Comparative Politics of the Third World: Linking Concepts and Cases 9781685855505

Table of contents :
Contents
Illustrations
Preface
1 Introducing Comparative Studies
PART I HISTORICAL LEGACIES
2 Precolonial History (Or, What Your "World Civ" Class Might Have Left Out)
3 Colonialism: Gold, God, and Glory
4 Independence or In Dependence?
5 Linking Concepts and Cases
PART 2 THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM
6 Globalization: Cause or Cure for Underdevelopment?
7 Structural Adjustment: Prices and Politics
8 Alternative Approaches to Development
9 Linking Concepts and Cases
PART 3 POLITICS AND POLITICAL CHANGE
10 From Ideas to Action: The Power of Civil Society
11 Linking Concepts and Cases
12 The Call to Arms: Violent Paths to Change
13 Linking Concepts and Cases
14 Ballots, Not Bullets: Seeking Democratic Change
15 Political Transitions: Real or Virtual?
16 Linking Concepts and Cases
PART 4 BEYOND THE NATION-STATE
17 Sovereignty and the Role of International Organizations
18 Global Challenges— and Responses
19 Linking Concepts and Cases
20 Dealing with a Superpower: Third World Views of the United States
21 Linking Concepts and Cases
PART 5 CONCLUSIONS
22 Are We Living in a New Era?
Acronyms
Glossary
Notes
Selected Bibliography
Index
About the Book

Citation preview

Comparative Politics of the Third World

Comparative Politics of the Third World LINKING CONCEPTS AND CASES December Green and Laura Luehrmann

LYN N E RIENNER PUBLISHERS

R O It 1 n I II I O N [1 O N

Published in the United States of America in 2003 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 1800 30th Street, Boulder, Colorado 80301 www.rienner.com and in the United Kingdom by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 3 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, London W C 2 E 8LU © 2003 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Green, December. Comparative politics of the third world : linking concepts and cases / December Green and Laura Luehrmann. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-58826-190-5 (alk. paper) ISBN 1-58826-166-2 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Developing countries—Politics and g o v e r n m e n t — C a s e studies. 2. Developing countries—Economic policy—Case studies. I. Luehrmann, Laura, 1969- II. Title. JF60.G74 2003 320.3'09172'4—dc21 2002036823 British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available f r o m the British Library.

Printed and bound in the United States of America

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The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z39.48-1992 5

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Contents

Listof Illustrations Prejace 1

vii xi

Introducing Comparative Studies

1

Part I Historical Legacies 2 Precolonial History (Or, What Your "World Civ" Class Might Have Left Out) 3 Colonialism: Gold, God, and Glory 4 Independence or In Dependence? 5 Linking Concepts and Cases

29 43 55 69

Part 2 T h e International E c o n o m i c S y s t e m 6 Globalization: Cause or Cure for Underdevelopment? 7 Structural Adjustment: Prices and Politics 8 Alternative Approaches to Development 9 Linking Concepts and Cases

107 139 159 167

Part 3 Politics and Political C h a n g e 10 From Ideas to Action: The Power of Civil Society 11 Linking Concepts and Cases 12 The Call to Arms: Violent Paths to Change 13 Linking Concepts and Cases 14 Ballots, Not Bullets: Seeking Democratic Change 15 Political Transitions: Real or Virtual? 16 Linking Concepts and Cases

187 224 244 280 301 331 343

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CONTENTS

Part 4 Beyond the Nation-State 17 Sovereignty and the Role of International Organizations 18 Global Challenges—and Responses 19 Linking Concepts and Cases 20 Dealing with a Superpower: Third World Views of the United States 21 Linking Concepts and Cases

361 392 409 427 434

Part S Conclusions 22 Are We Living in a New Era?

453

List of Acronyms Glossary Notes Selected Bibliography Index About the Book

456 459 481 513 525 538

Illustrations

Photographs A f g h a n r e f u g e e s exercising their right to an e d u c a t i o n A petty trader on his way to m a r k e t A boy carries bricks for a living in India A Pakistani student practicing her letters A mural in N a m i b i a urges grassroots participation A UN w e a p o n s inspector in Iraq Voting in South A f r i c a A UN p e a c e k e e p i n g soldier F o r m e r UN Secretary-General B o u t r o s B o u t r o s - G h a l i in R w a n d a Displaced persons return h o m e e x h a u s t e d

12 122 155 162 206 271 303 375 378 396

Figures 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 1.9 1.10

Global Village of 1,000 People W h a t ' s in a N a m e ? Mexico: Profile and M a p Peru: Profile and M a p Nigeria: Profile and M a p Z i m b a b w e : Profile and M a p Iran: Profile and M a p Turkey: Profile and M a p China: Profile and M a p Indonesia: Profile and M a p

3 5 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4

Early N o n - W e s t e r n E m p i r e s W h y W a s n ' t It C h i n a that C o n q u e r e d the W o r l d ? T h e Transatlantic Slave Trade T h e O p i u m Wars

33 35 41 42

3.1 3.2 3.3

H o w Did E u r o p e C o n q u e r the World? Did Colonialism B e n e f i t W o m e n ? Israel

44 50 53

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ILLUSTRATIONS

4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5

The Spanish American Experience Subversion and Other "Weapons of the Weak" Spiritualism and Nationalist Resistance Wars of Liberation Attempts at Industrialization

6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6

56 57 59 59 66

GNI per Capita for Rich, Middle Income, and Poor Countries Human Development Index World Rankings, Selected Countries Life Expectancy Infant Mortality Rate Illiteracy Percentage of the Population Categorized as "Desperately Poor," by Region 6.7 The Asian "Flu" 6.8 Child Labor: A Benefit to the Child? 6.9 Total External Debt 6.10 Debt as a Share of GNI

108 109 110 111 112

7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 7.6

Military Budgets and Adjustment Paying Taxes: An Especially Unpopular Idea in Mexico China's Development Refugees Along the Three Gorges Dam A Zero-Sum Game? A Small Investment with a Huge Payoff How Other Coping Mechanisms Are Linked to the Spread of HIV

141 142 150 151 152 154

8.1

The Free Trade Area of the Americas: An Alternative Route to Development?

165

10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4

Do All Muslims Agree ? The Political Spectrum Tibet and the Tibetan People China's "Cultural Revolution"

191 197 202 215

12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 12.5 12.6 12.7 12.8 12.9

The Kurds Taiwan—Renegade Province or Independent State? Zimbabwe and Africa's World War Legality as a Tool of State Terror Militaries in the Third World Argentina's "Dirty War" Peru's Shining Path The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Narcoterrorism

251 253 254 257 261 264 267 270 272

14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 14.5

Respect for Political and Civil Rights: How Our Cases Rate Is Democracy Universally Desirable? When Islamists Win Elections Image Is Everything Elections in China

304 306 308 316 317

113 125 129 135 136

ILLUSTRATIONS

14.6 14.7

Shattering Stereotypes Measuring Gender Empowerment

326 327

17.1 17.2 17.3 17.4

The The The The

373 377 379

African Crisis Response Initiative Rwandan Genocide East Timor Referendum for Independence International Olympic Committee and the

Role of Sports in International Relations

390

18.1

Refugees and Migration

400

20.1

Could the Next Superpower Be from the Third World?

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ix

Preface

In r e c e n t y e a r s , it has b e c o m e c o m m o n p l a c e to d i s c u s s g l o b a l i z a t i o n , e x a m i n i n g b o t h its b e n e f i t s and its d r a w b a c k s . Y e t , s u c h d i a l o g u e o f t e n t a k e s p l a c e w i t h i n a v e r y l i m i t e d p e r s p e c t i v e . W h a t d o g l o b a l i z a t i o n and its r e l a t e d d e v e l o p m e n t s m e a n to the m a j o r i t y o f the w o r l d ' s p o p u l a t i o n , m o s t o f w h o m are still w a i t i n g to r e c e i v e the p r o m i s e d b e n e f i t s o f a m o r e " g l o b a l " w o r l d ? U n i v e r s i t y students t o d a y f r a m e their v i e w s in a w o r l d d i z z i e d b y e v e n t s o f g r e a t m a g n i t u d e . T o truly u n d e r s t a n d both the s o u r c e s and the c o n s e q u e n c e s o f s u c h m a t t e r s , s t u d e n t s n e e d to l o o k b e y o n d the W e s t e r n w o r l d . C o n s i d e r an i n c o m p l e t e list o f e v e n t s that h a v e p e r m e a t e d l i f e in r e c e n t y e a r s : battles o v e r A I D S d r u g s and other patents; m o v e m e n t s b a s e d in r e l i g i o u s f u n d a m e n t a l i s m s ; the d e c l i n e o f n a t i o n a l s o v e r e i g n t y ; i n c r e a s e d r e c o g n i t i o n o f c r i m e s

against

h u m a n i t y ; y o u t h a c t i v i s m in e v e r y t h i n g f r o m f i n a n c i a l m a r k e t s to h u m a n rights c a m p a i g n s to w a r f a r e ; s t u d e n t d e m o n s t r a t i o n s a g a i n s t c o r r u p t i o n ,

corporate

g r e e d , a n d a u t h o r i t a r i a n g o v e r n m e n t s ; " w a r s " o n e v e r y t h i n g f r o m d r u g s to p o v e r t y to t e r r o r i s m ; v i o l e n c e p e r p e t u a t e d b y the s e e m i n g l y i n n o c u o u s p u r c h a s e o f i t e m s s u c h as d i a m o n d s ; as w e l l as g e n d e r v i o l e n c e , n e w f o r m s o f i m p e r i a l i s m , and m o r e . W e p r e p a r e d this b o o k in o r d e r to p r o v i d e a c o n t e x t in w h i c h s t u d e n t s c a n b e g i n to a n a l y z e s u c h e v e n t s , t a k i n g a w a y w i t h t h e m a g r e a t e r a p p r e c i a t i o n not o n l y o f the s u b s t a n t i v e i s s u e s u n d e r study, but o f the l a r g e r i s s u e s b e h i n d the h e a d l i n e s . W e a p p r o a c h the i s s u e s w i t h a p e r s p e c t i v e e x p l i c i t l y d e s i g n e d to f o s ter c r i t i c a l - t h i n k i n g a n d d e c i s i o n m a k i n g s k i l l s . O u r o v e r a r c h i n g g o a l is t o i n c r e a s e s t u d e n t s ' e x p o s u r e to d y n a m i c s in the third w o r l d . W e e x p l o r e i s s u e s and c o n t r o v e r s i e s in t h e s e c o u n t r i e s , e m p l o y i n g an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y p e r s p e c t i v e . W e b e l i e v e that in o r d e r to b e i n f o r m e d m e m b e r s o f m o d e r n s o c i e t y , students n e e d a s o l i d b a s i s in the h i s t o r y , s o c i e t y , p o l i t i c s , and e c o n o m i c s o f a m a n a g e able n u m b e r o f c o u n t r i e s , w h i l e b e i n g r e m i n d e d that n o s i n g l e c a s e s t u d y is representative of such e n o r m o u s and diverse regions. T h e c o m p l e x i t i e s o f our w o r l d d e m a n d it. T h r o u g h o u t the b o o k , w e m a k e a c o n s c i o u s attempt to s h o w s t u d e n t s w h y they s h o u l d c a r e a b o u t w h a t h a p p e n s in the third w o r l d , and h o w t h e y are a f f e c t e d by it. W e a l s o a t t e m p t to p r o v o k e and e n g a g e s t u d e n t s b y o f f e r i n g t h e m a v i e w o f the w o r l d t h e y d o n ' t o f t e n hear, i n c l u d i n g o n e that is o f t e n c r i t i c a l o f the

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PREFACE

West. We strongly believe that, all too often, the voices of leaders and citizens in non-Western countries are sorely neglected even in case studies devoted to such countries. In addition, we work to avoid the marginalization of groups such as women, youth, and indigenous peoples. By integrating these groups into discussions of general theory, we hope that students will begin to appreciate the competing perspectives and their bases—and will walk away with a more accurate view of the world around them. *

*

*

We received much assistance throughout the duration of this project, and we owe gratitude to many. Special thanks to Dean Mary Ellen Mazey, of the College of Liberal Arts at Wright State University, for her enthusiastic support of this project. We feel fortunate to be part of an institution that truly supports the integration of scholarship and teaching, as this project demonstrates. Our colleagues in the Department of Political Science have been particularly helpful in the formulation and completion of this book. We give special thanks to our chairperson, Donna Schlagheck, and to Charlie Funderburk for their advice and encouragement during its preparation. Joanne Ballmann, who prepared the bibliography, and Renée Harber provided excellent editorial assistance and moral support. Additionally, we thank colleagues in other departments and universities who read the text at various stages of development, and whose prescient comments led to a clearer presentation, especially Elizabeth Brads, Dick Olufs, Carol Engelhardt, and Laura Leming. We are grateful to have been able to work with Bruce Stiver, of Wright State's Center for Teaching and Learning, who helped prepare the graphics that enhance the pages of this text. We both want to convey our profound debt to our students, whose questions have motivated much of the shape of this book. Their insights, curiosities, and frustrations helped clarify what we believed we needed to include in an introductory text. We are a l s o g r a t e f u l to all the w o n d e r f u l p e o p l e at L y n n e R i e n n e r Publishers, but particularly to Lynne Rienner, for understanding the need for this project and for going above and beyond, using her experience and expertise to refine it. Special thanks to Sally Glover for her always prompt and friendly guidance, to Steve Barr, director of production, and to Jason Cook, our excellent copyeditor, whose diligence has helped us present a clearer, more accurate product. What a joy it has been to work with such a professional and courteous staff. Finally, our families have endured much during the preparation of this book—from truncated holidays, to late-night writing sessions, to the ups and downs of the publishing process. To our husbands, David and Joe, for their encouragement and partnership, we lovingly dedicate this book. December Green Laura Luehrmann

Comparative Politics of the Third World

Introducing Comparative Studies

At the e n d of the twentieth century, the w o r l d w a s riding out o n e of the longest e c o n o m i c b o o m s in g e n e r a t i o n s . DEMOCRACY* w a s b r e a k i n g out e v e r y w h e r e , the U n i t e d States and what w a s left of the Soviet U n i o n were n e w f r i e n d s , and t e c h n o l o g y w a s indeed m a k i n g the w o r l d a smaller place. GLOBALIZATION w a s a b u z z w o r d of the era, and o n e of the d o m i n a n t i m a g e s of the times involved a lone m a n s t o p p i n g a line of C h i n e s e tanks by simply standing in front of it. Yet this w a s also a time w h e n the m a j o r i t y of the w o r l d ' s p o p u l a t i o n lost g r o u n d e c o n o m i c a l l y , w h e n record n u m b e r s of p e o p l e w e r e a t t e m p t i n g to subsist on less than one dollar a day. In addition, m a n y of the political c h a n g e s we were seeing at c e n t u r y ' s e n d were m o r e virtual than real. T h e toppling of dictators the likes of Duvalier, M o b u t u , S u h a r t o , and Barre had the e f f e c t of taking the lid off a pot n o w f r e e to boil over.' N a t i o n a l i s m reared its ugly head in w a y s that p o s t - W o r l d War II g e n e r a tions had n e v e r seen. T h e results d e f y the i m a g i n a t i o n . To d e s c r i b e s o m e of it, we c o i n e d a n e w term f o r a very old p r a c t i c e — " e t h n i c c l e a n s i n g . " R a p e w a s finally r e c o g n i z e d as a s y s t e m a t i c w e a p o n of war, not simply " b o y s being b o y s " in its a f t e r m a t h . In a n o t h e r m a j o r t u r n a b o u t , R u s s i a w e n t f r o m b e i n g a c o n t r i b u tor to b e i n g a c o m p e t i t o r f o r f o r e i g n aid, s o m e t h i n g that was rapidly b e c o m i n g scarce as Western d o n o r s d e c i d e d that the countries that n e e d e d it the most had suddenly b e c o m e m u c h less interesting. We had n e w c o n c e r n s to k e e p us up at night; A I D S and the GREENHOUSE EFFECT had largely r e p l a c e d m u t u a l assured destruction as global threats. Sure, w e a p o n s of m a s s destruction w e r e hardly a thing of the past, but instead of attack f r o m a s u p e r p o w e r n o w it w a s r o g u e states and n o n g o v e r n m e n t a l actors that threatened to deliver their c h e m i c a l and biological nasties through the m o s t m u n d a n e of delivery systems. We all got a crash c o u r s e in "dirty b o m b s , " and learned that they were far m o r e likely to be c o n v e y e d by suitcase or transport c o n t a i n e r than intercontinental ballistic m i s sile. N e w a n d h o r r i f i c d i s e a s e s such as E b o l a b e g a n to p o p up f r o m p l a c e to place. A n d j u s t as we t h o u g h t we had finally v a n q u i s h e d t h e m , old killers that

* T e r m s a p p e a r i n g in s m a l l c a p i t a l l e t t e r s a r e d e f i n e d in t h e g l o s s a r y , w h i c h b e g i n s o n p.

459.

I

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INTRODUCING

COMPARATIVE

STUDIES

w e t h o u g h t w e h a d b e a t e n , s u c h as t u b e r c u l o s i s a n d s m a l l p o x , w e r e a g a i n a m o n g us. Until very recently m o s t of us thought that these were the c o n c e r n s of fara w a y c o u n t r i e s w e w o u l d n e v e r visit. Yet as m u c h as A m e r i c a n s were j o l t e d f r o m t h e i r r e l a t i v e c o m p l a c e n c y into a n e w a w a r e n e s s of t h e w o r l d a r o u n d t h e m that c r i s p blue S e p t e m b e r m o r n i n g in 2 0 0 1 , f o r m u c h of the rest of the world it w a s j u s t m o r e of the s a m e . O n an individual level at least, the e v e n t s of that day b r o u g h t A m e r i c a n s closer to u n d e r s t a n d i n g the sense of horror, loss, fear, a n d e v e n a n g e r that so m a n y o t h e r s e x p e r i e n c e on a daily basis. W h i l e m u c h of the w o r l d m o u r n e d with the U n i t e d States, m a n y p e o p l e felt like it w a s time that the c i t i z e n s of o n e of the most p o w e r f u l c o u n t r i e s on the planet begin to take m o r e of an interest in the world a r o u n d t h e m . Such a string of tragedies is h a r d l y s o m e t h i n g o n e c a n p r e p a r e for, but p e r h a p s s o m e of us w o u l d not h a v e b e e n t a k e n so o f f - g u a r d h a d w e not b e e n so i n s u l a r in o u r c o n c e r n s . A m e r i c a n s h a d j u s t m o n t h s e a r l i e r e l e c t e d a p r e s i d e n t w h o clearly had little interest in f o r e i g n a f f a i r s a n d c a m p a i g n e d p r o m i s i n g an isolationist a p p r o a c h that f o c u s e d on d o m e s t i c issues. His f o r e i g n policy advisers m a d e it be k n o w n that we w o u l d not a n s w e r all the w o r l d ' s " 9 1 1 " calls, not be " t h e w o r l d ' s social worker." H o w e v e r , since the S e p t e m b e r 11 attacks this president has b e c o m e m u c h m o r e internationalist in his c o n c e r n s and is leading a w o r l d w i d e war on terrorism. E v e n if it is m o t i v a t e d primarily by self-interest, it is crucial that A m e r i c a n s attempt to u n d e r s t a n d the world that we are a part of and with w h i c h w e are inextricably b o u n d — n o w m o r e than ever. A n d if we are to avoid some of the m i s t a k e s of the past, it is just as crucial to r e c o g n i z e the importance of perspect i v e — t h a t there are at least t w o sides to every story. If we are to be adequately p r e p a r e d to r e s p o n d to the c h a l l e n g e s of the f u t u r e , our u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the world m u s t c h a n g e to include attention to the ostensibly " p o w e r l e s s . " T h e s e are the p e o p l e living in the countries that c o m p o s e m u c h of what we variously term the " t h i r d w o r l d , " or t h e " n o n - W e s t e r n w o r l d " — t h e m a j o r i t y of the w o r l d ' s inhabitants w h o m w e had, until recently, c o n v e n i e n t l y forgotten.

What's to Compare? In this introduction to the c o m p a r a t i v e studies of Asia, A f r i c a , Latin A m e r i c a , and the M i d d l e East, w e take a d i f f e r e n t spin on the traditional approach to discuss m u c h m o r e than politics as it is o f t e n n a r r o w l y d e f i n e d . As o n e of the social sciences, political science has traditionally f o c u s e d on the study of f o r m a l political institutions and behavior. In this b o o k , w e c h o o s e not to put the spotlight on g o v e r n m e n t s and voting patterns, party politics, and so on. Rather, we turn our attention to all m a n n e r of political behavior, which we c o n s i d e r to include just about any aspect of life. Of interest to us is not only h o w p e o p l e are g o v e r n e d , but also h o w they live, h o w they g o v e r n t h e m s e l v e s , and what they see as their most urgent c o n c e r n s . T h e f r a m e w o r k w e e m p l o y is called a political interaction a p p r o a c h . It is an eclectic m e t h o d that p r e s e n t s ideas f r o m a variety of c o n t e m p o r a r y thinkers and theories. We c h a r a c t e r i z e this as a c o m p a r a t i v e studies rather than a c o m p a r a t i v e

INTRODUCING

Figure I.I

COMPARATIVE

STUDIES

•

G l o b a l V i l l a g e of 1,000 P e o p l e

Imagine that the world is a village of 1,000 people. Who are its residents? 584 Asians 124 Africans 95 East and West Europeans 84 Latin Americans 55 Russians and citizens of the former Soviet republics 52 North Americans 6 people of the Pacific The people of the village have considerable difficulty in communicating: 165 speak Mandarin 86 speak English 83 speak Hindu/Urdu 64 speak Spanish 58 speak Russian 37 speak Arabic This list accounts for the native tongues of only half the villagers. The other half speak, in descending order of frequency, Bengali, Portuguese, Indonesian, Japanese, German, French, and over 5,000 other languages. In this village of 1,000 there are 329 Christians (among them 187 Catholics, 84 Protestants, 31 Orthodox) 178 Muslims 167 people who identify themselves as nonreligious 132 Hindus 60 Buddhists 45 atheists 3 Jews 86 people belonging to other religions One-third of these 1,000 people in the world village are children, and only 60 are over the age of sixty-five. Half the children are immunized against preventable infectious diseases such as measles and polio. Just under half of the married women in the village have access to and use modern contraceptives.

This year twenty-eight babies will be born. Ten people will die, three of them from lack of food, one from cancer, two of them babies. One person will be infected with the HIV virus. With twenty-eight births and ten deaths, the population of the village next year will be 1,018. In this 1,000-person community, 200 people receive 80 percent of the income; another 200 receive only 2 percent of the income. Only 70 people own an automobile (although some of them own more than one car). About one-third have access to clean, safe drinking water. Of the 670 adults in the village, half are illiterate. The village has six acres of land per person: 700 acres are cropland 1,400 acres are pasture 1,900 acres are woodland 2,000 acres are desert, tundra, pavement, and wasteland Of this land, the woodland is declining rapidly; the wasteland is increasing. The other land categories are roughly stable. The village allocates 83 percent of its fertilizer to 40 percent of its cropland—that owned by the richest and best-fed 270 people. Excess fertilizer running off this land causes pollution in lakes and wells. The remaining 60 percent of the land, with its 17 percent of the fertilizer, produces 28 percent of the food grains and feeds 73 percent of the people. The average grain yield of that land is one-third the harvest achieved by the richer villages. In this village of 1,000 people there are 5 soldiers 7 teachers 1 doctor 3 refugees driven from their homes by war or drought The village has a total yearly budget, public and private, of over $3 m i l l i o n — Figure 1.1 continues

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INTRODUCING

F i g u r e I.I

COMPARATIVE

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continued

$3,000 per person, if it were distributed evenly. Of this total: $ 181.000 goes to weapons and warfare $159,000 goes to education $132,000 goes to healthcare The village has buried beneath it enough explosive power in nuclear weapons to blow itself up many times over. These weapons are

under the control of just 100 of the people. The other 900 people are watching them with d e e p anxiety, w o n d e r i n g whether they can learn to get along together; and if they do, whether they might set off the weapons anyw a y t h r o u g h i n a t t e n t i o n or t e c h n i c a l bungling; and if they ever decide to dismantle the weapons, where in the world village they would dispose of the radioactive materials of which the weapons are made.

Sources: Adapted from Donella H. Meadows. "If the World Were a Village of One Thousand People," in Futures by Design: The Practice of Ecological Planning, ed. Doug Aberley (Gabriola Island, British Columbia: New Society, 1994); and North-South Centre of the Council of Europe, "If the World Were a Village of One Thousand People," www.nscentre.org.

p o l i t i c s t e x t b o o k b e c a u s e o u r a p p r o a c h is m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y . We d i v i d e o u r a t t e n tion b e t w e e n history, p o l i t i c s , society, a n d e c o n o m i c s in o r d e r to c o n v e y m o r e f u l l y the c o m p l e x i t y of h u m a n e x p e r i e n c e . 2 I n s t e a d of artificially c o n f i n i n g o u r s e l v e s to o n e n a r r o w d i s c i p l i n e , w e r e c o g n i z e that e a c h d i s c i p l i n e o f f e r s a n o t h e r l a y e r o r d i m e n s i o n , w h i c h a d d s i m m e a s u r a b l y to o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e " e s s e n c e " of politics.3 C o m p a r a t i v e s t u d i e s t h e n is m u c h m o r e than s i m p l y a s u b j e c t of s t u d y — i t is a l s o a m e a n s of study. It e m p l o y s w h a t is k n o w n as the c o m p a r a t i v e m e t h o d . T h r o u g h the use of the c o m p a r a t i v e m e t h o d w e seek to d e s c r i b e , i d e n t i f y , a n d explain trends—in some cases, even predict human behavior. T h o s e w h o adopt this a p p r o a c h , k n o w n as c o m p a r a t i v i s t s , are i n t e r e s t e d in i d e n t i f y i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s a n d p a t t e r n s of b e h a v i o r a n d i n t e r a c t i o n s b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s a n d g r o u p s . F o c u s i n g on o n e or m o r e c o u n t r i e s , c o m p a r a t i v i s t s e x a m i n e c a s e s t u d i e s a l o n g side one another. T h e y search for similarities and differences b e t w e e n and a m o n g the s e l e c t e d e l e m e n t s f o r c o m p a r i s o n . F o r e x a m p l e , o n e m i g h t c o m p a r e p a t t e r n s of f e m a l e e m p l o y m e n t a n d fertility rates in o n e c o u n t r y in r e l a t i o n to o t h e r s . U s i n g the c o m p a r a t i v e m e t h o d , a n a l y s t s m a k e explicit or i m p l i c i t c o m parisons, searching for c o m m o n and contrasting features. Some do a "most similar s y s t e m s " a n a l y s i s , l o o k i n g f o r d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n c a s e s that a p p e a r to h a v e a g r e a t deal in c o m m o n (e.g., C a n a d a a n d the U n i t e d S t a t e s ) . O t h e r s p r e f e r a " m o s t d i f f e r e n t " a p p r o a c h , l o o k i n g f o r c o m m o n a l i t i e s b e t w e e n c a s e s that a p p e a r d i a m e t r i c a l l y o p p o s e d in e x p e r i e n c e (e.g., B o l i v i a a n d India).-* W h a t is p a r t i c u larly e x c i t i n g a b o u t this t y p e of a n a l y s i s is s t u m b l i n g u p o n u n e x p e c t e d p a r a l l e l s b e t w e e n o s t e n s i b l y d i f f e r e n t c a s e s . J u s t as s a t i s f y i n g is b e g i n n i n g to u n d e r s t a n d the s i g n i f i c a n c e a n d c o n s e q u e n c e s of the d i f f e r e n c e s that e x i s t b e t w e e n t w o c a s e s w e j u s t a s s u m e d h a d so m u c h in c o m m o n . M o s t t e x t b o o k s f o r c o u r s e s s u c h as the o n e y o u ' r e j u s t b e g i n n i n g t a k e o n e of t w o r o a d s . E i t h e r t h e y o f f e r C A S E S T U D I E S , w h i c h p r o v i d e l o a d s of i n t r i c a t e d e t a i l o n a h a n d f u l of s t a t e s ( o f t e n the c l a s s i c s : M e x i c o , N i g e r i a , C h i n a , a n d

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Figure 1.2

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What's in a Name?

In this book we take a comparative approach to the study of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. Today it is more common to hear the states of these regions variously referred to as "developing countries," "less developed countries." or "underdeveloped countries." These are just a few of the labels used to refer to a huge expanse of territories and peoples, and none of the names we use are entirely satisfactory. First, our subj e c t — f o u r major world regions—is so vast and so heterogeneous that it is difficult to speak of it as a single entity. Second, each name has its own political implications and each insinuates a political message. For example. although some of them are better off than others, only an extreme optimist could include all the c o u n t r i e s c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n t h e s e regions as "developing countries." Many of the countries we'll be looking at are simply not developing. They are underdeveloping— losing ground, becoming worse off.5 Those who prefer the term "developing countries" tend to support the idea that the capitalist path of free markets will eventually lead to p e a c e and p r o s p e r i t y f o r all. Capitalism is associated with rising prosperity in some countries such as South Korea and M e x i c o , but even in t h e s e c o u n t r i e s the majority has yet to share in many of its benefits. However, the relative term "less developed countries" (or LDCs) begs the question: Less developed than w h o m — o r what? The answer, inevitably, is what we arbitrarily label "developed countries": the rich, industrialized states of Western Europe, Canada, and the United States, also known as the West (a term that, interestingly enough, includes Japan but excludes most of the countries of the Western Hemisphere). Although the people who talk about such things often throw about the terms "develo p e d " or "less d e v e l o p e d " as a shorthand m e a s u r e of e c o n o m i c a d v a n c e m e n t , o f t e n such names are resented because they imply that somehow "less developed'" countries are lacking in other, broader measures of political, social, or cultural development. Use of

the term "developing," or any of these terms for that matter, suggests that countries can be ranked along a continuum. Such terms can be used to imply that the West is best, that the rest of the world is c o m p a r a t i v e l y " b a c k ward," and that the most its citizens can hope for is to "develop" using the West as model. At the o t h e r end of the s p e c t r u m are those who argue that the West developed only at the expense of the rest of the world. For these analysts, underdevelopment is no natural event or coincidence. Rather, it is the outcome of hundreds of years of active underdevelopment by today's developed countries. The majority's resistance to such treatment, its efforts to change its situation, is sometimes referred to as the North-South conflict, or the war between the haves and the havenots of the world. The names " N o r t h " and "South" are useful because they are stripped of the value judgments contained within most of the terms already described. However, they are as imprecise as the term "West," since "North" refers to developed countries, which mostly fall north of the equator, and "South" is another name for less developed countries, which mostly fall south of the equator. Another name signifying location, the all-inclusive "non-Western world." invites still more controversy. As others have demonstrated, it is probably more honest to speak of "the West and the rest" if we are to use this kind of term, since there are many non-Wests, rather than a single "non-Western world."ft At least "the West and the rest" is straightforward in identifying its center of reference. Blatant in its Eurocentrism, it is dismissive of 75 percent of the world's population, treating "the rest" as "other." In the same manner that the term " n o n w h i t e " is d e m e a n i n g , " n o n Western" implies that something is missing. Our subject becomes defined only through its relationship to a more central "West." D u r i n g the C O L D W A R . the period of U.S.-Soviet rivalry running approximately f r o m 1947 to 1989, another set of n a m e s reflected this ideological conflict that dominated international relations. For decades folFigure 1.2

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lowing World War II the rich, economically advanced, industrialized countries, also k n o w n as the " f i r s t w o r l d , " w e r e p i t t e d against the Soviet-led c o m m u n i s t " s e c o n d world." In this rivalry, each side described what it was doing as self-defense, and both the f i r s t and second w o r l d s c l a i m e d to be fighting to "save" the planet from the treachery of the other. Much of this battle was over who would control the "third world." which served as the theater for many Cold War conflicts and whose c o u n t r i e s were treated as pawns in this chess game. Defined simply as what was left, the concept of a "third world" has a l w a y s been an unwieldy one. Neither first nor second, the "third w o r l d " tends to bring to most people's minds countries that are poor, agricultural, and overpopulated. Yet c o n s i d e r the s t u n n i n g diversity that exists among the countries of every region and you can see how arbitrary it is to lump them into this category. Not all of what we once called the third world can be characterized as such today. For example, how d o w e categorize China? It's clearly communist (and therefore second world), but during the Cold War it viewed itself as the leader of the third world. What about Israel or South Africa? Because of the dramatic disparities occurring within these countries, they could be categorized as third world or first, depending on where you look. The same can be said for the United States. Visit parts of its inner cities, the rural South, or Appalachia and you will find the third world. And now, with the C o l d War over, why aren't the former republics of the Soviet Union included in most studies of the third world? Certainly the poorest of them are more third than first world. The fact is, many countries fall between the cracks when we use the first world/third world typology. Some of the countries labeled "third world" are oil rich, while others have been industrializing for so many years that even the term "newly industrializing country" (NIC) is dated (it is still widely used, but is gradually being replaced by n a m e s such as "new industrial economy" or "emergent econo m y " ) . T h e r e f o r e , in a p p r e c i a t i o n of the diversity contained within the third world, perhaps it is useful to subdivide it, to allow for specificity by adding more c a t e g o r i e s .

Under this schema, the NICs and a few others that are most appropriately termed "developing countries" are labeled "third world" (e.g., Taiwan, South Korea, Brazil, Mexico). "Fourth world" countries become those that are not i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g , b u t h a v e s o m e resources to sell on the world market (e.g., G h a n a , Bolivia, Egypt), or s o m e strategic value that wins them a bit of foreign assistance. The label " L D C " is the best fit in most of these cases, since it simply describes their situation and implies little in terms of their prospects for development. And finally, we have the "fifth world," which Henry Kissinger once callously characterized as "the basket cases of the w o r l d . " T h e s e are the world's poorest countries. Sometimes known as "least less developed countries" (LLDCs), they are very clearly underdeveloping. With little to sell on the world m a r k e t , they are eclipsed by it. The poorest in the world, with the worst ratings for virtually every marker of human development, these countries are marginalized and utterly dependent on what little foreign assistance they receive. C l e a r l y none of the n a m e s we use to describe the countries of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East are satisfactory. E v e n the t e r m s " L a t i n A m e r i c a " a n d " M i d d l e East" are p r o b l e m a t i c . Not all of "Latin America" is " L a t i n . " in the sense of being Spanish- or Portuguese-speaking. Yet we will use this term as s h o r t h a n d for the entire region south of the U.S. border, including the Caribbean. And the idea of a region being " M i d d l e E a s t " only m a k e s s e n s e if o n e ' s perspective is distinctly E u r o p e a n — otherwise, what is it "middle" to? The point is that most of our labels reflect some bias, and none of them are fully s a t i s f a c t o r y . T h e s e names are all ideologically loaded in one way or another. Because there is no simple, clearly most appropriate identifier available, you will find that at some point or another we use each of them, as markers of the v a r y i n g worldv i e w s you will see p r e s e n t e d in t h i s text. Ultimately, we leave it to the reader to sift through the material presented here, consider the debates, and decide which arguments— and therefore which terminology—are most r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the world and t h e r e f o r e most useful.

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India; curiously, the Middle East is frequently left out), or they provide a C R O S S that purports to generalize about much larger expanses of territory. Those who take the cross-national approach are interested in getting at the big picture. Texts that employ it focus on theory and concepts to broaden our scope of understanding beyond a handful of cases. They often wind up making fairly sweeping generalizations. Sure, the authors of these books make reference to any number of countries as illustration, but at the loss of detail and context that comes only through the use of case studies. NATIONAL ANALYSIS

We provide both cross-national analysis and case studies, because we don't want to lose the strengths of either approach. We present broad themes and concepts, while including attention to the variations that exist in reality. In adopting this hybrid approach we have set for ourselves a more ambitious task. However, as teachers, we recognize the need for both approaches to be presented. We have worked hard to show how cross-national analysis and case study can work in tandem, how one complements the other. By looking at similar phenomena in several contexts (i.e., histories, politics, societies, economics, and international relations of the third world, more generally), we can apply our cases and compare them, illustrating the similarities and differences experienced in different settings. Therefore, in addition to the cross-national analysis that composes the bulk of each chapter, we offer eight case studies, two from each of the major regions of the third world. For each region we include the "classics" offered in virtually every text applying the case method to the non-Western experience: Mexico, Nigeria, China, and Iran. We offer these cases for the same reasons that so many others see fit to include them. However, we go further. To temper the tendency to view these cases as somehow representative of their regions, and to enhance the basis for comparison, we submit alongside the classic other, less predictable case studies from each region. These additional cases are equally interesting and important in their own regard; they are countries that are rarely (if ever) included as case studies in introductory textbooks: Peru, Z i m b a b w e , Turkey, and Indonesia. (See the maps and country profiles in Figures 1.3 to 1.10 on pages 18 through 25.) Through detailed case studies, we learn what is distinctive about the many peoples of the world, and get a chance to begin to see the world from a perspective other than our own. We can begin doing comparative analysis by thinking about what makes the people of the world alike and what makes us different. We should ask ourselves how and why such differences exist, and consider the various constraints under which we all operate. We study comparative politics not only to understand the way other people view the world, but also to make better sense of our own understanding of it. We have much to learn from how similar problems are approached by different groups of people. To do this we must consider the variety of factors that serve as context, to get a better idea of why things happen and why events unfold as they do.7 The better we get at this, the better idea we will have of what to expect in the future. And we will get a better sense of what works and doesn't work so well—in the cases under examination, but also in other countries. You may be tempted to compare the cases under review with the situation in your own country. And that's to be encouraged, since the study of how others approach problems may offer us ideas on how to

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i m p r o v e our lives at h o m e . C o m p a r a t i v i s t s argue that d r a w i n g f r o m the experie n c e of others is really the only w a y to u n d e r s t a n d our o w n s y s t e m s . Seeing b e y o n d the e x p e r i e n c e of d e v e l o p e d countries and what is immediately f a m i l i a r to us e x p a n d s our minds, allows us to see the w i d e r range of alternatives, and o f f e r s new insights into the c h a l l e n g e s we f a c e at the local, national, and international levels. T h e greatest insight, h o w e v e r , c o m e s with the inclusion of a larger circle of v o i c e s — b e y o n d those of the leaders and p o l i c y m a k e r s . A l t h o u g h you will certainly hear their a r g u m e n t s in the c h a p t e r s that follow, you will also hear the v o i c e s of those w h o are not o f t e n represented in texts such as this. You will hear stories of d o m i n a t i o n and the struggle against it. You will hear not only h o w p e o p l e h a v e b e e n o p p r e s s e d , but a l s o h o w they h a v e l i b e r a t e d t h e m s e l v e s . « T h r o u g h o u t the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r s we h a v e w o r k e d to include the standpoint and p e r s p e c t i v e s of the o s t e n s i b l y " p o w e r l e s s " : the poor, y o u t h , and w o m e n . A l t h o u g h they are o f t e n ignored by their g o v e r n m e n t s , including the U.S. gove r n m e n t , hearing their voices is a necessity if we are to fully c o m p r e h e n d the c o m p l e x i t y of the challenges all of us face. Until these populations are included and e n c o u r a g e d to participate to their fullest potential, d e v e l o p m e n t will be distorted and d e l a y e d . T h r o u g h o u t this b o o k , in a variety of d i f f e r e n t w a y s , you will find that attention to these g r o u p s and their interests interconnects our disc u s s i o n s of history, e c o n o m i c s , society, politics, and international relations.

Cross-National C o m p a r i s o n : Recurrent T h e m e s A s m e n t i o n e d earlier, we believe that any introductory study of the third world should include both the specificity of case study as well as the breadth of the cross-national a p p r o a c h . T h r o u g h o u t the chapters that follow you will find several recurring t h e m e s (globalization, h u m a n rights, the e n v i r o n m e n t , and A I D S ) , which will be a p p r o a c h e d f r o m a n u m b e r of angles and will serve as a basis for cross-national c o m p a r i s o n . For e x a m p l e , not only is it interesting and important to understand the d i f f e r e n c e in the e x p e r i e n c e of A I D S in Z i m b a b w e as o p p o s e d to Iran, it is just as important to understand h o w religion, poverty, and war m a y contribute to the spread of the disease. In addition, if y o u ' r e trying to understand A I D S , you should be aware of its impact on d e v e l o p m e n t , h o w ordinary people are attempting to c o p e with it, and what they (with or without world leaders) are p r e p a r e d to d o to fight it. In a variety of w a y s and to v a r y i n g d e g r e e s , g l o b a l i z a t i o n , h u m a n rights abuse, e n v i r o n m e n t a l degradation, the e m e r g e n c e of new and deadly diseases, international migration, and the drug trade are all indicative of a g r o w i n g world INTERDEPENDENCE. By i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e we are r e f e r r i n g to a r e l a t i o n s h i p of mutual (although not equal) vulnerability and sensitivity that exists b e t w e e n the w o r l d ' s peoples. This shared d e p e n d e n c e has g r o w n out of a rapidly e x p a n d i n g w e b of interactions that tie us closer together. Most A m e r i c a n s are pretty familiar with the idea that what we d o as a nation o f t e n affects o t h e r s — f o r better or worse. On the other h a n d , it is m o r e of a stretch to get the average A m e r i c a n to u n d e r s t a n d why we should care and why we need to understand what is h a p p e n ing in the world a r o u n d u s — e v e n in far-off " p o w e r l e s s " c o u n t r i e s . H o w e v e r , w h e t h e r w e c h o o s e to recognize it or not, it is b e c o m i n g m o r e and m o r e difficult

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to escape the fact that our relationship with the world is a reciprocal one. What happens on the other side of the planet, even in small, seemingly " p o w e r l e s s " countries, does a f f e c t u s — w h e t h e r w e like it or not. Globalization The end of the C o l d War opened a w i n d o w of opportunity that has resulted not only in some dramatic political changes, but also in a closer integration of the world's economies than ever before. A s a result, the world is becoming increasingly interconnected by a single, global economy. This transformative process is commonly described as globalization, and it is supported and driven by the full f o r c e of c a p i t a l i s m , unimpeded now because of the absence of virtually any competing economic ideology. The world has experienced periods of corporate globalization before (the last w a s associated with European imperialism). What is unique about this cycle is the unprecedented speed with which globalization is tearing d o w n barriers to trade. It is also increasing mobility, or cross-border f l o w s of not only trade, but also capital, technology, information—and people. A s it has b e f o r e , technology is driving this w a v e . The World Wide Web is as symbolic of this era as the Berlin Wall w a s of the C o l d War. B e c a u s e of their mobility and global reach, MULTINATIONAL CORPORATIONS ( M N C s ) are key actors (but hardly the only actors) in this globalization. This is a process that is rapidly unfolding and under no one's control. In fact, even some of its advocates allow that globalization may be a process out of c o n t r o l s For those w h o embrace it, globalization's dynamism and power are part of its appeal. T h e y consider globalization to be a largely benevolent process. They see it as the surest route to development and prosperity—it is even credited with sowing the seeds of democracy worldwide. B e c a u s e of globalization, no corner of the world remains isolated; new values are being spread that challenge traditional belief systems such as fatalism, elitism, and authoritarianism. Poverty is alleviated as trade is increased and j o b s are created; as the lines of communication are opened up we learn from and begin to accept one another. Ideally, globalization will help to make us more aware of our common interests, our mutual dependence. A m o n g other things, it has brought people together to f o r m the basis of the international environmental movement; it has enhanced scientific cooperation and raised human rights as a universal concern (which some refer to as "moral globalization" or "the globalization of dissent"). ' A c c o r d i n g to its admirers, globalization is spilling o v e r into a variety of areas, creating a " w o r l d v i l l a g e " based in cultural and political globalization. A s it works to o v e r c o m e the barriers between us, globalization enhances interdependence. It tightens the w e b of interrelationships that link the world's peoples. Thanks to globalization, this deepening interdependence is fostering a sense of community and sharing over the identity politics that once divided us by religion, ethnicity, language, and so on. (Although interestingly, some analysts who are generally proglobalization argue that being wired f o r a free f l o w of information can actually produce hostility and anger. Much of this " s h a r e d " information promotes stereotyping and reinforces d i v i s i o n s . ) " Some analysts go even as f a r as to suggest that we are moving to a "postcultural" world in which the boundaries marking where one culture ends and another begins are increasingly blurred. T h e y contend that globalization is not pro-

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moting homogenization and that it is not the same thing as Westernization; rather, globalization is promoting eclecticism and advancing our recognition of the world's diversity. So-called traditional cultures aren't so traditional. None of the world's cultures have developed in a vacuum, unaffected by outside forces. Even those concerned about globalization's impact admit that cultures aren't static. They are always changing—globalization is just hurrying the process along. In this sense, perhaps it can be said that globalization is producing a more homogeneous world. 12 Then again, antiglobalists maintain that a more homogeneous world means cultural devastation for the majority. Globalization is a cultural bulldozer. Already the dollar has become the de facto global currency, and English has become the de facto global language. One of the most visible signs of this is the spread of Western consumer culture. While this is something proglobalizers generally celebrate, critics despise it as "coca-colonization."n Critics argue that globalization isn't so much about interdependence as it is about furthering dependence. Dependence is a form of international interdependence—except that dependence is marked by an extreme power imbalance. Antiglobalists point out that economic globalization is capitalist globalization, which means that corporations and the rich are being privileged over other social actors. The result isn't anything new. Poverty, the exploitation of the underdog, the erosion of labor and environmental standards, and the abuse of human rights all predated globalization. The difference is that globalization has accelerated and intensified these trends. Even the proponents of corporate globalization admit that it does create winners and losers; globalization brings profits but also problems. They also recognize that globalization is not a uniform process, and that its effects are more evident in some places than in others. Certainly, aspects of globalization such as deregulation or disappearing trade barriers are more obvious in some places than in others (e.g., the creation of trading blocs within Europe and in North America). Thus far, globalization is uneven: it appears to have hardly touched the most economically underdeveloped countries in the world, such as those in the Sahel.'4 Yet this is increasingly the exception, and the rapid economic, sociocultural, and political change associated with globalization is the rule worldwide. Its boosters argue that for better or worse, globalization is inexorable and inevitable; the integration of the world's peoples has gone so far that we can never go back. However, history shows us that even this massive force could be reversed by international events. Nationalism and economic downturns have in the past contributed to the end of previous cycles of globalization.is The U.S. recession (which most analysts argue began before September 11) is very definitely affecting the rest of the world. If it continues for long, it may also mean a return to economic nationalism and protectionist policies that could very quickly shred this interdependent web. Human

Rights

The idea that humans share certain natural, universal, and inherent rights—simply because they are human—dates at least as far back as John Locke's Two

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Treatises of Civil Government (1690). The view that abusers should be held accountable for their wrongs, or that others should interfere with how a government treats its own citizens, is more recent in origins. It was not until the systematic murder of millions under Hitler's Third Reich that the world was willing to challenge two dominant principles of international relations: nonintervention, or the legal obligation to refrain from involvement in the internal affairs of other states, and S O V E R E I G N T Y , the widely shared belief that STATES are the principal actors in international relations and as such they are subject to no higher political authority. However, the Holocaust served as a catalyst to the development of what is now recognized as an international h u m a n rights m o v e m e n t . T h e Holocaust ostensibly taught us that in some cases the world must intervene against abusers and that state sovereignty must not always be held as sacrosanct. How a government treats its own people does affect the rest of us. If nothing else, respect for human rights is widely recognized as essential to international peace and stability. At least in theory, the international community accepts that it has a moral mandate to prevent the kinds of abuses associated with the genocide in Europe. Over the fifty years following that genocide the world community set out to develop a variety of international norms to promote human rights and to institutionalize safeguards against the recurrence of atrocities. Prominent in this effort was the creation of the U N I V E R S A L D E C L A R A T I O N O F H U M A N R I G H T S ( U D H R ) in 1948, which is widely recognized as the most authoritative and comprehensive of all international statements on human rights. C o m p o s e d of thirty articles addressing a broad range of issues, the U D H R is accepted as setting the standards to which all states should aspire. The U D H R includes attention to what are sometimes known as "first-generation" or "blue" rights: civil and political rights, such as freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom from torture or cruel and unusual punishment, the right to due process, the right to self-determination, and so on. These rights are based on the assumption that the individual should be protected against state actions that are unusual, arbitrary, or excessive. As long as the right to challenge the government's misuse of authority is permitted, other rights (such as freedom from torture) will be safeguarded. First-generation rights are considered by many people to be key to the enjoyment of all other rights. Yet the U D H R also recognizes the importance of "second-generation" or "red" rights: economic, social, and cultural rights, such as access to decent food, shelter, work, education, and healthcare. This conception of human rights, sometimes known as the "human-needs" approach, considers the aspects of existence necessary to secure the basic development of the person primary. Proponents of second-generation rights maintain that a government's denial of basic needs is as much a violation of human rights as the torture of dissidents.' 7 Although the governments of virtually every country in the world use the language of human rights and claim to believe in the inherent dignity of human beings, for many years the world has been divided over how most appropriately to define human rights. The governments of most developed countries, especially the United States, have traditionally argued that political and civil rights should be prioritized. They contend that these rights, which place an emphasis on liberty, should come first, because the e n j o y m e n t of such f r e e d o m s will

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These Afghan refugees are exercising their right to an education in Iran ( U N Photo)

e n a b l e the i n d i v i d u a l to e n s u r e for h i m - or herself the p r o v i s i o n of s u b s i s t e n c e o r red r i g h t s . Yet w h o c a r e s a b o u t f r e e d o m of e x p r e s s i o n a n d the o t h e r b l u e r i g h t s w h e n o n e ' s c h i l d r e n are d y i n g of h u n g e r ? A s the f o r m e r p r e s i d e n t of S e n e g a l , L e o p o l d S e n g h o r , put it. " H u m a n rights begin with b r e a k f a s t . " H e and o t h e r s a r g u e that t h o s e w h o seek to e x c l u d e red rights h a v e it all w r o n g , s i n c e until p e o p l e ' s basic rights, or c e r t a i n m i n i m a l p h y s i c a l n e e d s , are m e t , there can be n o d e v e l o p m e n t — l e t a l o n e e n j o y m e n t of m o r e a m b i t i o u s rights, such as libe r t i e s . ( O t h e r s point out that f o r p o o r c o u n t r i e s , g o v e r n m e n t g u a r a n t e e s of f o o d a n d h o u s i n g are a c t u a l l y m u c h m o r e a m b i t i o u s than the r e l a t i v e l y " c o s t - f r e e " g u a r a n t e e s of f r e e d o m s , s u c h as e x p r e s s i o n a n d a s s e m b l y . N o b e l l a u r e a t e A m a r t y a Sen m a i n t a i n s that the right to f r e e d o m of s p e e c h is a p r e c o n d i t i o n f o r all o t h e r rights, s i n c e f a m i n e , torture, and o t h e r a b u s e s rarely o c c u r in c o u n t r i e s w i t h d e m o c r a t i c g o v e r n m e n t s and a relatively f r e e press. The U D H R , w h o s e drafters included Westerners and n o n - W e s t e r n e r s , a t t e m p t s to get a r o u n d this d e b a t e by p r o c l a i m i n g that h u m a n rights are indivisible, i n t e r d e p e n d e n t , a n d i n t e r r e l a t e d , a n d that all are n e c e s s a r y f o r the full reali z a t i o n of h u m a n p o t e n t i a l . N o t e v e r y o n e a g r e e s . A c c o r d i n g to the p r o p o n e n t s of C U L T U R A L R E L A T I V I S M , i n c l u d i n g t h o s e w h o s u p p o r t the " A s i a n v a l u e s " a r g u m e n t , h u m a n rights (or m o r a l c l a i m s ) s h o u l d be d e f i n e d as the p r o d u c t of a par-

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ticular s o c i e t y ' s culture and historical experience. T h e r e f o r e , to talk about a universality of h u m a n rights is to i m p o s e o n e ' s values on others. For t h e m , political and civil rights are based in W e s t e r n E n l i g h t e n m e n t values, w h i c h h a v e little a p p e a l or r e l e v a n c e in C o n f u c i a n cultures, w h e r e i n h i g h e r v a l u e is placed on o r d e r and discipline. Blue rights also u p h o l d the rights of the individual o v e r t h o s e of the c o m m u n i t y . T h i s idea is u n a c c e p t a b l e in m a n y n o n - W e s t e r n cultures, w h i c h hold that the r i g h t s of the i n d i v i d u a l s h o u l d be s u b o r d i n a t e d to those of the group, since the individual has no m e a n i n g apart f r o m the c o m m u nity to w h o m he or she belongs. 19 Critics of the " A s i a n v a l u e s " a r g u m e n t point to the c o m p l e x i t y not only of C o n f u c i a n i s m , w h i c h is not as c o n s e r v a t i v e as m a n y think, but also of A s i a n c u l t u r e s t h e m s e l v e s , of w h i c h there are a great variety and diversity. A s i a n cultures d r a w f r o m m a n y d i f f e r e n t i n f l u e n c e s , including B u d d h i s m , w h i c h e m p h a sizes i n d i v i d u a l f r e e d o m s a n d t o l e r a n c e . M i l l i o n s of n o n - W e s t e r n e r s , led by p e o p l e such as A u n g San Suu Kyi and R i g o b e r t a M e n c h ú , reject a r g u m e n t s that p o l i t i c a l a n d c i v i l r i g h t s o r f r e e d o m s ( s u c h as f r e e d o m f r o m t o r t u r e ) a r e u n i q u e l y Western. M a n y n o n - W e s t e r n traditions v i e w the individual and c o m m u n i t y as inseparable, and the r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n the rights of the individual a n d t h e r i g h t s of t h e c o m m u n i t y as o n e of m u t u a l o b l i g a t i o n . W h i l e g r o u p rights can be used to restrict individuals, they can also exist to protect individual rights.20 A s y o u m i g h t i m a g i n e , this a n d o t h e r d e b a t e s o v e r h o w b e s t to d e f i n e h u m a n r i g h t s h a v e h a m s t r u n g i n t e r n a t i o n a l e f f o r t s to p r o m o t e s u c h r i g h t s . H o w e v e r , there is new m o m e n t u m behind the h u m a n rights m o v e m e n t . Just as the H o l o c a u s t o n c e spurred a c o n c e r n with h u m a n rights, p e r h a p s it w a s the specter of ethnic cleansing, its m a s s killing and systematic rapes, and the " t o o little too late" responses in B o s n i a and R w a n d a that have propelled this r e n e w e d interest. O n c e again, the h u m a n rights m o v e m e n t is d e v e l o p i n g — a n d not only t o w a r d f i n d i n g o t h e r w a y s of h o l d i n g a c c o u n t a b l e t h o s e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r such atrocities. T h e c h a l l e n g e s a s s o c i a t e d with g l o b a l i z a t i o n h a v e led to calls f o r e x p a n d i n g and refining the scope of h u m a n rights and including a third g e n e r a tion of " n e w " h u m a n rights. D e b a t e has begun over w h e t h e r other values of signal i m p o r t a n c e , such as the rights to peace, d e v e l o p m e n t , and a safe and healthy e n v i r o n m e n t (or " g r e e n " rights) q u a l i f y as h u m a n rights. A r e the rights to clean drinking w a t e r and to live in safety legally e n f o r c e a b l e claims, or merely " w i s h e s " ? T h e third g e n e r a t i o n of rights r e m a i n s the s u b j e c t of heated d e b a t e . Yet e v e n f o r t h e o l d e r g e n e r a t i o n s of r i g h t s , t h e r e r e m a i n e n o r m o u s d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n the g o v e r n m e n t s of the world over h o w to d e f i n e h u m a n rights, h o w and when h u m a n rights law should apply, and what priority should be given to different categories of rights. W h i l e this highly politicized d e b a t e continues, it is increasingly c o m m o n f o r analysts to return to the a r g u m e n t that is at the core of the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights: that the distinction b e t w e e n h u m a n rights and h u m a n n e e d s is an artificial one. Rather, civil, political, e c o n o m i c , social, and cultural rights are best u n d e r s t o o d as part of " a s e a m l e s s w e b " — indivisible and interdependent.21 In other words, all the rights discussed here are important b e c a u s e it is difficult to fully e n j o y one category of rights without the security o f f e r e d by the others.

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The Environment Along with globalization and human rights, the health of the planet is another issue of interdependence (and also one that is arguably everyone's business). Environmental issues will turn up in nearly all of the following chapters because the growing body of scientific evidence is becoming more difficult to refute. Development as it is currently being pursued, in both developed and in less developed countries, is contributing to a morass of environmental problems that transcend national borders and whose management will require global cooperation. Global warming, deforestation, desertification, loss of biodiversity, the depletion of fisheries and destruction of coral reefs, toxic dumping, water shortages—these are just a few of the problems whose solutions will require international cooperation.22 Take, for example, the issue of deforestation. Currently, the world's remaining rainforests are being destroyed at a rate of 14 million hectares (an area almost three times the size of Costa Rica) per year. And despite more attention since the 1980s to the many problems associated with the loss of rainforests, deforestation has actually increased by 34 percent since 1991. These forests are hot spots for biodiversity (they contain hundreds of species within a single hectare, whereas the average hectare of forest typically contains a handful of species). However, 70 percent of the natural cover protecting these species has been lost in the last several decades. At the current rate, in ten to twenty years these hot spots will become theaters of mass extinction—comparable in scale to the demise of the dinosaurs 65 million years ago.23 Of similar cataclysmic value is the threat posed by the greenhouse effect or global warming to another common resource, the atmosphere. The greenhouse effect is produced by the emission of what have come to be known as greenhouse gases: carbon dioxide released by the burning of fossil fuels, as well as naturally o c c u r r i n g m e t h a n e and nitrogen. I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and e c o n o m i c growth based on the use of coal, oil, and natural gas have contributed to the release of these gases, which has reached record highs. Greenhouse gases are collecting in the upper atmosphere, covering the planet in a blanket of sorts. Incoming heat from the sun penetrates this blanket but is then trapped by it. The effect is likened to a greenhouse, which traps heat indoors. In this sense, the growth of economies based on the consumption of fossil fuels has contributed substantially to warming over the last fifty years While some scientists and politicians argue that global warming is not a manmade event, but naturally occurring and inevitable—part of a long cycle of alternating ice ages and periods of extreme heat—this is the minority view. The majority of the world's scientists agree that we are experiencing a global warming; the main issue for debate is over how bad it will be—and how soon it will come. A 2000 study conducted by the highly respected Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) found that human activity is the principal cause of recent climate change and that the rate of warming is greater than estimated in earlier studies. If fossil fuel combustion continues at twentieth-century levels, virtually every natural system and human economy will be at risk. Higher temperatures will mean rising seas from melting ice caps, more frequent and severe storms, and more intense droughts. It will alter every ecosystem on the planet.

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Already we are seeing its effects. This climate change is exacerbating the misery of already poor areas, and creates a vicious cycle in which poverty and environmental degradation coexist and are accelerated by globalization.24 In a variety of ways, globalization is just hastening processes already well under way. However, because of its speed, globalization is putting unprecedented pressures on the planet's capacities. Displaced rural populations are flooding the cities in search of their livelihood or pressing into the forests seeking new resources. This only contributes to the greenhouse effect, not only because the burning of forests releases more carbon dioxide into the atmosphere, but also because the loss of these forests m e a n s the loss of "pollution sponges," since forests absorb carbon and slow global warming. As L D C s embrace the developed country model, pursuing growth at any cost, they will increasingly b e c o m e part of the p r o b l e m . H o w e v e r , as it c u r r e n t l y s t a n d s , the 25 p e r c e n t of the w o r l d ' s population living in d e v e l o p e d countries c o n s u m e s 80 percent of the w o r l d ' s resources. The United States alone produces 25 percent of the emissions associated with global warming, yet the L D C s are likely to feel the most severe i m p a c t of e n v i r o n m e n t a l d e v a s t a t i o n . Not only are they m o r e v u l n e r a b l e to m a n y of its effects, but L D C s also lack access to the technologies that might ameliorate its impact. O v e r the last f e w years, a n u m b e r of creative solutions based on cooperative efforts have been proposed for dealing with the environmental p r o b l e m s that w e share. Unfortunately, finger pointing and recriminations between developed and less developed countries, and efforts by even the richest developed countries to shift the burden of responsibility to others, suggest that the international leadership (and f u n d i n g ) so desperately n e e d e d to address these problems will continue to be sorely lacking. Disease Just as environmental degradation is taking an increasing toll on all of us, but especially the poor, so is disease. Not only is there an i n c o m e gap b e t w e e n developed and less developed countries, but there is also a health gap. A variety of threats c o m e together to explain why infant mortality rates remain higher in L D C s and why life expectancy has actually shortened in m a n y L D C s : undernutrition, i n f e c t i o u s d i s e a s e s , and c h r o n i c debilitating d i s e a s e s — a l l a s s o c i a t e d with poverty. T h e s e problems are related to much of the misery and hardship in all the regions we will study. Although malnutrition, malaria, and the dehydration associated with diarrhea are bigger killers today, H I V / A I D S stands alone as the coming plague. Although it is widely and mistakenly perceived in developing countries as a disease that has been brought under control, one that can be managed with the proper medical care, there is no cure for A I D S . In many L D C s its e f f e c t s will be near apocalyptic. By c o n s e r v a t i v e e s t i m a t e s , at the end of 2002 already 27 million people were dead, approximately 14 million children were orphaned, and 42 million men, w o m e n , and children were living with H I V or AIDS.25 A c c o r d i n g to U N S e c r e t a r y - G e n e r a l K o f i A n n a n , the disease has already set back development in some African countries by a decade or more. It n o w t h r e a t e n s to h a v e t h e s a m e e f f e c t on E a s t e r n E u r o p e , A s i a , a n d t h e Caribbean. H I V / A I D S is by no means a problem unique to the third world. However,

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85 percent of all people with H I V / A I D S live in L D C s and the vast majority of them live in Africa. It is important to note that some areas of Africa, such as West Africa, are not as seriously affected as others. Although it is still unclear whether A I D S will explode in Asia as it has particularly in southern Africa, the infection rate is far greater than any expert or c o m p u t e r model predicted ten years ago.26 This acute form of a viral infection is spread through sexual contact and other activities involving the exchange of body fluids. Around the world people become infected with HIV in a variety of ways, including blood transfusions, intravenous drug use, and both heterosexual and homosexual sex. Each country and region has its own particular mix of circumstances reflected by patterns of transmission. As you will read in Chapter 7, poverty is a m a j o r factor contributing to the spread of the disease. In many places social norms not usually addressed also play a role in the spread of HIV.27 Many governments refuse to recognize that especially vulnerable groups, such as drug addicts, gay men, and sex workers, exist. In addition, because of social taboos, many governments have refused to discuss the transmission of HIV through unprotected sex. The result worldwide is a striking lack of awareness concerning its dangers. In many places, multiple sexual relationships for men may be socially tolerated or even encouraged. Other practices considered traditional, such as female genital cutting and wife inheritance, contribute to the spread of the disease. Similarly, imbalances of power often put females at risk of HIV infection. Females of all ages, especially young w o m e n , often have a difficult time rejecting a m a n ' s sexual advances or insisting he wear a condom, since many cultures—Western and non-Western—teach females to be subordinate to male authority. In the long term, changing how males and females relate to each other and how men treat w o m e n and girls will be a f u n d a mental advance not only against this disease, but also against many other barriers to development. In the near term, however, smaller, more mundane efforts must be made. In Uganda and Thailand, the governments have taken proactive measures to promote health education and safer sex. In many cultures, though, condoms are not regularly available and are stigmatized for a n u m b e r of reasons. Women who use them are often treated with suspicion. Where fertility is celebrated and child mortality rates are high, c o n d o m s are rejected because they are a form of birth control. H o w e v e r , c o n d o m s , vaginal m i c r o b i c i d e s , and other tools are a c r u c i a l means of helping women to take their lives (and the lives of their children) into their own hands. Without access to information and services to protect themselves, an estimated 6,300 women are infected with HIV every day.2« These estimates are conservative, since it is likely that many people who are H I V positive have no idea that they are dying. They can't afford the tests, and given the stigma that people with AIDS face worldwide, many ask why they should bother. There is little recourse for the majority of those who would test positive, since they lack access to the medicines that could prolong their lives. Put yourself in their shoes: Why worry about something that might kill you ten years down the line when y o u ' r e struggling with a host of other life-threatening problems on a day-to-day basis? Such questions provoke a variety of reactions. In the m e a n time, the world is facing a pandemic that has been likened to the Black Death of

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the fourteenth century. If it continues to go uncontained, its long-term impact may be unlike any the world has ever known.

Conclusions: I t Depends on W h o You Ask L e t ' s put it flatly: there are no simple answers to any of the questions we have raised here or will raise throughout the chapters that follow. The best any of us can do is to present you with a wide range of thinking, or alternative perspectives on m a n y of the challenges faced to some degree by all of u s — b u t most directly by people living in less developed countries. In this book we will be looking at a series of issues of interdependence, such as the drug trade, migration, and arms transfers, f r o m a n u m b e r of angles. We ask that before you m a k e up your own mind about any of these contending theories, you consider each of them on its own merits. We firmly believe that it is the only way to begin to understand the complex social p h e n o m e n a we now set out to discuss.

Linking C o n c e p t s and Cases The information in this section is provided as a primer for the case studies we will be discussing throughout the rest of the book. Figures 1.3 through 1.10 on pages 18 through 25 should serve as a point of reference for you as you go on to read about the histories, e c o n o m i e s , and politics of the eight case studies introduced here. Throughout the book, we will return to the same countries, applying the ideas introduced in the conceptual chapters to the reality of their experiences.

Now It'sYourTurn F r o m a s i m p l e e x a m i n a t i o n of this statistical i n f o r m a t i o n , what w o u l d you cxpect to be the key issue, or the most pressing problem each country faces? What can a sketch such as this tell you about life in each of these eight countries? W h i c h ones appear most similar, and in what ways? What are some of the most striking differences between these countries? What other information not included here do you consider deserving of attention? W h y ?

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Figure 1.3

Mexico: Profile a n d M a p

Formal Name: Area, km? : Comparative Area: Capital:

United Mexican States 1.97 million Slightly less than three times the size of Texas Mexico City

Establishment of September 18, 1810 Present State: 101 million Population: 33% Age Under 15 Years: Population Growth Rate: 1.5% Fertility Rate (children per woman ) 2.62 Infant Mortality 25 (per 1000 births): 72 Life Expectancy: 0.29% HIV Incidence Adult: Mestizo 60%. Amerindian 30%. white 9%. other 1% Ethnic Groups: 90% Literacy: Roman Catholic 89%. Protestant 6%. other 5% Religions: $9.100 GDP per Capita (PPP): 7.1% (2000) GDP Growth Rate: Services 56%, Industrial 24%. Agriculture 20% Labor by Sector: 27% Population in Poverty: Unemployment Rate: Export Commodities: External Debt:

2.2% (urban, with considerable underemployment) Manufactured goods, petroleum and petroleum products, silver, fruits, vegetables, coffee, cotton $ 162 billion

Source CIA, World Factbook, 2001

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F i g u r e 1.4

P e r u : P r o f i l e and Map

Formal Name: Area, km-: Comparative Area: Capital: Establishment of Present State: Population: Age Under 15 Years: Population Growth Rate: Fertility Rate (children per woman) Infant Mortality (per 1000 births): Life Expectancy: HIV Incidence Adult: Ethnic Groups: Literacy: Religions: GDP per Capita (PPP): GDP Growth Rate: • Labor. Major Sectors: Population in Poverty: Unemployment Rate: Export Commodities: External Debt:

Republic of Peru 1.28 million Slightly smaller than the size of Alaska Lima July 28. 1821 27 million 34% 1.7% 2.96 39 70 0.35% Mestizo 60%, Amerindian 30%, white 15%, other 3% 89% Roman Catholic 90% S 4,550 3.6% (2000) Agriculture, mining, manufacturing, construction 49% 7.7% (with extensive underemployment) Fish and fish byproducts, copper, zinc, gold, crude petroleum and petroleum byproducts S 31 billion

Source: CIA, World Facthook, 2001 19

Figure 1.5

Nigeria: Profile and M a p

CAMEROON

Formal Name: Area, km2: Comparative Area: Capital:

Federal Republic of Nigeria 923,768 Slightly more than twice the size of California Abuja

Establishment of October 1, I960 Present State: 126 million Population: 44% Age Under 15 Years: Population Growth Rate: 2.6% Fertility Rate (children per woman): 5.57 Infant Mortality (per 1000 births):

73

Life Expectancy:

51

HIV Incidence Adult:

5%

Ethnic Groups:

(More than 250 groups) Hausa and Fulani 29%, Yoruba 21%. Ibo 18%, Ijaw 10%, Kaniuri 4%, Ibibio 3.5%, Tiv 2.5%

Literacy:

57%

Religions:

Muslim 50%, Christian 40%, indigenous beliefs 10%

GDP per Capita (PPP):

$950

GDP Growth Rate:

3.5% (2000)

Labor by Sector:

Agriculture 10%. Services 20%, Industrial 10%

Population in Poverty:

45%

Unemployment Rate:

28%

Export Commodities:

Petroleum and petroleum products, cocoa, rubber

External Debt:

$ 32 billion

Source: CIA, World Factbook, 2001 20

Figure 1.6

Z i m b a b w e : Profile and M a p

Formal Name:

Republic of Zimbabwe

Area, km^:

390,580

Comparative Area:

Slightly larger than the size of Montana

Capital:

Harare

Establishment of Present State: Population: Age Under 15 Years: Population Growth Rate: Fertility Rate

April 18, 1980 U million 39% 0.15%

(children per woman) 3.28 Infant Mortality (per 10t)0 births):

62

Life Expectancy:

37

HIV Incidence Adult:

25%

Ethnic Groups:

African 98% (Shona 71%; Ndebele 16%; other 11%), mixed and Asian 1%, white