grain? During the seventh and eighth months, when drought prevails, the plants become dry. Then the clouds collect densely in the heavens; they send down torrents of rain, and the grain erects itself as if by a shoot. When it does so,

who can keep it back??’ Such, he contended, would be the response of the mass of the people to any true ‘shepherd of men.’ It may be deemed unnecessary that I should specify this point, for

it is a truth applicable to the people of all nations. Speaking generally, government is by no device or cunning craftiness ; human nature demands it. But in no other family of mankind is the characteristic so largely developed as in the Chinese. The love of order and quiet, and a willingness to submit to ‘the powers that be,’ eminently distinguish them. Foreign writers have often taken notice of this, and have attributed it to the influence of Confucius’s doctrines as inculcating subordination ; but it existed previous to

his time. The character of the people moulded his system, more than it was moulded by it. This readiness to be governed arose, according to Confucius, from

‘the duties of universal obligation, or those between sovereign and minister, between father and son, between husband and wife, be-

tween elder brother and younger, and those belonging to the intercourse of friends’. Men as they are born into the world, and grow up in it, find themselves existing in those relations. They are the appointment of Heaven. And each relation has its reciprocal obligations, the recognition of which is proper to the Heaven-conferred nature. It only needs that the sacredness of the relations be “maintained, and the duties belonging to them faithfully discharged, and the ‘happy tranquillity’ will prevail all under heaven. As to the institutions of government, the laws and arrangements by which, as through a thousand channels, it should go forth to carry plenty and prosperity through the length and breadth of the country,

it did not belong to Confucius, ‘the throneless king,’ to set them forth minutely. And indeed they were existing in the records of ‘the ancient sovereigns. Nothing new was needed, It was only

i A is, Xx. 3. 3 Mencius, I. Pt. I. vi. 6. 5 A lp , xx. 8.

CH. V. SECT. I1.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 103 requisite to pursue the old paths, and raise up the old standards. ‘The government of Win and Wd,’ he said, ‘is displayed in the records,—the tablets of wood and bamboo, Let there be the men, and the government will flourish ; but without the men, the government decays and ceases'.’ To the same effect was the reply which he gave to Yen Hai when asked by him how the government of a State should be administered. It seems very wide of the mark, until we read it in the light of the sage’s veneration for ancient ordinances, and his opinion of their sufficiency. ‘Follow,’ he said, ‘the seasons of Hsid. Ride in the state-carriages of Yin. Wear the ceremonial cap of Chau. Let the music be the Sh4o with its pantomimes. Banish the songs of Chang, and keep far from specious talkers 2.’

-Confucius’s idea then of a happy, well-governed State did not go

beyond the flourishing of the five relations of society which have been mentioned; and we have not any condensed exhibition from him of their nature, or of the duties belonging to the several parties in them. Of the two first he spoke frequently, but all that he has said on the others would go into small compass. Mencius has said that ‘between father and son there should be affection; between sovereign and minister righteousness; between husband and wite attention to their separate functions; between old and young, a proper order ; and between friends, fidelity*.’ Confucius, I apprehend, would hardly have accepted this account. It does not bring out sufficiently the authority which he claimed for the father and the sovereign, and the obedience which he exacted from the child and the minister. With regard to the relation of husband and wife,

he was in no respect superior to the preceding sages who had enunciated their views of ‘ propriety’ on the subject. We have a somewhat detailed exposition of his opinions in the ‘ Narratives of the School.’—‘ Man,’ said he, ‘is the representative of Heaven, and is supreme over all things. Woman yields obedience to the instruc-

tions of man, and helps to carry out his principles*. On this account she can determine nothing of herself, and is subject to the

rule of the three obediences. When young, she must obey her father and elder brother ; when married, she must obey her husband ;

1 ro jg , XX a. 2 Ana. XV. x. 3 Mencius, ITI. Pt. I. iv. 8. * B -F-

SERB ME Sw Ath KF AIA FT Cig. iii 4 HC HH 3 th.

104 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA.

when her husband is dead, she must obey her son. She may not think of marrying a second time. No instructions or orders must issue from the harem. Woman's business is simply the preparation and supplying of drink and food. Beyond the threshold of her apartments she should not be known for evil or for good. She may not cross the boundaries of the State to attend a funeral. She may take no step on her own motion, and may come to no conclusion on her own deliberation. There are five women who are not to be taken in marriage :—the daughter of a rebellious house ; the daughter of a disorderly house; the daughter of a house which has produced criminals for more than one generation ; the daughter of a leprous house; and the daughter who has lost her father and elder brother. A wife may be divorced for seven reasons, which, however, may be overruled by three considerations. The grounds for divorce are disobedience to her husband’s parents; not giving birth to ason; dissolute conduct ; jealousy—(of her husband's attentions, that is, to the other inmates of his harem) ; talkativeness; and

thieving. The three considerations which may overrule these grounds are—first, if, while she was taken from a home, she has now

no home to return to; second, if she have passed with her husband

through the three years’ mourning for his parents; third, if the husband have become rich from being poor. All these regulations were adopted by the sages in harmony with the natures of man and woman, and to give importance to the ordinance of marriage'.’ With these ideas of the relations of society, Confucius dwelt much on the necessity of personal correctness of character on the part of those in authority, in order to secure the right fulfilment of the duties implied in them. This is one grand peculiarity of his

teaching. I have adverted to it in the review of ‘The Great Learning, but it deserves some further exhibition, and there are three conversations with the chief Chi K‘ang in which it is very expressly set forth, ‘Chi K‘ang asked about government, and Confucius replied, “To govern means to rectify. If you lead on the people with correctness, who will dare not to be correct ?”’’ ‘Chi K'ang, distressed about the number of thieves in the State, inquired of Confucius about how to do away with them. Confucius said, “If

you, sir, were not covetous, though you should reward them to do it, they would not steal.”’ ‘Chi K‘ang asked about government,

‘Ran EF =, AS oy HH.

CH. V. SECT. I] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 105 saying, ‘ What do you say to killing the unprincipled for the good

of the principled?” Confucius replied, “Sir, in carrying on your government, why should you use killing at all? Let your evinced desires be for what is good, and the people will be good. The relation between superiors and inferiors is like that between the wind and the grass. The grass must bend, when the wind blows across it}.”’

Example is not so powerful as Confucius in these and many other passages represented it, but its influence is very great. Its virtue is recognised in the family, and it is demanded in the church

of Christ. ‘A bishop’—and I quote the term with the simple meaning of overseer—‘ must be blameless.’ It seems to me, how-

ever, that in the progress of society in the West we have come to think less of the power of example in many departments of

state than we ought to do. It is thought of too little in the army and the navy. We laugh at the ‘self-denying ordinance,’ and the ‘new model’ of 1644, but there lay beneath them the principle which Confucius so broadly propounded,—the importance

of personal virtue in all who are in authority. Now that Great Britain is the governing power over the masses of India, and that we are coming more and more into contact with tens of thousands of the Chinese, this maxim of our sage is deserving of serious consideration from all who bear rule, and especially from those on whom

devolves the conduct of affairs. His words on the susceptibility of the people to be acted on by those above them ought not to prove as water spilt on the ground. But to return to Confucius.—As he thus lays it down that the mainspring of the well-being of society is the personal character of the ruler, we look anxiously for what directions he has given for the cultivation of that. But here he is very defective. ‘Self-adjustment and purification,’ he said, ‘with careful regulation of his dress, and the not making a movement contrary to the rules of propriety ; —this is the way for the ruler to cultivate his person’.’ This is laying too much stress on what is external; but even to attain to this is beyond unassisted human strength. Confucius, however, never recognised a disturbance of the moral elements in the constitu- _

tion of man. The people would move, according to him, to the virtue of their ruler as the grass bends to the wind, and that virtue

1 Ana, XII. xvii; xviii; xix. a FA p> XX. 14.

106 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. (PROLEGOMENA. would come to the ruler at his call. Many were the lamentations

which he uttered over the degeneracy of his times; frequent were the confessions which he made of his own shortcomings. It seems strange that it never came distinctly before him, that there

is a power of evil in the prince and the peasant, which no efforts of their own and no instructions of sages are effectual to subdue. The government which Confucius taught was a despotism, but of a modified character. He allowed no ‘jus divinum,’ independent of personal virtue and a benevolent rule. He has not explicitly stated, indeed, wherein lies the ground of the great relation of the governor and the governed, but his views on the subject were, we may assume, in accordance with the language of the Shi-ching :—‘ Heaven and

Earth are the parents of all things, and of all things men are the most intelligent. The man among them most distinguished for intelligence becomes chief ruler, and ought to prove himself the parent of the people’.’ And again, ‘ Heaven, protecting the inferior people, has constituted for them rulers and teachers, who should be able to be assisting to God, extending favour and producing tran-

quillity throughout all parts of the kingdom?” The moment the

ruler ceases to be a minister of God for good, and does not administer a government that 1s beneficial to the people, he forfeits

the title by which he holds the throne, and perseverance in oppression will surely lead to his overthrow. Mencius inculcated this principle with a frequency and boldness which are remarkable. It was one of the things about which Confucius did not like to talk. Still he held it. It is conspicuous in the last chapter of ‘The Great Learning. Its tendency has been to check the violence of oppression, and maintain the self-respect of the people, all along the course of Chinese history. I must bring these observations on Confucius’s views of govern-

ment to a close, and I do so with two remarks, First, they are adapted to a primitive, unsophisticated state of society. He is a good counsellor for the father of a family, the chief of a clan, and

even the head of a small principality. But his views want the comprehension which would make them of much service in a great dominion. Within three centuries after his death, the government of China passed into a new phase. The founder of the Ch'in dynasty conceived the grand idea of abolishing all its feudal kingdoms, and centralizing their administration in himself. He eftected the revo1 2 See the Shi-ching, V. i. Sect. I. 2, 7.

OH. V. SECT. I1.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 107 lution, and succeeding dynasties adopted his system, and gradually moulded it into the forms and proportions which are now existing. There has been a tendency to advance, and Confucius has all along been trying to carry the nation back. Principles have been needed, and not ‘proprieties.’ The consequence is that China has increased beyond its ancient dimensions, while there has been no corresponding

development of thought. Its body politic has the size of a giant, while it still retains the mind of a child. Its hoary age is in danger of becoming but senility. Second, Confucius makes no provision for the intercourse of his

country with other and independent nations. He knew indeed of

none such. China was to him ‘The Middle Kingdom!, ‘The multitude of Great States?,’ ‘All under heaven®.’ Beyond it were only rude and barbarous tribes. He does not speak of them bitterly, as many Chinese have done since his time. In one place he contrasts their condition favourably with the prevailing anarchy of the kingdom, saying ‘ The rude tribes of the east and north have their princes,

and are not like the States of our great land which are without them‘*.’ Another time, disgusted with the want of appreciation which he experienced, he was expressing his intention to go and live

among the nine wild tribes of the east. Some one said, ‘They are

rude. How can you do such a thing?’ His reply was, ‘If a superior man dwelt among them, what rudeness would there be?’ But had he been a ruler-sage, he would not only have influenced them by his instructions, but brought them to acknowledge and submit to his sway, as the great Yii did®. The only passage of Confucius’s teachings from which any rule can be gathered for dealing

with foreigners, is that in the ‘Doctrine of the Mean,’ where ‘indulgent treatment of men from a distance’ is laid down as one of

the nine standard rules for the government of the country’. But

‘the men from a distance’ are understood to be pin and li? simply,—‘ guests, that is, or officers of one State seeking employment in another, or at the royal court; and ‘visitors,’ or travelling merchants. Of independent nations the ancient classics have not

any knowledge, nor has Confucius. So long as merchants from Europe and other parts of the world could have been content to appear in China as suppliants, seeking the privilege of trade, so

1 Hy (ax. 2 5 B: Ana, III, v. 3 K [ passim. * Ana, III. v. 5 Ana, IX. xiii. 6 ae AK III. ii. 10; ef al. "ae 3 A. 8 a Hi.

108 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES, [PROLEGOMENA, long the government would have ranked them with the barbarous hordes of antiquity, and given them the benefit of the maxim about ‘indulgent treatment,’ according to its own understanding of it. But when their governments interfered, and claimed to treat with that of China on terms of equality, and that their subjects should

' be spoken to and of as being of the same clay with the Chinese themselves, an outrage was committed on tradition and prejudice, which it was necessary to resent with vehemence.

I do not charge the contemptuous arrogance of the Chinese government and people upon Confucius; what I deplore, is that he

left no principles on record to check the development of such a spirit. His simple views of society and government were in a measure sufficient for the people while they dwelt apart from the rest of mankind. His practical lessons were better than if they had been left, which but for him they probably would have been, to fall a prey to the influences of Taoism and Buddhism, but they could only subsist while they were left alone. Of the earth earthy, China

was sure to go to pieces when it came into collision with a Christianly-civilized power. Its sage had left it no preservative or restorative elements against such a case. It is a rude awakening from its complacency of centuries which China has now received. Its ancient landmarks are swept away. _ Opinions will differ as to the justice or injustice of the grounds on which it has been assailed, and I do not feel called to judge or to

pronounce here concerning them. In the progress of events, it could hardly be but that the collision should come ; and when it did come it could not he but that China should be broken and scattered.

Disorganization will go on to destroy it more and more, and yet there is hope for the people, with their veneration for the relations | of society, with their devotion to learning, and with their habits of industry and sobriety ;—there is hope for them, if they will look away irom all their ancient sages, and turn to Him, who sends them, along with the dissolution of their ancient state, the knowledge of Himself, the only living and true God, and of Jesus Christ

whom He hath sent. ,

8. I have little more to add on the opinions of Confucius. Many of his sayings are pithy, and display much knowledge of character ;

but as they are contained in the body of the Work, I will not occupy the space here with a selection of those which have struck myself as most worthy of notice. The fourth Book of the Analects,

CH. V. SECT. If.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 109 which is on the subject of zn, or perfect virtue, has several utterances which are remarkable.

Thornton observes :—‘It may excite surprise, and probably incredulity, to state that the golden rule of our Saviour, ‘Do unto others as you would that they should do unto you,’ which Mr. Locke designates as ‘the most unshaken rule of morality, and foundation of all social virtue,’ had been inculcated by Confucius, almost in the

same words: fuur centuries before'.’ I have taken notice of this fact in reviewing both ‘The Great Learning’ and ‘The Doctrine of the Mean. I would be far from grudging a tribute of admiration to Confucius for it. The maxim occurs also twice m the Analects. In Book XV. xxiii, Tsze-kung asks if there be one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all one’s life, and is answered, ‘ Is not

reciprocity such a word? What you do not want done to yourself do not do to others.’ The same disciple appears in Book V. xi, telling Confucius that he was practising the lesson. He says, ‘What I do not wish men to do to me, I also wish not to do to men;’ but

the master tells him, ‘Ts'ze, you have not attained to that.’ It would appear from this reply, that he was aware of the difficulty of obeying the precept ; and it is not found, in its condensed expression at least, in the older classics. The merit of it is Confucius’s own. When a comparison, however, is drawn between it and the rule

Jaid down by Christ, it is proper to call attention to the positive form of the latter,—‘ All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them.’ The lesson of the gospel commands men to do what they feel to be right and good. It requires them to commence a course of such conduct, without regard to the conduct of others to themselves. The lesson of Confucius only forbids men to do what they feel to be wrong and hurtful.

So far as the point of priority is concerned, moreover, Christ adds, ‘This is the law and the prophets.’ The maxim was to be found substantially in the earlier revelations of God. Still it must be allowed

that Confucius was well aware of the importance of taking the initiative in discharging all the relations of society. See his words as quoted from ‘The Doctrine of the Mean’ on pages 48, 49 above.

But the worth of the two maxims depends on the intention of the enunciators in regard to their application. Confucius, it seems to me, did not think of the reciprocity coming into action beyond the circle of his five relations of society. Possibly, he might have 1 History of China, vol. i. p. 209.

110 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA, required its observance in dealings even with the rude tribes, which were the only specimens of mankind besides his own countrymen of which he knew anything, for on one occasion, when asked about perfect virtue, he replied, ‘ It is, in retirement, to be sedately grave ;

in the management of business, to be reverently attentive; in intercourse with others, to be strictly sincere. Though a man go among the rude uncultivated tribes, these qualities may not be neglected'.’ Still, Confucius delivered his rule to his countrymen only, and only for their guidance in their relations of which I have had so much occasion to speak. The rule of Christ is for man as man, having to do with other men, all with himself on the same platform, as the children and subjects of the one God and Father in heaven. How far short Confucius came of the standard of Christian benevo-

lence, may be seen from his remarks when asked what was to be thought of the principle that injury should be recompensed with kindness, He replied, ‘With what then will you recompense kindness? Recompense injury with justice, and recompense kindness with kindness®.’ The same deliverance is given in one of the Books of the Li Chi, where he adds that ‘he who recompenses injury with kindness is a man who is careful of his person’, Ching Hsiian, the commentator of the second century, says that such a course would be ‘incorrect in point of propriety‘. This ‘propriety’ was a great stumbling-block in the way of Confucius. His morality was the result of the balancings of his intellect, fettered by the decisions of men of old, and not the gushings of a loving heart, responsive to the promptings of Heaven, and in sympathy with erring and feeble humanity. This subject leads me on to the last of the opinions of Confucius

which I shall make the subject of remark in this place. A commentator observes, with reference to the inquiry about recompensing

injury with kindness, that the questioner was asking only about trivial matters, which might be dealt with in the way he mentioned, while great offences, such as those against a sovereign or a father,

could not be dealt with by such an inversion of the principles of justice’, In the second Book of the Li Chi there is the following passage :—‘ With the slayer of his father, a man may not live under the same heaven; against the slayer of his brother, a man must never have to go home to fetch a weapon; with the slayer of

1 Ana, XIII. xix. 2 Ana, XIV, xxxvi. et 30, Fe stl, par xe ‘ dE me ZL. 1E. 5 See notes in loc., p. 288.

CH, V. SECT. II.] HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 111 his friend, a man may not live in the same State!’ The lex talionis is here laid down in its fullest extent. The Chau Li tells us of a provision made against the evil consequences of the principle, by the

appointment of a minister called ‘The Reconciler?.’ The provision is very inferior to the cities of refuge which were set apart by Moses

for the manslayer to flee to from the fury of the avenger. Such as it was, however, it existed, and it is remarkable that Confucius, when consulted on the subject, took no notice of it, but affirmed the duty of blood-revenge in the strongest and most unrestricted terms. His disciple Tsze-hsiad asked him, ‘ What course is to be pursued in

the case of the murder of a father or mother?’ He replied, ‘The son must sleep upon a matting of grass, with his shield for his pillow ; he must decline to take office; he must not live under the same heaven with the slayer. When he meets him in the marketplace or the court, he must have his weapon ready to strike him.’ ‘And what is the course on the murder of a brother?’ ‘The surviving brother must not take office in the same State with the slayer ; yet if he go on his prince's service to the State where the slayer is, though he meet him, he must not fight with him.” ‘And what is the course on the murder of an uncle or a cousin?’ ‘In this case the nephew or cousin is not the principal. If the principal on whom the revenge devolves can take it, he has only to stand behind with his weapon in his hand, and support him?.’ Sir John Davis has rightly called attention to this as one of the

objectionable principles of Confuciust. The bad effects of it are evident even in the present day. Revenge is sweet to the Chinese. I have spoken of their readiness to submit to government, and wish to live in peace, yet they do not like to resign even to government the

‘inquisition for blood. Where the ruling authority is feeble, as it is at present, individuals and clans take the law into their own hands, and whole districts are kept in a state of constant feud and warfare.

But I must now leave the sage. I hope I have not done him injustice ; the more I have studied his character and opinions, the more highly have I come to regard him. He was a very great man,

and his influence has been on the whole a great benefit to the Chinese, while his teachings suggest important lessons to ourselves who profess to belong to the school of Christ. 1 ie a1, I. Sect. I. Pt. v. ro. Jal me, Es 2. + pu, pp. 14-18. $ es =, II. Sect, I. Pt. ii. 24. See also the Be SB. As yy, “F- FG A. + The Chinose, vol. ii. p. 41.

112 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA,

SECTION III. HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES.

Sze-mé, Ch'ien makes Confucius say :—‘ The disciples who received

my instructions, and could themselves comprehend them, were seventy-seven individuals. They were all scholars of extraordinary ability’, The common saying is, that the disciples of the sage were three thousand, while among them there were seventy-two worthies.

I propose to give here a list of all those whose names have come down to us, as being his followers. Of the greater number it will be seen that we know nothing more than their names and surnames.

My principal authorities will be the ‘Historical Records,’ the ‘Narratives of the School,’ ‘The Sacrificial Canon for the Sage’s Temple, with Plates,’ and the chapter on ‘ The Disciples of Confucius’

prefixed to the ‘Four Books, Text and Commentary, with Proofs

and Illustrations. In giving a few notices of the better-known individuals, I will endeavour to avoid what may be gathered from the Analects. 1. Yen Hii, by designation Tsze-yiian (BA JE], = FF pH). He was a native of Li, the favourite of his master, whose junior he was by thirty years, and whose disciple he became when he was

quite a youth. ‘After I got Hi,’ Confucius remarked, ‘the disciples came closer to me.’ We are told that once, when he found himself on the Nang hill with Hi, T'sze-la, and Tsze-kung,

Confucius asked them to tell him their different aims, and he would choose between them. Tsze-lQ began, and when he had done, the master said, ‘It marks your bravery.’ Tsze-kung followed, on whose words the judgment was, ‘They show your discriminating eloquence. At last came Yen Yiian, who said, ‘I should like to find an intelligent king and sage ruler whom I might assist. I would diffuse among the people instructions on the five great points, and lead them on by the rules of propriety and music, so that they should not care to fortify their cities by walls and moats, but would fuse their swords and spears into implements of agriculture. They should send forth their flocks without fear into the plains and forests. There should be no sunderings of families, no widows or widowers. For a thousand

‘FLT A, Se PSR CTA CA, AR RE Sth.

CH, V. SECT. 11T.] HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. 113 years there would be no calamity of war. Yd would have no opportunity to display his bravery, or T’s‘ze to display his oratory.’ The master pronounced, ‘How admirable is this virtue !’ When H1i was twenty-nine, his hair was all white, and in three

years more he died. He was sacrificed to, along with Confucius,

by the first emperor of the Han dynasty. The title which he now has in the sacrificial Canon,—‘ Continuator of the Sage,’ was

conferred in the ninth year of the emperor, or, to speak more correctly, of the period, Chid-ching, a.D. 1530. Almost all the present sacrificial titles of the worthies in the temple were fixed

at that time. Hfi’s place is the first of the four Assessors, on the east of the sage.

| 2. Min Sun, styled Tsze-ch'ien (BY 48, = -F #). He was a native of Ld, fifteen years younger than Confucius, according to Sze-ma Chrien, but fifty years younger, according to the ‘ Narratives of the School,’ which latter authority is followed in ‘The Annals of

the Empire. When he first came to Confucius, we are told, he had a starved look*, which was by-and-by exchanged for one of fulness and satisfaction ®. Tsze-kung asked him how the change

had come about. He replied, ‘I came from the midst of my reeds and sedges into the school of the master. He trained my mind to filial piety, and set before me the examples of the ancient kings. I felt a pleasure in his instructions; but when I went abroad, and saw the people in authority, with their umbrellas and banners,

and all the pomp and circumstance of their trains, I also felt pleasure in that show. These two things assaulted each other in 1 I have referred briefly, at p. 91, to the temples of Confucius. The principal hall, called K WK BY, or ‘Hall of the Great and Complete One,’ is that in which is his own statue or the tablet of his spirit, having on each side of it, within a screen, the statues, or tablets, of his ‘four Assessors.’ On the east and west, along the walls of the same apartment,

are the two Fe , the places of the + ~~ aif , or ‘twelve Wise Ones,’ those of his disciples, who, next to the ‘Assessors,’ are counted worthy of honour. Outside this apartment, and running in a line with the two FF ) but along the external wall of the sacred inclosure, are the two Fine. , or side-galleries, which I have sometimes called the ranges of the outer court. In each there are sixty-four tablets of the disciples and other worthies,

having the same title as the Wise Ones, that of X- = , or ‘Ancient Worthy,’ or the inferior title of F- te ; ‘Ancient Scholar.’ Behind the principal hall is the pa uy The aed , sacred to Confucius’s ancestors, whose tablets are in the centre, fronting the south, like that of Confucius. On each side are likewise the tablets of certain ‘ancient Worthies,’ and ‘ancient Scholars,’

A 6 ARS EH.

114 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA.

my breast. I could not determine which to prefer, and so I wore that look of distress. But now the lessons of our master have

penetrated deeply into my mind. My progress also has been helped by the example of you my fellow-disciples. I now know what I should follow and what I should avoid, and all the pomp of power is no more to me than the dust of the ground. It is on this account that I have that look of fulness and satisfaction.’ Tsze-ch‘ien was high in Confucius’s esteem. He was distinguished

for his purity and filial affection. His place in the temple is the first, east, among ‘The Wise Ones, immediately after the four assessors. He was first sacrificed to along with Confucius, as 1s to be understood of the other ‘ Wise Ones,’ excepting in the case of Yd Zo, in the eighth year of the style K‘ai-yiian of the sixth

emperor of the T'ang dynasty, a.p. 720. His title, the same as that of all but the Assessors, is—‘ The ancient Worthy, the philosopher Min.’

3. Zan King, styled Po-nit (FY fof, 42 A [al. A] Ze). He was a native of Li, and Confucius’s junior only by seven years. When Confucius became minister of Crime, he appointed Po-nit to the office, which he had himself formerly held, of commandant of Chung-td. His tablet is now fourth among ‘The Wise Ones,’ on the west.

4. Zan Yung, styled Chung-kung (f¥- yf, ff 4). He was of the same clan as Zan Kang, and twenty-nine years younger than Confucius. He had a bad father, but the master declared that was not to be counted to him, to detract from his admitted excellence. His place is among ‘The Wise Ones,’ the second, east.

5. Zan Chiit, styled Tsze-yi (ff. se, F -- A). He was related to the two former, and of the same age as Chung-kung. He was noted among the disciples for his versatile ability and many acquirements. T'sze-kung said of him, ‘ Respectful to the old, and kind to the young; attentive to guests and visitors ; fond of learning and skilled in many arts; diligent in his exumina-

tion of things :—these are what belong to Zan Chit.’ It has been noted in the life of Confucius that it was by the influence of Tsze-yt that he was finally restored to LQ. He occupies the third place, west, among ‘The Wise Ones.’

6. Chung Ya, styled Tsze-li and Child (4 ey, 4 HF KH,

+f ZEB). He was a native of Ptien (ff) in L4, and only

CH. V. SECT. 111.] HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. 115 nine years younger than Confucius. At their first interview, the master asked him what he was fond of, and he replied, ‘My long sword. Confucius said, ‘If to your present ability there were added the results of learning, you would be a very superior man.’ ‘Of what advantage would learning be to me?’ asked Tsze-ld. ‘There is a bamboo on the southern hill, which is straight itself without being bent. If you cut it down and use it, you can send it through a rhinoceros’s hide ;—what is the use of learning?’ ‘ Yes,’

said the master; ‘but if you feather it and point it with steel, will it not penetrate more deeply?’ Tsze-li bowed twice, and said, ‘I will reverently receive your instructions,’ Confucius was wont to say, ‘From the time that I got Yd, bad words no more

came to my ears. For some time Tsze-li was chief magistrate of the district of P'd (3§), where his administration commanded the warm commendations of the master. He died finally in Wei,

as has been related above, pp. 86, 87. His tablet is now the fourth, east, from those of the Assessors.

7. Tsdi Yii, styled Tsze-wo (3€ f°, 4 -F H%). He was a native of La, but nothing is mentioned of his age. He had ‘a sharp mouth, according to Sze-ma4 Ch'ien. Once, when he was at the court of Ch'd on some commission, the king Chao offered

him an easy carriage adorned with ivory for his master. Yii replied, ‘My master is a man who would rejoice in a government where right principles were carried out, and can find his joy in

himself when that is not the case. Now right principles and

virtue are as it were in a state of slumber. His wish is to rouse and put them in motion. Could he find a prince really anxious to rule according to them, he would walk on foot to his court, and be glad to do so. Why need he receive such a valuable gift as this from so great a distance?’ Confucius commended this reply ; but where he is mentioned in the Analects, Tsze-wo does not appear to great advantage. He took service in the State of Ch't, and was chief magistrate of Lin-tsze, where he joined with T‘ien Ch'ang in some disorderly movement'!, which led to the destruction of his kindred, and made Confucius ashamed of him, His tablet is now the second, west, among ‘The Wise Ones.’

8. Twan-mt Ts'ze, styled Tsze-kung (ty At HB, FF Ei [al. -F- %% |), whose place is now third, east, from the Assessors. He 1 Hi. Hy +=¥ tE EAL - See Sze-ma Ch‘ien’s Biographies, chap. 7, though some have doubted the genuineness of this part of the notice of Tsze-wo.

116 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA.

was a native of Wei (4), and thirty-one years younger than Confucius. He had great quickness of natural ability, and appears

in the Analects as one of the most forward talkers among the disciples. Confucius used to say, ‘From the time that I got Ts'‘ze,

scholars from a distance came daily resorting to me.’ Several instances of the language which he used to express his admiration of the master have been given in the last section. Here is another : —The duke Ching of Ch't asked T'sze-kung how Chung-ni was to

be ranked as a sage. ‘I do not know,’ was the reply. ‘I have all my life had the heaven over my head, but I do not know its height,

and the earth under my feet, but I do not know its thickness. In my serving of Confucius, I am like a thirsty man who goes with

his pitcher to the river, and there he drinks his fill, without knowing the river's depth.’ He took leave of Confucius to become

commandant of Hsin-yang ({4 B 32), when the master said to him, ‘In dealing with your subordinates, there is nothing like impartiality ; and when wealth comes in your way, there is nothing

like moderation. Hold fast these two things, and do not swerve from them. To conceal men’s excellence is to obscure the worthy ;

and to proclaim people’s wickedness is the part of a mean man. To speak evil of those whom you have not sought the opportunity to instruct is not the way of friendship and harmony.’ Subsequently T'sze-kung was high in office both in Ld and Wei, and finally died in Chit. We saw how he was in attendance on Confucius at the time of the sage’s death. Many of the disciples built huts near the master’s grave, and mourned for him three years, but Tsze-kung remained sorrowing alone for three years more.

9. Yen Yen, styled Tsze-y (= (2, 4 -F- jf), now the fourth in the western range of ‘The Wise Ones. He was a native of Wa (52), forty-five years younger than Confucius, and distinguished for his hteraryacquirements. Being made commandant of Wi-ch‘ing,

he transformed the character of the people by ‘proprieties’ and music, and was praised by the master. After the death of Confucius, Chi K'ang asked Yen how that event had made no sensation

like that which was made by the death of Tsze-ch'an, when the men laid aside their bowstring rings and girdle ornaments, and the women laid aside their pearls and ear-rings, and the voice of weeping was heard in the lanes for three months. Yen replied, ‘The influences of Tsze-ch‘'an and my master might be compared

CH. V. SECT. III.] HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. 117 to those of overflowing water and the fattening rain. Wherever the water in its overflow reaches, men take knowledge of it, while the fattening rain falls unobserved,’

10. Pi Shang, styled Tsze-hsia ( p fj, -—- 3B). It is not certain to what State he belonged, his birth being assigned to Wei (#7), to Wei (Ziff), and to Wan ({H.). He was forty-five years younger than Confucius, and lived to a great age, for we find him, B.C. 406, at the court of the prince Wan of Wei ( Bh), to whom he gave copies of some of the classical Books. He is represented as a scholar extensively read and exact, but without great comprehension of mind. What is called M4o’s Shih-ching (=€ 2) is said to contain the views of Tsze-hsi4. Kung-yang K4o and Kd-liang ~ Ch'ih are also said to have studied the Ch'un Ch'id with him. On the occasion of the death of his son he wept himself blind. His place is the fifth, east, among ‘The Wise Ones,’ 11, Chwan-sun Shih, styled Tsze-chang (fH 3% bm, 4¢ - BB), has his tablet, corresponding to that of the preceding, on the west. He was a native of Ch'in (ff), and forty-eight years younger than Confucius. Tsze-kung said, ‘ Not to boast of his admirable merit ; not to signify joy on account of noble station ; neither insolent nor indolent ; showing no pride to the dependent :—these are the characteristics of Chwan-sun Shih.” When he was sick, he called (his son) Shin-hsiang to him, and said, ‘We speak of his end in the case of a superior man, and of his death in the case of a mean man. May I think that it is going to be the former with me to-day 2’

12. Tsing Shin [or Ts‘an], styled Tsze-yi (@& 3, ¢ -F- A [al. -F Hil]). He was a native of south Wd-ch‘ing, and forty-six years younger than Confucius. In his sixteenth year he was sent by his father into Ch‘d, where Confucius then was, to learn under

the sage. Excepting perhaps Yen Hi, there 1s not a name of greater note in the Confucian school, ‘Tsze-kung said of him, ‘There is no subject which he has not studied. His appearance is respectful. His virtue is solid. His words command credence. Before great men he draws himself up in the pride of self-respect. His eyebrows are those of longevity. He was noted for his filial piety, and after the death of his parents, he could not read the rites of mourning without being led to think of them, and moved to tears. He was a voluminous writer. Ten Books of bis composition are said to be contained in the ‘ Rites of the elder Tai’

118 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA. (KA EX iH). The Classic of Filial Piety he is said to have made under the eye of Confucius. On his connexion with ‘The Great Learning,’ see above, Ch. 111. Sect. u. He was first associated with the sacrifices to Confucius in A.D, 668, but in 1267 he was advanced

to be one of the sage’s four Assessors. His title—‘ Exhibitor of the Fundamental Principles of the Sage,’ dates from the period of Chié-ching, as mentioned in speaking of Yen Hi.

13. Tan-t'ai1 Mieh-ming, styled Tsze-yii (ff BW, = -F WJ). He was a native of Wi-ch'ing, thirty-nine years younger than Confucius, according to the ‘ Historical Records, but fortynine, according to the ‘ Narratives of the School.’ He was excessively ugly, and Confucius thought meanly of his talents in consequence, on his first application to him. After completing his studies, he travelled to the south as far as the Yang-tsze. Traces of his presence in that part of the country are still pointed out in the department of Sfd-ch4u. He was followed by about three hundred disciples, to whom he laid down rules for their guidance in their intercourse with the princes. When Confucius heard of his success, he confessed how he had been led by his bad looks to misjudge him. He, with nearly all the disciples whose names follow, first had a place assigned to him in the sacrifices to Confucius in A.D. 739. The place of his tablet is the second, east,

in the outer court, beyond that of the ‘Assessors’ and ‘ Wise Ones.’

14. Corresponding to the preceding, on the west, is the tablet

of Fa Pa-ch', styled Tsze-tsien (2% [al. and IE, all = fK] AN WK, “F -F- FB). He was a native of Lt, and, according to different accounts, thirty, forty, and forty-nine years younger than

Confucius. He was commandant of Tan-fa (FA 4¢ 34), and hardly needed to put forth any personal effort. Wd-ma Ch't had been in the same office, and had succeeded by dint of the greatest industry and toil. He asked Pd-ch'i how he managed so easily for himself, and was answered, ‘I employ men; you employ men’s strength. People pronounced Fd to be a superior man. He was also a writer, and his works are mentioned in Lid Hsin’s Catalogue.

15. Next to that of Mieh-ming is the tablet of Yiian Hsien, styled Tsze-sze (Ji jax, #° -F FA), a native of Sung, or, according to Chang Hsiian, of La, and younger than Confucius by thirty-six

years, He was noted for his purity and modesty, and for his

CH. V, SECT. 111] HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. 119 happiness in the principles of the master amid deep poverty. After the death of Confucius, he lived in obscurity in Wei. In the notes to Ana. VI. ii, [ have referred to an interview which he had with Tsze-kung. 16. Kung-yé Ch'ang [a/. Chih], styled Tsze-ch‘ang (al. T'sze-chib |],

(AIG fe lal. S|, $F £ [al F Z)), has his tablet next to that of Pd-chi. He was son-in-law to Confucius. His nativity is assigned both to La and to Chit. 17. Nan-kung Kwo, styled Tsze-yung (BM ‘ef Hf [ al. 34 and,

in the ‘Narratives of the School,’ 4 (T‘do)|, 4 -- YF), has the place at the east next to Yiian Hsien. It is a question much debated whether he was the same with Nan-kung Chang-shd, who accompanied Confucius to the court of Chau, or not. On occasion of a fire breaking out in the palace of duke Ai, while others were intent on securing the contents of the Treasury, Nan-kung directed his efforts to save the Library, and to him was owing the preser-

vation of the copy of the Chau Li which was in Ld, and other ancient monuments.

18, Kung-hsi Ai, styled Chi-ts‘ze [al. Chi-ch'in] (A+ Py 3, “2 2S HR (al. 4S Yt ]). His tablet follows that of Kung-yé. He was a native of Ld, or of Chi. Confucius commended him for refusing to take office with any of the Families which were encroaching on the authority of the princes of the States, and for choosing to endure the severest poverty rather than sacrifice a tittle of his principles.

19. Tsing Tien, styled Hsi (@ Jaxx [al. 5), PF). He was the father of Tsing Shin. His place in the temples is the hall to Confucius’s ancestors, where his tablet is the first, west.

20. Yen Wi-ydo, styled La ($A fit 4%, “€ ). He was the father of Yen Hii, younger than Confucius by six years. His sacrificial place is the first, east, in the same hall as the last.

21. Following the tablet of Nan-kung Kwo is that of Shang Chii, styled Tsze-mt (RZ #, 4 -F- AX). To hin, it is said, we are indebted for the preservation of the Yi-ching, which he received

from Confucius. Its transmission step by step, from Chii down to the Han dynasty, is minutely set forth. 22. Next to Kung-hsi Ai is the place of K4o Ch'ai, styled TszekA&o and Chi-kAo (By 3%, 4 FF FE [al. A FE; for F& moreover, we find ff, and #]), a native of Ch'i, according to the ‘ Narratives

120 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA. of the School,’ but of Wei, according to Sze-m& Chien and Ching Hsiian. He was thirty (some say forty) years younger than Confucius, dwarfish and ugly, but of great worth and ability. At one

time he was criminal judge of Wei, and in the execution of his office condemned a prisoner to lose his feet. Afterwards that same man saved his life, when he was flying from the State. Confucius praised Ch‘ai for being able to administer stern justice with such a spirit of benevolence as to disarm resentment. — 23. Shang Chii is followed by Ch'i-tido K‘ai [prop. Ch't], styled

Tsze-k‘4i, Tsze-zo, and Tsze-hsit (Ar BE BA [pr. Be), 2 FF BH. F FF, and -F (ff), a native of Ts'4i (#%), or, according to Ching

Hsiian, of La. We only know him as a reader of the Shi-ching, and refusing to go into office.

24. Kung-po Lido, styled Tsze-chau (AS ( ff, F -F JRA). He appears in the Analects, XIV. xxxiii, slandering Tsze-la. It is doubtful whether he should have a place among the disciples.

25. Sze-m4 King, styled Tsze-nid (FH) ER AH, -- 4), follows Ch'i-tido K‘ai; also styled BY ##f. He was a great talker, a native of Sung, and a brother of Hwan Tdi, to escape from whom seems to have been the labour of his life. 26. The place next K4o Ch'di is occupied by Fan Hsii, styled

Tsze-ch'ih (4% 28, = -F 3), a native of Ch'l, or, according to _ others, of La, and whose age is given as thirty-six and forty-six years younger than Confucius. When young, he distinguished him-

self in a military command under the Chi family. |

27. Yi Zo, styled Tsze-zo (44 FF, FF FF FE). He was a native of La, and his age is stated very variously. He was noted among the disciples for his great memory and fondness for antiquity.

After the death of Confucius, the rest of the disciples, because of some likeness in Zo’s speech to the Master, wished to render the same observances to him which they had done to Confucius, but on Tsing Sh&n’s demurring to the thing, they abandoned the purpose. The tablet of Tsze-zo is now the sixth, east, among ‘The Wise Ones,’ to which place it was promoted in the third year of Ch'tenlung of the present dynasty. This was done in compliance with a memorial from the president of one of the Boards, who said he was moved by a dream to make the request. We may suppose that his real motives were—a wish to do justice to the merits of Tsze-zo,

and to restore the symmetry of the tablets in the ‘ Hall of the

CH. V. SECT. I11.] HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. 121 Great and Complete One,’ which had been disturbed by the introduction of the tablet of Cha Hsi in the preceding reign.

28. Kung-hsi Ch'ih, styled Tsze-hwa (AV Dy a, 4 -F HE), a native of Lai, younger than Confucius by forty-two years, whose place is the fourth, west, in the outer court. He was noted for his knowledge of ceremonies, and the other disciples devolved on him all the arrangements about the funeral of the Master. 29. Wi-mé Shih [or Ch't], styled Tsze-Ch'i (AK BG it (al. BH],

“- -F HY (al. HE |), a native of Ch‘an, or, according to Ching Hsiian, of Ld, thirty years younger than Confucius. His tablet is on the east, next to that of Sze-ma& Kang. It is related that on one occasion, when Confucius was about to set out with a company of the disciples on a walk or journey, he told them to take umbrellas.

They met with a heavy shower, and Wd-ma asked him, saying, ‘There were no clouds in the morning ; but after the sun had risen, you told us to take umbrellas. How did you know that it would rain?’ Confucius said, ‘The moon last evening was in the constellation Pi, and is it not said in the Shih-ching, “ When the moon is in Pi, there will be heavy rain?” It was thus I knew it.’

30. Liang Chan [al. Li], styled Sht-yi (4 #8 [al. fe] AL ff), occupies the eighth place, west, among the tablets of the

outer court. He was a man of Chit, and his age is stated as twenty-nine and thirty-nine years younger than Confucius. The following story is told in connexion with him.—When he was thirty, being disappointed that he had no son, he was minded to put away his wife. ‘Do not do so, said Shang Chit to him. ‘I was thirty-eight before I had a son, and my mother was then about to take another wife for me, when the Master proposed sending me to Chit. My mother was unwilling that I should go, but Confucius said, ‘ Don’t be anxious. Chii wil] have five sons after he

is forty. It has turned out so, and I apprehend it is your fault, and not your wife’s, that you have no son yet.’ Chan took this advice, and in the second year after, he had a son. 31. Yen Hsing [al. Hsin, Lid, and Wei], styled Tsze-lit (3H Er [al. 32, AM, and FH], 44 - Pp), occupies the place, east, after Wima Shih. He was a native of La, and forty-six years younger than Confucius.

32. Liang Chan is followed on the west by Zan ZA, styled T'sze-ld

[al. Tsze-tsing and Tsze-yii] (ff J# [al. FE] HF FB lal. -~-

122 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES. [PROLEGOMENA.

and -~ #4]), a native of Ld, and fifty years younger than Confucius,

33. Yen Hsing is followed on the east by Ts‘Ao Hsii, styled Tsze-hsiin (88 sa], + 7), a native of Ts‘4i, fifty years younger

than Confucius.

34. Next on the west is Po Chiien, styled Tsze-hsi, or, in the current copies of the ‘ Narratives of the School,’ Tsze-ch'idi ({H 3,

“ F- PF (al. F Hy] or F 44), a native of La, fifty years younger than Confucius. 35. Following Tsze-hsiin is Kung-sun Lung [al. Ch'ung], styled

Tsze-shih (A, $& #E [al. FE |, FF £ +), whose birth is assigned by different writers to Wei, Ch't, and Chao (#8). He was fiftythree years younger than Confucius. We have the following account:—‘ Tsze-kung asked Tsze-shih, saying, “Have you not learned the Book of Poetry?” Tsze-shih replied, “ What leisure have Ito do so? My parents require me to be filhal; my brothers require me to be submissive; and my friends require me to be sincere. What leisure have I for anything else?” ‘Come to my Master,” said Tsze-kung, ‘and learn of him.” ’

Sze-m4 Ch'ien here observes :—‘Of the thirty-five disciples which precede, we have some details. Their age and other particulars are found in the Books and Records. It is not so, however, in regard to the fifty-two which follow.’

36. Zan Chi, styled Tsze-ch'an [al. Chi-ch'an and Tsze-t4] (FA. 3s, “4 RE (al. SS BE and -F 334 ]), a native of La, whose place is the r1th, west, next to Po Chrien. 37. Kung-tsi Kau-tsze or simply Tsze, styled Tsze-chih (Aq ji,

4] #% [or simply 2], 4 FF ZZ), a native of LO. His tablet is the 23rd, east, in the outer court.

38. Ch'in Ts, styled Tsze-nan (4§ ji, “4 -- BY), a native of Ch'in. His tablet precedes that of the last, two places. 39. Chit-tido Ch'ih, styled Tsze-lien (AE BE HB [al. @], $F -F- ih), a native of La. His tablet is the 13th, west. 4o. Yen KAo, styled Tsze-chido ($A fey 3 -- HS). According to the ‘ Narratives of the School,’ he was the same as Yen K‘o (J, or #9;), who drove the carriage when Confucius rode in Wei

after the duke and Nan-tsze. But this seems doubtful. Other

CH, V. SECT. I1r.] HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. 123 authorities make his name Ch'an (fF), and style him Tsze-tsing (-F- #j). His tablet is the 13th, east. 41. Chii-tido Td-fa [al. Tsung], styled Tesze-ya, Tsze-ch't,

and Tsze-win (YF He fE 2 [al #E), F -F A or F K [al. -F HA and -F 3Z]), a native of L4, whose tablet precedes that of Ch'i-tido Chrih.

42. Zang Sze-ch'ih, styled Tsze-t'd, or Tsze-ts'ung (8 [al. ##

EW ap, °F FE (al. F #E]), a native of Ch'in. Some consider Zang-sze (338 Hl) to be a double surname. His tablet comes after that of No. 40. 43. Shang Chai, styled Tsze-chi and Tsze-hsid (RH Ye, Ft FZ [ al. —- Ay]), a native of La. His tablet is immediately after that of Fan Hsii, No. 26. 44. Shih Tso [al. Chih and Tsze}shd, styled Tsze-ming (44 1

[al. 2 and |, 3, 42 -F WA). Some take Shih-tso (4G ##:) as a double surname. His tablet follows that of No. 42.

45. Zin Pi-ch'it, styled Hsiian (ff AR BK, 4 $38), a native of Ch'a, whose tablet is next to that of No. 28.

46. Kung-liang Zt, styled Tsze-ching (AA RR #E [al. 2], -F- iE), a native of Ch'in, follows the preceding in the temples. The ‘Sacrificial Canon’ says :—‘ Tsze-chang was a man of worth and bravery. When Confucius was surrounded and stopped in P'd, T'sze-ching fought so desperately, that the people of P'd were afraid,

and let the Master go, on his swearing that he would not proceed to Wel.’

47. Hau [al. Shih] Ch'd [al. Chien], styled Tsze-li [al. Li-chih]

Oe (al. 4] KK [al. BI), HF A [al. HZ ]), a native of Chit, having his tablet the 17th, east.

48. Ch'in Zan, styled K‘di (Z& f., 4# BA), a native of Ts‘4i He is not given in the list of the ‘ Narratives of the School,’ and on

this account his tablet was put out of the temples in the ninth year of Chid-tsing. It was restored, however, in the second year of Yung-ching, A.D. 1724, and is the 33rd, east, in the outer court. 49. Kung-hsié Shdu, styled Shang [and Tsze-shing] (AN 3 Oy

[al. =f], Fe [and -F- Fe ]), a native of La, whose tablet is next to that of No. 44. 50. Hsi Yung-tien [or simply Tien], styled Tsze-hsi [al. Tsze-

. 124 CONFUCIUS AND HIS DISCIPLES, [PROLEGOMENA., chieh and Tsze-ch‘ieh | (A FE fee [or BA), St -F PF [ al. F Fb and -F- Ke |), a native of Wei, having his tablet the 18th, east.

51. Kung Chien-ting [al. Kung Yd], styled Tsze-chung (A [al. BS] HE [al. A Ay], HF fH Lal. Ay and YJ). His nativity is assigned to Li, to Wei, and to Tsin (=). He follows No. 46. 52. Yen Tsd [al. Hsiang], styled Hsiang and Tsze-hsiang ($A ji. [al. AH |, 42 FE, and -F ¥), a native of La, with his tablet following that of No. 50.

53. Chido Tan [al. Wa], styled Tsze-kéa (AR Fa [al. By], -F- 3), a native of Li. His place is next to that of No. 51. 54. Chii[al. Kau] Tsing-ch‘iang [and simply Tsing], styled Tsze-

ch'iang [al. Tsze-chieh and Tsze-ming] (“J [al. 4J and #y| Ff 58

[and simply JF], 4 - 9B [al. F HR and -- H]), a native of Wei, following No. 52.

55. Han [al. Tsdi}-fa Héi, styled Tsze-héi [al. Tsze-so and Tsze-

st] (48 [al. 32) 2 BH FB lal. F FHF and F ¥F]),a native of Li, whose tablet is next to that of No. 53. 56. Ch'in Shang, styled Tsze-p‘ei1 [al. P'ei-tsze and Pd-tsze] (45 WH, FH RH lal. HAH BK and FH ZK I), a native of La, or, according to Chang Hsiian, of Ch'd. He was forty years younger than Confucius. One authority, however, says he was only four years younger, and that his father and Confucius’s father were both celebrated for their strength. Huis tablet is the 12th, east. 57. Shin Tang, styled Chau (FA #4 44 Ji). In the ‘ Narratives

of the School’ there is a Shin Chi, styled Tsze-chau (FA fa, -F- Ji). The name is given by others as T'ang (‘4 and {&) and

Tst (48), with the designation Tsze-tsi (-~ #4). These are probably the same person mentioned in the Analects as Shin Ch'ang (HI HE). Prior to the Ming dynasty they were sacrificed to as two, but in A.D. 1530, the name Tang was expunged from the sacrificial list, and only that of Chang left. Huis tablet 1s the 31st, east.

58. Yen Chih-p‘o, styled Tsze-shi [or simply Shi] (BAZ. , = -F Al [or simply #€]), a native of La, who occupies the 29th place, east.

59. Yung Chit, styled Tsze-ch't [al. Tsze-yen] (4 fp [or wif],

“FJ or -F WH [ al. F- BA)), a native of La, whose tablet is the 20th, west.

CH, V. SECT. III.] HIS IMMEDIATE DISCIPLES. 125 60. Hsien Ch‘ing, styled T'sze-ch't [ al. T'sze-hung | E54 mK, i

-F- HE [ al. -F- #g]), a native of Lt. His place is the 22nd, east. 61. T'so Zan-ying [or simply Ying], styled Hsing and Tsze-hsing

(ZEA Sf [or simply 2], 44 #7 and -F 47), a native of La. His tablet follows that of No. 59.

62. Yen Chi, styled An [al. Tsze-sze] (Jt 18 [or $k], 4° AA [a. -F- JA]), a native of Ch'in. His tablet is the 24th, east. 63. Ching Kwo, styled Tsze-t'h (Ef [a], 3 -- #), a native of Lai. This is understood to be the same with the Hsieh Pang, styled Tsze-ts'ung (B¥ Ff, 4 -F 4), of the ‘Narratives of the School.’ His tablet follows No. 61.

64. Ch'in Fei, styled Tsze-chih (48 JE, f° FZ), a native of Ld, having his tablet the 31st, west. 65. Shih Chih-ch‘ang, styled Tsze-hing [al. ch'ang] (fi love of woman,’ and great fault is found by |4>MONITION or Ts4ne SHAN. We, the end, some, as in Ju gE Bx ge XIII. i, with | = death, and Ts ‘distant,’ have both the force Chi Hsi’s interpretation which I have fol-| of adjectives, =‘ the dead,’ and ‘the departed,’

lowed butpassage there isisnot force what hisadherents| _. gone. he 1 Hi > IS ana? ‘to one b say, that;the to beinunderstood as |” * the long an iEf mean, if the individual spoken of had ever been given | careful of,’ ‘ to follow,’ but their application is

142 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. I.

Ju w/t —E » =. : SHAH VWARSTE . ==)— AN Sf >= 2_—

Lue = Ld ’ — 2 BR

:4—

’A Reet) HH ° om Y . ykenemath —* | TK VJaunt, Zz A= BY, | AtVY ; FY is H. +4 AR Dy yu su

Heh WAG. ’ fe)i WK ’ dan

Cuap. II. The Master said, ‘In the Book of Poetry are three

hundred pieces, but the design of them all may be embraced in one sentence—“ Having no depraved thoughts.” ’

Cuap. III. 1. The Master said, ‘If the people be led by laws,

and uniformity sought to be given them by punishments, they will try to avoid the punishment, but have no sense of shame. 2. ‘If they be led by virtue, and uniformity sought to be given them by the rules of propriety, they will have the sense of shame, and moreover will become good.’

Cuap. IV. 1. The Master said, ‘At fifteen, I had my mind

bent on learning. 2. ‘At thirty, I stood firm. 3. ‘ At forty, I had no doubts. 4. ‘At fifty, I knew the decrees of Heaven. 2. THE PURE DESIGN OF THE Book or PoeEtTRy. | be explained, —‘ will come to good,’ or ‘ will cor-

The number of compositions in the Shih-ching | rect themselves,’ Observe the different appli-

is rather more than the round number here| ,,.: 0, of Ff and it in pars, 1 and 2. i. ta given, —— = =— Aq] ‘one sentence.’ Bix

af = ‘but ;’ HAgisk=‘Bitte moreover.’ = 2, ‘to cover,’ ‘to embrace.’ A),

see Shih-ching, IV. ii. 1. st.4. The sentence there 4. ConFuctus S OWN we. OF HIS tatore are is indicative, and in praise of the duke Hsi, who veel red with thie chact “Woldin a f Con. had no depraved thoughts. The sage would | P°?Pic*e¢ Wi is chapter. Holding of Con-

seem to have been intending the design in |fucius that HE Th mat 2 in 47 ZZ,

compiling the Shih. A few individual pieces are | , : . calculated to have a different effect, he was born with knowledge, and did what was

8, How RULERS SHOULD PREFER MORAL ap-| ght with entire ease,’ they say that he here

WA5Ct«; , conceals his sagehood, and puts himself on the

PLIANCES, I. NEF asin I. v. he them,’ refers |jeyel of common men, to set before them a

7 stimulating example. We may believe that the

to Pe, below. nee as opposed to qi, = laws compilers of the Analects, the sage’s immediate and prohibitions. HE = ‘corn earing evenly ;’ | disciples, did not think of him so extravagantly hence, what is level, equal, adjusted, and here however, that he had been more definite and

. , as later men have done. It is to be wished

with the corresponding verbal force. Be, .himself. toa, ; 1. AR: in 4th , as .will . .~*avoid,’ | diffusethat in his accountof ‘The people is, avoid breaking ; , i, j the Jaws through fear of the punishment. 2.|tone, = ‘and.’ The ‘learning,’ to which, at 15,

hasthethe sienificati or f «+ andto,Confucius gave himself, is to be Learning.’ understoodSee of AE as signiiication "toto.’ come ant! the subjects of the ‘Superior ‘to correct,’ from either of which the text may|Chi Hsi’s preliminary essay to the Ta Hsio.

» — = Bu , VA ie, we St El, fe EE oe, ¢. rt ’ ’> 32) | » -_ ’ Ze Hewa SR Bheck By te F » . ete UE YP ¢. ’ ad Ee ne, # Li Ay2 ‘UE mrA PN

CH. V.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 147

Wee Ae tH, A Ta RE. aA |

» gov VIN Ay Ea SHY a

ZI He We iz fie) Pal

BR AW ae H,Jeph A, | JU LCUMRK2A VA HHT BeBb . Wit s

A)

5. ‘Atsixty,my ear was an obedient organ for the reception of truth.

6. ‘At seventy, I could follow what my heart desired, without transgressing what was right.

CHap. V. 1. Mang I asked what filial piety was. The Master

said, ‘It is not being disobedient. 2. Soon after, as Fan Ch'th was driving him, the Master told him, saying, ‘M&ng-sun asked me what filial piety was, and I answered him,—‘“ not being disobedient.” ’

3. Fan Chith said, ‘What did you mean?’ The Master replied, ‘That parents, when alive, should be served according to propriety ; that, when dead, they should be buried according to propriety; and that they should be sacrificed to according to propriety.’ 2, The ‘standing firm’ probably indicates that | prenomens of 4H, 7, and ZB. To these was

he no more needed to bendwhat his| will. 3. The b lv ;a ‘no doubts’ may have been concerning SU>sequently added theadded characterthe 5 523ch grands was proper in all circumstances and events.| son,’ to indicate their princely descent, and

4. ‘The decrees of Heaven,’ = the things decreed . what was proper tobe so. 5. ‘The ear obedient ’| spective surnames of the families. 4h iK is the mind receiving as by intuition the truth 7.

by Heaven, the constitution of things making tif : AB FR and SS became the re

from the ear. 6. 5h, ‘an instrument for de-| “** rane into RA FR by the father of

ws ; Mang I, on a principle of humility, as he there-

termining the square. aS rat Fh, ‘without by only claimed to be the eldest of the inferior transgressing the square.’ The expressions | sons or their representatives, and avoided the describing the progress of Confucius at the| presumption of seeming to be a younger full different periods of his age are often employed | prother of the reigning duke a ‘mild and

as numerical designations of age. : ,

5. FILiaL PIETY MUST BE SHOWN ACCORDING To | Virtuous,’ was the posthumous honorary title

THE RULES OF PROPRIETY. 1. Mang I was a great given to Ho-chi. On-F-, seeI.i.1. 2. Fan, by

officer of the State of La, by name Ho-chi (fay name ZA, and designated $3, was a minor ki), and the chief of one of the three great disciple of the sage. Confucius repeated his refamilies by which in the time of Confucius the | mark to Fan, that he might report the explanaauthority of that State was grasped. Those | tionofit to his friend Mang f, or Mang-sun f,and families were descended from three brothers, | thus prevent him from supposing that allthesage the sons by a concubine of the duke Hwan (s.c. | intended was disobedience to parents. Comp. 411-694), who were distinguished at first by the | the whole of Confucius’s explanation with I. ix.

148 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. 11.

p y, (S| aN es) -u IZ « Ke] ZS o == ,VwN (== Jz | > " 4 v # =a,"25 YA, dis ME » Y ) —TY \ AG e doo) ’

Is ] H

F276 Hs bel 5 at Zé Fal 2

AY HF’ )He ZRdTB Hki nA A

Mk YS Ae TF 2 wb H Yu | try HE 2’ ’26 FI YN ’ ’a,o= \ VY +. A ’

tt wee Beo 4

Cuap. VI. Mang Wd asked what filial piety was. The Master

said, ‘Parents are anxious lest their children should be sick.’

Cuap. VII, Tsze-y asked what filial piety was, The Master said, ‘The filial piety of now-a-days means the support of one’s parents. But dogs and horses likewise are able to do something in the way of support ;—without reverence, what is there to distinguish the one support given from the other ?’

Cuap. VIII. Tsze-hsidé asked what filial piety was. The Master said, ‘ The difficulty is with the countenance. If, when their elders have any troublesome affairs, the young take the toil of them, and if, when the young have wine and food, they set them before their elders, is THIS to be considered filial piety 2’ 6. THE ANXIETY OF PARENTS ABOUT THEIR| theact ofan inferiortoa superior. Chi Hsi gives CHILDREN AN ARGUMENT FOR FILIAL PIETY. This| a different turn to the sentiment.—‘ But dogs

enigmatical sentence has been interpreted in| and horses likewise manage to get their sup-

two ways. Cha Hsi takes is (=HE) notin | port.” The other and older interpretation is the sense of ‘only,’ but of ‘thinking anxious- | better. Es I. ‘Coming to,’=as to, quoad, ly.’— ‘Parents have the sorrow of thinking _t ree > (asces ar anxiously about their—i.e. their children’s— i l to discriminate,’ ‘distinguish. being unwell. Therefore children should take| 8. THE DUTIES OF FILIAL PIETY MUST BE PERcare of their persons.’ The old commentators | roRMED WITH A CHEERFUL COUNTENANCE. Hy

again take ff in the sense of ‘only.’—‘ Let followed by a =the ‘troublesome affairs’ in

parents have only the sorrow of their children’s ; . illness. Let them have no other occasion for| the translation. The use of Gi -F- in the

u e honorary epithet, =‘ Bo and 0 Ais Zid

wa ch as will pe hee prety Meng phrase here extends filial duty to elders generstraightforward principle *)’ was the son of | 21lY,—to the BET 38 well as to the PF. Ming f, and by name Be (Chih). AH merely We have in translating to supply their respec-

indicates that he was the eldest son. tive nominatives to the two AR. &: read

DUTY. “yu i i = Sze va was the designation of = {2 fee _ da Fe. HE ae z: ‘They give them 7. nee THERE MUST BE REVERENCE TN FILIAL tsze, ‘rice,’ and then, food generally. ye He

a .native and distinguished the|*"** | 7» ~ = . . . of_ FL, | totheir eldersamong to eat. Fi, HE

elders. The disciples of Confucius ;for his learning. He is .parents, phrase, here meaning uncles, and

now 4th on the west among ‘the wise ones.’ Ae elders generally, is applied by foreign students

is in the 4th tone,=‘to minister support to,’ | to their teachers. =, aspirated, = Fil], ‘then,’

= (Da APT , a | » : ~ VJ } Fil, Bk le] ef , ’ WS

CH. XI.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 149

TRERHEERHAE : = my LAN v Pn . ==

JBay DT VJFjes lasFe00eo’ vBO By AT)A, 4 Yek, HXHA. o F—)IN Ji»3,REA) ° my WN LAN ir 74 ih 2 Br Br = Ee PXopa° Oo. — = ywiity¥ seamen)

Cuap. IX. The Master said, ‘I have talked with Hdi for a whole day, and he has not made any objection to anything I said; —as if he were stupid. He has retired, and I have examined his conduct when away from me, and found him able to illustrate my teachings. Hdi!—He is not stupid.’ CHap. X. 1. The Master said, ‘See what a man does. 2. ‘Mark his motives.

3. ‘Examine in what things he rests. 4. ‘How can a man conceal his character ? 5. ‘How cana man conceal his character ?’ Cuap. XI. The Master said, ‘If a man keeps cherishing his old knowledge, so as continually to be acquiring new, he may be a

teacher of others.’

a transition particle. To these different inter- |is the first given to it in the dict. For the

rogatories, the sage, we are told, made answer hich

according to the character of the questioner, as noun to which the three H refer, we must go

each one needed instruction. down to A in the 4th par. Thereisa climax

i hat from’), and

9. THE QUIET RECEPTIVITY OF THE DISCIPLE | \ . | Hor, Yon Hai ($F |B), stylea HHH. in BVA: TEES vee and BP ae was Confucius’s favourite disciple, and is now and a corresponding one in the verbs ji, BA,

honoured with the first place east among his / l fi :

four assessors in his temples, and with the title and Re ° + Fig? genera iy a . nal particle,

d the in sage, 2nd the tone, here inItsthe 1st, an interrogative, of 4 48‘Th Bn oA F- e phi second paleis | —how? interrogative force blends with losopherand Yen.’atAt hisdied, hair was | the exclamatory white, 3329he to entirely the excessive grief ofofBtt at the end.

. re. 11. To BE ABLE TO TEACH OTHERS ONE MUST

the sage. The subject of NEY is le] , and that of | prom HIS OLD STORES BE CONTINUALLY DEVELOPING

——™ .

FF (as in I. iv) is =m HF, ‘his privacy,’ | THINGS NEw. ve is expressed in the dictionary meaning only his way when not with the by Kze, and, with reference to this very passage, master. ZR: ‘also,’ takes up an BS — He it is said,again ‘one’sconstantly old learning to being thoroughly a mastered, practise it, is

was so, and also thus. le] tH,; see I. xv. 3. | called ae Modern commentators say that 10. How TO DETERMINE ne ans OF MEN. | the ‘new learning is in the old.’ The idea proI. VU is explained aBs=AT; or 470A, ‘does. | bably is that of assimilating old acquisitions

The same, though not its common meaning, |and new. Compare rH Et XXVII. vi.

v rt

150 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. II.

—— LAnMRzABHe 0AN [es] =| Ar |B) Gea

FRE H FP RL F

BY nit’ H ’ A ’ = a Hi xe Hi) 8! ON te HG F Ho 36.eeA ET ?r

Aw. fe) ’ rt yy as v Viti aur nN ar ’ Li fe) i 6fhCOCOWS, tL, i,ay NyAJ AY

Cuap. XII. The Master said, ‘The accomplished scholar is not

a utensil.’

Cuap. XIII. Tsze-kung asked what constituted the superior man. The Master said,‘ He acts before he speaks, and afterwards speaks according to his actions.’

Cuap. XIV. The Master said, ‘The superior man is catholic and no partizan. The mean man is a partizan and not catholic.’

Cuap. XV. The Master said, ‘Learning without thought is

labour lost ; thought without Jearning is perilous.’

Cuap. XVI. The Master said, ‘The study of strange doctrines is injurious indeed !’ 12. THE GENERAL APTITUDE OF THE CHUN-TSZE, | ‘partial,’ ‘partizanly.’ The sentiment is this :

This is not like our English saying, that ‘such |— ‘With the Chtin-tsze, it is principles not a man is a machine,’ —a blind instrument. A|men; with the small man, the reverse’

utensil has its particular use. It answers for 15. IN LEARNING, READING AND THOUGHT MUST

that other. so with the superior |... gomprnep. fq, ‘a net,’ used also in the man, and who no is ad omniaNot paratus, 13. How WITH THE SUPERIOR MAN WoRDS FoL- | Sense of ‘not,’ as an adverb, and here as an

Low actions. The reply is literally—‘ He first | adjective. The old commentators make HS, acts his words and afterwards follows them.’ | ;___. >a _¢ . p A translator’s difficulty is with the latter clause. perilous,’ simply = ‘wearisome to the body. | 16. STRANGE DOCTRINES ARE NOT TO BE STUDIED.

What is the antecedent to 2? It would seem We often ‘to attack,’ as an enemy, here =‘to to be E = , but in that case there is no room apply one’s self to,’ ‘ to study.’ Ni ‘ correct 3? for words at all. Nor is there according to the then, ‘beginnings,’ ‘first principles ;’ here = have given, Chi Hsi follows the famous Chau | ‘ doctrines.’ tH, met asinI, xiv. In Confu-

old commentators. In the interpretation I ; C . ;

Lien-ch‘i ( JA rid yes), cius’s time Buddhism was not in China, and

14. Te - Cy we can hardly suppose him to intend Taoism. + SHE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE VHUN“TSZE | Tndeed, we are ignorant to what doctrines he re-

AND THE SMALL MAN. EH , here in 4th tone, = ! ferred, but his maxim is of general application.

|An » , |.

CH. XVIII. ] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 151

Be RH, HW) Be ‘e)~15 aAT ?~ =.Zu) aodBF >=

ZaBinef =i 4y HOSE JL ba we FI A

Se Bi TL, Wi , . We, Hl Zem4 SE,’Se ’ AY odTE8 vary 2 — EF me d 3 a Je, | oOBOo ’

HE 54 Fs

Pe aw eA>»AZ ’' H

Cuap. XVII. The Master said, ‘Yd, shall I teach you what knowledge is? When you know a thing, to hold that you know it ; and when you do not know a thing, to allow that you do not know it ;—this is knowledge.’ Cuap. XVIII. 1. Tsze-chang was learning with a view to official emolument.

2. The Master said, ‘Hear much and put aside the points of which you stand in doubt, while you speak cautiously at the same time of the others :—then you will afford few occasions for blame. See much and put aside the things which seem perilous, while you are cautious at the same time in carrying the others into practice : —then you will have few occasions for repentance. When one gives few occasions for blame in his words, and few occasions for repentance In his conduct, he is in the way to get emolument.’ 17. THERE SHOULD BE NO PRETENCE IN THE| Sider,’ ‘to allow.’ tr, thus marked with a PROFESSION OF KNOWLEDGE, OR THE DENIAL OF), a 5 Hr wou!’

IGNORANCE. Hy, by surname18, THE Ait, gener, BEr ONE’S youOWN . ENDand IN LEARNING SHOULD ally known by his designation of Tsze-li (-F- IMPROVEMENT, AND NOT EMOLUMENT. 1. T'sze-

3), was one of the most famous disciples of chang, named Bin with the double surname Confucius, and now occupies in the temples the ae JK, a native of Ch‘an ( Ba), was not 4th place east in the sage’s own hall. He was undistinguished in the Confucian school. Tszenoted for his courage and forwardness, a man | tung praised him as a man of merit without of impulse rather than reflection. Confucius boasting, humble in a high position, and not foretold that he would come to an untimely | arrogant to the helpless. From this chapter, end. He was killed through his own rashness however, it would appear that inferior motives inhisa cap revolution in the Statehis of| S°metimes Wei. The : oA. :.4 of being cut off when he received ruledtassel him. = = ;was learning, death-wound, he quoted asaying—‘Thesuperior | : . . _ we: man must not die without his cap,’ tied on the | *° ## Some particular time. TF Ye to

tassel, adjusted the cap, and expired. This|seek for.’ 2. 4 is explained by Hy et action — 4k ee we Ar —is much lauded. | put this meaning of it is not given clearly in Of the six 7, the 1st and 6th are knowledge the dictionary. Compare its use in XITI. subjective, the other four are knowledge objec- | il. 4. me TE E rH, ‘Emolument is herein,’ tive, FF = I FR ‘to take to be,’ ‘to con-| i.e. it will come without seeking ; the individual

152 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. II,

=F] El) Rae ou RR ME)ElAVI Ps HoeNtGel ise)geHH 2B GS as)

~~ $F rh > = = —a_s BH Non VA AE iat th 7 o Iu . % a re HK fo)Oe

ie wd ’ b Ly

pH OM VW BE FE FL | FL 7 AE, vil j ll i) } [sl

Aw d

j m Hz a Re WA

Fy, BX AR, {1 Ae X lila HF, fo

ij J y , : j O yi yak Ay

BR FTAA » dL ’OPE P»

eee9e°

Cuap. XIX. The duke Ai asked, saying, ‘ What should be done in order to secure the submission of the people?” Confucius replied,

‘Advance the upright and set aside the crooked, then the people will submit. Advance the crooked and set aside the upright, then the people will not submit.’ Cuap. XX. Chi K‘ang asked how to cause the people to reverence

their ruler, to be faithful to him, and to go on to nerve themselves tovirtue. The Master said, ‘ Let him preside over them with gravity; —then they will reverence him. Let him be filial and kind to all ;— then they will be faithful to him. Let him advance the good and teach the incompetent ;—then they will eagerly seek to be virtuous.’ Cuap. XXI. 1. Some one addressed Confucius, saying, ‘ Sir, why are you not engaged in the government !

e9

is on the way to it. The lesson is that we are | soother,’ was the honorary epithet of Chi-sun to do what is right, and not be anxious about | Foi ( HE). the head of one of the three great

temporal concerns. families of La: see chav.v. His idea i 19. How a PRINCE BY THE RIGHT EMPLOYMENT | OMICS OF Ul; 80 Pp. V. 41S Idea 1s seen

. f infl . 1 d to =

OF HIS OFFICERS MAY SECURE THE REAL SUBMISSION | in Gi ‘to cause,’ the power of force ; that

OF suByEcTS. Ai was the c. honorary epithet of;—Confucius Confucius appears in,i,w.t«; ‘then,’ the power of we , duke of Lii (B. 494-468)

died in his 16th year. According to the laws an na " Ww EAT Ys “8 8a) Bd, for posthumous titles, re denotes ‘the re- | ‘together with,’ ‘mutually. ey , ‘to advise,

, ~— | ‘to teach,’ has also in the dictionary the mean-

spectful and benevolent, early cut off. IX ing—‘to rejoice to follow,’ which is its force rN = ‘The to-be-lamented duke.’ ge 4th | here, Fe aes, ‘the practice of goodness,’ being tone, = ie ‘to set aside.’ ay is partly eu- understood. Wang Yin-chih (on the Particles) says that in this (and similar passages) VY

phonious, also indicates the ni} plural. , _~ |unitesbut the meanings of Hid and ; and ¥L this

F ¥ =| » ‘The philosopher K’ung replied. is the view which I have myself long held.

‘Here, for the first time, the sage is called by| 21. Conrucrus’s EXPLANATION OF HIS NOT BEING

his surname, and a is used, as indicating |IN ANY OFFICE. I. By a8 FL —the surthe reply of an inferior to a superior. name indicates that the questioner was not a 20. EXAMPLE IN SUPERIORS IS MORE POWERFUL | disciple. Confucius had his reason for not

THAN FORCE. K‘ang, ‘easy and pleasant, people- | being in office at the time, but it was not ex-

CH, XXIIL.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 153

noel Zh amepanvenmansll, 5 FA Hoe Mie LR 0— [==~[===] d Yon,»J,\ ’ v.

O An aod An Fle fe wT A ee ’ aaa¥ y Zon ’ ° AR LHL) A aE Ae Te d fe)

Fafa ik Hi “EC ¥ fey AA IE fay

iaeeA: m=) a

Vi N ’ H yy aw SJ Akar Hl VW. rEYSY fF, TY, Aa Nice,AT A»Ht, Wer AYAFeBe it v

2. The Master said,‘ What does the Shi-ching say of filial piety ?— “ You are filial, you discharge your brotherly duties. These qualities are displayed in government.” This then also constitutes the exercise

of government. Why must there be THat—making one be in the

government ?’ 7

CHap. XXII. The Master said, ‘I do not know how a man without truthfulness is to geton. Howcana large carriage be made to go without the cross-bar for yoking the oxen to, or a small carriage without the arrangement for yoking the horses ?’

Cuap. XXIII. 1. Tsze-chang asked whether the affairs of ten

ages after could be known. 2. Confucius said,‘ The Yin dynasty followed the regulations of the

Hsia : wherein it took from or added to them may be known. The Chau dynasty has followed the regulations of the Yin: wherein it took from or added to them may be known. Some other may follow the Chau, but though it should be at the distance of a hundred ages, its affairs may be known.’ pedient to tell it. He replied therefore, as in |curved upwards, and the cross-bar was sus-

par. 2. 2. See the Shi-ching, V. xxi.1. Butj|pended from a hook.’ This would give it the text is neither correctly applied nor exactly | more elasticity. ,

quoted. The old interpreters read in one sen-| 23. THE GREAT PRINCIPLES GOVERNING SOCIETY

tence Zp SP HE ap ‘O filial piety! nothing | ARE UNCHANGEABLE. I. {H may be taken as an but filial piety!’ Cha Hsi, however, pauses at |age=our ‘century,’ or as a generation = thirty

Y2., and commences the quotation with HE years, which is its radical meaning, being

HtFW FB Fi rst Fi _ formed from tens andtoone (tf and —), 7 KRZa=~ IMnsiatheConfucius made no three pretension supernatural VJ Fe, and Ht refers to the thought in the | powers, and all commentators are agreed that question, that office was necessary to one’s being the things here asked about were not what

in22.government. we call contingent or indifferent events. THE NECESSITY TO A MAN OF BEING TRUTH- | He merely says that the great principles of . morality and relations of society had continued

the same and would do so. = mS. .2° in thea. dictionary in the sameever way—‘ theth, crossFUL AND SINCERE. ri and HL are explained

bar at the end of the carriage-pole.’ Cha Hsi |* The Hsia, Yin, and Chau are now spoken says, ‘In the light carriage the end of the pole | of as the — AR, ‘ The three changes,’ i.e. the

P, =} : | bleSL YT an " 4, uh, ’ hraeJel 4a

154 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK, III.

Se TJWea, Se, HL, 32>alt, oFFL sz |ae "

Hogs A, Woe CT o ahaFR ZAIN ’ o ->N A iit. ji es KRZIF v ’ w7 Py:AB fur ) oR .s

te ey ee) ay, HAE DNS » 7) | ps

Cuap. XXIV. 1. The Master said, ‘For a man to sacrifice to a spirit which does not belong to him is flattery. 2. ‘To see what is right and not to do it is want of courage.’ three great dynasties. The first sovereign of|a man may say that they are his, are those the Hsia was ‘The great Yii,’ B.c. 2205 ; of the | only of his ancestors, and to them only he may

1122. fices to. th ; * obj tCe8

Yin, T‘ang, B.c. 1766; and of Chau, Wa, 3.c.| sacrifice. The ritual of China provides for 24. NEITHER IN SACRIFICE NOR IN ANY OTHER| ~~ “es OES. CIBEROR OF O jects—FR mip , PRACTICE MAY A MAN DO ANYTHING BUT WHAT IS HH vp XN AL, ‘spirits of heaven, of the

RIGHT. I. XK Di Fy A, ‘The spirit of man | earth, of men.’ This chapter is not to be extended to all the three. It has reference only (i.e. of the dead) is called Li The a of which | to the manes of departed men.

BOOK If. PA YIH.

Ff we , = ss) rr AtAIA im A iH ae oA \@] ’ ommnath

A*1'ize y- N oe Vv Py

CHapterR I. Confucius said of the head of the Chi fami, who

had eight rows of pantomimes in his area, ‘If he can bear to do this, — what may he not bear to do ?’ Heaprne or tH1s Boox.— IN tf} a =, |of, and not her PE, Originally the Fe apThe last Book treated of the practice of govern- | pears to have been used to denote the branch

ment, and therein no things, according to Chi-| families of one surname. ae K , ‘The Chi nese ideas, are more important than ceremonial family,’ with special reference to its head, ‘The the twenty-six chapters of this Book are occu- | Chi,’ as we should say. Ff a row of dancers,

rites and music. With those topics, therefore, . Y) yy pied, first and ‘eight rows,’ the words pantomimes .rather, the chapter, areprincipal adopted asIn|}or its heading. . who kept time in 1. CoNFUCIUS’S INDIGNATION AT THE UsURPaTION | the temple services, 3m the fe the fr ont

. space before the raised portion in the principal

OF ROYAL RITES. a K: by contraction for hall, moving or brandishing feathers, flags, vr

. other articles. In his ancestral temple, the

FR 19 } seo on I. v. ae and $f are ue king had eight rows, each row consisting of used without distinction, meaning ‘surname, eight men, a duke or prince had six, and a only that the i of a woman is always spoken | great officer only four. For the Chi, therefore,

CH. IV.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 155

Hy = Fst es) A Ay APO (ee } : [, ae) Lviv TA

iad epkel— Fh Fe = a AV at Xf tn i lin “~~ » AS ——< AN ’ Wes A, — A, Fe $i He BY a i fiSE A A,e Be AZTEAt

» > —HH ¥% » ’a i.Wer oAH yy =a

meFi), | ANeae OE HE

Cuap. II. The three families used the Yune ode, while the vessels were being removed, at the conclusion of the sacrifice. The Master said, ‘“ Assisting are the princes ;—the son of heaven looks profound and grave :”—-what application can these words have in the hall of the three families ?’

| Cuap. III. The Master said, ‘If a man be without the virtues proper to humanity, what has he to do with the rites of propriety ? If a man be without the virtues proper to humanity, what has he to do with music ?’

Cuap.1V. 1. Lin Fang asked what was the first thing to be attended to in ceremonies. 2. The Master said, ‘A great question indeed! 3. ‘In festive ceremonies, it is better to be sparing than extravagant. to use eight rows was a usurpation, for though by Confucius, quite inappropriate to the cirLa royal rites were conceded, and that the cumstances of the three families. Keg y—with offshoots of it (II. v) might use the same, still] out an aspirate. AY —4th tone, ‘assistant,’ great officers were confined to the ordinances ‘assisting’

it may be argued, that to the ducal family o | anil: __ with. proper to their rank. =H is used here, as assisting:

os ad ; in 3. CEREMONIES AND MUSIC VIRTUE. frequently, the sense—‘to speak of.’VAIN Con-WITHOUT . fucius’s remark may also be translated, ‘If this {= see I. ii. I don’t know how to render be endured, what may not be endured?’ For|/it here, otherwise than in the translation.

there is force in the observations of the author O tat define it”) J

of the JU SE Bat SF, that this par. and the | ““mmonsio™s Somme 2 HO < a is, following must be assigned to the sage during the oo. virtue of the heart. As referred the short time that he held high office——s in Lia. | to Me it indicates the feeling of reverence ; phy 2. AGAIN AGAINST USURPED RIGHTS. —— BR as referred to Be (yo), it indicates harmo-

HB. ‘Those belonging to the three families.’ | niougness.

They assembled together, as being the descend-| 4. THE OBJECT OF CEREMONIES SHOULD REGUants of duke Hwan (II. v), in one temple. To] LATE THEM :—AGAINST FORMALISM. 1. Lin Fang,

this belonged the be in the last chapter, | styled -F- Bp, was a man of La, whose which is called aR Fe fe. circumstances | tablet is now placed first, on the west, in the having concurred to make the Chi the chief) 1}. the question in this chapter. According to

. . . ,»| outer court of the temples. He is known only

of the three families; see py = ay er Chia Hsi, AS here is not AE AK ‘the radical VIII. vii. For the Yung ode, see Shih-ching, _ IV. i. sec. ii. Ode viz. It was, properly, sung|idea,’ ‘the essence;’ but = ARH ‘the begin-

in the royal temples of the Chau dynasty,); |, ; .

at the FEL ‘the clearing away,’ of the sacri- ning (op posed to Ac): the first thing to be ficial apparatus, and contains the lines quoted |attended to.’ 3. nee as opposed to Bis (xst

156 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. III.

Wh HF el eB ’ ABe an o7t-t } 0AMA)

yy, v ’ 4K BA ) V j ’ Au 1 [+o | Ke AM A ~~ v [PPES) AATike NK =e : Re

’ w Aw~ SAAR BKBeZF C= ’ \ANN :

Tn 0ebDRS HWw, | Co aLoa )wh) Hu. :

In the ceremonies of mourning, it is better that there be deep sorrow

than a minute attention to observances. :

Cuap. VY. The Master said, ‘ The rude tribes of the east and north

have their princes, and are not like the States of our great land

which are without them.’ Cuap. VI. The chief of the Chi family was about to sacrifice to the T‘Ai mountain. The Master said to Zan Yd, ‘Can you not save him

from this?’ He answered, ‘I cannot.’ Confucius said, ‘ Alas! will you say that the T‘4i mountain is not so discerning as Lin Fang ?’ tone), must indicate the festive or fortunate; 6. ON THE FOLLY OF USURPED SACRIFICES. hie

(+) ceremonies, — capping, marriage, and |is said to be the name appropriate to sacrifices

. . «ae ,| 40 mountains, but we find it applied also to

sacrifices. By , read i, qth tone. Cha Hsi| sacrifices to God. The T‘ai mountain is the explains it by Vig as in Mencius— By “E first of the ‘five mountains’ (Ht. Fh), which e] d dressan theefields.’ and are celebrated in Chinese literature,Itand HW eS,itoCleanse ’ always received religious honours. washave in interprets as in the translation. The old/ La, or rather on the borders between Lai and commentators take the meaning—Fq] B ,|Ch‘i, about two miles north of the present ‘harmony and ease,’ i.e. not being overmuch | department city of T’ai-an (Be Fe), in Shan-

troubled. tung. According to the ritual of China, sacrifice 5. THE ANARCHY oF CoNFUCIUS’s TIME.and The| could onlyprinces be otered toin those mountains by the . sovereign, by the whose States

Be were the barbarous tribes on the east of any of them happened to be. For the chief of China, and RK; those on the north. See me the Chi family, therefore, to sacrifice to the =; + ‘fill ,1II.xiv. The two are here used Tai mountain was a great usurpation. KK as for the barbarous tribes about China generally. in IL. vii= thr yand ap as in II. vili = Bl » OF

ah B is a name for China because of the|We may take it as = KK, ‘Have you said,’ multitude of its regions (BB): and its greatness | &¢-? 3 yy = as Wy 2. me » ‘The spirit ( ia 2 ) °#7a3j‘The and Great,’ is ofthe T‘ai mountain.’ Linreference Fang,—see chap. iv, *YFlowery _ 2 |from which the reason of this to him still a common designation of it. Chia Hsi may be understood. Zan Ya, named (se), takes An as simp ly=4pJ, and hence the sen- and by designation -F- A » was one of the timent in the translation. Ho Yen’s commen- disciples of Confucius, and is now third, in tary *8 to this effect :—' The rude tribes with the hall, on the west. ’ He entered the service their princes are still not equal to China with | o¢ the Ghi family, and was a man of ability

its anarchy.’ so read as, and = SHE. and resource.

a

WA Ww oe » PLS “~ ’ ’ wR eK Tah hh +

CH, VHI.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 157

== >

a 1 moi] A OS RW A, | vO =H Lhe ByDNfl’A B rT = wan , BA Al Ra°oWe th. 7,oA+ FF JH AvA ’ EfFe "sn is F rise ’ a BS da)» wi FAW H oa ’ eA io br yl OM ae |feOoTh U\ AY ’,

Py = —

Cuap. VII. The Master said, ‘ The student of virtue has no contentions. Ifit be said he cannot avoid them, shall this be in archery? But he bows complaisantly to his competitors ; thus he ascends the hall, descends, and exacts the forfeit of drinking. In his contention, he is still the Chiin-tsze.’ Cuap. VIII. 1. Tsze-hsia asked, saying, ‘What is the meaning of the passage—“ The pretty dimples of her artful smile! The well-defined black and white of her eye! The plain ground for the colours?”’ 2. The Master said, ‘The business of laying on the colours follows (the preparation of) the plain ground.’ 3. ‘Ceremonies then are a subsequent thing?’ The Master said, ‘It

is Shang who can bring out my meaning. NowI can begin to talk about the odes with him,’ 7. THE SUPERIOR MAN AVOIDS ALL CONTENTIOUS | ORNAMENTAL, 1, The sentences quoted by Tsze-

STRIVING. Here at -F- = fs dik 2. A: hsia are, it is supposed, from a 3, ae, one of ‘the man who prefersvirtue.’ DIK +H, at xB, the poems which Confucius did not admit into

. eh + shall it be hero? the Shih-ching. The two first lines, however,

literally, ‘if he musty § 1 ; em archery jare found in it, I.v; III. ii. The disciple’s + a, according to Cha Hsi, extend over all inquiry turns on the meaning of vl Tr in n)

the verbs, FI- ) ay BR . Tt is marked in the | the last line, which he took to mean—‘The plain 4th tone, anciently appropriate to it as a verb. ground is to be regar ded as the colouring.” 2.

aR, 4th tone, ‘to give to drink,’ here =to exact | Confucius, in his reply, makes te a verb, from the vanquished the forfeit cup. In Confu- | governing Fe, = ‘comes after the plain ground.’

cius’s time there were three principal exercises = 4 rc cay . of archery :—the great archery, under the eye of | 3 Ns te

» » ’EA

B Joo Hk P wh, Hl El ne kk Sav AA I , A 5 $a ii A i. BB ZEB

Mi, . Wig Vv Wiki, 1X Vv ’ yy =

HEC RA EW BE

AM at aft oe PE Pe BL , ‘ Ht, rt

Rad"CHE LE RE ie -P 7 ’ jS Hu m 3 ) OCAR , ’ zs ) =6B EC

Cuap. IX. The Master said, ‘I could describe the ceremonies of = the Hsia dynasty, but Chi cannot sufficiently attest my words. I could describe the ceremonies of the Yin dynasty, but Sung cannot

sufficiently attest my words. (They cannot do so) because of the insufficiency of their records and wise men. If those were sufficient, I could adduce them in support of my words.’

Cuap. X. The Master said, ‘At the great sacrifice, after the

pouring out of the libation, I have no wish to look on.’ Cuap. XI, Some one asked the meaning of the great sacrifice. The Master said, ‘I do not know. He who knew its meaning would 9, THE DECAY OF THE MONUMENTS OF ANTIQUITY. | reigning dynasty traced his descent. As to who

Of Hsia and Yin, see II. xxiii. In the small! were his assessors in the sacrifice and how often ‘State of Chi (originally what is now the district | it was offered ;—these are disputed points, See of the same name in K‘ai-fung department in | ¢«g no-hsi’s di _ Ho-nan, but in Confucius’s time a part of Shan- ang-hsi's dict., char. jin - Compare also py

tung), the sacrifices to the emperors of descendants. the Hsia VIL.& viii, dynasty were maintained by their wxand $a py & thi BR So with the Yin dynasty and Sung, a part ae, I. xiii. A royal rite, its use in La was also of Ho-nan. But the De ‘literary monu-| wrong (see next chap. ), but there was something

; , in the service after the early act of libation

ments’ of those countries,and their ek (= Ee, inviting the descent of the spirits, which more so in the Shi-ching, V. vii. 5, et al.), ‘wise men,’| particularly moved the anger of Confucius,

had become few. Had Confucius therefore de- 4A prs ‘ 4-4. .

livered all his knowledge about the two dynas- ifn {£:= VW oe different from 4£ in I.xv.

ties, he have,exposed histruthfulnessto| 11.chapteris tae PROFOUND MEANING oF THEConfucius GREAT SAC+ would iy Sye +, | RIFICE, This akin toII. xxi.

susp nero. (ee in the sense of ae ‘to wit: evades replying to his questioner, it being con-

ness,’ and, at the end, ‘to appeal to for evidence.’ | trary to Chinese propriety to speak in a country

The old commentators, however, interpret the | of the faults of its government or rulers. at, whole differently.— Already in the time of ‘explanation,’ = meaning. The antecedent to

Confucius of the records of of antiquity Te had perished.many the second # is the whole the preceding 10. THE SAGE’S DISSATISFACTION AT THE WANT | clause :—‘ The relation to the kingdom of him

OF PROPRIETY IN CEREMONIES. ang is the name | Who knew its moaning j—that would be as to

belonging to different sacrifices, but here indi-| look on this. sf, interjective, more than cates the REE, ‘great sacrifice,’ which could | interrogative. AR= I ‘to see.’ K aiy properly be celebrated only by the sovereign. | ‘under heaven,’ an ambitious designation for The individual sacrificed to in it was the re-| the Chinese empire, as 4 olxovpévn and orbis motest ancestor from whom the founder of the | terre were used by the Greeks and Romans.

°a

v ~~.

CH, XIII. ] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 159

jeMyOk ZHPNSsSe!ih wy juve ECE VI S ([se:| 7

Uh. He inl Ba cee dn fe, 3k -F

0AE WS =H N | o AN ° ii ItfeYA HH DhFag v HuFH

Be»2k IrhHL, BL Ey Wo fe " » EL ON

te. Tr. BR ns er eae T= ’ ri Sty 9 Mm Ae A, > Wii

’ ~”~ nN

find it as easy to govern the kingdom as to look on this ;’—pointing to his palm. Cuap. XII. 1. He sacrificed to the dead, as if they were present. He sacrificed to the spirits, as if the spirits were present. —

2. The Master said, ‘I consider my not being present at the

sacrifice, as if I did not sacrifice.’

Cuap, XIII. 1. Wang-sun Chia asked, saying, ‘What is the meaning of the saying, “ It is better to pay court to the furnace than to the south-west corner ?”’ ’

2. The Master said,‘ Notso, He who offends against Heaven has none to whom he can pray.’ 12. ConFucrus’s OWN SINCERITY IN SACRIFIC-|and honourable place, but the tsdo was the

eo hictar) more important for the support and comfort

ING. Ts BS here “s historical and not to of the household. The prince and his immebe translated in the imperative. We have to| giate attendants might be more honourable supply an objective to the first BR, viz. ria than such a minister as Chia, but more benefit

iH. the dead, his forefathers, as contrasted might be got from him. UE: from woman

ay coth - _ - «4 5,and eyebrows, = ‘to ogle,’ ‘to flatter.’ 2. Con-

with mp mee an nn . the a nia fucius’s reply was in a high tone. Chia Hsi

o which in his official capacity he would have .

to sacrifice. 2, Observe Fi? in the 4th tone, my" K Ell py th: Heaven meas P mn ‘to be present at,’ ‘to take part in? ciple.’ But whyshould Heaven mean principle, 18. THAT THERE IS NO RESOURCE aGarnst THE| if there were not in such a use of the term an CONSEQUENCES OF VIOLATING THE RIGHT, 1. Chia instinctive recognition of a supreme govern-

f Wei (officer fi) d h _ |ment intelligence righteousness? was at off great of ofWei , andandhaving ; ; We = the power of the State in his hands insinuated find KR explained in the py = +h BR OC to Confucius that it would be for his advantage | by Sy By AE is #, ‘The lofty One who is to pay court to him. The A, or south-west | on high.’ Ascholar of great ability and research corner, was from the structure of ancient | has written to me contending that we ought to houses the cosiest nook, and the place of honour. | find in this chapter a reference to fire-worship

Chit Hsi explains the proverb by reference to|as having been by the time of Confucius inthe customs of sacrifice. The furnace was| troduced from Persia into China; butI have not comparatively a mean place, but when the/ found sufficient reference to such an introducspirit of the furnace was sacrificed to, then| tion at so early a period. The ordinary explathe rank of the two places was changed for the | nation seems to me more satisfactory ;—simple

time, and the proverb quoted was in vogue. |and sufficient. Ho Yen quotes the words of But there does not seem much force in this| K‘ung An-kwo of our second century on the explanation. The door, or well, or any other of | passage :—‘ Chia held in his hands the governthe five things in the regular sacrifices, might | ment of the State. Wishing to make Confutake the place of the furnace. The old expla-|cius pay court to him, he stirred him up in a nation which makes no reference to sacrifice | gentle way by quoting to him a saying common is simpler. Ao might be the more retired | among the people.’

160 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, [BK, III.

—j| Fe sit or — + (=) W AS | Mig x (az \yxa| ~ Se! VL cf : (=z

At th.J; WO yy, O . BA at Te a A——¥} He RS A| HK. B e Ae HO Bl, Fi. 2 Je, te Be UR . eS NK

oO y fe) ’ | epee, BOL a — By H XZ

iiby

162 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. 1.

dre) } + ; | . >. ais | (mae) & 9 = +E. — 2» } >) + Ak, TE De SRA YW FE

A at, SAV) AX HA Ls eZ eBBRL AY BL tr NLvy FR EL 44.326 Fl SR, ie BP

, » EB o ’ , ad =H 2 PAHWE RK bi, | PK RM a ar2s SZA)SN JA

Cuap. XXI, 1. The duke Ai asked Tsd4i Wo about the altars of the

spirits of the land. Ts&i Wo replied, ‘The Hsia sovereign planted the pine tree about them; the men of the Yin planted the cypress; and the men of the Chau planted the chestnut tree, meaning thereby to cause the people to be in awe.’ 2. When the Master heard it, he said, ‘Things that are done, it is needless to speak about; things that have had their course, it is needless to remonstrate about; things that are past, it 1s needless

to blame.’ |

Cuap. XXIT. 1. The Master said, ‘Small indeed was the capacity of Kwan Chung!’

2. Some one said, ‘Was Kwan Chung parsimonious?’ ‘Kwan, was the reply, ‘had the San Kwev, and his officers performed no double duties; how can he be considered parsimonious ?’ 3. ‘Then, did Kwan Chung know the rules of propriety?’ The 21. A RASH REPLY oF TsA4t Wo asovut THE| to death before the qc.’ B Is KK is the ALTARS TO THE SPIRITS OF THE LAND, ANDLAMENT) 1 distinouish him f OF CONFUCIUS THEREON. I. vis AM, see II. xix, | 77°?" * 1s SAN? = » to distinguish him from

Tsai Wo, by name >, and styled +. Zt his predecessors, the Th and J KE to diswas an eloquent disciple of the sage, a native | tinguish him from ine, who was ns Ke - of La. His place is the second west among} while they were descended from the same an-

‘the wise ones.’ me. from JR (Chit), ‘spirit|cestor. See chap. i, on KK. BR AK and

or spirits of the earth,’ and +, ‘the soil,’ Fa A: in parallelism with 3B jG K, means +E Hb nih =a ‘the resting-place or |™must mean the founders of these dynasties ;

altars of the spirits of the land or ground why they are simply styled XM ‘man, or

Wo simply tells the duke that the founders of|‘men,’ I have not found clearly explained, the several dynasties planted such and such | though commentators feel it necessary to say trees about those altars. The reason was that someting on the point. 2. qhis is all directed

. . ; against Wo’s reply. e had spoken, and his

the soil suited such trees; but as Ba ‘the | ~ords could not be recalled. ?

chestnut tree,’ the tree of the existing dynasty, | 22. Conrucrus’s oPpINION oF Kwan CHunNG :—

is used in the sense of ‘sa , ‘to be afraid,’ he| agaInst HIM. 1. Kwan Chung, by name Be suggested a reason for its planting which might | F¢. i, ono of the most famous names in Chinese

lead the duke to severe measures against his| A’ _.

people to be carried into effect at the altars, | history. He was chief minister to the duke Comp. the Shi-ching, IV. ii. 5, ‘I will put you Liz of HK (2.0. 683-642), the first and greatest

»qn sf— , BH Se

CH, XXIII] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 163

WMH AT Se me ee APB oT [zex| /NSo = ,

ws’ FE HR, Ah a-A .no ’ aie WKoO Ae Ae OA OS2Fa’ ‘ wv yn fee in Je 3E Alia

we y " y Gd Hh,AY 5 fh A» FE All Pr Vic>.FuHi PLE EB ‘

Master said, ‘The princes of States have a screen intercepting the view

at their gates. Kwan had likewise a screen at his gate. The princes of States on any friendly meeting between two of them, had a stand on which to place their inverted cups. Kwan had also such a stand. If Kwan knew the rules of propriety, who does not know them?’ Cuap, XXIII. The Master instructing the Grand music-master of Lii said, ‘How to play music may be known, At the commencement of the piece, all the parts should sound together. As it proceeds, they should be in harmony, while severally distinct and flowing without break, and thus on to the conclusion. of the five pd CA or tn): leaders of the | 4th tone, = ‘a friendly meeting.’ The $f, princes of the nation under the Chau dynasty. | from + and ar , was a stand, made originally In the times of Confucius and Mencius, people f earth and turf. K. h . thought more of Kwan than those sages, no | 0 Carta ane turk, Awan usurped the use of it,

i as he did of the screen ; being as regardless of

hero-worshippers, would allow. ae see IT. | prescribed forms, as in par. 2 of expense, and xii, but its significance here is different, and | be came far short therefore of the Confucian

_ idea of the Chiin-tsze.

=our measure or capacity. 2. ——= Pa » in the 23. ON THE PLAYING OF MUSIC. =e the 4th

dictionary, and the commentary of Chi|, ; . ; built by Kwan. There are other views of the YH, oe phrase, the oldest and the best supported ap- Ik) il Ee was the title of the Grand musicHsi, was the name of an extravagant tower | '0Re, = +, ‘to tell,’ ‘to instruct. K (= parently being that it means ‘three wives.’ | master. Bre # Fil Bi th; ‘music, it may (A woman’s marriage is called Fee ) The San be known,’ but the subject is not of the prinKwei and having no pluralists among his officers | ciples, but the performance cf music. Observe proved that he could not be parsimonious. | the An. Prémare says, ‘adjectivis addita sensum =F the 1st tone, ‘how.’ 3. hey ‘a tree,’ here | auget et exprimit modum.’ It is our ly or like,—

in the sense of ia ‘a screen,’ the screen of B; An » ‘blended like.’ $e the 4th tone, a prince, usurped by Kwan, who was only en-/the same as Ke = BL ‘let go,’ i.e. proceed-

titled to the fz of a great officer. HF, the 'ing, swelling on.

164 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK, 111,

BXeBypoeasce FS Es ’ 4 |Ioet ae a SS > F wt FAZ = WB lé

re t » eS yw 86, A HE AN O Nad) SP ant be oa

’ HA AWA YY ’ oNN

» BA Am , w +? +

| EL He te AN UL HE UL, as

ay ' =

A KH NR rm yl ih Fe, FR, Re, He on Ae = is AL KAW BA jie tea AFTRA

Cuap. XXIV. The border-warden at I requested to be introduced to the Master, saying, ‘When men of superior virtue have come to

this, I have never been denied the privilege of seeing them.’ The followers of the sage introduced him, and when he came out from the

interview, he said, ‘My friends, why are you distressed by your master’s loss of office? The kingdom has long been without the principles of truth and right ; Heaven is going to use your master as a bell with its wooden tongue.’

Cuap. XXV. The Master said of the Shdo that it was perfectly beautiful and also perfectly good. He said of the Wd that it was perfectly beautiful but not perfectly good. Cuap. XXVI. The Master said, ‘ High station filled without indulgent generosity ; ceremonies performed without reverence ; mourning conducted without sorrow ;—wherewith should I contemplate such ways?’ 24. A STRANGER’S VIEW OF THE VOCATION oF | same idiom occurs elsewhere. The ¥,N Ge

Coxructus. I was a small town on the borders | was a metal bell with a wooden tongue, shaken

of Wei, referred to a place in the present/in making announcements, or to call people department of K‘ai-fang, Ho-nan province. together. Heaven would employ Confucius to Confucius at the beginning of his wander-| proclaim the truth and right.

ings after leaving La was retiring from Wei,|" 95 Tus compaRATIVE MERITS OF THE MUSIC OF

the prince of which could not employ him. | .

. 2 SHUN Wt. Bg the The name 1st of the music This was AND the Bie = -was AE: and .| . made by Shun, perfect in melody and senti-

ard 5 are read hsien, 4th tone, = A Gi ment. ny was the musie of king Wa, also 42. Fl. ‘to introduce,’ or ‘to be introduced.’ perfect in melody, butautnor. br eathing the martial alr, Indadlcative OI 1ts 2. in A F 2. Es tk Hh th, has its| 26. THE DISREGARD OF WHAT IS ESSENTIAL VITI*

, » ATES ALLSERVICES. Thethe meaning proper possessive power,—‘In caseofofthea chapter ‘’ Chiin-tsze’s coming to this.’ Tsung, the 4th tone, | 72S upon ay VW — 3) AR oF VY 4ay

‘to attend upon.’ ~~ — F, ‘Two or three 9 , ‘wherewith.’ j=} is essential to rulers, sons,’ or ‘gentlemen,’ = ‘my friends.’ The FRE to ceremonies, and it to mourning.

CH. II.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 165

Ale Wax OK .- OoA Y | v Be IN, j le FA ay Ai, BOOK IV. LE JIN,

—_| |—~«

EPA E

WICKEDNESS. Aj = WN not merely —‘if,’ but chine tseey which he bears. 3: Ke BS ii ‘if really.’ Comp. the statement, 1 John iii. The pace “ whi cha meal ¢ an be Sinished ; 9, ‘Whosoever is born of God doth not com-| ™¢eaning a short time. si rN (interchange5. THE DEVOTION OF THE CHUN-TSZE TO VIRTUE. able with Ft )and 1 ifs 2" well-known

; | i he characters. ,

antecedent ._|expressions, thelatter former for haste confuT. For POFthe tho antecedent to tZ.inmth bhe recurring | sion, the for change and and danger; but it 48. a: we are to look to the following | 1820t easy to trace the attaching of those mean-

wa OT ’ .

verbs, iE and 5. We might translate mse ‘° the characters rte y ‘to fall Gown, the first x WJ a2 48. ra Gf they can- and vit: the same, but the former with the not be obtained, &.,’ but this would not suit] face up, the other with the face down. is the second case. H- 4: ‘the way,’ i.e. the Ik i s—comp. Horace’s ‘Omnis in hos sum.’

CH. VII] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 167

a » = fe) ».’’

Mm eeRMLER AE

# PYAZRHH ’ Pr >N ;EA ’ AL A |RR B52 y ’ d] Ps Oo Le AS. AD, y Vv Ir

Cuap. VI. 1. The Master said, ‘I have not seen a person who loved virtue, or one who hated what was not virtuous. He who loved virtue, would esteem nothing above it. He who hated what is not virtuous, would practise virtue in such a way that he would not allow anything that is not virtuous to approach his person. 2. ‘Is any one able for one day to apply his strength to virtue ? I have not seen the case in which his strength would be insufficient. 3. ‘Should there possibly be any such case, I have not seen it.’ Cuap. VII. The Master said, ‘The faults of men are characteristic

of the class to which they belong. By observing a man’s faults, it may be known that he is virtuous.’ 6. A LAMENT BECAUSE OF THE RARITY OF THE| ‘a particle of doubt ;’ as often. 7s 2. AR ) LOVE OF VIRTUE ; AND ENCOURAGEMENT TO PRAC- a transposition. as in I. ii. x

TISE VIRTUE. 1. The 9 belong to PCONDEMNED ,a 5 5 7. A MAN ISfirst NOTfour TO BE UTTERLY the verbs BY and Fa and give them the force | BECAUSE HE HAS FAULTS. Such is the sentiment

ao found in this chapter, in which we may say,

vs NS

of participles. In fii RAL ’ # belongs | however, that Confucius is liable to the charge _

to ys qe and aA {= ARE 2. He. brought against Tsze-hsia, I. vii. XN . sa Commonly, a = the or those who,’ but some- th, stands absolutely,—‘As to the faults of

times also = ‘that or those things which.’ fet men.’ 45 -# Ie and Is = HF —‘Each

, ; man follows his class.’ Observe the force of —

=} » ‘toad to.” Morrison, character fet: sha » ‘what goes beyond.’ The faults are the

translates the sentence wrongly —‘He wholoves | ¢xcosses of the general tendencies. Compare virtue and benevolence can have nothing more | Goldsmith’s line, ‘And even his failings leant

said in his praise.’ 3. Ay here is Fae ere 40 virtue’s side.’

ln = | . ime d dU Oo

168 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. Iv.

pe Aw

de Wet me HT RF 4, =n Aw dddv A, HL, AX A, A, BB wate oc OWN

) O dsr :, ft.] Hi, j se J el

fie #2 AR . 9da¥ ’.VwN d Hh I asAi, » WL? ’ dy yy | AS JE wi At,

Cuap, VIII. The Master said, ‘Ifa man in the morning hear the right way, he may die in the evening without regret.’

Cuap. IX. The Master said, ‘A scholar, whose mind is set on truth, and who is ashamed of bad clothes and bad food, is not fit to

be discoursed with.’

Cuap. X. The Master said, ‘The superior man, in the world, does not set his mind either for anything, or against anything ; what is right he will follow.’ Cuap. XI, The Master said, ‘The superior man thinks of virtue ;

the small man thinks of comfort. The superior man thinks of the sanctions of law; the small man thinks of favours which he may recewe, 8. THE IMPORTANCE OF KNOWING THE RIGHT| ‘truth,’ which perhaps is the best translation

way. One is perplexed to translate 4 here, | Of the term in places like this. ..

. ies bel 10. RIGHTEOUSNESS IS THE RULE OF THE CHUN-

Chia defines it—Ey py (= LAS r. FH, the | .o7n’s PRACTICE, Fi -F- 2. 7 ae ‘The

principles of whatofisthe right in eventstoand things.’ . - to . a = relation Chiin-tsze the world,’ i.e. Better is the explanation in 13 =e Ped at , . . . . all1things presenting themselves to him. iE —* AQR | . 6y ” meee Nz] By ae PE 238 NzI is the path read t#, is explained by Hi E: ‘to set the

i.e, of action—‘ which is in accordance with|_. d exclusjvel > We mav take the last our nature.’ Man is formed for this, and if he | ™@4" wh, USIVe y. on. © may paKe we nd die without coming to the knowledge of it, his | C/@use thus :—‘his is the according with, an

death is no better than that of a beast. One| keeping near to (ER: the 4th tone, =H or

would fain recognise in such sentences a vague . yy oe

apprehension of some higher truth than Chi- ¥H) righteousness.’ This gives each character nese sages have been able to propound.—Ho | its signification, the Fil blending its meaning

Yen takes a different and makes whole chapter a lamentview, of Confucius thatthe| he .with EE 7»

was likely to die without hearing of right| 11. THE DIFFERENT MINDINGS OF THE SUPERIOR

principles prevailing in the world.—‘ Could I| anp THE smaLL MAN. Hwdi is here emphatic, =

once hear of the prevalence of right principles,|___ ; ;

I could die the same evening!’ Other views | ‘°erishes and plans about. +; ‘earth,’ ‘the

of9.the meaning have been proposed. ye THE PURSUIT OF TRUTH SHOULD RAISE A ground,’ is here defined—fi}r EZ Fe, ‘the MAN ABOVE BEING ASHAMED oF Poverty. [ffi | Test or comforts one dwells amidst.’ May it

_ .,p7 | not be used somewhat in our sense of earthly ?

Hag —to be discoursed with, i.e. about 34) or | —‘ thinks of what is earthly.’

CH. XV.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 169

= | v ) ’ ra

AL,za (S|Ne Mice17 TY=Sel Z 5Ze eetaeNK

4 fe x F¥ 4.7 OF i EF, EB = Xr = HA 1 dlbLO Hoe 2HHY te teHY We ea MS of OH YYUR ’ Ud) 7. ats \ yaO Z zal 4 Ne Mhz Ai] cy Wry 3

’ b B y:

a PAi—iine Kit,AH = =e Fe » emai

ay dthJy a ab d

py ’ iS 4

a= BH FHHHYy,Fae » JLo

Cuap. XII. The Master said, ‘He who acts with a constant

view to his own advantage will be much murmured against.’

Cuap. XIII. The Master said, ‘Is a prince able to govern his kingdom with the complaisance proper to the rules of propriety,

what difficulty will he have? If he cannot govern it with that complaisance, what has he to do with the rules of propriety?’ Cuap. XIV. The Master said,‘A man should say, I am not concerned that I have no place, I am concerned how I may fit myself

for one. I am not concerned that I am not known, I seek to be

worthy to be known,’ Cuap. XV. 1. The Master said, ‘Shan, my doctrine 1s that of an all-pervading unity.’ The disciple Tsing replied, ‘Yes.’

2. The Master went out, and the other disciples asked, saying, 12, THE CONSEQUENCE OF SELFISH conpwcT. | i.e. an official situation. Ar Zl rT? is to be

i: the 3rd tone, =fK, ‘to accord with,’ ‘to] completed Ar Zl Tr F an Ay ° mas, an . ete CHARACTERS. . —s» gly ‘centre heart’ =I, the ego; and the ‘as heart’ particles ha and 4H, ibis said, F- pis

= the Iin sympathy with others. pind is duty- AR 45) BB ie The yz , ‘the two characters doing, on a consideration, or from the impulse, | have something of a repressive, expansive, of one’s own self; AW is duty-doing, on the| warning force.’ Ho Yen’s text has a Fam after

principle of reciprocity. The chapter shows ‘oh j | ; that Confucius only claimed to enforce duties the second ia which is not necessary

indicated by man’s mental constitution. He| 18. How 4 SoN MAY REMONSTRATE WITH Hs was simply amoral philosopher. Observe ff PARENTS ON THEIR FAULTS. See the ie =,

is grd tone, = ‘yes.’ Some say that FA IN XI. i. 15. $K, the 1st tone, ‘mildly,’ =the

must mean Tsang’s own disciples, and that \ F= bs a of the . had they been those of Confucius, we should a A ls fA, AR ie Aj Bl]

have read xp F. The criticism cannot be| Ay 18 the will of the parents. aX Ait = BA depended on. im ims RR is avery emphatic yt ay rae ‘again increasing his filial rever-

‘and nothing more.’ ence.’ the of th . 16. How RIGHTEOUSNESS AND SELFISHNESS DIS- itz aN itt 7 Aj Bl)

TINGUISH THE SUPERIOR MAN AND THE SMALL MAN. Xr it is not abandoning his purpose of re-

" 4 " 1’

CH. XXIII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 171

27 2a Be we rh a. a FLZF HFA TATE BHA EL Ais A’# ‘ FI FI nH ’ d ) ’ ‘e) Use MAeAe= Zi Py xR | —* AHL. VA BE RAF | BE 2 vvo oa fe) 5 RB Me cS “rs Jan yHER JLuY0 ~ CZa—-R we Ay X Pwr A XA is $3 77N . a

YE.

ff HUA 2 3 my A mM ’ LEB y .e O ID Tf. A»

Cuap. XIX. The Master said, ‘While his parents are alive, the son may not go abroad to a distance. If he does go abroad, he must have a fixed place to which he goes.’ Cuap. XX. The Master said, ‘ If the son for three years does not alter from the way of his father, he may be called filial.’

Cuap. XXI. The Master said, ‘The years of parents may by no means not be kept in the memory, as an occasion at once for joy and for fear.’

Cuap. XXII. The Master said, ‘ The reason why the ancients did not readily give utterance to their words, was that they feared lest their actions should not come up to them.’ Cuap, XXIII. The Master said, ‘The cautious seldom err,’ monstrance, and2not 44 Ia Says in the comel ne A AR AR ya , ‘the meaning . wet. ofas unforgetting thoughtfulness.’

ment given by Ho Yen, mH AN i x FE 22. THE VIRTUE OF THE ANCIENTS SEEN IN THEIR

, ‘not daring to go against the mind of his SLOWNESS To SPEAK. Observe the force of the

“ two rs2.= —‘The not coming parents.’ ‘toiled and pained,’ what the _ forth of the words \ of the ancients was shame about the not com-

Ay Al] says, pa 2. yi fii ‘should they ing up to them of their actions”

beat him till the blood flows.’ 23. ADVANTAGE OF CAUTION. Collie’s version, 19. A SON OUGHT NOT TO GO TO A DISTANCE Which I have adopted, is here happy. wy , WHERE HE WILL NOT BE ABLE TO PAY THE DUE see chap. ii. The ‘binding’ here is of one’s

SERVICES TO HIS PARENTS. HH = — FP fr] | self, self-restraint, = ‘caution.’ F: ae ‘loses

a fixed direction or quarter,’ whence he may ,,; . referring to whatever business the caube recalled, if necessary.

20. A REPETITION OF PART OF I. Xi. tious may be engaged in. Z: after an active 21. WHAT EFFECT THE AGE OF PARENTS SHOULD | verb, often makes it neuter ; at least, a neuter

HAVE ON THEIR CHILDREN. 7M, it is said, con- verb renders the expression best in English.

172 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. v.

aeZ|, +e .el TAS a RN A eK 6) . =. = NK = == BL 55y’ :/ ’4, j Vis a j K, / AT. As , y AAY ’ fe) ’ » y BN, tts fin 4. # jis| mh ft FR, XH MI > os

| Cuap. XXIV. The Master said, ‘ The superior man wishes to be slow in his speech and earnest in his conduct,’ Cuap. XXV. The Master said, ‘Virtue is not left to stand alone. He who practises it will have neighbours,’

Cuap. XXVI. Tsze-yd said, ‘In serving a prince, frequent remonstrances lead to disgrace. Between friends, frequent reproofs make the friendship distant.’ 24. Rue or THE Cutn-TszE ABOUT HIS WorRDs|See chap. i; here, generally used for friends,

AND ACTIONS. associates of like mind.

25. THE VIRTUOUS ARE NOT LEFT ALONE:—AN/ 96, A LESSON TO COUNSELLORS AND FRIENDS.

ENCOURAGEMENT TO VIRTUE. Bs » ‘fatherless ;’ ay the 4th tone, read sho, ‘frequently,’ under-

here = solitary, friendless. ili Xe BN = stood here in reference to remonstrating or

fick FRE HIM a. HB, sit is not the na-|reproving, | Jf = ‘this’ ‘this leads toy’ o ture of virtue to be left to stand alone.’ oak thereon is,

BOOK V. KUNG-YE CH'‘ANG.

eH-DY CEL feSei et P| |[——| FAY OD eS

aH MEyfeGu ae ON. nAOPE ) | | 2Fe, Lr

Mw ze UoPe I BAaLh.Oe Oy b od Lr ZS Fe AV SE4173 RR SE Cuapter I. 1. The Master said of Kung-yé Ch'ang that he might be wived ; although he was put in bonds, he had not been guilty

of any crime. Accordingly, he gave him his own daughter to wife. 2, Of Nan Yung he said that if the country were well-governed, HEADING OF THIS Boox.— ZV 1G fz ‘4 frequently turns on their being possessed of th. Kung-yé Ch’ang, the surname and name} gnicuous in the last Book, this is the reason, of the first individual spoken of in it, heads|it is said, why the one immediately follows this Book, which is chiefly occupied with the| the other. As Tsze-kung appears in the Book judgment of the sage on the character of several | several times, some have fancied that it was of his disciples and others. As the decision | compiled by his disciples.

. d that zin, or perfect virtue, which is so con-

CH, 11.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 173

ny SS ST HK IK ar o_O Ay =n 7 K H . N Ht, j j XK A,y- zs ht ’ )| | A.A, JA) SE a ’ BOS. 3 PP»4 aJo0. O

Ty v Bl 2’ DiS ts x . in H danr Za ° v Zw

Ht, Ht. ye j pat Wn : [3 FA a HE, ss, J ma dar Hy]ifAy {ii P Hy nHBkwe7 Ny 3H

he would not be out of office, and if 1t were ill-governed, he would escape punishment and disgrace. He gave him the daughter of his own elder brother to wife.

Cuap. II. The Master said of T'sze-chien, ‘Of superior virtue indeed is such a man! If there were not virtuous men in Lf, how could this man have acquired this character ?’

Cuap. III. Tsze-kung asked, ‘What do you say of me, Ts‘ze? The Master said, ‘You are a utensil,” ‘What utensil?’ ‘A gemmed

sacrificial utensil.’

1, CoNFUCIUS IN MARRIAGE-MAKING WAS GUIDED | hame PA (= ix and said to be i.q. th): BY CHARACTER AND NOT BY FORTUNE, 1. Of Kung-

yé Ch‘ang, though the son-in-law of Confucius, and named Xe. AK , appears to have been of nothing certain is known, and his tablet is| some note among the disciples of Confucius as only 3rd on the west, among the of modAol./an administrator, though his tablet is now Silly legends are told of his being put in prison | only and, west, in the outer hall. See the from his bringing suspicion on himself by his| Narratives of the School, chap. xxxviii. What knowledge of the language of birds. Cha Hsi chiefly distinguished him, as appears here, was approves the interpretation of We as meaning | his cultivation of the friendship of men of

An ah ; +k ++ ‘é

‘a black rope,’ with which criminals were | bility and virtue. Ay N= tL KX: a anciently bound A ) in prison. a, and | man suchas this.’ See the S$ Hit" loc. The in par. 2, the grd tone, ‘to wive,’ ‘to give a wite first By is ‘this man ;’ the second, ‘this virtue.’

to one. -F in both paragraphs, = ‘adaughter.’| The “paraphrasts complete the last clause

Confucius’s would beanother the cripple} ’ 2i {iis 4 Mang-p‘i ;—-seebrother p. 58. 2. Nan Yung, as si Ag. iyjpyg-— Ar RU We

of the disciples, is now 4th, east, in the outer 5B, ‘what friends must this man have chosen hall. The discussions about who he was and to complete this virtue 1’ whether he is to be identified with Fay Es 505 3. WHERETO TSZE-KUNG HAD ATTAINED. See

and several other aliases, are very perplexing. | 1.x; II. xiii. The HH ii were vessels richly BS, ‘to lay, or be laid aside,’ from office. BE to adorned, used to contain grain-offerings in the

; A royal ancestral temples. Under the Hsia dyn-

put to death,’ has tell also the lighter meaning ofwere ty th 7 SiH , and Hy under the ‘disgrace. We cannot whether Confucius | Sty they called

is giving his impression of Yung’s character, | Yin. See the Li Chi, XII. ii. While the sage or referring to events that had taken place. {did not grant to Ts‘ze that he was a Chiin-tsze 2. THe CHUN-TSZE FORMED BY INTERCOURSE|(II. xii), he made him ‘a vessel of honour,’ WITH OTHER CHUN-TSZE. Tsze-chien, by sur-| valuable and fit for use on high occasions.

174 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. v.

| 2 ——— |S AEN =H fs gi fatODeRe KE

vir j HTR. EAA kegzm J . uA) u > TR. yPT Fi,A. ib. AVA, aa | Gi vTes Z| " YE, 3 ae m0 AY ’ PY | > ) te Foe . v aie | rw IDA, ain B47, Ah ABA ) AT, | F¥ a . , am i Py | Av, de:

H J eee3}P

: a Yu QD bd) rn

Cuap. [V. 1. Some one said, ‘ Yung is truly virtuous, but he

is not ready with his tongue. 2. ‘The Master said, ‘ What is the good of being ready with the tongue? They who encounter men with smartnesses of speech for

the most part procure themselves hatred. I know not whether he be truly virtuous, but why should he show readiness of the tongue 2’

Cuapr. V. The Master was wishing Ch'i-tido K‘di to enter on official employment. He replied, ‘I am not yet able to rest in the assurance of THIS. The Master was pleased. Cuap. VI. The Master said, ‘My doctrines make no way. I will get upon a raft, and float about on the sea. He that will accompany me will be Yd, I dare to say.’ Tsze-l0 hearing this was glad, 4. Or Zan YUNG :—READINESS WITH THE| changed into BH on the accession of the em-

TONGUE NO PART OF VIRTUE. I. FE. 4. styled peror x Ss, B.C. 156, whose name was

4h FS, has his tablet the and, on the east, also EX. The difficulty is with Hjp—what

among ‘the wise ones.’ His father was a ne worthless character (see VI. iv), but he him-|does it refer to? and with {5 —what is its

—. 1 é ;

self was the opposite. tk means ‘ability,’|force? In the chapter about the disciples in generally; then, ‘ability of speech,’ often, | the Be =e it is said that K‘a4i was reading though not here, with the bad sense of artful- | . th shan hi } Confuci ke t ness and flattery. 2. Confucius would not|}2 She Nhuching, wien Vontucius SPoke to j - |him about taking office, and he pointed to grant that Yung was 4, but his not being} the book, or some particular passage in it, Te was in his favour rather than otherwise. | *?4’"% Tam not yet able to rest in the assu-

rance of of (43ASN = net 5 aI THe 5h) this.’ It ry HF (read chieh: see dict.), ‘smartnesses , ,| may have been so. Obs. the force of the Z.: speech.’ &aim is here rather than ‘how. 6. ‘why,’ CONFUCIUS PROPOSING TO WITHDRAW FROM

The first = FA 4— is a general statement, | THE WORLD :—a LESSON TO TszE-Lt. Tsze-l

not having special reference to Zan Yung. In supposed his master really meant to leave

~ _ the world, and the idea of floating along the

the St Si aS ar HE = AA 4k is} coasts pleased his ardent temper. But Con-

read as one sentence :—‘ I do not know how the ray only expressed f this way fs regret virtuous should also use readiness of speech.’ |* O Dackwardness OF men to recelve Ais 5. Cu‘t-t140 K‘Al’s OPINION OF THE QUALIFI-| doctrines. fH Ar gig i is difficult of CATIONS NECESSARY TOhall, TAKING OFFICE. Ch‘i-tido, | . _py iNaseeDelng hei now 6th, on the east, in the outer was|i™terpretation. Cha Hsi takes styled -F- 5 His name originally was Rx. for AX ‘to cut out clothes,’ ‘to estimate, dis-

5s 5 Peny 5 ’ Zw5

CH. VII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 175

Hil “FP Se 3 v fe) HL, HE \—t |

aase A th, HL, A A a er SPO esHL Op A , Horny Ge Bs Be, ai UL A oe fe efi

i, ’He 33 Li BP’ A ZNSE H}Re ynGt dare Y mM Z AM. Aw dao Fal Fil ar HL. i AL O KyAe, PpFrvYok A

FCS 4 Ce An ave / ‘ wy ZrEW, H ’a, ’HE| Ae)

a KE, . , ° ° wo iW ew FO, A= BAL UL (Be OR ON th, et.

wide FRA, Y

upon which the Master said, ‘ Ya is fonder of daring than I am. He does not exercise his judgment upon matters.’

Cuap. VII. 1. Mang Wa asked about Tsze-li, whether he was perfectly virtuous. The Master said, ‘I do not know.’ 2. He asked again, when the Master replied, ‘In a kingdom of a thousand chariots, Yd might be employed to manage the military levies, but I do not know whether he be perfectly virtuous.’ 3. ‘And what do you say of Ch'ii?’ The Master replied, ‘In a city of a thcusand families, or a clan of a hundred chariots, Ch'it might be employed as governor, but I do not know whether he is perfectly virtuous.’

4. ‘What do you say of Chih?’ The Master replied, ‘ With his sash girt and standing in a court, Ch'ih might be employed to converse with the visitors and guests, but I do not know whether he is

perfectly virtuous.’ |

criminate,’ and hence the meaning in the aa re ie see II. vi. 2. F- Fe z. [ae] translation. Ea E) keeping the meaning | see. y. Ft. properly ‘revenues,’ ‘taxes,’ but

of ph exolaine AE Jt BIR AF ee Fis tne amnount ofthe revenues the tes = ‘my meaning is not to be found in the ra/t.’ | is used here for the forces, or military levies.

Another old writer makes pF = ak and | 3 ye: see III. vi. a 5) . ZK.» in opputting a stop at B explains—‘ Ya is fond P osition to - Fe ae Ea was the seconof daring ; he cannot go beyond himself to find dary fief, the territory appropriated to the

my meaning.’ highest nobles or officers in a E or state, 7. Or Tsze-L0, Tsze-ytd, AnD TszE-HWwA, 1. supposed also to comprehend 1000 families

176 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. V.

Wa ET ON el i Wy Be th, fa Oa Po FT Seed oy, lel Bt

ri ’ ’ _—_

A> a | UL, Pate Ut, isi E fliro Y =nA

ATI Ee — Hh, Be FT NnWS NNHe»F.L Oo “teed .

“t 3 O4N | ’ Fl Ft, EF em — Ga eh 7 oN ’ , ’ SHE it 2 A — VW WL & IA PN \HE>PAN JH ’ ° a, ay dn asex ufilH Hl ABT o~

ie

eKV ANO th.dTB’ Ve ip TF ,

Cuap. VIII. 1. The Master said to Tsze-kung, ‘ Which do you

consider superior, yourself or Hdi 2’

2, Tsze-kung replied, ‘How dare I compare myself with Hti ? Hfi hears one point and knows all about a subject ; I hear one point and know a second.’

3. The Master said, ‘You are not equal to him. I grant you,

you are not equal to him.’ | Cuap. IX. 1. Tsdi Yii being asleep during the day time, the Master said, ‘Rotten wood cannot be carved ; a wall of dirty earth will not receive the trowel, This Yui !—what is the use of my re-

hh . ’

proving him ?’

2. The Master said, ‘At first, my way with men was to hear their words, and give them credit for their conduct. Now my way is to hear their words, and look at their conduct. It is from Yti that I have learned to make this change.’ I 2 me , ‘to be its governor.’ This is a|numbers, and ‘ten’ the completion ; hence peculiar idiom, something like the double ob-| the meaning of ii — Ue 5a +, as in the ject in Latin. 4. Ch‘ih, surnamed aN py, translation. 3. Hil. = af. ‘to allow,’ ‘to grant and styled -F- ie, having now the 14th place, |to* Ho Yen gives here the comm. of 4] Ja west, in the outer hall, was famous among the | (about a.p. 50), who interprets strangely, —‘ I

disciples for his knowledge of rules of cere-|and you are both not equal to him,’ saying mony, and those especially relating to dress/ that Confucius thus comforted Tsze-kung. and intercourse. Ey , in 2nd tone. SG and| 9. THE IpLenEss oF Ts41 YU anp ITs REPROOF.

Be may be distinguished, the former indi- t VA f Bd ) ‘In the case of yal’ Sg has cating neighbouring princes visiting the court ; here the force of an exclamation ; 50 below. the latter, ministers and officers of the State ah a strong term, to mark the severity of the

present as guests. . ‘ , ’ _ acters were probably added by a transcriber. 8. SureRioniry or Yen Hér ro Tsze-Kune, |T°PFO 2. FA s “aa ee The char-

2. yw, to look to," ‘to look up to,’ here = EL: If not, they should head another chapter. Tsai ‘to compare with,’ ‘One’ is the beginning of| Yii,—-the same as Tsai Wo in III. xxi.

CH, XII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. — 17

wracernandy, . , —anemel SRNR Ye we = A es of ~ Ly FT tA a»FT EL be Ee fe) off ’ An A. , elle A, A Ee. aA’AAwe 0) ’ ol BI ’ ’ N&.e o th

— FERR RM) 47 Fr BA BA

x FA We OR dao» fe) ~\ Ama A, H , FX,BH a, Ff >

Cuap. X. The Master said, ‘I have not seen a firm and unbend-

ing man.’ Some one replied, ‘There is Shin Chang.’ ‘ Ch‘ang,’ said the Master, ‘is under the influence of his passions ; how can he be pronounced firm and unbending 2’

Cuap. XI. Tsze-kung said, ‘What I do not wish men to do to me, I also wish not to do to men. The Master said, ‘Ts'ze, you

have not attained to that.’ | Cuap. XII. Tsze-kung said, ‘The Master’s personal displays of his principles and ordinary descriptions of them may beheard. His discourses about man’s nature, and the way of Heaven, cannot be heard,’

10. UNBENDING VIRTUE CANNOT CO-EXIST WITH | the sentence here is said to be that of Ae, ‘reciINDULGENCE OF THE Passions. Shin Ch‘ang wo, ae (there are several aliases, but they are disputed) | Procity ;’ and = benevolence,’ or the highest

was one of the minor disciples, of whom little| 4, e, apparent in the adverbs Wy and 4a, or nothing is known. He was styled F Jil: the one prohibitive, and the other a simple, and his place is 31st, east, in the outer ranges. | unconstrained negation. The golden rule of lig} is to be understood with reference to virtue. | the Gospel is higher than both,—‘ Do ye unto

Auta «cE > hat th love.’ others as ye would that others should do unto

BR is lis TBF what the passions love, | yoy > Be — We ji aE: or Ii FR: ‘to ‘lusts.’ = 46 are said to= xX FL, and not | add upon,’ ‘to do to”

ap 12. THE GRADUAL WAY IN WHICH CoNFUCIUS

x BE . I have translated accordingly. COMMUNICATED HIS DOCTRINES. So the lesson of 11. THE DIFFICULTY OF ATTAINING TO THE NoT| this chapter is summed up, but there is hardly WISHING TO DO TO OTHERS AS WE WISH THEM NOT | another more perplexing to a translator. BL

To Do To us. It is said—IfV 7. tJ 4H KK r=3 is the common name for essays, elegant 2. xX By Jk: ‘this chapter shows that the | literary compositions. Of course that meaning mo I (freedom from selfishness) is not easily | }8 out of the question. Whatever is jigured and reached,’ In the rh FSF, XU. sii, it in said |Oriiant is AL 5 whatever is orderly and defined is

Tt, ae im ni ys ie HIN YA Kes ae A: . The comm., accordingly, make Ll to be ‘what you do not like when done to yourself, do the deportment and manners of the SAB° and not do to others.’ The difference between it and 3 his ordinary discourses, but Fal is an in-

tt, oe H =|oe Q\|ap el A SS ey dtu» ra WK ta Tt Hb TAT45 KE a dary . ah

178 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. v.

a7 T A 6

HH POC ae»Bi Zr >Gh KH 5 oF 47 A), UL, IF AY.

Fe Cl oz, tt } KH, fa, | Hh,

wMaAVELTL vA, I, TsAR,

He, pry pat aH 1X 5a re Wi j

CH i TTL H] AT" 0 = PR bw OME OE Oo a

Cuap. XIII. When Tsze-li heard anything, if he had not yet succeeded in carrying it into practice, he was only afraid lest he should hear something else. Cuap. XIV. Tsze-kung asked, saying, ‘On what ground did Kung-

win get that title of wAn?’ The Master said, ‘ He was of an active nature and yet fond of learning, and he was not ashamed to ask and learn of his inferiors!—On these grounds he has been styled WAN.’

Cuap. XV. The Master said of ‘I'sze-ch'an that he had four of

the characteristics of a superior man:—in his conduct of himself, he was humble; in serving his superiors, he was respectful; 1n nourishing the people, he was kind ; in ordering the people, he was just.’ appropriate term with reference to the former. F Bag an officer of the same surname of the These things, however, were level to the capa- | State of Wei, and a contemporary of Confucius.

cities of the disciples generally, and they had| Many of his actions had been of a doubtful the benefit of them. As to his views about | character, which madeTsze-kungstumbleatthe

man’s nature, as the gift of Heaven, and the way | application to him of so honourable an epithet. of Heaven generally; these he only communi-| But Confucius shows that, whatever he might

cated to those who were prepared to receive | otherwise have been, he had those qualities them, and Tsze-kung is supposed to have ex-| which justified his being so denominated. The pressed himself thus, after being on some occa-| rule for posthumous titles in China has been,

sion so privileged. and is, very much—‘ De mortuis nil nisi bonum.’

13. THE ARDOUR OF TSzE-LO IN PRACTISING THE] 15. Ture EXCELLENT QUALITIES OF TSZE-CH‘AN,

Master’s rnstructions. The concluding ff Tsze-ch‘an, named UN 5% 4 5: was the chief 4 AR Fa is to be completed fife 7th icy minister of the State of Chang (&%), the ablest,

BR in i , as in the translation. perhaps, among and most uprightcontemporaries. of all the statesmen Confucius’s The sage 14. AN EXAMPLE OF THE PRINCIPLE ON WHICH wept when he heard of his death. The old

HONORARY POSTHUMOUS TILES WERE CONFERRED. interpreters take Gu in the sense of ‘employ-

Bl: corresponding nearly to our ‘accom- ing,’ but it seems to express more, and = ‘ order-

plished,’ was the posthumous title given toling,’ ‘regulating.’ |

CH, XVIIL.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, 179

oun wend nt BE = is ai Bae

+ 8 ey > Ab os 2. BE

= Wh Zar tL ae N, BS 0

ee eRe ee Aw FF, Ba 30 2.

VL»>AE aeaLA J ie AE, A, iit = om im WwW jp

f— yx Ze An ZA “Hr , O

RP TEF Me FH

FW FF ee, | o ewe 9 o FINA 7~ AamZz2= wm We A ) ° —_— ’ :

Cuap. XVJ. The Master said, ‘Yen P'ing knew well how to maintain friendly intercourse. The acquaintance might be long, but he showed the same respect as at first.’ Cuap. XVII. The Master said, ‘Tsang Wan kept a large tortoise in a house, on the capitals of the pillars of which he had hills made, with representations of duckweed on the small pillars above the beams supporting the rafters.—Of what sort was his wisdom ?’

Cuap. XVIII. 1. Tsze-chang asked, saying, ‘The minister Tszewin thrice took office, and manifested no joy in his countenance, Thrice he retired from office, and manifested no displeasure. He made it a point to inform the new minister of the way in which he had conducted the government ;—what do you say of him?’ ‘The Master replied, ‘ He was loyal.’ ‘ Was he perfectly virtuous?’ ‘Ido not know. How can he be pronounced perfectly virtuous ?’ 16. How To MAINTAIN FRIENDSHIP. ‘ Famili-| was taken by his descendants as their surname,

arity breeds contempt,’ and with contempt Such was one of the ways in which surnames flondship ends Tt wad not so with Yen P28 | were formed among the Chinese, A, ‘large

He was a principal minister of Ch'i (FE), tortoise,’ so called, because the State of Ts‘ai by name i. Ping (=‘Ruling and averting was famous for its tortoises. KE; is used as an calamity’) was his posthumoustitle. If we were | active verb, = Fay The fil} = ft BASLE,

to render Ait, the name would be ‘Yen P'ing, | , the capitals of the pillars’ ey be b pitals of the pillars, € Th may secundus.’ The antecedent to Z. is KX. seen in any Chinese house where the whole 17. THE SUPERSTITION oF Tsang WAN. Tsang| structure of the roof is displayed, and these

Wan (Wan is the honorary epithet, and 4h, smae Pers are very consprenous. _ The oid see last chapter) had been a great officer in| of usurpation on the part of Tsang Win. Cha La, and left a reputation for wisdom, which | Hi finds the point of Confucius’s words in the Confucius did not think was deserved. His keeping it in such a style. full name was Jel BSA Je. He was de-| 18. THE PRAISE OF PERFECT VIRTUE IS NOT TO

BE LIGHTLY ACCORDED. 1. Ling-yin, lit. ‘good

scended from the duke zp (B. C. 794-767), | corrector,’ was the name given to the chief whose son was styled -F- JEN This Tsang! minister of Ch't ( 42), Fr is still applied

180 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. V.

[—fuao*s SF-4 ’. B, H, a I ie f— lis j i wm HT’AT Eh,»Hh A HA ’ ri ry KH = AAA PY —— aniJ WH y EE adrr 0 .

FHT d ourA»te PTee’, FEZ, AY BT

. , A #8 AT me | ’ a_i ast a,’7.oFE ’ SR » it

Hi FRM AK. CZ ALR, TF

MN FS REWNKBA Pr Pw 7Y 2. T'sze-chang proceeded, ‘When the officer Ch'ti killed the

prince of Ch‘i, Ch'in Wan, though he was the owner of forty horses, abandoned them and left the country. Coming to another State, he

said, “ They are here like our great officer, Ch'di,” and left it. He came to a second State, and with the same observation left it also; —what do you say of him?’ The Master replied, ‘ He was pure.’

‘Was he perfectly virtuous?’ ‘I do not know. How can he be

pronounced perfectly virtuous ?”

Cuap. XIX. Chi Wan thought thrice, and then acted. When

the Master was informed of it, he said, ‘ Twice may do.’ Cuap. XX. The Master said, ‘When good order prevailed in his country, Ning Wd acted the part of a wise man. When his country

was in disorder, he acted the part of a stupid man. Others may equal his wisdom, but they cannot equal his stupidity.’ to officers; e.g. the prefect of a department | and disinterested officer of Lu. =, 4th tone, is called IF Fr. Tsze-wan, surnamed Esq ‘three times,’ but some say it= —. —, ‘again and named ay VN $e, (‘suckled by a tiger’), |and again.’ Comp. Robert Hall’s remark—‘ In had been noted for the things mentioned by matters of conscience first thoughts are best.’ Tsze-chang, but the sage would not concede 20. THE UNCOMMON BUT ADMERABLE STUP TDItY

that he was therefore ,— . 2 4 was agreat | °F Nine Wwe. Ning Wa (BH: honorary epiofficer of Ch‘i. Yen P‘ing (chap. xvi) distin- thet ; see Il. vi) was an officer of Wei in the guished himself on the occasion of the murder | time of WAn (z.c. 660-635). In the first part (B.c. 547) here referred to. Ch'in Wan was like- of his official life the State was quiet and pros-

. ea . perous, and he ‘wisely’ acquitted himself of

wise an officer of Chit. 2 — FS, 2 18 8| his duties. Afterwards came confusion. The verb, =4£. FE; 4th tone, as in I. vi, but with prince was driven from the throne, and Ning a different meaning, =‘a team of four horses.’ | Yu (Ar was his name) might, like other wise 19. PROMPT DECISION GOOD. wan was the! men, have retired from the danger. But he

posthumous title of i 47 “AG. a faithful | ‘foolishly,’ as it seemed, chose to follow the

CH, XXII] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 181

me) ~~ eS jJ) Loeee We a|a j 4°Ft.

sel 7 el ee 2S Me =) BL. A A

|, #2 ike fe 864 Ay Bow Fe AN aw FA, ra ’ = Xs v? El (et’ Oe All aHifvia 4) } ’ Vv th Ab0Wt He~ HBeAwJ ] Pi 7” =F dUsVd =A gov mad Jd) — ft a,

i FA CN

ed V iid zal

Cuap. XXI. When the Master was in Ch'in, he said, ‘Let me

return! Let me return! The little children of my school are ambitious and too hasty. They are accomplished and complete so far, but they do not know how to restrict and shape themselves.’

CHoap. XXIJ. The Master said, ‘ Po-i and Sht-ch't did not

keep the former wickednesses of men in mind, and hence the resentments directed towards them were few.’

Cuap. XXIII. The Master said,‘ Who says of Wei-shang K4o fortunes of his prince, and yet adroitly brought | Compare Mencius, II. i. ch. 2, et al. They were

it about ther end, the prince rein-of| Kia-chi . «ahd (F\4F): stated andin order estorethat 1 brothers, sons ofwas the king 21. THE ANXIETY OF CONFUCIUS ABOUT THE} named respectively w, and EX. ft and Chi

TRAINING OF HIS DISCIPLES. Confucius was thrice . ;

in Ch'in. It must have been the third time, | re their honorary epithets, and { Fy and AX

when he thus expressed himself. He was then | only indicate theirrelation to each other as elder over 60 years, and being convinced that he was | and younger. Po-i and Shi-ch‘i, however, are not to see for himself the triumph of his prin- | in effect their names in the mouths and writings ciples, he became the more anxious about their | of the Chinese. Ki-cha was a small State, in-

transmission, and the training of the disciples . =" in order to that. Such is the common view of cluded in the present department of KK P,

the chapter. Some say, however, that itis not|in Pei-chih-li. Their father left his kingdom to be understood of all the disciples. Compare . Seartor whe. refused to sake the peace of his

. - pts elder brother. Po-iin turn declined thethrone;

Mencius, VII. ii. ch. 37. a te ae ay -F¥- so they both abandoned it, and retired into

an affectionate way of speaking of the disciples, | obscurity. When king Wa was taking his ‘mad.’ ‘ext b? ‘hich-minded.’ against the Chau, they made FE; Mad, a'soalso “extravagant, “higi-mineec. measures | their appearance, andtyrant remonstrated against his course. Finally, they died of hunger, rather The AE are naturally jigs y hasty and careless than live under the new dynasty. They were of minutie. 3 BK, ‘accomplished-like.’ | Celebrated for their purity, and aversion to men

= > a’ = . whom they considered bad, but Confucius here

eh» See chap. xii. WK i= ‘something com-| brings out their generosity. YAU fz FA rit)

plete.’ AN see chap. vi, but its application | = At a VU FR ‘Resentments thereby here is somewhat different. The antecedent | were few.’

. . + ye 23. SMALL MEANNESSES INCONSISTENT WITH UP-

to is all the preceding description. RIGHTNESS, It is implied that Kao gave the

22. THE GENEROSITY OF Po-f AND SuU-cH‘i, | vinegar as from himself. He was a native of AND ITS EFFECTS. These were ancient worthies| Li, with a reputation better than he deserved

of the closing period of the Shang dynasty. ' to have.

182 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. v.

ys iD (eas »

2. By, oe el WS EE ih AK ZAR tT cs & » /Lu Ar fe HE fit TH Im HAZ. 4br0O » 4D iid BA = apt Vv —t— tb ayafd YN iy nN »Coe FA te ay

y) en ’ ( Ss ae See ee

y pan 7 ; Ww am HAAS ADB af

Q Kami ’ & Ani AA ’ 7 U Aw Fi. fa HE SU. BY Lan apy, Bil

Att yee, abe

that he is upright 2? One begged some vinegar of him, and he begged

it of a neighbour and gave it to the man, Cuap. XXIV. The Master said, ‘Fine words, an insinuating appearance, and excessive respect ;—T'so Ch'ii-ming was ashamed of

them. I also am ashamed of them. To conceal resentment against a person, and appear friendly with him ;—Tso Ch'ii-ming was ashamed of such conduct. I also am ashamed of it.’ Cuap. XXV. 1. Yen Yiian and Chi La being by his side, the Master said to them, ‘Come, let each of you tell his wishes.’ 2. Tsze-li said, ‘I should like, having chariots and horses, and light fur dresses, to share them with my friends, and though they should spoil them, I would not be displeased.’

3. Yen Yiian said, ‘I should like not to boast of my excellence, nor to make a display of my meritorious deeds.’ 24. PRAISE OF SINCERITY, AND oF Tso Cu'ré- | of Confucius. The Chinese decline pronouncing

. > oe , { one,’ for it.

MING. LS SF fi, see L iii. XX iN ‘exe | it, always substituting Mau (44), ‘such an cessive respect, X- being in 4th tone read tsti.| 95 Tuy prrFERENT WISHES OF Yen YUAN, TSZzE-

Some of the old commentators, keeping the |1¢, anp Conrucius. 1. ry a = rn ; usual tone and meaning of Fe, interpret the | ‘ why not each tell your will?’ 2. A student is phrase of movements of the ‘feet’ to indicate apt to translate— ‘I should like to have chariots respect. The discussions about Tso Ch‘id-ming | and horses, &c.,’ but Ht is the important word

are endless. See + fe ae , I. xxx. It is|in the paragraph, and under the regimen of

sufficient for us to rest in the judgment of the iH. AK: the 4th tone, ‘to wear.’ Several commentator Fe: that ‘he was an ancient of | writers carry the regimen of yr on to 2 and reputation.’ It is not to be received that he | removing the comma at ah, read ot PRY towas a disciple of Confucius, the same whose | , 0410. but thi t tbo > «5 not 7N q supplement to the Ch‘un Ch‘itii chronicles the Bouner, OWE ts cons rue ron ed 0 good. 3: death of the sage, and carries on the history | In HoYen’s compilation fi rs is interpreted, for many subsequent years. i was the name | ‘not to impose troublesome affairs on others.’

CH, XXVII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 183

A elwa i asl 7%) VA a es 7 aeS vy |te

st HY Ae a

i i Tf fe Te A HA Se < teaa Aw. F SR » Kato AZ... J ’ o Anaad Jab

Wwac ihn fat °Ae, J ’ = mg,AG CS,2ZAeAeK | aa N ’ Ki AK BDAA

4. Tsze-li then said, ‘I should like, sir, to hear your wishes.’ The Master said, ‘ They are, in regard to the aged, to give them rest ; in regard to friends, to show them sincerity ; in regard to the young, to treat them tenderly.’

Cuap. XXVI. The Master said, ‘It is all over! Ihave not yet seen one who could perceive his faults, and inwardly accuse himself,

Cuap. XXVII. The Master said, ‘In a hamlet of ten families,

there may be found one honourable and sincere as I am, but not so fond of learning.’ Chi Hsi’s view is better. 4. {5 2 ~ Hd ae brings himself before the bar of his conscience.’ tr see Nw 7s ~~ | The remark affirms a fact, inexplicable on ConVJ 45 , ‘To be with them with sincerity.’— | fucius’s view of the nature of man. But perThe Master and the disciples, it is said, agreed | haps such an exclamation should not be pressed

in being devoid of selfishness. Hdi’s, how- | 00 closely.

ever, was seen in aYi’s. higher style of mind and| 2/. THE oe “AY an or CoNFUCIUS FORis object than In the sage there was | yimsezr. unconsciousness of self, and without any effort | , the desi =a (XK, aK ‘i < Ai th)

he proposed acting in regard to his classifica- ite an the ° Fl Pp av be vwehied f are

tion of men just as they ought severally to be | °° CCN™ NoBetner, and may be apple rom

acted to. a hamlet upwards to a city. yh - and EB, 26. A LAMENT OVER MEN’S PERSISTENCE IN| ‘honourable,’ ‘substantial.’ Confucius thus did ERROR. The Mf. has an exclamatory force, | ot claim higher natural and moral qualities = on than others, but sought to perfect himself by ah, ‘to litigate.’ py By =N , ‘one who | learning,

184 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK, VI. BOOK VI. YUNG YEY.

’ . O ° a=ikHN Me AT’te, ’ tt

ZLAAKWYS F. ti. T* HE

Wf HeAyAS No fa JRL ’ HE

o | ’ A » 7»

“Fin Fe, ae FT RAY aL, DN

3B47 4m AY iil ’ W

A,’ »fil. IP Hd 47omfi. SE A) AT CuApTER I. 1. The Master said, ‘There is Yung !—He might occupy the place of a prince.’ 2. Chung-kung asked about Tsze-sang Po-tsze. The Master said,

‘He may pass. He does not mind small matters,’ 3. Chung-kung said, ‘If a man cherish in himself a reverential feeling of the necessity of attention to business, though he may be easy

in small matters in his government of the people, that may be allowed. But if he cherish in himself that easy feeling, and also carry it out in his practice, is not such an easy mode of procedure excessive ?’

4. The Master said, ‘ Yung’s words are right.’ Heapinea oF THs Book. —HE +H, ‘8 *. are exhibited to one another. It is the dia‘There is Yung !’ commences the first chapter, | 8™2™ of the south. The custom of the sages

and stands as the title of the Book. Its sub-|(i-¢. monarchs) to sit with their faces to the jects are much akin to those of the preceding south, and listen to the representations of all in the

Book, and therefore, it is said, they are in kingdom, governing towards the bright region,

juxtaposition. was taken from this.’ 2. Chung-kung was 1, THE CHARACTERS OF ZAN YUNG AND TSZE- | the designation of Zan Yung, seeV. iv. fi has SANG Po-rszE, AS REGARDS THEIR APTITUDE . YOR GOVERNMENT, 1. Yung. V.iv Hy (fi ey here substantially the same meaning as in _ Sn V. xxi, =X KA, ‘not troubling,’ i.e. one’s (a> ae om oye with - a to oe self about small matters. With reference to south.’ In China the sovereign sits facing the “ot, south. So did the princes of the States in their that place, however, the dict., alter the old

sans . ,

several courts in Confucius’s time. An expla-|comm., explains it by K: ‘great.’ Of Tszenation of the practice is attempted in the Yi- sang Po-tsze we know nothing certain but

ching, at £h, chap. ix, Bue 414, 5 HA th, what is here stated. Chi Hsi seems to be

WY E . wrong in approving the identification of him

es hy a ye =F Ba FF 2. £h df; with the Tsze-sang Hi of Chwang-tsze, VI. Ha A ea] ie nit) Hai K Yj, [i] HA par. II. 3. Fy Fit. ‘to dwell in respect,’ to mh Wa i ba te tH, ‘The diagram Li | have the mind imbued with it. FNL = fi Le conveys the idea of brightness, when all things | as in I. v.

CH, III.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 185

7s ZL APY sf H 2 Ke ay: hy. DN ae re, =:=||

’ «9 +: ’ L

tL, Fe tr, BE eh Ze Ss, FL He ht. A, ar HF Hy XN | Le

MU Ae, Hd BEE Be Ab es Sh Pe]

’ \ » JLydy ’

iS j a, j Ir 4 Re AX, A Di Bc A, i, A, BR a aS OS

Hi o) dHL ’O ¥ =Al#4 -—r’ Aj» + UL en ,’ Fe

TK H2» J Y’paod Ars, AX 2 eB EO ae | itd 7?e~ SE NY Yavand ) V

Cuap. IJ. The duke Ai asked which of the disciples loved to learn. Confucius replied to him, ‘There was Yen Hi; HE loved to learn. He did not transfer his anger; he did not repeat a fault. Unfortunately, his appointed time was short and he died ; and now

there is not such another. I have not yet heard of any one who loves to learn as he did.’

Cuap. III. 1. Tsze-hwd being employed on a mission to Chi, the disciple Zan requested grain for his mother. The Master said, ‘Give her a fa. Yen requested more. ‘Give her an yi, said the Master. Yen gave her five pong. 2. The Master said, ‘ When Ch‘ih was proceeding to Ch'i, he had

fat. horses to his carriage, and wore light furs. I have heard that 2. THE RARITY OF A TRUE LOVE TO LEARN. | IIT. ix. i. -F-, ‘the disciple Zan ;’ see III. vi.

H61’s SUPERIORITY TO THE OTHER DISCIPLES. In . . nl i

Aq SH le] . Ba — ‘that’—‘There was Zan is here styled F-; like AR F-; in I. ii,

beak Yon Baie , ‘He ‘aia not transfer his but only in narrative, not as introducing any anger,’ i.e. his anger was no tumultuary pas- wise utterance. A fu contained 6 tau (>) sion in the mind, but was excited by some | ang 4 shing (FF), or 64 shdng. The yii con-

a5’p

specific cause, to which alone it was directed.) ; ; . De ; ; 1600 shang. A shang of the present day is about but ayy conveys also the idea in the transla-| one-fourth less than an English pint. 2. The 5G iit 0 Re = ‘he died an early death,’ tained 160 shang, and the ping 16 hé (f#}), or tion. The two last clauses are completed thus : . in #2. Feil A vy '—~* -.= a rea ee) xe——< ees} DR, eern SE |ie) AA

A, 3@ Ae a A

danny ’ fo) ag ’

iHF |) a fi, . a aS» ‘d|

Cuap. XXJI. The Master said, ‘The wise find pleasure in water ; the virtuous find pleasure in hills. The wise are active ; the virtuous are tranquil. The wise are joyful; the virtuous are long-lived.’

Cuap. XXII. The Master said, ‘Ch'i, by one change, would

come to the State of Li. Ld, by one change, would come to a State where true principles predominated.’

Cuap, XXIII. The Master said, ‘A cornered vessel without

corners.—A strange cornered vessel! A strange cornered vessel ! ’ Cuap. XXIV. T'sdi Wo asked, saying, ‘A benevolent man, though

it be told him,—‘ There is a man in the well,” will go in after him,

I suppose.’ Confucius said, ‘Why should he do so?’ A superior 21. CONTRASTS OF THE “ WISE AND THE VIR-|in his family. Thisuncle, Successor, King on ans: YH, constituted the son of his the famous

TUOUS. The two first Bt are read do, 4th tone, duke of Chau, prince of Li. In Confucius’s

= ies HF ‘to find pleasure in.’ The wise time, Ch‘i had degenerated more than La.

or knowing are active and restless, like the 2] is Fe - ae ate ak =e 2. NEE

waters of a stream, ceaselessly flowing and |< the entirely good and admirable ways of the advancing. The virtuous are tranquil and firm, | mer kin gs.’ like the stable mountains. The pursuit of| 93 up x AME WITHOUT THE REALITY IS FOLLY.

knowledge brings joy. The life of the virtuous = _ °

may be expected to glide calmly on and long. | This was spoken (see the =+ Hi) with referAfter all, the saying is not very comprehensible. | ence to the governments of the time, retain-

©. Chi and Lai were both within the pre- Lng. .

L 22. THE CONDITION OF THE SraTEs CH‘f AND/ ing ancient names without ancient principles.

sent Shan-tung. Ch‘i lay along the coast on The Fi was a drinking-vessel ; others say a the north, embracing the present department wooden tablet. The latter was a later use of } d| another theon term. It was with of corners as appears °aBia yh omer territ ern oryLa . o th Hwas the | from themade composition the character, which south, the larger portion of it boing formed by |i, formed from Fi, ‘a horn,’ ‘a sharp corner.’

the present department of te J 1] . At the In Confucius’s time the form was changed, rise of the Chau dynasty, king Wi invested | while the name was kept.—See the translation Lii-shang, a counsellor of king Wa and the/in Williams’s Syllabic Dictionary, under sy]commander of his army, with the principality | lable ki. of Ch‘i. King Wa at his first interview with| 24. Tur BENEVOLENT EXERCISE THEIR BENEVOLii-shang addressed him as Thai-kung Wang, | LENCE wiTH PRUDENCE. T'sAi Wo could see no

‘grandfather Hope,’ the man long looked for! limitation to acting on the impulses of bene-

eS |FRmj > Zz ’ 6) v TH

CH, XXVII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 193

Zs a] (a ++ d ee]=. 0) Ee. RFRAFV | it FAIR A, fey ’tt,rt AA\ ’ ’ Z,»SL7 is,Wey ZA BI Ob Ay Lf

ite FA j ’ AI j A] Es v

Khe WVU» WH : On

4 . Ht RAKIM tt »

o: fiABy,rtIrKHi=Jd 41) | Ir . A Ht, »

U1, y S nibh, 5, . 3, IU pa"

An» 5 My ) ’

man may be made to go fo the well, but he cannot be made to go down into it. He may be imposed upon, but he cannot be befooled.’ Cuap. XXV. The Master said, ‘The superior man, extensively studying all learning, and keeping himself under the restraint of the rules of propriety, may thus likewise not overstep what is right.’ Cuap. XXVI. The Master having visited Nan-tsze, Tsze-li was displeased, on which the Master swore, saying, ‘Wherein I have done

improperly, may Heaven reject me! may Heaven reject me!’ Cuap. XXVII. The Master said, ‘Perfect is the virtue which is volence. We are not to suppose with modern | boundary.’ RR , as in V. xxvi, but the scholars that he wished to show that benevo-| poice here ig more ‘ah!’ than ‘alas!?

lence was impracticable. HAE belongs to the} 26. CoNnFUcIUS VINDICATES HIMSELF FOR VISIT-

. . _|ING THE UNWoRTHY Nan-tszE. Nan-tsze was

whole following clause, especially to the men the wife of the duke of Wei, and half-sister of

tion of a well. The {— of - = should be | prince Chao, mentioned in chap. xiv. Her

K. This happy correction of. the is duewas |!ewd_ character was well known, and hence _. text Tsze-la displeased, thinking an interview

toa contemporary and teacher of Chu Hsiwhom | with her was disgraceful to the Master. Great he calls Lia P ing-chiin. “Ht wee th, indicate | pains are taken to explain the incident. ‘Nansome doubt in Wo’s mind ~ Observe the hophal 1820, | says one, ‘sought the interview from the

. 7 ° stirrings of her natural conscience.’ ‘It was

force of iPr and [3 : arule,’ says another, ‘that stranger officers in a 25. THE HAPPY EFFECT OF LEARNING AND PRo- | State should visit the prince’s wife.’ ‘Nan-tsze,’

PRIETY COMBINED here its lighter third,wished ‘had all influence with her ° A F- -has 6 husband, and| 2T8U°s Confucius to get currency meaning, = the student of what is right and by her means for his doctrine. Whether Ee true.” The Z mn ‘yy Z. we naturally refer is to be understood in the sense of ‘to swear,’

to Oe but comparing IX. x. a— Ky 554 Vy = er. or ‘to make a declaration,’ = Bt is e—ve may assent to the observation that | much debated. Evidently the thing is an oath,

& ,. |or solemn protestation against the suspicions

E37 47 uC Hy » ‘me refers to the rearnen's of Tsze-la. at , as in I. i. 1.

own person.’ See note on LV. xxiii. HER, ‘the| 097. Tue DEFECTIVE PRACTICE OF THE PEOPLE

boundary of a field;’ also, ‘to overstep a|!in Conrucius'’s TIME. See the Chung Yung.

194 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, [BK. VI.

AOE I 22 A tl Wi HA ldo = —’>ri—

wae, i OR x fee A, 36 3 HT BAA {— A e) K ’ H 1 NN

Hu ’ Tt Ky _ ’ 4 Aw 0 HER s awwm if » ih BBA»

. . , » ~~. Oo rF) o FET Ww We th OR, Pe ay AK, WK

Ww Keo fi, puHe ~, >42. ’He H uAn LL. HE XE mK A a Fh He OA

according to the Constant Mean! Rare for a long time has been its practice among the people.’

Cuap. XXVIII. 1. Tsze-kung said, ‘ Suppose the case of a man extensively conferring benefits on the people, and able to assist all, what would you say of him? Might he be called perfectly virtuous?’ The Master said, ‘ Why speak only of virtue in connexion with him %

Must he not have the qualities of asage? Hven Yao and Shun were still solicitous about this. 2. ‘Now the man of perfect virtue, wishing to be established himself, seeks also to establish others; wishing to be enlarged himself, he seeks also to enlarge others, 3. ‘To be able to judge of others by what is nigh in ourselves ;— this may be called the art of virtue.’ 28. THE TRUE NATURE AND ART OF VIRTUE.| From such extravagant views the Master re-

There are no higher sayings in the Analects] ealig him. 2. This is the description of {é

than we have sn I, hi: the th fone, to He ZN ae ‘the mind of the perfectly

confer benefits. =F SE, — Sf is said to be virtuous man,’ as void of all selfishness. 3. ‘a particle of doubt and uncertainty,’ but it is| It is to be wished that the idea intended by rather the interrogative affirmation of opinion.| Sp » ~_ 'T'sze-kung appears to have thought that great HE in by Bx: had been more clearly exdoings were necessary to virtue, and propounds| pressed. Still we seem to have here a near a case which would transcend the achievements | approach to a positive enunciation of ‘the of the ancient model sovereigns Yao and Shun. | golden rule.’

CH. I11.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 195 ,

’.A BOOK VII. SHU R&. |

24 yy BS) op f=— A yy ==2 pp —— —~.

yee | =e? lee a im iE dy in A i Fe

it JAA Bp Th ale 8 “7an, tm 2Vy » Ae

A FZ Be TT ih fie ) 7 A 3 in Xr HE ae VB ° pAy rm Ee AE BY, vi,{ RL, ’ Vv Lay y’

CuHapterR I. The Master said, ‘A transmitter and not a maker, believing in and loving the ancients, I venture to compare myself with our old P'ang.’ Cuap. II. The Master said, ‘The silent treasuring up of know-

ledge ; learning without satiety ; and instructing others without beingHAP. wearied one of these things belongs to me?’ III.:—which The Master said, ‘The leaving virtue without proper |

cultivation; the not thoroughly discussing what is learned; not

being able to move towards righteousness of which a knowledge is gained ; and not being able to change what is not good :—these are the things which occasion me solicitude.’ HEADING OF THIS Boox.— jf mh 44 -L, ; 2. ConFUCIUS’Ss HUMBLE ESTIMATE OF HIMSELF.

‘A transmitter, and —— Book VII.’ We have ang here by most scholars read chih, 4th tone,

in this Book much information of a personal , ee character about Confucius, both from his own to remember. Zz. refers, it is said, to Hy,

e two preceding Books treat of the disciples a . D

me and rom une coserippions o a aisciples. ‘principles,’ the subjects of the silent obser-

and other worthies, and here, in contrast with vation and reflection. 4a 5 We A ae:

me?’ but = as in

them, we have the sage himself exhibited. eannot be,—‘ what difficulty do these occasion

1. CoNFUCIUS DISCLAIMS BEING AN ORIGINATOR Ly . OR MAKER, pit = (4 46 mn ‘simply to 1 Ay HE AA We Cha KK . | j the translation. ‘The language,’ says hand down the old.’ Commentators say the Hsi, ‘is that of humility upon humility.’ Master’s language here is from his extreme . . . . humility. But we must hold that it expresses |5°me insert, in their explanation, Lv R h

his true sense of his position and work. Who 6 . . .

the individual called endearingly ‘our old | °°"? fi] —‘ Besides these, what is there in P‘ang’ was, can hardly be ascertained. Some me?” But this is quite arbitrary. The prok bx whetofound f fession mayof|be inconsistent what we find maxe be Lao-tsze, the founder in other passages, butwith the inconsistency must the Tao sect, and others again make two in-|stand rather than violence be done to the dividuals, one Lao-tsze, and the other that | language. Ho Yen gives the singular exposition w mH» of whom we read much in Chwang- | of raf Fit BK (about a.D. 150-200)—‘ Other tsze. A P‘4ng Hsien appears in the Li Sao, | men have not these things, I only have them.’ st. 21, where Chai Hsi describes him as a| 3. CoNFUCIUS’s ANXIETY ABOUT HIS SELF-CUL-

worthy of the Yin (or Shang) dynasty, and | TIVATION :—ANOTHER HUMBLE ESTIMATE OF HIM-

he supposes him to be the Lao P*éng here. SELF. Here again commentators find only the

196 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [ BK. Vit.

He fh >»Z[cS in = Ti 4.

StoBio IN ts A =< » j im

tA>to R, 7h AK’ eB Bx Be Ra | 6 CE KH FRE UL

IA=,O. YHi A a | Hs 2) MN Fe AW TK Ir v » wes, 4s u, , O a | 0) RW teeoH= Hf S Get »

Cuap. IV. When the Master was unoccupied with business, his manner was easy, and he looked pleased.

Cuap. V. The Master said, ‘Extreme is my decay. For a long time, I have not dreamed, as I was wont to do, that I saw the duke of Chau.’

Cuap. VI. 1. The Master said, ‘ Let the will be set on the path of duty. 2. ‘ Let every attainment in what is good be firmly grasped. 3. ‘ Let perfect virtue be accorded with. 4. ‘Let relaxation and enjoyment be found in the polite arts.’ expressions of humility, but there can be no|Ch‘i-shan ( ya ly ); department of Fungreason why we should not admit that Confu- hsiang in Shen-hsi. ons vt anztous lest ee wings; mrhlea areé| 6, RULES FOR THE FULL MATURING OF CHAR-

only pus te as Possii aa snou Come ACTER. 2. fila might be translated virtue, but

in his case actual facts. ATE is invirtue’ thefollowing, senseweuh ; = ‘perfect require explained in the dictionary by the terms AA . vo another term. 4. We ‘to ramble for amuse-

and Ft? ‘practising,’ ‘examining.’ , ; , at 4, THe MANNER of Conructus WHEN uNocov- | 2% here = ‘to seek recreation. Zag) S08

PIED. The first clause, which is the subject| note on Oe in I. vi. A full enumeration |

of the other, jtwo, is literally—‘ The Master’s os ys . .archmakes ‘ six arts,’ viz. ceremonies, music, dwelling at ease.” Observe JHE in the 4th| ery, charioteering, the study of characters or ; . . . --- |language, and figures or arithmetic. The ceretone ; Ike in the rst; An as in ITD. xxili. monies were ranged in five classes: lucky or

é Aw? A ) ?

5. How THE DISAPPOINTMENT OF CONFUCIUS | sacrifices ; unlucky or those of mourning; HOPES AFFECTED EVEN HIS DREAMS. yal UN military ; those of host and guest ; and festive.

. . Musie required the study of the music of

is now to all intents a proper name, but the Hwang-ti, of Yao, of Shun, of Yi, of T'ang, and charactors mean ‘the duke of Chau.’ Chau was) of Wa. Archery had a fivefold classification, e name or bie seat of the ramily trom which the | Charioteering had the same. The study of the dynasty so called sprang, and, on the enlarge-| oharacters required the examination of them ment of this territory, king Wan divided the| +, gotermine whether there predominated in original seat between his son Ff (Tan)and the|their formation resemblance to the object,

. . Oe . | combination of ideas, indication of properties

minister We (Shih). Tan was Chdu-kung, in| 9 nhonetic principle, ‘a principle of contrariety, wisdom and polities, what his elder brother, the | or metaphorical accommodation. Figures were first sovereign, Wi, was in arms. Confucius| managed according to nine rules, as the object had longed to bring the principles and institu- | was the measurement of land, capacity, &c. tions of Chau-kung into practice, and in his| These six subjects were the business of the earlier years, while hope animated him, had | highest and most liberal education, but we often dreamt of the former sage. The original | need not suppose that Confucius had them all territory of Chau was what is nowthe district of! in view here.

CH. X.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 197

HN ER | — aes sy N) tga ), Sas: ae 2 v AY —— ’

’ _- ’ | a |

AT, FOR Ae To AF 2 eA A a>nn HAWS Aly =| Q ’ ’ d N A) o-3* iam » AVY r3

F V AY A eh HN ’ ¥ 7 .

vb»

A od OS — ey : OHRA Lemed FPTOBE 42)»TT

jeu FA, | PRE CS ARON ibe RR

ME FR LS HB » O » dao Kl t2 UR VY

Cuap. VII. The Master said, ‘ From the man bringing his bundle of dried flesh for my teaching upwards, I have never refused instruction to any one.’ Cuap. VIII. The Master said, ‘I do not open up the truth to one who is not eager to get knowledge, nor help out any one who is not anxious to explain himself. When I have presented one corner of a subject to any one, and he cannot from it learn the other three, I do not repeat my lesson.’

Cuap. [X. 1. When the Master was eating by the side of a

mourner, he never ate to the full.

2. He did not sing on the same day in which he had been weeping. Cuap. X. 1. The Master said to Yen Yiian, ‘When called to office,

to undertake its duties; when not so called, to lie retired;—it 1s only I and you who have attained to this.’ 7. THE READINESS OF CONFUCIUS TO IMPART IN- | to prove of no avail. JE, in the comm. and

struction. It wasthe ruleanciently thatwhen|,.. . . Aur, = Ls one party waited on another, he should carry | 4ict., is explained J RF mn ic HE x,

some present or offering with him. Pupils did ‘ : h wishe . . , being the meaning, we might expected of strips of (ee ‘dried flesh.’ The have wages of a a the so when they first waited on their teacher. Of Be the appearance of one with mouth wish such offerings, one of the lowest was a bundle |}28 to speak and yet not able to do so.’ This

teach lled ‘th =

character to be HE. ye ‘to turn,’ is exeac r are now calle iy &, e money of plained 7" YW AH are 2. ‘going round

the dried flesh.’ However small the offering Pp rn y

brought to the sage, let him only see the indi-|for mutual testimony.’ xX 48 = Xe 48

cation of a wish to learn, and he imparted his AES cL tell hi thi ;

instructions. Zl in may be translated ‘up- A Ar = ie OM AED ROUMDE MORE.

seg ; 9. CoNFUCIUSS SYMPATHY WITH MOURNERS.

wards,’ i.e. ‘to such a man and others with | The weeping is understood to be on occasion of larger gifts,’ in being in the grd tone ; or the | offering his condolences to a mourner, which character may be understood in the sense of | ¥#* ‘a rule of propriety. He ‘coming to my instructions.’ I prefer the ( 10. THE ATTAINMENTS OF HUI LIKE THOSE OF

former interpretation. JonFucIUS. THE EXCESSIVE BOLDNESS OF TszE8. CoNFUCIUS REQUIRED A REAL DESIRE AND|LO. 1. In FA x) ang ae 2. is explained

ABILITY IN HIS to DISCIPLES. The last b that of the sage’s readiness teach ; this shows that | °Ychapter JK: ut wetells havebseen tha Z.followi oLow1ng he did not teach where his teaching was likely | active verbs imparts to them a sort of neuter

198 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. VII.

ft =H i. — 4 / ZK AL in’ UL, Wi, HE 7A a , ’ y ga=8 ® L | » -» HO UL te HK Ay, EA fi ° I) Fl 4 Hi fe >»)= ,

y th [e Hy- ye 47 aa.

Wr te ah, te Ihe ath He Bl HE

| yi ii AA ae HL, fat god 4YO

BY, HF, By Oe i a \ o Any

Feo “a,b, fe)WH ASnm AY » ’A’

yn Me, OF fF. ZAR

2. Tsze-li said, ‘If you had the conduct of the armies of a great

State, whom would you have to act with you ?’ | 3. The Master said, ‘I would not have him to act with me, who will unarmed attack a tiger, or cross a river without a boat, dying without any regret, My associate must be the man who proceeds to action full of solicitude, who is fond of adjusting his plans, and

then carries them into execution.’ Cuap. XI. The Master said, ‘ If the search for riches is sure to be successful, though I should become a groom with whip in hand to

get them, I will do so. As the search may not be successful, I will follow after that which I love.’ Cuap. XII, The things in reference to which the Master exercised the greatest caution were—fasting, war, and sickness. signification. FA 2. = ‘used.’ eo = ‘negr | their whips when the prince went abroad, but

lected.’ A Chi ding to th —iy | we need not seek any particular allusion of the oenees mn, BECOPEINE wo me ial MS? | kind. Observe im = He, ‘if,’ and then an

consisted of 12,500men. The royal forces con-| .. , Still br; tth ‘ sisted of six such bodies, and those of a great| =‘Simce. Stl we may Oring oul t 6 Meaning State of three. 3 Fk i iB WH] see Shih- | from nin taken in its usual significance of ching, II. v. 1, st. 6, jee does not indicate |‘2”@.’ In this construction the previous By timidity, but solicitude.—Tsze-ld, it would appear, | = ‘given riches,’ and I A He = ‘and such was jealous of the praise conferred on Hui, and, | ag can surely be found.’—An objection to the pluming himself on his bravery, put in for a] pursuit of wealth may be made on the ground

share of the Master's approbation. But he| of righteousness, or on that of its uncertainty.

only brought on himself this rebuke. It is the latter on which Confucius here rests.

11. THE UNCERTAINTY AND FOLLY OF THE PUR-| 19, Waar THINGS CONFUCIUS WAS PARTICULARSUIT OF RICHES, It occurs toa student to under- ; stand the first clause—‘If it be proper to search | ¥¥ CAREFUL ABOUT. RE, read chdi, and = 7p,

for riches,’ and the third—‘ I will do it.’ But ‘to fast,’ or, rather, denoting the whole religious the translation is according to the modern com- | adjustment, enjoined before the offering of sacrimentaries,and the conclusion agrees better with | fice, and extending over the ten days previous

it. In explaining wait fs +; some refer | to the great sacrificial seasons. Hi means ‘to us to the attendants who cleared the street with | equalize’ (see IT. iii), and the effect of those pre-

>,'0

CH. XIV.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 199

Ht} A,B, Ae = 4 Ay, KeVN Hi afA Hr j ’ ae REZ IA yi

A AA ?» ’ FE |

mh B@RaAwB, tt f= . A th, A,

> J y ) ‘ —__oe fy A, tL,» FI 3,[a] el HM Hi d Oo

wl Aid eh®) ab ' 4A AY) B= —+ — uy A mH) | Pin—

7A is A Oa = J/LuiYo O or O y| Cuap. XIII. When the Master was in Ch‘i, he heard the Shao, and for three months did not know the taste of flesh. ‘I did not think,’ he said,‘ that music could have been made so excellent as this.’ Cuap. XIV. 1. Yen Yd said, ‘Is our Master for the ruler of Wei?’

Tsze-kung said, ‘Oh! I will ask him.’ 2. He went in accordingly, and said, ‘What sort of men were Po-i and Shi-ch'it?? ‘They were ancient worthies, said the Mas-

ter. ‘Did they have any repinings because of their course?’ The Master again replied, ‘They sought to act virtuously, and they did so; what was there for them to repine about?’ On this, T'sze-kung 3

went out and said, ‘Our Master is not for him.’

vious exercises was yun xX AK yy Ey AK, 14. ConFUCIUS DID NOT APPROVE OF A SON OP‘to adjust what was not adjusted, so as to pro- | POSING HIS FATHER. 1. The eldest son of duke

ducea perfect adjustment.’ Sacrifices presented Ling of Wei had planned to kill his mother in such astate of mind were sure to be acceptable. | (? stepmother), the notorious Nan-tsze (VI. Other people, it is said, might be heedless in xxvi). For this he had to flee the country, and reference to sacrifices, to war, and to sickness, | his son, on the death of Ling, became duke (1

but not so the sage. xn

13. THE EFFECT OF MUSIC ON ConFuciuUS. The AN ); and subsequently opposed his father’s shdo, see III.xxv. This incident must have hap- | attempts to wrest the State from him. This was pened inthe thirty-sixth year of Confucius, when the matter argued among the disciples,—Was he followed the duke Chao in his flight from La | oo ntuciusfor (Fa, 4th tone ) theson, theruling

es * = P ° °

to Chil. As related in the Bi =p Historical duke ? 2. In Wei it would not have been acRecords,’ before the characters =F , we have | ording to propriety to speak by name of its ruler,

— and therefore Tsze-kung put the case of Po-iand

fa ae ‘he learned it three months,’ which | Shi-ch‘i, see V. xxii. They having given up a may relieve us from the necessity of extendin throne, and finally their lives, rather than do the three months over all the time in which he what they thought wrong, and Confucius fully did not know the taste of his food. In Ho Yen’s|2Pproving of their conduct, it was plain he wy ge . . could not approve of a son’s holding by force compilation, the Xe 5 aI is explained by Za what was the rightful inheritance of the father. ae ‘he was careless aboutand forgot.’ The last re 4— im 48 t= ‘They sought for virtue, clause is also explained there—'‘I did not think | and they got virtue ;’ i.e. such was the character that this music had reached thiscountry of Ch‘i.’ of their conduct,

200 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. VII.

Mie, Geet ES HH ee, Gel SBR OO Be,ze = Sey (=e , ’, YN wPrRYU TR PMT

He ’ a ’

O r,s Hy 86K RM A ma AE 3, im An A PE Be => HK wo SE eao nl iF Fe < EF : ’ * Vik 2. Bf

5’ Ty FV o : » aie. ddda" | Hy IY

v| v3 Hk +H fe x

Cuap. XV. The Master said, ‘With coarse rice to eat, with water to drink, and my bended arm for a pillow ;—I have still joy in the midst of these things. Riches and honours acquired by unrighteousness are to me as a floating cloud.’ Cuap. XVI. The Master said,‘ If some years were added to my

life, I would give fifty to the study of the Yi, and then I might

come to be without great faults.’ Cuap. XVII. The Master's frequent themes of discourse were—

the Odes, the History, and the maintenance of the Rules of Propriety. On all these he frequently discoursed. | 15. THE Joy oF CoNFUCIUS INDEPENDENT orf| Amended thus, the meaning would be—‘ If I

. ‘, | had some more years to finish the study of the

OUTWARD CIRCUMSTANCES. BL in grd tone, ‘a Yi, &c.” Ho Yen interprets the chapter quite

meal ;’ also, verb,‘‘totyeat.’ RE: the 4th aerently. Referring to the say in6) iv. 4, . 9as§here, . ’ aoye new decrees of Heaven,’ heIl,suptone, ‘to pillow, to use as a pillow. . Critics poses this to have been spoken when Confucius call attention to HIS making the sentiment = | was forty-seven, and explains— In a few years ‘My joy is everywhere. It is amid other cir- {more I will be fifty, and have finished the Yi,

It is also18here.’ 3 —.—. when I may be without great faults.’—One cumst ANCES. A160xNOT. v Ly|LZ’ thing remains upon both views :—Confucius

=‘ By unrighteousness I might get riches and | never claimed, what his followers do for him, honours, but such riches and honours are to me|to be a perfect man. as a floating cloud. Itis vain to grasp at them, 17. Conructus’s MOST COMMON TOPICS. =e,

so16. THE uncertain and unsubstantial, VALUE WHICH ConFUCIUS SET UPON THE] ‘ The History,’ i.e. the historical documents

STUDY OF THE Y¢. Chia Hsi supposes that this | which were compiled into theSht-chingthat has

as he was in his sixty-eighth year when he ceased _ F

was spoken when Confucius was about seventy, | come down to us in a mutilated condition. ay his wanderings, and settled in Li to the adjust- | also, and much more me » must not be underment and compilation of the Yi and other Ching. | .to0q of the now existin g Shih-ching and LiChi

If the remark be referred to that time, an error aa °

may well be found in hh a for he would Chia Hsi exp lains HF (ard tone) by (aM eons hardly be speaking at seventy of having fifty stantly.” The old interpreter Chang explains

years added to his life. Chiialso mentions the re- | it by IE , ‘correctly,’—‘ Confucius would speak port of Lia P'ing-chin, referred to by him under | of the Odes, &c., with attention to the correct V. xxiv, that he had been told of a copy of the| enunciation of the characters’ This does not Lun Yii, which read {Pq for vii and Af. for *. seem so good.

a) a ’ ne oe 2 ee

CH. XX.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 201

SACRA ARS Yi + th 4. BOR>AT ys Hy. Hi, Zz £, A, 8% Lr

HA ’ “ak Nm AN »v Pe 2 VW #& BTL

“,, 7} Ht. Ab) O » —_—= rs = fe US -f-

> a= KN L’ Kt BH. = Wwe o Be. yr, NN

mi, «6K

Cuap. XVIIJ. 1c. The duke of Sheh asked Tsze-li about Confucius, and Tsze-lt did not answer him. 2. ‘The Master said, ‘Why did you not say to him,—He is simply a, man, who in his eager pursuit (of knowledge) forgets his food, who in the joy of tts attainment forgets his sorrows, and who does not

perceive that old age is coming on 2’ Cuap. XIX. The Master said, ‘ I am not one who was born in the possession of knowledge ; I am one who is fond of antiquity, and earnest in seeking 1t there.’

Cuap. XX. The subjects on which the Master did not talk, were—extraordinary things, feats of strength, disorder, and spiritual beings. 18. Conructus’s DESCRIPTION OF HIS OWN CHAR- | the effect that the knowledge born with a man

_. : Og

ACTER, AS BEING SIMPLY A CHEERFUL, EARNEST] , | only 3 on d rail while ceremonies, music

LEARNER. I. BE (read sheh) washistory, a district ;7 names of things, &c., must beof learned.

Ch‘'a ( A), the governor or prefect of which This would make what we may call connate was styled kung, after the usurping fashion of| innate knowledge the moral sense, and Ch‘t. "its name is still preserved in a dig-| those intuitive principles of reason, on and trict of the department of Pa] FG in the| Confucius could not mean to deny his being

. | . by which all knowledge is built up. But

south of Ho-nan. 2. Zz sometimes finishes possessed of these het ey 9 1.0. a sentence (Prémare, ‘claudit orationem \, as 20. SUBJECTS AVOIDED BY CONFUCIUS IN HIS CON-

here. The Et after it- Ef, imparting to all | versarion. EL ‘confusion,’ meaning rebelthe preceding description a meaning indicated lious disorder, parricide, regicide, and such

by .our or only. Wang in his|_, = . orsimply — |crimes. Chia HsiYin-chih, makes mp here =aaA= mh

treatise on the particles, gives instances of Zi. 7

used as a particle, now initial, now medial, ir 4V, z. Wh. ‘the mysterious, or spiritual

and again final. operations apparent in the course of nature.’ 19. ConFUCIUS’s KNOWLEDGE NOT CONNATE, BUT| — ; ° bv Ho Y

THE RESULT OF HIS STUDY OF ANTIQUITY. Here — Fae (died a.p. 266), as given by Ho Yen,

again, according to the commentators, 1s a|.. _ — ‘the affairs of wonderful instance of the sage’s humility dis- simply says bil mi = 474h) he SE) MS = nN

Fh’ ’th A sind, OT SN Vv omen mmeneth YT Wee HK A”~ 313) BAHE AN —-

Suet an . = Dp 4,

a,»— =H tbOSE LThe-—7A

K SFT, “Bk #7 AO ~~ F? N , > AT Bg in NIA d ’ ~ fe)

fo ER F LAN » ’ fe, Lo,A Be FloRAB gaay fAa ’

Cuap. XXI. The Master said, ‘When I walk along with two others, they may serve me as my teachers. I will select their good qualities and follow them, their bad qualities and avoid them.’ Cuap. XXII. The Master said, ‘ Heaven produced the virtue that

is inme. Hwan T‘di—what can he do to me?’

Cuap. XXIII. The Master said, ‘ Do you think, my disciples, that

I have any concealments? I conceal nothing from you. There is nothing which I do that is not shown to you, my disciples ;—that is my way. Cuap. XXIV. There were four things which the Master taught,— letters, ethics, devotion of soul, and truthfulness. 21. How A MAN MAY FIND INSTRUCTORS FOR| 23. CONFUCIUS PRACTISED NO CONCEALMENT

HIMSELF, — KN 47: ‘three men walking ;’ | WITH HIS DISCIPLES, —. ——= F; see III. xxiv.

but it is implied that the speaker is himself fii ayis explained by Cha Hsi by ae ‘to show,’ one of them. The commentators all take tz as if the meaning were, ‘There is not one of in the sense of ‘to distinguish,’ ‘to determine.’ | my doings in which I am not showing my

. : +s

—‘TI will determine the one who is good, andj doctrines to you.’ But the common significafollow him, &c.’ I prefer to understand as in | tion of Eid. may be retained, as in Ho Yen,—

the translation. By > change them,’ Le. |; which is not given to, shared with, you.’ To

correct them in myself, avoid them. what the concealment has reference we can-

22. CONFUCIUS CALM IN DANGER, THE |, 9+ 401]. Observe the force of + followed ASSURANCE OF HAVING A DIVINE mission.THROUGH Accord-

ing to the historical accounts, Confucius was | by +H, at the end ;—‘To have none of my ac-

passing through Sung in his way from Wei bi t shared with vou.—that is I, Chia.’

to Ch‘an, and was practising ceremonies with vi Ts shared wt wc ye TS Ay a

his disciples under a large tree, when they trl HE SUBJECTS OF VONFUCIUSS TEACHING.

were set upon by emissaries of Hwan (or YU uy AM ‘took four things and taught.’

Hsiang) T'di, a high officer of Sung. These There were four things which—not four ways pulled down the tree, and wanted to kill the|-° ; 8 y sage. His disciples urged him to make haste | in which—Confucius taught. oa here = our

and escape, when he calmed their fears by A=? . these words. At the same time, he disguised use of letters. AJ = A AR H FA, ‘what is

himself till he had got past Sung. This story | daily used in the relations of life.’ HA = 4h may be apocryphal, but the saying remains,— AP daw aremarkable one. — RZ. aS at , ‘not a single thought not

CH. XXVIL.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 203

ett Z| Tevta wy BL

ane : , ’ , , ° ’ » Fal WM Lo ts

¥ RR Fa RR 2

= fi ag] Te Be B A) 7GHla5 ° ZL , O STIT.y

mm im » Lee, 7")AA FP4 y & ATS 44 ce AL XH BAWAA7 SE v ’i,»_Any rt

yn t« BAA ’ta=TO V 4

Y v > b ) AH MO TE AT |

Cuar. XXV. 1. The Master said,‘A sage it is not mine to see; could I see a man of real talent and virtue, that would satisfy me.’ 2. The Master said, ‘ A good man it is not mine to see; could I see a man possessed of constancy, that would satisfy me. 3. ‘ Having not and yet affecting to have, empty and yet affecting to be full, straitened and yet affecting to be at ease :—it is difficult with such characteristics to have constancy.’

Cuap. XXVJ. The Master angled,—but did not use a net. He shot,—but not at birds perching. Cuap. XXVII. The Master said, ‘There may be those who act without knowing why. .I do not do so, Hearing much and selecting what is good and following it; seeing much and keeping it in memory :—this 1s the second style of knowledge.’ exhausted.’ 45 = fit — a 2. Xe ED 26. THE HUMANITY OF CONFUCIUS. AN is

,,

‘not a single thing without its reality.’ These | properly the large rope attached to a net, by

are the explanations in the JY SE fs G7. [| means of which it may be drawn so as to

confess to apprehend but vaguely the two latter sweep a stream. a wr to shoot with a string subjects as distinguished from the second. tied to the arrow, by which it may be drawn _ 25, Tue PaucITY OF TRUE MEN IN, AND THE| back again.’ Ay, applied to such shooting, PRETENTIOUSNESS OF, CONFUCIUS'S TIME. -F- in the 4th tone, isread shih. Confucius would

ai db to b d-|only destroy what life was necessary for his

=e par. 25 8 supposee °Y some 0 be ana use, and in taking that he would not take addition to the text. That being so, we have) vantage of the inferior creatures. This chapter in the chapter a climax of character :—the| jg said to be descriptive of him in his early life. man of constancy, or the single-hearted, sted-| 97 Agartnst ACTING HEEDLESSLY. Pao Hsien,

fast man ; the good man, who on his single-|in Ho Yen, says that this was spoken with heartedness has built up his virtue ; the Chiin-| reference to heedless compilers of records. tsze, the man of virtue in large proportions, oe } and intellectually able besides; and the sage, | Cha Hsi makes 4: 2 simply =f: Ls » ‘to or highest style of man. ED) , from x, CT, do things,’ ‘to act.’ The paraphrasts make : oe es the latter part descriptive of Confucius—‘I and -f. ear, mouth, and good,’= intuitively | hoar much, &e.’ This is not necessary, and apprehensive of truth, and correct in utterance | the translation had better be as indefinite as and action. Comp. Mencius, VII, Pt. ii. ch. xxv. | the original.

204 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK, VII.

+]au | p—y7=[-+} A, = |. AN RF HEA Bett

d » Dy ad © =p mA) |= ATE A Be BB Oe, Te

Ask CWB ie ?. ma ERMe “~ ZB AY)

be AN BX, HE, ys a aD) SS

ARF Bk BO,

. BB A A B fe PS fF ih YHa — fis 4, = 0 ON Z Pe, | _——1 ’ }ly Ke inf

% FRm7 SE— ae Fae Ax > HE Day Wen KL ’ ’ Why Eto YN

ZL Ie, JP. uy A aie fra] “tS Wt

3ll aE xeaethc. i Be Te, eR, Ao

fv “AS » )

Cuap. IV. 1. The philosopher Tsang being ill, Maing Ching

went to ask how he was. 2. Tsing said to him, ‘When a bird is about to die, its notes are mournful; when a man is about to die, his words are good. 3. ‘There are three principles of conduct which the man of high rank should consider specially important :—that in his deportment and manner he keep from violence and heedlessness; that in regu-

lating his countenance he keep near to sincerity; and that in his words and tones he keep far from lowness and impropriety. As to such matters as attending to the sacrificial vessels, there are the proper officers for them.’ to illustrate how Tsing-tsze (I. iv) had made this 2 refers to De, 2. EF in + = FI ’ his life-long study. He made the disciples un-| intimates that Tsing commenced the convercover his hands and feet to show them in what ,

1. sation. 3. a, 1b: and H are all = verbs F governing the nouns following. aie is read gee the Shih-ching, II. v. I. st.6. In }ffj A, |_.

preservation those members were, ae Zo

; 4 T" | like rep and with the same meaning, ‘to rebel

we must take mn -8 - Wang Yin-chih, how- against,’ ‘to be contrary to,’ that here opposed

ever, takes the first ih as= J¥y, and adduces | being 2] , ‘the truth and right.’ ee Was & other instances of Ty = i: Still the usage | bamboo dish with a stand, made to hold fruits

is remarkable. and seeds at sacrifice ; B was like it, and of 4, THE PHILOSOPHER 'TsXN@’s DYING COUNSELS | the same size, only made of wood, and used to

TO-A MAN OF HIGH RANK. I. raya was the hon- | contain pickled vegetables and sauces. HH -F-

orary epithet of Arf FE Ft, a great officer of | 8 used as in chap. ii— In Ho Yen's s compilation, La, and son of Ming-wa, II. vi. From the con. | the three clauses, beginning pls ih are taken clusion of this chapter, we may suppose that | not so well, and = ‘thus he will not suffer from he descended to small matters below his rank, | men’s being violent and insulting, &c. &c.’

a»

210 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK, VIII.

PEARL Fry (5S i,EAR > (azEYE : s :.

OF iit 1 BIS i 5V VW AA ci A Ir wiEs a

Wi Bok &A vn tH, v y AY v aeeB A, Hb FAW REBY y Oo ’ id Ca, NE La He

A EW BA He 4-2 Hl ACh ig

v—

VY. ,VJ )An FBCIFt.dove iz : %% By Fy Xn AM ei RK ZB, [21 Xr

Cth BHK2 BA he fe a 44 BY, Cuap. V. The philosopher Tsing said, ‘ Gifted with ability, and

__-yet- putting questions to those who were not so; possessed of much,

- and yet putting questions to those possessed of little; having, as

though he had not; full, and yet counting himself as empty ; offended against, and yet entering into no altercation: formerly I had a friend who pursued this style of conduct.’

Cuap. VI. The philosopher Tsing said, ‘Suppose that there is an individual who can be entrusted with the charge of a young orphan prince, and can be commissioned with authority over a State of a hundred Ji, and whom no emergency however great can drive

from his principles :—is such a man asuperiorman? He is a supe-

rior man indeed.’

Cuap. VII. 1. The philosopher Tsing said, ‘The officer may not be without breadth of mind and vigorous endurance. His burden is heavy and his course 1s long. 5. THE ADMIRABLE SIMPLICITY AND FREEDOM |lent to ‘of fifteen years or less,’ and that for FROM EGOTISM OF A FRIEND OF THE PHILOSOPHER | every cubit more or less we should add or

TsAne@. ; This friend is supposed to have been | deduct five years. See the A at 46 aie, Yen Yuan. ie ‘imprisonment by means of | where it is also said that the ancient cubit wood,’ ‘stocks.’ The dictionary, after the old | was shorter than the modern, and only = 7-4 writers, explains it with reference to this pas- | in., so that six cubits = 4-44 cubits of the present

+ . _|day. But this estimate of the ancient cubit is

sage, by $y tH,, Fg th), ‘altercation,’ ‘re- | Or apty still too high, King Win, it is said,

torting. tt Las JUj, Miterally, ‘followed | was ten cubits high | A HZ Te see

things in this way. Mencius, V. Pt. ii. ch. VIRTUE ii, 6. Gbc”~ amounts 6. A COMBINATION OF TALENTS AND CONSTITUTING A CHUN-TSZE. = R 2. y: nearly to a question, and is answered by th; ‘an orphan of six cubits.’ By a comparison of | —. Y@8, indeed. a passage in the Chau Li and other references,| ¢- THE NECESSITY TO THE OFFICER OF COMPASS

it is established that ‘of six cubits’ is equiva- | AND VIGOUR OF MIND. I. +, a learned man, ‘a

CH, X.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 211

Fu i I mm TF it TI HK

#2. HE b re) o~ o = Ke Wh re #F iy \ a x fe om. | RE AVv A, FA, Hl A,—3%, 28 Dh O »A34s Y

Bo. Le, ee afl 2 kk & ’ ) \ MN BiL Ut, ys Wer, LZ, »

2. ‘ Perfect virtue is the burden which he considers it is his to sustain ;—is it not heavy? Only with death dues his course stop ;—

is it not long ?’ ;

Cap, VIII. 1. The Master said, ‘It is by the Odes that the

mind is aroused. 2. ‘It is by the Rules of Propriety that the character is established.

isisfrom Musi fini isceived.’ 3., ‘It fi Music that thee finish received

Cuap, IX. The Master said, ‘The people may be made to follow a path of action, but they may not be made to understand it.’ Cuap, X. The Master said, ‘The man who is fond of daring and is dissatisfied with poverty, will proceed to insubordination. So will the man who is not virtuous, when you carry your dislike of him to

an extreme.’

scholar ;’ but in all ages learning has beenthe| 9. WHat MAY, AND WHAT MAY NOT BE ATs | qualification for, and passport to, official em-/ TAINED TO WITH THE PEOPLE. According to

ployment in China, hence it is also a general Cha Hsi, the first rad is pay ra Br a HR, designation for ‘an officer’ {¥-, 4th tone, a —duty, what principles require, and the second

noun, = ‘an office,’ ‘a burden borne ;’ with the] : ’ . at , 2nd tone, it is the verb ‘to bear.’ 18 by < Br Ww WK y “the principle ° ony 8. THE EFFECTS OF POETRY, PROPRIETIES, AND! He also takes and Y as = and

_Y.

music. These three short sentences are in form x ay 1 A m5 By HE th

like the f, —E wi | L. vi. b Y | ° e meaning were so, en e : nthe ates ~ We 38 i , whe hed " sentiment would be much too broadly expressed. mus 6 interprete liferently. ere enrs P term in each sentence is a verb in the impera- See py =e wy ge, XVI.xv. As often in

tive mood; here it is rather in the indicative. | other places, the Ped =+ gives the meaning There the tk is to be joined closely to the 1st| hore happily; viz. that a knowledge of the character and here to the 3rd. There it=our| reasons and principles of what they are called

preposition to; here it = by. The terms ay ) Kee from the people,— iis Be have all specific reference to the} 19 DispERENT CAUSES OF INSUBORDINATION j—

Books so called. A LESSON TO RULERS.

> re) , ’ fa LA’eyed, T eT he , o) HAF AGA BA

212 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK, VIIT.

sH, A I» 3H. my Bi is HS

> » p> ’ BR » HAH ABH =A )— BEAT Jy .D> Be,2F » IARA |’

Oo Q >

Hb ID 5.4 og, BL JH UCB , Ary EO JF Ab Ih A ON OR WH Hsp EF HRY wes ) EK 925 (BOF Fi see, Hey, kt Is :

MK aw HS 3a a AX }

Cuap. XI. The Master said, ‘Though a man have abilities as admirable those as those ofthings the duke of Chau, yet if he be looked proud and niggardly, other are really not worth being at.’ Cuap: XII, The Master said, ‘ It is not easy to find a man who has learned for three years without coming to be good.

Cuap. XIII. 1. The Master said, ‘ With sincere faith he unites the love of learning; holding firm to death, he is perfecting the excellence of his course.

2. ‘Such an one will not enter a tottering State, nor dwell in a disorganized one. When right principles of government prevail in the kingdom, he will show himself; when they are prostrated, he will keep concealed.

3. ‘ When a country is well-governed, poverty and a mean condition are things to be ashamed of. When a country is ill-governed, riches and honour are things to be ashamed of.’ 11. THE WORTHLESSNESS OF TALENT WITHOUT | disinterested pursuit of learning. But we are

virtvE. ‘The duke of Chau ;’—see VII. v. | not at liberty to admit alterations of the text, “# Be ‘the overplus,’ ‘the superfluity,’ re-| unless, as received, it be absolutely unintelli-

forting to the ‘talents,’ and indicating that | &!¢. | erring to the | varents, and mercating wna 18. THE QUALIFICATIONS OF AN OFFICER, WHO ability is not the WAN or root of character, not WILL ALWAYS ACT RIGHT IN ACCEPTING AND DE-

. . C . . CLINING OFFICE. 1. This paragraph is taken as

what is essential. ti, C3. as in chap. i. descriptive of character, the effects of whose 12. How QUICKLY LEARNING MAKES MEN GOOD. | presence we have in the next, and of its ab-

This is the interpretation of K‘ung An-kwo, gence in the last. 2 A in opposition to ie read hsien, in 4th tone. The whole chapter takes the term in the sense of ee: ‘emolu-| seems to want the warmth of generous prinment,’and would change Es into FA» Making | its parts bear the relation and connexion

who takes oy in the sense of fe. Cha Hsi oo PP ny , a fe . ciple and feeling. In fact, I doubt whether

the whole a lamentation over the rarity of the | which they are supposed to have.

CH, XVIIL.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 213

C(a) —t>[0 i .SPn iS a,: = T2.4 wet a fe)KOT a yi,fl’ fe) H’ AReAFA, A’ ’ OoAs a LmAayS a mw mm h se FE F te ARKH EF ’ Lm V , Aw we RR fae tt ’ ry ’ Ay IL, ys vv ae FT = wk ia ’

Cuap. XIV. The Master said, ‘ He who is not in any particular office, has nothing to do with plans for the administration of its duties.’

Cuap. XV, ‘The Master said, ‘When the music-master Chih first entered on his office, the finish of the Kwan Tsii was magnificent ;— how it filled the ears!’

Ld hd e

Cuap. XVI. The Master said, ‘Ardent and yet not upright ; stupid and yet not attentive; simple and yet not sincere :—such persons I do not understand,’ Cuap. XVII. The Master said, ‘ Learn as if you could not reach your object, and were always fearing also lest you should lose it.’ Cuap. XVIII. The Master said, ‘How majestic was the manner in which Shun and Yii held possession of the empire, as if 1t were nothing to them!’ 14, EvERY MAN SHOULD MIND HIS OWN BusI-| 16. A LAMENTATION OVER MORAL ERROR ADDED

nEss, So the sentiment of this chapter is gener- Fz. ‘ alized by the paraphrasts, and perhaps cor- 20 NATURAL DerEcr A Xe za re I do not

rectly. Itsletter, however, has doubtless oper- knowthem;’ that is, say commentators, natural ated to prevent the spread of right notions | defects of endowment are generally associated

about political liberty in China. with certain redeeming qualities, as hastiness 15. THE PRAISE OF THE MUSIO-MaSTER CHIH with straightforwardness, &c., but in the par-

Nei th . ; TAS HIM. | ties Confucius had in view, those redeeming

either Morrison nox Medhurst gives what ap-| qualities were absent. He did not understand pears to be the meaning of el in this chapter. | them, and could do nothing for them.

17. WITH WHAT FARNESTNESS AND CONTINUOUS-

The K‘ang-hsi dictionary has it— 304 2 BE. NESS LEARNING SHOULD BE PURSUED.

= . ~~ 18. THE LOFTY CHARACTER OF SHUN AND YU.

Zt. FI BL: ‘The last part in the musical | Shun received the empire from Yao, B.c. 2255, services is called Iwan.’ The programme on and Yii received it from Shun, B.c. 2205. The those occasions consisted of four parts, in the throne came to them not by inheritance, They last of which a number of pieces from the Féng | "ere called to it through their talents and Viror songs of the States was sung, commencing tue. And yet the possession of it did not affect

with the Kwan Tsi. The name dwan was also; them at all. xX Bil —« it did not concern given to a sort of refrain, at the end of each | them, was as if nothing to them. Ho Yen takes

song.—The old interpreters explain differently, Sa without , . seek—‘ when the music-master Chih first corrected | 34 =ye,.— they had thefit empire the confusion of the Kwan Tsii,’ &c. ing for it.’ This is not according to usage.

214 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. VIII.

*,A¥8 y ° | 0 ==Sth > JFUsBl > =A

,TY’, ’s:»|An : ’ ) "ABX awayArsays sno Ar Hl a

x4 j | : 1) i ’ a 2 AA, bt ee

i. AF ME KM

Tf % ee Luts ie ’ aie ) A’ K5a7G. A y

OK ec> PY VYGL BIL Iih — iA . ob

BRE KR MRA ny JAN yy) ’ Ar ko BY PD Die Mee

’ bd Hu

Cuap, XIX. 1. The Master said, ‘Great indeed was Y4o as a sovereign! How majestic was he! It is only Heaven that is grand, and only Yao corresponded to it. How vast was is virtue! The

e®eee®3

people could find no name for it. 2. ‘How majestic was he in the works which he accomplished!

eeee3

How glorious in the elegant regulations which he instituted !

CuHap. XX. 1. Shun had five ministers, and the empire was

well-governed.

2. King Wa said, ‘I have ten able ministers. 3. Confucius said, ‘Is not the saying that talents are difficult to find, true? Only when the dynasties of T'ang and Yi met, were they more abundant than in this of Chdu, yet there was a woman among them. The able ministers were no more than nine men. 19, THE PRAISE OF YAo. 1. No doubt, Yao, as; of Instruction ; Bz) (4). Minister of Justice;

he appears in Chinese annals, is a fit object of y=*

admiration, but if Confucius had had a right | 904 tA 4x’ Warden of Woods and Marshes.

knowledge of, and reverence for, Heaven, he | Those five, as being eminent above all their com-

could not have spoken as he does here. Grant} peers, are mentioned. 2. See the Shi-ching,

that it is only the visible heaven overspreading | y_ ;. i. 6, ‘ . ‘e. abl

all, to which he compares Yao, even that is suf- vei - . I Bl Ei the fen ® * ° ficiently absurd. not simply =e | Ministers.’ In the dictionary, the first meaning

creney ae By . PY 7 given of aL is ‘to regulate,’ and the second is

ae ‘imitated it,’ but HE Eid. 2. HE, ‘could | just the opposite,—‘ to confound,’ ‘confusion.’

. wy sa » _ Of the ten ministers, the most distinguished of

equalize with it.” 2. asp AR HK BS) — H pir course was the duke of Chau. One of them, it is AR 2. WK Hy , the great achievements of his | Said next paragraph, was a woman, but whether = she was the mother of king W4n, or his wife, is government. o'4 iA (see V. xii) =the music, | much disputed. The ten men were :—the duke ceremonies, &c., of which he was the author. of Chau, the duke of Shao, Grandfather Hope, 20. THE SCARCITY OF MEN OF TALENT, AND PratsE| the duke of Pi, the duke of Yung, T“Aai-tien,

OF THE HOUSE OF CHAv. 1. Shun’s five ministers | Hung-y4o, San-i Shang, N an-kung Kwo, and

. ; the wife or mother of king Wan. 3. Instead

were Hf} , Superintendent of Works; $B, Super-| cf the usual ‘The Master said,’ we have here

intendent of Agriculture ; 44 (hsieh), Minister ¥L -F- Fy , ‘The philosopher K‘ung said.’

CH. XXI.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 215

S Ti 4 J Si HA — A

o 1AUSF =e. Wt dsr » NLL ’

RF Hoe WH, SE SE Be OP TG

¥skin A AX t fe ey ’ cIeZ A

vill, e, Hy Ht, Ja oD %

I =, mn BX ad>v y R fiom Nn

1 teSKF MK fia tY\ HeZee 1»

4. ‘ King Wan possessed two of the three parts of the empire, and

with those he served the dynasty of Yin. The virtue of the house of Chiu may be said to have reached the highest point indeed.’

CuHap. X XI. The Master said, ‘I can find no flaw in the character

of Yi. He used himself coarse food and drink, but displayed the utmost filial piety towards the spirits. His ordinary garments were poor, but he displayed the utmost elegance in his sacrificial cap and apron. He lived ina low mean house, but expended all his strength on the ditches and water-channels. I can find nothing like a flaw in Yii.’ This is accounted for on the ground that the RR, ‘In Yi, I find no crevice so,’ i.e. I find words of king Wa having been quoted immedi-| nothing in him to which I can point as a flaw.

or e e

ately would not have right is int tedofofthethspirits crits of ofReaven h crown before, the sage itwith his usual title ofbeen ‘the Li mipto 18iH Interpreted

Master.’ The style of the whole chapter, how-|and earth, as well as those sacrificed to in the ever, is different from that of any previous | ancestral temple, but the saying that the rich one, and we may suspect that it is corrupt. | offerings were filial (2%) would seem to rea He is asort of proverb, or common saying, strict the phrase to the latter. The oe was which Confucius quotes and illustrates. i= an apron made of leather, and coming down

iB. 2 Ke (Yao is called T'ang, having | over the knees, and the ey was a sort of cap ascended the throne from the marquisate of : or crown, fiat on the top, and projecting before that name, and Yii became a sort of accepted and behind, with a long fringe on which gems

Sh ~ VA , and exactlyThey likewere theboth Christsurname or style off Shun) Blnpearls Fe BX were Churchstrung, cap of Oxford. used

is understood by Chi Hsi as in the translation, | ; ve TEE .

while the old writers take exactly the opposite in sacrificing. ie PA generally the water view. The whole is obscure. 4. This para-|Channels by which the boundaries of the fields

graph must be spoken of king Wan. were determined, and provision made for their

. irrigation, and to carry off the water of floods. 21. THE pRaIsE oF YU. [A] , The readyinchien, 4th ’ . . were four cubits wide and deep, and

tone, ‘a crevice,’= {arranged ‘a crack.’ form falviiH in ;which ’. so asThe to flow into the

the text is not so correct. HB a gi Al HK were double the size.

216 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [ BK, IX.

. va E )RIF y “~ | .GLH a BF: BOOK IX. TSZE HAN.

| ° ’’ vOI ’y

fil fl 3 Wh TL GQ TF Bk comet oO

& AM, Tt 75fa | | fed KX. . Ss

Am 2h ea ’ Kemet a a ~ ro Hf, a ai y, \ By,

CuHapter I, The subjects of which the Master seldom spoke were—profitableness, and also the appointments of Heaven, and perfect virtue. Cuap. II. 1. A man of the village of Ta-hsiang said, ‘Great indeed is the philosopher K'ung! His learning is extensive, and yet he does not render his name famous by any particular thing.’ 2. The Master heard the observation, and said to his disciples,

‘What shall I practise? Shall I practise charioteering, or shall I practise archery? I will practise charioteering.’ HEADING OF THIS Boox.— —-F Ze ‘4 Tu: purpose and determination, but the decree em‘The Master seldom, No.g.’ The thirty chap- bodied and realised in its object.

ters of this Book are much akin to those of the} _#: AMUSEMENT or CoNFUCIUS AT THE REMARK OF

seventh. They are mostly occupied with the {4% J@NORANT MAN ABOUT HIM. Commentators,

doctrine, character, and ways of Confucius old and new, say that the chapter shows the

himself. exceeding humility of the sage, educed by his

’ ’ a oe

1. SUBJECTS SELDOM SPOKEN oF BY ConFUCIUS being praised, but his observation on the man’s

Fil ;is tv mostly taken h ; d sense. n ' remark 1. For want taken here was in evidentlyironical. a good s , no He, ; of

as selfish gain, but as it is defined under the first another word, I render ary by ‘village’ Ac of the diagrams in the Yi-ching —35 zx Fu cording to the statutes of Chau, ‘five families ‘the harmoniousness of al] that is righteous ;’ made a EL. four pi a AE and five li or 500 that is, how what is right is really what is | families a tang.” Who the villager was is not truly profitable. Compare Mencius, I. i. 1.|recorded, though some would have him to be

Yet even in this sense Confucius seldom spoke as f whom it is sai

of it, as he would not have the consideration the same with JF cr omit iseaic of the profitable introduced into conduct at all. in the — —F- AK, =] Arh rd BID ue Be?

With his not speaking of ,— there is a diffi- | « o¢ 914 Confucius was a scholar of Hsiang T'o.’

culty which I know not how to solve. The|The man was able to see that Confucius was fourth Book is nearlyall occupied with it, and no | very extensively learned, but his idea of fame, doubt it was a prominent topic in Confucius’s | common to the age, was that it must be acquired

teachings. at is not =our fate, unless in the by excellence in some one particular art. In primary meaning of that term,—‘ Fatum est | 248 lips, ¥L -F- was not more than our ‘Mr. quod dii fantur.’ Nor is it decree, or antecedent | K‘ung.’

CH. V.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 217

ream —p —

AO 2 ela VAL pS » »OE Wtya, ta BE OOC Te Ot OR

O,

5 +i Mas ANH VA a~ ? \ ° » CF

\Ue O Fahd ae = ee A De AYN, — LRF MR A Re Het, v

Be iO; Oe WS He, WU, FE EE ik

PYt ’ A ’ dun re) A ° |

HL, ke FR’/Tt ’ Us,Kiet LP)

Cuap. III. 1. The Master said, ‘ The linen cap is that prescribed

by the rules of ceremony, but now a silk one is worn. It is economical, and I follow the common practice. 2. ‘The rules of ceremony prescribe the bowing below the hall, but

now the practice is to bow only after ascending it. That is arrogant.

I continue to bow below the hall, though I oppose the common practice.’

Cuap. IV. There were four things from which the Master was entirely free. He had no foregone conclusions, no arbitrary predeterminations, no obstinacy, and no egoism.

Cuap.V. 1. The Master was put in fear in K'wang. 2. He said, ‘After the death of king W4n, was not the cause of truth lodged here in me? 8. SoME COMMON PRACTICES INDIFFERENT AND | it was not by any effort, as pay and HE more

OTHERS Not. 1. The cap here spoken of was naturally suggest, that Confucius attained to that prescribed to be worn in the ancestral | pose things. temple, and made of very fine linen dyed of @/ 5, Coyrucrus ASSURED IN A TIME OF DANGER

deep dark colour. It had fallen into disuse, | py pig convicrion OF A DIVINE MISSION. Comand was super seded by a simpler one of silk, pare VII. xxii, but the adventure to which tliis Rather than be singular, Confucius gave in to a chapter refers is placed in the sage’s history practice, which involved no principle of right, | pefore the other, not long after he had resigned

and was economical. 2, Cha Hsi explains the office, and left La. 1. There are different FF Tp: FE Ef, thus: ‘In the ceremo- | opinions as to what State K‘wang belonged to. nial intercourse between ministers and their arose likely is that it was ko border iown prince, it was proper for them to bow below the ih hang, and te ee is now a be . Ty vay raised hall. This the prince declined, on which | *2¢ department of K’ai-fang in Ho-nan. It is they ascended and completed the homage.’ See} said that K‘wang had suffered from gs JR.

this illustrated in the KK = 4B. ee tm loc.|an officer of La, to whom Confucius bore a The prevailing disregard of the first part of|Tesemblance. As he passed by the place, morethe ceremony Confucius considered inconsis- over, a disciple, UA ¥\I , who had been assobetween prince and minister, and therefore | ciated with Yang Ha in his measures against he would be singular in adhering to the rule. | K'wang, was driving him. These circum-

tent with the proper distance to be observed| , . , AN? .

4. Frais FRoM wich Conructus was|Stances made the people think that Con-

els eqs eyege fucius was their old enemy, so they attacked

FREE. HE, it is said, is not prohibitive here, him, and kept him prisoner for five days. The but simply negative ;—to make it appear that!accounts of his escape vary, some of them

218 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. Ix.

=F ae ’\& =| JAN a etl | »

ae 1 sy o-2+ —? == (5) “E

ze jab =F 0 ie)tkeyfie HuAe b HE OAC

iE ae _ ee ’ oJ oy IAOe fe) AAG TKR ’ a | \ ? ] j S4 ed raft ZN J 3e

ZwWwZ2zZ22H, th Ly, iS iw FA, (' 4Khe AO A, ty Aeie cI Fi PrSy » 7h 7" vB Fe a ’ Bw O OA

3. ‘If Heaven had wished to let this cause of truth perish, then I, a future mortal, should not have got such a relation to that cause. While Heaven does not let the cause of truth perish, what can the people of K'wang do to me?’ Cuar. VI. 1. A high officer asked T'sze-kung, saying, ‘May we not say that your Master is a sage? How various 1s his ability !’ 2. Tsze-kung said, ‘Certainly Heaven has endowed him unlimitedly. He is about a sage. And, moreover, his ability is various.’ 3. The Master heard of the conversation and said, ‘Does the high officer know me? When I was young, my condition was low, and therefore I acquired my ability in many things, but they were mean

matters. Must the superior man have such variety of ability? He does not need variety of ability.’ 4. Lao said, ‘The Master said, “ Having no official employment, I acquired many arts.” ’

= rs ,

being evidently fabulous. The disciples were | the Jal nee the Tee was the chief of the in fear. 8. would indicate that Confucius | six great officers of State, but the use of the himself was so. but this is denied. 2. The| designation in Confucius’s time was confined wan L render by ‘the cause of truth.’ More | to the States of Wai and Sung, and hence the exactly, it is the truth embodied in literature, officer in the text must have belonged to one ceremonies, &c., and its use instead of tdo,|of them. See the St Sit in loc. The force

‘truth in itsFil principles,’ is attributed to Con- . . .2. Aid . . 5 . of is aS appears inthe translation. fucius’s modesty. AE ¥% ‘in this,’ referring| cA CAN to himself, 3. There may be modesty in his| is responded to by Tsze-kung with [ji], ‘cer-

use of wan, but he here identifies himself with | ,_. » 4s .

the line of the great sages, to whom Heaven has tainly,’ while yet by the use of Hy he gives

intrusted the instruction of men. In all the six] king hig answer an air ofhe hesitancy. centuries between himself and WAan, . - u xe a

. 2 ‘lets him go,’ i.e, does not restrict him at all,

does not admit of such another. te Al, # ’|The officer had found the sagehood of Con‘he who dies afterwards,’=a future mortal. |fucius in his various ability ;—by the yi,

6. ON THE VARIOUS ABILITY OF ConFuctus :— | ‘ moreover,’ Tsze-kung makes that ability only

HIS SAGEHOOD NOT THEREIN. 1. According to! an additional circumstance. 3. Confucius ex-

aL, v ye = ’ 9dd% ts BMP tim 2S Sat +. ' Virig

CH, IX.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 219

~& 2. = ee cI ’ ry Jo v2)

AY a EA XN zx EA AG; Any. Pe

AE, Bhtah 28 +,’ Bb ,_Bd vrUL 7 ’fal, ’ ia

3, aye tt. oH OW AG Fr. x a, EL OM FG. UL, ob

eH, a ie» Yr y d Y

vil HFA Pn TK »’

Cuap. VII. The Master said, ‘Am I indeed possessed of knowledge? Tamnotknowing. Butifamean person, who appears quite empty-like, ask anything of me, I set it forth from one end to the other, and exhaust it,’ CuaPp. VIII. The Master said, ‘The FANG bird does not come; the river sends forth no map :—it is all over with me!’ Cuap. IX. When the Master saw a person in a mourning dress, or any one with the cap and upper and lower garments of full dress, or a blind person, on observing them approaching, though they were

younger than himself, he would rise up, and if he had to pass by them, he would do so hastily. plains his possession of various ability, and | or when right principles are going to triumph

repudiates beingchiin-tsze. essential to the sage, in thewas world.aThe female is called T= In even toitsthe 4. or| Lao disciple, _ ev

te( HE _..styled | the Tsze-k'ai days of| and Shun, in Chii his hall, by surname va Ch'in 4 )s and werethey heard gambolled singing on mount in the

Tsze- -,| time of king Wan. The river and the map

(-¥- BA ) or Tsze-chang (-F ke ) Tt is earry us farther back still,—to the time of

supposed that when these conversations were | Fa-hsi, to whom a monster with the head of being digested into their present form, some|a dragon, and the body of a horse, rose from one remembered that Lao had been in the| the water, being marked on the back so as to habit of mentioning the remark given, andj give that first of the sages the idea of his accordingly it was appended to the chapter. | diagrams. Confucius indorses these fables. F- Z, indicates that it was a frequent saying Ee. ‘oC Be KE ,—see V. xxvi, and observe

of Confucius. . .

7. CONFUCIUS DISCLAIMS THE KNOWLEDGE AT- how So and FE are interchanged.

TRIBUTED TO HIM, AND DECLARES HIS EARNEST- 9. CoNFUCIUS’S SYMPATHY WITH SORROW, RE-

NESS IN TEACHING. The first sentence here was| SPECT FOR RANK, AND PITY FOR MISFORTUNE,

probably an exclamation with reference to HK, read isze, is ‘the lower edge of a garment,’

some remark upon himself as having extra- _ a tas _ : -~ ! garments,’ the two characters indicate the

ordinary knowledge. ut +H it iH , box: and joined with eH, read ts‘ii, mourning hibit (Hp = ay Hf, ‘to agitate ’) its two| mourning of the second degree of intensity, ends,’ i.e. discuss it from beginning to end. where ane edge 8 unhemmen but cut hick

-8, FoR WANT OF AUSPICIOUS OMENS, Conructus | nStead of being ragged, the terms tor whic GIVES UP THE HOPE OF THE TRIUMPH OF HIS Doc-| are Hay 5. The phrase, however, seems to

TRINES. fdngtheisChinese the male of | abefabulous b csgenerally. ao, AD, i 4th bird, which hasThe been called pheonix, for ‘in mourning Ay, in said to appear when a sage ascends the throne! tone, ‘ young.’

220 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. IX.

» (Fe! :GE . >» —OR 4. i(rs) Be ay) feel BR He SS a 13% " aa| Ty Etvo} Pepe AVA ae eh, BB p a ei ce sh thy =

AT a | sé ee 24s = mot ’ |af .ae=== will Jn I es SH

a'

Ae, v i. » =

Ht, ust 7iy: Be A Bre, ue AKfia] A, HA ja 12.FEiff2YS Et A Be a ae He A Fem, HK

im Fe Oe ELE AE We

Zi KP] BEE OO AD

AA oe |OF ?>!

Cuap. X. 1. Yen Yiian, in admiration of the Master's doctrines, - sighed and said, ‘I looked up to them, and they seemed to become more high; I tried to penetrate them, and they seemed to become more firm; I looked at them before me, and suddenly they seemed to be behind.

2. ‘The Master, by orderly method, skilfully leads men on. He _ enlarged my mind with learning, and taught me the restraints of

propriety. .

3. ‘When I wish to give over the study of his doctrines, I cannot do so, and having exerted all my ability, there seems something to stand right up before me; but though I wish to follow and lay hold of it, I really find no way to do so.’

Cuap. XI. 1. The Master being very ill, Tsze-li wished the disciples to act as ministers to him. 2. During a remission of his illness, he said, ‘ Long has the conduct of Yd been deceitful! By pretending to have ministers when I have

them not, whom should I impose upon? Should I impose upon Heaven ?

10. Yew Ytan’ , = , , ‘I find pcr apo ow rao rna| Ac HAAR BVA FHA 2 m l fe ues Ea “sighingly sighed, (ip and ‘a, indeed.” It was this which made him

the other verbs here are to be translated in sich, o_o

the past tense, as the chapter seems to give an “11. ConFUCIUS’s DISLIKE OF PRETENSION, AND

account of the progress of Hii’s mind. ZA CONTENTMENT WITH HIS CONDITION. tf. i

i = ZA LAs , ‘suddenly,’ a. ah - 5 | SE, ‘was causing,’ or wanted to cause. Confucius ; — had been a great officer, and enjoyed the ser‘to lead forward. + AK Py Zo 0omp- vices of ministers, as in a petty court. TszeView. 5 HARP EL HR, amadvort, cup-| $2, would have siszounded um fn his great rightly,’ ‘loftily’’ KK: in the sense of fH. and brought on himself this rebuke. 3. et

CH, XIV] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 221

ral Mt sel = AE Ee» “ee{if "8 ei O i[Sac] ~l FE ’ -———+

FP PCMET ERE Auf, —_—. » a1

2GA i Ee FE, A, vk, exath bk,ELaf, rtefe

ry WARS " AT US A =] ee fi!TE teyard Rook KG AK ro B wt ’ L) » Kt 4,I= Bead ihJody ae FF EF O °. ei Efi= »rR F, Hy p° RE JS A \at He OE We th RK AIR FS

yg ce = Oe a, I any , urea An i Ne Tt | te WN BE YY #4»

ee AZ H, AB IN. — &

3. ‘Moreover, than that I should die in the hands of ministers, is

it not better that I should die in the hands of you, my disciples ? And though I may not get a great burial, shall I die upon the road ?’

Cuap. XII. T'sze-kung said, ‘There is a beautiful gem here. Should I lay it up in a case and keep it? or should I seek for a good price and sell it?’ The Master said, ‘Sell it! Sell it! But I would wait for one to offer the price.’

Cuap. XIII. 1. The Master was wishing to go and live among

the nine wild tribes of the east. 2, Some one said, ‘They arerude. How can you dosuch a thing ?’

The Master said, ‘If a superior man dwelt among them, what rudeness would there be ?’

Cuap. XIV. The Master said, ‘I returned from Wei to Lid, and then the music was reformed, and the pieces in the Royal songs and Praise songs all found their proper places.’

, fee stone,’ than by ‘a piece of jade.’

= ay ER, as a conjunction, ‘letting it be| translate yi here by ‘a gem,’ or a ‘precious

that,’ = although. 13. How BARBARIANS CAN BE CIVILIZED. This 12. How THE DESIRE FOR OFFICE SHOULD BE | chapter is to be understood, it is said, like QUALIFIED BY SELF-RESPECT. a5 is interro- | V. vi, not a8 if Consteius really wished fo go

. . . . among the ut that he thus expressed his

gative here, as in VII. xxxiv. There being no regret that his doctrine did not find acceptance

nominative to ee like the ‘I’ in the trans-| in China. 1. The I,—see III. v. There were lation, we might render, ‘should it be put,’ &c. | nine tribes or varieties (Fis ) of them, the

jee read chid, 4th tone=(, ‘price,’ ‘value, yellow, white, red, &e. 2. An ~= me Ey ’

wmBA 6 ko eo ITTk,

Cuap. III. 1. When the prince called him to employ him in the reception of a visitor, his countenance appeared to change, and his legs to move forward with difficulty. 2. He inclined himself to the other officers among whom he stood, moving his left or right arm, as their position required, but keeping the skirts of his robe before and behind evenly adjusted. 3. He hastened forward, with his arms like the wings of a bird.

4. When the guest had retired, he would report to the prince, ‘The visitor is not turning round any more.’

Cuap. ITV. 1. When he entered the palace gate, he seemed to bend his body, as if it were not sufficient to admit him. court. At the royal court they were divided 7K ET , and below were one or more Ae =I : into three classes,—‘highest,’ ‘middle,’ and | Confucius must have been the ch‘ing pin, bowing

‘lowest,’ in FB, ay but the various princes | to the right as he transmitted a message to the had only the first and third. Of the first order | $#2"9 who was an officer of the higher

grade, and to the left as he communicated one there were properly three, the HEN, or nobles | from him to the shéo pin. 3. The host having of the State, who were in Li the chiefs of the | come out to receive his visitor, proceeded in ‘three families.’ Confucius belonged himself | with him, it is said, followed by all their inter-

; 6 nuncios in a line, and to his manner in this

to the lower grade. > Pa De the feet movement this paragraph is generally referred. moving uneasily,’ indicating the respectful} But the duty of seeing the guest off, the subject

anxiety of the mind. fff, and tone, here|of next paragraph, belonged to the shang pin,

“~~ and could not be performed by Confucius as

appears in the phrase Bid sith An 4h, In &| merely a ch‘ang pin. Hence arises a difficulty.

new sense. Ca Either it is true that Confucius was at one time 3. DEMEANOUR OF ConFucrius AT THE OFFICIAL raised to the rank of the highest dignitaries of

RECEPTION OF A VISITOR. 1. The visitor is sup-|the State, or he was temporarily employed,

posed to be the ruler of another State. On the|from his knowledge of ceremonies, after the occasion of two princes meeting there was| first act in the reception of visitors, to dismuch ceremony. The visitor having arrived, | charge the duties of one. Assuming this, the he remained outside the front gate, and the hea sf is to be explained of some of his movehost inside Le rece won room, whieh was on ments in the reception room. How could he DCEBUTA! POTN. MOSSARES Passed betwee! | hurry forward when walking in file with the

them by means of a number of officers called hori 6 =

4°: on the side of the visitor, and He , on the other intornuncios ? See the +h BR ae” Il. side of the host, who formed a zigzag line of |¥*Hi. 4. ys {8 Te ‘would return the comcommunication from the one to the other, and | mission,’ i. e. he had seen the guest off, according

passed their questions and answers along, till|/ +o his duty, and reported it. The ways of

an understanding about the visit was thus China, it appears, were much the same

officially effected. AE re An probably hasthe | anciently as now. A guest turns round and . . ae . bows repeatedly in leaving, and the host cannot meaning which I have given in the translation. | yeturn to his place, till these salutations are a. This shpws Confucius’s manner when en-| onded. gaged in the transmission of the messages be- 4. DEMEANOUR OF CONFUCIUS IN THE COURT AT

tween the prince and his visitor. The prince’s| yy ayprence. 1. The royal court consisted of nuncio, in immediate communication with | five divisions, each having its peculiar gate. himself, was the in TAL , the next was the! That of a prince of a State consisted only of

Say ) b = IL, ry » ASS An

CH. V.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, 229

=) fir, he 32 Wot EB Pp HOR 1 BA eS OP dm BRAY FDPA, F » A!

ad =| " yay Py AT ’

Se BP ME, f4, EL a WW do 47 th

i ’Ke 45agMs Li H WyUL, os v )AH Vv: A Hy By UL ownAn4 tee ‘ tea EE ee Z ’ ’ Be Nes “NG ~ =_f ° ue, «| FE UL, —= OPE ESR aL’ I,A, i ZN LS WF AW

Le RA_ ee 2 A 20 ere

2. When he was standing, he did not occupy the middle of the gate-way ; when he passed in or out, he did not tread upon the

threshold. 3. When he was passing the vacant place of the prince, his counte-

nance appeared to change, and his legs to bend under him, and his words came as if he hardly had breath to utter them. 4. He ascended the reception hall, holding up his robe with both

his hands, and his body bent; holding in his breath also, as if he dared not breathe. 5. When he came out from the audience, as soon as he had dex

scended one step, he began to relax his countenance, and had a satisfied look. When he had got to the bottom of the steps, he advanced rapidly to his place, with his arms like wings, and on occupying it, his manner sted showed respectful uneasiness.

CHap. V. 1. When he was carrying the sceptre of his ruler, he seemed to bend his body, as if he were not able to bear its weight. He did not hold it higher than the position of the hands in making three, whose gates were named Ji. SAE , and | This is the AT: now empty, which Confucius iy. The UN FA is the k‘d, or first of these. | P@S8es in his way to the audience in the inner

The bending his body when passing through, |#Partment. 4. HK, see IX. ix. He is now

high as the gate was, is supposed to indicate : viz, ; ‘3.’

the Confucius 2. cet ctegtes step ra ae awhere oe oF yygreat _ ° reverence raised which piatiorm 1n felt. e inner apartment, XH rH F 4 =% rH he FA, ‘He did not the prince held his council, or gave entertain-

stand opposite the middle of the gate-way.’| ments, and from which the family rooms of the Each gate had a post in the centre, called [eal palace branched off. 5. The audience is now by which j divided int hal over, and Confucius is returning to his usual y which ib was aiviced mre two ha ves, 2P"| place at the formal audience. K‘ung An-kwo only could stand in the centre of either of them, | makes the DE. to be the ~7~ in par. 3, but im-

propriated to ingress and egress. The prince pa. .

and he only could tread on the threshold or » . wys sill. 3. At the early formal audience at day- properly. Sf atter ty is an addition that break, when the prince came out of the inner | has somehow crept into the ordinary text. apartment, and received the homage of the; 5. DEMEANOUR oF CONFUCIUS WHEN EMPLOYED

officers, he occupied a particular spot called 7. ON A FRIENDLY EMBASSY. I. = may be trans-

230 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. xX.

Es ye 159 KF MeBoAH |Z) WF FF 0 (| Unto x, Bi AY AR

mee batts tLe" Hg AI~ Hd , CO s ARH Be Pp Flee A kb ahee Oe a ee ee @) = d O tk 3868, , 1)VV) ay d "b AIN

ee ACayy ee JR Fa Ri AT HE oP 2 ) aan , yan WW is SEN A AR Ba A ddd

a bow, nor lower than their position in giving anything to another. His countenance seemed to change, and look apprehensive, and he

dragged his feet along as if they were held by something to the ground. 2. In presenting the presents with which he was charged, he wore a placid appearance. 3. At his private audience, he looked highly pleased.

Cuap. VI. 1. The superior man did not use a deep purple, or a puce colour, in the ornaments of his dress. 2. Even in his undress, he did not wear anything of a red or red-

dish colour.

3. In warm weather, he had a single garment either of coarse or fine texture, but he wore it displayed over an inner garment. 4. Over lamb’s fur he wore a garment of black; over fawn’s fur one of white ; and over fox’s fur one of yellow. lated ‘ sceptre,’ in the sense simply of ‘ a badge | Chai Hsi remarks that there is no record of of authority.’ It was a piece of jade, con-| Confucius ever having been employed on such ferred by the sovereign on the princes, and|a mission, and supposes that this chapter and differed in size and shape, according to their|the preceding are simply summaries of the rank, They took it with them when they at-| manner in which he used to say duties referred tended the king’s court, and, according to Chi} to in them ought to be discharged. Hsi and the old interpreters, it was carried also| 6. RULES or CoNFUCIUS IN REGARD TO HIS by their representatives, as their voucher, on | DREss.—The discussions about the colours here occasions of embassies among themselves. In| mentioned are lengthy and tedious. I am not

the 44y fee ar, IT. xxxiii, however, it is con- concent ae have given them all eorreotly tended, apparently on sufficient grounds, that |'™ [7° ‘ransiation. ft. H F. heatedeem tad the sceptre then employed was different from | denote Confucius, can hardly have come from

the other. ies , ist tone, ‘to be equal to,’ ‘ able the hand of a disciple. H = ae 7] i for.’ 2. The preceding paragraph describes Dy ff; ‘a deep azure flushed with carnation.’ Confucius’s manner in the friendly court, at ~— his first interview, showing his credentials and ia = aa fai; ‘a deep red;’ it was dipped delivering his message. That done, he had to| thrice in a red dye, and then twice in a black. deliver the various presents with which he was Si ‘for ornament,’ Le. for the edgines of

charged. was called 3, =JEKThe 3. After » ees iBby . , This the collar and sleeves. kan, it7 is said,

all the public presents were delivered, the am-| apg Hsi, after K'ung An-kwo, was worn in bassador had others of his own to give, and his fasting, and the tséw in mourning, on which interview for that purpose was called Fi, Bit account Confucius would not use them. See

Y — otras WE » FEFis 4 Fe Ar FM o US

CH. VI.) CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 231

a. sy, >, I> , Sv Jar 9 AXo b , é&= ® & BB 6 ZF: af Ez

ZA ‘, TK :7

Vv rt Vy PAR: Ze Ate

HHRAUW HA EF

Ik VA 2, O til, Oo te. AP, HEyeHea O O 7-H 76a BiES Bi Skee Bf BiAMe 7

o d))% ‘

;P

5. The fur robe of his undress was long, with the right sleeve

short.

6. He required his sleeping dress to be half as Jong again as his body.

7. When staying at home, he used thick furs of the fox or the badger.

8. When he put off mourning, he wore all the appendages of

the girdle, 9. His under-garment, except when it was required to be of the curtain shape, was made of silk cut narrow above and wide below. 10, He did not wear lamb’s fur or a black cap, on a visit of con-

dolence.

11. On the first day of the month he put on his court robes, and presented himself at court.

= paragraph, it is supposed, belongs to the next

this and the account of the colours denied inthe , to blend comfort and convenience. Pr. This i ER eo’ in loc, 2. There are five colours chapter, in which case it is not the usual sleepwhich go by the name of ne ‘correct,’ viz. | ing garment of Confucius that is spoken of, but

Fy: Ta ie ry, A, ‘azure, yellow, carna- the one he used in fasting. ica 2nd tone, tion, white, and black ;’ others, among which| ‘over,’ ‘overplus.” 7. These are the 3k ws

are 41. and YR, go by the name of fae or| of paragraph 5. 8. The appendages of the

bint 4 to? Sea th =ye 6 girdle were, the handkerchief, a small knife, a

mm OPN ONRTR. EE MN’ Af ie im loc, Cone spike for opening knots, &c. Fz, ard tone, ,

fucius would use only the correct colours, and py,

moreover, Chi Hsi adds, red and reddish-blue| ‘to put away.’ 9g, The SF Was the lower gar-

are liked by women and girls. Ea Hi, his| ment, reaching below the knees like a kilt or

. . es we petticoat. For court and sacrificial dress, it was

dress, when in private. 3. nil. and | made as wide at topConfucius as at bottom. In KG thatwere worn oncurtain-like, other occasions, made from the fibres of a creeping plant, the Bs ’| saved thecloth inthe way described. So, at least,

See the Shih-ching, I. i. Ode 11. DA # im says K‘'ung An-kwo. Aes read shai, 4th tone. Hy ‘he must display and have it outwards.’ | 1° Lamb's fur was worn with black (par. 4), but

. . . . . white is the colour of mourning in China, and after Chai Hsi, differing from thecolour. old i 11. + ‘the f commentators, seems though to be correct. 4. The| *Y™pathising A © tors The interpretation of this, as in the translation, | Confucius would not visit mourners, but in a

_ lamb’s fur belonged to the court dress, the| tunate day of the moon,’ i.e. the first of the fawn’s was worn on embassies, the fox’s on oc-| month. This was Confucius’s practice, after casions of sacrifice, &c. 5. Confucius knew how! he had ceased to be in office.

: ' , “~H + "

232 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. x.

VY ateAY ON AE) a AYSLA IME, yp ASE

Be dy He, Gee wyBTi,lily AY AA,fee. ks’ , AY t¥ YY AY Ar Xr \ WY

A te HE eB, tt UR IE AB

v TE, ee GE et £6Hey we jen Aea Bil, \ vXI #E dUsd JddD D da, WH ZR Wee ee HileFe f6, 8, tg,

» i A= yp py : °

= d’

THR, EAD EAN AAA.

Vey HE Ask = gE mM JR Hii Cuap. VII. 1. When fasting, he thought it necessary to have his clothes brightly clean and made of linen cloth. 2. When fasting, he thought it necessary to change his food, and also to change the place where he commonly sat in the apartment. Cuap. VIIT. 1. He did not dislike to have his rice finely cleaned, nor to have his minced meat cut quite small. 2. He did not eat rice which had been injured by heat or damp and turned sour, nor fish or flesh which was gone. He did not eat what was discoloured, or what was of a bad flavour, nor anything which was ill-cooked, or was not in season.

3. He did not eat meat which was not cut properly, nor what was served without its proper sauce.

4. Though there might be a large quantity of meat, he would not allow what he took to exceed the due proportion for the rice. It was only in wine that he laid down no limit for himself, but he did not allow himself to be confused by it.

5. He did not partake of wine and dried meat bought in the

market.

7. RULES OBSERVED By CONFUCIUS WHEN | tionary is ‘overdone,’ hence x BL =‘ wrong

4 2 os

| FASTING. I. HK, read chai, 1st tone ; see VII. | in being overdone.’ Some, however, make the xii. The 6th paragraph of the last chapter |P>T4se to mean ‘badly cooked, either under-

should comeinasthe 2nd here. 2. The fasting|done or overdone. 4. = (tsze) He ‘the

was not oe all food, but only from wine vr | breath of the rice,’ or perhaps, ‘the life-susspirits, and from pot herbs. Observe the dif- taining power of it,’ but oa) can hardly be translated here. is = HE, ‘only,’ showing, move.’—The whole chapter may be compared it is said, that in other things he had a limit,

ference between AER and ee the former ‘to oe ; change,’ the latter ‘to change from,’ ‘to re-|... ; : .

with Matt. vi, 16-18, but the use of wine being to make glad, he

R .* C could not beforehand set a limit to the quantity

8. RULES OF CONFUCIUS ABOUT HIS FOOD. I./ of it, See, however, the singular note in IX. __

he. ‘minced meat,’ the commentators say, was XV. 6. Literally, ‘He did not take away made of beef, mutton, or fish, uncooked. 100 fand i i m oe " ny detribe t anciently

° . ° 1t 18 Stlil & custom istrinuted among

shing of paddy were reduced to 30, to bring it the assisting ministers the flesh of his sacrifice.

to the state of 1 rice. 2, fit in the dic- | Each would only get a little, and so it could be

aS heal| H= £

CH. X.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 233

miPY tae] R\, Oo AM eae:(eel » Amaa—— It J tA ys P¥r) ys Xr Ww ‘EZ, Ir

rEHREK FEBIEYrwhBBD RE IF S, VAR Te

We A ve Xr 7s fee 7 fH A Ae (HE, AL AB AN Ot Re, Lr excel

tH De HL.OBR Es | BH AG » AY

jie Hi. AeA Wy tt B.

6. He was never without ginger when he ate. 7. He did not eat much. 8. When he had been asststeng at the prince’s sacrifice, he did not keep the flesh which he received over night. The flesh of his family sacrifice he did not keep over three days. If kept over three days, people could not eat it. 9. When eating, he did not converse. When in bed, he did not speak,

10. Although his food might be coarse rice and vegetable soup, he would offer a little of it in sacrifice with a grave respectful air.

Cuap, IX. If his mat was not straight, he did not sit on it. Cuap. X. 1. When the villagers were drinking together, on those who carried staffs going out, he went out immediately after.

2. When the villagers were going through their ceremonies to drive away pestilential influences, he put on his court robes and stood on the eastern steps. used at once. Io. JIN should be changed into; 9. Rute or ConFucrIus ABOUT HIS MAT. DN according to Cha Hsi. Ho Yen, however, 10. OTHER WAYS OF ConFucius IN HIS VILLAGE.

we . ..it,s: and _|I. At sixty, apeople carried ait, staff. Confucius retains putting comma after joins ; it with the two preceding specimens of spare here showed his respect for age. My has here diet. The _like sacrificing’ refers to aThe custom an adverbial force, = Bi]. 2. There were three something our saying grace. master took a few grains of rice, or part of the other tte ceremonies every year, butthatinthe text among the sacrificial vessels, a tribute to the | Was called ‘the great no,’ being observed in the worthy or worthies who first taught the art of| Winter season, when the officers led all the

provisions, and placed them on the ground, ; tule :

cooking. The Buddhist priests in their monas- | People of a village about, searching every house teries have a custom of this kind, and on public | © expel demons, and drive away pestilence. It occasions, as when Ch'i-ying gave an entertain- | ¥24 conducted with great uproar, and little ment in Hongkong in 1845, something like it| better than a play, but Confucius saw a good is sometimes observed, but any such ceremony | 0ld idea in it, and when the mob was in his is unknown among the common habits of the house, he stood on the eastern steps (the place people. However poor might be his fare, Con- of a host receiving guests) in full dress. Some

. . 7 make the steps those of his ancestral temple,

fucius always observed it. HK (chai) = Hpk, and his standing there to be to assure the the grave demeanour appropriate to fasting. | spirits of his shrine.

234 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. xX.

iv (eS) [ees] FINI =

’v v> ; » iA C 7p » RMR v > a A> EN

5 ’ied v Se . ’ o/w% 2H, ope = | d N o ~~ = if

RW FRIES 6A a LA ’ “ re) ’ ’ ’ wii, FL Fe Bh He E33 o wee

A " He » as? b b 3

Cuap. XI. 1. When he was sending complimentary inquiries to any one in another State, he bowed twice as he escorted the messenger away. 2. Chi K‘ang having sent him a present of physic, he bowed and

received it, saying, ‘I do not know it, I dare not taste it.’ Cuap. XII. The stable being burned down, when he was at court, on his return he said, ‘Has any man been hurt?’ He did not ask about the horses,

Cuap. XIII. 1. When the prince sent him a gift of cooked meat, he would adjust his mat, first taste it, and then give tt away to others. When the prince sent him a gift of undressed meat, he would

have it cooked, and offer it to the spirits of his ancestors. When the prince sent him a gift of a living animal, he would keep it alive.

2. When he was in attendance on the prince and joining in the entertainment, the prince only sacrificed. He first tasted everything.

° “jy

11. Traits or ConFUCIUS’S INTERCOURSE WITH | but it might previously have been offered by the

OTHERS. 1. The two bows were not to the mes- | prince to the spirits of his. But he reverently

senger, but intended for the distant friend to| tasted it, as if he had been in the prince’s

hom h bei t 2, h presence. He ‘honoured’ the gift of cooked

wiom ae was deing sent. 2 Bie wast a food, ‘glorified’ the undressed, and ‘ was kind’ Ke of Il. xx eal, Confucius accepted | to the livinganimal. 2, The #% here is that in the gift, but thought it necessary to let the chapter viii. ro. Among parties of equal rank, donor know he could not, for the present at| 47) performed the ceremony, but Confucius,

least, avail himself of it. with his prince, held that the prince sacrificed

12. How ConFucIvs VALUED HUMAN LIFE.|for all. He tasted everything, as if he had A ruler’s ive was fitted to accommodate 216| been a cook, it being the cook’s duty to taste

2% every dish, before the prince partook of it. g. used indeed for a private butThe it ishead more ’ 7 east was the proper a _.stable, | the head.’ to the

horses, Seo the $2 FEF, in ioc. It may be 74; in the 4th tone, BA [i], ‘the direction of natural to take it here for the or State chit. position for a person in bed; a sick man might

oe , awl for comfort be lying differently, but Confucius

This is the view in the RK aie. would not see the prince but in the correct 13. DEMEANOUR OF CONFUCIUS IN RELATION TO | position, and also in the court dress, so far as

HIS PRINCE. 1. He would not offer the cooked | he could accomplish it. 4. He would not wait meatto the spirits of his ancestors, not knowing | a moment, but let his carriage follow him.

mick aS ; v7”. rs Aw aon O aesH| Ptr ’ oF AS

CH. XVI.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 235

Zs az| zs) XK oe Be NA fe I oS, Ar a Wee Fe OAR, A ’ Bite Vz ji} mV) BE 2 aE‘A, Ae AC Hee, WeAJ 4 Hkoy Bi ‘ ’ Vv s iy] 4. Fi Jie 3h th He FR HR RHE Pe ‘ Oo dav fe) & Wy DA 1, uy Vv £ASe ’ ) oRL ZT

Zs, aE a, Wb &, fi, be. IT aise Ke HA at

Be’ my, iAAN ’

3. When he was ill and the prince came to visit him, he had

his head to the east, made his court robes be spread over him, and drew his girdle across them.

| 4. When the prince’s order called him, without waiting for his carriage to be yoked, he went at once. Cuap. XIV. When he entered the ancestral temple of the State,

he asked about everything. |

Cuap. XV. 1. When any of his friends died, if he had no rela-

tions who could be depended on for the necessary offices, he would say, ‘I will bury him.’ 2. When a friend sent him a present, though it might be a carriage and horses, he did not bow. 3. The only present for which he bowed was that of the flesh of sacrifice.

Cap. XVI. 1. In bed, he did not lie like a corpse. At home, he did not put on any formal deportment. 2. When he saw any one in a mourning dress, though it might be an acquaintance, he would change countenance; when he saw any one wearing the cap of full dress, or a blind person, though he

might be in his undress, he would salute them in a ceremonious manner. 14. A repetition of III. xv. Compare also| goods. ‘The flesh of sacrifice,’ however, was chap. ii. These two passages make the explana- | that which had been offered by his friend to tion, given at III. xv, of the questioning being | the spirits of his parents or ancestors. That on his first entrance on office very doubtful. | demanded acknowledgment. 15, Trarrs or CoNnFUCIUS IN THE RELATION OF| 16. ConFucIUS IN BED, AT HOME, HEARING

¢ . THUNDER, &. 2. Compare IX. ix, which ish

A BRIEND. . We properly, ‘the closing up repeated, with heightening circumstances, 3 of the coffin,’ is here used for all the expenses} _in . . and services necessary tointerment. 2, 3. Be- HK is the front bar of a cart or carriage. In tween friends there should be a community of| fact, the carriage of Confucius’s time was only

v e nt , ’ |a es ne:

236 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. X.

. — +=n ii GE i HE Ae We Hee ee , , wo {i , | (ax AF, 3k, Ate Free, BS o Ro ey ’ 4 ee J

j | Ly By 46,24. HA, iE, 718

I ws ZlYO» a Z,’ ies Wh pike Wr Drs,

, = WV 4 PN d a ' . Zn OR| VveA b QV_s Ay Be OF

ane | RE BAR 1A

aE WHE Fe, BL TE as Bat sh

ys t,/ Ko O o)

3. To any person in mourning he bowed forward to the crossbar of his carriage ; he bowed in the same way to any one bearing the tables of population.

4. When he was at an entertainment where there was an abundance of provisions set before him, he would change countenance

and rise up. | s, On a sudden clap of thunder, or a violent wind, he would

change countenance. __ Cap. XVII. 1. When he was about to mount his carriage, he would stand straight, holding the cord. 2. When he was in the carriage, he did not turn his head quite round, he did not talk hastily, he did not point with his hands. Cuap. XVIII. 1. Seewng the countenance, it instantly rises. It flies round, and by and by settles. 2. The Master said, ‘ There is the hen-pheasant on the hill bridge. At its season! At itsseason!’ ‘T'sze-li made a motion toit. Thrice it smelt him and then rose. what we call a cart. In saluting, when riding, |his head quite round. See the Li Chi, I. i. parties bowed forward to this bar. 4. He| Pt. v. 43. showed these signs, with reference to the; 4g A fragment, which seemingly has no con-

generosity of the provider. nexion with the rest of the Book. Various 17. ConruclUS AT AND IN HIS CARRIAGE. I. /alterations of characters are proposed, and

The Wore was a strap or cord, attached to the|various views of the meaning given. Ho ; . oo, Yen’s view of the conclusion is this :—‘ Tsze-la carriage to assist in mounting it. 2. x Py took it and served it up. The Master thrice A, ‘He did not look round within,’ i.e. turn | smelt it and rose,’ Fk, in 3rd tone, = [i] .

CH. 11] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 237

, BOOK XI. HSIEN TSIN. |

a stage (2S edPECIs MES TF fos ar Gel Se ie . A |= » » =a v > eam ’ Bon ¥% ee ,

41a47, ’ ’Feel) Ay48’BP HE

.4AR A ee ’ Ate onl, AN HE HE FL, FE

sro F ’ b I BYO2xBiNFe 4 ’uh, 4%% HE eed—=— r PA — AE: NK oar | ia O y K »

| HA, Ae +h... [sg AA I Wer

CHAPTER I. 1. The Master said, ‘The men of former times, in the matters of ceremonies and music, were rustics, 74 7s said, while the men of these latter times, in ceremonies and music, are accomplished gentlemen.

,4

2. ‘If I have occasion to use those things, I follow the men of

former times.’

Cuap. IT. 1. The Master said, ‘Of those who were with me in Ch'an and Tsai, there are none to be found to enter my door.’ 2. Distinguished for their virtuous principles and practice, there were Yen Yiian, Min Tsze-ch‘ien, Zan Po-nid, and Chung-kung ; for their ability in speech, Tsai Wo and Tsze-kung ; for their adminisHeEaDING OF THIS Boox. — 4f- SE 4 H A-F 2 rH th 36 50 ue.

__.., 6‘The 1” ith | former But the 2ndmen, paragraph is decidedly against No. 11.’ Wit ‘ this ,

this Book there commences the second part of interpretation. SE is not to be joined to the

p aq): There is, however, no important ’ . “~~ \

(" Anes commonly called the Hsia Lun suecee ding Fr jp 28% , but Jd = quoa a. Ibis authority for this division. It contains 25 supposed that the characterising the Fi ME chapters, treating mostly of various disciples | as rustics, and their successors as chiin-tsze, was

of the Master, and deciding the point of their|a style of his times, which Confucius quotes worthiness. Min Tsze-ch‘ien appears in it four |ironically. We have in it a new instance of times, and on this account some attribute the|the various application of the name chiin-tsze.

compilation to hisofdisciples. th?it°is= said. th dsan and indications inof theit style a peculiarThere hand. are| " ; ° {yp ite Al eee , ;‘Of ° wores 1. Conructus’s PREFERENCE OF THE SIMPLER] actions of men in their mutual intercourse and

E 2AS’ ff teinAL the| cates business WAYS OF FORMER TIMES, I. vie respectofis government, here included in whatever ceremonies,indiand

‘d “bya Cha 45 24 4,E whatever is expressive are said Hsi to |Te $e af cluded in music,’of harmony is here in-

Literally, the expressions are,—‘those Who; 9 Conrucrus’s REGRETFUL MEMORY OF HIS DIS first advanced,’ ‘those who afterwards ad-| oppps’prpELiry:—CHARACTERISTICS OF TEN OF THE

vanced,’ i.e. on the stage of the world. In Ho|piscrpres, 1. This utterance must have been Yen, the chapter is said to speak of the dis-| made towards the close of Confucius’s life, when

ciples who had first advanced to office, and ‘many of his disciples had been removed by those who had advanced subsequently,—s/) death, or separated from him by other causes.

238 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XI.

ea Fb. B A \

WUnmZcrrF thr &

HAsHA RA AN Fo ’ \ ’ O L= RA Fhe x

26 Hk Fh > a Us a | d a FH 2B ysFesE. OF

——) ’

SE BRE WH nefe) |c erry) Veme|, | Es V

trative talents, Zan Yi and Chi Ld; for their literary acquirements,

Tsze-yti and Tsze-hsia. |

Cuap. III. The Master said, ‘Hti gives me no assistance. There is nothing that I say in which he does not delight,’ Cuap. IV. The Master said, ‘ Filial indeed is Min T'sze-ch‘ien! Other people say nothing of him different from the report of his

parents and brothers.’ | Cuap. V. Nan Yung was frequently repeating the lines about a white sceptre-stone. Confucius gave him the daughter of his elder

brother to wife. |

In ms 62nd or thereabouts, as the accounts FILIAL PIETY OFfrom Min TszE-cH‘IEN. go, heyear was passing, in his4, THE wanderings .... Ch‘én to Ts‘ai, when the officers of Ch‘an, afraid [Al asin VIII. xxi, ‘could pick out no crevice

that he would go on into Ch‘d, endeavoured to| or flaw in the words, &e.’ [ii ie (about a. D. the disciples with him were cut off from food. 200-250), as given an Ho Yen, explains— Men Both Ch‘an and Ts‘ai were in the present pro- had no words of disparagement for his conduct vince of Ho-nan, and are referred to the depart- | 12 reference to his parents and brothers.’ This ments of iS HH and tr ‘te . 2, This para-|'8 the only instance where Confucius calls a dise graph is to be taken as a note by the compilers | “!P/¢ by his designation. The use of -—- RES

stop his course, and for several days he and . . Y . ‘

| oflowers the Book, enumerating the principal fol-| ; : A» 3 . of Confucius on the occasion referred| sed, in the =| rae to be a mistake

to, with their distinguishing qualities. They of the compilers, ‘Brothers’ includes cousins, are arranged in four classes (Py Fy} , and, | indeed = kindred. + 5. CoNFUCIUS’S APPROBATION OF Nan Yuna.

Nhe ei ten, na vane as "| Nan Yung, V. i.often —=,asin. V.xix. e fone ‘four classes’ anthena wise ones’seeare oa ” Ihave . mentioned in connexion with the sage’s school. eas it by ; edueney but, in the

, The ten disciples have all appeared in the pre-| *#™UY Sayings, it is related that Yung re-

vious Books. peated the lines thrice in one day. Fy =e, 3. H€1’s SILENT RECEPTION OF THE MASTER’S h . ; wes : reacuines. A teacher is sometimes helped by | 8° the Shih-ching, III. iii. Oderr.5. The lines the doubts and questions of learners, which ther " are— ‘ flaw ina neue sceptre-stone lead him to explain himself more fully. Com- |™2Y 5e 8round away ; but for a flaw in speech,

.. —, ; nothing can be done.’ In his repeating of these

pare iit. Vill. 3. at for Pet as in I. i. 1, but | jines,we have, perhaps, the ground-virtue of the K‘ung An-kwo takes it in its usual pronuncia- | character for which Yung is commended in V. i.

tion = fica ‘to explain.’ Observe FL -F-, where we might expect F-.

a » 3 (S|

CH. VIII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, 239

WAL BH ee ay rH ON OM : Le FH TZ Bee -

0OnAvi me tn 3 1 GE UL Ed13 ta= SP : btA= re)

=)’. y ’vAT ’, +1,uybZA

FR VW th, A BARA PA AA Ay AL Oe AS Eg ’ ie ao Av, ie 7 ZA

KeAT 4 4 AT ’ " OB ys ae B7Bt

O Lo. mes : ) a | sii 4P ci ah i

BE ULV it OP 1 Lae By

sw. ES v om

Cuap. VI. Chi Kang asked which of the disciples loved to learn. Confucius replied to him, ‘There was Yen Hii; he loved to learn. Unfortunately his appointed time was short, and he died. Now there is no one who loves to learn, as he did.’ Cuap. VII. 1. When Yen Yiian died, Yen Ld begged the carriage of the Master to sel/ and get an outer shell for his son’s coffin. 2. The Master said, ‘ Every one calls his son his son, whether he

has talents or has not talents. There was Li; when he died, he had a coffin but no outer shell. I would not walk on foot to get a shell for him, because, having followed in the rear of the great officers, it was not proper that I should walk on foot.’

Cuap. VIII. When Yen Yiian died, the Master said, ‘Alas!

Heaven is destroying me! Heaven is destroying me!’

1s |

6. How Hér Loved To LEARN. See VI. ii, | active verb followed by a double objective. In

where the same question is put by the duke .

Ai, and the same answer is returned, only in a burying, they used a coffin, called He: and an

more extended form. outer shell without a bottom, which,was called 7. How Conrucius WoULD NOT SELL HIS CAR- #zh- a, Et. He k > 2. te; literally,

RIAGE TO BUY A SHELL FOR YEN YUAN. 1. There|

GOOD FROM HIS DISCOURSE, aa is here ‘speech,’ ay in VL. iv. Ht A FHt is explained

‘conversation.” Ho chapter is 4witHei + > ©bt0 bve joined to the precedingIn one, andYen issaidthis to give | PY Ch Hsi Hi 0with overcome, additional characteristics of ‘the good man,’|superior to.’ But we can well take it in its mentioned on a different occasion.—The con-| radical signification of ‘to unite,’ as a hand struction, however, on that view is all but|grasps two sheaves of corn. The phrase is

inextricable. equivalent to our English one in the transla-

CH, XXIII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 245

b = iwi %

’ fea K || ot) |e! Ih Hl

p>. hg AS — a Ua } ’ ri) VY. = Et ; Hi0? -f-o ey 5 Hy FistfaZt) 7»

4 7”~ a> Y fkacAd=| =fe)RE ame: AH [ZH ae oa fe) ® Xr i EE A A, BE M7 }

My RV Y H,A — oTpl, » 5, A =.AY WW ~r —} ’ tea ky .0 HABo aod Vy Aad,Vel O A» SKK TT A eT mf Ar . SY | AJ iA Fu zZ i He co ia an

I urged him forward. Yt has more than his own share of energy ;

therefore, I kept him back.”

Cuap. XXII. The Master was put in fear in K'wang and Yen

Yiian fell behind. The Master, on his rejouning him, said, ‘I thought

you had died.’ Hd replied, ‘While you were alive, how should I presume to die?’

Cuap. XXIII. 1. Chi Tsze-zan asked whether Chung Yt and

Zan Chit could be called great ministers. 2. The Master said, ‘I thought you would ask about some extraordinary individuals, and you only ask about Ya and Ch'1d! 3. ‘ What is called a great minister, is one who serves his prince according to what is right, and when he finds he cannot do so, retires, tion. Similarly, the best pure gold is called | represses the boasting of Chi T'sze-zan, and in-

Fite 4. dicates an acquaintance with his traitorous 22. Yen Yuan’s atracnment To Conructvs, |P°*PO8°% = Chi Tsze-zan was a younger AND CONFIDENCE IN HIS mission. See IX. v. If} brother of Chi Hwan, who was the ze K of

Hui’s answer was anything more than plea-|T]]7,j, Having an ambitious purpose on the santry, we must pronounce it foolish. The rulership of La, he was increasing his officers, commentators, however, expand it thus :-—*I| and having got the two disciples to enter his knew that you would not perish in this danger, | service, he boastingly speaks to Confucius about

and therefore I would not rashly expose my 3D) peer ‘ own life, but preserved it rather, that I might them. 2. mw uy ZZ” literally, ‘I supcontinue to enjoy the benefit: of your instruc-| posed you were making a question of (=about)

tions.’ If we inquire how Hai Knew that Con- extraordinary men, and lo! it is a question fucius would not perish, we are informed that b sand Chia’ 7a . ite £ . he shared his master’s assurance that he had a|#bout Ya and Chia” "BY = 74 j Its force is

divine mission.—See VII. xxii, IX. v. rather different from what it has in II. viii,

23. A GREAT MINISTER. CHUNG-Y0 AND ZAN : . .

Cr‘10 ONLY ORDINARY MINISTERS. The para- but is much akin to that in III. ie + AE.

phrasts sum up the contents thus :—‘Confucius|is explained (i Ea. By m ,, ‘simply

246 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XI.

HE 2 > FalFee! 3Ua> WR Be ’ ’| Ay, f‘ fl’ Ams

ow A| A faseAl Bl oe Bi 44) ’ wy AVQ itt,’fie#Bet al DO ,Ui’OAL He » th und ate s | PY AH LMA EA LE vRE » i asd Jarra H UK RA BH BLA

:: dad FA~ w~»orr ’_

As th. Tbe a | ’ ik o AFs | o An re) —Lr Jn 0 ee,Ms Ps a oi ae \AR AALS O it, H py tha He’ Ti? Ue B' Oo

ministers.’ | 4. ‘Now, as to Yd and Ch'ii, they may be called ordinary

5. Tsze-zan said, ‘Then they will always follow their chief ;—

will they ?’

6. The Master said, ‘In an act of parricide or regicide, they

would not follow him.’

Cuap. XXIV. 1. Tsze-li got Tsze-kao appointed governor of Pi. 2. The Master said, ‘ You are injuring a man’s son.’ 3. Tsze-li said, ‘There are (there) common people and officers ; there are the altars of the spirits of the land and grain. Why must one read books before he can be considered to have learned ?’ 4. The Master said, ‘It is on this account that I hate your glibtonguec people.’ HAP. XXV. 1. Tsze-li, Tsing Hsi, Zan Yd, and Kung-hsi Hwa were sitting by the Master.

2. He said to them, ‘Though I am a day or so older than you, do not think of that. fitted to rank among the number of officers.’ studies. 2. : in the sense of =e, ‘to inAL often means what is merely ‘official.’ | jure.’ > as in chap. ix. 3. It qualifies the BL Bs ‘an official paper.’ EL Br, ‘mere | whole phrase K . F-, and not only the officials.’ 5. 2. supposes an antecedent, such; Zan. By denominating Tsze-kao—‘a man’s

; , son,’ Confucius intimates, I suppose, that the

as =, ‘their master. father was injured as well. His son ought not

24. How PRELIMINARY STUDY IS NECESSARY TO to be so dealt with. 3- The absurd defence of THE EXERCISE OF GOVERNMENT !—A REPROOF oFr|18Ze-lu. It is to this effect :—‘The whole duty

TezE-Lt VI. hadhadof| rendering man is inwhat treating menbeings, right, and and SZE-LU. _vei seevii, Vi. Teze-la Vil, isze-iul is dueother to spiritual entered into the service of the Chi family (see | it may be learned practically without the study lust chapter), and recommended (fifi ) Tsze-kao | you require.’ 4. FE ie ‘on this account,’ (see chap. xvii) as likely to keep the turbulent | With reference to Tsze-li’s reply. Pi in order, thereby withdrawing him from his} 25. THE arms or Tszz-L0, TsXna Hsf, Zan YO,

d’

|LAN >BH Se] y 3 on. Bit :RUAE Ha VW A] Dyti1H] my ZS. KOEF E40, FZ, Ft A, a a,

CH. XXV.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 247

,Kn) 0|4 Uso |’ | O&d

AE Re Bt Ty LE ik, tay Bt,

. Aas ZR Ft. A MA ZK A fitaa, KRY ab AAS ———e

An ’ AN d o

ZS FAY a ity FH th me Leo ah Et Hy AR Be Wi mie [ Pe a ane en ee See ie ’ ° E IA), " Al Al 8 wh > 3. ‘From day to day you are saying, “ We are not known.” If some ruler were to know you, what would you like to do?’

4. Tsze-li hastily and lightly replied, ‘Suppose the case of a State of ten thousand chariots; let it be straitened between other large States; let it be suffering from invading armies; and to this let there be added a famine in corn and in ail vegetables :-—if I

were intrusted with the government of it, i three years’ time I could make the people to be bold, and to recognise the rules of righteous conduct.’ The Master smiled at him. 5. Turning to Yen Ya, he said, ‘Ch'1d, what are your wishes ?’ Ch'1d replied, ‘Suppose a State of sixty or seventy /¢ square, or one of fifty or sixty, and let me have the government of it ;—in three years’ time, I could make plenty to abound among the people. As to teaching them the principles of propriety, and music, I must wait for the rise of a superior man to do that. AND Kune-nsi Hw, ann Conructus’s REMARKS ; the importance which the disciples attached to ABOUT THEM. Compare V. vii and xxv. 1. The the seniority of their Master, and his wish that

disciples mentioned here are all familiar to us|they should attach no importance to it. In excepting Tsing Hsi. He was the father of YA ze. Zl +h, we have a not uncommon inTsang Shan, and himself by name Tien (Hh). version ;—‘do not consider me to be your

The four are mentioned in the order of their) senior.’ 3, ke-- i 2. Hy: ‘the level, ‘age, and Tien would haveanswered immediately Loar . after Tsze-la, but that Confucius passed him by, | ordinary course of your lives,’ 4uy ye it =

as he was occupied with harpsichord. ’.5. Coe ay WF FA He:his ‘what would you2.consider

fe: ard tone, ‘senior.’ Many understand fi to be your use?’ i.e. what course of action would

Be, ‘ye,’ as nominative to the first Ze you pursue? 4. Zee Fig, an adverb, = ‘hastily.’ but it is better to take Zl = HAE, ‘although.’ dap according to Cha Hsi, = TR according —_— H » ‘one day,’ would seem to indicate | to Pao Hsien, = 3}, ‘straitened,’ ‘urged.’ In the

248 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XI. —— 2 ‘

: + AY KE se Et it ZF

th tH a 4 2 40 AR

Ba A, I,HO oN xoe yr sere ti Hu fe Kk y 4) Aro ’ v oO ’ H Be De

D yy ra . fe) . a

ie Or, 2 AB, Bh 4B Se v

»

> if. --E —. HR KE G Fy de bs P|» AM, . + } Ase aE D Fi th ol B OAT 4 Ob = BE7oh Fy ZA\ be =F Hd wa ON PN Wk FP SB i, A Ae,’SE at wi

| WK Jail PN a fi A, BY FA Ke, (H]

6. ‘ What are your wishes, Ch‘ih,’ sard the Master neat to Kung-hst

Hwd. Ch'th replied, ‘I do not say that my ability extends to these

things, but I should wish to learn them. At the services of the ancestral temple, and at the audiences of the princes with the sovereign, I should like, dressed in the dark square-made robe and the black linen cap, to act as a small assistant.’ 7. Last of all, the Master asked Tsing Hst, ‘Tien, what are your wishes ?’ Tren, pausing as he was playing on his lute, while it was yet twanging, laid the instrument aside, and rose. ‘My wishes,’ he said, ‘are different from the cherished purposes of these three gentlemen. ‘ What harm is there in that?’ said the Master; ‘do you also, as well as they, speak out your wishes.’ Zen then said, ‘ In this, the last month of spring, with the dress of the season all complete, along with five or six young men who have assumed the cap, and six or

seven boys, I would wash in the I, enjoy the breeze among the rain altars, and return home singing.’ The Master heaved a sigh and said, ‘I give my approval to Tien.’ Chau Li, 500 men make a Hie: and 5 ie or, in par. 5. er is the name for occasional or 2,500 men, makea [if]. The two terms together | incidental interviews of the princes with the

have here the xe i given in the translation. | 8°Vereign, what are called Hy 5 | be2 ae ‘managed it,’ EL; grd tone, blends longs to occasions when they all presented sts foree with the following Fe. Fy - rey themselves together at court. The Wit (and

‘towarda.’ + “know the"|quarter from its PAstraight la) was make, a robe its of ee Fi y Snow ane ae ceremony, 80 colour called called from its which to turn, the way in which togo.’ 5. At component parts having no gathers norslanting

the beginning of this paragraph and the two cuttings. 3 ry was the name of a cap of

following, wemust supply FHA Wn =Bk »|ceremony. It had different names under dif-

‘or.’ 6. HE Q-L. refers to the ii 4 £4, ferent dynasties, HB meansaman. The cap

CH. XXV.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 249

Fy Je) UL ESV.| ’Ay>>> 7 BE TY) , -PON’ En

< Ft nA aBA, =| OR 0) Lv ’ ’ th O

1),b |e), EuAn SEyy KE =" H—_—_=. ’ MEST, > BF »’ Ar y\ om wf a oa=F wt JF op WW SE—=, GS fl HH

He Bat?Pw Hl Ze Hh |SF a v | am

By fe SE UL a’ HA apd | PON ’ nae aNaed

OPY.’O o-oo ’ |A

< Wi Fi TBE A UL a i +7?Hi-fEf + ==)Wr H Ke WJ

Dy SLAFNo SL Wh A EL ty-B He DA’ 4 aoe UL oe FB Tr A RAO,

8. The three others having gone out, Tsing Hsi remained behind, and said, ‘What do you think of the words of these three friends ?’ The Master replied, ‘They simply told each one his wishes.’ 9. Hst pursued, ‘Master, why did you smile at Yt 2’ 10. He was answered, ‘The management of a State demands the rules of propriety. His words were not humble ; therefore I smiled at him.’ 11. Hst again sad, ‘ But was it not a State which Ch‘1t proposed

for himself?’ The reply was, ‘Yes; did you ever see a territory of sixty or seventy Ji, or one of fifty or sixty, which was not a State ?’ 12. Once more, Hst inquired, ‘ And was it not a State which Ch'ih

proposed for himself?’ The Master again replied, ‘Yes ; who but princes have to do with ancestral temples, and with audiences but

the sovereign? If Ch'ih were to be a small assistant in these services, who could be a great one?’ was so named, as ‘displaying the man.’ 7.|summer sacrifice for rain (Li Chi, IV. ii. Pt. ii. Ay _ TE: ‘pausing,’ ‘stopping.’ am, an ad-|8). Dancing movements were employed at it,

verb, expressing the twanging sound of the|hence the name— HE =e. II. te Py Fy instrument. Ls read mii, 4th tone, the same is to be supplied before ig ,and -F- Fy before

as close of a period of time.’ . eAae, Fe.‘sunset,’ Similar‘the supplements must be made og in the

Tey (4th tone) BS »‘capped men.’ Capping was next paragraph.—It does not appear whether in China a custom similar to the assuming the | Hsi, even at the last, understood why Confucius toga virilis among the Romans. It took place at | had laughed at Tsze-la, and not at the others. 20. “eS is not ‘to bathe,’ but is used with refer- |‘Tsze-li 1t was was not,’ extravagant say the commentators, ‘ because in his aims. They ence to a custom of washing the hands and | wore all thinking of great things, yetnot greater clothes at some stream in the grd month, to put| than they were able for. Tsze-ld’s fault was his away evil influences. os was the name of the | levity. That was his offence against propriety.’

250 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XII. BOOK XII. YEN YUAN.

, Hy see : Bs 1,dTZ pk ey CL se Oo fared

ap 0) oSe, Beet 78[A> 72 eae FAP FulA— \ aN B,

ae wo rey ee =—t 2 Wea hice 1PEAA OM et Ee OP r=) sa 5 i” jn) A> A tm nn ALD D iepet = FE AE] a, WE BA HA Bt — Fe =

:>é

A wots Ey VIF _— MEAP IE AE HO, Xr Whez Vihes H 0 ] 5 ou bt

Cuaprer I. 1. Yen Yiian asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, ‘'To subdue one’s self and return to propriety, is perfect

virtue. Ifa man can for one day subdue himself and return to propriety, all under heaven will ascribe perfect virtue to him. Is the practice of perfect virtue from a man himself, or is it from others ?’ 2. Yen Yiian said, ‘I beg to ask the steps of that process.’ The Master replied, ‘Look not at what is contrary to propriety; listen not to what is contrary to propriety; speak not what is contrary to propriety; make no movement which is contrary to propriety.’ Yen Yiian then said, ‘Though I am deficient in intelligence and vigour, I will make it my business to practise this lesson.’ HEADING OF THIS Boox.—}¥j Fa pa + yy iin in BX ae Hi, Fat . Co here

— ‘Th lfth inni ith * Y 1S noU exactly seillsnness, but selushness 1S

—-) he twellth Book, beginning with “ Yen | hat abides by being attached to the body, and lessons on perfect virtue, government, and other | hence it is said that selfishness is 4.’ And

Yiian.”’ It contains 24 chapters, conveying _ : “id? questions of morality and policy, addressed in . a | conversation by Confucius chiefly to his dis- again, we, u J E Da FJ: H Cc: V7 we ciples. The different answers, given about the = = rH 2. Fi, aK dU; Ti, = is not

same subject to different questioners, show well | J quin g and putting away the self, but sub-

how the Base puted pis ner to ee duing and putting away the selfish desires in the shom he had to do aCuules 0 © parties WILD | self’ This ‘ selfishness in the self’ is of a three1, How to atrain To PERFECT virTuE:—a|fold character :—first, ray FA, said by MorCONVERSATION WITH YEN Ytan. 1. In Ho Yen, | rison to be ‘a person’s natural constitution and

. lainedby b ‘iy 7 ot&,trai disposition of mind :’ itis, think,man very much oe c 18 explained 0 restrain | the Wuxikds dvOpwros or I‘animal ;’ second,

the body.’ Cha Hsi defines oe, by Hi, ‘to #, A, CT, J 2. RK ‘the desires of the

’ YANN ears, the eyes, the mouth, the nose ;’ i.e. the

overcome, and im by &| Z i, BW: ‘the dominating influences of the senses ; and third, selfish desires of the body.’ In the 4y Be it tis 4K: ‘Thou and I,’ i.e. the lust of supeis said— pF JE Ell is #i,, 4H Rl, Ell lt riority. More concisely, the {4 is said, in the

CH. 111.) CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, 251

Fi 2 ae Ae = ny TSuth sey PAIry BAY ye) A, ne 6 fe RC EO

d 4 aS )

[— Wy A HE Z \< KX, Jah Fe | j uf | HH RAE Jay AE Xr Au AM ia

2?nN A FR, A JIM Bi IK a °

ae, TE KK T a | ° ie | ’ 20)v

Cuap. II. Chung-kung asked about perfect virtue. The Master

said, ‘ [¢ 7s, when you go abroad, to behave to every one as if you were

receiving a great guest; to employ the people as if you were assisting at a great sacrifice ; not to do to others as you would not wish done to yourself; to have no murmuring against you in the country, and

none in the family.’ Chung-kung said, ‘Though I am deficient in intelligence and vigour, I will make it my business to practise this lesson.’

Cuap. III. 1, Sze-ma Nid asked about perfect virtue. 2. The Master said, ‘The man of perfect virtue is cautious and slow in his speech,’ at. to be the KM nA as opposed to the | that every man may attain to this virtue for t=] ND; ‘the mind of man’ in opposition to | himself, nit) is equivalent to our ‘or,’ and

°e>“~.

; , «ape -- | implies denial ofuPwhat ‘the mind of reason ;’—-see a thestrong Shi-ching, IT. ii. 8a

is asked. 2.

15. This refractory ‘mind of man,’ it is said, “Ef refers to J mys: ne. =| = ‘(e3 44,

Bil. He 7 HE, ‘is innate,’ or, perhaps, ‘con-| ¢ a list of particulars.’ Ls is used as an active nate.’ In all these statements there is an| verb ;—‘I beg to make my business these words.’ acknowledgment of the fact—the morally ab- 2. WHEREIN PERFECT VIRTUE IS REALIZED :—A

normal condition of human nature—which | conversation wira CHUNG-KUNG. Chung-kung, underlies the Christian doctrine of original sin.}see VI.i. From this chapter it appears that cation of selfish desires, the second paragraph | "°’°"°"°° (4%) and reciprocity (#8), on the shows that it was the second order of them—| largest scale, constitute perfect virtue. (i

With reference to the above threefold classifi- . . , the influence of the senses—which Confucius ; .

specially intended. 48 iz; —see noteon es FR — ordering the people,’ is apt to be done

VIL- u. ii.18IbiNotthhere @ ceremonies. , Cha Hsiuwith haughtiness, This part of the answer 418!) may be compared with the apostle’s precept— defines it, 52 Zz. i) Oe ‘the specific | ‘Honour all men,’ only the ‘all men’ is much divisions and graces of heavenly principle or | more comprehensive there. im Ar ZZ

reason.’ This is continually being departed ; eee , from, on the impulse of selfishness, but there | —compare V. xi. LE Ff, FE ZR: = ‘abroad, is an ideal of it as proper to man, which is to be| ‘at home.’ Pao Hsien, in Ho Yen, however, sought—‘returned to’—by overcoming that.| takes the former as denoting ‘the prince of a fae is explained by Chia Hat by HZ, ‘to allow.’ | State,’ and the latter, ‘the chief of a great officer’s

) -. “~ a establishment.’ This is like the interpretation

The gloss of the fits A is— i HE, will | of fae in last chapter.—The answer, the same praise his perfect virtue.’ Perhaps Kk ai as that of Hai in last chapter, seems to betray is only =our ‘everybody,’ or ‘anybody.’ Some| the hand of the compiler. editors take Awei in the sense of ‘to return,’— 8. CAUTION IN SPEAKING A CHARACTERISTIC OF ‘the empire will return to perfect virtue ;’— | P£RFECT VIRTUE :—A CONVERSATION WITH TszE-

supposing the exemplifier to be a prince. In ni@. 1. Tsze-niii was the designation of Szethe next sentence, which is designed to teach! m& Kang, alias Li Kang (42 Ht), whose

,}*=i a|

252 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XII

f (5) yy! jee Sy< =H 7A = DK, Ir iz an Ht,

Bek Re A wee Ww 6 it OTB SEB GAHE ee Sal RR He ee XK JE,AE ANZ aN iy vg 4H] Bh A TF o EA AIL HO A TF th O a o BA , yyy Xu | oa ~g ) Az: = =

fe} O ’ ’ Bey “te Br

ep tk y o An} > 4a FA

3. ‘Cautious and slow in his speech !’ said Nit ;—‘is this what is meant by perfect virtue?’ The Master said, ‘When a man feels the

y 5S» speaking 2’ |

difficulty of doing, can he be other than cautious and slow in Cap. IV. 1. Sze-md Nid asked about the superior man. The

Master said, ‘The superior man has neither anxiety nor fear.’ 2. ‘ Being without anxiety or fear!’ said Nit ;—‘ does this constitute what we call the superior man ?’ 3. The Master said,‘ When internal examination discovers nothing wrong, what is there to be anxious about, what is there to fear ?’ Cuap. V. 1. Sze-m& Nid, full of anxiety, said, ‘ Other men all have their brothers, I only have not.’ 2. Tsze-hsia said to him, ‘There is the following saying which I have heard :— tablet is now the 7th east in the outer ranges | illness ;’ here it is understood with reference of the disciples. He belonged to Sung, and/to the mind, that displaying no symptom of

was a brother of Hwan T'ti, VII. xxii. Their | disease. ,

ordinary surname was Hsiang (Tl ), but that| 5. ConsonaTion orrERED By Tszx-Hs14 To TszE-

of Hwan evuld also be used by then, as they |"™%A¥2IOU ABOUT Ts wars OF iB Baar were descended from the duke so called. The conduct of his eldest brother Hwan T'ti, who, office of ‘Master of the horse’ (a) BB) had | he knew, was contemplating rebellion, which long been in the family, and that title appears | would probably lead to his death. KH 3p. here as if it were Nid’ssurname. 2. a) = = ‘elder brothers’ and ‘younger brothers,’ but

. . , Tsze-nitii was himself the youngest of his family.

big tH: ‘the words vomens forth with diffi- The phrase simply = ‘ brothers.’ ‘All have their

culty.’ —comp. brothers,’—i.e. all can rest2.quietly without . y 3 Fi2. Any X2P 5] . . 2 »Se[eea} {eee}

KVL HT x " Oo dad y » BI ’ . me, A,en76 t, AOAN st Aa MWe, ae He » —*) VW

d—°

Ds 14),PE ATFyIpFA Ws H[Se ~ X, A mayA HAA a URWUF BE BA Wy»IQubo OMA ’| O OY ,

)2.

A be ay

CuHap. XII. 1. The Master said,‘ Ah! it is YA, who could with half a word settle litigations! ’ 2. TI'sze-li never slept over a promise.

Cuap. XIII. The Master said, ‘In hearing litigations, I am like any other body. What is necessary, however, is to cause the people to have no litigations.’

Cuap. XIV. Tsze-chang asked about government. The Master said, ‘ The art of governing is to keep tts affairs before the mind without weariness, and to practise them with undeviating consistency.’ Cuap. XV. The Master said, ‘ By extensively studying all learn-

ing, and keeping himself under the restraint of the rules of propriety, one may thus likewise not err from what is right.’ succession, he shaped his answer to the ques- | a case. {5 again is explained by FR‘ before-

tion about government accordingly. 3. ‘Al- hand.’ . ; , though I have the grain,’ i.e. my revenue, the | 242d.’— Tsze-la made no promises beforehand. He. 7ZB.| 13. To preveNrT BETTER THAN 10 DETERMINE

tithe of the produce of the countrys [= TF “micatrona, Soa the k 3 fi. rv. A, as

Wii) EX aes (ER BED compare FF ph XI. . ‘ff

xxi), ‘shall I be able to eat it ?’—intimating | 0PPosed to FR (preceding chapter), is used of

the danger the State was exposed to from in-| ,:_; 4 =>

subordinate officers. civil causes (FF yy A fy ) and the other

12. WirH wuHatT EASE TszE-L0 COULD SETTLE | of criminal =f ). Little stress

LITIGATIONS. 1. We translate here—‘ could,’ | | ; (FF JF = Bah)

and not—‘can,’ because Confucius is simply |18 to be laid on the ‘I;’ much on (Hi, as = praising the disciple’s character. Tsze-la, see | ‘ to influence to.’

II. xvii. Fr =J = ——s ‘half a word.’| 14. Tue art of GOVERNING. yi as opposed

2. This paragraph is from the compilers, stat- A=. .. . ing a fact about Tsze-la, to illustrate what the to TT: must be used as an active verb, and 18 Master said of him. {6 is explained by Cha explained by Chi Hsi as in the translation. . refers to that aspect of government about

Hsi by A , ‘ to leave,’ ‘to let remain.’ Its . dur

primary meaning is—‘to pass a night.’ We which Tsze-chang was inquiring. aden fe = have in English, as given in the translation, Ae WE An — , ‘first and last the same ;’

a corresponding idiom.—In Ho Yen, = = is Wy He _ Ea Eel tn _.. ‘externally and taken as = {fa =) ‘one-sided words,’ meaning internally the same.’ that Tsze-li could judge rightly on hearing half} 15, Harpiy pIFFERENT From VI, xxv.

258 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XII.

i+ yu =] (aslglee EY + TL—— lal IE=Tel

| | , ’ aes] : RECT EHS PAT ee Ue Ee 2 ie = ee ae) ’ fe) ’ V ds) VAB] A r]Fy ts |BE Oo BA A ,’

Pry v ’ ¥

Wi, x ’ r , Ay Zh tRRA wt RR FAAS ak UT MH IEA ik

’ » (e) mr BH iby. RK vo b se=FOo VL‘ ,2v q15, HN. Cuap. XVI. The Master said, ‘The superior man seeks to

perfect the admirable qualities of men, and does not seek to perfect their bad qualities. The mean man does the opposite of this.’

Cuap. XVII. Chi K'ang asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, ‘To govern means to rectify. If you lead on the people with correctness, who will dare not to be correct ?’ Cuap. XVIII. Chi Kang, distressed about the number of thieves in the State, inquired of Confucius how to do away with them. Con-

fucius said, ‘If you, sir, were not covetous, although you should reward them to do it, they would not steal.’ Cuap. XIX. Chi K‘ang asked Confucius about government, saying, ‘What do you say to killing the unprincipled for the good of the principled?’ Confucius replied, ‘ Sir, in carrying on your government, why should you use killing at all? Let your evznced desires

be for what is good, and the people will be good. The relation 16. OPPOSITE INFLUENCE UPON OTHERS OF THE | Of your not being ambitious.’ Ba 2-B SUPERIOR MAN AND THE MEAN MAN. a ” 17. GOVERNMENT MORAL IN ITS END, AND EF- Fe.

FICIENT BYPEOPLE EXAMPLE. ARE 19. KILLING NOTTHIEVES TO BE TALKED BY RULERS; - 4HE MADE BYOFTHE = ve

stance of Confucius’s boldness i ing | wf j — BG rp

EXAMPLE on THEIR RULERS. This is a good in- THE BEBEOE OB SHATR EXAMPLE. In §f A)

men in power. Chi Krang (11, xx) hal made |U © 0 active verb, = BX, or J Bh ‘to himself head of the Chi family, and entered | complete,’ ‘to perfect.’ {iis is used in a vague into all its usurpations, by taking off the infant | ganse. not positive virtue Out — nature.’ ‘cha-

nephew, who been rightful o Rwould f f larea read chief, x eee oN should ‘did nothave covet,’ ive.its racter. ome 'for fet a= Ji a position and influence to which you have no | ‘© add upon,’ but E itself must here have

right. Ai -F- 2. xX 4K = ‘given the fact | substantially that meaning. LJ ip 2. ra

CH. XX,] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 259

‘ =. AY, Yr HL(——=] BY —F FE —+el| by HKFL

A t A, .)

EI94 4, Te RTA ET ’ Oo Ft fr —_— )’

Ve Ast Sane in Bt

Et P if 2 BB, Pi #@ EB,

+H, A, | FE. H +E =) |

He’ te Hfmk, WLS BR Ti BR N== Ji y An y ,HY FRL, Se,5E ah fig A ELA BEE LehPYFar Wh I 2 Ey),

\) th. = AT ATHe» GE AFwh0HZ JN1B

A= 32,5 UL 4E=H ae FT A AA \ a ° 8 ; é in 4E Kae SE5aBH wh24) BE To AR\ AE.I KiZze between superiors and inferiors, is like that between the wind and the grass. The grass must bend, when the wind blows across it.’ Cuap. XX. 1. Tsze-chang asked, ‘What must the officer be, who may be said to be distinguished 2’ 2. The Master said, ‘What is it you call being distinguished ?’ _ 3. Tsze-chang replied, ‘It is to be heard of through the State, to be heard of throughout his clan.’ 4. The Master said, ‘ That is notoriety, not distinction. _ 5. ‘Now the man of distinction is solid and straightforward, and loves righteousness. He examines people's words, and looks at their

countenances. He is anxious to humble himself to others. Such a man will be distinguished in the country ; he will be distinguished in his clan.

6. ‘As to the man of notoriety, he assumes the appearance of

ind it.” ; ‘ > 6

= BB, Ni 2. Zl int ‘the grass, having the | If, however, + be understood of ‘a scholar,’ 90. ‘Thre an OF TRUE DISTINCTION, AND THE FS will =) h | RA, the country, people

and an ‘officer’ blond togethor in China, | SeBerally,’ and He will = Je FA, ‘the circle

ie — 3A 3, ‘to reach all round ;’—being of relatives and neighbours.’ 5. TL Ar influential, and that influence being acknow- T is the verb. The dictionary explains it ledged. 3. If + be ‘an officer,’ then {f- FS by ‘to descend. From being on high to beassumes him to be the minister of a prince of a otto ow. But it Bs here Father n’ 6 se State, and FE Ze that he is only the minister | -ondemnation here might be more fully and of a great officer, who is the head of a clan.| clearly expressed.

+l] +e . tH. =| oe * He A A el Ly ’ \ ae»

260 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. XII.

ra VY DP wry hsew’ | )

le Je ke oe tk BY LE ANZ

Bj EC Be Se A) PN ww SV Io aH 1 te ||

A=, i, — cee ee OE o My dun, 7 a x ’

BW A

Rr AE. 5 SE HyATE. aa Beig‘ZB x|

AR ZCKRE » Tru , 4 Lie SE & F Ze Yo IUD, Le ’ AKA, MZ FE ORK, ome Bi = ol Ht Eo Es Fis p AE A Pn Wm FW | ’

virtue, but his actions are opposed to it, and he rests in this character

without any doubts about himself. Such a man will be heard of in the country ; he will be heard of in the clan.’

Cuap, XXI. 1. Fan Chith rambling with the Master under the trees about the rain altars, said, ‘I venture to ask how to exalt virtue, to correct cherished evil, and to discover delusions.’ 2. The Master said, ‘Truly a good question !

3. ‘If doing what is to be done be made the first business, and success a secondary consideration ;—is not this the way to exalt virtue? To assail one’s own wickedness and not assail that of others; —is not this the way to correct cherished evil? For a morning’s anger to disregard one’s own life, and involve that of his parents ;— is not this a case of delusion ?’ CHap. XXII. 1. Fan Ch'th asked about benevolence. The Master said, ‘It 1s to love all men. He asked about knowledge. The Master said, ‘It is to know all men.’ 21. How TO EXALT VIRTUE, CORRECT VICE, AND|a conversation with Fan Ch‘ih. “Ht Bn ,—

DISCOVER DELUSIONS. Compare chap.x. Here, as sche sca. om, as there, under the last point of the inquiry, = U. himself,’ ‘hisown.’ ‘A morning's Confucius simply indicates a case of delusion, | anger’ must be a small thing, but the conseand perhaps that is the best way to teach how! quences of giving way to it are very terrible. to discover delusions generally. 1. Fan Ch‘ih, | The case is one of great delusion. see II. v. 4HE SE. see XI. xxv. 7; followed| 22. ABOUT BENEVOLENCE AND WISDOM ;—HOW

D4 FF? , KNOWLEDGE SUBSERVES BENEVOLENCE. Fan Ch‘ih

here by . ?p there must be reference to the} might well deem the Master’s replies enigmatical, and, with the help of Tsze-hsia’s extrees growing about the altars. [# formed | pjanations, the student still finds it difficult to

from “peart on ‘to conceal,’ =secret vice.| understand the chapter. 1. {- here, being 3: Ke Hy 153 Fefr— compare with v9 bats opposed to, or distinct from, Jay, is to be taken te H6, in VI. xx, which also is the report of | as meaning ‘ benevolence,’ and not as ‘ perfect

»3.

CH. XXIII] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 261

Fa ae a OSL al = ’ i Ds IA Fo Ay 3B AOL AY OS

H f- ca K ir } os aan ait Ay fl 44 bf Ps aH H, HA, PF, al UL, HOS! He ig A0 BLae OA5uOE | ue o AP

| 3 ¢ v ~—. ,

FR Vo KW‘ ’Fa th, Be Pe { Ly As an Fy ¥ f-f= A, uF AR ae SH ry PE UE

st isePR pie A, an BhILS re & GEE ° »» I ‘ =|. Ht fF, N O 0

=a A »/ > 8 | ii ieee ie = ; \ +»LS »

i AR, Bad, HEHe FE my BE Fe AN,ok, , Be, ®

3a f} f- tT. , Mn ix, Yh 2. Fan Ch'ih did not immediately understand these answers.

3. The Master said, ‘Employ the upright and put aside all the crooked ;—in this way the crooked can be made to be upright.’ 4. Fan Chith retired, and, seeing Tsze-hsia, he said to him, ‘ A little while ago, I had an interview with our Master, and asked him about

knowledge. He said, ‘“ Employ the upright, and put aside all the crooked ;—in this way, the crooked will be made to be upright.” What did he mean ?’ 5. T'sze-hsid said, ‘Truly rich is his saying! 6. ‘Shun, being in possession of the kingdom, selected from among all the people, and employed K4o-yao, on which all who were devoid

of virtue disappeared. T'ang, being in possession of the kingdom, selected from among all the people, and employed I Yin, and all who were devoid of virtue disappeared.’

Cuap. XXIII. Tsze-kung asked about friendship. The Master said, ‘Faithfully admonish your friend, and skilfully lead him on. If you find him impracticable, stop. Do not disgrace yourself.’ virtue.’ 2. FE, ‘not yet,’i.e. not immediately. —their knowledge of men—in the selection of

g Compare TE xix. 4. Hf, ath ton, in tho, ‘eminstrewhe worenamed. Thatwastheie dictionary defined by =e ‘formerly.’ 6. See | devoid of virtue disappeared. That was their the names here in the Shi-ching, Parts II, III, | making the crooked upright ;—and so their love

andIV. Shun and T‘ang showed their wisdom | reached to all. |

262 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XIII.

Vaan A) ’ + =) Pr ’ CH 3e et ES IED Fe.\VY), ’v y

Be er j j 5. Hy A

Cuap. XXIV. The philosopher Tsing said, ‘The superior man on grounds of culture meets with his friends, and by their friendship

helps his virtue.’ |

23. PRUDENCE IN FRIENDSHIP. +r. read kii,| 24. THE FRIENDSHIP OF THE CHUN-TSZE.

as in iil. Xvli, implying some degree of defer- Ve Be ‘by means of letters,’ i.e. common

ence. 12] = 3, as in II. iii. 1. literary studies and pursuits.

BOOK XIII. TSZE-LU.

ss 40) =2ts » fe) we. Ant | A,PF ad =

=e T AH AC » Kemer FT S0 Fe5 =+Kien. ny BPI ’ R= — Cuaprer I. 1. Tsze-lii asked about government. The Master said, ‘Go before the people with your example, and be laborious in their affairs.’

2. He requested further instruction, and was answered, ‘ Be not weary (in these things).’

Cuap. II. 1. Chung-kung, being chief minister to the Head of the Chi family, asked about government. The Master said,‘Employ _

up y on the ys

HEADING OF THIS Book. —-F- Be ‘4 + 2 (= BB) in the same way under the regi-

—,, ‘Tsze-l4, No. 13.’ Here, as in the last| men of ip. a 2-7 ttt, By} a, bto

Book, at peeve a number of subjects touched be laborious for them ;’ that is, to set them the

government of the State, and the cultivation bette P ie of diligence - aeereet ae fai 8 of the person. The Book extends to thirty| Petter, however, according to the idiom I have

chapters. several times pointed out, to take . as giving 1. THE SECRET OF SUCCESS IN GOVERNING IS THE rt of i d if to th

UNWEARIED EXAMPLE OF THE RULERS :—A LESSON | ae ene ee anne ee exoreasions | Pre-

To Tszx-L0. 1. To what understood antecedents | (COINS Wores, SO that the exprsssion® are= example and laboriousness.’—K‘ung An-kwo

do the 2. refer? For the first, we may sup-| understands the meaning differently :—‘ set

__ — FER » the people an example, and then you may precede the people,’ ‘lead the people,’ tha , Ls is, do so by the example of your personal con- | 2 pitta in the old copies is EE. The mean-

po FR th Ke » BR ae a47| 7ay

the truth of things. If language be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success. 6. ‘ When affairs cannot be carried on to success, proprieties and

music will not flourish. When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will not be properly awarded. When punishments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand or foot.

7. ‘Therefore a superior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be spoken appropriately, and also that what he speaks may be carried out appropriately. What the superior man requires, 1s just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect.’ Cuap. IV. 1. Fan Chih requested to be taught husbandry. The Master said, ‘I am not so good for that as an old husbandman.’ He On this view, the reply would indeed be ‘ wide | better the climax that follows, though its sucof the mark.’ The answer is substantially the | cessive steps are still not without difficulty. same as the reply to duke Ching of Ch‘i about

government in XII. xi, that it obtains when IEA OF may be taken as an exclathe is prince, the man fatherin father, mation, as=‘is° it4not?’ thatprince is, when each his &c.;| relations isorwhat FA 4. an_ Fa the name of his relation would require. Now, |is used in the same sense as in II. xviii. The the duke Ch‘i held the rule of Wei against | kdi is the introductory hypothetical particle. his father ; see VII. xiv. Confucius, from the| The phrase=‘is putting-aside-like,’ i.e. the necessity of the case and peculiarity of the cir- | superior man reserves and revolves what he is cumstances, allowed his disciples, notwith-|in doubt about, and does not rashly speak. 6. standing that, to take office in Wei; but at)‘ Proprieties’ here are not ceremonial rules, the time of this conversation, Ch‘d had been | but =‘ order,’ what such rules are designed to duke for nine years, and ought to have been so | display and secure. So, ‘music’ is equivalent established that he could have taken the course! +, «py , h . of a filial son without subjecting the State to 0 marmony- HH, 4th tone, is the verb. any risks. On this account, Confucius said he We OER HAS ue oe OCCUPY HIMSELF WITH

would begin with rectifying the name of the USINESS OF THE PEOPLE,

duke, that is, with requiring him to resign the, It is to be supposed that Fan Ch‘ih was at this dukedom to his father, and be what his name. time in office somewhere, and thinking of the . . = Master, as the villager and high officer did, IX. of son required him to be. See the od at: |ii and vi, that his knowledge embraced almost in loc. This view enables us to understand! every subject, he imagined that he might get

v~-rFi \ 2

CH. V.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 265

Awe AZ KE RF Be Xe He Me RT BIER EA ZB3e,A,3, PA Ay Be ok, A ma y ’ ’ Dy Ay rl c= Phy Ay aS Jw Rie ~HK 78 A FR. i > Lb , » ZN 2)

Yi = Hn 4 A ,Fi. JF An ee Ee » —_—-_ — Fi: A Fl, ih Fe fae, BE se Abby o iS d ‘ om | d Xie HW SL be. AY ANSee , AT O He < Fe BO i, Hu ’ vS ey > a Vv PER HA Ny) ji JS~e ?~» ’ nun

—_— —= 23

requested also to be taught gardening, and was answered, ‘I am not so good for that as an old gardener.’

2. Fan Ch'th having gone out, the Master said, ‘A small man, indeed, is Fan Hsii! 3. ‘If a superior love propriety, the people will not dare not to be reverent. If he love righteousness, the people will not dare not to submit to his example. If he love good faith, the people will not dare not to be sincere. Now, when these things obtain, the people from all quarters will come to him, bearing their children on their backs ;—what need has he of a knowledge of husbandry ?’ Cuap. V. The Master said, ‘Though a man may be able to recite

the three hundred odes, yet if, when intrusted with a governmental charge, he knows not how to act, or if, when sent to any quarter on a mission, he cannot give his replies unassisted, notwithstanding the extent of his learning, of what practical use is it 2’ lessons from him on the two subjects he speci-| 5, LireRARY ACQUIREMENTS USELESS WITHOUT

fies, which he might use for the benefit of the| 2 moan ABILITY. 2k — Hy o—see Il. i

people. is properly ‘ seed-sowing,’ | —. PN students -— ~r 1.. aFR‘to croontheover,’ as Chinese

and [FB]; ‘a kitchen-garden,’ but they are used | ?

do;

; ; . here, = ‘to have learned.’ Hi = FRI, ‘alone,’ eelings,’ ‘desires,’ but sometimes, as here, in| 4» , , , . ; the sense of ‘sincerity.’ Ah, often joined with | =’ many refers to the 300 odes. AP also, | = _ | here and in other places, = our ‘ yet,’ ‘after all.’

nea: i. im oe at mete 3: Ife the i.e. unassisted by the individuals of his suite,

pao (made of the classifier KK and Rs is a By FBV itis said, = Fi, ‘use,’ and

cloth with strings by which a child is strapped | 7+ u =

upon the back of its mother or nurse.—This Fi, is a mere expletive,—} ab Ay al See paragraph shows what people in office should mn W Yin-chih’s Treatise on the Particl

learn. Confucius intended that it should be|*™ "908 *@Hn-chah® a 0 ENS

repeated to Fan Ch‘ih, under the heading Fe aH By th, ; chap. ii.

266 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK, XIII. ) 4] 2 Ss =y y oom

PE AT,’IS YYESORA, » d=IoS|OL

nn AeHfF4 #ON —F-

i SAG ELS BX 6 a Fu .#B \ a rs. A rr. |de His HE bsp38 ANrs» 7

TD ars, ra) er AY aN A EOOOUB S fr JE,

A, | — ] i aie JE, EX re) EF, &, a Fil ’ ’ee ar

fe be KF RR. H, SE | ’ ie f oO

Cuap. VI. The Master said, ‘When a prince’s personal conduct is correct, his government is effective without the issuing of orders. If his personal conduct is not correct, he may issue orders, but they will not be followed,’

Cuap. VII. The Master said, ‘The governments of Li and

Wei are brothers.’

Cuap. VIII. The Master said of Ching, a scion of the ducal family of Wei, that he knew the economy of a family well. When

he began to have means, he said, ‘Ha! here is a collection!’ When they were a little increased, he said,‘ Ha! this is complete!’ When he had become rich, he said, ‘ Ha! this is admirable!’

Cuap. IX. 1. When the Master went to Wei, Zan Yt acted as driver of his carriage. 2. The Master observed, ‘ How numerous are the people!’

3. Yd said, ‘Since they are thus numerous, what more shall be done for them?’ ‘Enrich them, was the reply.

6. His PERSONAL CONDUCT ALL IN ALL TO A , . ,

RULER. A translator finds it impossible here house. Be iq RR is a difficult expression. to attain to the terse conciseness of his original. | Literally it is—‘ dwelt well in his house.’ a 7. THE SIMILAR CONDITION OF THE STATES or Lé implies that he was a married man, the head of

AND Wer. Compare VI. xxii. Lt’s State had LS te ? been directed by the influence of Chau-kung, | 4 family. The ra pp Sys the phrase is and Wei was the fief of his brother Fung (3), equivalent to iE Be » ‘managed his family.’

commonly known as K‘ang-shti iit FL ). Cha Hsi explains ij by AKA #4, 2. They had,course similarly, anasequal and18==Signiicant it is sionificant of indiff brotherly in theirmaintained progress, or, it| «Wy’ oF indilerence an d

was in Confucius’s time, in their degeneracy, | carelessness.’ Our word ‘ha!’ expressing surThat portion of the present Ho-nan, which | prise and satisfaction corresponds to it pretty runs up and lies between Shan-hsi and Pei-{ nearly. Weare not to understand that Ching

chih-li, was the bulk of Wei. really made these utterances, but Confucius

8. THE CONTENTMENT OF THE OFFICER Curing, | thus vividly represents how he felt. Compare AND HIS INDIFFERENCE ON GETTING RIcH. Ching| Burns’s line, ‘Contented wi’ little, and cantie

was a great officer of Wei, a scion of its ducal! wi’ mair.’

CH. X11.) CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 267

=e} ‘ee B +p ==I’| BS

gmeIrzAAT mY RM

PAS Axi —~oW» ae ’ Fy ’

4, AHA KAS | ’DA | ’ 9) 4y HA ) ’y a‘ Au HL, uy i | HT Hy (i) *i.

E FRB=HW TT) ar njBB BS qn,

Het PUA AF, J’ 2. EE OO

4. ‘And when they have been enriched, what more shall be done 2?’ The Master said, ‘Teach them.’

Cuap. X. The Master said, ‘If there were (any of the princes) who would employ me, in the course of twelve months, I should have done something considerable. In three years, the government would be perfected.’

Cuap. XI. The Master said, ‘“If good men were to govern a country in succession for a hundred years, they would be able to

transform the violently bad, and dispense with capital punishments.” True indeed is this saying!’

Cuap. XII. The Master said, ‘If a truly royal ruler were to arise, it would still require a generation, and then virtue would prevail.’ 9. A PEOPLE NUMEROUS, WELL-OFF, AND EDU-|MENT COULD EFFECT. Confucius quotes here a

CATED, IS THE GREAT ACHIEVEMENT OF GOVERN-| saving of his time, and approves of it. HE,

MENT. I. FE; ‘a servant,’ but here with the | .

ae . , in | Ist ‘to beThat, equalindeed, to.’ He meaning thetone, translation. is . HS: ; Jv ‘would

the second meaning of the character given in be equal to the violent,’ that is, to transform

the dictionary. them. f AX ‘to do away with killing, 10. ConFucIUs’s ESTIMATE OF WHAT HE COULD | that is, with capital punishments, unneces-

DO, IF EMPLOYED TO ADMINISTER THE GOVERNMENT | sary with a transformed people.

OF A STATE. FA is to be distinguished from| 12. IN wHaT TIME A ROYAL RULER COULD TRANS-

FI FORM THE KINGDOM. + , ‘one who was a

, and=‘a revolution of the year.’ There

4 . 3 c 4 king.’ The character +5 is formed by three

18 a comma a A , an mn C, Gi) are rea straight lines representing the three powers of together. in does not signify, as it often | Heaven, Earth, and Man, and a perpendicular ; , ,|line, going through and uniting them, and does, and nothing more,’ but=‘and have,’|thus conveys the highest idea of power and C being C AK, a sign of the perfect tense. | influence. See the dictionary, sub voc., character

—‘Given twelve months, and there would be -k. Here it means the highest wisdom and

abepassable result. virtue In three years there place. would) _. a. .genera, a completion.’ in the highest TH, 11. Wat A HUNDRED YEARS OF GOOD GOVERN: | tion,’ or thirty years. See note on II. xxiii. 1.

268 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. XIII.

, ) ) —}-—~< —t—R ~ AUB GH Ser ’ AN . ~\ =e Se 2 ne ee

or AL .: O AN

X Fi, A tS UH, ) ! wa Ey H yn Bk An -F Ay

Wile nN , d SFILswMRRS AA AW ms Xo »>N

yi. — Be Aq 7A GAL IE fa IE

Fe ] im oo HE j Hi, Wy, A F

aN v Ey HG Ay

At 3} Hl AX AAA fic FR

Cuap. XIII. The Master said, ‘If a minister make his own conduct correct, what difficulty will he have in assisting in government? If he cannot rectify himself, what has he to do with rectifying others ?’

Caar. XIV. The disciple Zan returning from the court, the

Master said to him, ‘How are you so late?’ He replied, ‘ We had government business.’ The Master said, ‘It must have been family affairs. If there had been government business, though I am not now in office, I should have been consulted about it.’

Cuap. XV. 1. The duke Ting asked whether there was a single sentence which could make a country prosperous. Confucius replied, ‘Such an effect cannot be expected from one sentence. The old interpreters take fZas ={— EY‘ vir- ing the State, and proper only for the prince’s tuous government.’—To save Confucius from court. Confucius affects not to believe it, and the charge of vanity in what he says, in chap. x, how that Wee cnier Ss count they could only that he could accomplish in three years, it is} 22V° been | iscussing the affairs of _ house.

said, that the perfection which he predicates xX ze. VJ .—an ‘inversion, and Ve = FA,

there here would onlyalthough be the foundation the| , |HH, y Oy virtue realised. I am now not for employed. in 18. THAT HE BE PERSONALLY CORRECT ESSEN-| 4th tone.—‘I should have been present and TIAL TO AN OFFICER OF GOVERNMENT. Compare heard it.’ Superannuated officers might go to

chap. vi. That the subject is here an officer of| court on occasions of emergency, and might government, and not the ruler, appears from the | also be consulted on such, though the general

aa { Chi, 1. i i Fe.

phrase 4X EX - see note on VI. vi. With re-| rule was to allow them to retire at 70. See the

ference to the other phraseology of the chapter, a tae . an 28. 3 The H nae A an

a double subject, and=an a style the ffgj A=, fy sav that $F IBY embraces VE | ove common emphatic in the Sha than I; in these Ana: A, ‘the rectification of the prince,’ and IL lects. . ; ; 15. How THE PROSPERITY AND RUIN OF ACOUNTRY

FE, ‘the rectification of the people. MAY DEPEND ON THE RULER'S VIEW OF HIS POSITION,

14, AN IRONICAL ADMONITION TO Zan YO ON THE | HIS FEELING ITS DIFFICULTY, OR ONLY CHERISHING

USURPING TENDENCIES OF THE Cut FAMILY. The |“ HEADSTRONG wi. 1. I should suppose that

point of the chapter turns on the opposition of — = Ay VU Sel F{5 and the correspondthe phrases AS IE and E By th, ;—at the |ing sentence below were common sayings, court of the Chi family, that is, they had really | about which the duke asks, in a way to intibeen discussing matters of government, affect- | mate his disbelief of them,—7y ae 3% is

CH. XVI.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 269

— Vie. dT . %

a Dy Oh ee SEV BE FOF

SRAy Ar IK —Q HAW peaessSE0UL FIR __. fe) Je FF FE Ane = imaAz BH Et HE ae te San © FA An Arn fr Ze ty, FAI wenn Kos Xr fe FL ANY Es a

ue 3 3 d ’

Fem 32,1 Me WF I A Bye % " Ssth . . which a ruler may issue.

on which Confucius dwells. That is called | i8 here used specially of the orders, rules, &c., TE, the principal sentence; the other is only| 16, Goop @ovERNMENT SEEN FROM ITS EFFECTS.

ee ot ‘an accessory.’ 3. Some puta comma |! I. BE, read shéh; see VII. xviii. 2. Confucius

270 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [ BK. XIII.

TL JS 7. Je,0Blaz A Bl : _» o WEL ) Oo(Zs) AY AE Fe: FLey y ibe Xr Fit: fF AR

’ ) ddd fe) Hax »TZ xeikEE | An Lr— N At, P fy ELSE 1 AN Do SR W4 &RA Ade TR } ae O mo MXie } | ’ 4k fa Riya Fae i] aL a

Ree AH FZAA Hj\S» ’ d ?»*

RAF a . reMR BAKH O “hiv pe fy :

Cuap. XVII. Tsze-hsid, being governor of Chii-fa, asked about government. The Master said, ‘Do not be desirous to have things done quickly; do not look at small advantages. Desire to have things done quickly prevents their being done thoroughly. Looking at small advantages prevents great affairs from being accomplished.’

| Cuap. XVIII. 1. The duke of Sheh informed Confucius, saying, ‘Among us here there are those who may be styled upright in their conduct. If their father have stolen a sheep, they will bear witness to the fact.’ 2. Confucius said, ‘ Among us, in our part of the country, those

who are upright are different from this. The father conceals the

misconduct of the son, and the son conceals the misconduct of the

father. Uprightness is to be found in this.’

belonged. . -

is supposed to have in view the oppressive and incline us to the latter view. Inthe 4B ae aggressive government of Ch'a, to which Shih| accounts are quoted of such cases, but they are 17. HASTE AND SMALL ADVANTAGES Nor To BE| Probably founded on this chapter. fs is ‘to DESIRED IN GOVERNING. Chii-fa (fa grd tone) | steal on occasion,’ i.e. on some temptation, as

was a small city in the western border of Li.} when another person’s animal comes into my

fur = FEE, the prohibitive particle. grounds, and I appropriate it. 25 seems to 18. NATURAL DUTY AND UPRIGHTNESS IN COL- | convey here the idea of accusation, as well as

LISION. 1. Fe. ta, ‘our village,’ ‘our neigh-| Of witnessing. 2. 1B AE E rH ,—compare

, HySa II. xviii.2. The expression does not absolutely

bourhood,’ but #4 must be taken vaguely, a8/atirm that this is upright, but that in this in the translation ; compare V. xxi. We can-| there is a better principle than in the other

not say whether the duke is referring to one or| conduct.— Anybody but a Chinese will say more actual cases, or giving his opinion of what} that both the duke’s view of the subject and his people would do. Confucius’s reply would | the sage’s were incomplete.

CH. XX.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 271

> vy =P (==) Je Se faradoors TK, Do eh dno 7]yoth HAOO " »wWt Am = K —-. » ze 45 Bebe ERE AK SE . | a aS =

D'R xfs Fh, BY AD, nA eS ie AN ES

W. HY i RR, WY Re, Fi A any, fel

Bl {— Ae, Fe # Ae, Ae OE, {i Ka, HD = ei WoA |

KE AS BET here A. , Afel > AT sh, a Us, A,HAO 8f A EA

,Od

££ Hr WN00, 7A Z, Wei Wy= HE AH.

Cuap. XIX. Fan Ch'ih asked about perfect virtue. The Master said, ‘It is, in retirement, to be sedately grave; in the management of business, to be reverently attentive; in intercourse with others, to

be strictly sincere. Though a man go among rude, uncultivated tribes, these qualities may not be neglected.’ CHap, XX. 1. Tsze-kung asked, saying, ‘ What qualities must a man possess to entitle him to be called an officer?’ The Master said, ‘He who in his conduct of himself maintains a sense of shame, and when sent to any quarter will not disgrace his prince’s commission, deserves to be called an officer,’

2. T'sze-kung pursued, ‘I venture to ask who may be placed in the next lower rank ?’ and he was told, ‘He whom the circle of his relatives pronounce to be filial, whom his fellow-villagers and neighbours pronounce to be fraternal.’ 3. Again the disciple asked, ‘I venture to ask about the class still next in order.’ The Master said, ‘ They are determined to be sincere

in what they say, and to carry out what they do. They are obstinate little men. Yet perhaps they may make the next class.’ 19. CHARACTERISTICS OF PERFECT VIRTUE. This {xx. Here it denotes—not the scholar, but the

is the third time that Fan Ch‘ih is represented | pmcer. AS Bi. ‘has shame,’ i. e. will avoid as questioning the Master about ,-; and it is | 311 bad conduct which would subject him to re-

supposed by some to have been the first in| proach. 2, = TPR is ‘a designation for all order. Ke kK (in grd tone), in opposition | who form one body having the same ancestor.’

to Ht Hy - ‘dwelling alone,’ ‘in retirement.’ | They are also called Tt HR: ‘nine branches The rude tribes here are the f andthe Ti. The|°f Kindred,’ being all of the same surname f we met with in IX.xiii. Here it is associated | from the great-great-grandfather to the great-

with Ti, the name of tribes on the north. | great-grandson. Ce = KB, meaning ‘sub20. DIFFERENT CLASSES OF MEN WHO IN THEIR | missive,’ giving due honour to all older than

SEVERAL DEGREES MAY BETHE STYLED OFFICERS, AND himself es he sound stones. THE INFERIORITY OF MASS OF THE OFFICERS OF - of 3 A, the: so rig

ConFructus’s TIME. I. --,—compare on XII. AK B., ‘stone-like.’ The dictionary, with

+ i a | = 4. BS =] =]#45 Stevi. [za] o 7) ’ — ~~ Fe dk ’ ‘-¢» ys ts BX,

272 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. XIII.

oan ¥ dda|

wk, Bw, FS HM |=) waXrrhJ 4Vv—ke4Ar

Et py fi I A »r — > Gite VJ |Xr’+ N AR VW ye » F 1F AT A= ‘fal {uJ Jee #. -—y,JS7, HW Tt ‘ fe) of | ’ “~~ is 9

4. Tsze-kung finally inquired, ‘Of what sort are those of the

present day, who engage in government?’ The Master said, ‘ Pooh!

they are so many pecks and hampers, not worth being taken into account.’

Cuap. XXI. The Master said, ‘Since I cannot get men pursuing the due medium, to whom I might communicate my instructions, I must find the ardent and the cautiously-decided. The ardent will

advance and lay hold of truth; the cautiously-decided will keep themselves from what is wrong.’

Cuap. XXII. 1. The Master said, ‘The people of the south have a saying—“A man without constancy cannot be either a wizard or a doctor.” Good! 2. ‘Inconstant in his virtue, he will be visited with disgrace.’

reference to this passage, explains it — AW yet not a caution which may not be combined

. . ; they will not do.’

AK Se, ‘the appearance of a small man.’ with decision. AG ip Bi ‘have what + +e Ta HB HUF el T F* ’ fe)

ZL ALB A fT 4 in A,B

Md #H Lag Zz A N, ‘Lae v

’ , ’ ma Oo oi Qa ea RR, NF 3 TK AAT A

ny = AAT Mi AH WAWA He Ht, HE Ar HA Hy ley,

Rt MHA YW

3. The Master said, ‘This arises simply from not attending to the prognostication.’

Cuap. XXIII. The Master said, ‘The superior man is affable, but not adulatory ; the mean man is adulatory, but not affable.’ Cuap. XXIV. Tsze-kung asked, saying, ‘What do you say of a

man who is loved by all the people of his neighbourhood?’ The Master replied, ‘We may not for that accord our approval of him.’ ‘And what do you say of him who is hated by all the people of his neighbourhood ?’? The Master said,‘ We may not for that conclude that he is bad. It is better than either of these cases that the good in the neighbourhood love him, and the bad hate him.’ Cuap. XXV. The Master said, ‘The superior man is easy to serve and difficult to please. If you try to please him in any way which is not accordant with right, he will not be pleased. But in his no constancy.’ 2. This is a quotation from the | ally, ‘not yet may.’ The general meaning of a Yi-ching,ae diagram XXXII,to line Chinese exactly sentence isthe often plain, and yet we : . wrBeahexagram are puzzled supp’y subjects, aux3. 3. This is inexplicable to Cha Hsi. Some iliaries, &c., which other languages require. bring out from It the meaning 10 the transla-| Tn rendering the phrase, I have followed many

stancy.’ =

on “Ching Rang Py fhe Yt he parse who samp than is no prognostication of people without con- 7s iS E Be et th, and Kk A] 45

23. THE DIFFERENT MANNERS OF THE SUPERIOR mem FBR Har Hy. In the a Hit however, AND THE MEAN MAN. Compare II. xiv, but here; the second occurrence of it is expanded in the the parties are contrasted in their more private | same way as the first. Compare Luke’s Gospel,

. . — : “41 2] Vi. 21, 26,

intercourse with others. ci ‘agreeing with,’ | “')5.’ DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE SUPERIOR AND

Ot Howe 70 JUDGE OF A MAN FROM THE LIKINGS | es On ee er AND DISLIKINGS OF OTHERS, WE MUST KNOW THE| PLOYED BY THEM. By Ls m big ae (= CHARACTERS OF THOSE OTHERS. 7 By ,—liter- DER ),—as in the translation,or we may render,

= +] [2 =f} Ho BA 0 | BE aN

274 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XIII.

Ni. wei De. asl fase! WO sl BE BE SL

EF EERE Aw

Re, A, = aS, Ay, uh, i XK

SN Ol Pal BO, POR ry

BL 7) A, Ke, j Ati Bate ar

Wh A, ae aH ZZ. Yaw. im Weep 3 WT ReheGBA lisa beitPY AS) IaLid BEE, Be, BE i, W O Fjy

nm In

Du AM 5 Ny Uh, St te Fy AW WY AT ’ frm a J ’ AI 42 A Ha i. Ar ms teVVW To ney A-, » Bey EA ao

eG fo RB a

Cuap. II. 1. ‘When the love of superiority, boasting, resentments, and covetousness are repressed, this may be deemed perfect virtue.’

2. The Master said, ‘This may be regarded as the achievement

of what is difficult. But I do not know that it is to be deemed perfect virtue.’

Cuap, II]. The Master said, ‘The scholar who cherishes the

love of comfort is not fit to be deemed a scholar.’

Cuar. IV. The Master said, ‘When good government prevails in a State, language may be lofty and bold, and actions the same. When bad government prevails, the actions may be lofty and bold, but the language may be with some reserve,’ Cap. V. The Master said, ‘ The virtuous will be sure to speak

correctly, but those whose speech is good may not always be

virtuous. Men of principle are sure to be bold, but those who are bold may not always be men of principle.’ 2, THE PRAISE OF PERFECT VIRTUE IS NOT To BE, IV. xi. The eed ys here is akin to the ed ALLOWED FOR THE REPRESSION OF to BAD ther Compar l Iv. i In Ho Yen, this chapter is joined theFEELINGS. pre- ere. +Pare also ius WX ceding, and Cha Hsi also takes the first para-| 4: WHAT ONE DOES MUST ALWAYS BE RIGHT};

. 7 . WHAT ONE FEELS NEED NOT ALWAYS BE SPOKEN °>—— graph to be a question of Yuan Hsien. 1. oe A LESSON OF PRUDENCE. FR for be as in

‘overcoming,’ of supeVU fifrom “1 P 7being bein in a hich ‘ority.’ » asini.e. V. here=‘the 2. Am 6glove . XXXV. , ‘terror hig

me _ y 1K ae TS EY 3 x TT: onot position ;’ ther ‘danger,’ ‘dangerous.’ It is

go, i.e. are not allowed to have their way, = | used here in a good sense, meaning ‘lofty,and | are repressed. 2, pat3 , ‘difficult,’—the doing what may seem to be, or really be, dangerous,’ under a bad government, where good prinwhat is difficult. {— is quoad {— ;-—‘ as to its| ciples do not prevail. being perfect virtue, that I do not know.’ 6. WE MAY PREDICATE THE MATERNAL *Rou ae 3. A SCHOLAR MUST BE AIMING AT WHat 19| INTERNAL, BUT NOT VICE VERSA. The AR a HIGHER THAN COMFORT OR PLEASURE. Compare| must be understood of virtuous speaking and

} :vA

CH. VII.J CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 277

| xHBS SAR“i... =)BH Wi) K fe) Ar = tee

ie ae a ee =O Bs O = » EN mA &

|d

AK, ALG AK UR, ©

Oo RS AY FREES } » p33 Ss ft e) rAd . FS v ee fhm H TFAAy | aon

Cuap. VI. Nan-kung Kwo, submitting an inquiry to Confucius,

said, ‘1 was skilful at archery, and Ao could move a boat along upon the land, but neither of them died a natural death. Yii and Chi personally wrought at the toils of husbandry, and they became possessors of thewent kingdom.’ made man no reply ; but an-kung Kwo out, he The said,Master ‘A superior indeed 1swhen this! An esteemer of virtue indeed is this!’ Cuap. VII. The Master said, ‘Superior men, and yet not always

virtuous, there have been, alas! But there never has been a mean man, and, at the same time, virtuous.’ ‘ virtuously,’ or ‘correctly,’ be supplied to bring ; Cho (FE *) HE): whothen married his wife, and

out the sense. A translator is puzzled to render one o e their sons (322 Ohid ) was the indi

- AS differently from AS {i AF. I have [ou me

said ‘men of principle,’ the opposition being vidual here named Ao, who was subsequently between moral and animal courage; yetthemen | destroyed by the emperor Shio-k'ang, the of principle may not be without the other, in| posthumous son of Hau-hsiang. Chi was the

order to their doing justice to themselves. son of the emperor Ba. of whose birth many

6. EMINENT PROWESS CONDUCTING TO RUIN}; . 9 ; .

EMINENT VIRTUE LEADING To Dicnity. Tue| Prodigies are narrated, and appears in the ShaMODESTY OF Conrucius, Nan-kung Kwo is said | ching as Hau-chi, the minister of agriculture to

by Chai Hsi to have been the same as Nan| ya h P . Yung in V.1. But this is doubtful. See on Yao and Shun, by name SE. The Chau family

Nan Yung there. Kwo, it is said, insinuated | traced their descent lineally from him, so that in his remark an inquiry whether Confucius| though the throne only came to his descenwas not like Yii or Chi, and the great men of|dants more than a thousand years after his the time so many f{ and Ao ; and the sage was time, Nan-kung Kwo speaks as if he had got it

modestly silent upon the subject. f and Ao| himself, as Yi did. At -F- it 5 A carry us back to the 22nd century before| compare V.ii. The name Ao inthe text should Christ. The first belonged toa family of prince- E4 _— lets, famous, from the time of the emperor ves be AW (B. c. 2432), for their archery, and dethroned| 7. THE HIGHEST VIRTUE NOT EASILY ATTAINED

he! TO, AND INCOMPATIBLE WITH MEANNESS. Com-

the emperor Hau-hsiang (=; AH): B.C 2145+) pare IV. iv. We must supply the ‘always,’ to I was afterwards slain by his minister, Han bring out the meaning.

278 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XIV.

= W rh STN m A O ’ ous (ee e anya,” We©4H ES As Kent ZZ area Wot bel DM A, ke B —«} 4 AAS at DB d » O .H Je Ze ft A Aye, Oi w bE’ HE, ie AyiitBy, L Y d Aa O H u BGwkA Tt FD ~~ a ’ AT miHKRH BAM Ot FleuL el 4, WZ, Be enmeneuth,

Bit te He

»[.

XS Ly A illA 3Ea-’ Be, ik Ke yr O

Cuap. VIII. The Master said, ‘Can there be love which does not lead to strictness with its object? Can there be loyalty which does not lead to the instruction of its object ?’

Cuap. IX. The Master said, ‘In preparing the governmental notifications, P'i Shan first made the rough draught ; Shi-sh examined and discussed its contents; Tsze-yii, the manager of Foreign

intercourse, then polished the style; and, finally, Tsze-ch‘an of

Tung-li gave it the proper elegance and finish.’

CHap. X. 1. Some one asked about Tsze-ch‘dén. The Master

That man!’ ,

said, ‘ He was a kind man.’

29. He asked about Tsze-hsi. The Master said, ‘That man!

3. He asked about Kwan Chung. ‘For him,’ said the Master, ‘the city of Pien, with three hundred families, was taken from the chief of the Po family, who did not utter a murmuring word, though, to the end of his life, he had only coarse rice to eat.’ 8. A LESSON FOR PARENTS AND MINISTERS, THAT | language of government orders, covenants, and

THEY MUST BE STRICT AND DECIDED. Ldo, being | conferences ;’ see the Chau Li, XXV. par. 11.

parallel with hii, is to be construed as a verb, | Tsze-ch‘an (see V. xv) was the chief minister and conveys the meaning in the translation | of the State, and in preparing such documents different from the meaning of the term in| first used the services of P‘i Shan, who was XIII. i. K‘ung An-kwo takes it in the sense | noted for his wise planning of matters. Shiof ‘to soothe,’ ‘comfort,’ in the 3rd tone, but sha shows the relation of the officer indicated

that does not suit theOFparallelism. Ee family. was Ya-chi 9, THE EXCELLENCE THE OFFICIALtoNOTIFICA| (49His . Thename province of the — was

TIONS OF CHANG, OWING TO THE ABILITY OF FOUR (iis ri) tend ib . tT .

OF ITS OFFICERS. The State of Chang, small and +i sup ith oth 8 t tes :’ sce th “Chau LL

surrounded by powerful neighbours, was yet Bk XXXVI er erates; see the a Ml,

fortunate in having able ministers, through 10. T ; C

whose mode of conducting its government it Terr. HE JUDGMENT OF NONFUCIUS CONCERNING SZE-CH‘AN, TszE-Hs!, AND Kwan Cuune. 1. See

enjoyed considerable prosperity. i with |V. xv. 2. Tsze-hsi was the chief minister of reference to this passage, is explained in the Ch't. He had refused to accept the nomination to the sovereignty of the State in preference to dictionary by EX 4y Hy @ 2. ere ‘the | the rightful heir, but did not oppose the usurp-

CH, XIII] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 279

~ hd :

7 “t Z.ee Ayeee ’ a "ee .’ » ae ee == | Ih RG ) ’ OTE \ | oaBOQ KASAM Aryl i ik ee} SS ae aeswe eS)ok7SS) ee)i)OY 9

. LA A VK AAS Hi, | 4 ieee FRR Bh NAHEA KYA ih

, O 740) ’ 2aod y aE NA ATEN i .KM 22 b Av)}" “ey

WEA i Sa Ft LR RRA yy ° 5 Oh

Cuap. XI. The Master said, ‘To be poor without murmuring is difficult. To be rich without being proud is easy.’ Cap. XII. The Master said, ‘Mang Kung-ch’o is more than fit to be chief officer in the families of Chao and Wei, but he is not fit to be great officer to either of the States T‘ing or Hsieh.’ Cuap. XIII. 1. Tsze-ld asked what constituted a COMPLETE man. The Master said, ‘Suppose a man with the knowledge of Tsang Wi-chung, the freedom from covetousness of Kung-ch’o, the bravery of Chwang of Pien, and the varied talents of Zin Chia ; add to these the accomplishments of the rules of propriety and music :—such an one might be reckoned a COMPLETE man.

2. He then added, ‘ But what is the necessity for a complete man

of the present day to have all these things? The man, who in the ing tendencies of the rulers of Ch‘i. He had, not veryhigh. In the sage’s time, the governmoreover opposed the wish of king Chao (of | ment of the State of Tsin (33) was in the Ch’a) to emp loy the sage. 3 Kwa n Chung,— hands of the three families, Chao, Wei, and see III. xxii. To reward his merits, the duke #2, . . Hwan conferred on him the domain of the| Han (Hs ), which afterwards divided the whole officer mentioned in the text, who had been | State among themselves; but meanwhile they guilty of some offence. His submitting as he| were not States, and Kung-ch‘o, as their ldo, did to his changed fortunes was the best tribute | or chief officer, could have managed their

to Kwan’s excellence. affairs. T‘ang and Hsieh were small States, 11. Ir 18 HARDER TO BEAR POVERTY ARIGHT| Whose great officers would have to look after

THAN TO CARRY RICHES. This sentiment may be | their relations with greater States, to which

controverted. Compare I. xv. function Kung-ch‘o’s abilities were not equal. 12. THE CAPACITY oF MANG Kune-cH‘o. Kung- 13. OF THE COMPLETE MAN iA CONVERSATION

ch‘o was the head of the Mang, or Chung-sun | W7# Tszz-L0. 1. Tsang Wu-chung had been family, and, according to the ‘Historical Re- | 20 officer of La in the reign anterior to wat cords,’ was regarded by Confucius more than | 12 which Confucius was born. So great eh ALS any other great man of the times in La. His reputation for wisdom that the people gave im estimate of him, however, as appears here, was! the title of a ey A: or ‘sage.’ Wi was his

280 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XIV.

CORR A DA el A a A ZN v4 v TON » _Y_ Al»

FFa RH we Py Ln » Dr PD

FC>EC ER sls FC A, eR sua AEB AN —*) Oo

A

»A*r @ fe} im A Hen =Se—i SE — > se SS > Ayin-F- Jn L A

HRYS SPM AR Be IN wy a, JG WK 4324: RWG ad¥d | a)»FR~COD , ’ pER 4 pis Hy" AN, LI I» Da :jAni, ya Se. 433 HA KRAR IR WA AN ’ = Bw RRAGURA BE >

RO fe) A | >Ee a

Ay AY = Vv 7, anys HK v AM rt yi jiy2 vo

view of gain thinks of righteousness; who in the view of danger is prepared to give up his life; and who does not forget an old agreement however far back it extends:—such a man may be reckoned a COMPLETE man.’

Cuap, XIV. 1. The Master asked Kung-ming Chia about Kungshi W4n, saying, ‘Is it true that your master speaks not, laughs not,

and takes not?’ |

2. Kung-ming Chia replied, ‘This has arisen from the reporters going beyond the truth.—My master speaks when it 1s the time to

speak, and so men do not get tired of his speaking. He laughs when there 1s occasion to be joyful, and so men do not get tired of his laughing. He takes when it is consistent with righteousness to do so, and so men do not get tired of his taking.’ The Master said, ‘So! But is it so with him 2?’

honorary epithet, and fi ih denotes his family; able. 2. The FA is to be understood of Conplace, among his brothers. Chwang, it is said | fucius, though some suppose that Tsze-li is the by Cha Hsi, after Chau ( Ji), one of the oldest | speaker. BB, 1st tone, = 44, ‘an agreement,’ commentators, whose surname only has come | ‘acovenant ; ’—‘a long agreement, he does not

=I ‘ forget the words of his whole life.’ The mean-

down tous, was - aS RK great officer of ing is what appears in the translation. the city of Pien.’ According tothe ‘Great Col-| 14. Tar cHaracter or Kune-sut WAN, WHO lection of Surnames,’ a secondary branch of a| was sarip NEITHER TO SPEAK, NOR LAUGH, NOR

family of the State of Ts‘Ao (Hi ) having settled | TAKE. 1. Wan was the honorary epithet of the in Ld, and being gifted with Pien, its members | individual in question, by name Chih (Ax),

took their surname thence. For the history of or, as some say, Fa (2%), an officer of the State

Chwang and of Wi-chung, see the 4B. ae

— — ZBRE of Wei. He was descended from the duke leh tn loc. 7p HZ ZR implies that and was himself the founder of the Kung-shi there was a higher style of man still, to whom | family, being so designated, I suppose, because the epithet complete would be more fully applic-| of his relation to the reigning duke. Of Kung-

CH, XVII. ] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 281

Ly He 7 aia ri ’ = ASLa FE, th FO ME a Loy ) Vv ;— "nq =. (—4--] B

Es ) If a A A tea it. FH 1 TK

eT Bint) Bfa BK A WE, Ae TEE HL, A ek ———, >

oy » AY .a 40 AY Un

v EY Wyo cy x Ss tia > A, Jtu> 4 = Br, Ir4a Cuap. XY. The Master said, ‘Tsang Wi-chung, keeping possession of Fang, asked of the duke of Lia to appoint a successor to him in his family. Although it may be said that he was not using force with his sovereign, I believe he was.’

CuHap. XVI. The Master said, ‘The duke Wn of Tsin was crafty and not upright. The duke Hwan of Chil was upright and

ee2e°e virtue 2?’ ,

not crafty.’

Cuap. XVII. 1. Tsze-li said, ‘The duke Hwan caused his

brother Chif to be killed, when Shio Hd died with his master, but Kwan Chung did not die. May not I say that he was wanting in ming Chid nothing seems to be known; he Wan were the two first of the five leaders of would seem from this chapter to have been a | the princes of the empire, who play an impor+ as eh WE . wtp | tant part in Chinese history, during the period disciple of Kung i ha Wan, 2. as aS Za with of the Chau dynasty known as the Ch'un Ch'id

DN v ° . _

reference to Chia’s account of Kung-sha Wan. H led in Chit 681-6

=] -E- As SE intimates Confucius’s opinion (FR AK). WAD POE MEN I, Be Ge SOT O43y that Chia was himself going beyond the truth. and vin i tsin, B.C. r3° 028. Of duke Hwan, 15. Conpemnation or Tsang W-cHUNG FOR see the next chapter. The attributes mentioned FORCING A FAVOUR FROM HIS PRINCE. Wa-chung by Confucius are not to be taken absolutely, but

(see chap. xiii) was obliged to fly from La, by as respectively predominating in the two chiefs. the animosity of the Mang family, and took| 1/7. THe Merit or Kwan CHUNG :—A CONVERrefuge in Chi ( KS). As the head of the Tsang | SATION wiTH TszE-L0. 1. NS -F- Ful, ‘the family, it devolved on him to offer the sacri- | duke’s son Ch‘ia,’ but, to avoid the awkwardfices in the ancestral temple, and he wished one | ness of that rendering, I say—‘ his brother.’ of his half-brothers to be made the Head of the | Hwan (the honorary epithet ; his name was

family, in his room, that those might not be ern . neglected. To strengthen the application for 4 fy EI) and Ch'ia had both been refugees m this, which he contrived to get made, he re- | different States, the latter having been carried turned himself to the city of Fang, which be- | into La, away from the troubles and dangers longed to his family, and thence sent a message | of Ch i, by the ministers, Kwan Chung and to the court, which was tantamount to a threat, Shao Ha. — On the death of the prince of Ch‘, that if the application were not granted, he | Hwan anticipated Ch‘id, got to Ch‘i, and took would hold possession of the place. This was eee duke « onthe State. Soon aes ne required

. ’ , e duke of Li to put his brother to death, an

matter which shou ave been left to the “ . . duke’s grace. See all the circumstances in the (4 here = Al) Ha chose to dash his brains

what ane eons al By ih 4! to deliver up the two ministers, when Shao

. ‘+,ar:{jout, and die with his master, Kwan 7c {8 °x —_ a =+ =—— ze S Chung returned gladly to Chi,while took service 1st tone, as in chap. xiii, but with a different | .i4, Hwan, became his prime minister, and

meaning, = By, ‘to force to do.’ made him supreme arbiter among the various 16. THE DIFFERENT CHARACTERS OF THE puKEs | Chiefs of the empire. Such conduct was con-

Way or Tsin anp Hwan or Cu‘t. Hwan and'demned by Tsze-li. 10 2. is a peculiar ex- |

282 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XIV.

’ = or >) a: N pl FB BA, 0 fa J oT) a A AE _ aSTRA 3) DyA A Wee »A wh“F SH ZAK Ak.HF ° ’ ° OW SE RTA BEV Te a Aw ZAH-ATHEEB , An , ’ 4’ AY d iFitay he ELE Se 4 aah a EB ) d » J— FR Kespe Mh Ty EAL HE AN 2) : 2~y BQ HEE Ee: °EA » z. BDA a} Hk fe AH EG Hai Be, BE es OS at A |

2. The Master said, ‘The duke Hwan assembled all the princes together, and that not with weapons of war and chariots :—it was all through the influence of Kwan Chung. Whose beneficence was like his? Whose beneficence was like his ?’

| Cuap. XVIII. 1. Tsze-kung said, ‘Kwan Chung, I apprehend, was wanting in virtue. When the duke Hwan caused his brother Chit to be killed, Kwan Chung was not able to die with him. Moreover, he became prime minister to Hwan.’ | 2. The Master said, ‘Kwan Chung acted as prime minister to the duke Hwan, made him leader of all the princes, and united and rectified the whole kingdom. Down to the present day, the people enjoy the gifts which he conferred. But for Kwan Chung, we should now be wearing our hair unbound, and the lappets of our coats buttoning on the left side.

3. ‘Will you require from him the small fidelity of common pression = 7% -F- ¥il itn JU, 2. Confucius( mier to Hwan. 2. FE =E: ‘to rectify,’ ‘ree defends Kwan Chung, on the ground of the duce to order’ —— blends with FE its own services which he rendered, using {— in a dif- verbal force, = ‘to unite.’ 44 = SHE, ‘not,’ ‘if ferent acceptation from that intended by the _. TS |

disciple. Tu: rst tone, explained in the dic-| 2°. Be (the 4th tone) Ff, —s00 the Li Chi,

ti b ‘th 2. thouch ITT. iii. 14, where this is mentioned as a characneed y Re: synonymous Wie Fa? 08S" | teristic of the eastern barbarians. vy KE—

the =t Si makes out more than nine assem- | seg the Shia-ching, V. xxiv. 13. A note in the blages of princes under the presidency of duke 4E. ao says, that anciently the right was the

Hwan. An BED - = BE an Et {- a >| position of honour, and the right hand, more-

as in the translation. over, is the more convenient for use, but the 18. Tue merit or Kwan CHunG :—A conver: | Practice of the barbarians was contrary to that

SATION witTH TszE-KUNG. 1. Tsze-li’s doubts|f China in both points. The sentiment of about Kwan Chung arose from his not dying Confucius is, that but for Kwan Chung, his with the prince Chia; Tsze-kung’s turned countrymen would have sunk to the state of principally on his subsequently becoming pre-! the rude tribes about them. 3. fu i ) Ju

CH. XX.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, 283

oni. cm

Bl ihn oo th, fee. : ao syTate, ordAaa

“4 y zat ‘ BS i aA Oote aT,CM |

a% Yl=r Ge wots AA OA ii HF ’ ne ae aX

eAme WI ur ’ H 4 fi ’ ade RH a | » Jaov AN) i OS

men and common women, who would commit suicide in a stream or ditch, no one knowing anything about them ?’

Cuap. XIX. 1. The great officer, Hsien, who had been familyminister to Kung-shtii Wan, ascended to the prince’s court in company with Win. 2. The Master, having heard of it, said, ‘He deserved to be considered WAN (the accomplished).’

Cuap. XX. 1. The Master was speaking about the unprincipled course of the duke Ling of Wei, when Ch't K‘ang said, ‘Since he is of such a character, how is 1t he does not lose his State 2’ 2. Confucius said, ‘The Chung-shti Yii has the superintendence of his guests and of strangers ; the litanist, T’o, has the management tex y—see IX. xxv. ait = Ay 45: ‘small; 19, Tae menir or Kune-sHt WAN IN RECOMfidelity,’ by which is intended the faithfulness MENDING TO HIGH OFFICE, ae Ku AN ha Win,

of a married couple of the common people, reece okt A MAN This pan T. hist d u der. where the husband takes no concubine in ad- stood chap rr ti ‘that Eu ap hi 0 be un the

dition to his wife. The argument is this :—|* orth a d uma rie f hi vinet had ree e

‘Do you think Kwan Chung should have con-| V°" 4 a hi nto his Of AS DMN DIS ng ft vwarda

sidered himself bound to Chia, as a common | "ee t whe 0 at sovereign, th arverwar k man considers himself bound to his wife? And | ¥48 20% ashamed to appear in the same ran would you have had him commit suicide, as| with him at court. Bn, =our ‘duke’s,’ i.e. common people will do on any slight occasion?’ | the duke’s court. 2. The meaning of the chapCommentators say that there is underlying the | ter turns on the signification of the title Wan. vindication this fact :—that Kwan Chung and | For the conferring of this on Kung-shii, see the Shao Hi’s adherence to Chit was wrong in the | 1 Chi, II. Sect. ii. Pt. ii. 13. The name Hsien first place, Chia being ll in the f form fae. Chung’s conduct, therefore, was the not toyounger be judged | brother. 8°Merally appears 1n the as if Chidé had been the senior. There is no-| 20. THE IMPORTANCE OF GOOD AND ABLE MINISthing of this, however, in Confucius’s words. | TERS :—-SEEN IN THE STATE OF WEI. 1. Ling was

He vindicates Chung simply on the ground of] the p ‘thet of Yi =

his subsequent services, and his reference to Wei onorary eplt ane aan (7); ‘" _ of ‘the small fidelity ’ of husband and wife among| "'° 3° 533749?- e was the husband of

. , Nan-tsze, VI. xxvi. See HEF. = Bk. XXV. the common people is very unhappy. OK ere 9.. ; 2. The Chung-sha Yii is the K‘ung Wanof V. xiv.

(grd tone), ‘to strangle one’s self,’ but in con- . , ays . a WEE the vb Lb f Hh AL express his family position, according

nexion with vies =e © parase Must YC) tothe degrees of kindred. ‘The litanist, T‘o,’— understood generally = ‘to commit suicide.’ see VI. xiv. Wang-sun Chia,—see ITT. xiii.

284 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XIV,

ars aaah SL*at 4s Al] Yay Ik Hyomnes Leif| IAY

TQZAI BieLeyhFFob An) d | , 8, d %& Aer A, ‘Le Zl A zs ‘ H, » FE )

RUA hy wR HK . ’ : Aw Pit DX Hi KAR FE EL Mm py d. o ES AN ~

BRAM SC Ra |UW,An or A O a K :——. ’Rs Jie Lr=o Ar =: > pm BRT RIL OTK quent,

oF a ’

of his ancestral temple; and Wang-sun Chia has the direction of the army and forces :—with such officers as these, how should he lose his State ?’ Cuap. XXI. The Master said, ‘ He who speaks without modesty will find it difficult to make his words good.’

Cuap. XXII, 1. Chan Ching murdered the duke Chien of Chit. 2. Confucius bathed, went to court, and informed the duke Ai, saying, ‘Chin Hang has slain his sovereign. I beg that you will undertake to punish him.’ 3. The duke said, ‘ Inform the chiefs of the three families of it.’ 4. Confucius retired, and said, ‘ Following in the rear of the great officers, I did not dare not to represent such a matter, and my prince gays, “Inform the chiefs of the three families of it.” ’ 21. EXTRAVAGANT SPEECH HARD TO BE MADE| of this matter in the FE qi, Confucius meant

coop. Compare IV. xxii. that the duke Ai should himself, with the 22. How CONFUCIUS WISHED TO AVENGE THE | forces of Li, undertake the punishment of the MURDER OF THE DUKE OF Cu‘ *_HIS RIGHTEOUS | criminal. Some modern commentators cry out

AND PUBLIC SPIRIT. I. Chien, not indolent in| against this. The sage’s advice, they say, would

a single virtue, and tranquil, not speaking] have been that the duke should report the

unadvisedly,’ are the meanings attached to | thing to the king, and with his authority assofifi: as an honorary epithet, while WK (the | ciate other princes with himself to do justice

honorary epithet of Chin Hang) indicates, | 0 the offender. 3. eR = -F-,— this is ‘tranquillizer of the people, and establisher of| the use of Ke in XI. xxiv, efal. 4. This is government.’ The murder of the duke Chien taken as the remark of Confucius, or his colby his minister, Chan Hang (Ae) took place | loquy with himself, when he had gone out

B.c. 481, barely two years before Confucius’s | from the duke. Zl Fe. KEK FE 2. ce death. 2. rN “ implies all the fasting and | —yee XI. vii. The 5 leaves the sentence all the solemn preparation, as for a sacrifice or | incomplete ;—‘ my prince says, “Inform the other great occasion. Properly, . is to wash | three chiefs of it ;”—this circumstance.’ The the hair with the water in which rice has been | P27aphrasts complete the sentence by Any Hil.

washed, and “iS is to wash the body with hot | —‘ How is it that the prince, &c.?’ 5. 2. =

water. Spy ay according to the account F-Z is the verb—‘to go to.’ ¥L -F-

ix" —rs AH B= aAir VY K, Y BA, ii ’ ! om Ki Ab BH K=

CH, XXVI.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 285

siz aI |2a, [Se]ie zs lri Vv a x Al»| aN ee) 2EB aeAALS TT WT AL id a ’ fe) RT d

5 A rh E zz Oo ry A re)

| ff ounni>

} : O c » J \ D KK }

772 A fh ZL a am | 2 | Z3E jy O d1B, d vIr

5. He went to the chiefs, and informed them, but they would not act. Confucius then said, ‘ Following in the rear of the great officers, _ I did not dare not to represent such a matter.’

Cuap. XXIII. Tsze-li asked how a ruler should be served.

him to his face.’ |

The Master said, ‘Do not impose on him, and, moreover, withstand

Cuap. XXIV. The Master said, ‘The progress of the superior

man is upwards ; the progress of the mean man is downwards,’

Cuap. XXV. The Master said, ‘In ancient times, men learned with a view to their own improvement. Now-a-days, men learn with a view to the approbation of others.’ CHap. XXVI._ 1. Chii Po-yii sent a messenger with friendly unquiries to Confucius.

2. Confucius sat with him, and questioned him. ‘ What,’ said he, ‘is your master engaged in?’ The messenger replied, ‘My master is FY, x Jy 1— this was spoken to the chiefs; 24, THE DIFFERENT PROGRESSIVE TENDENCIES OF

. . ° THE SUPERIOR MAN AND THE MEAN MAN. Ho Yen to reprove them for their disregard of a crime, te , which concerned every public man, or perhaps | takes i in the sense of fe, ‘to understand.

it is merely the reflection of the sage’s own} The modern view seems better.

mind. 25. THE DIFFERENT MOTIVES OF LEARNERS IN 238. How THE MINISTER OF A PRINCE MUST BE| OLD TIMES, AND IN THE TIMES OF CONFUCIUS.

SINCERE AND BOLDLY UPRIGHT. 4 iv 2. is well 2 me Fe A: ‘for themselves, for other expressed by the phrase in the translation.| men.’ The meaning is as in the translation. Many passages in the Li Chi show that to AL 26. AN ADMIRABLE MESSENGER, t. Po-yii was

was required by the duty of a minister, but | the designation of Chi Yian (FR); an officer

not allowed to a son with his father. of the State of Wei, and a disciple of the sage.

286 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK, XIV,

wT" FRETRA FE. = | | " FteH# A AT ARrK AN 47. Bel El Gl 4a Fes, DF sel | 17, = BS onah,' Sh

vo) ’ a HABA AAAHT RAY » AY Hef SF RET ER, ’ a a J 4iK Kee Y ,ib U FH Aw ae |

v ° . ee a ca aH BX, 4 fie fr. ie S44 HM tie H sy at ‘LL, rs @unmedy =aen ee,wnemn ee eee

wo HeFav ot HOE o FPF Pru ONLK o Hu my LIL, HAO He

anxious to make his faults few, but he has not yet succeeded.’ He then went out, and the Master said, ‘A messenger indeed! A messenger indeed!’ Cuap. XX VII. The Master said, ‘He who is notin any particular office, has nothing to do with plans for the administration of its duties.’

Cuap. XXVIII. The philosopher Tsing said, ‘The superior man, in his thoughts, does not go out of his place.’

CHap. XXIX. The Master said, ‘The superior man is modest in his speech, but exceeds in his actions.’

Cuap. XXX. 1. The Master said, ‘The way of the superior

man is threefold, but Iam not equal to it. Virtuous, he is free from anxieties ; wise, he is free from perplexities ; bold, he is free from fear.

2. Tsze-kung said, ‘ Master, that is what you yourself say.’ His place is now rst east in the outer court of| 29. THE suPERIOR MAN MORE IN DEEDS THAN IN

the temples. Confucius had lodged with him = _3; :

when in Wei, and it was after his return to WworDs. Hil: At re’ literally, is ashamed La that Po-yii sent to inquire for him. of his words.’ Compare chaps. xxiand IV. xxii. 27. A repetition of VIII. xiv. 80. ConFructus’s HUMBLE ESTIMATE OF HIMSELF, 28. THE THOUGHTS OF A SUPERIOR MAN IN HAR- | WHICH TSZE-KUNG DENIES. 1. We have the great-

MONY WITH HIS POSITION. T'sAng here quotes from | est part of this paragraph in IX. xxviii, but the

the RR or Illustrations, of the 52nd diagram of | translation must be somewhat different, as ‘=

the Yi-ching, but he leaves out one character, #, Jay FF, [| 5 are here in apposition

VW before A, and thereby alters the mean-| ~ h : _

ing somewhat. What is said in the Yi, is—‘ The wit be) F-. # F- =] x 7 psa F

superior man is thoughtful, and so does not go : ‘what th i

out of his place.’-—The chapter, it is said, is in- Ar Z| Fy Nz] , ‘what the ‘Superior man se, .ed here, from itsanalogy with the preceding. | takes to be his path.’ 2. fe] = =e ‘to say.’

CH, XXXIV.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 287

Ay tpl

I—asor +H] Pf fs Fe] Sa +H] EBS BS Ae iy fel ANY [sz IA) , , ==) &

’ favo OUbsd Ke TF 26 A Oy A, we YH A, zk, A éO ’1 An d l= = —L. ony Hl. 7c OM

LFOi aHA EE a3 HE HB abr Be A’ A GB A, +4 FL AD Mra HA Hil

IF Hd. j vis An Z aS A,

RASH AID BIER sab Qf vOC

IX ddd A ’ 2 PAyyS Y O

Cuap. XXXI. Tsze-kung was in the habit of comparing men together. The Master said, ‘'T'sze must have reached a high pitch of excellence! Now, I have not leisure for this.’ Cuap. XXXII. The Master said, ‘I will not be concerned at men’s not knowing me; I will be concerned at my own want of ability.’

Cuap. XXXIIJ. The Master said, ‘He who does not anticipate attempts to deceive him, nor think beforehand of his not being believed, and yet apprehends these things readily (when they occur) ; —ais he not a man of superior worth ?’

CHap. XXXIV. 1. Wei-shing Mau said to Confucius, ‘ Ch'id, how is it that you keep roosting about? Is it not that you are an insinuating talker ? _ 2. Confucius said, ‘I do not dare to play the part of such a talker,

but I hate obstinacy.’ |

31, ONE’S WORK IS WITH ONE'S SELF ;—acarnst | ‘to anticipate,’ i.e. in judgment. SHAR, MAKING COMPARISONS. fay = fk =‘ Ha! is | see XIII, xix, but the meaning is there ‘ per-

he not superior?’ The remark is ironical. haps,’ while here the 451 is adversative, and

32. CONCERN SHOULD BE ABOUT OUR PERSONAL| _, but’ . . cae

ATTAINMENT, AND NOT ABOUT THE ESTIMATION oF | = PUt. I 12) 29 is used in opposition to

oTHERS. See I. xvi, eal. A critical canon is| 4 _¢ .

laid down here by Chit Hsi :—‘ All passages, fe 12) x and = . quick app rehender, one the same in meaning and in words, are to be| Who understands things before others.’ So,

understood as having been spoken only once, | Cha Hsi. K‘ung An-kwo, however, takes matt

and their recurrence is the work of the com- . ; . . ,

pilers. Where the meaning is the same and | #8 conjunctive, and Fr 4. in apposition with the language a little different, they are to be| the two preceding characteristics, and inter-

imself with the variations.’ According to this , « TT. «

taken as having been Tepeated by Confucius prets the conclusion—‘Issuch a man of superior

rule, the sentiment in this chapter was repeated yore On Cha Hst’s view, the . 18 OX-

by the Master in four different utterances. anorys

33. QUICK DISCRIMINATION WITHOUT susPIctous-| 24. CONFUCIUS NOT SELF-WILLED, AND YET No

UEueCte be dis: TONSUED TALKER :—DEFENCE OF HIMSELF1. NESS IS HIGHLY MERITORIOUS. 0 De GIS:| CB | ROM THE CHARGE OF AN AGED REPROVER.

obedient,’ ‘ to rebel ;’ also, ‘to meet,’ and here | From Wei-shang’s addressing Confucius by his

) * He 3

288 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. XIV,

=] af ,KiwAe \ 0 A,;RAVWAR : AN, a wr “Sv Hi v A ry Y ’ JL wy ° !y iHOW » AyWR / / y ORR SeAwhE Ly)Bw d Aw $i Fe Fe Ee ae id S| 77, Ais o ae) Lo Eo ’ . = Fa —Fa£F ai~ tyBaa Ke, ag, edu, . J, ABA od oe eS Oe

,a

)| d kyo 07 ’ AN

Cuap. XXXV. The Master said, ‘A horse is called a ch‘t, not because of its strength, but because of its other good qualities.’ Cuap. XXXVI. 1. Some one said, ‘What do you say concerning the principle that injury should be recompensed with kindness ?’ 2. The Master said,‘ With what then will you recompense kindness?

3. ‘Recompense injury with justice, and recompense kindness with kindness.’ |

that knows me.’ |

Cuoap. XXXVII. 1. The Master said, ‘Alas! there is no one

2. Tsze-kung said, ‘What do you mean by thus saying—that no one knows you?’ The Master replied, ‘I do not murmur against name, it is presumed that he was an old man. | with justice.—How far the ethics of Confucius

Such a liberty in a young man would have | fall below our Christian standard is evident been impudence. It is presumed also, that he | from this chapter, and even below L&o-tsze. was one of those men who kept themselves re- | The same expressions are attributed to Contired from the world in disgust. Ril,“ to perch | fucius in the Li Chi, XXIX, 7 and it is there or roost,’ as a bird, used contemptuously with added -F- Fy ’ UJ fib Bat 405” Bij ‘se &

reference to Confucius going about among z {- (= A) which is explained.—‘ He

the princes wishing to be called office. Tt " f who Wj Pish care” _ _. y and . . who returns good fortoevil is aman 2. [4] = 3 Xr SA ‘holding one idea ful of his person,’ i.e. will try to avert danger

without intelligence.’ from himself by such a course. The author of 35. VIRTUE, AND NOT STRENGTH, THE FIT SUBJECT | the Pd =+ says, that the injuries intended by

OF PRAISE, Ba was the name of a famous | the questioner were only trivial matters, which horse of antiquity who could run 1oco it in one | perhaps might be dealt with in the way he day. See the dictionary in voc. Itis here used | mentioned, but great offences, as those against

generally for ‘a good horse.’ a sovereign or a father, may not be dealt with by 86. GooD Is NOT TO BE RETURNED FOR EVIL; EVIL | such an inversion of the principles of justice.

70 BE MED SIMPGY WITH JUSTICE. 1 it — Pl The Master himself, " "Tay 40s) | his deliverance in anyhowever, way. does not fence Ha, ‘kindness.’ vA ‘resentment,’ ‘hatred,’| 37. CoNFUCIUS, LAMENTING THAT MEN DID NOT here put for what awakens resentment, ‘wrong,’ | *8°W Bi™) BESTS IN THE THOUGHT THAT HEAVEN

‘injury.’ The phrase YU ae pA isfound | KNEW HIM. I. [=3 3X FM, —the inversion for in the 36) ili YK of Léo-tsze, II. chap. lxiii, LJ AEH FY, ‘ doos not know me.’ Hereferred, but it is possible that Confucius’s questioner | °°™™entators say, to the way in which he pursimply consulted him about it as a saying which | sued his course, simply FE mer out of his own he had himself heard and was inclined to ap- | conviction of duty, and for his own improveprove. 2, Ue IE» ‘with straightness,’ i. e. ':ment, without regard to success, or the opinions

CH. XXXVIIL.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 289

AT BeLy 47 A, KNme oF.° it Ar AJ

Wn uy th AALeAe risth PY) a OF

i1]00Fil 5H xe, 5 Nes Ios I , tas ts OS VA A » HE ! BE WUaAA AR rT ’ BN d —-J A’ TA XA 4H ZZHuBE eV ae «a . HA 1 Ef ix iy We K

knows me!’ |

Heaven. I do not grumble against men. My studies lie low, and my penetration rises high. But there 1s Heaven ;—that

Cuap. XXXVITI. 1. The Kung-po Lido, having slandered Tsze-li to Chi-sun, Tsze-f4 Ching-po informed Confucius of it, saying, ‘Our master is certainly being led astray by the Kung-po Lido, but I have still power enough left to cut Lido off, and expose his corpse in the market and in the court.’

2. The Master said, ‘If my principles are to advance, it is so ordered. If they are to fall to the ground, it is so ordered. What can the Kung-po Lido do where such ordering is concerned ?’

of others. 2. uy Fe “Et i=J a -F- +h,; duke’s uncle), probably from an affinity with

‘what é ~*isthe ducal House, is said by some to ae have that which youof say—no knows } . .been . a disciple the sage,man but that is not likely, as

you ?’ Tt eA,, in 332 ,—‘boneath I learn, we find him here slandering Tsze-la, that he

above I penetrate ;’—the meaning appears to pint not be able, in his official connexion with

be that he contented himself with the study | 2° Ui Jamily, to carry the Master's lessons of men and things, common matters as more | into practice. Fr was the hon. epithet of Tsze-

ambitious spirits would deem them, but from|,. ... . . f those he rose to understand the high prin- fa Ching, a great officer of Lt. F -F- reters ciples involved in them,—"the appointments | +5 Chi-sun. AR K ‘is having his will of Heaven (FR iy ): —aceording to one com- deceived.’ Exposing the bodies ( [iff FP) of

mentator. Ar KK Ay, E K sf ,—‘He criminals, after their execution, was called who knows me, is not that Heaven?’ The Eft . The bodies of ‘great officers’ were so ex-

| an paraphrases this, as if it were aAsolilothe court, and _" Ef cam to criminals posed in theinmarket-place. came be ays Ap Te Wr us us < Hp HE Fi employed together, though the exposure could

E37 EE. take place only in one place, just as we have 88. How Conructus RESTED, AS TO THE PrRo- | 5°? bie 5 used generally for ‘brother.’

GRESS OF HIS DOCTRINES, ON THE ORDERING OF |9 [EY makes the preceding clause conditional, HEAVEN:-—-ON OCCASION OF TszE-L0’8 BEING} cA

SLANDERED. 1. Lido, called Kung-po (literally, | = ‘if,’ i -Tet ‘Heaven’s ordering.’

\ ies E a ih Ss KA ee he T* | aod O d Bm=4AS BNF d » BASHA ET fe} a h Yel N Fe . . HK, DY Yo ‘ re Y “Stony-gate.” It seems to have been one of never bear to withdraw from the world. the passes between Ch‘i and Lia. FL Kx: ‘the 40. THE NUMBER OF MEN OF WORTH WHO HAD Kung,’ or Mr. K‘ung. Observe the force of WITHDRAWN FROM PUBLIC LIFE IN CoNFUCIUS’S the final fil

time, This chapter is understood in connexion | “© 724! OR. with the preceding ;—as appearsin the transla-| 42. Tas JUDGMENT OF A RETIRED WORTHY ON

ion. ; lai CONFUCIUS’S COURSE, AND REMARK OF CONFUCIUS

tion, Cha, however, explains VEE PY pa THEREON. 1. The ch‘ing was one of the eight ‘have arisen.’ Others explain it by FS, ‘have | musical instruments of the Chinese ; see Meddone this.’ They also give the names of the! hurst’s dictionary, in voc. ae rst tone, ‘to go

CH, XLIII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 291

Y uy WS YS, NG=aa 0BE » Zarbyds =e]SE F ’BB 4a

eon = fiBri AB ti] SaR, Bl Re—j-fH RR. > I AA »>W —H whDH ery HE

Soe) eC Aw : — =~ > of A eh afxe a He Bees , ——~* : ey Wi» (H] Zr, Re, | ’ ,med =of7j\ >» a : ay . ’

of the house where Confucius was, and said, ‘ His heart is full who so beats the musical stone.’

2. A little while after, he added, ‘How contemptible is the oneideaed obstinacy those sounds display! When one is taken no notice of, he has simply at once to give over for public employment. “Deep water must be crossed withhis thewish clothes on; shallow water

may be crossed with the clothes held up.” ’ |

3. The Master said, ‘How determined is he in his purpose! But

this is not difficult !’

Cuap. XLIII. 1. Tsze-chang said, ‘What is meant when the Shai says that K4o-tsung, while observing the usual imperial mourning, was for three years without speaking ?’ 2, The Master said, ‘ Why must Kao-tsung be referred to as an example of this? The ancients all did so. When the sovereign died, the officers all attended to their several duties, taking instructions from the prime minister for three years.’ by.’ Meaning ‘to go beyond,’ ‘ to exceed,’ it | can hardly be construed satisfactorily. I have is in the 4th tone. AR nM ik Hae poe me notfound thisexample of CZ inWang Yin-chih. is to be read as one sentence, and understood! 43. How GovERNMENT WAS CARRIED ON DURING

Ao-t ,

as if there were a ZL. after the E- 2. ria THE THREE YEARS OF SILENT MOURNING BY THE

ria T.—seo xx.Sect. The ii ye 1. es Zr vsethere the Shu, - ° 3: =XIIL viii. I. SOVEREIGN. 1, but the passage is IV. not terprets this clause also, as if a Z. were after exactly as in the text. It is there said that

the Ht: and AK ris had reference to the| . ° suns atter the three years mournings

A _. es stilldid not speak. fey FFe Was the honorary sounds of the ch‘ing. ae Rl DZ Ds" |. ; a ae _ the Shih, L. iii. 9, stanza. The quotation | ‘te of the king Wa-ting (RJ Bo. 1324was intended to iustrate that we os act ac- | 1264). ae (Shit, i) ge (read an), accord-

Cording to cIFCUMSLANCES. 3. Ac ay Z, ing to the dictionary, means ‘the shed where seems to be a mere expletive. The case is one|the mourner lived the three years.’ Cha

where the meaning is plain while the characters | Hsi does not know the meaning of the terms.—

ia 9 iz ’ 7» ’ 0 d

fizua) — Pay Ai = te A = rs Bo ’ = =; me AUmF.o te T

292 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. XIV.

Pe, Ze ALY) oe wh. A

ie Tt a 0 tf Ai, Fil FE.

,’a

R® AHLAEAR & +; HieFWMmyT ie AN O ’ LTA

AAD | 4 eo " PY Pr

Cuap, XLIV. ‘The Master said, ‘When rulers love to observe the rules of propriety, the people respond readily to the calls on them for service.’

Coap. XLV. Tsze-li asked what constituted the superior man. The Master said, ‘ The cultivation of himself in reverential carefulness. ‘And is this all?’ said T'sze-l@. ‘He cultivates himself so as

to give rest to others,’ was the reply. ‘And is this all?’ again asked T'sze-ld. The Master said, ‘ He cultivates himself so as to give

rest toallthe people. He cultivates himself so as to give rest to all the people :—even YAo and Shun were still solicitous about this.’

Cuap. XLVI. Yiian Zang was squatting on his heels, and

Tsze-chang was perplexed to know how govern. | HEL). It is= Fy Fe HE, ‘the surnames of ment could be carried on during so long’ the hundred families,’ into which number the

a period of silence. 2. ns 2. A: the families of the people were perhaps divided at

° . , Y momere N .

. ; avery early time. The surnames of the Chinese

KN embraces the sovereigns, and subordinate | now amount to several hundreds. The small

princes who had their own petty courts, fb work a RR HE ps: made in the Sung . 7 — rey ae dynasty, contains nearly 450. The number th,—in the fff it is said, AB fee tH, of them given in an appendix to Williams’s xX HA Hx eit ya dt, , Fe is to manage. | Syllabic Dictionary, as compiled by the Rev. The meaning is, that they did not dare to allow | Dr. Blodget, is 1863. In the 4B AD: in loc. themselves any license.” The expression is not | we find a ridiculous reason given for the suran easy one. I have followed the paraphrasts. | names being a hundred, to the effect that 44, How 4 LOVE OF THE RULES OF PROPRIETY | the ancient sages gave a surname for each of

IN RULERS FACILITATES GOVERNMENT. the five notes of the scale in music, and of the 45. REVERENT SELF-CULTIVATION THE DISTIN- | five great relations of life and of the four seas;

GUISHING CHARACTERISTIC OF THE CHUN-TSZE. consequently 5 x5 X 4 = Ioo. It is to be

Vv Fig it is said, are not to be taken as the | observed, that in the Shi we find ‘a hunwherewith of the Chiin-tsee in cultivating him-| dred surnames,’ interchanged with B HE, self, but as the chief thing which he keeps | ‘ten thousand surnames,’ and it would seem before him in the process. I translate VU, needless, therefore, to seek to attach a definite therefore, by in, but in the other sentences, it | explanation to the number. E=3 Fn EH Fi =e ,-—See VI. xxviii. indicates the realizations, or consequences, of Hii ay wes

the ‘iE C3 :a46. WECONFUCIUS’S the hundred surf "oF CONDUCT TO AN UNMANNERLY

names,’ as a designation for the mass of the OLD MANOF HIS ACQUAINTANCE. Yiian Zang was an

people, occurs as early as in the Yéo-tien ( 35 old acquaintance of Confucius, but had adopted

CH. XLVII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 293

d oF aah A BK Pe bode iy i 4T4 ’UH, » aRAAX amy AY —f* MW, AP Wi=fiz #3yew iy=e lt Bk

an Le » 7LKR | wwYW 38 la) | »

Wm JF SC SL A, Be 4E Ti 3,

a eK Ha HAH BP HK

WL. of CN SE yA ni ) 4aee-PGW mn A PPS . Hd a7 Ie FL te AS He Ir Pro HY, fo) adv

so waited the approach of the Master, who said to him, ‘In youth, not humble as befits a junior ; in manhood, doing nothing worthy of

being handed down; and living on to old age:—this is to be a

pest.” With this he hit him on the shank with his staff. Cuap. XLVII. 1. A youth of the village of Ch'tieh was employed by Confucius to carry the messages between him and his visitors. Some one asked about him, saying, ‘I suppose he has made great

progress. | 2. The Master said, ‘I observe that he is fond of occupying the

seat of a full-grown man; I observe that he walks shoulder to shoulder with his elders. He is not one who is seeking to make progress in learning. He wishes quickly to become a man.’

the principles of Lao-tsze, and gave himself ex- | he was a very old acquaintance of Confucius, traordinary license in his behaviour.—See an | and mentally somewhat weak. Confucius felt instance in the Li Chi, II. Sect. IT. iii. 24, and the | kindly to him, but was sometimes provoked by

; _ “att laings | Bim to very candid expressions of his Judgment

| 7 P2fsa . ops

note there Be TR; the tiohionary explains | out him,—as here.

the two words together by sik ye a=m Als , but | 47. ConFucrus’s EMPLOYMENT OF A FORWARD

thatis the meaning of #f¥ alone, and fhe = FF, YOUTH. I. FA #a,—there is a tradition that ‘towaitfor.’ So, the commentators, old and new. | Confucius lived and taught in KA A, but it is

in thi is th lained :— ~

The use of FAY in this sense is thus explaine much disputed. Hg a aH fil Ba + z

‘Thenyo re B=is,§ fond squatting, and is theread | He.ofon means to convey the| —. messages

fore called the squatting ch‘ih G3) Ke),between but it _. visitors and the host.’ a a7 Bi. —

is called by some the chitht (i Ba) and the inquirer supposed that Confucius’s employhence Be is used for 4. to squat!’ See the | ment of the lad was to distinguish him for the +E ae in loc. Ba for Te and $F for Bp. the rules of ceremony, a youth must sit in the eten . Coat? | Commer the body of the room being reserved for 34 »—in the sense of He SH , =our pest, | full-grown men ;—see the Li Chi, IT. Sect. 1.i.18, rather than ‘thief.’ The address of Confucius | In walking with an elder, a youth was required might be translated in the 2nd person, but it is | to keep a little behind him ;—see the Li Chi, perhaps better to keep to the grd, leaving the | I. Sect. I. ii. chap. 4. 7. Confucius’s employapplication to be understood. From several |ment of the lad, therefore, was to teach him

7 progress which he had made. 2. According to

references toYiian Zang in the Li Chi, it appears | the courtesies required by his years.

yf 5 © d =" k ’ , o LL \

294 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. Xv. BOOK XV. WEI LING KUNG.

1v, Ee, A, 2 BTS ’ dAW ’ ’ oe] 4 Ah ~— 7itS

Vict 47Av,SLs Fins tat O » A>» ay COT,

RR + Ab Peak ante - sss Es i] Dy HL BE Ze fel BE AS A =¥

AL BET }»| 55 Byee,OHL, ’ Ae A. #4 HE HA OR >

TRG A OmIK ZS FL GI DF

Cnaprer I. 1. The duke Ling of Wei asked Confucius about tactics. Confucius replied, ‘I have heard all about sacrificial vessels, but I have not learned military matters. On this, he took his departure the next day. 2. When he was in Chin, their provisions were exhausted, and his followers became so ill that they were unable to rise. 3. Tsze-li, with evident dissatisfaction, said, ‘Has the superior

man likewise to endure in this way?’ The Master said, ‘The superior man may indeed have to endure want, but the mean man,

when he is in want, gives way to unbridled license” HEapING oF THIS Boox.—fiy ae UN tf ee B Zz. Hy, VIII. iv. 3. The A Was a + ca ‘The of Wei,84 No.inches 15.’ dish,high, 18 inches longwhich and 8 inches ? duke 8 7"Ling "| stand upon thebroad, fleshonofa The contents of the Book, contained in forty | victims was laid, but the meaning is sacrificial chapters, are as miscellaneous as those of the | vessels generally, =the business of ceremonies,

former. Rather they are more so, some chap- It is said of Confucius, in the ‘ Historical ters bearing on the public administration of Records, that when & boy, he was fond of government, several heing occupied with the| playing at AA and —%. He wished by his superior man, and others containing lessons of | reply and departure, to teach the duke that the

practical wisdom. ‘All the subjects,’ says/| rules of propriety, and not war, were essential Hsing Ping, ‘illustrate the feeling of the sense | to the government of a State. 2. From Wei, of shame and consequent pursuit of the correct | Confucius proceeded to Chan, and there met

course, and therefore the Book immediately | with the distress here mentioned. It is pro-

follows the preceding one.’ bably the same which is referred toin XI. ii. 1,

1. ConFUCIUS REFUSES TO TALK oN miLiTaRy| though there is some chronological difficulty AFFAIRS, IN THE MIDST OF DISTRESS, HE sHOws | #bout the subject. (See the note by Cha Hsi THE DISCIPLES HOW THE SUPERIOR MAN IS ABOVE| in his preface to the Analects.) 3. fal = ‘yes,

DISTRESS. I. [ir read chdn, in 4th tone, ‘the | indeed,’ with reference to Tsze-li’s question.

ment of the ranks of > here= Some take it in its sense of ‘ firm.’—The supe-

ATTANSOMeN’ OL MAS Tangs OF ah army, Dere= | rior man firmly endures want.’—Duke Ling,—

tactics generally. AA B ae Hy,—comp. see XIV. xx, also in Chwang:tsze, xxv. 9, et al.

Pa as —

CH. V.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 295

—< 7 . Es) ¥ : fa, OFSee[Bl ZB le Ft»lz) [eelIE mes) ANS O | Ay YT * BF tt FT Z.9F 5 T= i he i 2A, = fe. A, a »FA 1Ai FS JasyHE ’ »HA, BE bt

HE 47, a Ba A PL AT. ind AS |. ¥%= = of » = O fab . 7} 5 ) ’ ) fo," awie FHV » a | Oo oOo

i To, yi | te

a RR — Hy Fi, LHR ’ dub An OWAS ¥, fir

ae s== AS v—a—t dill

Cuap. II. 1. The Master said, ‘ Ts‘ze, you think, I suppose, that. I am one who learns many things and keeps them in memory ?’ 2. Tsze-kung replied, ‘Yes,—but perhaps it is not so?’ 3. ‘No,’ was the answer ; ‘I seek a unity all-pervading.’

Cuap. III. The Master said, ‘Yd, those who know virtue are

few.’

Cuap. IV. The Master said, ‘May not Shun be instanced as having governed efficiently without exertion? What did he do? He did nothing but gravely and reverently occupy his royal seat.’ Cuap. V. 1. Tsze-chang asked how a man should conduct himself, so as to be everywhere appreciated.

2. The Master said, ‘Let his words be sincere and truthful, and

his actions honourable and careful ;—such conduct may be practised

- among the rude tribes of the South or the North. If his words be 2, How Conrucrvus AIMED AT THE KNOWLEDGE | stood as spoken with reference to the dissatis-

OF AN ALL*PERVADING Unity. This chapter is to| faction manifested by Tsze-li in chapteri. If

be compared with IV. xv; only, says Cha Hsi, | he had possessed a right knowledge of virtue, ‘that is spoken with reference to practice, | he would not have been so affected by distress. and this with reference to knowledge.’ But} 4 How SHun WAS ABLE TO GOVERN WITHOUT

the design of Confucius was probably the same ‘ hi in them both; and I understand the first PERSONAL BERORD “NS a » ‘made himself

paragraph here as meaning—‘Ts‘ze, do you| reverent.’ iE By Tite ‘correctly adjusted think that I am aiming, by the exercise of| i, southwards face;’ see VI. i. Shun suc_ Memory, to acquire a varied and extensive) .oqing Yao, there were many ministers of knowledge?’ Then the grd paragraph is equi- great virtue and ability to occupy all the offices valent to :—'T am not doing this. My aim is to) oF the government. All that Shun did was by Know myself, — the nd which embraces all nis grave and sageexample. This is the lesson, knowledge, and regulates all practice. 18 18| __the influence of a ruler’s personal character. the view of the chapter given in the H ari :—} 5. CoNDUCT THAT WILL BE APPRECIATED IN ALL

= — . | PARTS OF THE WORLD. 1. We must supply a

a4 — ae 7 2. SP 5 ¥B., This good deal to bring out the meaning here. Chi chapter teaches that what is valuable in learn- | Hsi compares the question with that other of ing isthe knowledge of that whichisimportant,’ | Tsze-chang about the scholar who may be called 8. FEW REALLY KNOW VIRTUE. This is under- 3 ; see XII. xx. 2, AF may be regarded as

296 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. Xv.

F 3H B47 4T LZ fT, Joss FZ ’ wk, 40 Fay edt AC ME FR Oo

ii PA HN Pw ON ’

< ZB api) — a>’ ’ b al a | Te FA " L: ‘IN » = : LD eB ls | Prse, mr gay PR | BT J sub ny FS set» SE,eH’ tL ’ Nae es El. ie Tap BI GS 4H 3B I He LH

| oO daavd o

rx AT 48 7A im #8, Fe TE RAAT

TH CIR | IR SLATED J x, O ax va AL _ v i. , —_ be FU Berg | Be SO) EN not sincere and truthful, and his actions not honourable and careful, will he, with such conduct, be appreciated, even in his neighbour-

hood?

3. ‘ When he is standing, let him see those two things, as it were,

fronting him. When he is in a carriage, let him see them attached to the yoke. Then may he subsequently carry them into practice.’ 4. Tsze-chang wrote these counsels on the end of his sash. Cuap. VI. 1. The Master said, ‘Truly straightforward was the historiographer Yii. When good government prevailed in his State, he was like an arrow. When bad government prevailed, he was like an arrow. 2. ‘A superior man indeed is Chii Po-yii! When good government prevails in his State, he is to be found in office. When bad government prevails, he can roll his principles up, and keep them in his breast,’ another name for the | 4 XK, the rude tribes ; generally styled Shih Ch'ia. On his deathbed, Hi he left a message for his prince, and gave orders on the North (III. v). 2500 families made uP that his body should be laid out in a place and a iN and 25 made upa A, but the meaning | manner likely to attract his attention when he

of the phrase as is that given in the translation. | paid the visit oes desired It was 80, effect. and the . __ | message then delivered hadofthe 3 Hf y ‘them,’1. * such words and actions. Perhaps it was on hearing this that Confucius

. Ay ,

Let him see them He VA BY ‘before him, | made this remark. Wn Fe; ‘as an arrow,’ 1.e. with himself making a trio.’ $1 is properly | straight and decided. 2, Chii Po-yii,—see XIV.

‘the bottom of a carriage,’ planks laid over | **V}- A = HE: ye hin Wet OF — 1s to wheels, a simple ‘hackery,’ but here it=‘a| be understood as referring to ‘his principles,’ Carriage. 4 Rif denotes the ends of the sash up and keep himself to himself,’ i.e. he kept

‘oa? or perhaps the clause =‘ he could roll himself

that hang down. aloof from office, Commentators say that Tsze6. THE ADMIRABLE CHARACTERS OF TSZE-¥€ | yd’suniform straightforwardness was not equal

* Do_vis ‘ona. | to Po-yii’s rightly adapting himself to circum-

ann CHU Po-yt. 1, F- Fil was the designa stances.—Chwang-tsze continually mentions tion of FR -F the historiographer of Wei, ! Tsing Shan and Shih Yii together.

CH, X.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 297

EES SRAE SN lm oe) Ta TN le geet aT ET MAT

7BACAR reYWFE» ABH E , Y , RH FT OAT 3 oO

B& ZB LA aad , 3 | ae A BEHEEVEABRS ah an on oe » Vy Ba I

Ft BAT KAD » Hr ’ ih ih

H, Via 7 = | oak Xr a~ Xr

AT Ha KEL WK Fe i,Be Bd 47T B tee ABZ

~ Zh a =UF eB

Cuap, VII. The Master said, ‘When a man may be spoken with, not to speak to him is to err in reference to the man. When a man may not be spoken with, to speak to him is to err in reference

to our words. The wise err neither in regard to their man nor to their words.’

Cuap. VIII. The Master said, ‘The determined scholar and the man of virtue will not seek to live at the expense of injuring their virtue. They will even sacrifice their lives to preserve their virtue complete.’

Cuap. IX. Tsze-kung asked about the practice of virtue. The

Master said, ‘The mechanic, who wishes to do his work well, must

first sharpen his tools. When you are living in any State, take service with the most worthy among its great officers, and make friends of the most virtuous among its scholars.’ Cuap. X. 1. Yen Yiian asked how the government of a country should be administered. 2. The Master said, ‘Follow the seasons of Hsi4. 7. THERE ARE MEN WITH WHOM TO SPEAK, AND|‘ They will kill themselves.’ No doubt suicide

MEN WITH WHOM TO KEEP SILENCE. THE WIsE|is included in the expression (see K‘ung An-

= -+,»_| kwo's explanation, given by Ho Yen), and Con-

KNOW THEM Ie me AY be translated, liter fucius here justifies that act, as in certain cases ally and properly,—‘ to lose our words,’ but in| expressive of high virtue.

English we do not speak of ‘losing men.’ 9. How INTERCOURSE WITH THE GOOD AIDS THE 8. HIGH NATURES VALUE VIRTUE MORE THAN] PRACTICE OF VIRTUE. Compare ‘Iron sharpeneth

LIFE. The two different classes here are much| iron ; so a man sharpeneth the countenance of

the same as in IV. ii. The first word of the| his friend.’

second sentence may be naturally translated—{| 10, CERTAIN RULES, EXEMPLIFIED IN THE ANCIENT

298 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. Xv.

AP(see 7 + a Pp FI AL = Set No 4 : = ro ya ks AXHH oF ° ay FHF T 5k FR Seazen Bd~)AFi, #8i)A, OA or = Zo d ’BY Hl |Fy

y=_—=

7s rr ne ie PSC HF =f OE PERO , 3ad¥ | BP+5

’ ) d Ais ) 4» Fee ,

. wt) ~e. a 4Sa v@ s ie wy AN A ry ae TK al Jal

3. ‘ Ride in the state carriage of Yin. 4. ‘ Wear the ceremonial cap of Chau. 5. ‘Let the music be the Shao with its pantomimes. 6. ‘ Banish the songs of Ching, and keep far from specious talkers. The songs of Chang are licentious; specious talkers are dangerous.’

Cuap. XI. The Master said,‘If a man take no thought about

what is distant, he will find sorrow near at hand.’

CHap. XII. The Master said, ‘It is all over! I have not seen

one who loves virtue as he loves beauty.’

Cap. XIII. The Master said, ‘Was not Tsang Wan like one who had stolen his situation? He knew the virtue and the talents DYNASTIES, TO BE FOLLOWED IN GOVERNING :—Aa| dynasty was plain and substantial, which Con-

REPLY TO YEN YUAN. 1. The disciple modestly |fucius preferred to the more ornamented one put his question with reference to the govern-| of Chau. 4. Yet he does not object to the more elegant cap of that dynasty, ‘the cap,’ says Cha

ment of a State (Ff), but the Master answers Hsi, ‘ being a small thing, and placed over all it according to the disciple’s ability, as if it had| the body.’ 5. The shdo was the music of Shun; been about the ruling of the kingdom (C5; K see ITI. xxv. SF ,—the ‘dancers,’ or ‘ pantoTL). 2. The three great ancient dynasties| ™Mimes,’ who kept time to the music. See the began the year at different times. According Shu-ching, II. ii. a1. 6. [ei Fiz ‘the sounds to an ancient tradition, ‘Heaven was opened | of Chang,’ meaning both the songs of Chang, 1e ti -&E d : and the music to which they were sung. Those at the time F ; Earth appeared at the time songs form the 7th book of the 1st division of the FE; and Man was born at the time ea. -F- Shih-ching, and are here characterized justly.

. ; yarn CAUTION.

commences in our December, at the winter sol-| 11. THE NECESSITY OF FORETHOUGHT AND PRE-

stice ; hea month later ; and yee] amonthafter; 19 Tue pantry oF A TRUE LOVE OF VIRTUE.

HE. The Chau dynasty began its year with in RR SPA, —see V. xxvi; the rest is a repeti-theSh ‘th -LE: and the Hsia with “am, | tion of IX. xvii, said to have been spoken by

F: ° ang Ww? TE: anne Stew ps Confucius when he was in Wei and saw the

As human life thus began, so the year, in| guke riding out openly in the same carriage

reference to human labours, naturally proceeds | with Nan-tsze. from the spring, and Confucius approved the; 19 Agarnsr JEALOUSY OF OTHERS’ TALENTS :-— rule of the Hsia dynasty. His decision has been | mr cAsE oF TSANG Wan, anp Hor or Lro-ns14.

the law of all dynasties since the Ch‘in. See ; . .

the ‘ Discours Preliminaive, Chap. I,’ in Gaubil’s Tsang Wan-chung,—see V. xvii. Bk AT. 18

Shi-ching. 3. The state carriage of the Yin! explained—‘as if he had got it by theft, and

CH. XVII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. | 299

2 (az) = AS sad Wea ae ee , = 3m O H » = na (—4—] NK. (—4—)

TAHA 47 Eh—y».K ABABA yb A> » AY es

Ld ATE | TE DN SL

Ribas ABH I ys é/iu> Vise me tm RI

Fe aaa) PS 0 o

pe 2 ti aw a = en mw) iy /40' a Ze |H Hy, d| —=ziBk i v oy yi H 15 » PX. ®

of Hadi of Lid-hsia, and yet did not procure that he should stand with him in cour.’

Cuap. XIV. The Master said, ‘He who requires much from himself and little from others, will keep himself from being the object of resentment.’ Cuap. XV. The Master said, ‘When a man is not 2m the habit of

saying—“ What shall I think of this? What shall I think of this?” I can indeed do nothing with him!’ Cuap, XVI. The Master said, ‘When a number of people are together, for a whole day, without their conversation turning on righteousness, and when they are fond of carrying out the suggestions of a small shrewdness ;—theirs is indeed a hard case.’

Cuap. XVII, The Master said, ‘The superior man in everything considers righteousness to be essential. He performs it according to

the rules of propriety. He brings it forth in humility. He completes it with sincerity. This is indeed a superior man. secretly held possession of it. Tsang Wan | TAKE THINGS EASILY, NOT GIVING THEMSELVES THE

would not recommend Hii because he was an | TROUBLE TO THINK. Compare VII. viii. abler and better man than himself. Hii is a] 16. AGAINST FRIVOLOUS TALKERS AND SUPER-

famous name in China. He was an officer of “ .

La, so styled after death, whose name was non SPECULATORS. ChU explains Hit RR

JE 56, and designation . He derived his 3 by ‘they have no ground from which to revenue from a town called Lid-hsia, or from calamity’ He 'Y ane given Ching’s explana. i. hee he Weneailicine Ik ornanging ae nee ie tion, ‘ they will never complete anything.’ Our which made him be called Lia- Se NUL “U1 | nearly literal translation appears to convey the that lived under the willow-tree.’ See Mencius, | meaning. ‘A hard case,’ i.e. they will make

II. Pt. i. chap. 9. | nothing out, and nothing can be made of them.

14. THE way TO WARD OFF RESENTMENTS. =e 17. THE CONDUCT OF THE SUPERIOR MAN IS it is said, is here ‘to require from,’ and not ‘to | RIGHTEOUS, COURTEOUS, HUMBLE, AND SINCERE.

reprove.’ 21 is explained by Cha Hsi by ‘ the substance 15. NoTHING CAN BE MADE OF PEOPLE WHO |and stem ;’ and in the ‘Complete Digest’ by

:FE = 1 =] 9? —= —* —t- a a FX ER SE ih

300 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. Xv.

zk #£ £ EMEF

tot furs Vv IT WX, jh mw) xe 2 nv ®-

~» )

D

HKU te 3 vxXs»CU H yrary» A

Cuap. XVIII. The Master said,‘The superior man is distressed by his want of ability. He is not distressed by men’s not knowing him.’

Cuap. XIX. The Master said, ‘The superior man dislikes the thought of his name not being mentioned after his death.’

Cuap. XX. The Master said, ‘What the superior man seeks, is in himself. What the mean man seeks, is in others. - Cuap., XXI. The Master said, ‘The superior man is dignified, but does not wrangle. He is sociable, but not a partizan.’

Cuap. XXII. The Master said, ‘The superior man does not

promote a man simply on account of his words, nor does he put aside good words because of the man.’

‘foundation.’ The z istranslation ee ig o ee ea RE &; : allantecedent his life.to ialletthethe sug-

25 oF oe the thing, whatever it be, done gested by the use of the phrase in the ‘ Great rignteously. Learning’ keep its place. 18. OUR OWN INCOMPETENCY, AND NOTOURREPU-| 00. Hig OWN APPROBATION IS THE SUPERIOR

Seo XIV. xxx Th of « ‘iL OF CONCERN TO US. | wan’s RULE. 'THE APPROBATION OF OTHERS IS THE

19, THE SUPERIOR MAN WISHES TO BE HAD IN ae L “Tee eempare AN. _ ” IGNIFIED AXD REMEMBRANCE, Not, say the commentators, | ,ppanie, WITHOUT THE FAULTS TO WHICH THOSE

that the superior man cares about fame, but gu ALITIES OFTEN LEAD. Compare II. xiv and

fame is the invariable concomitant of merit. _ ur. He cannot have been the superior man, if he be| VII. Xxx. 2. ine 1S here = tf Ul FF i ’ not remembered. 14% Et, —see TK ‘grave self-maintenance.’ | 22. THE SUPERIORin MAN IS DISCRIMINATING IN HIS II. In the {ii =P H a and many other | EMPLOYMENT OF MEN AND JUDGING OF STATFMENTS.

CH. XXV.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS., 301

>} yA — = 9 > |g -Bia —ti-

A Ea AT = Hyraes za Ce | Pr »— } xa =|yA

7 | £E ct | Fi __ : J RZ 1H — Att KALA GA iy Tu wn yey BT ’ Ay ’ =F YSIT AG

H wo —. rm RB, A

= . : | ’ xR1NN C£. AIR EA: ys vy Oo

’ | On AS XL msYWAWABS oy CPa = “EC ti Lhd mate Fit — Lx wae AA RS a =z ’ dtu >

o = Hh, wh J = fe 4 » VW Cuap. XXIII. Tsze-kung asked, saying, ‘Is there one word

which may serve as arule of practice for all one’s life?’ The Master said, ‘Is not RECIPROCITY such a word? What you do not want done to yourself, do not do to others.’

Cuap. XXIV. 1. The Master said, ‘In my dealings with men, whose evil do I blame, whose goodness do I praise, beyond what is proper? If I do sometimes exceed in praise, there must be ground for it in my examination of the indiidual. 2. ‘This people supplied the ground why the three dynasties pursued the path of straightforwardness.’

Cuap. XXV. The Master said, ‘Even in my early days, a

historiographer would leave a blank in his text, and he who had a horse would lend him to another to ride. Now, alas! there are no such things.’ 23. THE GREAT PRINCIPLE OF RECIPROCITY Is | Sumes the KN of the 1st paragraph, which the

THE RULE OF LIFE. Compare V.xi. It issingular oa. ur. that Tsze-kung professes there to act on the th, indicates, in YU is to be taken as = ‘the principle here recommended to him. Altruism ’ A= may be substituted for reciprocity. reason why, and 4 FJ asa neuter verb of general

24. CONFUCIUS SHOWED HIS RESPECT FOR MEN | application. — AR: ‘the three dynasties,’ BY STRICT TRUTHFULNESS IN AWARDING PRAISE OB | with special reference to their great founders,

CENSURE, — 1. I have not marked ‘beyond what} and the principles which they inaugurated.— is proper’ with italics, because there is really | The truth-approving nature of the people was that force in the verbs— EY and Fak. ‘Ground a rule even to those sages. It was the same to for it in my examination of the individual ; ’— “O5, Tren ANCES OF THE DEGENERACY oF Con-

i.e. from my examination of him I believe he|rucrus’s rrmzs. Most paraphrasts supply a will yet verify my words. 2. pe Fe tH, , re- FA, after 2 ;—‘ even in my time I have seen.’

,=x|

302 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. Xv.

=|}+t [+] 4 +e + fe 2c FE Eel DS A dT OAT

j aH j 3H j Fay aS j BwAawtAa RAAB » Hy J, ’ ys »4Es .

| =] » ILD 4 me WS ’YZ >‘

RT AA FF OR By

H 3 »B’ va»aha o WL d oth

Cuap. XXVI. The Master said, ‘Specious words confound virtue. Want of forbearance in small matters confounds great plans.’

Cuap. XXVIII. The Master said, ‘When the multitude hate a man, it is necessary to examine into the case. When the multitude like a man, it is necessary to examine into the case.’ Cuap. XXVIII. The Master said, ‘A man can enlarge the principles which he follows; those principles do not enlarge the man.’

Cuap. XXIX. The Master said, ‘To have faults and not to _

reform them,—this, indeed, should be pronounced having faults.’

Cuap. XXX. The Master said, ‘I have been the whole day — The appointment of the historiographer is re-| has the three virtues of knowledge, benevolence, ferred to Hwang-ti, or ‘The Yellow sovereign,’ | and fortitude, wherewith to pursue that path, the inventor of the cycle. The statutes of Chau| and so he enlarges it. That virtue remote, occumention no fewer than five classes of such| pying anempty place, cannot enlarge man, needs

officers. They were attached also to the feudal oe bn? . courts, and what Confucius says, is that, in his not to be said.’ That writer § account of =)

early days, a historiographer, on any point here is probably correct, and duty unappre-

about which he was not sure, would leave a hended,’ ‘in an empty place,’ can have no effect

blank ; so careful were they to record only—truth. appreh nded but ths tle waleelevating puis paty —_— rehended is constantly enlarging, rt Ape yi extends on to AR iB Zy Zy’| and energizing multitudes, who had previously This second sentence is explained in Ho Yen :| been uncognizant of it. The first clause of the —‘If any one had a horse which he could not| chapter may be granted, but the second is not tame, he would lend it to another to ride and | in accordance with truth. Generally, however,

‘se it! it !’—Th rs man betruth considered measurewhich of the exercise ° commentator Hamay H KR) in morals as andthe metaphysics he

says well, that the meaning of the chapter must | holds; but after all, systems of men are for the eepecieliy) uncertainty (the second part of it) most part beneath the highest capacities of the

’ model the Chiin-tsze.

26. THE DANGER OF SPECIOUS WORDS, AND OF 29. Tue CULPABILITY OF NOT REFORMING KNOWN

IMPATIENCE, AN x aA is not ‘a little im-| FauttTs. Compare I. viii. Chia Hsi’s commenpatience,’ but impatience in little things ; ‘the oe, appears to make oe meaning somewhat hastiness,’ it is said, ‘of women and small| ‘ferent. He says:— If one having faults can

people.’ change them, he comes back to the condition 9%. In JUDGING OF A MAN, WE MUST Nor BE| Of having no faults. But if he do not change GUIDED BY HIS BEING GENERALLY LIKED or pis-| ‘em, then they go on to their completion, and

LIKED. Compare XIII. xxiv. will never come to be changed.’

28. PRINCIPLES OF DUTY AN INSTRUMENT IN THE] .54>,.q." Compare IL xv, where the depend:

HAND orman. This sentence is quite mystical | ence of acquisition and reflection on each other

in its sententiousness. The ed =+ says :—| is set forth. Many commentators say that Con-

. . ._ | fucius merely transfers the things which he here

Nz] here is the path of duty, which all men, in| mentions to himself for the sake of others, not their various relations, have to pursue, and man | that it ever was really thus with himself.

a = | | NZ ZA ZEB,

CH, XXXIL.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 303

Boy Abesp ME El FP iL, El dn OK

Me LaF FORJ RF — PF IN BE Fe

& An Int UA PE te FZv Nha, BYRe . DK AF> ie ZZ\ IR ) he) AG)| HB ’\‘ wa ) ’ » ’ o/s / HE uy VEE Da“EC SHR kh

—s » =—t“fe heV YW Z Z, Fy —~- a

1 AE All R a x HL, Xx OS

WK Ze Boe ot |

WHE FEB FR rey tae a Zy Ai Hu Zn oN V

without eating, and the whole night without sleeping :—occupied with thinking. It was of no use. The better plan is to learn.’ Cuap. XXXI. The Master said, ‘The object of the superior man is truth. Food is not his object. There is ploughing ;—even in that there is sometimes want. So with learning ;—emolument may be found in it. The superior man is anxious lest he should not get truth; he is not anxious lest poverty should come upon him.’ Cuap. XXXIT. 1. The Master said, ‘When a man’s knowledge

is sufficient to attain, and his virtue is not sufficient to enable him to hold, whatever he may have gained, he will lose again. 2. ‘ When his knowledge is sufficient to attain, and he has virtue enough to hold fast, if he cannot govern with dignity, the people will not respect him. 3. ‘ When his knowledge is sufficient to attain, and he has virtue

enough to hold fast; when he governs also with dignity, yet if he try to move the people contrary to the rules of propriety :—full excellence is not reached.’

81. THE SUPERIOR MAN SHOULD NOT BE MER-| apt. Is the emolument that sometimes comes CENARY, BUT HAVE TRUTH FOR HIS OBJECT. Hore with learning a calamity like famine ? The

again we translate NEI by ‘truth,’ as the best. contrast of the two cases is not well main-

tor that ofr. Bronger’—wank “Want, 82, How srowunnes wrnmovr wares 1s xo bandry is the way to plenty, and yet a famine| pRiery. 1. Here the various chih and the

may be in thesometimes midst of ploughing,’—i. = SHOULD ADD DIGNITY RULES OF PRO« or scarcity occurs. Thee¢.application| two first in theAND otherTHE paragraphs have le,

of this to the case of learning, however, is not| or principle, for their reference. In Ho Yen,

wre , | O Le O »

304 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. Xv.

Bgl FB te el a AS

na mn S Fl Ake RAK A AA, BaABKR BAK 5a | » DO\ i, HL. =A 7K ra m a Ir KTtI ’JHwh ’v yVv KK

y BA Ir SSAAD a,

ae BL ct {- 1) Y )|» By

Cuap. XXXIII. The Master said, ‘The superior man cannot be

°e’

known in little matters; but he may be intrusted with great concerns. The small men may not be intrusted with great concerns, but he may be known in little matters.

Cuar, XXXIV. The Master said, ‘ Virtue is more to man than either water or fire. I have seen men die from treading on water and fire, but I have never seen a man die from treading the course

of virtue.’

Cuap, XXXV. The Master said, ‘Let every man consider virtue as what devolves on himself. He may not yield the performance of it even to his teacher.’ however, Pao Hsien says:—‘A man may |knowledge be small, and he may be trusted

. “Ly oan . is shallow and near. He will let his know-

have knowledge equal to the management of with what is great. The way of the hsido-zin his office (A H EF ) but if he have mo ‘ ledge be small, and he may not be trusted with

virtue which can hold it fast, though he get it, | what is great.’ |

he will loge it.’ 2. In iL ae and By 2. 34. VIRTUE MORE TO MAN THAN WATER OR FIRE, below, 2. 44 Fe =, ‘the ZL. have Fé, or | AND NEVER HURTFUL TO HIM. Fe is here = A:

. ° = > é é 3 ° VI

people, for their reference.’ 3. The phrase—'‘to| "man, asin Yi. xx. Fe a IR 4h.— move the people’ is analogous to several others, | ‘the people’s relation to, or dependence on, virtue.’ The case is easily conceivable of men’s

such as By a ’ oe ae a. x) ‘to drum suffering death on account of their virtue. There the people,’ ‘to dance them,’ ‘to rouse them.’ | have been martyrs for their loyalty and other $3. How To KNOW THE SUPERIOR MAN AND THE | virtues, as well as for their religious faith. Cha

MEAN MAN; AND THEIR capacities. Cha Hsi|want Hsiprovides this difference hisremarks . ‘The of firejorand water is in hurtful only:—to

says— Fi ’ 5K ari ) ‘the knowing here man’s body, but to be without virtue is to lose

is our knowing the individuals.’ The ‘little | one’s mind (the highernature), and so it is more matters’ are ingenious but trifling arts and |to him than water or fire.’ See on IV. viii. accomplishments, in which a really great man| 385. VIRTUE PERSONAL AND OBLIGATORY ON may sometimes be deficient, while a small man |,, Th . onles . will be familiar with them. The knowing’ is EVERY MAN * ° old interproters take (=| ™

not that the parties are chiin-tsze and hsido-zan, the sense of ‘ought.’ Cha Hai certainly imbut what attainments they have, and for what | proves on them by taking it in the sense of i=}

they on this view,Sir

308 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. XVI.

aJboy Hohsted) Aim ab we ‘\A’ ’ ) uM EB , YBYDA ] Tt Sh KER AA Ey » AY AYB: Yee FF KF “t He

slit ni Y, CLK EH i ‘4»5n

—_ ’wr wRAS" » } ii 9. » Q Fatt HO a SF fA, fi Jad dUasd v .% | ’wPro

Ti HAi H iu) 1A,

8. Zin Yt said, ‘ But at present, Chwan-yii is strong and near to Pi; if owr chief do not now take it, it will hereafter be a sorrow to

his descendants.’

9. Confucius said, ‘ Ch'id, the superior man hates that declining to say—“I want such and such a thing,” and framing explanations Jor the conduct.

10. ‘I have heard that rulers of States and chiefs of families are not troubled lest their people should be few, but are troubled lest they should not keep their several places ; that they are not troubled with fears of poverty, but are troubled with fears of a want of contented repose among the people in their several places. For when the

people keep their several places, there will be no poverty ; when harmony prevails, there will be no scarcity of people ; and when there is such a contented repose, there will be no rebellious upsettings. 11. ‘So it is—Therefore, if remoter people are not submissive, all very active, in the Chi service. 4. It was the|tive of sacrificing. The chief of Chwan-yii prerogative of the princes to sacrifice to the | having this, how dared an officer of La to think here was the chief of Chwan-yti, royally ap- of attacking him ° The bt is used of his re

hills and rivers within their jurisdictions ;— . en . . . . . gs S lation to the king. Cht Hsi makes the phrase pointed (the ‘former king’ is probably BX: the oo _

second sovereign of the Chau dynasty) to be the = RK . Ef. a minister of the ducal

lord of the Mang mountain, that is, to preside | house,’ saying that the three families had over the sacrifices offered to it. This raised | usurped all the dominions proper of La, leavhim high above any mere ministers or officers|ing only the chiefs of the attached States to of La. The of mountain in tne present | appear in the ducal district Pi, inMang theisdepartment of I-chau. It|.court. age I’prefer ’ the former was called eastern, to distinguish it from another interpretation. 45 Wy 4k Fix must be - of the same name in Shen-hsi, which was the | understood with reference to the Chi. See

western Ming. #. AE Fi BY 2. FA Wang Yin Chih on Wei as a ah. Hy. where this is mentioned, to show that Chwan-yu was | he quotes this text (2nd chapter of his treatise

SO situated as to give La no oveasion for appre- on the Particles). 5. 5 -F-, our ‘master,’ hension. — ae Pe Z Ei, aminister of the |; . the chief of the Chi family. 6. Chau Zan altars to the spirits of the land and grain.’ To/|is by Chai Hsi simply called—‘a good historio-

those spirits only, the prince had the preroga-|grapher of ancient times. Some trace him

’ » i . VY. 3 Y7-,’

CK. I.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 309

fE Pir HFMH HeUKH DS K 2u wa. + me, sy He Th xB Na | »’.wN ’ > @ Cc

o,8

UL, inl ZF ite FO8: AB, RE OQ rt Aids jiOe » Hil Ri, van iaht Hale im UL, Lan ZB the influences of civil culture and virtue are to be cultivated to attract them to be so; and when they have been so attracted, they must be made contented and tranquil. 12. ‘Now, here are you, Yd and Cli'rd, assisting your chief. Remoter people are not submissive, and, with your help, he cannot attract them to him. In his own territory there are divisions and downfalls, leavings and separations, and, with your help, he cannot preserve it. 13. ‘And yet he is planning these hostile movements within the State.—I am afraid that the sorrow of the Chi-sun family will not be on account of Chwan-yii, but will be found within the screen of their own court.’

back to the Shang dynasty, and others only | place.’ From this point, Confucius speaks of the to the early times of the Chau. There are| general disorganization of La underthe manage-

other weighty utterances of his in vogue,| ment of the three families, and especially of

besides that in the text. 7. Chai Hsi ex- . va

plains Pe by Hy 2, ‘a wild bull.’ The

the Chi. By 3 XK we can hardly under-

eas yeas stand the people of ox, Chwan-yii. 11.onPhe dictionary says it is like an andforce, goes to is . ; to | os y, | be understood with a hiphil ‘to make to describe it as ERXe ; LeHE vs ws come, ‘to‘one-horned.’ attract.’ ra.The ys Ay HEEA, ARE n fs, says that i and EE are different terms | ys, Ju sf are to be understood of the HeadI of the.Chi for ;the same animal, i.e. the the rhinoceros, can.- family, as controlling government of Li, not think that Ey here is the living tortoise. | and as being assisted by the two disciples, so that the

That would not be kept in a ee or ‘coffer,’ | reproof falls heavily onthem. 13. LE 7a

like a gem. Perhaps the character is, by mis- LZ. Py, - Chi Hsi simply says Fe a ji

take, for =. 9. The regimen of Te extends a. nes ; th, ‘hsido-ch‘iang means a screen.’ In the

down to the end of the paragraph. Kas In| dictionary, after Ho Yen, hsido in this pasXI, xxiv. FR OZ. eis the same idiom as Fa sage = ee, ‘reverent,’ and a alone means 2. se, V. vii. 10, Confucius uses the term | ‘screen,’ and the phrase is thus explained :— ; ‘ Officers, on reaching the screen, which they Fa here with reference to the ik in par. 8.| had only to pass to find themselves in the prelitv’ =aH AY > sence of| their ruler, were to become }4:a,equality. 7a -#t TF EL Af means more reverential ;’ andsupposed hence, the expression in —‘ every one getting his own proper name and | the text = ‘among his own immediate officers,’

310 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. XVI.

Keep WwEat w® Wesbee

Prw | Fi —Tt., An _ t A mi, Te fF ae FL d : 43a AH, =a)a> ~

vz

Al ke ar FAR A WE BOK

TTTsV’v ’ )

FER HRA RAK YP A. 6 RE HK OH HE OA KAR HK B TK HG, v

Ook 5, ad=1 ea) O rom ?~

Cuap. I]. 1. Confucius said, ‘When good government prevails in the empire, ceremonies, music, and punitive military expeditions proceed from the son of Heaven. When bad government prevails in the empire, ceremonies, music, and punitive military expeditions proceed from the princes. When these things proceed from the princes, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in ten generations. When they proceed from the Great officers of the princes, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in five generations. When the subsidiary ministers of the Great officers hold in their grasp the orders of the State, as a rule, the cases will be few in which they do not lose their power in three generations. 2. ‘When right principles prevail in the kingdom, government will not be in the hands of the Great officers. 3. ‘When right principles prevail in the kingdom, there will be no discussions among the common people.’ 2. THE SUPREME AUTHORITY OUGHT EVER TO! on which the sovereign might order such exMAINTAIN ITS POWER. THE VIOLATION OF THIS RULE | peditions. On the royal prerogatives, see the

ALWAYS TO RUIN, WHICH IS SPEEDIER ASHA XXVIII. _ RK > THE RANKLEADS OF THE VIOLATOR IS LOWER.—lIn these i , wa a. 38hhere utterances, Confucius had reference to the dis- | ‘generally speaking,’ ‘as a rule.’ Pry Ea = organized state of the kingdom, when ‘the son | s%. , es , Lr of Heaven’ was fast becoming an empty name, | AX =e ‘family ministers. 3] fayy are the the princes of States were bondage again to their | at same as the previous 38, 4iF 4X, but Great officers, andin those the mercy ofie;, Z

their family minist : w=] 4uy. having been usurped thebyprinces, and they now oar FATAMY TAMISNOrS. 7A i v2] iw 3&2’ | again snatched fromby them their officers, —compare XIV. i. 4iF 4X are to be taken| can no longer be spoken of as royal affairs, but

together, as in the translation. We read of/ only as 2. H, ‘State matters.’ 3. ax four 4iE: i.e. expeditions,—east, west, north, |) — Fi, a ‘private discussions ;’ i.e, about and south; and of nine 4%; i, e. nine grounds |! the state of public affairs.

CH, V.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 311

=ZAXKBDSZABE (=) ’ ’ eel

ey —FR te Tk TF — = fF 20 AWAS it RFR, A ’ A 4aatyA, aaa. 4uk 4a Ke —e ’ 0 » fi A AW KES

1\

Be Te AB BRAC Fie FR EC Te

7— KJA= =~ — =A TRF Iie — eH Pe SK, MAR ie a o Rf, mm, AQ, —= Ly “ook

Cuap. III. Confucius said, ‘ The revenue of the State has left the ducal House now for five generations, The government has been in the hands of the Great officers for four generations. On this account, the descendants of the three Hwan are much reduced.’

Cuap. IV. Confucius said, ‘‘lhere are three friendships which are advantageous, and three which are injurious. Friendship with the upright ; friendship with the sincere; and friendship with the man of much observation :—these are advantageous. Friendship with the man of specious airs; friendship with the insinuatingly soft ; and friendship with the glib-tongued :—these are injurious.’

Cuap. V. Confucius said, ‘There are three things men find

enjoyment in which are advantageous, and three things they find enjoyment in which are injurious. To find enjoyment in the discriminating study of ceremonies and music; to find enjoyment in 8. ILLUSTRATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF THE Last , Wan (4L), wa (ph), Ping (=), and Hwan

CHAPTER. In the year B.c.killed, 609,and at the deatheeofthe| ;;,—~ Soe =; duke Wan, his rightful heir was the (HE). +f fe Sh, IIT.thxxvi.

son of a concubine raised to the ruler’s place.| 4. THREE FRIENDSHIPS ADVANTAGEOUS, AND

He is in the annals as duke Hsiian (‘), and | THREE INJuRIOUS. In the 11] = it is said—

after him came Ch‘ang, Ch‘do, and Ting, | — \ 45° in whose time this mustHsiang, have been spoken. =K PEARS fAFu TE=>a Fp These dukes were but shadows, pensionaries of ia 53 F- R A: ‘after — RK , the chartheir officers, that that it might be1ssaid “sal Fa‘to have revenueGreat had gone from them.so Observe | 2¢ter Re alwaysthe verbal andbal = 2%, here and in the preceding chapter {H- is used | *ntercourse with.” , it is as well to translate the

for‘areign.’ ‘The three Hwan’ are the three term by ‘friendship’ throughout. ae is ‘sinfamilies, as being all descended from duke| cere,’ without the subtractions required in Hwan ; see on II. v.— Chu Hsi appears to have F : _, fallen into a mistake in enumerating the four XIV. xvill. 3, XV. nia {§fi, here ‘2 BAY heads of the Chi family who had administered | ‘ practised.’ ae ca = aie Fe 2. L ‘aes the government of Lai as Wa, Tao, Ping, and |;, o.a1fuiness in bein g bland.’ @ Hwan, as Tao (psi) died before hisfather, and | 5. THREE SOURCES OF ENJOYMENT ADVANTAGEOUS,

would not be said therefore to have the govern- | AND THREE INJURIOUS. Here we have be with

mentin his hands. The right enumeration is three pronunciations and in three different

a=,|

312 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XVI.

(A)LL —=bHa bt. PB eel tt TL EF BR AG IL BR, O /RhY) >> é vd d d

is ’ j ss «6 j Si H, RK AR ZA

RA BCR Fee |AF BEf&mZHK ‘A » Beh

kead we 2M’ HA Hea BZ’ BAAOBA —_— 3) [= » Esa ’.sS

speaking of the goodness of others; to find enjoyment in having many worthy friends:—these are advantageous. To find enjoyment in extravagant pleasures ; to find enjoyment in idleness and sauntering ; to find enjoyment in the pleasures of feasting :—these

are injurious.’ |

Cuap. VI. Confucius said, ‘There are three errors to which

they who stand in the presence of a man of virtue and station are liable. They may speak when it does not come to them to speak ;— this is called rashness, They may not speak when it comes to them to speak ;—this is called concealment. They may speak without looking at the countenance of their superior ;—this is called blindness.’

Cuap. VII. Confucius said, ‘There are three things which the superior man guards against. In youth, when the physical powers

°°e°?

meanings. The leading word is read do, 4th | of rank and virtue.’ ‘Without looking at the tone, in,’ as in or VI. not.—The xxi. | countenance,’—i. et see whether he isispaying ey‘to| have +. ‘enjoyment . 3 attention general principle that In We i, it is yo, ‘music.’ The two others there isa time to speak. Let that be observed, are 3%, lo or lé, ‘joy,’ ‘to delight in.’ fi} nie and these three errors will be avoided.

| oo | 7, THE VICES WHICH YOUTH, MANHOOD, AND AGE

criminate ;’ ‘to mark the divisionsof.’ The idea y

a, —fi = fii “& — (ses)

AKPro SSo 35.58 7? Lt Fe pe Ae J ) X ¥L* suv sur HH ¥L Xr i

is ae. : rik ANS A j FF ee

Hue AaRAR Zz, HRA HMA An -P au> JR? sur Sh. 1A »aeLuby ieee ho et WA Hn We /) my#5>~S HR Tr. x : i?1 | JAA ZK o FI 4, ftNM

LRvfeWoW A Mt RO ED ) »sy o Un

feAw SE» 4uu» Je, AG ’ » 4aBL

Those who are dull and stupid, and yet compass the learning, are another class next to these. As to those who are dull and stupid and yet do not learn ;—they are the lowest of the people.’ Cap. X. Confucius said, ‘The superior man has nine things which are subjects with him of thoughtful consideration. In regard to the use of his eyes, he 1s anxious to see clearly. In regard to the

use of his ears, he 1s anxious to hear distinctly. In regard to his countenance, he is anxious that it should be benign. In regard to his demeanour, he is anxious that it should be respectful. In regard to his speech, he is anxious that it should be sincere. In regard to

his doing of business, he is anxious that it should be reverently careful. In regard to what he doubts about, he is anxious to question others. When he is angry, he thinks of the difficulties (his anger may involve him in). When he sees gain to be got, he thinks of righteousness.’

Cuap. XI. 1. Confucius said, ‘Contemplating good, and pursuing it, as if they could not reach it; contemplating evil, and shrinking from it, as they would from thrusting the hand into boiling water :—I have seen such men, as I have heard such words,

2. ‘Living in retirement to study their aims, and practising learn with painful effort,’ although such effort | oNE oF THE HIGHEST CAPACITY HAD APPEARED

will be required in the case of the ; AMONG THEM. 1. The two first clauses here and

‘i in the next paragraph also, are quotations of

10. NINESUBJECTS OF THOUGHT TO THE SUPERIOR | o]d sayings, current in Confucius’s time. ‘Such MAN :—VARIOUS INSTANCES OF THE WAY IN WHICH men’ were several of the sage’s own disciples.

HE REGULATES HIMSELF. of thefor»their “Htaims fe , ;°; _1. e. text contrasts here with the verbosity ofThe the | *conciseness re SH. Ay? seeking

translation, and yet the many words of the| meditating on them, studying them, fixing

latter seem necessary. them, to be prepared to carry them out, as in 11. THE CONTEMPORARIES OF ConFUCIUS CcouLD | the next clause. Such men among the ancients ESCHEW EVIL, AND FOLLOW AFTER GOOD, BUT No| were the great ministers { Yin and T‘ai-kung.

a 2 _ aa >

CH. XIII] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 315

SwiAgFT Lae ’ Ft~—s ’we >enellhnnt (aeeVY I , carne

Ay, fF Se Dea et BP Bahl 2

He As ies iedFA fe] T JLom OPHE SEE ep |A Haq Ok Sewu) SE’ BrGam ZeHA O O AN — Ar SR IDG th ALR VvitsNe DPW ’ jJ , ) NYY" = 5 °9) mA A Ma Ls 1=' sa»Dida » JntT2LY

= 6 py / 4p Si HT | i. Tess -H Uiner BRMA

Hy =] > ee > ’ »v =e en Be ro OY) O ota \ »eon Oowhb

aay Ut, A, Bd Be AA BD, aN re 2 Vv

righteousness to carry out their principles :—I have heard these words, but I have not seen such men.’

Cuap. XII. 1. The duke Ching of Chi had a thousand teams, each of four horses, but on the day of his death, the people did not praise him for a single virtue. Po-i and Shi-ch'i died of hunger at the foot of the Shau-yang mountain, and the people, down to the present time, praise them. 2. ‘Is not that saying illustrated by this ?’

Cuap. XIII. 1. Ch'tin K’ang asked Po-yii, saying, ‘Have you

heard ?’ |

heard any lessons from your father different from what we have all

2. Po-yii replied, ‘No. He was standing alone once, when I

passed below the hall with hasty steps, and said to me, “ Have you

learned the Odes?”” On my replying “Not yet,” he added, “If you do not learn the Odes, you will not be fit to converse with.” I retired and studied the Odes.

Such might the disciple Yen Hai have been, timent of this.—The duke Ching of Ch‘i,—see but an early death snatched him away before | XII. xi. Po-i and Shi-ch‘i,—see VI. xxii. The he could have an opportunity of showing what | mountain Shau-yang is to be found probably in

was in him. the d t t of AN in Shan-hsi 12. WEALTH WITHOUT VIRTUE AND VIRTUE © Gepartment 0 ri] Hh tm pmanens!

WITHOUT WEALTH ;—THEIR DIFFERENT APPRECIA-| 13, CoNFUCIUS’S INSTRUCTION OF HIS SON NOT

tions. This chapter is plainly a fragment. As| DIFFERENT FROM HIS INSTRUCTION OF THE DISCI-

it stands, it would appear to come from the} PLES GENERALLY. 1. Ch‘in K‘ang is the Tszecompilers and not from Confucius. Then the|ch‘in of I.x. When Confucius’s eldest son was ond paragraph implies a reference to something | born, the duke of La sent the philosopher a

which has been lost. Under XII. x, I have| present of a carp, on which account he named referred to the proposal to transfer to this place | +p, : d the last paragraph of that chapter which might the child ie (the carp), and afterwards gave be explained, so as to harmonize with the sen-' him the designation of 44 A. FAK a

316 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. { BK. XVI.

KABA--—VWUF ae [==] O » aii ’ fi | O AL, did

ay64lbAed KOZ =, ———) Bi By d | ih LA Z iexe be Tu HEJL AC= hh FH AA SerNpeWY de i=We fe)ae e)

’ AN ’ FA Ae Ye = We A, B

A PR YF bl itn 52 A Be, fe

dy A, fe ove ’ ’ A a eo) ee ’ Ay AY)ese dans Mex re) isn = Ne, » & mrt

3. ‘Another day, he was in the same way standing alone, when I passed by below the hall with hasty steps, and said to me, “ Have you learned the rules of Propriety?” On my replying “ Not yet,” he

Propriety. |

added, “If you do not learn the rules of Propriety, your character cannot be established.” I then retired, and learned the rules of 4. ‘I have heard only these two things from him.’ 5. Ch'in K‘ang retired, and, quite delighted, said, ‘I asked one

thing, and I have got three things, I have heard about the Odes. I have heard about the rules of Propriety. I have also heard that the superior man maintains a distant reserve towards his son.’

Cuap. XIV. The wife of the prince of a State is called by him FU-ZAN. She calls herself Hs1do Tune. The people of the State call FE ei f., ‘Have you also (i.e. as being his; band’s equal.’ The Fe in Fe Kis taken as son) heard different instructions?’ 2. On 34 =k, ‘to support,’ ‘to help,’ so that that

—j-’ ] ia wr ( ° . PY

here, and me next paragraph, see on VII. xvii. | designation is equivalent to ‘help-meet.’ Ta Before aS 4. here and below, we must sup- | means either ‘a youth,’ or ‘a girl.’ The wife

, 1. VIIL viii, 4. The force modestly calls herself AW FA» the little girl. piy® H.- 3+ py B9° vie & a | The old interpreters take—most naturally— of the FF is to make the whole = ‘ what I have At Fe As 8 2. Fx: JA jiour prince’s heard from him are only these two remarks.’| },41)-meet,’ but the modern commentators take

5. Confucius is, no doubt, intended by AT -F A adjectively, as = es with reference to the

but it is bestFORtoTHEtranslate it | generally. Gi .over‘ the. internal . 14. APPELLATIONS WIFE OF A RULER, Office of the wife to ‘ preside This chapter may have been spoken by Con-| economy of the palace.’ On this view HR fucius to rectify some disorder of the times, + . , om but there is no intimation to that effect. The mR is ‘the domestic help-meet.’ The ambas-

different appellations may be thus explained :—| sador of a prince spoke of him by the style of

Zt is sie me HR SS, ‘she who is her hus- y= A, ‘our prince of small virtue.’ After

CH. I.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 317

KF Oy BE FB OF SE FR,

d Aw aw

her cHUn FO-ZAN, and, to the people of other States, they call her K'WA HSIAO CHUN. The people of other States also call her cHUN FU-ZAN. that example of modesty, his wife was styled | had no reason to imitate her subjects in that, to the people of other States, ‘our small prince | and so they styled her—‘ your prince’s helpof small virtue.’ The people of other States | meet,’ or ‘ the domestic help-meet.’

%=

BOOK XVII. YANG HO.

—=. Fk&BT CH IL Tile A’ AA oT IL Bebe |Mm Ar a a UL V »Fh, IB, 1H .>.’ ’OR FL SF ff, AA

DP eee eS \ BA ie O_. An —I—o Oe a BE, Se ete TOLL AH 28 nH"4 Mey J

Bg 3 >)

Cuaprer I. 1. Yang Ho wished to see Confucius, but Confucius

would not go to see him. On this, he sent a present of a pig to

e e e bd

Confucius, who, having chosen a time when Ho was not at home, went to pay his respects for the gift. He met him, however, on the way.

2. Ho said to Confucius, ‘Come, let me speak with you.’ He then

asked, ‘Can he be called benevolent who keeps his jewel in his HEADING OF THIS Ei 1,OF CoNFUCIUS’S POLITE DIGNIFIED TREAT; DoBooK.— yam MENT A POWERFUL, BUTBUT USURPING AND UN-

menced with the presumption of the Head o P . .

‘Yang Ho, No. 17..—As the att ot dof WORTHY, OFFICER. 1. Yang Ho, known also as the Chi family, who kept his prince in subjec- Yang Ha Oe) was nominally the principal tion, this begins with an account of an officer, | minister of the Chi family, but its chief was who did for the Head of the Chi what he did | entirely in his hands, and he was scheming to for the duke of La. For this reason—some | arrogate the whole authority of the State of Lia similarity in the subject-matter of the first| to himself. He first appears in the Chronicles chapters—this Book, it is said, is placed after | of Lu, acting against the exiled duke Chao; in

the former. It contains 26 chapters. B.C. 505, we find him keeping his own chief,

3) Fr. » = Sue BH ~~ ee! WA » ae | ig d

318 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (ek. XVI.

jan Aa A Fe SL et -F, whe

A ME 32 PERF re) ’RAK ’

=A avo HO¥ |%, OFA|Oto. v Dy ~ Hh —v xH O W WE bosom, and leaves his country to confusion?’ Confucius replied, ‘No. ‘Can he be called wise, who is anxious to be engaged in public employment, and yet is constantly losing the opportunity of being so?’ Confucius again said,‘No.’ ‘The days and months are passing away; the years do not wait for us.’ Confucius said, ‘Right;

eeebd e e53 e

I will go into office.’

re

Cuap. II. The Master said, ‘ By nature, men are nearly alike; by practice, they get to be wide apart.’ Cuap. III. The Master said, ‘There are only the wise of the highest class, and the stupid of the lowest class, who cannot be changed.’

}=

Chi Hwan, a prisoner, and, in 501, he is driven | MEN ARE CHIEFLY OWING TO HABIT. PE, it is

out, on the failure of his pr sper a fugitive contended, is here not the moral constitution into Ch " At the ime wae the _“ xio ng to of man, absolutely considered, but his complex, this chapter occurred, Yang Ho vee nx1 f actual nature, with its elements of the material, Bet, a appear a See ene ae eetin “hat the the animal, and the intellectual, by association on oe a pkr nny am he ado ead the ex. with which, the perfectly good moral nature is pedient of sending him a vig at a time when coninualy being i d assay. oe oral ate fare Confucius was net a home, the ee oe Ore organism and disposition do differ in different a present toa g colar and re letter was not individuals, they are, at first, more nearly alike in his house on its arrival, he had to go to the than they subsequently become. Inthe =t Sit officer’s house to acknowledge it. See the Li| we read :—‘ The nature is the constitution rei. XI. Sect. iii. 20. +3 in the sense of ceived by man at birth, and is then still. While ‘to prosent hood pre oi Che ‘one a soot it it has not been acted on by external things, men Confucius, however, was not to be entrapped. | #Fe all like one another; they are UE: After He also timed (Hep as a verb) Hii’s being away | it has been acted on by external things, then practice forms, as it were, a second nature. He from home (Ty); and went to call on him. | who practises what isgood, becomes the superior 2. ye “Ht Ff, ‘deludes, confuses, his country,’ man; and hewho practises what is not good, be-

: ; is the same in all, an ough the materia

3‘°7°=

| 2 es — it is true that many— perhaps

but the; meaning is only negative, = ‘ leaves his on feta a ‘te t nak eae 7A as

country to confusion. t, In this| 4th most—of the differences men arewith owing tone, ‘frequently.’ HAfee_ a—all to habit. This chapter is among incorporated the

; ae San Tsze Ching at its commencement.

is to be taken as the remark of Yang Ho, and @! 3 Oxiy Two CLASSES WHOM PRACTICE CANNOT

FI supplied before H , 53 Bid ; Ha, in| cHANGE. This is a sequel to the last chapter with the dictionary, and by the old interpreters, is} which it is incorporated in Ho Yen’s edition. here explained, as in the translation, by 4X, The case of the aS et would seem to be incon-

‘to wait for.’ sistent with the doctrine of the perfect good2. THE DIFFERENCES IN THE CHARACTERS OF | ness of the moral nature of all men. Modern

CH. V.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 319

feel Fey A eae] tk Dae, TSE BE Keefe IL 2K ’ Ny 47oF Ail Bg 4+ ase O Pri —FFete 3 Sy 3 AE , a FU = | >> : iB a BE HI A 7) 3 Pr Oo » omen, Py — = RY, ze O3 LS a Tr Dy De HL J’ a’Kit ’ aeNHv)» F’ 3» Ae A, Hil F \ A » a | ’ ’ Al xz (ss) » —— Ea, ab oe zt Bez

= —- i

Cuap. IV. 1. The Master having come to Wd-ch‘ang, heard there the sound of stringed instruments and singing. 2. Well pleased and smiling, he said, ‘Why use an ox-knife to

kill a fowl 2 |

3. Tsze-yti replied, ‘Formerly, Master, I heard you say,—“ When the man of high station is well instructed, he loves men; when the man of low station is well instructed, he js easily ruled.” 4. The Master said, ‘ My disciples, Yen’s words are right. What I said was only in sport.’

Cuap. V. 1. Kung-shan F-zéo, when he was holding Pi, and

in an attitude of rebellion, invited the Master to visit him, who was rather inclined to go.

2. Tsze-lii was displeased, and said, ‘Indeed you cannot go!

Why must you think of going to see Kung-shan?’ commentators, to get over the difficulty, say | 3rd tone) Ey ‘smilingly.’ ‘An ox-knife,’ a

that they are the A Fk # and Ey ae # large instrument, and not necessary for the

of Mencius, IV. Pt. I. x. death of a fowl. Confucius intends by it the

4, HOWEVER SMALL THE SPHERE OF GOVERNMENT, | high principles of government employed by

THE HIGHEST INFLUENCES OF PROPRIETIES AND/Tsze-yi. 3. aA -F- and AW KM are here in-

MUSIC SHOULD BE EMPLOYED. 1. Wt-ch‘ang was 5

in the district of Pi. Tsze-yi appears as the| dicative of rank, and not of character. By (i commandant of it, in VI. xii. AY. , ‘the silken | cay easily employed,’ i. e. Fe Ap 4 -f. string of a musical instrument,’ used here tor ‘they rest in their lot, and obey their superiors.’

Sringed instruments generally. In the ATi 4... = ¥-, as in VII. xxiii, ef al. Observe A ot ener town ‘to name Me (a4) the force of the final Hy, = ‘only.’

rom its position, precipitous and favourable to military operations, but Tsze-ya had been ote GO. TO GED ive prin CONFUCIUS Was IN-

able, by his course, to transform the people, and ? ‘RINCIPLES CARRIED INTO make them change their mail and helmets for | PFACTICE. Kung-shan Fu-zao, called also Kung-

stringed instruments and singing. This was| shan Fa-nit (FE); by designation -F- YF , was what made the Master glad.’ 2. ie (read hwan, | a confederate of Yang Ho (ch. i), and according

320 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK, XVII.

Ya) el Hoe oy, 5, AE A Be GE tt 2.>yr. » Fey H ply ry A» Aw

\ A y \ ) AY) fe)

HE Bk’ iy? (5, fA,HAR Wr 7Be voHe UYHE BA) ll Hl $e ae 47 PA Al 2 2 fa

By avy an , ByA +Ht.ARK JE A Bil {- 0 »

ya hAeFB ee

Ai ary y EF, ’ Y»

WHA PIL Bh

A, PE, ‘A, ZN, K j " 4 ze ’ Ke Pri Art srGh

3. The Master said, ‘Can it be without some reason that he has invited ME? If any one employ me, may I not make an eastern Chau 2’

Cuap. VI. ‘Tsze-chang asked Confucius about perfect virtue. Confucius said, ‘ To be able to practise five things everywhere under

heaven constitutes perfect virtue. He begged to ask what they were, and was told, ‘Gravity, generosity of soul, sincerity, earnestness, and kindness. If you are grave, you will not be treated with

disrespect. If you are generous, you will win all. If you are

sincere, people will repose trust in you. If you are earnest, you will accomplish much. If you are kind, this will enable you to employ the services of others.’

to K‘ung An-kwo, and the H i it was after | to Fi-zio, while its reference below is more the imprisonment by them, in common, of Chi| general. The 5; in FA Zt: and #z., are emHwan, that Fu-zdo sent this invitation to Con- phatic. The original seat of the Chau dynasty fucius. Others make the invitation subsequent lay west from La, and the revival of the printo Ho’s discomfiture and flight to Ch‘i. See the ciples and government of Wan and Wa in La, FEAR ey 5p Ke: B.C. 501. We must con-| or even in Pi, which was but a part of it, might clude, with Tsze-la, that Confucius ought not | ™ake an eastern Chau, So that Confucius would to have thought of accepting the invitation of perform the part of king Wan.—After all, the

==6

such aman, 2. The first and last the se aTHE not go to Pi, ¢ ° 2. VEare THINGS PRACTICE OF WHICH CON-

verb, A FE. Ac ra th C There STITUTES PERFECT VIRTUE. ik K ay ‘in

isww no |going there is not.’=4uy tee : ’ , gee coh ththere. underIndeed heaven’ is simply ‘anywhere. 15 WA Uy KK ZL th; Wey RUSE MN Ore Bij mN {4..-f- , in 4th tone, is explained be going to CZ here = to) that (such 1s the force .

> by Cha Hsi by ffir tk: ‘to rely upon,’ a mean-

of KR) Kung-shan?” 3. KR 44 KK ry | ing of the term not found in the dictionary. & is to be taken here as referring expressly! See XX. i. 9.

\>

ya a tee! & hy [sae WN Wig Ae Ht,’ fits Bk We a A, tbe ’ ’ , = mi = oe, He iW, th, PO Be sR DO oO . a he Hh 5. a v iN ’ Aw ’ Ir wi 5 A EX’ A IAN ’ ft+

CH, VII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. d21

. } ss — An 5 ok. y AS

BIL th af © »FPR J war a iFea Oo

Cuap. VII. 1. Pi Hsi inviting him to visit him, the Master was inclined to go.

2. Tsze-li said, ‘Master, formerly I have heard you say, “ When a man in his own person is guilty of doing evil, a superior man will not associate with him.” Pi Hsi is in rebellion, holding possession of Chung-mau ; if you go to him, what shall be said 2’ 3. The Master said, ‘ Yes, I did use these words. But is it not said, that, if a thing be really hard, it may be ground without being

made thin? Is it not said, that, if a thing be really white, it may be steeped in a dark fluid without being made black ?

4. ‘Am I a bitter gourd! How canI be hung up out of the way of being eaten?’ 7. CONFUCIUS, INCLINED TO RESPOND TO THE AD-| taken interrogatively, as in the translation.

VANCES OF AN UNWORTHY MAN, PROTESTS AGAINST] p-__, ; as

HIS CONDUCT BEING JUDGED BY ORDINARY RULES. | *178'S paraphrase is— J. Las X =e ‘do not

Compare chap. v; but the invitation of Pi Hsi 9? Za 7

was subsequent to that of Kung-shan Fi-zao, mon Bay" Es > vay a’ Is a thing and after Confucius had given office in La, | hard, may then, dhe. 18 PEP ano pack paren a\ TT.3 _|inupwater, which beWick used to dye a blac I. THB (read Pi) Hsi was commandant of Chung colour.’ The application of these strange promau,Tsin. for the chief of hit Esuperiority, family, in theState |incapable yerbial sayings isof to Confucius himself, as, fromby of his being affected ue? Bue2.Hy Tes H = Af evil communications. 4. This paragraph is

—‘he who himself, in his own person, does _— "

what is not good.’ xX J\ according to | Variously explained. By some, 2H JI\ is taken K‘ung An-kwo, =r A nD y ‘does not/ _« Am I, like such and such a star, to be hung enter his State ;’ according to Cha Hsi, it= | up, &c.?’ But we need not depart from the Xe Nn “+ ‘ie, ‘does not enter his party.’ | Proper meaning of the characters. Cht Hsi,

. A c as the name of a star; so that the meaning is

~~ LY) ; ; e

There were two places of the name of Chung-| With Ho Yen, takes xX Ee actively :—‘ A mau, one belonging to the State of Chang, and | gourd can be hung up, because it does not need

‘1 ( Be “ah ig| to eat. But I must go about, north, south

the other to the State of Tsin ( = | ) which is east, and west, to get food.’ This seems to me

that intended here, and is referred to the very unnatural. The expression is taken paspresent district of ve [iar department of FAY | sively, as in the translation, in the H ei ile , in Ho-nan province. 3. aS FI is to be! and other Works.

— | O > d ’ Te srs fe) ’

322 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [ BK. XVII.

mmRRRRRKeE KE =k 7 =

J?» 2 Hy a, HL HH, aemr We

FE, fil, WH, WK, BA A KF A >

HE AEa_i RE Oo a—RE

Mw) 3 fa EB AF . 1 “iB » XK ERR BB

aN ee , em EP ee, Hh, Aw He EEBN Ht BN “HtBIN “HtDN “Hts xe — Pr PrN Hi = Cuap. VIII. 1. The Master said, ‘ Yd, have you heard the six words to which are attached six becloudings?’ Yd replied, ‘I have not.’

2. ‘Sit down, and I will tell them to you.

3. ‘There is the love of being benevolent without the love of learning ;—the beclouding here leads to a foolish simplicity. There is the love of knowing without the love of learning ;— the beclouding

here leads to dissipation of mind. There is the love of being sincere

without the love of learning ;—the beclouding here leads to an injurious disregard of consequences. There is the love of straightforwardness without theislove of learning ;—the pecouding here leads to rudeness. There the love of boldness without the love of learning ;—the beclouding here leads to insubordination. There is

the love of firmness without the love of learning ;—the beclouding here leads to extravagant conduct.’ 8. KNOWLEDGE, ACQUIRED BY LEARNING, IS; sume his seat. 3. I give here the paraphrase NECESSARY TO THE COMPLETION OF VIRTUE, BY | of the A SH on the first virtue and its be-

PRESERVING THE MIND FROM BEING BECLOUDED. re ; ;

t= Tiate , _ . | clouding, which may illustrate the manner in

LW Fh >» —F-) The six TG 2F° §!* | which the whole paragraph is developed :—‘ In ? Zn. _| all matters, there is a perfectly right and uncharacters ;" see the if A They are, there changeable principle, which men ought carefore, the benevolence, knowledge, sincerity, | fully to study, till they have thoroughly exstraightforwardness, boldness, and firmness, amined and apprehended it. Then their actions mentioned below, all virtues, but yet each,when | Will be without error, and their virtue may pursued without discrimination, tending to be- be perfected. For instance, loving is what rules

} s \ inbenevolence. It is certainly a beautiful vir-

cloud the mind. tate = DEE FE: ‘to cover and | tue, but if you only set yourself to love men, screen ;’ the primary meaning of it is said to be and do not care to study to understand the

‘ ll plants.’ d SIU , | principle benevolence, then your mind AW LF small plants, 2.git i =" down. | beofbeclouded by that loving, and you willwill be

Tsze-lai had risen, according to the rules of pro- | following a man into a well to save him, so that

. priety, to give his answer; see the Li Chi, I. | both he and you will perish. Will not this be Sect. I. ili. 4. 21; and Confucius tells him to re- | foolish simplicity ?’

=e

CH. X.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 323

YE. » =

ieee ae RA Ab J, 9 H i, 44 A nh OH Oey A aa Ee 343 0S (soe

By RR ‘Y

’

Go Yo » Oo Oo y } He Si wa Oy’ Ar »| 40d Jin NO ’ HH Ay @ 4H Emke RAZYUER \ »

A Bi |itayAy Vv“Bs AbbAh o>Ald oO oF

AY) - My H |

Cuap. 1X. 1. The Master said, ‘My children, why do you not study the Book of Poetry ? 2. ‘The Odes serve to stimulate the mind. 3. ‘They may be used for purposes of self-contemplation. 4. ‘They teach the art of sociability. 5. ‘They show how to regulate feelings of resentment.

6. ‘From them you learn the more immediate duty of serving one’s father, and the remoter one of serving one’s prince. 7. ‘From them we become largely acquainted with the names of birds, beasts, and plants.’

Cuap. X. The Master said to Po-yu, ‘Do you give yourself to the Chau-nan and the Shao-nan. The man who has not studied the Chau-nan and the ShAo-nan, is like one who stands with his face right

against a wall. Is he not so?’ 9, BENEFITS DERIVED FROM STUDYING THE Book | the titles of the first two Books in the Songs of

or Porrry. 1. AN -F- ;—see V. xxi, VIII. iii. | the States, or first part of the Shih-ching. For I translate ay here by ‘the Book of Poetry,’| 7, i. and I. ii. They are supposed to inculcate because the lesson is supposed to have been| important lessons about personal virtue and given with reference to the compilation of the family government. Cha Hsiexplains FR by

_ ,| the meaning of the titles, see the Shih-ching,

Odes. The

324 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XVII.

oa Fe)

WIN

WwoA,A A,PRK, 2, 2k, A o FI, Ay NyA, F4y By EA

3 ie ne a Je a wN~N L's He Jit, yy BB A Wes »ee . :funY —> rife ’ » i9 re fe ig + JS Uy O =

Cuap. XI. The Master said, ‘“It is according to the rules of propriety,” they say.—‘ It is according to the rules of propriety,” they say. Are gems and silk all that is meant by propriety? “Itis music,” they say.—“ It is music,” they say. Are bells and drums all that is meant by music ?’ Cuap. XII. The Master said, ‘He who puts on an appearance of stern firmness, while inwardly he is weak, is like one of the small,

mean people ;—yea, 1s he not like the thief who breaks through, or climbs over, a wall 2’

Cuap. XIII. The Master said, ‘Your good, careful people of the villages are the thieves of virtue.’ Cuap. XIV. The Master said, ‘ To tell, as we go along, what we have heard on the way, is to cast away our virtue.’ 11. Ir Is NOT THE EXTERNAL APPURTENANCES| 13, CONTENTMENT WITH VULGAR WAYS AND WHICH CONSTITUTE PROPRIETY, NOR THE SOUND OF | VIEWS INJURIOUS TO VIRTUE. See the sentiment

INSTRUMENTS WHICH CONSTITUTES MUSIC. ne of this chapter explained and expanded by Men-

* . v —_— é

>-- ji He x itl BF, ‘as to what they |¢ius VIL Pt. IL. xxxvii. 7, 8 JA, 4th tone, say is propriety.’ The words approach the| the same as je. See the dictionary, character quotation of a common saying. So Be Zy: jt. BE. as in XIV. xlvi, though it may be Having thus given the common views of pro-| translated here, as generally, by the term

priety and music, he refutes them in the ques- | , thief.’ ,

tions that follow, Be and. nits being present| 14, SwirrnEss TO SPEAK INCOMPATIBLE WITH to the mind as the expressions of respect and | THE CULTIVATION OF VIRTUE. It is to be under-

harmony. stood that what has been heard contains some 12, THE MEANNESS OF PRESUMPTION AND PusIt-| good lesson. At once to be talking of it with-

LANIMITY CONJOINED. fi, is here not the coun| ©anrevolving it, and striving to practise it, shows indifference to our own improvement.

tenance merely, but oe ce oot E appear: Wf is ‘the way’ or ‘road.’ ae is the same the L ry A chow moh o a FR, and ‘way,’ alittle farther on.—The glossarist on Ho

e latter clause shows emphatically to whom ’ _ sO

among the low, mean people, the individual Yen's work explains fifa XZ, HE as MeanIns spoken of is like—a thief, namely, who is in| ‘is what the virtuous do not do,’ But this is

constant fear of heing detected. evidently incorrect.

CH. XVI.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 325

. A NX '

=>

HH, BRFt HEee ASdud gel Te Be KR fi ae aE om 5 nai tfia HH,Zz. Ht,Wa. | ~ Was

AZ,BX BE kA Ht,FAB = mn an

ii z EL Ra He AS 2b Hy SE He hah tA » TF Joos FJ LAN

RAY A Le A He HK nie Zz AE Ls Fe Xr EB TF HI

ZW GW RZ A ! d — O fe} ’ RaW APR us JupCT > dtd Cuap. XV. 1. The Master said, ‘There are those mean

creatures! How impossible it is along with them to serve one’s prince!

2. ‘While they have not got their aims, their anxiety is how to

get them. When they have got them, their anxiety is lest they

should lose them. 3. ‘ When they are anxious lest such things should be lost, there is nothing to which they will not proceed.’

Cuap. XVI. 1. The Master said, ‘ Anciently, men had three

failings, which now perhaps are not to be found. 2. ‘ The high-mindedness of antiquity showed itself in a disregard

of small things; the high-mindedness of the present day shows itself in wild license. The stern dignity of antiquity showed itself in grave reserve ; the stern dignity of the present day shows itself in quarrelsome perverseness. The stupidity of antiquity showed

|_ 9°yae Pyaar ; .) \; ° . )

itself in straightforwardness; the stupidity of the present day shows itself in sheer deceit.’ 15. THE CASE OF MERCENARY OFFICERS, AND HOW | withthem. 2. The 2. here, and in par. 3, are IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO SERVE ONE’S PRINCE ALONG} al] to be understood of place and emolument.

wre OE TEAS Fee star nue or Cowocna ts je, cbodiy

=Zk, i.e. “together with. Sd HEE OR sickness,’ here used metaphorically for ‘ errors,’

HE HR AY BL FH BL BE =s coon vioos”” Bie EE ST eds ‘perhaps

felt lamentation on the unfitness of such per-j| there is the absence of them.’ The next para-

sons to be associated with.’ So, the {fe graph shows that worse things had taken their But as the remaining paragraphs are all occu- | Place. 2. That Et is only ‘a disregard of pied with describing the mercenaries, we must | smaller matters,’ or conventionalisms, appears understand Confucius’s object as being to con-| from its opposition to ve, which has a more

demn the employment of such creatures, rather

than to set forth the impossibility of serving! intense signification than in chap. vill 4,

326 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XVII.

FHRRLEBGARAEE ->ilu v4 ’i>ITN ont © [aae!

me AT |] aU} A| A Ad = : FE TY) BY ’ ’ aAY : 4G 7, Fat LF fe) LL, fe)

NK a.$k $8 GL y iA, ¥ ae

| He H Hi] dad Ze Ate Zz W

amomme a Ye Rh =dYY = ra dry FI ro Ho . oo) xX ) rin

A AQ’ ’

Cuap. XVII. The Master said, ‘ Fine words and an insinuating appearance are seldom associated with virtue.’ Cuap. XVIII. The Master said, ‘I hate the manner in which

purple takes away the lustre of vermilion. I hate the way in which the songs of Ching confound the music of the Ya. I hate those who with their sharp mouths overthrow kingdoms and families.’

Cuap. XIX. 1. The Master said, ‘I would prefer not speaking.’ 2. Tsze-kung said, ‘If you, Master, do not speak, what shall we, your disciples, have to record 2’

3. The Master said, ‘Does Heaven speak? The four seasons

pursue their courses, and all things are continually being produced, but does Heaven say anything ?’ as in XV. xxi, also with an intenser meaning. | designation for ‘a State,’ the fay. or kingdom

. Be, ‘an angular corner,’ which cannot be im- of the prince, embracing the Re ‘ families

pinged against without causing pain. It is used , . c for ‘purity,’ ‘modesty,’ but the meaning here | °T clans,’ of his great officers. For we here

S

appears to be that given in the translation. have Ff. 17. A repetition of I. iii.

19. THE actions oF CoNFUCIUS WERE LESSONS

18. ConFUCIUS'S INDIGNATION AT THE WAY IN| AND LAWS, AND NOT HIS WORDS MERELY. Such is

WHICH THE WRONG OVERCAME THE RIGHT. & the scope of this chapter, agcording to Cha Hsi

< ess F800 X. vi. 2, as ‘a and his older commentators ; _ that itKeisisahere caution to School. men The to pay attentionsay to

correct ” colour, though it is not among the five | their conduct rather than to their words. This such colours mentioned in the note there. yy interpretation is far-fetched, but, on the other I have here translated—‘ purple.’ ‘ Black and | hand, it is not easy to defend Confucius from the carnation mixed,’ it is said, ‘give Lae ‘The | charge of presumption in comparing himself to

songs or sounds of Chang,’—see XV. x. ‘The| Heaven. 3. K Any J et: ‘Does Heaven yd,’—see on IX. xiv. [a] Fe is a common speak,’—better than ‘what does Heaven say ?’

CH, XXI.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 327

RR FEE PA HH 38 ie, [7] TL Ee oe ee— ESE it No » DIA NheSear " V J Vl Sei A: ji Wr BA, ¢ ard 0. ° » Zr) y Ly Sz WK EE AR] BE AE L amy ’ A Pye aN ARE R= T= SH st ——— Wi, AF = 4e FL d dKEee)

2y».

AX ny 7

K HY SEZ ? . ’ v Oo d I Al fy J, WE

aad ; > ) oh a ARax ’ Ar36 eC

Cuap. XX. Za Pei wished to see Confucius, but Confucius declined, on the ground of being sick, to see him. When the bearer — of this message went out at the door, (the master) took his lute and sang to it, in order that Pei might hear him. Cuap. XXI._ 1. Tsai Wo asked about the three years’ mourning for parents, saying that one year was long enough. 2. ‘If the superior man, said he, ‘abstains for three years from the observances of propriety, those observances will be quite lost. If for three years he abstains from music, music will be ruined. 3. ‘Within a year the old grain is exhausted, and the new grain has sprung up, and, in procuring fire by friction, we go through all the changes of wood for that purpose. After a complete year, the mourning may stop. 4. The Master said, ‘If you were, after a year, to eat good rice, and wear embroidered clothes, would you feel at ease?’ ‘I should, replied Wo. 20. How ConFucius couLD BE ‘NoT AT HOME,’ | I translate the last . by him, but it refers AND YET GIVE INTIMATION TO THE VISITOR OF HIS ° . PRESENCE. Of Zt Pei little is known. He was generally to the preceding sentence, and might

a small officer of La, and had at one time been | Pe left untranslated. ;

in attendance on Confucius to receive his in-| 21. THE PERIOD OF THREE YEARS MOURNING FOR structions. There must have been some reason | PARENTS ; IT MAY NOT ON ANY ACCOUNT BE SHORT-

—some fault in him—why Confucius would not | enep ; THE REASON OF IT. 1. We must understand

see him understand on the occasion in on thethat text ; and thatbetore ‘ther —~, before = 4I vrefer. bef he might that it was ac-|* = either or, as preter, Detore

count, and not because he was really sick, that ae a

he declined his visit, the sage acted as we are Hy, which is read chi, in 1st tone, the same

told ;—see the Li Chi, XVIII. Sect. II. i. 22. , : It is said that his fault was in trying to see as at, XIII.x, On the three years mourning,

the Master without using the services of an/|gsee the 35th Book of the Li Chi. Nominally internuncius CS ay SF) -—see XIV. xlvii. | extending to three years, that period compre-

i. S ,

328 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. XVII.

AC Tk OZ, a -OSE IR fe’ AE » ANS

th K = x —— oWA An | fl he = 4A BAK Ft,O FE’BR OA, A RF OF a>» » OQ AHR KZA Q’

’’

— HC Ate Hh & J C in y y Bl jE ’ »

5. The Master said, ‘If you can feel at ease, do it. But a superior man, during the whole period of mourning, does not enjoy pleasant food which he may eat, nor derive pleasure from music which he may hear. He also does not feel at ease, if he is comfort-

ably lodged. Therefore he does not do what you propose. But now you feel at ease and may do it.’

6. Tsti Wo then went out, and the Master said, ‘This shows Yii's want of virtue. It is not till a child is three years old that it is allowed to leave the arms of its parents. And the three years’ mourning is universally observed throughout the empire. Did Yi enjoy the three years’ love of his parents 2’ hended properly but 25 months, and at most HE A: ‘In boring with the I to get fire,

27 months. 2. ie Zi KN Hy >= - we have changed from wood to wood through

T finds h for hi ’ th the trees appropriate to the four seasons.’ 4. Sree OES 8 EASON, SINS OM ie S22 | Coarse food and coarse clothing were appro-

necessity of ‘human affairs.’ 3. IL Zi K priate, though in varying degree, to all the —_—, _ | period of mourning. Tsze-wo is strangely inHey = Z- he finds here a reason for his| sensible to the home-put argument of the view in ‘the seasons of heaven.’ BK means | Master. i) is to be understood here as ay either ‘a piece of metal,’—a speculum, with 2. =e x, ‘the most excellent grain.’ The which to take fire from the sun, or ‘a piece of ; wood,’ with which to get fire by friction or KR are demonstrative. 6. am ie 2. Xe ‘boring’ ($#). It has here the latter mean- tH, responds to all that has gone before, and ing. Certain woods were assigned to the several | forms a sort of apodosis. Confucius added, it is

seasons, to be employed for this purpose, the said, the remarks in this paragraph that they

elm and willow, for instance, to spring, the date might be reported to Tsai Wo (called also Tsze-

: wo), lest he should ‘ feel at ease’ to go and do

and almond trees to summer, &c. cif ie as he said he could. Still the reason which the

_ ’ Master finds for the statute-period of mourning

BY K = FF KBR, LF pu for parents must be pronounced puerile.

HI . + 4] =+E ——= dtr a) (2A 4 PAE Ba

CH, XXIV.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 329

’ » ’ d Li, im AA YOR BS ts HE LAF Dy a A’

A Ah ih FAR bP IKBday I seeases A Oe v vyBA Dapy BXkB = , v “ j \ ss 3 ON FS |Y E J pr S Dy TE JG fal “f“FyJETia HyAy TeH’ v

+ e) ’ ’ OVE Jd) EZK DBF BR

Cuap. XXII. The Master said, ‘Hard is it to deal with him, who will stuff himself with food the whole day, without applying his mind to anything good! Are there not gamesters and chessplayers ?

To be one of these would still be better than doing nothing at all.’

Cuap. XXIII. Tsze-lQ said, ‘Does the superior man esteem valour?’ The Master said, ‘The superior man holds righteousness to be of highest importance. A man in a superior situation, having valour without righteousness, will be guilty of insubordination ; one of the lower people, having valour without righteousness, will commit robbery.

Cuap. XXIV. 1. Tsze-kung said, ‘Has the superior man his hatreds also?’ The Master said, ‘He has his hatreds. He hates those who proclaim the evil of others. He hates the man who, 22. THE HOPELESS CASE OF GLUTTONY AND IDLE-| 23. VALOUR TO BE VALUED ONLY IN SUBORDINA-

> ar: TION TO xvi. RIGHTEOUSNESS } ITS CONSEQUENCES APART NESS. —XV. andThe 44 are HE Fe ak’ 1 AS . | FRom THat. first two’Ay -F- are to be

two things. To the former I am unable to give dof Wo. a name; but see some account of it quoted in under stoo ° the MAD SUPOTLOE iL Vir tue. The

n _|as its correlate.

the 4 ae, in loc. Ap is ‘to play at chess,’ third brings in the idea of rank, with AN AN of which there are two kinds, —the | KE, 24, CHARACTERS DISLIKED BY CONFUCIUS AND

played with 361 pieces, and referred to the|TszE-Kune. 1. Tsze-kung is understood to have ancient Yao as its inventor, and the Ke tH, intended Confucius himself by ‘the superior

or ivory chess, played with 32 pieces, and man. iit 5 here in the sense of ‘class. pf having a great analogy to our European game. in — | A. 2. mn , ‘men of low station.’ Its invention isattributed to the emperor Wi, of Ey we the later Chau dynasty, in our 6th century. It| 1 pas -F- BIS AR TiN sp the force of AR was probably borrowed from India. Fe he is to oppose Hid to yt, ‘hatreds,’ to ‘ loves.’ — C. refers to {i AK. yay for Hes. as in| 2. Hsing Ping takes FH as the nominative

XI. Xv. I. to Ey.— he went on to say, J, Ts‘ze, also,’ &c.

++a » J» y > as v > fA 1 REBT EAA RE

330 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. XVII.

YB Ptrwd Ard a \) » Jus’ HH 4 At 2 ELrih| Ay B An bAe Ve Bf Adsr

3 v oO =e » =— AM, : =) mh CHW

HE Z Fe MET ES ih i, WO i) ae Be RE TE ?~» ’ FAW AY) ? »we Ay 0Be 2) Lot 438 ~~» ra Oo» ab d »

iJ All A SS B Ht, ae

being in a low station, slanders his superiors. He hates those who have valour merely, and are unobservant of propriety. He hates those who are forward and determined, and, at the same time, of con-

tracted understanding. 2. The Master then inquired, ‘ T's‘ze, have you also your hatreds?’

Tsze-kung replied, ‘I hate those who pry out matters, and ascribe

the knowledge to their wisdom. I hate those who are only not modest, and think that they are valorous. I hate those who make © known secrets, and think that they are straightforward.’ Cuap. XXV. The Master said, ‘ Of all people, girls and servants are the most difficult to behave to. If you are familiar with them, they lose their humility. If you maintain a reserve towards them, they are discontented.’

Cuap. XXVI. The Master said, ‘When a man at forty is the object of dislike, he will always continue what he is.’ The modern commentators, however, more cor- | the translation.—We hardly expect such an

rectly, understand F: ‘the Master,’ as ptverance, though correct in itself, from Connominative to FY, and supply another Fy 26. THE DIFFICULTY OF IMPROVEMENT IN AD-

before Bt | VANCED YEARS, According to Chinese views, at

°25.ae He | forty a man is at his best in every way. After THE DIFFICULTY HOW TO TREAT CONCUBINES

AND SERVANTS. te -F- does not mean women Fe we must understand ¥ xt F—' the

i, . object of dislike to the superior man.’ | =~ #H generally, but girls, i.e. concubines. A) A in the same way, is here boys, i. e. servants. We = oe ai IL. ‘he will end in this. “oh? 6 >to behave to, |— Youth is doubtless the season for improve5S ‘to nourish,’ ‘to Keep, =to behave to ment, but the sentiment of the chapter is too The force of ME , ‘only,’ is as indicated in | broadly stated.

CH, II] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 331 BOOK XVIII, WEI TSZE.

>— East, J >=) YY — Ss] oAYy |x) | a i = ALY L—A2

Hf ) 1 ele ~ a= 5 A Iv Hy FF Fr YY) O , » mB BWA TE FAY, aks ataA wEAT ’ ’ . Js # v Hi et d— a} ’ dibd*FQ argo

CuaptTerR I. 1. The viscount of Wei withdrew from the court. The viscount of Chi became a slave to Chdu. Pi-kan remonstrated with him and died. 2. Confucius said, ‘The Yin dynasty possessed these three men of virtue.’ Cuap. IT. Hadi of Lid-hsid being chief criminal judge, was thrice

dismissed from his office. Some one said to him, ‘Is it not yet time for you, Sir, to leave this?’ He replied, ‘Serving men in an upright way, where shall I go to, and not experience such a thrice-repeated HEADING OF THIS Boox.—4W i #8 + the last sovereign of the Yin dynasty, B.c. . . . ; , | 1154-1122. The chief of Chi, and Pi-kan, were JIN: The viscount of Wei, No. 18.’ This! poth uncles of the tyrant. The first, seeing Book, consisting of only eleven chapters, treats | that remonstrances availed nothing, withdrew of various individuals famous in Chinese his-| from court, wishing to preserve the sacrifices

tory, as eminent for the way in which they|of their family amid the ruin which he saw discharged their duties to their sovereign, or| was impending. The second was thrown into for their retirement from public service. It] prison, and, to escape death, feigned madness, commemorates also some of the worthies of Con-| He was used by Chau as a buffoon. Pi-kan, fucius’s days, who lived in retirement rather | persisting in his remonstrances, was put barthan be in office in so degenerate times. The| barously to death, the tyrant having his heart object of the whole is to illustrate and vindi-|torn out, that he might see, he said, a sage’s

cate the course of Confucius himself. . . : 1. THE ViscouNTS OF WEI AND Cui, anp Pi- heart. The < mt FC is explained by EL

KAN :—THREE WORTHIES OF THE YIN DYNASTY. I. DT ‘his place.’ Its reference may also be to Wei-tsze and Chi-tsze are continually repeated

by Chinese, as if they were proper names. But Xf, the tyrant himself. On Fe . ie com-

Weiand Chi were the names of two small States, ~ V. vii tal presided over by chiefs of the Tsze, or fourth, | P?™° Fi and ‘the firm Recluse (5

the past, but here it has reference to the future. ’ , . . In the dictionary, with reference to this pas- Dt mn x 3 )- What kind of field labour sage, it is explained by Je: ‘to come up to,’| is here denoted by At cannot be determined.

and De ‘to save.’=to provide against. 2. 3H je x, ‘he who holds the carriage,’ =

334 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XVIII.

$i OR 47 teJHE th, GH ee Y Y 4 ’ » O ° Sd Md HT YZ BF in AEE

pw ft Ad, bdo d < Sy ni at ook XK Fle = eis DP = ’{3LZ, A FiFyO re) HW(ge Oo =i wd FF, Te 3D :OG IL Fa” ' ’ We = ix K Tate wi Hh, Zr Aa ir TM Tse be| ARS a y 5 ik v 5. ae * O d

iA> Bea im bp Zé » a ’ oAt

A’ My Fath se ~~ eeoBL PT) Ay =] oO Jb

R Ie hee EC ek Sh AP eZ BK Beh

are you, Sir?’ He answered, ‘I am Chung Yt.’ ‘Are you not the disciple of K*ung Ch'id of Li?’ asked the other. ‘I am,’ replied he, and then Chieh-ni said to him, ‘ Disorder, like a swelling flood, spreads over the whole empire, and who is he that will change its state for you? Than follow one who merely withdraws from this one and that one, had you not better follow those who have withdrawn from the world altogether ?’ Wath this he fell to covering up the seed, and proceeded with his work, without stopping.

4. Tsze-lQ went and reported their remarks, when the Master observed with a sigh, ‘It is impossible to associate with birds and beasts, as if they were the same with us. If I associate not with these people,—with mankind,—with whom shall I associate? If right principles prevailed through the empire, there would be no use for me to change its state.’ ht red AE FB. AF , as in the translation. , the soil over the seed.’ It may have been a It is supposed that it was the remarkable| hoe, or a rake. 4. t: is here = FH , ‘class,’

: 5 anaes , =) ir Z té Ti) fife “

appearance of Confucius which elicited the in-| 35. Jf aM Ze Hit cI

quiry. In Jf ri ye TE 7 ‘he;’ 1.0. he, going ‘If I am not to associate with the class of | these about everywhere, and seeking to be employed, men, i. e. with mankind, with whom am I to

ought to know the ford. 3. Vil Via 7 K associate ? I cannot associate with birds and “P).—the speaker here probably pointed to| Peasts- Fr He Hd. By —*% Eed., it is said, the surging waters before them, for the ford to 43 SHE. FA there would be no use.’ Litercross which the travellers were asking. Trans-) ally, ‘I should not have for whom to change lating literally, we should say—‘ swelling and the state of the empire,’ —The use of F -F- in this

surging, such is all the empire.’ #H. i paragraph is remarkable. It must mean ‘his wd , oy : __ Master’ and not ‘the Master.’ The compiler iG) ik: yous hrf XM If {EE com P| of this chapter can hardly have been a disciple XIV. xxxix. +8, ‘an implement for drawing | of the sage.

CH, VII. ] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 339

—#y yay =f y it } - ty A ,

HW 4h At a HEL ?~ d e} ’ AT th, eH Fy 4y "aN

LF At

FeQ AE TL. HE Be FE ’ AM Oo vo hh > om ) , *) 47 3 1y

WaVy, VATE 492,f SE ab Ne 8’ Hes —_ ’ otvwl

Ee 17, = Be Fei GL Pl 58

‘ iL SP8ee2sd DY AY Et ’

d a darRrg o far Ar ’

Cuap. VII. 1. Tsze-lt, following the Master, happened to fall behind, when he met an old man, carrying across his shoulder on a staff a basket for weeds. Tsze-li said to him, ‘Have you seen my

master, Sir!’ The old man replied, ‘Your four limbs are unaccustomed to toil; you cannot distinguish the five kinds of grain:

—who is your master?’ With this, he planted his staff in the ground, and proceeded to weed. 2. ‘T'sze-l0 joined his hands across his breast, and stood before him.

3. The old man kept Tsze-lQ to pass the night in his house, killed a fowl, prepared millet, and feasted him. Healso introduced to him his two sons. 4. Next day, Tsze-lQ went on his way, and reported his adven-

ture. The Master said, ‘He is a recluse, and sent Tsze-li back to see him again, but when he got to the place, the old man was gone.

5. I'sze-l then said to the family, ‘Not to take office is not

7. TSZE-LU’s RENCONTRE WITH AN OLD MAN, A RE- | arms and legs, the four limbs of the body. ‘The

CLUSE: HIS VINDICATION OF HIS MASTER’S COURSE. ae

This incident in this chapter was probably five graane are niet AS es , E, and Fx , nearly contemporaneous with those which oc- | ‘rice, millet, pannicled millet, wheat, and pulse.’ cupy the two previous ones. Some say that | But they are sometimes otherwise enumerated. the old man belonged to Sheh, which was a| We have also ‘the six kinds,’ ‘ the eight kinds,’

ta 2 . - > ‘the nine kinds,’ and perhaps other classifica-

part of Chi. 1. c as in XI. xxii, $A Wii tions. 2. Tsze-la, standing with his arms across te. aC mn is used for ‘an old man’ as early | his breast, indicated his respect, and won upon

as the the old man. 3.hexagram = (tsze), the 4th3 tone, ‘ enteras. in Yi-ching, Fin perhaps =< tained,’ ‘feasted.’ The dictionary defines it by taking a ag = a a staff,’ the phrase | _ 44 inic meaning, Vy E Hid. KN ‘to give comes to have that signification. (ee is simply | food to people.’ 5. Tsze-li is to be understood as

called by Cha Hi a ‘a bamboo basket.’ | here speaking the sentiments of the Master, and

= air . . .Mv vindicating his course. fe AI) x. fil .refers The defines it as in the translation,— .. pps WY ‘f lit to the manner in which the old man had introZz HA ae pu Ae , ‘the four hodies,’i.e. the | duced his sons to him the evening before, and

336 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. XVIII.

P41 Bs,d 3%,dMon AA ZT ’ ae He RL THK ;»vDH } dA, Be EyaTage (esl Ute, BE Ue, HE Le.» as mood & »7IXS ’ 2d)

Ke a HE OR J nt ’ v ~ 4 pis oN we mw He

nen 7s EC A WE,4747, tk EL SEZ Be Hd iy PD ak Eh th, By Au fiji

> of ~ fe) Gy PP d b SH 7 hhFA CH A iaeVHBJuri

v3 PrKe a-eam) Ppo FU) PRs AN V5

righteous. If the relations between old and young may not be neglected, how is it that he sets aside the duties that should be observed between sovereign and minister? Wishing to maintain his personal purity, he allows that great relation to come to confusion.

A superior man takes office, and performs the righteous duties

belonging to it. As to the failure of right principles to make

progress, he is aware of that.’

Cuap. VIII. 1. The men who have retired to privacy from the world have been Po-i, Shi-ch'l, Yii-chung, I-yi, Chi-chang, Hi of Lid-hsid, and Sh4o-lien.

2. The Master said, ‘Refusing to surrender their wills, or to submit to any taint in their persons ;—such, I think, were Po-i

and Shi-ch’i.

3. ‘It may be said of Hi of Lid-hsid, and of Shao-lien, that

j—_ ] in th = —"n~ “6 N v ;

they surrendered their wills, and submitted to taint in their persons, to all the orderly intercourse between old and , dividuals spoken of. The fig = quotes, upon

young, which he had probably seen in the the phrase, from the ar any to the following

family. Any ae RS CZ —E refers to the Wy

old man, but there is an indefiniteness about effect ° WR here 8 not the a of seclusion, the Chinese construction, which does not make but is characteristic of men of large souls, it so personal as our ‘he.’ So Confucius is in- who cannot be measured by ordinary rules. They may display their character by, retiring tended by At -F , though that phrase may be | from the world. They may display it also in taken in its general acceptation. ‘He is aware | the manner of their discharge of office.’ The of that ;’—but will not therefore shrink from | phrase is guardedin this way, I suppose, because

his righteous service. of its application to Hui of Lii-hsia, who did

8. CONFUCIUS’s JUDGMENT OF FORMER WoRTHIES | 20t obstinately withdraw from the world. Po-i

WHO HAD KEPTFROM THE WoRLD. Hus own eurp- | 2nd Shi-ch'i,—see Ve Xx Yu-chung should

ING PRINCIPLE. I. SH, Fe, — retired people’ probably be Wa (42.)-chung. He was the Fe is used here just as we sometimes use| >rother of T’ai-po, called Chung-yung (4th people, without reference to the rank of the in- HE), and is mentioned in the note on VIII.1.

CH. IX.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 337

, Won 240 In » JvBty O

ize) AR RE a, it ER hbase Japy foMh PYDt AP

ey We EN Fee Hl Wel ie mn 4,

JeYO 5hgash Efi $e ArEU , > of? LL.38 AJ sees i BON Be ei he RA AAS le +h =a

AE XE : H" , oO ow. Oe n vay s a \ a, WX, BR = FG AEA Te ee

in them. .

but their words corresponded with reason, and their actions were such as men are anxious to see. This is all that is to be remarked

4. ‘It may be said of Yii-chung and I-yi, that, while they hid

themselves in their seclusion, they gave a license to their words ; but,

in their persons, they succeeded in preserving their purity, and, in their retirement, they acted according to the exigency of the times. 5. ‘I am different from all these. I have no course for which I am predetermined, and no course against which I am predetermined.’

Cuap. IX. 1. The grand music-master, Chih, went to Ch't. 2. Kan, the master of the band at the second meal, went to Ch'd.

Lido, the band-master at the third meal, went to Ts‘4i. Chiiéh, the band-master at the fourth meal, went to Ch'in. 3. Fang-shd, the drum-master, withdrew to the north of the river. He retired with T‘ai-po among the barbarous | their words,’—this is intended to show that in tribes, then occupying the country of Wa, and| this respect they were inferior to Hai and Shao-

succeeded to the chieftaincy of them on his| ,. = -tp

brother’s death. ‘I-yi and Cha-chang,’ says lien, who [=i ae ce PEE —see note on IX. Cha Hsi, ‘are not found in the ching and chwan| xxix. 5. Confucius’s openness to act according (8K {84 ): See, however, the 46 ae, in loc, | to circumstances is to be understood as being From a passage in the Li Chi, XVIIU. ii. 14, it always in subordination to right and propriety. appears that Shao-lien belonged to one of the|__: THE DISPERSION OF THE MUSICIANS OF iv

barbarous tribes on the east, but was well ac-| he dispersion here narrated is supposed to quainted with, and observant of, the rules of| have taken place in the time of duke Ai, wren Propriety, particularly those relating to mourn- | °2¢¢ Confucius had rectified the music of La

. = . oo. . (IX. xiv), the musicians would no longer be

ing. 3. The =H at the beginning of this para-| assisting in the prostitution of their art; and graph and the next are very perplexing. As/ so, as the disorganization and decay proceeded, there is neither ae nor A at the beginning the chief among them withdrew to other States,

HF ; -For from society altogether. 1. ATK as ad Op-; of par.5, the FT of par. 2 must evidently be carried on to the end of the chapter. Com- posed to Ap, par. 5, ‘grand,’ and ‘assistant.

mentators do not seem to have felt the difficulty, | ‘The music-master, Chih,’—see VIII. xv. 2.

and understand aemusic to bein the 3rd personmeals, —| The princes of China, it would appear,perhad . ad ta; at their and a separate band ‘He, i.e, the Master, said,’ &c. I have made] formed at each meal, or, possibly, the band

the best of it I could. 4 -3§ pH 2. rN might be the same, but under the superinten-

&: ; ; dence of a separate officer at each meal. The

$4, ‘the order and series of righteousness and | king had four meals a day, and the princes

. as , _ Vv of States only three, but it was the prerogative

principles. iS = AK ALY Z. A je ‘the of the duke of Li to use the ceremonies of the

thoughts and solicitudes of men’s hearts.’ 4.| royal court. Nothing is said here of the band‘Living in retirement, they gave a license to! master at the first meal, perhaps because he

s»

338 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XVIII.

i,t AzSEH =z] BA :N za Mm Jal ae ys Hits Ja] Bip Ir

) . = (it

AG’ ». HhAw VESAY, i oe)we a To 7 ’ 0, DN daa HE ic $i is He Th Jiu) A 3 » —9 . AEA x 4S : pid ThHKFa Ta 4H Ata dad¥ Gu Lr ES E "

nr » AN ’ K “EK ALY {4 WY, fu pat is ~. » o A Louy yy A i:° ° 4. Wad, the master of the hand-drum, withdrew to the Han. 5. Yang, the assistant music-master, and Hsiang, master of the musical stone, withdrew to an island in the sea. Cuap. X. The duke of Chau addressed his son, the duke of Ld,

saying, ‘The virtuous prince does not neglect his relations. He does not cause the great ministers to repine at his not employing them. Without some great cause, he does not dismiss from their offices the members of old families. He does not seek in one man talents for every employment.’

Cuap. XI. To Chau belonged the eight officers, Po-t4, Po-

hhlled ‘ a,’ iie

did not leave Li, or nothing may have been | by his duties to the young king KK he sent known of him. 3. ‘The river’ is, of course, |, . |

‘the Yellow river.’ According to the yu BS ws son 14 & here called ‘the duke of La,

yc HH, article LVII, the expressions AIK to that State as his representative ae F

; * ’ | contains here the ideas both of rank and virtue.

Fy A Ke EA are to be taken as meaning Fas, is read in the grd tone, with the same

simply,—‘lived on the banks of the Ho, the ; oe, Han.’ The interpretation in the translation is} Meaning as Fite Cha Hsi, indeed, seems to after Chi: Hsi, who follows the glossarist Hsing | ,, . .

Ping. The ancient sovereigns had their capitals think that Ft, should be in the text, but we.

mostly north and east of ‘the river,’ hence, the} have Hits in Ho Yen, who gives K'ung An-kwo’s

country north of it was called yay Ay, and to interpretation ft B 4h, * VW 4b, AK

the south of it was I doFi notisZzto5)change. S| ; . neecalled FA val meSh.Za. see, however, the applicability of this to the d + substi he relati f oth

He

Han, which is a tributary of the Yang-tsze, | 4068 Not substitute the relatives o oe er men flowing through Hi-pei. 5. Itwas from Hsiang | in the room of his own relatives.’ YU »—here

that Confucius learned to play on the RE. = FA: ‘to use,’ ‘to employ’ rd fiigj —see 10. Instructions oF CHAU-KUNG TO HIS SON| yJ]T. xxv. ABOUT GOVERNMENT ; A GENEROUS CONSIDERATION

\ VI 11. THE FRUITFULNESS OF THE EARLY TIME OF

OF OTHERS TO BE CHERISHED. Al AN 9 See °| THE CHAU DYNASTY IN ABLE OFFICERS. The eight

v. The facts of the case seem to be that the | individuals mentioned here are said to have duke of Chau was himself appointed to the | been brothers, four pairs of twins by the same principality of La, but being detained at court|mother. This isintimated in their names, the

CH. 11.) CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 339 kwé, Chung-ti, Chung-hwi, Shd-ya, Shé-hsia, Chi-sui, and Chikwa.

two first being AH or primi, the next pair fi rf, men, showed the vigour of the early days of the

7Abb es " ys ’ ’ . aS "

- the third dynasty alltgthat good.—It is disputed or secundi, the thir A or. tertii, and theinlast! what was reign these brothers belonged, nor is two AR. One mother, bearing twins four times | their surname ascertained. 3%, 3» RE, in succession, and all proving distinguished 7 7 seem to be honorary designations.

:”

BOOK XIX. TSZE-CHANG.

x \ Gee » Fk HARE TL botS Hu +r) Ar 79% 3 fa=Heaww FT OS BY, on, the |oe

AAG A fk OA Y) v =f. re) > ’ | yi Re FE ET f¢ BHDoOM HG ww wm er OO 7

Cuarter I. Tsze-chang said, ‘The scholar, trained for public duty, seeing threatening danger, 1s prepared to sacrifice his life. When the opportunity of gain is presented to him, he thinks of righteousness. In sacrificing, his thoughts are reverential. In mourning, his thoughts are about the grief which he should feel. Such a man commands our approbation indeed.’

Cuap. II. Tsze-chang said, ‘ When a man holds fast virtue, but without seeking to enlarge it, and believes right principles, but without firm sincerity, what account can be made of his existence or non-existence 2’ -HeEapIne oF THIS Book. — -F- a $8 + about the scholar-officer. Fife, y—the danger Tu: ‘[sze-chang, No. hot isindeed, to be understood as threatening his country. ; ‘ 19’ _ ..Confucius ,| Hsingdoes Ping, confines the danger to the appear personally in this Book at all. hao a person of the sovereign, for whom the officer says :—‘This Book records the words of the| 31) ,.4] ‘fice his lif is th disciples, Tsze-hsié being the most frequent wa Gla’y Baeraee mag ie. BX fit 18 wae speaker, and Tsze-kung next to him. For in| same as $x E & in I. vii. C3 is not to be

the Confucian school, after Yen Yiian there was lained b . c , _ no one of such discriminating understanding as oxcprene c y Ik as in u- The com Tsze-kung, and after Tsang Shin no one of such | bination C RR has occurred before, and =

firm sincerity as T'sze-hsié.’ The disciples ¢ deliver their sentiments very much after the tH, th in I. xiv. It greatly intensifies the manner of their master, and yet we can dis- .

cern a falling off from him. preceding Fy. | 1. TszE-cHANG’S OPINION OF THE CHIEF aTrri-| 2- TSZE-CHANG ON NARROW-MINDEDNESS AND A

HESITATING FAITH. Hsing Ping interprets this BUTES OF THE TRUE SCHOLAR. -f-,—see note on chapter in the following way :—‘If a man XII. xx. 1. Tsze-chang there asks Confucius| grasp hold of his virtue, and is not widened and

340 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. XIX.

BERK REBT ES FRAC HH’ BIRT ’ ’ .EFAY fo)

2K Ae TB AZ 2B eT A eS

site (A An BE, aE fl, 4 ==) : f

NEHER hhOo AZ. LA An = » ’ oP ~ Le J ] ter Fl > A(H]: XraiiSYaAH = DIA

Ay Wy seeFE HBPhat BE oss Sta oh Ky Cuap. III. The disciples of Tsze-hsid asked Tsze-chang about the principles that should characterize mutual mtercourse. Tszechang asked, ‘What does Tsze-hsid say on the subject?’ They replied, ‘ Tsze-hsid says :—“ Associate with those who can advantage

you. Put away from you those who cannot do so.”’ T'sze-chang observed, ‘ This is different from what I have learned. The superior man honours the talented and virtuous, and bears with all. He praises

the good, and pities the incompetent. Am I possessed of great

talents and virtue ?—who is there among men whom I will not bear with? Am I devoid of talents and virtue /—men will put me away from them. What have we to do with the putting away of others ?”’

Cuap. 1V. ‘T'sze-hsid said, ‘Even in inferior studies and employments there is something worth being looked at; but if it be enlarged by it, although he may believe good | Master.’ Ae »—see V. xvi. In Fi] # Zr principles, he cannot be sincere and generous.’ . . But it is better to take the clauses as co-or- Wl » the Ay is taken differently by the dinate, and not dependent on each other. With | old interpreters andthenew. Hsing Ping ex-

7 pounds If the be worthy, forit; you St {isnay rs BAXV we may compare -:—‘ XXVil1, | haveman intercourse with, thenfit have but if to he which suggests the taking Bl, actively.. .The | be not worthy,’ &c. On the other hand, we | find :—‘If the man will advantage you, he is

two last clauses are perplexing. Cha Hsi, oo

after An-kwo apparently, makes them equiva- | 4 fit person (# Ay # )i then maintain inlent to—‘is of no consideration in the world ’|tercourse with him,’ &c. This seems to be

carrying out Confucius’s I. viii. 3. (Fp = ry merely ys yi Hi Hf) : Cha Hsi, however, approvesrule, of T'sze-chang’s

8. THE DIFFERENT OPINIONS OF TSZE-HsIA AND | censure of it, while he thinks also that TszeTSzE-CHANG ON THE PRINCIPLES WHICH SHOULD |chang’s own view is defective-—Pao Hsien REGULATE OUR INTERCOURSE WITH OTHERS. On | says,—‘ Our intercourse with friends should be

he discivl che; = ., {according to Tsze-hsia’s rule; general inter-

the diseip es of Tsze-hsié, see the 4 43) , m course according to Tsze-chang’s.’

loc. It is strange to me that they should begin | 4, T7"-11s14’s OPINION OF THE INAPPLICABILITY their answer to Tsze-chang with the designa- | 95 owazz, PURSUITS TO GREAT OBJECTS, Gardening,

tion -F- 3, instead of saying K ¥F ‘our! husbandry, divining, and the healing art, are

CH. VIL] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 341

AN ig. [a PyY)) pat Hy]

Hy j mW } Re 7] OS } } He

at ig Sis i 3h jz As Ss PA | I, Sr

| v ie ae

j A, TON = iy By, jon Ks ’

BAETH hi A A HE, Oo YWLeeBWm 443

H rh HOEip i VE oyEE i a3) Ba

O o 4h » xk wW wAH VW

attempted to carry them out to what is remote, there is a danger of their proving inapplicable. ‘Therefore, the superior man does not practise them.’

Cuap. V. Tsze-hsid said, ‘He, who from day to day recognises what he has not yet, and from month to month does not forget what he has attained to, may be said indeed to love to learn.’ Cuap. VI. ‘Tsze-hsid said, ‘There are learning extensively, and having a firm and sincere alm; inquiring with earnestness, and reflecting with self-application :—virtue is in such a course.’ Cuap. VII. Tsze-hsid said, ‘Mechanics have their shops to dwell in, in order to accomplish their works. The superior man learns, in order to reach to the utmost of his principles.’ all mentioned by Cha Hsi as instances of the| plains AR as if it were ane ‘to remember.’ Ap NEE ‘small ways,’ here intended, having | on "| isi nia] Ir AA, the Ais =) says—

their own truth inisthem, but not available for higher purposes, or what beyond themselves, Br ik a TJ C Z, , ArEi, E se EN is imperative and emphatic, = Ff: ii y nA 2. BB, ‘what are inquired about are ‘push them to an extreme.’ What is intended |-things essential to one’s self ; what are thought by = is the far-reaching object of the Chiin-| about are the important personal duties.’ Pro-

ore‘tobably it is so, but thisothers.’ cannoty ee bereput isze, cultivate himself and all regulate P-

in a

NE in the 4th tone, explained in the diction- translation. On ie A compare VI. xxvill. ary by aa ‘water impeded.’—Ho Yen makes | 3° = FE HE FJ ,—compare VIL. xv ; XIII.

S | i, ,| XVlii.

the » yy 12) to be bia ag strange principles. 7, LEARNING IS THE STUDENT’S WORKSHOP :—BY 5. THE INDICATIONS OF A REAL LOVE OF LEARN- | Tszr-ustA. Fit is here ‘a place for the display

ING :—BY TszE-HsIA. and sale of goods.’ A certain quarter was 6. How LEARNING SHOULD BE PURSUED TO LEAD | assigned anciently in Chinese towns and cities

TO VIRTUE :—BY TszE-Hstd4. K‘ung An-kwo ex-! for mechanics, and all of one art were required

; i PP or ty uy, BR 3 Be) Wh ee Aw io, FAW TRF BY? Bw te B B

342 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [BK. XIX.

ard nual YUAN a | f N O

iy v ’=A,. A, 2 mm A ABA,

KUot:AA BN ob =a

ay ( Ay -» . O» b

R AW WA Z myA Ty) fe J ’.-—_—ih , ,v A) BS ae SES Be

Cuap. VIII. ‘Tsze-hsid said, ‘The mean man is sure to gloss his faults.’

Cuap. 1X. Tsze-hsid said, ‘The superior man undergoes three

- changes. Looked at from a distance, he appears stern; when

approached, he is mild; when he 1s heard to speak, his language is firm and decided.’

Cuap. X. Tsze-hsid said, ‘The superior man, having obtained their confidence, may then impose labours on his people. If he have not gained their confidence, they will think that he is oppressing

them. Having obtained the confidence of his prince, one may then

remonstrate with him. If he have not gained his confidence, the prince will think that he is vilifying him.’

Cuap. XI. Tsze-hsia said, ‘When a person does not transgress the boundary-line in the great virtues, he may pass and repass it in the small virtues.’

to have their shopstogether. Thisisstillvery| 10. THE IMPORTANCE OF ENJOYING CONFIDENCE much the case. A son must follow his father’s | To THE RIGHT SERVING OF SUPERIORS AND ORDERprofession, and, seeing nothing but the exercise | INe OF INFERIORS :—BY TszE-HsIA, Chia Hsi

of that around him, it was supposed that he] ,: ay . .

would not be led to think of anything else, and SIVe8 to 1 here the double meaning of ¢ being

become very proficient in it. sincere,’ and ‘being believed in. The last is 8. GLOssING HIS FAULTS THE PROOF oF THE MEAN | the proper force of the term, but it requires

MAN :—BY TszE-Hs14, Literally, ‘The faults of the possession of the former quality. the mean man, must gloss,’ i.e. he is sure to| 11. THE GREAT VIRTUES DEMAND THE CHIEF gloss. Wdn,in this sense, a verb, in the 4th tone. | ATTENTION, AND THE SMALL ONES MAY BE SOMEWHAT 9, CHANGING APPEARANCES OF THE SUPERIOR | VIOLATED :—BY TszE-Hs1A, The sentiment here

MAN TO OTHERS :—BY TszE-HsId. Tsze-hsid pro-|18 Very questionable. A different turn, how-

bably intended Confucius by the Chiin-tsze, but | CVE! 1S given to the chapter in the older inter-

there is a general applicability in his language preters. Maingof P me: expanding . wo, says:—‘Men great virtue K‘ung neverAngo

and sentiments. w ae Ell Z,»— literally, beyond the boundary-line; it is enough for ‘look towards him,’ ‘approach him.’—The de-} those who are virtuous in a less degree to keep scription is about equivalent to our ‘/ortiler in| near to it, going beyond and coming back.’ We

re, suaviter in modo,’ adopt the more natural interpretation of Cha

CH. XII.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 343

a KS }\~ \ 438, ByJ “he eg » NE6JGSe iw A AWB —_ ft... a, an pt Be He Al) vps EE vaadyve Av ==:

dH—. » A)= im < &’He) yi FA, VY x ’ ws ta 7 H EOF Te.’thUy HK. OMNES An an Bs UT

O’’

Be GE VA Bt RTA Fis, OY

A, th wl 4 AIGN SE HE Sa eh) Sons AG O TA RB TF Bh

Kit # hay té PY a JD AY ‘3 38, B, Bl 3 —s ’ ’A7Y elder ld Such is the lesson of this chapter, asIN expanded 4h :—BY Ke or ‘ NiTSzE-KUNG. secundus.’ (Thereows was an in the H a - The sun and the moon being! brother, a concubine’s son, who was called {4

> eel, oR Tbe

CH. XXIII. ] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 347

yR_e pte =] r.% 2 # SW Ae Oop>yy,, — Wr y = a| AN ZLIriTR |PR KepA FBR = YF=2—_~ _K—, K\

‘~ = SAF tt’ Oh a8 FE o ’ eae 2 RA SEN Za,Fie TFRh AY A JE. yn IN LJ ah JA, A, J a as BE es Me TS

A\ Pi~ yj = ‘ 44»WO I, Le H. aS ANS Bt

Cuap. XXIII, 1. Shd-sun Wa-sht observed to the great officers in the court, saying, ‘Tsze-kung is superior to Chung-ni.’ 2. Tsze-fii Ching-po reported the observation to Tsze-kung, who said, ‘Let me use the comparison of a house and its encompassing wall. My wall only reaches to the shoulders. One may peep over it, and see whatever is valuable in the apartments. 3. ‘The wall of my master is several fathoms high. If one do not find the door and enter by it, he cannot see the ancestral temple with its beauties, nor all the officers in their rich array. 4. ‘But I may assume that they are few who find the door. Was not the observation of the chief only what might have been expected?’ Jt.) 4th kX i, ‘How did Chung-ni BA [EJ at we may conclude that he was learn ?’ but the ‘how’ = ‘from whom?’ The ex- given to envy and detraction. FF, —used here

cath XIV ses | | cory b

pression, however, in par. 2,—FE -F- = ys as in XI. xv. 1. 2. Tsze-fii Ching-po,—see ,, expounded as in the translation, might sug- - XXXVI. Hie 2. bet Hoe, — ea is to be gest, from ‘what quarter ?’ rather than ‘ from taken generally for a house or building, and not what person ?’ as the proper rendering. The It its now house. a accep tation ont a FA alace.

last clause is taken by modern commentators, as| 1 4 q@eecte sents the disciple,

. BOY 7 | anda ducal mansion as representing his master.

rena venues ipgmerrrnnglnen a) on Many commentators make the wall to be the

n-kwo finds in it only a repetition of the state-| 1, ohiect in th ; rea Hat

ment that the sage found teachers everywhere. nae object in the come ermsons and ae 7] 23, TszE-KUNG REPUDIATES BEING THOUGHT| {2 2. sy - It is better, with the fy ak,

SUPERIOR TO CONFUCIUS, AND, BY THE COMPARISON | to take both the house and the wall as members

OF A HOUSE AND WALL, SHOWS HOW ORDINARY | of the comparison, and ‘ret te = eS Hd. Het. FEOPTE COORD NOT UNDERSTAND THE MASTER. The wall is not a part of the house, but one

nv was the honorary epithet of Chau Ch‘au enclosing it. 3. VJ means 7 cubits. I have

Oh fit) one of the chiefs of the Sha-sun translated it—‘ fathoms.’ 4. The Fe -F- here family. From a mention of him in the Fe Bh., refers to Wi-shi.

348 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. [ BK. XIX.

—ti- , -++-

A Ay Uh, Bl ZB AL aa é (ee iL.RE 3ayv

AY AP GL BR JE Wo

wn ~JETHAHBAK 4 Pr A Ay JA

AS GA KR Yo BO EF Vv REA » Tn Ayen YS +t a anH ELaN ah, Fr th}Be N x’TL ee toy PEH BE33> JE Be Asst li Le =

=. AH TA A Bs Fe ~ FWT) = CHh, WwHOP v t.— ih 4G HT JEo ,KAS 2 FA, _2 © » » | , TT H by Hy BR

»>

>a|

STWR Bay UH, YA; AFa, A Hi pny HH!FL "|

a Tavd A Ai | ’ A UL, 4 A Cuap. XXIV. Sht-sun Wi-shd having spoken revilingly of Chung-ni, Tsze-kung said, ‘It is of no use doing so. Chung-ni cannot be reviled. The talents and virtue of other men are hillocks and mounds, which may be stepped over. Chung-ni is the sun or moon, which it is not possible to step over. Although a man may wish to cut himself off from the sage, what harm can he do to the sun

or moon? He only shows that he does not know his own capacity.’ Cuap. XXV. 1. Ch'in Tsze-ch'in, addressing Tsze-kung, said, ‘You are too modest. How can Chung-ni be said to be superior to

yout” a ys ,

2. Tsze-kung said to him, ‘For one word a man is often deemed to be wise, and for one word he is often deemed to be foolish. We ought to be careful indeed in what we say.

3. ‘Our Master cannot be attained to, just in the same way as the heavens cannot be gone up to by the steps of a stair. 24, CoNFUCIUS IS LIKE THE SUN OR MOON, HIGH | Hsing Ping, however, supplies ‘from the sun and

ABOVE THE REACH OF DEPRECIATION :—By TszE-| moon.’ The meaning comesto the same, Chi

KUNG. i. Zl Fe is explained by Chi Hsi/ Hsi says that Zz here is the same with mK, (and the gloss of Hsing Ping is the same) as= | ‘only;’ and Hsing Ping takes it as = 4 $AE ie ‘it is of use todictionary, do this.’| ‘just.’ This meaning of the character is not; avsjjilaFigiven innothe butit is necessary here tt KM ae a AS — Ft AK is to be under-| __ cog supplement to Hsing Ping’s Hit, in loc. stood, according to the 1] > as embracing| 25. ConFucrus CAN NO MORE BE EQUALLED THAN

. THE HEAVENS CAN BE CLIMBED :—BY TSZE-KUNG.

all other sages. = ¥4,—I have supplied | we find it difficult to conceive of the sage’s dis‘from the sage,’ after most modern paraphrasts. | ciples speaking to one another, asTsze-ch‘in does

CH. XXV.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 349

»P

H -H ? ee AY Ze HZ Xr

CE AnANZ ’ I,1|AHEM » v AA Tee eeBRaT R Ie, AE aH 3ask HL,

OZBL ?» AL iF AA HFK

Hh, mu ay ih Sr ae HE Oh 48 Ke AT,

4. ‘Were our Master in the position of the ruler of a State or the chief of a Family, we should find verified the description which

has been given of a sages rule:—he would plant the people, and forthwith they would be established ; he would lead them on, and forthwith they would follow him ; he would make them happy, and

forthwith multitudes would resort to his dominions; he would stimu-

late them, and forthwith they would be harmonious. While he lived, he would be glorious. When he died, he would be bitterly lamented. How is it possible for him to be attained to ?’ here to Tsze-kung, and Hsing Ping says that | the translation, is quite as much as it denotes.

man of the same surname and ‘designation, | Compare its use in L. viii, at. 4. FEF But this is inadmissible, especially as we find 48 Fi RK. 7 must be understood hypothe same parties, in I. x, talking about the | thetically, because he never was in the position

character of their Master. 1. -F- Fe iN here assigned to him. ys in X. x. 1. ‘you are doing the modest.’ 2. Hf -F- has 4 is for 3, as in I. v. FAR, —as in XVI.i.

here its lightest meaning. The fy Ej makes Ir. By as in XV. xxxii. 3. he them, it = 2h , ‘a student,’ but ‘a man,’ as in| ‘the people’ being always understood.

350 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS, [ BK, XX.

Ake Vy of J\~ —* Fd 4)H IWWNo »» ~o . BOOK XX. YAO YUEH.

Gd ’ Di ik Ve i 3 » d Ly, ) ) | > J y a ’ — As Ba BK AT

VW te +5 F eE@ DU BBL FE ate

By i HT Bb i ZEA A a JiR aie EF ons Ba, fi 7A AR yv »ifybeyan d AmT > s oH K

’ ’ i, HY Ix An LZ

CuapTer!. 1. Yao said,‘Oh! you, Shun, the Heaven-determined order of succession now rests in your person. Sincerely hold fast the due Mean. If there shall be distress and want within the four seas, the Heavenly revenue will come to a perpetual end.’ 2. Shun also used the same language in giving charge to Yii. 3. Tang said, ‘I, the child Li, presume to use a dark-coloured victim, and presume to announce to Thee, O most great and sovereign

God, that the sinner I dare not pardon, and thy ministers, O God,

I do not keep in obscurity. The examination of them is by thy mind, O God. If, in my person, I commit offences, they are not to be attributed to you, the people of the myriad regions. If you in the myriad regions commit offences, these offences must rest on my person. Heaprne oF Tus Boox.— Ee Fy ig —~, | verbal accuracy, or, possibly, the Shi-ching, as . ; —uaaie it was in his days, may have contained the +. ‘Yao said, No. 20," Hsing Ping says :| passages as he gives them, and the variations —‘This Book records the words of the two | be owing to the burning of most of the classical sovereigns, the three kings, and of Confucius, | books by the founder of the Ch‘in dynasty, and throwing light on the excellence of the ordin- | their recovery and restoration in a mutilated ances of Heaven, and the transforming power |state. 1. We do not find this address of Yao of government. Its doctrines are all those of | to Shun in the Sha-ching, Pt. I, but the differsages, worthy of being transmitted to posterity. | ent sentences may be gathered from Pt. IL. ii. On this account, it brings up the rear of all the | 14, 15, where we have the charge of Shun to other Books, without any particular relation Yu. YA&o’s reign commenced B.C. 2357) and to the one immediately preced ig. R Yi after reigning 73 years, he resigned the admin-

J. RINCIPLES AND WAYS OF *A0, SHUN, *U) | istration to Shun. He died B.c. 2257, and, two Tana, anv Wt. The first five paragraphs here fter. Sh ‘ed the th in obe . are mostly compiled from different parts of the | YO27S @1F, S2un occupied the throne, 1n obe-

Shi-ching. But there are many variations of | dience to the will of the people. K . iE

language. have thought li Iv. ‘th d calculated enfficient, if heThe gave compiler the substancemay of the original By, iterally,it‘the represented and calculate in his quotations, without seeking to observe a | numbers of heaven,’ i.e. the divisions of the

} ’"a . vz 9

CH. I.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 351

SE its ZL. [Bd = A AE a ar i, oe Fe tis pu ae A AE. darty Aar ° Y. H ’ gx, Tie bn WT FE A IR

» wu EH o EN) EN iy THd 3, WE Ar Pw d oif fi YY Zo) H Th, WE it, Jal ARik, FYE RE FT AT wis

AL 4h Ha. ee Oe A OA CJA

Hy) Fl) Fe Fe BH op ON Pr 2? ’ ”~ 4 " — » ; > Pk BE — WU se AS, A Hi, Be, i. ’ AE. Ail y, 4. Chau conferred great gifts, and the good were enriched,

5. ‘Although he has his near relatives, they are not equal to my virtuous men. The people are throwing blame upon me, the One man.’

6. He carefully attended to the weights and measures, examined the body of the laws, restored the discarded officers, and the good government of the kingdom took its course. 7. He revived States that had been extinguished, restored families whose line of succession had been broken, and called to office those who had retired into obscurity, so that throughout the kingdom the hearts of the people turned towards him. 8. What he attached chief importance to, were the food of the people, the duties of mourning, and sacrifices. 9. By his generosity, he won all. By his sincerity, he made the

people repose trust in him, By his earnest activity, his achievements were great. By his justice, all were delighted. year, its terms, months, and days, all described | to God by T’ang, on his undertaking the overin a calendar, as they succeed one another with | throw of the Hsia dynasty, which he rehearses

determined regularity. Here, ancient ane to his nobles and people,to afterthe the completion modern interpreters agree in giving :; or | expression the meaning which appears in the of his work. T'ang’s name was Ke. We do translation. I may observe here, that Chia | not find in theShi-ching the remarkable desig-

Hsi differs often the oldof interpreters in| nation God—B . For explaining thesefrom passages the Shi-ching, butof =e. = =) Gil onthte I have followed him, leaving the correctness or | grounds on which I translate ip by God, see incorrectness of his views to be considered in my work on ‘The Notions of the Chinese con-

the annotations on the Shi-ching. 3. Before . a » . | cerning God and Spirits. = now generally

Fy; here understand vel.anciently the desig- used . usedwe formust ‘empress,’ was for

nation of the founder of the Shang dynasty. | « sovereign,’ and applied to the kings. Here The sentences here may in substance be col-|., . oa. . _ ; lected from the Shia-ching, Pt. IV. iii. 4, 8.|1# 18 an adjective, or in apposition with Th Down to fifi TE af KY is a prayer addressed | The sinner is Chieh (Se), the tyrant, and last

352 CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. (BK. Xx.

tal Ay 1, 2JLFI> Ht BB

FS GH Be BK » JLHh =aTy p>PT » ’A 4, ar nin Xr Xr XT HE FH. ) Ri

A AS— 4.)>“ OK om d AKV d O dIR » wm ee d jdRRfe) pase, Be Fit FL >

A Fe ih hh AL VO eT,

Lar A, A, *» Xr B Wye Be A, Cuap. II. 1. Tsze-chang asked Confucius, saying, ‘In what

way should a person in authority act in order that he may conduct government Master replied, ‘Let him honour ve excellent,properly?’ and banishThe away the four bad, things ;—then maythe he conduct government properly. Tsze-chang said, ‘ What are meant by the five excellent things?’ The Master said, ‘When the person in authority is beneficent without great expenditure; when he lays tasks on the people without their repining ; when he pursues what he desires without being covetous; when he maintains a dignified ease without being proud; when he is majestic without being fierce.’ 2. Tsze-chang said, ‘ What is meant by being beneficent without

great expenditure?’ The Master replied, ‘When the person in

authority makes more beneficial to the people the things from which sovereign of the Hsia dynasty. ‘The ministers| not come to save them from their sufferings of God’ are the able and virtuous’: men, whom | by destroying their oppressor. The remaining T‘ang had called, or would call, to office. By| paragraphs are descriptive of the policy of king

fii AE if , Tang indicates that, in his wa, but cannot, excepting the 8th one, be traced

v ° +2 _—

punishing or rewarding, he only wanted to act |” the present Shi-ching. {¥: paragraph 9, is in harmony with the mind of God. 4yrin the 4thresembles tone. See XVII. vi, which chapter, aayVY generally, this paragraph. |

ca Fy = co wii AW Fe Any FH = asin| 2. How GovERNMENT MAY BE CONDUCTED WITH the translation. In the dictionary, it is said THINGS, AN 2 PUTTING AWAY FOUR aD wines «

that VW and Hd are interchanged. This is a) , conversation wirH TszE-cHaxc. It is undercasein point. 4. In the Shi-ching, Pt. V. iii. 9,| stood that this chapter, and the next, give the

° a . y, ideas of Confucius on government, as a sequel to

we find king Wa saying K iy A py (Ey. those of the ancient sages and emperors, whose m By WE gi AR. ‘I distributed great re-| principles are set forth in the preceding chapwards through the kingdom, and all the people ter, to show how Confucius was their proper were pleased and submitted.’ 5. See the Shi-| successor. 1. On 4% nse see VI. vi, but the

ching, Pt. V. i. sect. II. 6, 7. The subject in _. .

Hie AS JA +H is wa or OE tyrant of the gross the fifi A says— fie EX A 1e

Yin dynasty. Jij—in the sense of =. sh ae 17 neg X tf Fi Fi: ‘He BL

. . ya ; here denotes generally the practice of govern-

is used in the sense of 7%, ‘to blame.’—The| ment, It is not to be taken as indicating a people found fault with him, because he did| minister.’ We may, however, retain the proper

CH. I1.] CONFUCIAN ANALECTS. 353

it TH 4or. By MM we 2, Ee feGH. 4H OS ae AX ’ A i AN ys ZS -_ i VS

itm = ze Ar = iT a2 i Hi,

MS aH fi] Ay WS BA, Ol OH Db qn Zz aH My mn, ’ zit y Zon Dy

BX JE, WU Bek Se AB A SEI IS EAE a A JH], Y dWiro WK. eo A Wit be aH WN j as A IE By : fois

,HB,a:ASE . J, dT ifTh R IR ie Fe aS SA

Ze De Ay, 4 Ly AN Vv ay BX ’

Ap nA BX Se TH, ’ H

they naturally derive benefit not this being beneficent out great expenditure? When;—is he chooses the labours whichwithare proper, andare makes labour government, on them, who will When is desires set onthem benevolent and he repine? secures it, who will accuse him of covetousness? Whether he has to do with many people or few, or with things great or small, he does not dare to indicate “lsrespect ;—is his not clothes this to maintain dignified without anyany pride? He adjusts and cap, aand throwsease a dignity into his looks, so that, thus dignified, he is looked at with awe ;—is not this to be majestic without being fierce 2’ 3. Tsze-chang then asked, ‘What are meant by the four bad

things?’ The Master said, ‘To put the people to death without having instructed them ;—this is called cruelty. To require from them, suddenly, the full tale of work, without having given them warning ;—this is called oppression. ‘T’o issue orders as if without urgency, at first, and, when the time comes, to insist on them with severity ;—this is called injury. And, generally, in the giving pay meaning of the phrase, Confucius describing Tansee VII. xxxvii. 2. [A] Fe x x Principe 0 observed is instanced the nopies promotionV of agriculture. and which wl py nda erent in the hignesbyeir —# oe . embodiment. The H ae favours this view. 1 By a) AA ’ snatanoed’ by ts n ployment of the people in advantageous public See its paraphrase in loc. I have therefore} p19. aK {— x x is explained :— 87, uy =A «OCA RE HA aie WEE AS A F-

= fr hes AX- A fe mf : AZ FI fie fx 32 ht 2.2 6 LZ PAK Jyv Ee PA —F i& Ned45=aBY

AN ’ 7 ’

My master, the philosopher Ch'dng, says :—‘ The Great Learning is a Book transmitted by the Confucian School, and forms the gate by which first learners enter into virtue. That we can now perceive the order in which the ancients pursued their learning is solely owing to the preservation of this work, the Analects and Mencius coming after it. Learners must commence their course with this, and then wt may be hoped they will be kept from error.’ TITLE oF THE WoRK.— K Bh, ‘The Great, paraphrasts who follow him says— K #p: Learning.’ I have pointed out, in the prole- ¢ | gomena, the great differences which are found K KM id 4 h ¥ at K means adults, among Chinese commentators on this Work, on | }2 opposition to children.’ The grounds of almost every point connected with the criticism Chu Hsi’s interpretation are to be found in his and interpretation of it. We encounter them | V°TY elegant preface to the Book, where he here on the very threshold. The name itself is tries to make it out, that we have here the simply the adoption of the two commencing subjects taught in the advanced schools of ancharacters of the treatise, according to the cus- viquity. I have contented myself _with the tom noticed at the beginning of the Analects ;| title—‘The Great Learning,’ which is a literal but in explaining those two characters, the old translation of the characters, whether read as

and new schools differ widely. Anciently, K Tk fd, or RK 3.

Flasd Tk thean oldest tat THE INTRODUCTORY NOTE.—I thought was read © oldest commentator) well to translate this, and allhave the other notesit whose notes on the work are preserved, Ching | and supplements appended by Cha Hsi to the K‘ang-ch‘ang, in the last half of the 2nd cen-| original text, because they appear in nearly all

id that the Book alled Fr? the editions of the work, which fall into the ry said that the “oo eee ¥ A s, hands of students, and his view of the classics

VU “Ht = ais] 1. Ay vu = BX: ‘be-| is what must be fegarded as the orthodox one. cause it recorded that extensive learning, which | The translation, which is here given, is also, was available for the administration of govern-| for the most part, according to his views, ment.’ This view is approved by K‘ung Ying- though my own differing opinion will be found

. . ; freely expressed in the notes. Another ver-

ta (FL +H 3), whose expansion of K'ang- | sion, following the order of the text, before it ch‘ing’s notes, written in the first half of the was transposed Py him and his masters, the 7th century, stillremains. He says Kr 2, tations, will be found in the translation of the

. . _ ‘ang, and without reference to his interpre-

= M2] RR, Te es means the highest prin-| Tj Chi.—-F- RE F; —see note to the Analects, ciples.” Cha Hsi’s definition, on the contrary,|] i.1. The Ch‘ang here is the second of the two

is— Kk ad # k AZ Bi +h, »° k 2h, brothers, to whom reference is made in the promeans the Learning of Adults.’ One of the| legomena. FL Ki ‘Confucius,’ =the K‘ung,

356 THE GREAT LEARNING. [TEXT OF

a | > = ee) fr ste = A, He AE, A ABTS

’

Ja 2E, it 3, 1F Be BA Ge

’ ‘ » hin H

fe, A ib2 FE. FE. HY Le Re, THE TEXT OF CONFUCIUS.

1. What the Great Learning teaches, is—to illustrate illustrious virtue ; to renovate the people ; and to rest in the highest excellence. 2. The point where to rest being known, the object of pursuit is then ; and, to. thatTo being a calm unperturbedness determined may be attained thatdetermined, calmness there will succeed a tranquil repose. In that repose there may be careful deliberation, as Ae KK is found continually in the Analects | not in the same condition as himself.—‘The for the Chi, i.e. the chief of the Chifamily. For highest excellence’ is understood of the two how can we say that ‘The Great Learning’ is| Previous matters, It is not a third and differa work left by Confucius? Even Cha Hsi ent object of pursuit, but indicates a perseverascribes only a small portion of it to the Master, ance in the two others, till they are perfectly and makes the rest to be the production of the | °¢°™plished.—According to these explanadisciple Tsing, and before his time, the whole tions, the objects contemplated in the Great work was attributed generally to the sage’s them Learning are not three, but two. Suppose realised, and we should have the whole grandson. I must take ¥L FR as = ¥L FA, world of mankind perfectly good, every indi-

the Confucian school. vidual what he ought to be!

Tue TExtT or Conrucius. Such Chi Hsi, as Against the above interpretation, we have to will be seen from his concluding note, deter-| consider the older and simpler. iid is there

mines this chapter to be, and it has beenorsyvirtuous du _ ; : 4 not the nature, but simply virtue, divided into two sections (Ex ) the first con-| conduct, and the first object in the Great taining three paragraphs, occupied with the Learning is theinmaking. more ane . more illustrious virtue,oforone's the felt practice o

te i A) of ne Great manic ial benevolence, reverence, filial piety, kindness, © second containing tour paragraphs, occu-| 4 sincerity. See the fa, = pied with the particulars ((& A) of those. y we AK K + at AN oN, in loc.—There is nothing, of course, of the Par. 1. The heads of the Great Learning. K renovating of the people, in this interpretation.

LS 2. 14 »—‘the way of the Great Learn-| The second object of the Great Learning is ine SEE being (Bb BR 2 iy He, «no | BL ER ~ 84 BE IA BR to lov the people methods of cultivating and practising it,’—the —The third object 1s said by Ying-ta to be

Great L vng. thati ‘tain’ ‘The first ‘in resting in conduct which is perfectly good

reat Learning, that is. ZE, is in. e firs CEILER 2 # FF), and here

BA is used as a verb ; the second as an adjec-| also, there would seem to be only two objects,

. “eos Z ; . . ..|for what essential distinction can we make

tive, qualifying (iif. The illustrious virtue is| Metwoon the first and third? There will be we virtuous nature which man derives from! occasion below to refer to the reasons for through defects of the physical constitution, changing 3H) into Hr » and their unsatisiac through inward lusts, and through outward | toriness. ‘To love the people’ is, doubtless, seductions; and the great business of life| the second thing taught by the Great Learnshould be, to bring the nature back to its| ing.—Having the heads of the Great Learning original purity.—‘To renovate the people,’— | now before us, according to both interpreta-

eaven. is is perverted as man grows up ; . . * ofa

this object of the Great Learning is made out, | tions of it, we feel that the student of it should

. be a sovereign, and not an ordinary man.

by changing the character E35) of the old text Par. 2. The mental process by which the point

“nto . The Chx t he altera-| of vest may be attained. 1 confess that I do not

™ wr ° ans first prop osed the altera well understand this paragraph, in the relation tion, and Cha Hsi approved of it. When a| of its parts in itself, nor in relation to the rest

man has entirely illustrated his own illustrious « 17.4 ome: nature, he has to proceed to bring about the| of the chapter. Cha Hsi says :— TE is the same result in every other man, till ‘under| ground where we ought to rest ;’—namely, the heaven’ there be not an individual, who is! highest excellence mentioned above. But if

LS ay

CONFUCIUS. } THE GREAT LEARNING. 357

GK a ya,HA KK GJ a’ rx EC » 4D wySke bSQ./A 1 4¢ os mA W 7AA AAE et # a ’ Jo .SarARDY ’ .w AE) An , a H —— , AE. iz oN Ty Fh, at Ze j Ad, inf® A.

‘ mM a "

ya Fe Vix Pn i Za A, ]

Hye 2 fe Ja et i Bi

6. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, ‘That peach tree, so delicate

and elegant! How luxuriant is its foliage! This girl is going to her husband’s house. She will rightly order her household.’ Let the household be rightly ordered, and then the people of the State may be taught. 7. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, ‘They can discharge their duties to their elder brothers. They can discharge their duties to their younger brothers.’ Let the ruler discharge his duties to his elder and younger brothers, and then he may teach the people of the State. 8. In the Book of Poetry, it is said, ‘In his deportment there is nothing wrong; he rectifies all the people of the State.’ Yes; when

the ruler, as a father, a son, and a brother, is a model, then the people imitate him.

9. This is what is meant by saying, ‘The government of his kingdom depends on his regulation of the family.’ Ze 3p (= bf), Po in par. 1. 4. Anillus-| take xX AH as simply =‘ good.’ 6. See the tration of the last part of the last paragraph. But|Shih-ching, I. i. Ode VI. st. 3. The ode celefrom the examples cited, the sphere of influence | brates the wife of king Wan, and the happy is extended from the State to the kingdom, | ; . : and the family, moreover, does not intervene influence of their family government. LF

between the kingdom and the ruler. In E = fe -¥-. Observe -F- is feminine, as in Ar 4 a must be understood as referring | Analects, V. 1 Fee, ‘going home,’ a term for to the tyrants Chieh and Chau. Their orders | ™@rTiage, used by women. 7. See the Shih,

; _ entertainments, when the king feasted the

were good, but unavailing, in consequence of| 1. 1. Ode VI. st. 3. The ode was sung at

their own contrary example. as =f. Ar princes. It celebrates their virtues. 8. See

Tt ‘whati . , the Shih, I. xiv. Ode III. st. 3. It celebrates,

Fal f- a » “what is kept in one’s Own Per | according to Cha Hsi, the praises of some chiinson,’ i.e. his character and mind. AH, —see tsze, or ruler. py [ae] —not ‘four States,’ but Analects, V. xi; XV. xxiii. Ying-taé seems to| the four quarters of the State, the whole of it.

|WHS 7 —}( ’it| Fe ESAG. A

CH. X.] THE GREAT LEARNING. 373

x. , ’ i 240 ae Dy’ DE A AK A ry ’ REA wh ph ‘ Bel [=3 JS an 2) ay ’ ’ LAY, ‘A =)

$e, He VA BORG $e, ay »

RI NN + pv y oe Bini eA w7rv ER we : .ANN ¢ By DAS YJ HT NY4’LH ANZe \
vu =SLEEA EN ~) ~w Vv praaN Faye Tr I

YG, ANZA il ’ HWe, ea Be FTBEE o Za,BE 4 BY’ Ail,

AllJRO 7 Bae UL a A» A ay SR . Bd hh Rx LRieOE 47td ih ZB Ri Ai, oy fi HL ie a lif Jin

K | , = ~ tr

j Ar Bin the ZL, iif j ee Ar, Aly

—$ ae ra te e ° wae

a 3438 is ad a verb, read hsieh, according | meaning ‘rugged and lofty-looking.’ = to Cha Hsi, = PRE , ‘to measure ; 5a, — {HL ‘all. Kf.) read pi, as in chap. viii. es the mechanical instrument, ‘the carpenter’s|is explained in the dictionary by Fez, ‘ disexample is so influential, it follows that the| grace.’ Cha Hsi seems to take it as- SF, ‘to minds of all men are the same in sympathy kill,’ as did the old commentators. They say:

square,’ It having been seen that the ruler’s ah,

and tendency. He has then only to take his | _‘}{¢ will be put to death by the people, as were own mind, and measure therewith the minds the tyrants Chieh and Chau.’ 5. See the Shih, result—the kingdom tranquil and happy—will III. 1. st. 6, where we have Af for ti, and ensue. 2. A lengthened description of the principle ER for Wag The ode is supposed to be ad-

of others. If he act accordingly, the gran . ww ,

af reciprocity. Fey —ath tone, ‘to( XM), precede.’ ‘ es 5 him ;; j . dressed to king Ch‘ang to stimulate 3. See the Shih-ching, II. ii. Ode V. st.3. The ok . nN , ode is one that was sung at festivals, and cele- to imitate the virtues of his grandfather Wan.

brates the virtues of the princes present. Chia pe, =‘the sovereigns of the Yin dynasty.’ Hsi makes A (read chih, 3rd tone) an exple-| The capital of the Shang dynasty was changed

376 THE GREAT LEARNING. (COMMENTARY.

ME Se4BEI ; » A, ’ as | i 78, 9He, PvA,Fe }

5cs3H SE & a,, PY=.>AW RH

Rs , | By HE HI NE Db it ae a 2e* 43Raft a» ¢oe 2HANS » rs Hie

HV O fi [J d s Byfr Ha,or A in St in Ba) Se ~ ’ Vv Ar | ztHAH FAyDF a vWStfWR 0’

9. Hence, the accumulation of wealth is the way to scatter the people; and the letting it be scattered among them is the way to collect the people.

10. And hence, the rulers words going forth contrary to right, will come back to him in the same way, and wealth, gotten by improper ways, will take its departure by the same.

11. In the Announcement to K‘ang, it is said, ‘The decree indeed may not always rest on us;’ that is, goodness obtains the decree, and the want of goodness loses it. 12. In the Book of Ch'd, it is said, ‘The kingdom of Ch‘d does

not consider that to be valuable. It values, instead, its good men.’ to Yin by P‘an-kang, about B.c. 1400, after | one another. Ying-t explains them—‘ people , which the dynasty was so denominated. ey wrangling for gain will give reins to their

E a according to Cha Hei, means ‘they rapacious disposition.’ 9. Ay Be ‘wealth

. ' | being seattered,’—that is, diffused, and allowed

were the sovereigns of the realm, and corres} +5 po so by the ruler, among the veovle. The ponded to (fronted) God.’ K'ang-ch’ing says: | collecting and scattering of the people ‘are to ~~‘ Before they lost their people, from their | he understood with reference to their feelings virtue, they were also able to appear before | towards their ruler. 10. The ‘words’ are to

foes” to Chany Heaven pecepted They har be understood of governmental orders and monized with God ; that is, in loving the people.’ enactments. NS, read pei, =i, ‘to act conK‘ang-ch‘ang’s interpretation is, I apprehend, | trary to,’ ‘to rebel,’ that which is outraged the correct one. 6. te. mI {phe ,— phd here, | being 3H, ‘what is right,’ or, in the first place,

according to Chi Hsi, is the ‘illustrious virtue ’ Vy. ‘th ny , | at the beginning of the book. His opponents Fe AQ) ‘the people's hearts,’ and, in the say that it is the exhibition of virtue ; that is, | second place, pat AY ‘the ruler’s heart.’ of filial piety, brotherly submission, &c. This Our proverb— goods ill-gotten go ill-spent’—

is more in harmony with the first paragraph; | : AY, P

of the chapter. 8. Ap and Py ure used as might be translated by =| Ke m IAN A ? verbs, = WK me, ‘to consider slight,’ ‘to con- ZR Me ni) Hi, but those words have a dif-

; . 2 ;important.’ | ferent meaning in — thewill text.wrangle 11. See| the K‘ang sider AF.23. Be, __. .. ; : : ‘ j Kado, par. The only difficulty is with the (i.e. with the) people.’ The ruler will be K‘ane-ch't . . ¥.

trying to take, and the people will be trying ang-c ang and Ying-té do not take it as an tohold. iff, ZB, —‘he will give’—(i. e, lead | *Pletive, but say it= >, ‘in,’ or ‘on;’—‘The the people to,=teach them)—‘rapine.’ The ‘appointment of Heaven may not constantly rest two phrases =he will be against the people, |°D one family.’ Treating =i in this way, the and will set them against himself, and against ' supplement in the Sha should be ‘us.’ 12. The

CH. X.] THE GREAT LEARNING. 377

|’’

xe!WE Bonedandy AF da Zs » HE anA’

ZI, A WACO Ee Bo pla W i= es Bank, fs VI Oh ZH A OU AF, Fee

my 7? ia | RE CA RS weAV " 3230 8 90)N viteZA AY AH He -bke AN A Ta Tit A| »

KSA Z Bae 5BHA BX imgy VA Aa Lm Arn IA”Ee «5 AnE ~~ b He DZ JULY aly —— HE & 2 »3Kee 41 7A pe | »TR Pi ’1LSE AN A tk “0 it 4%, 42 Bin VJ » oR A He, JU Oe ’ NEY 13. Duke Wdn’s uncle, Fan, said, ‘Our fugitive does not account that to be precious. What he considers precious, is the affection due to his parent.’

14. In the Declaration of the duke of Ch'in, it is said, ‘Let me have but one minister, plain and sincere, not pretending to other abilities, but with a simple, upright, mind; and possessed of generosity, regarding the talents of others as though he himself possessed

them, and, where he finds accomplished and perspicacious men, loving them in his heart more than his mouth expresses, and really showing himself able to bear them and employ them:—such a minister will be able to preserve my sons and grandsons and blackhaired people, and benefits likewise to the kingdom may well be looked for from him. But if 2 be his character, when he finds men of ability, to be jealous and hate them; and, when he finds accomplished and perspicacious men, to oppose them and not allow their advancement, showing himself really not able to bear them :— such a minister will not be able to protect my sons and grandsons Book of Ch‘tiis found in the [ed 32, Narratives , its able and virtuous ministers. 13. Dr AL of the States,’ a collection purporting to be of| ‘uncle Fan ;’ that is, uncle to Wan, subsethe Chau dynasty, and, in relation to the other | quently marquis, commonly described as duke,

States, what Confucius’s ‘Spring and Autumn’ : Bn i wees

is to La. The exact words of the text do not ofTsin, Wan is the G XM of) ‘fugitive. In occur, but they could easily be constructed the early part of his life, he was a fugitive, and from the narrative. An officer of Ch‘d being suffered many vicissitudes of fortune. Once, the

sent on an embassy to Tsin, the minister duke of Ch'in (ZS) having offered to help him, who received him asked about a famous girdle when he was in mourning for his father who had

of Ch‘i, called {| Hy » how much it was| expelled him, to recover Tsin, his uncle Fan gave worth. The officer replied that his country did | the reply in the text. The thatin the translation not look on such things as its treasures, but on! refers to 48 Bop ‘getting the kingdom.’ 14,

378 THE GREAT LEARNING. [ COMMENTARY.

j ’ Zz rt Wit ny Ea, {— ht Ir Xx

7A RE BE AM th, I »y AAFS, BS,Bok9 HE ey Tw He K fi ML | LA Ba IS MER |>FS] HY J an v ay v ek PP Xe

WrZAr HeHeBL DA iB,fie . He 3 EH Sid, » =eBe Sut Bue oev tt) fHAN »_

IIE Ac Wi — . ) 2 a Att ME i fe ine)2

Vi Sean ri AAGE H Yuaev we dys.2 )Fe> bik BZ, 4UGE A ait SE hs , WT ’=n)Hu ¢F A. J 3” = ee Lar =i A Ay i ae JhaATE b=: i= =

and black-haired people; and may he not also be pronounced

dangerous to the State?’

15. It is only the truly virtuous man who can send away such a man and banish him, driving him out among the barbarous tribes around, determined not to dwell along with him in the Middle Kingdom. This is in accordance with the saying, ‘It is only the truly virtuous man who can love or who can hate others.’ 16, To see men of worth and not be able to raise them to office ; to raise them to office, but not to do so quickly :—this is disrespect-

ful. To see bad men and not be able to remove them; to remove

them, but not to do so to a distance :—this is weakness. 17. To love those whom men hate, and to hate those whom men

love :—this is to outrage the natural feeling of men. Calamities cannot fail to come down on him who does so. 18. Thus we see that the sovereign has a great course to pursue. He must show entire self-devotion and sincerity to attain it, and by pride and extravagance he will fail of it. ‘The declaration of the duke of Ch‘in’ is the last | reciprocity, expounded in the second paragraph.

book in he shocing, Tt a made bon of Zo Chungfan contends that its $9, B58 sustained a great disaster, in consequence of| ‘the lover of the people.’ The paragraph is

neglecting the advice of his most faithful| closely connected with the preceding. In

inister. Bet the text here, and that . inist

which we find in the Sha, ‘there are some dif. BK it x ra refers to the bad min sien ferences, but they are unimportant. 15. _— there described. The py Be: ‘four 1’ see K is here, according to Cha Hsi and his fol- the Li Chi, III. iii. 14. Xe Hi. | ae E3| lowers, the prince who applies the principle of | = Xe Hi. C. la iE rH fee], ‘will not dwell

CH. X.] THE GREAT LEARNING. 379

iy OM AOL 1, HE He ’ IHyTZ AT HH, LERH v} AG td HE| Ee ZV v Ln Vy Be hk A RPK A TPR, te HK » = | + Rms oh ANy WEA RZ ~ i ff te) Se ik Wer t Fe,38, D 2+ 44,7 AES oy NWS : yavd An » ot

KT UBS auslt RAB sy AY

feNdA, ES ae y AVI) AviBe oO?ah a a

axe == :“i SR Pr“yyQKk vk we: FF Ay #5 Kae Hi] eS

19. There is a great course also for the production of wealth. Let the producers be many and the consumers few. Let there be activity in the production, and economy in the expenditure. Then the wealth will always be sufficient.

20. The virtuous ruler, by means of his wealth, makes himself more distinguished. The vicious ruler accumulates wealth, at the expense of his life.

21.and Never there a case of the sovereign benevolence, the has people notbeen loving righteousness. Never pving has there been

a case where the people have loved righteousness, and the affairs of the sovereign have not been carried to completion. And never has there been a case where the wealth in such a State, collected in the treasuries and arsenals, did not continue in the sovereign’s possession.

22. The officer Mang Hsien said, ‘He who keeps horses and a carriage does not look after fowls and pigs. The family which together with him in the Middle Kingdom.’ The paraphrasts all explain Fe by FA ‘early,’ China is evidently so denominated, from its| , . on on”. being thought to be surrounded by barbarous | 1s grd tone, but with a hiphil force. 3B 18

tribes. HE {= KN HE Ze Zee Ana-| referred to iyi vie in last paragraph, and tit lects, IV. iii. 16. I have translated iit as if} to AK Gd lal rH (ax. 17. This is spoken of it were Ns, which K‘ang-ch‘ang thinks shouldfeelings the rulerofnot the commonof thehaving peoplerespect in his to employment

be in the text. Ch‘ing f (i ) would sub-| ministers, and the consequences thereof to stitute yee ‘idle,’ instead of ie, and Cha Hsi | bimself. F, ist tone, is used as in Analects, does not know which suggestion to prefer. Lo} XI. ix. 4, or=the preposition SB. This paras Chung-fan stoutly contends for retaining oT graph speaks generally of the primal cause of gaining and interprets it as= ‘fate,’ but he is obliged | %”4 ‘sing, and shows how the principle of the measur-

to supply a good deal himself, to make any | '"9-square must have tts root in the ruler’s mind. So,

sense of the passage. See his argument, in loc. | in the H ai The great course is explained

U + ) 2, S d = | v » A> ING 7~ih Zz,} fie NN Oy LB BS MS EL UF

380 THE GREAT LEARNING. (COMMENTARY.

xNy ApWALA 3 Ai Fu AA XX» Xr : Ky » iE» | VA

#2 A thA, VWVU RR ie LBZ 4H ate RR GiKR | ! ‘Gu z » 15a4 Ae WA

7s te WU Bl Zk =F | ’Ai—7 fan P AY » od Vv ’

aH AN » TL :

WH tn Aa we AW a Be We

keeps its stores of ice does not rear cattle or sheep. So, the house which possesses a hundred chariots should not keep a minister to look out for imposts that he may lay them on the people. Than to have such a minister, it were better for that house to have one who should rob it of zs revenues. This is in accordance with the saying :—‘ In a State, pecuniary gain is not to be considered to be prosperity, but its prosperity will be found in righteousness.’ 23. When he who presides over a State or a family makes his revenues his chief business, he must be under the influence of some small, mean man. He may consider this man to be good; but when such a person is employed in the administration of a State or family, calamities from Heaven, and injuries from men, will befal it together,

and, though a good man may take his place, he will not be able to by Cha as—‘the art of occupying the throne, | is the way to permanent prosperity and wealth. and therein cultivating himself and governing | 22. Hsien was the honorary epithet of Chungothers. Ying-ta says it is— ‘the course PY | sun Mich (Vf ), a worthy minister of La under

which he practises piety, duty, TX of ; , the twofilial dukes, who fraternal ruled before the birth

benevolence, and righteousness. ire and Ae Confucius. His sayings, quoted here, were preare here qualities of the same nature. They | Served by tradition, or recorded in some Work are not contrasted as in Analects, XIII. XXV1.} which is now lost. = (read ch'ti) Fe KE, 19. This is understood by K’ang-ch ‘ang at ©"; —on a scholar’s being first called to office, he quiring the promotion of agriculture, and that)... gifted by his prince with a carriage and is included, but does not exhaust the meaning. | ¢.1.. 5, orses. He was then supposed to withThe consumers are the salaried officers of the draw from petty ways of getting wealth. The good ;—where there is cheerful industry in the Hen or high officers of a State, kept ice for use

government. The sentiment of the whole is ;

people, and an economical administration of! . . . . 5 the government, the finances will be flourish- | 7” their funeral rites and sacrifices. 134 UK,

ing. 20. The sentiment here is substantially | with reference to the cutting the ice to store the same as in paragraphs 7,8. The old inter-| it ; see the Shih, I. xv. Ode I. 8. Be TAN Z. his wealth so as to make his person distin- Fir ,—see Analects, XI. xvi. 23. Wk FB ste

pretation is different :—‘Thevirtuous man uses 3 4 guished. He who is not 21. virtuous, with d b ,ae,4coné his body to increase his wealth.’ This se IStoils Used as Ave!,=VW shows how the people respond to the influence | ,; ’ ’ ’ of the ruler, and that benevolence, even to the siders ‘9 be good. X W Fil] ni Fi); Wy

ecattering of his wealth on the part of the latter, a5 i Fil], see Mencius, I. Pt. I. i, et passim.

CH. X.] THE GREAT LEARNING. 381 HL, EE

VAyoy 71 RM tt Ad KAT DM FA, i : hd Ha ok 71Piom omoDo YA ~~ HIF Any

WH 3 Yr ) 1 ra

, st p ab

» 5 TRAE Fl = —2Z. \ O Aw FA, TL F&A, HA,

remedy the evil. This illustrates again the saying, ‘Ina State, gain is not to be considered prosperity, but its prosperity will be found in righteousness.’ The above tenth chapter of commentary explains the government of the State, and the making the kingdom peaceful and happy. There are thus, in all, ten chapters of commentary, the first four of which discuss, in a general manner, the scope of the principal topic of the Work ; while the other six go particularly into an exhibition of the work required in its subordinate branches. The fifth chapter contains the important subject of comprehending true excellence, and the sixth, what is the foundation of the attainment of true sincerity. Those two chapters demand the especial attention of the learner. Let not the reader despise them because of their semplicity.

THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN.

Ha

44’ Ht HEPA DK pF xH I > AN ’ Wt

A©» = Oe EPee’ v(es

» =H ,Jk , v > —Zz», fad ) ’ vB m% AL

ay ZA’ a HHL HH Fe BaFE- oy JUBIE ’K

psfa. EC 4és Ho Hf Uy A Zz y An » ~ ji #8 22 GL KR iss

My master, the philosopher Chang, says :—‘ Being without inclination to either side ts called cHUNG; admitting of no change is called xuNG. By cHuNG is denoted the correct course to be pursued by all under heaven ; by YUNG is denoted the

fixed principle regulating all under heaven. This work contains the law of the mind, which was handed down from one to another, in the Confucian school, till Tsze-sze, fearing lest in the course of time errors should arise about tt,

committed it to writing, and delivered it to Mencius. The Book first speaks of

one principle; it next spreads this out, and embraces all things 3 finally, returns and gathers them all up under the one principle. Unroll it, and it fills THE TITLE OF THE Worx.—FH a , ‘The Doc- | combination, till Ch‘ing I introduced that of

trine of the Mean.’ I have not attempted to Xe Sy ‘unchanging,’ as in the introductory translate the Chinese character Jet as to the| note, which, however, the dictionary does not exact force of which there is considerable dif-| acknowledge. Cha Hsi himself says— 4

ference of opinion, both among native com- —. >

mentators, and among previous translators. Ae hi x fii ’ Bit 3 BOZ ’ |=] ’ Ching K’ang-ch’ing caid — 3% =| HA 3) ss vy th; ‘Chung is the name for what is

y = ‘The | withoutinclination or deflection, which neither

4 YA Ht AL HH Al ra Tat FA tH exceeds nor comes short. Yungmeans ordinary,

Work is named FA ja » because it records the | constant.’ The dictionary gives another meanpractice of the non-deviating mind and of har- | 1®& of Yung, with special reference to the point

mony.’ He takes a in the sense of FA: ‘¢o| before us. It is said— Ful 4h, ‘It also use,’ ‘to employ,’ which is the first given to it means harmony ;’ and then reference is made in the dictionary, and is found in the Sha-| to K’ang-ch’ing’s words given above, the comching, I. i. par. 9. As to the meaning of FH pilers not having observed that he immediately

. . subjoins— 77 FA ti; showing that he takes

and AM: see chap. i. par. 4. This appears to Yung in the sense of ‘to employ,’ and not of have been the accepted meaning of is in this! ‘harmony.’ Many, however, adopt this mean-

CH. 1.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 383

ma HE Woe, ReANHS oX HaKets WY AR b’

yAi"w= ZL Ht, All yyy ’ -rAll Pwr

a ce ffl On Hi“3 : v— Pv aA ’

MHZ. 2 FA At 5 RO i RZ. 7 »6 im FPTE O BA HTBe, Pe ex ’ An Ay 3B? Fay 4 4:®WS APd “Ly ary» | . oF | INA A) AS the universe; roll it up, and wt retires and les hid in mysteriousness. The relish of it ts inexhaustible. The whole of tt is solid learning. When the skilful reader has explored tt with delight till he has apprehended tt, he may carry it into practice all his life, and will find that it cannot be exhausted.’

CHAPTER I. 1. What Heaven has conferred is called THE NATURE ; an accordance with this nature is called THE PATH of duty; the regulation of this path is called mnsrrRucTion. ing of the term in chap. ii, and my own opinion | not here anticipate the judgment of the reader is decidedly in favour of it, here in the title. | on the eulogy of the enthusiastic Ch‘ang.

The work then treats of the human mind :—in 1. It has been stated, in the prolegomena, its state of chung, absolutely correct, as it is in| that the current division of the Chung Yung itself; and in its state of hwo, or harmony. | into chapters was made by Cha Hsi, as well as

acting ad exct'Ay according to its correct nature. | their subdivision into paragraphs. The thirty—In the version of the work, given in the col-| three chapters which embrace the work, are lection of ‘Memoires concernant V histoire, les sciences, | again arranged by him in five divisions, as will

&c., des Chinois,’ vol. 1, it is styled—‘ Juste Milieu.’ | be seen from his supplementary notes. The Rémusat calls it ‘ L’invariable Milieu,’ after Ch‘ang first and last chapters are complete in them-

¥. Intorcetta and his coadjutors call it—‘ Me- selves, as in the introduction and conclusion of

dium constans vel sempiternum.’ The Book treats, | the treatise. The second part contains ten chapthey say, ‘De MEDIO SEMPITERNO, sive de aurea| ters; the third, nine; and the fourth, twelve, mediocritate ila, quoe est, ut ait Cicero, inter nimium| Par. x, The principles of duty have their root in the et parum, constanter et omnibus in rebus tenenda.’ | evidenced will of Heaven, and their full exhibition in

Morrison, character | , Says, ‘Chung Yung, the | the teaching of sages. By PE, or ‘nature,’ is to constant (golden) Medium.’ Collie calls it—| be understood the nature of man, though Cha ‘The golden Medium.’ The objection which I| Hsi generalizes it so as to embrace that of have to all these names is, that from them it} brutes also; but only man can be cognizant of would appear as if FA were & noun, and He the téo and chido. ii he defines by ca ‘to qualifying adjective, whereas they are co-or-} command,’ ‘to order.’ But we must take it as dinate terms. My own version of the title in}in a gloss on a passage from the Yi-ching, the translation published in the Sacred Books . eye __ he of the East is, ‘The State of Equilibrium and Har- quoted in the dictionary. ny AS IN Ar

mony.’ pe) ES, ‘Ming is what men are endowed with.’ INTRODUCTORY NOTE -F- Fe -F- —see on 7

° ? Chi also says that [E: is just 5H, the ‘ prin-

introductory note to the K a. On Tsze-/ ciple,’ characteristic of any particular nature. sze, and his authorship of this work, see the| But this only involves the subject in mystery.

prolegomena. + = is a phrase denoting | His explanation of A by Be, ‘a path,’ seems —‘the zenith and nadir, and the four cardinal | © be correct, though some modern writers ob-

ints.’= the =thuniverse, . it ject toy—not it.—What taught to beconferred this :— points,’ ate ae our’! To is man belongs seems a moral nature, on ‘good reader,’ but as in the translation.—I will | him by Heaven or God, by which he is consti-

384 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. (CH. 1.

= —i—(y _ 2 K , Ee fii, iu ’ nAHe cs V4LE ~ Ar PH CRA EEF aR

nA dtu ’ ZZ Pe, TF lee EL Ze RE » Boy ‘is AY Ar

AXP he A ih 2teak HA A PB t,t A Ac Tei -F RS OE

’ a] o MNF) ’ AM 4,d AP»BE, oh, SEAL fe)HLWe ’ us Th SE 2. The path may not be left for an instant. If it could be left, it would not be the path. On this account, the superior man does not wait till he sees things, to be cautious, nor till he hears things, to be apprehensive.

3. There is nothing more visible than what is secret, and nothing more manifest than what is minute. Therefore the superior man Is watchful over himself, when he 1s alone. 4. While there are no stirrings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, or joy,

the mind may be said to be in the state of EQUILIBRIUM. When those feelings have been stirred, and they act in their due degree,

there ensues what may be called the state of Harmony. This

EQUILIBRIUM is the great root from which grow all the human actings in the world, and this HARMONY is the universal path which they all should pursue. tuted a law to himself, But as he is prone to a=5 ain Xe Fal. ought not to be understood deviate from the path in which, according to passively, = ‘where he is not seen,’ ‘where he is his nature, he should go, wise and good men—| 14+ heard’ They are so understood by Ying-ta,

sages—have appeared, to explain and regulate 5 aa ’ this, helping all by their instructions to walk | andthe Ke {ef chap.vi, ismuch in favour,

in it. by its analogy, of such an interpretation. Pur. 2. The path indicated by the nature may never . 2, i is ‘

be lft, and th + superior am st 3g > K Par. 3 one Hsi says that [= is ‘a dark

, B35 | place ;’ all that Tt means ‘small matters he who would embody principles of right and duty

;’ and

—exercises a most sedulous care that he may attain| that Ai is ‘the place which other men do not

thereto. 3A fa is a name for a short period | Know, and is known only to one’s self.’ There

oftime. of which th thirtvin the twent would thus hardly be here any advance from

. ° oh 9 OF WINTON EAETO are UaInby MB bie twen'Y"| the last paragraph. It seems to me that, the

four hours ; but the phrase is commonly used secrecy must be in the recesses of one’s own for ‘a moment,’ ‘an instant.’ Kung Ying-t&| heart, and the minute things, the springs of explains By Fate df 379 »—! what may be left} thought and stirrings of purpose there. The

+s a wrong way.’ hich is not admissibl full development of what is intended here is

& way; ° 1881 ° probably to be found in all the subsequent pas-

Bite 4th tone, =F, to be, or go, away from.’| . 356s about Ai or ‘sincerity.’ See py yA}

If we translate the two last clauses literally, — Lh =n ‘is cautious and careful in regard to what he SB, FA | a, in loc.

does not see ; is fearful and apprehensive inre-| py, 4. ‘This,’ says Cha Hsi, ‘speaks of the gard to what he does not hear,’—they will not| virtue of the nature and passions, to illustrate be intelligible to an English reader. A question | the meaning of the statement that the path may

aN 2 A ~

arises, moreover, whether # hy ys He, not be left.’ It is difficult to translate the para-

CH. 1.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 385

AM, Ut,

Tie 0K rae AZ At KA, -S oA 5 yoA der) Ayos we We it We t—IL. fe ph ene

& te fay : FA ae)jl |AF y IL »TSsry

HERAT BE PH, ’ » Et hd 7 IXAY » sur y

—_ . Zz 8 ’ , fe) a mm Xr yj ui A Ht,

an Ah, AN mJ SX"

SF, Bp A] Shi. {3h

5. Let the states of equilibrium and harmony exist in perfection, and a happy order will prevail throughout heaven and earth, and all things will be nourished and flourish. In the first chapter which is given above, T'sze-sze states the views which had been handed down to him, as the basis of his discowrse. First, i¢ shows clearly how the path of duty is to be traced to its origin in Heaven, and is unchangeable, while

the substance of it 1s provided in ourselves, and may not be departed from. Next, it speaks of the wmportance of preserving and nourishing this, and of exercising a watchful self-scrutiny with reference to it. Finally, it speaks of the meritorious achievements and transforming influence of sage and spiritual men in their highest extent. The wish of Tsze-sze was that hereby the learner

, should direct his thoughts inwards, and by searching in himself, there find these graph because it is difficult to understand it. | universum, quod homo vitiatus quodam modo vitiarat,

=aH-o di =H ; _ | connatural suce integritati et ordini restitui, nist prius < 18 different from z aH ™ par. t upse homo per victoriam sui ipsius, eam, quam amiserat,

That defines; this describes. What is described in | integritatem et ordinem recuperaret.’ I fancied some-

the first clause, seems to be PE, ‘the nature,’| thing of the same kind, before reading their

capable of all feelings, but unacted on, and in Foe ee ding to wna eh the paragraph

“ibrium escribes theinwork influence sagesuban equi _ . spiritual men theirand highest issues.ofThe

Par. 5. On this Intorcetta and his colleagues ject is developed in the 4th part of the work, observe :—' Quis non videt eo dumtaxat collimasse|in very extravagant and mystical language. philosophum, ut hominis naturam, quam ab origine |The study of it will modify very much our sua rectam, sed deinde lapsam et depr avatam passim | assent to the views in the above passage. There Sinenses docent, ad primevum tnnocentie statum rée-| +. in this whole chapter a mixture of sense and

duceret? Atque ita reliquas res creatas, homint gam boi f what b d. and what rebelles, et in ejusdem ruinam armatas, ad pristinum | Mysticism,—ol what may be grasped, and wha obsequium veluti revocaret. Hoc caput primum libri | tantalizes and eludes the mind. A» accords

Ta He6, hoc item hic et alibi non semel indicat. Etst| . ee . . .

autem nesciret philosophus nos a prima felicitate | ing toCht Hsi, - Fr Ap ‘will rest in their

propter peccatum primi parentis excidisse, tamen et ene > e ; . .

tot rerum que adversantur et infest sunt homini, et | P ositions. K ang-ch dng explained it by 1» ipsius nature humane ad deteriora tam prone, longo| —‘ will be rectified.’ ‘Heaven and earth’ are usu et contemplatione didicisse videtur, non posse hoc| here the parent powers of the universe. Thus

, [=| |

386 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. (CH. II.

IALFRE th Pez BL ak Be wi in iG JE = a . HH, Ke 7 A

fe Has, HTZN mnrrTe 3a)He’ A ’— ,

a aN d HAZH mre #V ,Wop ’ om BN VYje A FE ° A,Pp 4h, ‘if ’Me ws CUR »»

ate ar ) py LZ | FA Tu Z,

Fw We We Zz Hb

»* ‘ FA. ou 7)

truths, so that he might put aside all outward temptations appealing to his selfishness, and fill up the measure of the goodness which is natural to him. This chapter is what the writer Yang called it,—‘ The sum of the whole work. In the ten chapters which follow, T'sze-sze quotes the words of the Master to complete the meaning of this.

the Mean.

Cuap. II. 1. Chung-ni said, ‘The superior man embodies the course of the Mean; the mean man acts contrary to the course of 2. ‘The superior man’s embodying the course of the Mean is because he is a superior man, and so always maintains the Mean. The mean man’s acting contrary to the course of the Mean is because he is a mean man, and has no caution.’ Ying-té expounds :—‘ Heaven and earth will| probable on the strength of this instance, and get their correct place, and the processes of pro- | that in chap. xxx. Others say that it is the

duction and completion will go on according “ ' _ to their principles, so that all things will be non oneny designation of the sage, and the JE, nourished and fostered.’ AL; which duke Ai used in reference to Con-

ConcLupING NotE. The writer Yang, A.D. | fucius, in eulogizing him after his death. See 1053-1135, quoted here, was a distinguished | the LiChi, II. Sect. I. iii. 44. Some verb must be

scholar and author in the Sung dynasty. He derstood bet d al

was a disciple of Ch‘ang Hao, and a friend both NOOO NE wen A _ HAG yan

of him and his brother f. Ae BB, ‘the sub- | have supposed it to be He’ with most of the

| stance and the abstract,’ =the sum. paraphrasts. Nearly all seem to be agreed that 2. ONLY THE SUPERIOR MAN CAN FOLLOW THE FA ig here is the same as HA FM in the last MEAN; THE MEAN MAN IS ALWAYS VIOLATING IT. | chapter. On the change of terms, Cha Hsi

1. Why Confucius should here be quoted by his . (%

designation, or marriage name, isa moot-point. quotes from the scholar Ya (HF), to the effect It is said that disciples in this way referby to some their teacher, and a might grandson to | that rH Fil is said with the nature and feel-

his grandfather, but such a rule is constituted | ings in view, and FA et with reference to

|fe) )d 2)’ ’ ’

CH. Iv.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 387

YN xX Bi a 1 e HH, es Fe = » —s

WK BRS 2M Teh d

i Xr = y§ Fas Fi Ai, Be Hi,

th, 2, 4,2 HE HEP .alii » ) d ry) He UL ie HR He fe) d v » Ht ae Ag 5 NA

| v :A»RY \ , Aw 1’ ’ ’ AJ O

SH SEM FN Hh, AIT RE

Cuap. III. The Master said, ‘Perfect is the virtue which is according to the Mean! Rare have they long been among the people, who could practise it!’

Cuap. IV. 1. The Master said, ‘I know how it is that the

path of the Mean is not walked in:—The knowing go beyond it,

and the stupid do not come up to it. I know how it is that the path of the Mean is not understood :—The men of talents and virtue go beyond it, and the worthless do not come up to it.

2. ‘There is no body but eats and drinks, But they are few

who can distinguish flavours.’ — virtue and conduct. 2, wt F- m Hy A The change from Art ke Fy to -F- FA is is explained by Chi :—‘ Because he has the| observable. virtue of a superior man, and moreover is able| 4, How rt WAS THAT FEW WERE ABLE TO PRAC-

always to manage the chung.’ But I rather ~

think that the chiin-tsze here is specially to be “ee THE MEAN. 1. 33 may be referred to the referred to the same as described in I. ii, and N=] in the first chapter ; immediately follow-

HA =1E Hf. Wang Sa, the famous scholar ing rp | in the last, I translate it here— of the Wei (Fi) dynasty, in the first part of] , the path of the Mean.’ Jey? He. and pa He. the third century, quotes AK z HH iB ’| are not to be understood as meaning the truly with ya before rH, of which Cha Hsi ap-| wise and the truly worthy, but only those who . in the degenerate times of Confucius deemed proves. If JL re not introduced into the text, | themselves to be such. The former thought it must certainly be understood. Fe NEE is | the course of the Mean not worth their study,

h to of it Age Th “~ Lit and the latter thought it not sufficiently ex-

the opposite o FAX WE sw Ve m1) sited for their practice. 4a, — ‘28,’ ‘like.’ xX

This, and the ten chapters which follow, all ; — oo.

quote the words of Confucius with reference 4=} following x, indicates individuals of a to the rH JD to explain the meaning of the | different character, not equal to them. 2. We first chapter; and ‘though there is no con- have here not a comparison, but an illustranexion of composition between them,’ says Cha | #on, which may help to an understanding of Hai, ‘they are all related by their meaning.’ the former paragraph, though it does not seem

8.- +HE Ta RARITY, Coxrucrus’s| V°xY apt. People do not know the true flavour LONG EXISTING IN VONFUCT of what they eat and drink, but they need not

TIME, OF THE PRACTICE OF THE MEAN. See the go beyond that to learn it. So the Mean belongs

Analects, VI. xxvii. K’ang-ch‘ang and Ying-ta to all the actions of ordinary life, and might be take the last clause as=‘few can practise it| discerned and practised in them, without looklong.’ But the view in the translation is better. |ing for it in extraordinary things.

388 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. (CH. Vv,

+TRHMEFERAREE Wm ii He zs] | [ oN Furr Yi

ry DP | ‘FLA fe Zz:ath H, I i Pl ’ ’ Fn A Be Se ai FE SE A, vere WN aE

mueaAa He KT » AY Arn Ar v mA We sa At 47 WAT RE 5, Be hi a

rey ap » KPa H uEA » sf¥P, rE Gee Js jokey oF82, wdHe re) He FA he Cuap. V. The Master said, ‘Alas! How is the path of the

Mean untrodden!’

CHap. VI. The Master said, ‘There was Shun :—He indeed was greatly wise! Shun loved to question others, and to study their words, though they might be shallow. He concealed what was bad in them, and displayed what was good. He took hold of their two extremes, determined the Mean, and employed it in his government

of the people. It was by this that he was Shun!’ Cuap. VII. The Master said, ‘ Men all say, “We are wise ;” but being driven forward and taken in a net, a trap, or a pitfall, they know not how to escape. Men all say, “We are wise;” but happening to choose the course of the Mean, they are not able to keep it for a round month.’

5. Chi Hsi says :—‘From not being under- Wap Analects, IX. vii. His concealing what stood, therefore it is not practised.’ According | was bad, and displaying what was good, was to K‘ang-ch‘ang, the remark is a lament that! slike to encourage people to speak freely to there was no intelligent sovereign to teach the | him. K‘ang-ch‘ing makes the last sentence

path. But the two views are reconcileable. to t th . f h lied 6. How SHUN PURSUED THE couRSE or THE| © ‘UIA On the Meaning Oo Fre, when apple Mran. This example of Shun, it seems to me, | as an honorary epithet of the dead, =‘ Full, allis adduced in opposition to the knowing of| accomplished ;’ but Shun was so named when chap. iv. Shun, though a sage, invited the| he was alive. opinions of all men, and found truth of the} 7. THEIR CONTRARY CONDUCT SHOWS MEN’S IGhighest value in their simplest sayings, and | NORANCE OF THE COURSE AND NATURE OF THE MEAN.

was able to determine from them the course of| phe first Ff sar is to be understood with a

the Mean. alk a aa tip the two eX-| general reference,—‘ We are wise,’ i.e. we can

tremes,’ are understood by K‘ang-ch‘ang of the | Very well take care of ourselves. Yet the pr etwo errors of exceeding and coming short of | sumption of such a pr ofession is seen in men’s the Mean. Chi Hsi makes them—‘the widest | not being able to take care of themselves. The differences in the opinions which he received.’ | @pplication of this illustration is then made to I conceive the meaning to be that he examined | the subject in hand, the second a i AAP requir-

the answers which he got, in their entirety, ing to be specially understood with reference from beginning toend. Compare Fi a Ra to the subject of the Mean. The conclusion in

CH, X.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 389

= ’ , [zee] O Fatt, HFT BLP A

OT 2 fase BE HL, Be! Whe Figs) 2

Hie BE TO Jen

a7 007 >? Nee | me, Ay, iit Jay Ay, rf

BYa] JA PT FO OB Fe Ved ae 4wate a d ms > fe) Ty Uo BE DA ZS

\YZ| QSony UL, BZfa Se ’ mete ) a H U : Ry Oo”? AS WAL vm fF O ’ ’ Why WH BE

Cuap. VIII. The Master said, ‘This was the manner of Hti:— he made choice of the Mean, and whenever he got hold of what was

good, he clasped it firmly, as if wearing it on his breast, and did

not lose it.’

Cuap. IX. The Master said, ‘The kingdom, its States, and its families, may be perfectly ruled; dignities and emoluments may be declined; naked weapons may be trampled under the feet ;—but the course of the Mean cannot be attained to.’ Cuap. X. 1. Tsze-lt asked about energy. 2. The Master said, ‘Do you mean the energy of the South, the energy of the North, or the energy which you should cultivate yourself ?

3. ‘To show forbearance and gentleness in teaching others; both parts is left to be drawn by the reader for | it—‘ all under the sky,’ embracing by right, if

himself. fs. read fwd, 4th tone, ‘a trap for | not in fact, all kingdoms. The kingdom was

; ; ; ei. EE: made up of States, and each State of Families.

catching animals. Hy, read ch’i, like B’ | See the Analects, V. vii; XII. xx. jas , ‘level ;’

Analects, XIII. x, though it is here applied to ? ; a month, and not, as there, to a year. here a verb = ii > , ‘to bring to perfect 8. How H61 HELD FasT THE COURSE OF THE} order.’ JJ, —a sharp, strong weapon,’ used Mean. Here the example of Hii is likewise A” adduced, in opposition to those mentioned in | of swords, spears, javelins, &c. xX Fy BE.

chap. iv. All the rest is exegetical of the first literally, ‘cannot be canned.’ clause—|B] 2. x mn ti, ‘Hai’s playing; 10. On ENERGY IN ITS RELATION TO THE Mran.

, . - ,,..|In thesee Analects we find Tsze-lai, onsovarious the man.” —— is not ‘one good point,’ . of. .his. occasions, putting forward the subject much as any one. B is ‘ the closed fist ;” 2B valour ( 5), and claiming, on the ground of

BS, the appearance of holding firm.’ it, such praise as the Master awarded to Hai. 9, THE DIFFICULTY OF ATTAINING To THE coursE| We may suppose, with the old interpreters,

‘nedom «? that hearingtoHii commended, as in chap. viii, OF THE MEzay. K P- the kingdom ;” we! he wanted know whether Confucius would should say—‘ kingdoms,’ but the Chinese know | not allow that he also could, with his forceful only of one kingdom, and hence this name for | character, seize and hold fast the Mean. 1. For

,’|

390 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. [cH. x.

bd AyVv far, Jay, Be Bice HE 75Ae 3aay

BX on B ’ ’ 3NJtk HT 0a»FS 6 3B ’ 3EA ye iri} V< oe 4 Soke Be A a, mt FS

?v d

SaynPO =e ) ira}DB y , » Kt O

me,;We BB ae ffs 3

.Be,B v AS iit, Zo HL

Athy, 2 AY Dili Ke “Fo La

and not to revenge unreasonable conduct :—this is the energy of Southern regions, and the good man makes it his study. 4. “lo he under arms; and meet death without regret :—this 1s

‘To hi d ; and death with :—this 1

the energy of Northern regions, and the forceful make it their study.

5. ‘Therefore, the superior man cultivates a friendly harmony, without being weak.—How firm is he in his energy! He stands erect in the middle, without inclining to either side.—How firm is he in his energy! When good principles prevail in the government of his country, he does not change from what he was in retirement.

—How firm is he in his energy! When bad principles prevail in the country, he maintains his course to death without changing.— How firm is he in his energy!’

—! -

Pi I have been disposed to coin the term short of the Mean; and therefore 4 F- is

\ | of what it hasin par.5. This practice of deter-

‘forcefulness.” Cha defines it correctly— FI taken with a low and light meaning, far short

FEV HS AZ Zp ‘the name of strength | mining the force of phrases from the context

ficient t th ; _2 makes the reading of the Chinese classics per»

SOTO T NE LO OVERCOME OUTS. 2+ iin (= 7x) plexing to a student. y= CZ. 800 the Ana-

Bip must be the energy which you should lects, XII. xiv. 4. KE; ‘the lappel in front

cultivate,’ not ‘which you have.’ If the latter _

be the meaning, no farther notice of it is taken | of a coat;’ also ‘a mat.’ - 4 H to make

in Confucius’s reply, while he would seem, in the three following paragraphs, to describe the | ® mat of the leather dress (ai) and weapons three kinds of energy which he specifies. K‘ang- ( a>) This energy of the North, it is said,

ch‘ang and Ying-ta say that mn Bap means the | \~ e the M ath & th

energy of the Middle Kingdom, the North being 6 ™ excess on eae aa an ° re anne

‘ the sandy desert,’and the South, ‘ the country | beginning of par. 5, ‘therefore,’= ‘those two south of the Yang-tsze.’ But thisis not allow- | kinds ofenergy being thus respectively in defect

able. 3. That climate and situation have an | and excess.’ te is Bie a5, ‘the appearance

influence on character is not to be denied, and of being energetic.’ This illustrates the energy in the amplification of the oth of the K‘ang-hsi which is in exact accord with the Mean, in the

the Chinese notions on the subject may be seen ae , .

P 2 8-8! | individual’s treatment of others, in his regula-

celebrated Precepts (3 sae i Bll). But | tion of himself, and in relation to public affairs. to speak of their effects as Confucius here does AR A , 4H w=I -__often in the Analects. I is extravagant. The barbarism of the South, — aw tS ; ; according to the interpretation mentioned | have followed Chi Hsi in translating Fe.

above, could not have been described by him | ,,. _ ots

in these terms. The energy of mildness and Ying-ta paraphrases —s° i x EE, {ia

forbearance, thus described, is held to come 47 K, E: ‘He holds to what is upright, and

CH. XII] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 391

SS tt a hae SS JR 0 |: Hu ‘ | AY || = — AY, 4 — "a * He 17 ie %e) ’ , Ki~> AML CRAB . re. Aleilu ig Ze» TRUE Ail > Vo Ais F = | | “a wn AG » dnd HeBsy Te RB EH .UicrBAT oe 8 | GK IE HE

it ’ 0 ’ b et 7ad 2

Cuap. XJ. 1. The Master said, ‘To live in obscurity, and yet practise wonders, in order to be mentioned with honour in future ages :—this is what I do not do. 2. ‘The good man tries to proceed according to the right path, but when he has gone halfway, he abandons it :—I am not able so to stop.

3. ‘The superior man accords with the course of the Mean.

Though he may be all unknown, unregarded by the world, he feels no regret.—It is only the sage who is able for this.’

Cuap. XII. 1. The way which the superior man pursues,

reaches wide and far, and yet is secret. 2. Common men and women, however ignorant, may intermeddle

:=|

does not change, his virtuous conduct being | The former, it is said, implies endeavour, while

meaning :—'He does not change roug :

allcomplete. ic jnodern en mares ne the latter is natural and unconstrained accordbeing puffed up by the fulness of office.’ Both ance. 3. Ht F- here has its very highest of these Views go on the interpretation of) signification, and = 8 in the last clause.

a81,ae FA BF THe is said to be different from WK TH, ONLY THE SAGE CAN COME UP TO THE RE* tho latter being applicable to the recluse who QUIREMENTS OF THE Mean. I. ma is found | withdraws from the world, while the former

. : sg g ? ys may describe one who is in the world, but does

written ee, to examine,’ ‘to study,’ in &) not act with a reference to its opinion of him. work of the Han dynasty, and Chi adopts|It will be observed how Confucius declines that character as the true reading, and explains | Saying that he had himself attained to this accordingly :—‘To study what is obscure and highest style.—' With this chapter,’ says Cha ES > Ke h'ine took it as = Hsi, ‘the quotations by Tsze-sze of the Master’s wrong (fe ARE). ang-eh ang wook Ww as= | words, to explain the meaning of the first chap4%: ‘towards,’ or, ‘being inclined to,’ and ter, stop. The great object of the work is to set both he and Ying-ta explain as in the transla-| 9. the three grand virtues whereby entrance is tion. It is an objection to Chi’s view, that, in| effected into the path of the Mean, and therethe next chapter, ie is given as one of the | fore, at its commencement, they are illustrated Ja» \ _.. | by reference to Shun, Yen Yuan, and Tsze-ld ; characteristics of the Mean. The 33K tH Z, | Shun possessing the wisdom, Yen Yiian the

v . } forth wisdom, benevolent virtue, and valour,

— . ll with th benevolence, and Tsze-li the valour. If one of

Zy? 12 par. 3, moreover, agree well wi the | these virtues be absent, there is no way of ad-

l iow. 2. 2ish thewillpath, and fully perfecting virtue. older view. H Fhe 18sa ore-,t |©vaneing same aga to This be found treated ofthe in the 2oth the last chapter, par. 3. A distinction is made chapter.” So, Chi Hsi. The student forming between 5h. 34 here and LK Ne] below. | a judgment for himself, however, will not see

392 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. (CH. XII.

Ne HL NAT!Fea~ FaUsrd

dk &v Dh »AE He HAE a, Kowa indyBe Wt A.

Se

>

ff We nV, pat K A Re LZ Dy a, HE===, wt } UL, ANSy I.: =“ERR =BjDz

ait =e NO}. AA’ 7. my HA BA An Ol, » ZeZr, Ae Fie Hh,KAT ON Si YN, ’ Vv sR KKA Past VW = ey iy \ sng H ’ dt #8 P DP br AK HE fie He St 2Awnr ’ He Jaargr

with the knowledge of it; yet in its utmost reaches, there is that which even the sage does not know. Common men and women, however much below the ordinary standard of character, can carry it into practice ; yet in its utmost reaches, there is that which even the sage is not able to carry into practice. Great as heaven and earth are, men still find some things in them with which to be dissatisfied. Thus it is that, were the superior man to speak of his way in all its greatness, nothing in the world would be found able to embrace it, and were he to speak of it in its minuteness, nothing in the world would be found able to split it. 3. [tis said in the Book of Poetry, ‘ The hawk flies up to heaven;

the fishes leap in the deep.’ This expresses how this way is seen

above and below.

very distinctly any reference to these cardinal | the sentence has nothing to do with the sucvirtues. The utterancesof the sage illustrate the ceeding chapters. The two meanings of ya phrase ae | 3) , Showing that the course of the | in the dictionary are—‘ the free expenditure of Mean had it, fallen of observance, re When money,’ or ‘ waste.’ Accordshooting andout others coming shortofit. When |and . ns‘ dissipation,’ aye we want some precise directions how to attain ing to Cha, in this passage, Fs Ell FA Z

to it, we come finally to the conclusion that E tH, Be indicates the wide range of the only the sage is capable of doing so. We greatly tao | fice? Something like thi t be want teaching, more practical and precise. 40 In practice, nvomething ike this must

12. Tire couRSE OF THE MEAN REACHES FAR AND | 18 meaning :—the course of the Mean, requiring

WIDE, BUT YET 18 secRET, With this chapter, | everywhere to be exhibited. Chi then defines

the third part of the work commences, and thejo (= ag Hilt 2 +H ‘the minuteness of the téo Ae first sentence,— 74 -F- 2. NER es im [, in its nature or essence.’ The former answers may be regarded as its text. Ifwe could deter-| to the what of the édo, and the latter to the why.

mine satisfactorily the signification of those .

two terms, we should have a good clue to the But it rather seoms to me, that the iz here meaning of the whole, but it is not easy to do|is the same with the he and rhe i, 4, and so. The old view isinadmissible. K'ang-ch’ing | thatthe author simply intended to say that the takes ee as= Nfs ‘doubly involved,’ ‘per-| way of the superior man reaching everywhere, verted,’ and both he and Ying-t& explain :—|—embracing all duties,—yet had its secret ‘When right principles are opposed and dis- | Spring and seat in the Heaven-gifted nature, allowed, the superior man retires into obscurity, | he individual consciousness of duty in every

and does not hold office.’ On this view of it,|man. 2. F He = JU Fe Ju ix, Ana-

»=i.3®Oo

CH, XIII.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 393

Fi, se Hh -F _F. fe iit FAH] ME AP

,) VA ’ ’j dH-Ay aeH |Ae O

Mie ATL WG if

HiysSsakH an = An oo d WN 3S BS FA. == » » —EE-.

All > zx Pr d Na. ’ X fav jz A HH surN iH AI3H’

Ca a i Oe a TN) 3)

251 AE 0 o tr, ALL oh ink ® By ya

4. The way of the superior man may be found, in its simple

elements, in the intercourse of common men and women; but in its utmost reaches, it shines brightly through heaven and earth.

The twelfth chapter above contains the words of T'sze-sze, and is designed io illustrate

what is said in the first chapter, that‘ The path may not be left. In the eight chapters which follow, he quotes, in a miscellaneous way, the words of Confucius to illustrate it.

Cuap. XIII. 1. The Master said, ‘The path is not far from man. When men try to pursue a course, which is far from the common indications of consciousness, this course cannot be considered THE PATH.

2. ‘In the Book of Poetry, it is said, “ In hewing an axe-handle, in hewing an axe-handle, the pattern is not far off.” We grasp one lects, XIV. xviii. 3. But I confess to be all at| coherence in his argument. In translating sea in the study of this paragraph. Cha quotes at -F- oh. K a re I have followed Mao from the scholar Hau (49 FX), that what! Hsi-ho. 3. See the Shih, III. i. Ode V. st. 3. the superior man fails to know was exemplified | The ode is in praise of the virtue of king Wan.

in Confucius’s having to ask about ceremonies ee is in the sense of sid SF, ‘brightly disand offices, and what he fails to practise was} piayed.’ The application of the words of the exemplified in Confucius not being on *the| oge does appear strange. throne, and in Yao and Shun’s being dissatis-| 13 Ty para or THE MEAN IS NOT FAR TO SEEK. fied that they could not make every individual | fac man HAS THE LAW OF IT IN HIMSELF. AND enjoy the benefits of their rule. He adds his| yr 13 To BE PURSUED WITH EARNEST SINCERITY.

own opinion, that what men complained of in N Heaven and Earth, was the partiality of their| ™ wn Z. Fe I mn 3 A ‘When men

operations in overshadowing and supporting, | practise a course, and wish to be far from men.’ producing and completing, the heat of summer, | The meaning is as in the translation. 2. See the cold of winter, &c. If such things were| the Shih-ching, I. xv. Ode V. st. 2. The object intended by the writer, we can only regret the} of the paragraph seems to be to show that the

vagueness of his language, and the want of! rule for dealing with men, according to the

» » S » $s FF FE i Ib SY

394 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. (CH. XIII.

Wa OR KOR KF Ch Be

vu) | hi ° 343. st i ~ = Ze HN Hh, Ef, } EL Ar aR tk

AT. BOW VA. IG DURE AN BLY,VA LDA ATE,’

(ea ecaes ea: a Ht Ae A 3 VA th

me JL ln 4 My aN Ue ae Za As A As Hu Hs A AK ay 3me ieAy HeHe— We He He — Raya Ws Sait Z Cy A fieGK Ut, A ih7 IA, tinUb, ThenUta, Th sana ? 2 a up Br Br Wr Beas Ce VA

’ : HW ) :

axe-handle to hew the other; and yet, if we look askance from the one to the other, we may consider them as apart. Therefore, the superior man governs men, according to their nature, with what is proper to them, and as soon as they change what is wrong, he stops.

3. ‘When one cultivates to the utmost the principles of his

nature, and exercises them on the principle of reciprocity, he is not

far from the path. What you do not like when done to yourself, do not do to others.

4. ‘In the way of the superior man there are four things, to not one of which have I as yet attained.—To serve my father, as I would require my son to serve me: to this I have not attained; to serve my prince, as I would require my minister to serve me: to

this I have not attained; to serve my elder brother, as I would require my younger brother to serve me: to this I have not attained ; to set the example in behaving to a friend, as I would require him to behave to me: to this I have not attained. Earnest in practising the ordinary virtues, and careful in speaking about

them, if, in his practice, he has anything defective, the superior man principles of the Mean, is nearer to us than the | having been, like other men, compassed with one axe is to the other. The branch is hewn, | infirmity, dwell often on them; but it must be and its form altered from its natural one. Not} allowed that the cases, as put by him, are ina so with man. The change in him only brings | measure hypothetical, his father having died him to his proper state. 3. Compare Analects, | when he wasachild. He passes from speaking IV.xv. ie is here a neuter verb = ‘to be distant | of himself by his name ( Fr), to speak of the

h -emar ; nin | A=

from.’ 4. the admissions made by Hones chtin-tsze, and the change is most naturally made

Jess of him because of them. "Those who find after the last HE tH; 3 {i < 17 3

it necessary to insist, with the Chinese, on his J Zz a —‘in the practice of ordinary

CH, XIV.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 395

BE iin 2) HE >I.Se FS fe VYWE esl J OK

De RAF Be Be » Vv AT AX » ’ EA TRAP GM

|.a

D tH A 47 KR ie: les asl LFW

fi, HE HBAT, 47,v Wy#5 ii Oo FE)WATE PAY FIN LAN

at He fe °74at | » 7" AT4_feee 1LEBAT

HET RMF BA a = | » Bh WU a?

Ldn dt BRKB. ’ ¥dadd AID AT AThOBE = BY Ain

IE rssareK .yVA is ’ V #ay L)

dares not but exert himself; and if, in his words, he has any excess,

he dares not allow himself such license. Thus his words have respect to his actions, and his actions have respect to his words; is it not just an entire sincerity which marks the superior man?’

Cuap. XIV. 1. The superior man does what is proper to the

station in which he is; he does not desire to go beyond this, 2. Ina position of wealth and honour, he does what is proper to

a position of wealth and honour. In a poor and low position, he does what is proper to a poor and low position. Situated among barbarous tribes, he does what is proper to a situation among barbarous tribes. In a position of sorrow and difficulty, he does what is proper to a position of sorrow and difficulty. The superior man can find himself in no situation in which he is not himself.

3. In a high situation, he does not treat with contempt his inferiors. In a low situation, he does not court the favour of his virtues,’ i.e. the duties of a son, minister, &c., | view :— ) mentioned above, and ‘in the carefulness of I PL at El AS ys A < ordinary speech,’ i.e. speaking about those AT. ‘ mS NT. is the proper station in which virtues. To the practice belong the clauses AB he has been.’ The meaning comes to much the

Ar xX Vix Xe BX Xx ie and to the|s8ame in all these interpretations. Xe ie speaking, the two next clauses. fy —s a SE. mE A f,—compare Analects, XIV. xxviii.

Gna patil, Ff, simply suet? [a FESR ETE BLE

14. How THE SUPERIOR MAN, IN EVERY VARYING | 4—= we, .

SITUATION, PURSUES THE MEAN, DOING WHAT IS 17 < 3B: He pursues the path, which RIGHT, AND FINDING HIS RULE IN HIMSELF. 1. ought to be pursued amid riches and honours.’

Chit Hsi takes 3 as= FA ZE, ‘at present,’ | So, in the other clauses. = 4, literally = ‘now;’ but that meaning was made to meet the | ‘self-possessing.’ The paraphrasts make it— exigency of the present passage. K‘ang-ch‘ang | ‘ happy in conforming himself to his position.’ takes it, as in chap. xi, as = {Ze, ‘being in-| I consider it equivalent to what is said in chap.

clined to.’ Mao endeavours to establish this i, AF? FA ja th A -F- rn Bey

396 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. (CH. xv.

5 — 1 o w ) EA ‘ » BAF m3, ABW DK

d Oo”. AS YF 7 i M2 an jaRy,v \XK AAAS “2. > Meakw 4!IE B47 Bl BR | a ’ Pwr 47 SHE 64% IhTM wh wh 47 Ny AA | » ) O 3))% HkAw RA ABS hy". IAs ’ ALLA

superiors. He rectifies himself, and seeks for nothing from others,

so that he has no dissatisfactions. He does not murmur against Heaven, nor grumble against men.

4. Thus it 1s that the superior man is quiet and calm, waiting for the appointments of Heaven, while the mean man walks in dangerous paths, looking for lucky occurrences. 5. The Master said, ‘In archery we have something like the way of the superior man. When the archer misses the centre of the target, he turns round and seeks for the cause of his failure in himself.’

Cuap. XV. 1. The way of the superior man may be com-

pared to what takes place in travelling, when to go to a distance we must first traverse the space that is near, and in ascending a height, when we must begin from the lower ground. 2. It is said in the Book of Poetry, ‘ Happy union with wife and children, is like the music of lutes and harps. When there is concord among brethren, the harmony is delightful and enduring. Thus rH. 3. TR is explained in the dictionary, | to it in leather. It is not meant, however, by after K’ang-ch‘ang, by EN TF, to drag and | target, at thesame time. For another illustracling to.’ The opposition of the two clauses| tion of the way of the superior man from the

. ee this, that they were both used in the same

makes the meaning plain. 4. By according customs of archery, see Analects, ITI. vii.

ws ; 15. IN THE PRACTICE OF THE MEAN THERE

to K‘ang-ch‘ang, Ai op. Fe, ‘is equivalent to | 1g 4n ORDERLY ADVANCE FROM STEP TO STEP. 1.

peaceful and tranquil.’ Cha Hsi says,— By JF is read as, and = ERE, 2, See the Shih, II. i. 2B Hh +H,‘ By moans level ground.’ This is| Ode IV. st. 7, 8. The ode celebrates, in a ret correct, but t 7 .,| gretful tone, the dependence of brethren on most correct, but we cannot so well express it! one another, and the beauty of brotherly harin the translation. 5. nz the rst tone, and| mony. Mao says :—‘ Although there may be oA are both names of birds, small and alert, | music of lutes and harps, yet there must also anddifficult tobehit. On this account, a picture | be the harmonious concord of brethren, with of the former was painted on the middle of the | its exceeding delight, and then may wife and target, and a figure of the latter was attached | children be regulated and enjoyed. Brothers

both . the happy union of wife and children, like the

’ doh = d ow gis PattadSE ep v ATs x AST I ih & BIA Se AM » H ”~ ’ Ne O Dre = + pt i FP Vy O a nM. 7

CH, XV1.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 397

I yy [4] = y ) [iO —_r a Py=lS

Lu) Aw

Oe i ay ae

ms HH Aed mic HH ,Ee LvsFL -P ell ’ ) |“A, O ’ \
v3»,yi»

406 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. (CH. xx.

45 Ke 8BY i, &’ Es Ay Ay L bh A Al Vth ah = K I eS Joe FE ee je

AMUSE 1 y v HBL d N ZS

B Tt, X yal i, avy B Fe Ht, Re,

Ee Br A Sh Fah FES , »dnsu» » 4AY

HV KE Se H —_

people. | it is in honouring the worthy. The decreasing measures of the love

due to relatives, and the steps in the honour due to the worthy, are produced by the principle of propriety.

6. ‘When those in inferior situations do not possess the con-

fidence of their superiors, they cannot retain the government of the

7, ‘Hence the sovereign may not neglect the cultivation of his

own character. Wishing to cultivate his character, he may not neglect to serve his parents. In order to serve his parents, he may not neglect to acquire a knowledge of men. In order to know men, he may not dispense with a knowledge of Heaven. 8. ‘The duties of universal obligation are five, and the virtues

wherewith they are practised are three. The duties are those between sovereign and minister, between father and son, between 5 Ath, ‘Benevolence is man.’ We find, here the ruler or sovereign. I fail in trying to

. : +s trace the connexion between the different parts

eee eran angnage ax vena ve Pt. "t re of this paragraph. ‘He may not be without

This virtue is called man, ‘because loving, feel-| 11 owing men.’—Why? ‘Because,’ we are told, ing; and the forbearing nature, belong to man, | ‘it is by honouring, and being courteous to the

as he is born. They are that whereby man is) worthy, and securing them as friends, that a man.’ See the A hg 38. in loc. Aye —in man perfects his virtue, and is able to serve his Hv relatives.’ ‘He may not be without knowing the 3rd tone, read shkdi, It is opposed to ee: Heaven.’—Why? ‘Because,’ it is said, ‘the and means ‘decreasing,’ ‘growing less.’ For| gradations in the love of relatives and the

Av A PA’ YS na ° ; ’

= ; Pace = honouring the worthy, are all heavenly ar-

ne f we have, in the Ae =te., | fi rangements and a heavenly order,—natural,

VW HE, which would seem to mean—‘are that | 2&cess2z» principles.’ But in this explana-

whereby ceremonies are produced.’ But there a wi has the. ana . follow the words—imt _| from what it has in the previous clause. ; The ‘produced’ in Ms BS AC th too, is here parents, its meaning being more re-

Pp y . has been no change in modern times and an-

Mean. aru, = 4p » is the knowledge necessary to cient.’ This, however, is not satisfactory. We

choose the detailed course of duty. 4— (=| want a substantive meaning, for ——. This NA 2. A, ‘the unselfishness of the heart’); Cha Hsi gives us. He says :— — Rij AN, ni is the magnanimity (so I style it for want of a C. ‘4 ig simply sincerity ;’ the sincerity, better term) to pursue it. Le | is the valiant | that is, on which the rest of the work dwells energy, which maintains the permanence of the| with such strange predication. I translate, choice and the practice. AY 47 2. a therefore, —— here by singleness. There seems —_. +H,,—this, according to Ying-ta, means—| @ reference in the term to Tit chap. i. p. 3.

, . The singleness is that of the soul in the appre-

‘From the various kings (A =f) downwards, hension and practice of the duties of the Mean, in the practising of these five duties, and three | which is attained to by watchfulness over one’s

408 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. (cH. xx.

j K ¥ A RR, Aa Ff, &

Re Ee et=JuftJL‘ Br Bl ti?~ Br bddd ‘ Pr

HL, KE, a da VA SH Ht, = ’ » Phacy A» é »We %$e5 AK 3 »vavWtane»

+ $e » ?~r A d ed flPr Bl va Aa EsSH HH, a VW a

L HL, HH WF \< Ae zit AAR i

11. ‘He who knows these three things, knows how to cultivate his own character. Knowing how to cultivate his own character, he knows how to govern other men. Knowing how to govern other men, he knows how to govern the kingdom with all its States and families.

12. ‘All who have the government of the kingdom with its

States and families have nine standard rules to follow :—viz. the cultivation of their own characters; the honouring of men of virtue

and talents; affection towards their relatives; respect towards the great ministers; kind and considerate treatment of the whole body of officers; dealing with the mass of the people as children ; encouraging the resort of all classes of artisans; indulgent treatself, when alone. 47 Z. I understand as in} graph, which makes an approximation at least the second clause of the paragraph. 9g. Com- to the three virtues which connect with the

: ; discharge of duty attainable by every one.

pare Analects, XVI. ix. Fil »—com pare Ana-| What connects the various steps of the climax

- , is the unlimited confidence in the power of the

lects, XX. ii BiE and tone, ‘to force,’ ‘to example of the ruler, which we have had oe-

employ violent efforts.’ Cha Hsi says :—‘ The} casion to point out so frequently in ‘The Great

x. in .52. ah AFT the duties Learning.’constitute 12. These nine the standard rules, it oeand. is torefers be toborne in| mind, govern-

of universal obligation. But is there the three- ment of Win and Wa, referred to in par. 2. pig Gukerence mn the fenoweage of those dutles ? Commentators arrange the ath and 5th rules

th w ki, are 9 ey W Cha H i be 180 that under the second; and the 6th, 7th, 8th, and with entire ease tr TO. U Est observes ona goth under the third, so that after ‘the cultivais here superfluous. In the By jizz’ | tion of the person,’ we have here an expansion

FA ish rfl In the 4 3H, | é ;

however, we find the last paragraph followed | of and inpar.s. fi _

by—‘ The duke said, Your words are beautiful Bui 3. me Par. 5 SUF

and perfect, but I am stupid, and unable to FR = V2, ‘to govern.’ The student will do

accomplish this.’ Then comes this paragraph, well t apon o understand ft“RR . Ly ’ ‘Confucius said,’ &. The -F- Fy, therefore, ° ee AS prove that Tsze-sze took this chapter from some | —>y the ay here are understood specially the

existing document, that which we have in the! officers called Ain: AH, and AR , the —

Be =. or some other. Confucius’s words —.and ~~

nnintended VN andto the — BAIN who, asthe teachers were encourage and stimulate .—|

duke, telling him that the three grand virtues| guardians, were not styled a, ‘ministers,’

might be nearly, if not absolutely, attained to.| oy ‘servants.’ See the Shi-ching, V. xxi. 5, 6.

at Fit — knowing to be ashamed,’ i. e. being ra kK fia ,—by the K Fa. are understood ashamed at being below others, leading to the . . . determination not to be so, rz. ‘These three| the six Sen »——the minister of Instruction, the things’ are the three things in the last para-' minister of Religion, &. See the Sha, V. xxi.

| ’ » ’ -* ’

CH, XX.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 409

fF} KE, Wh,Ya HE,| FE aN fe

feAe Se345 OE HN Es’2e Ase TST x BU Pr &

=e A, L, Fe, L All Fe X ae » A

’ 7 ?~ Aw+5, y~ »é)’nx we PyTy ?— athice4 elU2— Fe JA RE 8 I,

All NY, v


CH. XX.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 411

ER A fe BLVad LHIT th, » TI A) aL, AE AY HE As Py 0 0Ft, vyMd PRE JySe

_wefe5|VLd aod »He,Op » af p,RE [J 4,

Je,JPLES, Sta,DM HE HE, TE St hayJLaie J aK WE y

Al] YJ AV AA AE VW AR y .

EB 47 DWV We RF F wx ) x ANA —L.. Nts ee wk. All pet Ef > ’ Be US, Ah 343: wa E

AY ANY F CVE B F- #4 A ; T. Ay a Fe UA

way to encourage the classes of artisans. ‘To escort them on their departure and meet them on their coming; to commend the good among them, and show compassion to the incompetent :—this is the way to treat indulgently men from a distance. To restore families whose line of succession has been broken, and to revive States that have been extinguished ; to reduce to order States that are in confusion, and support those which are in peril; to have fixed times for their own reception at court, and the reception of their envoys; to send them away after liberal treatment, and welcome their coming with small contributions :—this 1s the way to cherish the princes of the States. 15. ‘All who have the government of the kingdom with its States and families have the above nine standard rules. And the means by which they are carried into practice is singleness. 16. ‘In all things success depends on previous preparation, and without such previous preparation there is sure to be failure. If what is to be spoken be previously determined, there will be no this class which is designed by He), ‘are aid- | follows this paragraph, preceded by +L -F-

ing to one another. Hence the resources for ‘ : id.’ . an?

expenditure are sufficient.’ I suppose that Cha Hi, Confucius saic JK AH Hie a8 in felt a want of some mention of agriculture in chap. xvi.3. The blending together, as equally connexion with these rules, and thought to find | important, attention to inward purity and to

a place for it here. Mao would make Ayreaqaer. = ar "Bhrougnout, Thewethoce nn stimulate ‘0 bis Mirein =*to

in loc. a , X. 19. ~ | -

ty, and FA = BE yy. See the rH et

4 0 é Kk a friendly way.’ I have translated 4H A

FU Me OG6 MOTE ATE Arse o. 48. ? after the Ly 3, which says ARGS) aH

K‘ang-ch‘ang understands pq TFupper as Meaning A a ; ; 3] 2. ra) xt: the a being

the

er (ax frontier kingdoms, but the msage of | noun, and the second the verb. The use of the phrase is against such an interpretation. it in reference to the prince’s treatment of 14. After K fT ies ae we have in the ZK. the officers is strange, but the translation gives what appears to bethe meaning. K‘ang-ch‘ang Be., -A =e Fe » IL,te 4Y2 = . VA pin fo ik A FMA Ra Wa FE 2B. # ; Awr ih rte #p FE, 4J

stumbling. If affairs be previously determined, there will be no difficulty with them. If one’s actions have been previously determined, there will be no sorrow in connexion with them. If principles of conduct have been previously determined, the practice of them will be inexhaustible.

17. ‘When those in inferior situations do not obtain the confidence of the sovereign, they cannot succeed in governing the people. There is a way to obtain the confidence of the sovereign ;—

if one is not trusted by his friends, he will not get the confidence of his sovereign. There is a way to being trusted by one's friends ; —if one is not obedient to his parents, he will not be true to friends. There is a way to being obedient to one’s parents ;—if one, on turning his thoughts in upon himself, finds a want of sincerity, he will analogy of all the other clauses, it and 15 the case of travellers, and travelling merchants,

oo. passing from one State to another, there were

must be descriptive of the ruler. Hey (i.— anciently regulations, which may be adduced

compare Ana. I. v. For ET ey we have in| ' illustrate all the expressions here mr the

we; ~figJey ity andK‘ang-ch‘ang the Fy Bee inextoc.; ;que Ha theeeRK je, which ny . , HEL PRS [ad], asin Ana. XX. i. 7. 15. We plains by 7 i = , ‘rations allowed by govern-| naturally understand the last clause as mean-

be? Morri h t Chi ing—‘the means by which they are carried

ment ; —see an ison, character i. Ul into practice is one and the same.’ Then os ang-ch‘ang, but I agree with M4o,| this means will be the ER: or ‘previous

that se and not fig is to be substituted here} preparation’ of the next paragraph. This is way the interpretation of K‘ang-ch‘ang and Ying-ta for ET: Ait 4th tone, ‘to weigh,’ ‘to be who take the two paragraphs together. But according to.’ The trials and examinations, | according to Cha, ‘the one thing’ is sincerity, with these rations, show that the artisans are| as in par. 8. 16. The ‘all things’ has reference , not to be understood as dispersed among the} to the above duties, virtues, and standard rules. people. Ambassadors from foreign countries} 17. The object here seems to be to show that the haye been received up to the present century, | singleness, or sincerity, lies at the basis of that according to the rules here prescribed, and the | previous preparation, which is essential to suctwo last regulations are quite in harmony with | cess in any and every thing. The steps of the

the superiority that China claims over the| climax conduct us to it, and this sincerity is countries which they may represent. But in| again made dependent on the understanding

CH. XX.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 413

’ smu ’ Hi F Bir Se Fel A ah, ih wk ULF

He 47 2. HA 4 YRZ ;.

ork : » in 7 ’ ¥ 3 b

tH AEA A OE aH fi 4s)UL, o Ft)A V4Hh LAT

’ >» TNT & —3 2 A

Ay DW Se UB APO Oe

La i v vo

Hs Se PE #2 iG ZF

not be obedient to his parents. There is a way to the attainment of sincerity in one’s self ;—if a man do not understand what is good, he will not attain sincerity in himself.

18. ‘Sincerity is the way of Heaven. The attainment of

sincerity is the way of men. He who possesses sincerity, is he who, without an effort, hits what is right, and apprehends, without the exercise of thought ;—he is the sage who naturally and easily embodies the right way. He who attains to sincerity, is he who chooses what is good, and firmly holds it fast.

19. ‘To this attainment there are requisite the extensive study of what is good, accurate inquiry about it, careful reflection on it, the clear discrimination of it, and the earnest practice of it.

20. ‘The superior man, while there is anything he has not

studied, or while in what he has studied there is anything he cannot understand, will not intermit his labour. While there is anyof what is good, upon which point see the | quiesce in this, but for the opposition of N L.

next chapter. x 46 Ff. LE = according EE on which Mao says —tV Ai rH

to Ying-ta, ‘do not get the mind—pleased feel- Be, » » % =S ing—of the sovereign. We use ‘to gain,’ Beau Tas 33 4 +f and ‘to win,’ sometimes, in a similar way. tH, ;—‘this is like the cultivation of the path 18. Prémare (p. 156) says Sh 29 est in| in the Doctrine of the Mean, considered to be abstracto, et aH L. x est in concreto,’ WN 9 But this takes the second and third utteris in the concrete. as much as the other, and | 22°83 in the Work as independent sentiments,

; THE PATH, having its completion from man.’

yaar ;

is said ; haracteristic of th ’ | which they are not. I do not see my way to

18 Said, below, to be characteristic of the sage. rest in any but the old interpretation, extravaAN m9 is the quality possessed absolutely. | gant as it is.—At this point, the chapter in the

ay z # is the same acquired. ‘The way RK 2h. ceases to be the same with that before of Heaven,’—this, according to Ying-ta, = ‘the ve and Siverges to another subject 19. The way which Heaven pursues.’ Chi Hsi explains | OUCTONY Processes wihich lead to ble hee, aln-

it, ‘the fundamental, natural course of heavenly } ment of sincerity. Theglossin the ff Fy says

principle.’ Mao says :—‘this is like the accord- | hat de cs ance of nature in the Mean, considered to be THe | *hat ‘the five zr. all refer to the what is good PATH, having its root in Heaven.’ We might ac-} in the last chapter, the five universal duties,

414 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. [CH. XXI.

al= RR, He AA oF Ker HESB IAAAly H nie » Zar Gir tL, Hi FB

ak RTURHA BZ iYios Ww IH sur 442. op UL op BOOB

a Vt fi ‘ °tH’ Aéui> aH A, HeeZ., PE. Fil,

ZA, iy AY o V°A»

HYy4tay 322 x A , od tar ie leter » oud

491A ASvr EU» a) ABABA d odLe’ virtue. The completing other men and things shows his knowledge. Both these are virtues belonging to the nature, and this is the way

by which a union is effected of the external and internal. There- — fore, whenever he—the entirely sincere man—employs them,—that is, these virtues,—thetr action will be right.

Cuap. XXVI. 1. Hence to entire sincerity there belongs ceaselessness.

2. Not ceasing, it continues long. Continuing long, it evidences

itself. 3. Evidencing itself, it reaches far. Reaching far, it becomes large and substantial. Large and substantial, it becomes high and brilliant.

4. Large and substantial ;—this is how it contains all things. High and brilliant ;—this is how it overspreads all things. Reaching far and continuing long ;—this is how it perfects al/ things.

5. So large and substantial, the individual possessing tt is the

co-equal of Karth. So high and brilliant, it makes him the co-equal of Heaven. So far-reaching and long-continuing, it makes him infinite. apprehensible meaning from the text. 3. Ij 26. A PARALLEL BETWEEN THE SAGE POSSESSED have translated WK Hy by—‘ complete other | OF ENTIRE SINCERITY, AND HEAVEN AND EARTH,

; / SHOWING THAT THE SAME QUALITIES BELONG TO

men and things also,’ with a reference to the|rurem. The first six paragraphs show the way account of the achievements of sincerity, in| of the Sage; the next three show the way of

+s ) 4 A» Heaven and Earth; and the last brings the two

chap. xxii, On PE: < (i tH; =| X I Aj ways together, in their essential nature, in a 2. 34 th,; thethe H aechapteris paraphrases :—‘Now | passage from the Shih-ching. The doctrine of ; ‘ liable to the criticisms which have both this perfect virtue and knowledge 8¥€ | heen made on the aand chapter. And, more-

virtues certainly and originally belonging to | ovey, there is in it a sad confusion of the visible our nature, to be referred for their bestowment | heavens and earth with the immaterial power to Heaven ;—what distinction is there in them | gnq reason which govern them; in a word, with

of andignorance internal?’—All sooffar as|hence,’ 1. oror‘th I canexternal see, is but veiling by words| 40d. 1.this, Because the PL: ‘therewithout knowledge. fore,’ Cha Hsi is condemned by recent writers

420 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. [CH, XXVI.

bw “FS syt,t, 9 eddBBs W940 I 3FT Day 4

“J jn] “y” a ye Hh, #2DN EK"hh ALS i > SR aw re un — Fa fA ZS BN in Je Be

ary sdsy 4“ Yd . *Y g > He $i Se FOr UL, ea te TO + 47) HH, WA aa til He Ht, WB Hy

x iB H Hi t,t, Ww EZ iit

Z ZAKBH Sy AH garrgerd | v abd 5 =BiB FN a) »

6. Such being its nature, without any display, it becomes manifested ; without any movement, it produces changes; and without any effort, it accomplishes its ends.

| 7. The way of Heaven and Harth may be completely declared in one sentence.—They are without any doubleness, and so they produce things in a manner that is unfathomable. 8. The way of Heaven and Earth is large and substantial, high

and brilliant, far-reaching and long-enduring.

9. The heaven now before us is only this bright shining spot ; but when viewed in its inexhaustible extent, the sun, moon, stars, and constellations of the zodiac, are suspended in it, and all things are overspread by it. The earth before us is but a handful of soil ;

but when regarded in its breadth and thickness, it sustains

for making a new chapter to commence here, | sented as by their entire sincerity producing Yet the matter is sufficiently distinct from that | all things. 9. This paragraph is said to illus-

h .preceding ; h kegone. | trate of Heaven andit of the Wherethe ° 1xunfathomableness takes Earth in producing things, showing how

hold of the text above, however, it is not easy springs from their sincerity, or freedom from to discover. The gloss in the 1] =I says that |doubleness. I have already observed how it is it indicates a conclusion from all the preceding only the material heavens and earth which are predicates about sincerity. Es) ah is to be | mountains, seas, and rivers, set forth as acting understood, now in the abstract, and now in | with the same unfathomableness as those entire the concrete. But the 5th paragraph seems | bodies and powers. The {if 7 2ys on this :— to be the place to bring out the personalhills idea, and The hiwaters are what Heaven and : , |‘The as I have done. i Be, ‘without bounds,’ = | Karth produce, and that they should yet be able our infinite. Surely it is strange to apply | themselves to produce other things, shows still that term in the description of any created | More how Heaven and Earth, in the producing being. 7. What I said was the prime idea in | of things, are unfathomable.’ The use of Es in aii viz, ‘simplicity,’ ‘singleness of soul,’ is | the several clauses here perplexes the student.

j ; ; ah. presented to us. And not only so ;—we have

, = 6 Tet caw _ &

very conspicuous here. ER by [=| On Brg Hg eh WE !

HZ’ By HESy BZ,Koae Be By Hh aytin, By,

Dy we UL, BS ee EL ek Sit Ha, IN

».

.ARK » Wy Be » 8 cin

a FL, wee OHS, BER Hie

mountains like the Hwa and the Yo, without feeling their weight, | and contains the rivers and seas, without their leaking away. The mountain now before us appears only a stone; but when contemplated in all the vastness of its size, we see how the grass and trees are produced on it, and birds and beasts dwell on it, and precious

things which men treasure up are found on it. The water now before us appears but a ladleful; yet extending our view to its unfathomable depths, the largest tortoises, iguanas, iguanodons,

dragons, fishes, and turtles, are produced in them, articles of value and sources of wealth abound in them. 10. It is said in the Book of Poetry, ‘The ordinances of Heaven, how profound are they and unceasing!’ The meaning is, that it is thus that Heaven is Heaven. And again, ‘How illustrious was it, the singleness of the virtue of king Wan!’ indicating that 1t was thus that

king Win was what he was. Singleness likewise is unceasing.

= ae =| ,

this out by a definition of ZZ fee tH, parts, Ets Jap —there are five peaks, or TR: = J» af EE ¢ Z is overplus, meaning a | Celebrated in China, the western one of which small overplus.’ ff A FA J compare the | #8 called ie (lower 3rd tone) FER. Here, howShi-ching,I. 3. In that passage, as well as here, every we are to understand by, once a“ a many take FE 28 meaning the planets, but we P articular mountain. See the BS ae an HA

need not depart from the meaning of ‘stars’ is ai, in loc. In the AE. 2B the Yellow generally. ie is applied variously, but used | river, and that only, is understood by vay » but

slong with ie other tore dencks the om poh tana jfif must bo taken generally. 4 the circumference of the heavens into twelve| read ch‘iian, the and tone, is in the dictionary,

422 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. (CH. XXVII.

34 At ac d ’ Ar » 4 é’wrAY , yV i xy FE A li BX. ’ Za L£Z+-A-— = ’ + xB. aye ets O tr —_— » Ar wy iN

Bt He wee AS it f#e we, Hi -F,

| Zy F7y%——aH Jil

* Ata 4. KM BAIT ’ Ay) e) OKOA O CHap. XXVII. 1. How great is the path proper to the Sage!

2. Like overflowing water, it sends forth and nourishes all things, and rises up to the height of heaven. 3. All-complete is its greatness! It embraces the three hundred rules of ceremony, and the three thousand rules of demeanour. 4. It waits for the proper man, and then it is trodden. 5. Hence it is said, ‘Only by perfect virtue can the perfect path, in all its courses, be made a fact.’ 6. Therefore, the superior man honours his virtuous nature, and maintains constant inquiry and study, seeking to carry it out to its breadth and greatness, so as to omit none of the more exquisite and with reference to this passage, defined by [Fm a| everywhere else in the Work (see the Ped VE,

lace.’ “aemai ¢ ll plot.’ Sh @e:.| loc.), ‘the path in accordance the Place, pleInth mene Ha oe’infE* nature The which studentistries to believewith so, and defined as 4y inn 2. 7U>' the first-produced | goes on to par. 2, when the predicate about the

£ the chelonia:’ (th nourishing of all things puzzles and confounds OES Ae as Be sek > Aed HL

» Ar | SP © fe AY iiKS 36, ie BE7EE BE 3d) Jan AH a pb cbte in KR ag Y

=F) | BAY i ane keAv Ba» i in Na at gry AL

Me eB th 45 HA SEA OO tf

Hee Th ON DS EH 45% ’ . v Vz ) i) Te Ue, Be FE. hnthy7Be, ’Se, Aso FsBE ’ it FEAN] x 75BM WU

them up before heaven and earth, and finds nothing in them contrary to their mode of operation. He presents himself with them before spiritual beings, and no doubts about them arise. He is prepared to wait for the rise of a sage a hundred ages after, and has

no4. Hismisgivings. | presenting himself with his institutions before spiritual

beings, without any doubts arising about them, shows that he knows

Heaven. His being prepared, without any misgivings, to wait for the rise of a sage a hundred ages after, shows that he knows men. 5. Such being the case, the movements of such a ruler, zJlustrat-

ing his institutions, constitute an example to the world for ages. His acts are forages a law to the kingdom. His words are for ages a lesson to the kingdom. Those who are far from him, look longingly

for him; and those who are near him, are never wearied with him.

6. It is said in the Book of Poetry,—‘ Not disliked there, not here as the founders of the three dynasties, |in the text) as the general trial of a ruler’s

viz. the great Yu, T’ang, the Completer, and |institutions by the efficacy of his sacrifices, in Wain and Wi, who are so often Joined together, | being responded to by the various spirits whom and spoken of as one. i=BDa> , and a should | he worships. This is the view of a Ho Hi-chan

be read in the 4th tone. I hardly know what (fay ie, HS), and is preferable to any other

to make of 4 4 FC Hf. Cha, in his 3% | 1 nave met with. BHU REA AY, says Th Fc Hh A Fis Ef. au X BX,—compare Mencius, II. Pt. I. ii. 17. ot FA I, itn Bh aH yeh es tH, |6. See the Shih-ching, IV. i. Bk. II. Ode III. ‘Heaven and Earth here simply mean right st. 2. It isa great descent to quote that ode

reason. The meaning is—I set up my institutions here, however, for it is only praising the feudal

here, and there is nothing in them contradic- | princes of Chau. AE Wi ‘there,’ means their tory to right reason.’ This, of course, is ex-

plaining the text away. But who can do|own States; and /

CH, XXX.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 427

ee ’ O = HS 47,0) SE HE BENG, MeaJay A, 4 J, Maemely ’ Gs i Wi 77. on . AT) v kA J trA’

fH Shs Je BS Yd p \ »

‘ » AM 12 Al mH 4 := adver

» AY J) 7 Wy FZ An FE OP FE, DP OK KAD A We HEE KOA

dd) d ’ #5 SAKFA WNvBe ke a tn VY wry Jay fe) . A O ’ y

Jil sea HAG eR OC ett WH, 7k

tired of here, from day to day and night to night, will they perpetuate their praise.’ Never has there been a ruler, who did not realise this description, that obtained an early renown throughout the kingdom.

Cuap. XXX. 1. Chung-ni handed down the doctrines of Yao and Shun, as if they had been his ancestors, and elegantly displayed the regulations of Wan and W4, taking them as his model. Above, he harmonized with the times of heaven, and below, he was conformed to the water and land. 2. He may be compared to heaven and earth in their supporting and containing, their overshadowing and curtaining, all things. He may be compared to the four seasons in their alternating progress, and to the sun and moon in their successive shining. 3. All things are nourished together without their injuring one another. The courses of the seasons, and of the sun and moon, are pursued without any collision among them. The smaller energies 30. THE EULOGIUM OF CONFUCIUS, AS THE BEAU=| because the times of Fa-hsi and Shan-ning IDEAL OF THE PERFECTLY SINCERE MAN, THE SAGE, | Were very remote. Was not the true reason

MAKING A TERNION -with AND Eartu,| this,and that heShun? knew of By nothing in China more . . HEAVEN | remote than Yao ‘the times o

* Li FE»—s0e chap. ii, The various predi- heaven’ are denoted the ceaseless regular movecates here are explained by K‘ang-ch‘ang and| ment, which appears to belong to the heavens ;

Ying-ta, with reference to the ‘Spring and| and by the ‘water and the land,’ we are to

Autumn,’ making them descriptive of it, but} understand the earth, in contradistinction from such a view will not stand examination. In| heaven, supposed to be fixed and unmoveable. translating the two first clauses, I have followed | ri, ‘a statute,’ ‘a law ;’ here used as a verb,

the editor of the 5S PE, who says :—jiH jolt ‘to take as a law.’ BE - Fy], ‘to nena ‘to

y - VAG 3 = accord with.’ The scope of the paragraph is,

» In the )

Ay YJ Fes MEL Tn # ’| that the qualities of former Sages, o in Heaven, = ELIE and an ofaEarth, were all concentrated Con-

Ap Sait, Be HE He Fed fucius. 2. jn"? read as, and = Ef. oie

at it is observed that in what he handed read ts'oh, = tieh, ‘ successively,’ ‘ alternatingly.’ down, Confucius began with Yao and Shun, |‘ This describes,’ says Cha Hsi, ‘the virtue of

428 THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. (CH. XXXI.

uae HG— tee IL a. >

1, tie BR, AL Ar Fie el HLL it

U1,’HE, 332, B V0 Fhe Talis SIR, PE IC » Ty

PkUL, Ar a, WAL iiPl| ’oc, > AE AH, v By Oy KS

HF IL A LA PV ee © fru ’ Zz i Ju V — >, 2

YT a og BO cl oe : ,els) »> VAY’, ce. aad ’ pean | >

PH SS, VA BE, itt, FE FE Ie We VJs Jy »ALUTIL, . =.

OW AE AAD eV Q BLS ’ »UL, ANWh ATS

are like river currents; the greater energies are seen in mighty transformations, It is this which makes heaven and earth so great. Cuap. XXXI._ 1. It is only he, possessed of all sagely qualities that can exist under heaven, who shows himself quick in apprehension, clear in discernment, of far-reaching intelligence, and all-

embracing knowledge, fitted to exercise rule; magnanimous,

generous, benign, and mild, fitted to exercise forbearance ; impulsive,

energetic, firm, and enduring, fitted to maintain a firm hold; selfadjusted, grave, never swerving from the Mean, and correct, fitted to command reverence ; accomplished, distinctive, concentrative, and searching, fitted to exercise discrimination. 2. All-embracing is he and vast, deep and active as a fountain, sending forth in their due season his virtues. the Sage.” 3. The wonderful and mysterious | theco-equal of Heaven and Earth, inthemanner course of nature, or—as the Chinese express it | here described.’ Considering the whole chapter —of the operations of Heaven and Earth, are | to be thus descriptive of Confucius, I was indescribed to illustrate the previous comparison | clined to translate in the past tense,—‘ It was

of Confucius. only he, who could,’ &c. Still the author has 31. THE EULOGIUM ON CONFUCIUS CONTINUED. | expressed himself so indefinitely, that I have

Chu Hsi says that this chapter is an expansion | preferred translating the whole, that it may of the clause in the last paragraph of the pre- | read as the description of the ideal man, who ceding,—‘The smaller energies are like river | found, or might have found, his realisation in

currents.’ Even if it be so, it will still have | Qonfuci __

reference to Confucius, the subject of the pre- ODDTORUS. Ts ME KP Be ee chap. ceding chapter. K‘ang-ch‘ang’s account of the | xxi. Hh here takes the place of SW. Collie first paragraph is :-—== {utd xX mn Ly; Xs translates :—‘ It is only the most HoLY man.’

. re ta Rémusat :—‘Il n'y a dans l'univers qu'un SAINT,

By YU At KY th); a +L -F- AS qui... Sothe Jesuits :—‘ Hic commemorat et com+H yarhy 4aou+A. Leiy:; Itmendat summe holiness and HH 420 describes how no SANCTI sanctity arevirtutes.’ terms whichBut indicate the humble

one, who has not virtue such as this, can rule |@"d pious conformity of human character and the kingdom, being a lamentation over the fact | life to the mind and will of God. The Chinese

that while Confucius had the virtue, he did not | idea of the ty A is far enough from this, have the appointment ;’ that is, of Heaven, to occupy the throne. Mao’s account of the whole Ka. — [2] 4 FA = Hie ‘the approach chapter is:—‘Had it been that Chung-ni | of the honourable to the mean is called lin.’ It possessed the throne, then Chung-ni was a | denotes the high drawing near to the low, to perfect Sage. Being a perfect Sage, he would |inguence and rule. 2. ‘An abyss, a spring,’ energies, and the smaller energies, of his vir- |Cdual, according to Chi Hsi, to— ppt re tue, so as to rule the world, and show himself im AS YAN ‘still and deep, and having a

certainly have been able to put forth the greater . . . \

CH, XXXII.) THE DOCTRINE OF THE MEAN. 429

Ee 86 li ft AS d : = , Ke AS Ke aR VW BE Onl, WS

el JCM OT Witt Shi Jae Sr fE* Aaa, 7@ Ze Be UU |

’ Ey, 4 PD FR WaitBO ’ Vr SE 7 in regard ticles,—t}, Bd ; +H, tC ; 2 Rs to, G.L.c., viii. 1; but this is doubtful. 4, Fe; 4H, HR.

(12) Z=tE this, G.L.c.,ix.6. (13) As c

° ° ° ° ° ) om | . ? © 3 ° 3 °

averb. Togo, or come, to, A., V. xviii. 2 ; AL poem To confound ; Anregulated WITT

XIII. xix, etal. (Ido not think thatWang | wan i. x. xu ae x vidi. 4 eV uxvie XVIL

Pan otsa gives meee . Z) (14) Vili, 3, xviii, xxiii; XVIII. vii 5. ff art of man’sthis name » xiii.

, ee BLto to ride; raise confusion, orhorses, insurrection, Fe To mount, spoken of ; 3. ning cattiages, boats, A., V. vi; VI. iii. a; A, Lit r Gn, 7 GL,.ix Suan yy x. 9, XXV. D.M., xx. 14. (2) To put in order; able , ; to govern, A., VIII. xx. 2. (3) The He _Thogrd tone. (1) A carriage, A., I. v; name of a certain part in a musical chiang V- Vil. 2, 3, et al. G.L.c., X. 22, (2) A service, A., VIII. xv. team of four horses, A., V. xviii. 2.

THE 6TH RADICAL, } . THE 5rxH RADICAL ‘ } viii. 3; VI. ; G -f (1) I, me, my, A., IIT. Iu Nine, A., VI. iii. 3; VII xx.3;XVIx. | 9, xxvi; VIL. xxii, etal. D.M., vii, xxxiii. chit Jt cae the nine rude tribes-on1X. the east, I, C. (2). Name of vn ee of Confucius, cee . °9 2; « XXi, e A., IX. xiii. 1. Fu AK, the nine standard ie (t) An affair, affairs; business, A., I. v,

rules of government, D.M., xx. 12, 15. shih XIV; ILI. viii. 2, xv; XV. i. 1, efal., saepe.

Ft TheXVI. 1st tone. collect, 3. Ay x.trouble21. DM, chi, 2.Toxix. 2; A., xx.XIV. 16.G.L.t., , having F, To beg, A., V. xxiii. | some affairs, A., II. viii. Having an

on affair with, A. XVI i. a. 4% BY, to

+h, (1) A particle used at the end of pursue business, A., VILL. vy; XVII. i. 2. yé sentences. Sometimes it might be dis- a} Ht, to manage business, A., XIII. pensed with, and at others it is felt to be xix. (2) Labours; the results of labour, necessary, not only to the euphony and A., XII. xxi. 3; XV. ix; XIX. vii. D.M., strength of the style, but also to give clear- xx.14. (3) To serve, A., 1X.xv. D.M

ness and definiteness to the meaning, A., oo 7) ae ee

5, et passim. So also in G.L. an .M. _ “oe it closes also the different clauses in a probably Aey At VA {= what diffi L ii 1, x 15 Xi, i ty a hile 1 2, 8, 4 xix. 5, ot passim. (4) fry HE Fe 4 is long predicate, where we might use the culty has he in practising benevolence ? semicolon in English, D.M., xx. 8, et al. so that it may be classed under (1), A.,

(2) It is used after proper names, after VI. xxviii. 1. some adverbs, and after a clause, in the _.s first member ‘of a sentence, and ‘may be THE 7ra RADICAL, ~.

construed as=as fo, the Latin quoad. A., | — o. ee :

I. x. 1, 2, XV. 33 X. a; XI. xii. 1, xiv. 2, — ) we A., IIL, xiv ) XII. vil. 3; 1% XV, XVi. I, XVii. x 2, 3 4 et passim. So, r 3, etal. (2) __, =F. see —— (3).

in G.L. and D.M. In these cases it is . -

followed at + xe on, er rey2, Il. eal iv. 1,D.M., DM ? ; ;theyitend\.of1.the3,sentence e¢ al.byG.L.C., lll. another particle, —itself, RR, = Ap. xvii. 4, et al.

As correlate of j lanation (1) Says, saying, generally in quotaSome @ La i 1m “ x OM a tions, A., IL xxi. 2; LX. vi. 4; XIV. xxv. viii.tences 3; XII.find xvii.,In etal., ea oe 4A. ag .zeVi. ar AtA., thIIL d of &..saepe. an ro—\: serve

| (4) ee OO EE a2 (2) Closing a sentence, and apparently = 4h; sometimes preceded by #, some- so, A., VII. xviii. 2, xxxiii. It is genertimes not. In these cases 5 may often ally followed by such particles as (ce be explained as imparting a participial or ty CB RR . not so always, A., V. xxvi; VI. ii; VII. th Five, D.M., xx. 8. A., II. iv. 1, 4; xix; etsaepe. So,inG.L. and D.M. (5) | wa 4%. ii. 1, etal. , th, FF in the first member of a sentence, =) y=) HR, the name of a village, A., resuming a previous word, and eran ha VII. xxviii. I. ii. 2. D.M., i. 2, 4, ef al, saepe. (6) FF A well, A., VI. xxiv. 1.

adjective power to other characters, but . .

by an explanation or account of i . .

4h, = AR: interrogative, A., II, xxiii. 1; ching

V. xvii; VL xxiv. (7) Asa final, it | SK . The 4th tone. Frequently, A., XVIL appears often followed by other par- | chi 1%?

452 CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. [INDEX VIL, cH) Ag BR =the band-master at the manager of foreign intercourse, A,, XIV.

ya second meal, A., XVIII. ix. 2. 1X. = Is found (1) Benevolence. (2) THE 81H RADICAL, ~~. =a passim. Perfect virtue.

0 perish, to go to ruin, D.M., xxiv . .

UC T (1) The dead, D.M., xix. 5, xx. 2. (2) | zdn wang xxxiii, 1. (3) To cause to perish, ‘A., VL 4S (1) Now; the present, modern, time,

viii- Not home. A.. XVIL chin saepe. Used logically, by way in(4) atNo at ,aaey 7 it.3ference, A.,(2)XI, xxiii. 4; XVI. i. 8,of ra.

GC KX: a fugitive, G.L.c., x. 13. D.M., xxvi. 9. |

a Used as fir, not having, being with- Ay} According as, A., XI. xiii, 2. wi eut, A., III. v; VI. ii; VII. xxv. 3; XI. | jéng or vi; XII. v.1; XV. xxv; XVII. xvi. 1; | zdng

k‘ang ees ° :

XIX. ii, v. tk To take—to be in—office, A., V. v, xviii;

JG AE JU, @ disciple of Confucius, A., | shin XV. vi 2s XVII i a; XVIIL vil. 5; XVI. xiii. 1, 5. The same as F- B- tis Other, another, A., V. xviii. 2; X. xi.

Ae (x) Intercourse, to have intercourse | ¢q 15 XVI. xiii. 3; XIX. xviii, xxiv. G.L.c.,

chiéo With, A., I. iv, vii; V. xvi; XIX. iii. X. 14. G.L.c., iii. 3. D.M., xx. 8 (2) Togive, | poy . : to bestow, aL c., x2. (2) To give, 7] A measure of eight cubits, A., XIX.

. .. eee, jen or XX1l1. 3.

aR Also; even then, A., I. xii. 2, xiii; III. i"

yi xXxii.3; V. xi, xxiv, et saepe. G.L.c., x. on 10, 14,23. D.M., xii. 2, etal, HAR: . AR (1) Instead of, alternate, DM, XXX.

tai 2But (2)theAdynasty. — .AR: the three E, isa it. not? meaning also . ——~ aan dynastiesof ;—Hsia, Shang, and Chau, A., may often be brought out, A., I. i. 1, 2, 3; XV. xxi - TIL xiv (— APR. XX. ii. 2, e¢ al. , + XKIV. By ADM XV (= AR). 4» (x) To order, A., XIII. vi; XX. ii. 3.

#. To offer, present, A., X. v. 2. sy G.L.o., ix. 4. (2) Excellent, D.M., xvii.

hsiang 4. (3) Specious, insinuating, A., I. iii; THE 9rH RADICAL, K. V. xxiv. (4) 4} FF, designation of the

XK (1) Aman, other men, man, = humanity, chief minister of Ch‘t, A., V. xviii. 1.

4 A., I.or i. 3, V, X. passim. ’ gen “9iv, a? , 22, et(1) To So, do,in A., II. x. 1. Rarely found zin G.L. and D.M. (2) As opposed to Fe, A in this sense. 2 AL, XI. xxv. 3. (2) By,

. : nglish prepositions, G.L.c., ix. 4. D.M.

meaning officers. D.M., xvii.qg. A., XI. | with, pecording to, and perhaps oiner xxiv. 3. (3) Tit AX, playing the aan Xvili. 3, xx. 4. A., Lv; IL. i, lii. 1, 2, v.

the Sz). Obse " # KEK 3, et passim. To this belong iy Ze . Observe

.L.c., ili. 3. (4);—which ARNare found F: , adit Any VY whereby the mean man, oppose off Fe asst. passim. (3) To take. This use is analoae Le in f RK therefore, that by which ; 7 YJ, hence ;

(5) pty AK: the Sage, A., VII. xxv; XVI. gous to the preceding, but the YU previii, 1,2; XIX. xii. 2. D.M., xii. 2, xvil. cedes the verb, and is often followed by

1, xx. 18, xxvii. 1, xxix. 3, 4. (6) FA it eet an intervening object, as in XM: disciples, A., IV. xv. 2; VII. xxviii. Ww m’ Ww Ed, &e. YJ Ie to take to be, to consider, to be considered. 1, etal. (7) Nias KA: all the people, the Examples occur passim. We may refer masses, A., XVI. ii. 3. G.L.t., 6. D.M., to it the use of ZI sometimes at the xviii. 3. (8) ate A the good man, A., beginning of a sentence, = considering, take it that. (4) To, so as to, G.L.7., 6, VII. xxv. 2, etal. (9) By AK: the com- G.L.c., x. 18 D.M., x. 3, xxvii. 6, 7; wee xxix. 3, 4,6. A., IT. ii, ix; ILI. xxiii; plete man, A., XIV, xill, (ro) Ht XM VIL. 1, 2, et passim. Sometimes we might

° ° ° ° ° » LY)

a woman, A., VIII. xx. 3. (11) Ft We translate in these cases by—and thereby. But the designation of the wife of the prince not so in such cases as VU Eq , YU f,

i . the border- " , , ; ?

of a State, A., XVI. xiv. (12) Used in YU Pp: &e. (5) It is often found after designations of officers, like our word Ay ral yy may, may be. (6) To use

man in huntsman ey Kt © Ore to be used, A., III. xxi; X. xvi. a; XIII.

warden, A., III xxiv. 47 J, the xiv; XVIII. x. (7) The following in-

INDEX VII.] CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. 453 stances are peculiar, G.L.c., iii. 5. D.M., A., III. xix; IX. v. 2, xiii. 2, xxiii, e¢

xxiii 6, A., XIV. xiv. 2; XV. xxx; saepe. (3) frit Hyy, what as?=what do

7 ARV Bp AMS you think of? how can it be said? A., I.

{i To look up to, A., IX. x1; XIX. xxi. xv. 1; V. iii, xviii. 1, 2, et saepe. (4) Any

yang AR ,generally, but not always, = will have 4¥ The 1st tone. Jal tF:, a man’s name, no difficulty, A., VI. vi; VII. ii; XIII. jen or A., XVI. i. 6. xiii, et al. (5) Any FR: generally = why,

win , . A., VI. xxiv; XIV. xxvi. 2, xxxiv, e¢ al. 44: (1) An office, a charge, A., VIII. vii. . times be in the ath ¢ zn % Dy 2 D.tis, M. -ViT; xx. t 4.7x1. fo 9. repose Fats sometimes de In e4ix. one.3. _ (1)trust To tt: make, produce, G.L.c.,

a ° t) 3 3 ° e .. $ *9 e e

4% (1) To attack by imperial authority, A., to A Lita; XL. xiii. 2, To do, A., VIL “ XVILis,4,ii. 2. (2) To boast, A, V xxvii. (2) To lay the foundation of, to J xxv. 3; VI. xiii; XIV. ii. 1. (g) To cut be a maker or author, A., VIT.i. D.M., down, or out, D.M., xiii. 2. G.L.c., x. 22. rei ty) (3) To Thesen to bee xu" 4K. 4k. 4K: simple and upright, G.L.c., (5) To rise, arise, A., IX. ix; X. xvi. 4,

. , A, . . hsiti X. 14. XVili, 2; XI. xxv. 7; XIV. xl.

St pi

es , Z; Glib-tongued, A., V. iv. 1, 2; VI. xiv;

t A., XII. xxii. 6. XVL iv.

Ht Ft Ft the minister of the great T'ang, tk XI, xxiv. 4; XIV. xxxiv. 1, 2 , XV. x. 6

th To lie at the bottom, D.M., xxxiii. 2. pis A surname, A., XVII. vii. 1, 2. 4th The second of three; the second of fff A row of pantomimes, A., ITT, i.

chung brothers. Enters very commonly into yi designations, as in that of Confucius, {| 2 The ath tone, T d woe D.M., ii, xxx. A., XIX. xxii, xxiii, xxiv, (Gi to b © 4th tone. 4. A. VL i a . XUL xxv. Of others: VI. i. 2,3, iv; XI. ii. | shin ‘%° 0° . XIV. xxvi. y they Ve dite I; -

2; XII. ii; XIII. ii—IIL. xxii. 1, 2, 3; Vy XX; » XXVL TI, 2.

XIV. x. 3, Xvil. 1, 2, xviii. 1, 2.—V. Xvi. fifi The 3rd tone. (1) To cause, G.L.c., —V. xvii; XY. xili—XIV. xiii, xv.— | Oo iv. D.M., xvi. 3. . ; ; sa To lose office, a throne, A., ITT. xxiv; XIV. 3 A particle of exclamation, expressing "I xx. 1,2. (2) To let be lost, to destroy, is@j. #dmiration or surprise. (1) It is often at A., IX. v. 9; XI. viii; XIII. xv. 4, 5. the end of sentences, G.L.c., x. 14. D.M., xxvii. 3. A., ITI. xxii.r, etal. (2) Itis NE pe Ay, how distinguished! G.L.c., often used at the close of the first clause | psiign iii, 4

of a sentence, the subject exclaimed about as - ; following, D.M., x. §, xxvii. 1. A., III. a Admirable, D.M., xvii. 4. To commend,

iv. 2; V. ii, etal. (3) It often closes an | chi@ honour, D.M., xx. 14. A., XIX, ill,

an | ; |

460 CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. (INDEX VII. BB BE, POE, alas! A., IIL vi (r) To think, imagine, A., VII. xiii.

wit | #4 (2) A map or scheme, A., IX. viii.

IB Coarse, rude, A., XI. xvii. 4. THE 82xp RADICAL, +. yes (1) To taste, A., X. xi, 2, xiii. 1. (2) + (t) The ground, ground, earth, D.M., chiang Name of the autumnal sacrifice, D.M., f% xxvi.g. A., V.ix.r. (2) aK +; water

xix. (3) Indicates the present andjoined land, D.M., 1. (3) plete6. and past tenses, beingcomoften fort. xxx. A. iV. xi --3 =com=

with A., III, xxiv;stone, VIII. differently v, e¢ al. pees : rr Ie ; = A precious shaped, a (1) A vessel, a tool, D.M., xix. 3. A., kwe, Used asa badge of authority, A., X. v. 1;

ch'{ iii. V-ix. Metaphorically, A.,III. IL.xxii. xii;1.Vv. XI »=See thethe Shih. IIL. ij 1. (2) Capacity, calibre, A., ; k Fy onih, 411i.

(3) Touse according capacity,the A., XITI. ph 2; , 5D.M., > th. th aDM XXV. 1) Thetoearth, ground, xxx. 3. ie An exclamation of grief, of contempt, | ti i x. count wk *Xry, (2) Any °03 ) ts A., XL viii; XIX, xil. a; XID. xx. 4. Throughout the Doctrine of the Mean, it

57 Severe, dignified, G.L.c., vi. 3. occurs constantly as the correlative of yen Ke heaven, the phrase IF Hh being THE 31st RADICAL, []. , now the component parts, and now the

our,thi saepe. Four things which Con| py r Four hich C great Powers, of the universe.

sze~=s clus taught, and four others from which TE no? To be in, to consist in, depend on,

he wasfree, A., VII. xxiv; IX. iv. Ju EAB tsai (ay To be prownt @ Lew va a pe the four parts of the State, G.L.c., ix. 8. xxi. (3) To be in life, A., I. xi; IV. xix. PUR, the barbarians on the four aides LE is followed not unfrequently by _f, of the kingdom, G.L.c., X. 15. JU FS the rH, py, with words intervening. Ob-

four limbs, .D.M.,

ES A State, passim. FA fax, the Middle | pe kwo Kingdom, D.M., xxvii. 4, eal. Onlyin | ‘hf (1) The hall or principa apartment,

ii in | “AY 1) The hall incipal

this phrase is the term used for the whole | fang ®8cended to by steps, A., IIT. ii; X.iv. 4;

kingdom. Ff ae 2. [ax one of the XI, xiv. 2. (2) ee ee, exuberant; an largest States, equipping 1,000 chariots, imposing manner, A., XIX. xvi. A., I. v, ef al. Fe ER to administer a | FS Firm, hard, A., IX. x. 1; XVII. vii. 3.

State, A., IV. xiii. | chien

INDEX VII] CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES, 461 Ht To be able, to endure, A., VI. ix. rid (1) Night, A., IX. xvi; XV. xxx. D.M.,

k‘an yé xxix. 6, (2) FL TK: a man’s designaEs The name of an ancient sovereign, A., tion, A., XVITI. xi. yao VIII. xix; XX.i.1. Coupled with Shun, ae

G.L., ix. 4, et al. ae" To dream, A., VIL. v.

2B To revenge, recompense, return, D.M., | 9

pdo + 3, XX. 13. A., XIV. xxxvi. I, 2, 3. THE 37TH RADICAL, K: pA _ Aroad, the way, D.M., xi.2. A., XVII. k Great; greatly, passim. K HK, gee

ty ~©=C«si«s ‘I, Xv. ” J

ohtus I In 4th tone, with aspirate. Excessive,

[ae To fall, be fallen, A., XIX. xxii. 2.

eR (t) To shut up, as a screen, A., IIT. (ai VI. xiii, A. XVIII. i. (4) rr He, a double

xx; XI. xxii, xxv.8; XII. xxi. 3; XV. - ; ‘is XVIII. vii. x surname, A., V. xxiiii— XIV. xxxiv.

V. 3) XXXVii ; .wes Vii.1)I.Torebe(2) No be.M., evid Lp2, 3. evidence xxvi.

ris A short, cross, path, A. VI, xiiL chang (2) To attest, be attested, D. M., xxviii.

ching 5, xxix. 2,3. A., IIT. ix. (1) To attain to, to be found, G.L.7., 2. Virtue, virtuous, passim. Energy, in-

Dy D.M., xx. 18, 20. (2) To get, with an fis fluence, D.M., xvi. I. A., XII. xix.

objective following, saeye. Without an te objective, getting, anything as gain to be rie'4 (x) To remove, A., III. ii. (2) Name got, A., XVI. vii, x1; XIX.i. (3g) The | 4 for the Chau law of tithe, A., XIL ix. a, 3. auxiliary can often followed by nie saepe. $i (x) To seek, D.M., xix. 4. (2) To copy (4) Followed by an adjectivé, and often hsido ®n0other’s and pretend that it is one’s

in the question #% 435 ...can be=can own ; to pry out, A., XVII. xxiv. a. be considered, A., IV. i; V. X, XVili. I, 2, THE 61sr RADICAL, 1.

etal. (5) x 7: tC; could not but, A., y.

- J8 , | ey The heart, the mind ;—denotes the

XII. vii. 2, 3. (6) = Ff to be one’s shin mental constitution generally. Is not

self, D.M., xiv. 2. found in the Chung Yung, G.L.T., 4, 5. . ; G.L.c., vi. 4, Vii. I, 2, 3, ix. 2, x. 14. A, FE (x) On foot, A., XL vii. 2. (2) Vainly, IL. iv. 6; VI. v; XIV. xii. 1; XVIL ¢q Without cause, A., XVII. v. 3. (3) Dis- xxii; XX. i. 3, 7.

ciple, associate, A., used XI. xvi. 2; XVIII. » -_often= vi. 3, 4. DA Must, as an auxiliary;

eee mr e e ° hi ™ TF A +H; what must, = what is necessary 4 will certainly, would certainly. Some-

#E To move towards, A., VII. iii; XII. times also with no verb following, passim. He _ To follow; to act according to, G.L.c., is... Sometimes conditionally, G.L.c., ts'ung 1X-4,x.2. D.M., xxviii. 5, xxix.2, A,, iv. 1. A., IIL. vii; VI. vii, xxviii; VII.

II. iv. 6, xiii, et al., saepe. A nee to be x. 3; XIII. iii. 2, xxi. +H DAY no

engaged in government. Generally, in arbitrary predeterminations, A., IX. iv.

a subordinate capacity, A., VI. vi; XIII. . .

>e

Kili, xx. 4; XVIII. v. 1. But not neces- Ay To bear, forbear, A., ITI. i; XV. xxvi. sarily subordinate in, A., XX. ii. 1. A¥ 1en OF

'» to be engaged in affairs, to act, A. . .

a, a xy TT to. , ad Dy To be wrong, in error, G.L.c., ix. 8.

a chi

#E In 4th tone. Proceeding on, A., IIL. 7A _The will, aim, G.Lo, iv. 1. D.M,,

tsung xx111, chih *iX. 2, xxxiii, 2. A., I. xi, et al., sacepe. 4 In 4th tone. To be in close attendance a +, the determined scholar, A.,

tsung on. Always $i 27 or He 53 , XV. vili.

Any ITI. xxiv; V.vi; XI. ii. 1, ix. 1; XV. y= y= ie dread, caution, D.M., ii. 2.

4 4 ws, naturally and easily, D.M., hard To forget, be forgotten, A., VII. xviii.

sung xx. 18. _ wang 33 XII. xxi. 3; XIV. | G.L.o., iii. .xiii. 2; XIX. v.

Al To drive a carriage, A., II. v. 2; IX. Oy th dy S

yil li, 2, it (1) Self-devotion, generous sincerity.

48 (x) To make good, A., I. xiii. (2) To chung Often in combination with = , G.L.c,, fa Yeport a commission, A., X. iii, 4. (3) x. 18. D.M., xiii. 3, xx. 14. A., iv, xv.

To return to, A., X.iv.5; XILi. 1. (4) 2; V. xxvii, et al. (2) Faithful, loyal,

To repeat, A., XI. v. A., I. iv, viii. 2; IT. xx; III. xix; V.

fau A,, VIL. viii. _ .

fff Again, A., VI. vii; VIL v. Asaverb, UT eo ete mats ATV. vil; XV. v.95 Aa Anger, to be angry, A., XII. xxl. 3; ni] (I) A Aa BR, by orderly method, | fan XVI. x; XVIL xvi.2. G.Lc., vii. 1.

AY Xv r chih

hsiin A., TX, x. 2. (2) Fastened to the ground, pf To dislike, A., IX. xxvi. 2.

tu ,

INDEX VII.] CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. 469

: , rence, D.M., xxxiii. 5. A., I. xiii; V.

‘x To think of, keep in mind, A., V. xxii. aN To revere, be reverential, sedate, reve-

mien : . euddenly. A. kung Sy, xxiv; VIL: xxxvii; VIIL ii; XIL

3 (1) 20 Fa = 2 Pe suddenly, ., v.45 XIL xix; XV. x Fh =too IX.x. (2) In names. $4 ae A., XIV. modest, A., XIX. xxv. 1. vis tJ, he

“ve 4 Kae =“ made himself reverent, A., XV. iv.

PE ‘To be ashamed, modest, A., XIV. xxi. 3 Contrary to right, contradictory, to

tso | pet collide, G.L.c., x. 10. D.M., xxix. 3,

He Anger, to show anger, A., VI. ii. D.M., XXX. 3. rLUS\) . ee

mi, % 4) XXXL 4. fe Reaching far, D.M., xxvi. 3, 4, 6, 8.

pik (x) To think, to think of; thought, yt

gze vhoughts, thinking, D.M., xx. 7, 18, 19, Ba To be grieved, anxious about, A., I. ao, A., IL. ii, xv; IV. xvii, et al, saepe, | WS xvi; ILL. xxiv; IV. xiv; XII. v. 4, xviii; (2) A final particle, D.M., xvi. 4. (3) XIV. xxxii; XVI. i. 10; XVII. xv. a, 3.

i A, a disciple of Confucius, A., VI. is D.M., HA, G.L.c., xiv. vii. 3. BA ill. 3. and difficulty, 2.ie, distress

4 iv. 5; XIII. xxviii. pet .

Ny te te an: looking pleased, A., X. AF A man’s name, A., XVII. xx. 24. The distressed, distress, A., VI. ili. 2. Yié2 Vie eo ee £0 explain one’s self, A. VIL. chi

é Sincerity, the real of aae case, d Nature, the nature (of man), G.L.c., x. state ls ae ei, BE 17 Deis i, xxi, xxii, IRV. 3, Xxvii. 6. oe G.L.c., iv. A. MITT. * 3; XIX, xix.

+) Ye X11; - .iu. (1) To xx. be deceived, deluded, suce) 6—P.M., 13. A., XID. x. 1, 2,delusion, xxi. 1, 3; (x) To murmur against, be murmured | hwo ’ 3: ) » 2, XX1. 1; 35

od against. Resentment, in thought, word, XIV. s DM (2) To doubt nave mis-

or deed, D.M., xiv. 3, xx. 13. A., IV. xii; S1vings, VM, XXX. 3) 4. AA, 2A. IV. 35

V. xxii, et al., saepe. (2) What provokes VII. xxviii; IX. xxviii; XI. xxi; XIV. resentment, injury, A., XIV. xxxvi. 1, 3. xxx.

2. D.M.,’xi.hsi x. 4 kwat

bE Extraordinary things, A., VII. xx. We ey SB, alas! A., IX. xx; XII. viii. 2. be (r) Constantly; constancy, G.L.c., x. HE A particle, generally initial, but somehing *9 A., VII. xxv. 2,3; XIII.es xxii. 1, 2.be | we; times im a clause. Fometimes can ardly translated, G.L.c., iii. 1, x.it11. (2) us KG an officer of Chi, A., XIV. A., Il. xxi. 2. Often it =only, especially

xxii. 2. when medial, G.L.c., x. 12. D.M., xviii.

4 To be afraid of, to be in danger of, A., xi oe 5. A., LTV. ii; VII. x. 1; XIX, k‘ung

V. xiii; VIIL xvii; XVI. i.13; XIX. iv. : 2

4 Ma, G.L.c., vii. 1. D.M., i. 2. Wes Wes Wee simple, A., VIII. xvi.

AH The principle of reciprocity, making kung chy our. own feelings the rule for our dealing [| Favours, A., IV. xi. Kind, beneficent ; with others, A., IV. xv. 2; XV. xxiii. | 47; kindness, A., V.xv; XIV. x.1; XVII.

G.L.c., ix. 4. D.M., xiii. 3. vi; XX. il. 1, 2.

’ To commiserate, treat compassionatel : (1) Wickedness, what is bad, G.L.c.

if G.L.c., x. I. P % iis viii. 1,2. D.M., vi. A., IV. iv; V. xxii, et al. (2) Bad, disagreeable, spoiled

Fit) Shame, a senso of shame, what is G.L.o, vir. A, IV. ix; VILL xxi; X.

ch'th shamefu', be ashamed D.M., 10. V. viii._2.aoe . xiii;toIT. iii. 1, a;ofIV. ix, xx. xxii; xiv, xxiv; VIIL. xiii. 3; IX. xxvi. 13 Ba To dislike, to hate, G.L.c., vi. 1, vill.

XIII. xx; XIV. i, xxix. 1. wh %) X- 2, 3,14,17. D.M. and A., saepe.

tH Reverently careful, G.L.c., iii. 4. Gd] ae The 1st tone. How, A., IV. v. 2. hstin tJ An: simple and sincere-like, A., X. | WU

Fab PRS Indolent, A. IX. xix. Rude, G.Lc,, viii. 1.

Si To regret, to repent, have occasion for Pe. |

2; VII. x. 3. ch‘ien

hii repentance, D.M., xi. 3. A., IL. xviii. MT Fault, error, A., XVI. vi.

yan (r) To breathe, A., X. iv. 4. (2) To AX To be superior to, A., V. viii. 1; XI. hsi Stop, cease, D.M., xx. 2, xxvi. 1, 2. yi = XV. 2

470 CHINESE CHARACTERS AND PHRASES. [INDEX VII. iD iD iD ite looking pleased, A., X. ied To fear, shrink from, A., I. viii. 4; IX.

yi Ve tan = - XXiv. EB ea, toli, 2.be cautious, D.M., yaa The thoughts, G.L.1., 4,5; G.L.c., vi. . ; ; ; — I, 4. +H ee, no foregone conclusions, TR i wR y with a sigh, A., XVIII. vi. 4. A., IX. iv.

: _ er To be eager, A., VII. viii. By ize

Ba Ignorant, stupid; stupidity, A., IT. ix; fan A., VII. xviii. 2. 5 WW. xx; XI. xvii. r; XVII. iii, viii. 3, xvi. .. Ma. D.M., iv. I, xii. 2, XX. at, XXViil. 5. lé To answer, A., XIX. xii.

” To love, G.L.o., viii. 1, x. 15. D.M. . gs . . Be xix. 5. A. I. v, vi} IIL. xvii. 2; XII. x. th D ry be. dissatisticd or displeased with, ying

ra’co ATV.0. VillaeXVII. Love, | han ee >Bs XX1. (1) iv. An3. example, a3eo, aeto

display

rig To be angrily discomposed, dissatisfac- hsien elegantly after a pattern, D.M., xxx. 1.

wan ion, A., Li. 3; V. xviii. 1; XV. i. 3. (2) The name of one of Confucius’s dis-

ees ciples, A., xxxiii. XIV. 1. 3. 6 . ik'wei Ashamed, D.M., a , The grd tone. Jlustrious, D.M., xvii.

Vas To slander, slanderous statements, A., | 2" ™ sit XII. vi; XIV. xxxviii. 1. Need (xz) The XVII. *. bosom, xxi. 6. (2)the Toembrace, keep in theA., breast, A. ‘8. Tobe careful about, cautious, cautiously. heoas XV. vi. £ VIL io. (3) To cherish, shin Sometimes followed by the prepositions think of, A., IV. xi; XIV. iii. To regard, ap and i: G.L.c., vi. 1, a,x. 4,6. D.M., D.M., xxxiil. oH (4) To cherish kindly, i. 2, 3, xx. 19. A, I. ix, xiv; IL xviii. A.V. xxv. 4. D.M., xx. 12, 13, 14.

2; VII. xii; VIII. ii; XIX. xxv. a. Bs A posthumous title, A., II. v. 1.

Attenti ful, A., VILL. xvi. :

Gi lii, q. : _. :ts To be . G.L.c., vii. 1. a 4 ; . mun Xill; XIL ii; XIV. xlii, Spoken by Con-

ij Measures of capacity, A.. XX.i.6. A fucius of his door, i.e, his school, A., XI. liang measure, limit, A., X. viii. 4. Xe Ar ii, 1, xiv. rH PH, to stand in the midBr not to know one’s own capacity, A., dle of the gateway, A., X.iv.2. PA J,

IX. xxiv. disciples, A., IV. xv. 2; VII. xxviii; IX. xi; XI. x. 1, 2, xiv.2; XIX. iii, xii. So,

THE 167rx RADICAL, >. FA “F-,A., VILL iii; IX iia (a)

chin ; pass, A., XIV. xli.

& Metal. G> =arns, D.M., x. 4. Ay F , the name of a place, or barrierGe An axe, a hatchet. gk By D.M., Bd A boundary, or fending line, A., XIX.

Sit XXX111. 4. heien Xi.

yueh hsien

oy A battle-axe, see above. fal At leisure, retired, G.L.c., vi. 2.