Colloquial Sinhalese Clause Structures

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COLLOQUIAL SINHALESE CLAUSE STRUCTURES

JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE NICOLAI VAN WIJK DEDICATA edenda curai

C. H. VAN SCHOONEVELD INDIANA

UNIVERSITY

SERIES PRACTICA 83

1970

MOUTON THE HAGUE - PARIS

COLLOQUIAL SINHALESE CLAUSE STRUCTURES

by

JAMES W. GAIR CORNELL UNIVERSITY

1970

MOUTON THE HAGUE - PARIS

Copyright 1970 in The Netherlands. Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 71 - 95006

Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.

TO SYLVIA AND BARBIE

PREFACE

The materials on which this study is based were collected for the most part while the author was working as assistant to Professor Gordon H. Fairbanks on a project carried out at Cornell University under contract to the U.S. Office of Education, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. That project had as its aim the compilation of a textbook for Colloquial and Literary Sinhalese, but only that part of the work dealing with the former is reflected in this study; Literary Sinhalese, which differs sharply and in fundamental respects from the Colloquial variety, is left out of consideration here. The Colloquial materials that constituted the basic corpus for this study were collected over a period of about fourteen months from the third member of the project, Mr. M. W. S. De Silva, then of the University of Ceylon, a linguist as well as native speaker of Sinhalese. Subsequent field work in Ceylon in 1964-1965 under an NDEA-related Fulbright-Hays grant has confirmed the authenticity of that data as a reasonably representative sample of current Colloquial Sinhalese, lacking for the most part features that mark some specific regional rural varieties as well as those that characterize hyper-careful or artificial speech. Some revisions and expansions have, however, been carried out on the basis of that fieldwork as well as other work at Cornell, primarily in the direction of incorporating variant forms from other educated speakers, but retaining the restriction to colloquial and, as far as possible, informal speech. The most important of these changes will be noted. I would like to express my appreciation to the two men who served at various times as chairman of my doctoral committee and who read this study in an earlier form: Professors C. F. Hockett and Gordon H. Fairbanks. Whatever insights I have gained into human language behavior I owe in great measure to them, and it was the latter who first stimulated my interest in Indie languages. Special thanks are due to M. W. S. De Silva, a valued colleague as well as informant, who went far beyond the ordinary functions of the latter in helping to gather and organize data and discuss and test hypotheses. Mr. D.D. De Saram and Mr. W.S. Karunatillake have been of great assistance both at Cornell and in Ceylon at different times in providing further data and helping to check doubtful points. Needless to say, errors of fact and interpretation are entirely my responsibility. I would like to take this opportunity to make public my appreciation for the grant

8

PREFACE

through the Office of Education that made my fieldwork in Ceylon possible, as well as to the personnel of the U. S. Educational Foundation in Ceylon who extended themselves to the limit to make it easier for me to carry it out. Those who, true to the tradition of that country, extended me help and kindness in Ceylon are too numerous to be listed, but among them, Professor D. E. Hettiaratchi of the University of Ceylon and Mr. K. D. Somadasa its Librarian may be singled out. Among the many who contributed further language data, I wish to mention my two young assistants from Uda Peradeniya village, Messrs. K. M.D. Kulasekara and W.M.R.A. Wijesundara, who helped out from sheer interest and eagerness to learn, and Messrs. Upasena De Silva and Anuradha Senaviratne. Mr. Kamal De Abrew very graciously made available a copy of his London M. A. dissertation, and I have profited therefrom, as indicated at several points, even though there was insufficient opportunity to make use of all the new leads that it offered. Mrs. Hazel Neigh, Mrs. Mary Mines, and Mrs. Carole An Perrin typed various drafts of this work, and deserve appreciation for their patience and accuracy. The publication of this work has been made possible by the generosity of the Hull Fund of Cornell University, who provided a subvention for that purpose. Finally, my heartfelt thanks to my wife for her patience and encouragement and her amazing tolerance during several difficult periods in the writing of this work. Cornell University September, 1965

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface

7

Index of Symbols

15

1. INTRODUCTION

17

1.1 Scope 1.2 Theoretical Orientation 1.21 Constructions 1.22 Transformations 1.3 Phonology 1.31 Segmental Phonology 1.311 Vowels 1.312 Consonants 1.32 Segmentation of the Corpus 1.4 Conventions in Presentation 2 . GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

2.0 General 2.1. Substantives 2.11 Nouns 2.12 Numeratives 2.13 Deictic and Interrogative Substantives 2.131 Deictic and Interrogative Demonstratives 2.132 Deictic and Interrogative Pronouns 2.133 Other Deictic and Interrogative Substantives 2.14 Personal Pronouns 2.15 Substantive Postpositions 2.2 Verbs 2.21 Classification 2.22 Verb Inflection and Symbolization 2.23 Verbal Substantives 2.231 Verbal Nominal Forms

17 17 17 19 23 23 23 23 25 25 27

27 27 28 30 31 31 31 32 32 33 33 33 35 37 37

10

TABLE OF CONTENTS

2.232 Basic Forms as Verbal Substantives 2.3 Quasi-Verbs 2.4 Particles 2.41 Adjectives 2.411 Descriptive Adjectives 2.412 Quantifying Adjectives 2.413 Modal Adjectives 2.42 Adverbs 2.43 Postpositions 2.44 Deictic and Interrogative Particles 2.45 The Quotation Marker 2.46 Bound Forms 2.461 The Assertion Marker 2.462 The Question Marker 2.463 Emphatics 2.464 The Conjunction -Y 3. CLAUSE CONSTITUENT CLASSES

3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5

Nominals (N) Adjectivals (A) Phrasal Verbs and Verbs (V) Adverbials Infinitive Phrases

4 . FUNDAMENTAL CHARACTERISTICS OF SINHALESE CLAUSES

4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9

Independent and Dependent Clauses The Predicator The Focus Basic and Emphatic Clauses Delimitation of Predicators Multiple Foci Classification of Types Full Clauses, Zeroing, Deletion Linear Order of Constituents

5. CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

5.1 Verbal Clauses 5.10 General 5.101 Verb Form and Examples 5.102 Initial Classification 5.11 Active Verbal Clauses 5.111 Intransitive Active Clauses

37 38 38 39 39 40 40 40 40 41 41 41 41 42 42 42 44

44 45 46 46 47 48

48 48 49 49 51 53 53 54 54 56

56 56 56 56 56 57

TABLE OF CONTENTS

5.1111 Ordinary Intransitive Clauses 5.1112 Stative Verbs 5.1113 Allocative Verbal Clauses 5.1114 Dative Object Clauses 5.112 Transitive Active Clauses 5.1121 Primary Active Transitive Clauses 5.11211 Active Transitive — Dative Object Verbs . 5.11212 Clausal and Quotative Object Clauses. . . 5.11213 Infinitive Object Clauses 5.11214 Object Complement Clauses 5.11215 Indirect Objects 5.1122 Secondary Transitive Active Clauses 5.11221 Secondary Transitive Derivation — InterType Transformations 5.11222 The kawamwa Subtype 5.1123 Causative Clauses 5.113 Subjectless Active Clauses 5.1131 Transitive Subjectless Active Clauses 5.1132 Intransitive Subjectless Active Clauses 5.12 Impersonal Verbal Clauses 5.121 Passive Clauses 5.1211 With an Active Transitive Clause as Base 5.1212 With a Dative Object Clause as Base 5.1213 Passive Clauses Without atin Constituents 5.1214 Passive Clauses — Residue and Limitations . . . . 5.122 Inactive Clauses 5.1221 With Animate Nominals 5.1222 With Inanimate Nominals 5.1223 Inactive Clauses and Inter-Type Transformations . 5.123 Involitive Clauses 5.1231 Ordinary Involitive Clauses 5.1232 Perception Clauses 5.1233 Personal State Clauses 5.124 Inter-Type Transformations — Summary 5.2 Non-Verbal Clauses 5.21 General 5.211 Basic Classification 5.212 Predicator Marking 5.22 Equational Clauses 5.221 Adjectival Equational Clauses 5.2211 Ordinary Adjectival Equational Clauses 5.2212 Expanded Predicator Equational Clauses

11

57 58 60 60 61 61 62 62 63 64 64 64 65 67 68 70 71 71 72 73 73 75 76 76 78 78 79 83 84 85 87 88 89 92 92 92 92 93 93 93 94

12

TABLE OF CONTENTS

5.22121 Dative Case Nominate as Attributes. . . . 5.22122 Infinitive Phrases as Attributes 5.2213 Allocative-Equational Clauses 5.2214 Indeterminacy in Assignments to Subtypes . . . . 5.222 Nominal Equational Clauses 5.2221 Direct Case Nominals as Subjects 5.2222 Other Forms as Subjects 5.223 Adjectival vs. Nominal Equational Clauses 5.23 Impersonal Non-Verbal Clauses 5.231 Adjectival Impersonal Clauses 5.232 Nominal Impersonal Clauses 5.24 Minor Non-Verbal Types 5.241 Price Clauses 5.242 Date Clauses 5.243 Categorizing Clauses 5.244 Instrumental State Clauses 5.245 Age Clauses 5.246 Adverbial Predicator Clauses 5.247 Subjectless Non-Verbal Clauses 5.2471 With Adjectival Predicator 5.2472 With Nominal Predicator 6 . CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

6.1 Single-Base Transformations 6.11 Basic Transformations 6.111 Modal Transformations 6.1111 With Verbal Aux 6.1112 With Non-Verbal Aux 6.11121 With œti as Aux 6.11122 With oom or puluan as Aux 6.112 Infinitive Subject Transformations 6.1121 With Verbal Aux 6.1122 With Non-Verbal Aux 6.113 hxki 6.114 Verbalizing Transformations 6.1141 With wetwwa as Aux 6.11411 With Adjectival Clause as Base 6.11412 With Nominal Clause as Base 6.1142 With karanawa as Aux 6.11421 With Adjectival Clause as Base 6.11422 With Nominal Clause as Base 6.1143 With hœderawa as Aux

94 95 96 97 98 99 99 99 100 100 101 101 101 102 102 102 103 103 104 104 105 106

107 107 107 108 110 110 110 Ill 112 113 116 116 116 116 118 119 119 122 122

TABLE OF CONTENTS

6.115 Complex Verb Transformations 6.1151 With gannawa as Aux 6.1152 With denawa as Aux 6.116 The Perfect Transformation 6.1161 With Verbal Clause as Base 6.1162 With Quasi-Verbal Clause as Base 6.117 The xti 'Might' Transformation 6.1171 With Verbal Clause as Base 6.1172 With Non-Verbal Clause as Base 6.118 The Qualifying Transformation 6.119 Negative Transformations with naex 6.1191 With Verbal Base Clause 6.1192 With Non-Verbal Base Clause 6.11921 With Adjectival Predicator Base Clause . . 6.11922 With Price and Date Base Clauses . . . . 6.1193 The Indefinite Negative Transformation 6.11931 With Adjectival Predicator Clause as Base. 6.11932 With Verbal Predicator Clause as Base. . 6.12 The Emphatic Transformation 6.13 Focus-Marking Transformations 6.131 The General Interrogative Transformation 6.132 The Negative Transformation with newi 6.133 Secondary Emphatic Transformations 6.1331 The—Y Secondary Emphatic Transformation . . . 6.1332 tamaa and may 6.2 Shunting Transformations 6.21 Conjunct Transformations 6.211 The Prior Temporal (-aama) Transformation 6.212 The Conditional Transformation 6.213 The Concessive Transformation 6.214 The Concurrent Transformation 6.215 The Contemporaneous (-ddi) Transformation 6.22 Conjunctional Transformations 6.221 The nan Conditional Transformation 6.222 Adjectival Form Conjunctional Transformations 6.2221 The nisaa-hinda Transformation 6.2222 The hxfie Transformation 6.2223 The ko(a Transformation 6.2224 The hams Transformation 6.2225 The kan Transformation 6.23 Perfect Participial Shunting Transformations 6.231 With Verbal Base Clause

13

123 123 123 124 124 125 126 126 127 127 129 129 131 131 131 132 132 133 133 138 138 139 140 141 141 144 144 144 145 146 146 147 148 148 149 149 151 151 152 152 153 153

14

TABLE OF CONTENTS

6.232 With Quasi-Verbal Base Clause 6.3 Special Transformations 6.31 The epaa Negative Transformation 6.32 The no- Negative Transformation 6.4 Nominalizing Transformations 6.41 Adjectival Type Nominalizing Transformations 6.42 Case Transformations

155 155 155 156 157 157 160

Index

162

Bibliography

165

INDEX OF SYMBOLS

V

Verb (including phrasal verbs 3.3). Symbols for verbal inflection are given in 2.22. VA, Vp, V c Respectively: A, P, and C verbs. 2.212. N Nominal. 3.1. -d Dative case. 2.1. -g Genitive case. 2.1. -i Instrumental case. 2.1. -k(-> Indefinite. 2.1. -p(-)Plural. 2.1. A Adjectival. 3.2. Pr Predicator of a base clause in a transformation. 6.11. pr Pr of a base clause as it appears in a transform of that clause. 6.11. X All constituents other than the predicator in a clause, or the forms derived from them in a transform of that clause. 6.11. -Y The assertion marker. 2.461. -(conj)Y The conjunction -Y. 2.464. (-Y) kiala The quotation marker. 2.45. IP, 2P, D, Aph Respectively: proximal, first person; proximal, second person; distal; anaphoric. 2.13. In addition to those listed above, there are a few symbols of more limited relevance that have been defined in the sections to which they pertain. See also "Conventions in Presentation" 1.4.

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 SCOPE

This study is an attempt to describe predicative clauses in colloquial Sinhalese through the presentation of a number of clause construction types together with some transformations that operate upon them to produce still other types. Some general characteristics of Sinhalese predicative clauses will be set forth in section 3, but ultimately their definition rests on and is implicit in the statements of constructions and transformations themselves.1 1.2 THEORETICAL ORIENTATION

This study is aimed at producing an initial description of certain basic syntactic features in colloquial Sinhalese, and not at arriving at any novel theoretical statements relating to the description of languages in general. Thus, free use has been made of whatever current descriptive models and techniques appeared most helpful in terms of their ability to reveal and describe those features at this comparatively early stage in the analysis of Sinhalese. In essence, two general approaches to syntax, which may be characterized as the "constructional" and the "transformational" have been combined here. Although both are familiar ones in current linguistic studies, some general statements about each of them and the manner in which they have been utilized and combined would appear to be in order. It will also be necessary to state some terms and concepts relating specifically to the analysis of Sinhalese clauses, but this may be done more clearly after the presentation of phonology and essential inflectional and distributional classes and is thus deferred until section 4. 1.21 Constructions A construction is essentially a pattern according to which forms are put together into 1

The simplest definition of a predicative clause in Sinhalese is "a form that has a predicator as nuclear constituent" but the definition of "predicator" is in turn dependent on the characteristics of the form in which it occurs, particularly with relation to the transformations to which it is subject or by which it is derived. While we cannot point to any one transformational characteristic shared by all predicative clauses, there are transformations that pertain to large numbers of them, across types, and these are part of a network of transformations into which every predicative clause appears to enter at least one point.

18

INTRODUCTION

larger forms. Forms which are combined according to a construction are constituents; the resulting composite form a constitute. Each constituent occupies a position within the construction.2 Ordinarily, for any given construction, there will be more than one (potentially occurring) constitute which will satisfy it, or alternatively, may be "built by" it. That is, constructions generally recur in more than one composite form. It follows that for any such recurrent construction there will be, for at least one of the positions within it, a class of more than one form the members of which may occur in that position. If for any construction, all classes for all positions are single-member classes, there will be only one constitute that may be formed according to that construction. If transformations are not incorporated into the analysis, the specification of a construction will entail the statement of three things: (1) The positions within it, (2) The classes of forms that may occur within each position. (3) The privileges of occurrence of the resultant constitutes. It is possible to impose very strict requirements upon the statement of classes and constructions. Hockett has formulated such requirements :3 Two forms, simple or composite, belong to the same FORM CLASS if they have exactly identical privileges of occurrence: that is, if each occurs as the ith constituent in any construction in which the other occurs as ith constituent. Two composite forms belong to the same construction if, for all relevant i, the ith constituent of each belongs to the same form class as the ith constituent of the other, and if the two composite forms belong to the same form class. It follows that every member of a construction belongs to the same form class, but not necessarily vice versa. Adhering to such requirements, assuming that it is possible to do so, would involve an extremely fine-grained classification of forms, both simple and composite, and would, if it were to give any true reflection of the actual form-classes and constructions of a language, require an extremely large corpus. It would also result inevitably in a large number of form-classes and constructions, and result in a detailed and powerful constructional grammar, but one which might fail, for that very reason, to convey some of the larger-scale fundamental syntactic characteristics of a language. We have thus operated according to a much weaker set of requirements in the present study, and have not attempted to carry out the kind of fine-grained classification mentioned above. Our classes are thus based on large-scale similarities of distribution, and on occurrence in certain crucial environments in the same or highly similar constructions. 1

Basic assumptions for constructional grammar have been set forth by C. F. Hockett in various connections. Thus "Two Models of Grammatical Description", p. 225, A Course in Modern Linguistics, pp. 157ff., "Grammar for the Hearer", pp. 228ff. The terminology here is taken primarily from these sources. • "Grammar for the Hearer", p. 228-229.

INTRODUCTION

19

If transformations are incorporated into the description, as they are in the present study, we may add a fourth element in the specification of a construction to the three above: (4) Its transformational characteristics: the transformational potentialities and/or derivational history shared by constitutes which satisfy it. However, the addition of this fourth element raises a number of complex problems that we will not attempt to deal with here. For example, it may not be necessary, or even possible, to specify all four of these factors for every construction. Apparently the simplest aspect of this is that the fourth may be irrelevant for some constructions, since there may be constructions, particularly among those below the clause level, which are not subject to transformations (except as part of larger constructions) and all such constructions may not be transformationally derivable. More complex, and serious, problems arise when we consider the interrelationships between the fourth element, when it is applicable, and the other three. For example, the statement of a transformational derivation accounts, in one sense, for all of the forms which occur in the transform; i.e. those in the source, plus any added and minus any deleted by the transformation. In another very fundamental and important sense, however, such a statement does not necessarily account for the form classes represented in the transform or the positions which their members occupy, since a transformation does not automatically assign a constructional analysis to the transform, so that we must either specify form classes and positions for the transform in addition to our transformational statement or incorporate such a specification into it. This is a problem which in one form or another has received some attention in the literature of transformations, 4 and on which we cannot shed any new light here, although it will crop up at several points in the present study where transforms must be assigned constructional descriptions so that other transformations may properly apply. 1.22

Transformations

The notion of transformations, set forth by Harris and Chomsky and elaborated upon by Lees and others,5 although relatively recent, has shown promise of being extremely useful and revealing in syntactic analysis. One problem in transformational analysis has already been briefly touched upon in the preceding subsection, but setting aside all such theoretical questions, and those of commitment to particular views of language 4

See, for example, N. Chomsky, Syntactic Structures, pp. 73 ff.; R. B. Lees review of the preceding pp. 400-401, Grammar of English Nominalizations, pp. 31-32, 57. A discussion of this problem of "derived P-markers" may also be found in E. Bach, An Introduction to Transformational Grammars, pp. 70ff. 5 Particularly Z. Harris, "Co-occurrence and Transformations in Linguistic Structure", N. Chomsky, Syntactic Structures and "A Transformational Approach to Syntax", R.B. Lees review of Syntactic Structures and Grammar of English Nominalizations. Since these early presentations, a steadily growing number of works presenting, utilizing, and revising transformational theory have appeared. E. Bach, An Introduction to Transformational Grammars serves as a useful basic summary and critique of work up to the time of its publication, together with a bibliography.

20

INTRODUCTION

design, there remains a less exciting but nevertheless important practical problem. It is apparent from the growing literature on transformations that an "orthodox" transformational approach, by which for lack of a better term we may refer to the kind of coherent descriptive model advanced by Chomsky, is difficult if not impossible to apply to any sizeable segment of a language for which one has only a limited corpus and with which he lacks native or near-native familiarity. The reasons for this lie beyond our present concern but Lees, who has utilized and refined Chomsky's model in his treatment of English nominalizations, has commented upon the problem in that work: 6 From the nature of the many difficulties which have arisen in the course of this study on a portion of English grammar, a language spoken natively by the author, it should be clear that a very deep and expert understanding of a language is necessary before any considerable progress can be achieved in this kind of grammatical analysis. Therefore, we cannot as yet give an equally penetrating formulation of nominalizations in any other language, even one as well known to the author as German. Nevertheless, it would appear that transformations could be used to advantage even in the comparatively early stage in the analysis of a language represented by this study. Harris has characterized transformations as follows.7 The difference between any two constructions which are satisfied by the same n-tuples of their word classes comprises a transformation. Statements which would be transformational in nature under such a definition would appear to have a number of advantages for present purposes. First of all, their use may result in a certain economy with no loss of clarity, since not only may some clause types be treated as transforms of types already presented, but a transformation commonly applies to more than one type, so that the resultant types may be accounted for by specifying a single transformation and its domain. Also, transformations not only point out the similarity between forms which would otherwise be treated as unrelated,8 but preserve co-occurrence sets (Harris' "same n-tuples") between them. Thus, while we cannot as yet specify co-occurrence sets for our constructions, we may nevertheless specify that forms which occur in them will also occur in their transforms.® Furthermore, there are a number of clause types with which we must deal for which • A Grammar of English Nominalizations, p. 186. ' "Co-occurrence and Transformations in Linguistic Structure", p. 332. • The features of similarity between two transformationally linked constructions often point up quite clearly for the transform phenomena of the kind that Hockett discusses as pertaining to "deep grammar" (A Course in Modern Linguistics, pp. 246ff.), and transformations often enable us to deal simply with two intersecting dimensions of structure. The relation between predicator and focus in Sinhalese emphatic clauses, to be discussed subsequently (4.2-4.5, 6.12) affords an excellent example of this. " In practice here, we have necessarily relaxed Harris' (1957) requirement for identity of co-occurrence sets, since it would require not only the testing of all clauses of a given form in a transformation, but a decision in each case as to the grammaticality of the result, facing both linguist and informant with a seemingly impossible task. Nevertheless, near-identity of co-occurrence sets at both ends of a transformation has been taken here as an important criterion for setting up transformations.

INTRODUCTION

21

we are at present unable to state a constructional analysis with any degree of surety on other than arbitrary grounds, but for which we are able to give a transformational derivation from some previously described type. That is, it is simplest to describe them as a construction plus a transformation or transformations. While this still leaves us faced with the problem of the constructional analysis of the transform touched on in the preceding subsection, it does enable us to account for these types in a less arbitrary and more formally justified manner than might otherwise be possible. As we learn more of their transformational potentialities, we will be able more accurately to ascribe to them the proper constructional description. Clauses which are not simply and conveniently derived by transformations from other clauses are kernel clauses. For the form upon which a transformation operates, we will use the term base. Since one transformation may follow another, all base clauses are not kernel clauses. The familiar term transform will be used, as it has been up to this point, for the form which results from a transformation. One very important aspect of transformations is their utility as formal criteria in analysis, and some elaboration of this point may not be out of place here. The characteristics of transformations mentioned so far relate primarily to their power to simplify grammatical statements by allowing us to treat one set of forms as derived from another previously described set. It is this function of transformations which has received the greatest emphasis in the statements of transformational theorists. Thus Chomsky states.10 Syntactic investigation of a given language has as its goal the construction of a grammar that can be viewed as a device of some sort for producing the sentences of the language under analysis. Thus the transformations in what we have referred to as orthodox transformational treatments are incorporated into a set of generative rules, of which they form one level, and their formulation and statement, like that of the other parts of the grammar, are governed by certain canons of simplicity and adequacy. They may thus be referred to as generative transformations. Nevertheless the utility of such transformations in the analysis of forms, particularly in relation to ambiguous sequences, also forms a part of the literature of transformations. 11 Thus Chomsky says, in another part of the work quoted above.12 I think it is fair to say that a significant number of the basic criteria for determining constituent structure are actually transformational. The general principle is this: if we have a transformation that simplifies the grammar and leads from sentences to sentences in a large number of cases (i.e. a transformation under which the set of grammatical sentences is very nearly closed), then we attempt to assign constituent structure to sentences in such a way that 10

Syntactic Structures, p. 11. See, for example, R.B. Lees, "A Multiply Ambiguous Adjectival Construction in English", where this is the primary concern, and the comments on it in D. Bolinger, "Syntactic Blends and Other Matters". II

"

p. 83.

22

INTRODUCTION

this transformation always leads to grammatical sentences, thus simplifying the grammar even further. The use of transformations as tools and criteria in analysis, either in determining constituent structure (in Chomsky's terms) or in distinguishing constructions (in a grammar such as the present one, which involves the latter) may be referred to as their diagnostic use. Chomsky's statement above deals with the diagnostic function of transformations which are part of the generative set for a given language. However, it is possible that the linguist may find it useful, at various stages in his analytical procedure, to formulate statements in transformational form by which he may test sequences appearing in his data in order to clarify their analysis, and that some of them, at least, may not be part of the simplest and most adequate generative set. Such transformations outside the generative set may be called non-generative (although in one sense, of course, they do generate). Let us assume a set of sequences which resemble each other in form, but which we suspect do not all represent the same construction. It may also be difficult to find formal grounds for assigning members of the set to one construction or the other, or even for demonstrating the existence of more than one of the latter. We may borrow examples from Chomsky to illustrate :13 (1) The wine was drunk by the guests. (2) John was drunk by midnight. Chomsky uses the fact that an "active" transformation 14 applied to # 2 will not produce a grammatical sentence as one reason for using actives rather than passives as kernel sentences in English. Yet the hypothetical active transformation, though it does not belong to the generative set for English, still represents a transformational statement, and it does have diagnostic value in that it demonstrates that # 2 above and others like it are not passive sentences. We should note, in reference to this example, that an active transformation is not simple to state,15 since we have to take care of, among other things, passives with no agentive phrases, i.e., "The wine was drunk", by adding one. For this we may specify that when no such constituent is present, our transformation allows us to add one from some semantically innocuous set such as "by him, by her, by them". This illustrates another point — that we may have to be somewhat more flexible in our statements of non-generative transformations than we would allow ourselves to be for generative ones — but this does not necessarily destroy the usefulness of such transformations. Needless to say, however, while diagnostic transformations may be either generative or non-generative, more diagnostic value would ultimately be attached to those that are part of the generative set, or, like the "active" transformation, are the reverse of one in that set. "

Syntactic Structures, p. 80. That is, a transformation that would, in Chomsky's terms, "apply to strings of the form j N P r A u x + b e + e n - V - b y + N P 2 , converting them to NP 2 -Aux-V-NP!", so that it would convert example 1 above to "the guests drank the wine". 16 The increased complexity in going from passive to active is, of course, one important reason for operating generatively in the other direction. Thus Chomsky, Syntactic Structures, p. 79.

14

INTRODUCTION

23

One reason for undertaking this study was to see if an at least partially transformational approach could be useful in the analysis and description of a language with which the linguist lacks native familiarity and to which his exposure was limited; in brief, in the situation in which linguists have very often undertaken to produce their descriptions. While the reader may note the number of points at which we confess our inadequacy to resolve points and formulate statements with any degree of confidence, we also feel that such an approach will not produce statements that are necessarily looser or more inadequate than those resulting from the use of other models, although it may force more immediate recognition of such shortcomings. Furthermore, it has the virtue (which we do not wish to deny to other models) that the statements that are produced are likely to be such that they themselves provide the means by which they are subject to empirical test with consequent rejection, verification, or reformulation and refinement, particularly as investigation proceeds and more data is taken into account. 1.3 PHONOLOGY 1.31 Segmental

Phonology

Sinhalese segmental phonemes and their arrangements have been treated in by Coates and De Silva16, and some earlier treatments are cited there. The analysis used in this study follows theirs save in a few respects to be stated. 1.311

Vowels

There are seven vowels, all occurring both long and short, with length indicated orthographically by doubling: i, e, se, 3, u, o, a; ii, ee, sex, 33, MM, OO, aa. 33 is rare, occurring in a few English loanwords: S33{ 'shirts'. Two or more different vowels may occur in sequence without intervening consonants. Both long and short vowels so occur, but 3 never immediately precedes another vowel: kiua 'said', lism 'writing', psexua 'shone', eaa 'he'. 1.312 Consonants

The inventory of consonants is: voiceless stops and affricates: p, t, (, c ([5]), k voiced stops and affricates: b, d, d,j ([j]), g Pre-nasalized voiced stops: mb, nd, nd, fig Phonetically, these are a very short homorganic nasal element preceding a stop element. Although written as above for orthographic convenience, they are unit phonemes, not clusters. 16

W. Coates and M. W. S. De Silva, "The Segmental Phonemes of Sinhalese".

24

INTRODUCTION

S p i r a n t s : f , s, S, h Nasals: m, n, h Others: w, y, /, r The treatment of consonants here differs from Coates and De Silva in the following ways: (1) PRE-NASALIZED STOPS: Though written rfib, nd, fid, fig for orthographic convenience, the pre-nasalized stops are here considered unit phonemes in contrast with clusters of nasal plus stop: kanda 'trunk', kanda 'hill'. Coates and De Silva treat them as clusters of single nasal plus stop in contrast with geminate nasal plus stop: kanda 'trunk' vs. kannda 'hill'. Both types of nasal-stop combination occur only intervocalically, but the pre-nasalized stops pattern with single consonants in that position, the others with other clusters. For example, a never occurs before clusters, including those of nasal plus stop, but does before the prenasalized stops: kolarfiba 'Colombo'. The unit phoneme interpretation also leads to simpler allophonic statements, since all first elements in clusters are allophonically long, but by the nd\s ««¿treatment both types of clusters would constitute exceptions. Simpler morphophonemic statements are also achieved. For example, in disyllabic genitive forms in -e or -ee, -ee occurs after (C)V(C)- but -e after (C)VCC-:potee 'of the book', watte 'of the estate'. Here as elsewhere Pplus pre-nasalized stop patterns with - VC not VCC: kandee 'of the trunk'. Compare kande 'of the hill'. (2) NASALS: Coates and De Silva write three nasals: m, n, h. The latter two differ from n and n above, the difference involving the assignment of [n] [n] [q] to two phonemes in two different ways: [n]

C. and De S. n

This Study

n In the data on which this study is based, it is simplest to treat [n] and [q] as positional variants of n, with [r|] occurring before velar stops, consonants other than stops, and finally, and [n] elsewhere except before the post-alveolar stops t and d where a third positional variant [n] occurs.17 (3) FINAL y AND w : y and i, w and u do not contrast in final postvocalic position 17

Although junctural phenomena in Sinhalese have yet to receive adequate statement, it is clear that internal open juncture must be recognized, and contrasts between forms such as [sagyama] 'restraint' and [sanyaasi] 'mendicant' cited by Coates and D e Silva may be treated in terms of it, i.e. /san+yams/ with [g] as the normal pre-junctural allophone. There is no contrast with /man+yannan/ 'I'll go', also phonetically [maqyannar)]. More serious problems arise when learned words bring about final contrasts as in /guwan/ 'air' or /paen (pujaawa)/ 'water (offering)' said as [guwan] and [psen] in some careful speech, as opposed to [yannari] 'go' never *[yannan]. Such cases will, for at least some speakers, necessitate recognizing a distinction between [n] and [q], but the identification of the latter with [n] on the basis of phonetic similarity seems tenuous. In any event, such considerations are marginal to the present study and must receive treatment elsewhere.

INTRODUCTION

25

( V— # ) . In this study y and w are written in this position where Coates and De Silva have i and u. For y, this leads to some morphophonemic simplicity, since there are affixes with a basic shape -y which behave like other affixes of shape -C. For example, before such affixes -s#>-a- and -C#>-Cu-. The assertion marker (2.2458), basic shape -y, behaves precisely like -t 'also': honda 'good' honda pot 'books' pot

+ + + +

-t -y -t -y

> > > >

hondat honday potut potuy

'also good' '(it is) good'. 'and books' 'books' (emphatic)

The writing of -w rather than -u in the same environment is simply to maintain the parallelism between y and w in other respects. 1.32 Segmentation of the Corpus In general, those forms written as words (i.e. between spaces) in this study are determined on the basis of Hockett's criterion of pause and isolability18 and their relative freedom of occurrence. For the most part, these divisions accord with Sinhalese orthographic convention. The analysis of such features as stress, intonation, and juncture has not been carried out to the point at which it may be used systematically as an aid in syntactic analysis or in segmentation of the corpus.

1.4 CONVENTIONS IN PRESENTATION

Most Sinhalese examples are accompanied by an item-by-item gloss and a translation into idiomatic English, both in single quotes and linked by = . Glosses are essentially word by word translations, except for the following conventions: (1)Certain kinds ofinformation, particularly morphological, are conveyed by abbreviations or symbols. (2) Some Sinhalese forms are not translated, but carried over into the gloss in transcription. These are grammatically important forms, such as auxiliaries introduced in transformations, not easily rendered by translation equivalents. Their meanings will be clear from the surrounding text. (3) Hyphens are used in glosses to indicate grammatical (usually inflectional) categories and affixes. Thus (-p = plural, -g = genitive): potwah 'book-p-g' = 'of the books' Formulae are used in stating transformations and making some types of generalizations. Morphological abbreviations in formulae are the same as those in glosses. Abbreviations and symbols are introduced and explained as we proceed, with those 18

Hockett, A Course in Modern Linguistics, pp. 166-188.

26

INTRODUCTION

of general relevance gathered in an index of symbols with reference to the subsections in which they are defined. Transformations are indicated by the familiar transformational arrow (-*•). Plus ( + ) is used, both in Sinhalese examples and glosses, simply as an indication that the elements conjoined form a single lexical unit, primarily to maintain an item-by-item match between example and gloss. For example: bas + eka wii

'bus' 'unhusked + rice'

They have no phonological significance.

2. GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

2.0 GENERAL

Sinhalese stems fall into four main inflectional classes: Substantives Verbs Quasi-verbs Particles Categories for which inflection is made will be listed under the relevant classes. Subclasses are determined on the basis of both inflectional and syntactic criteria, with emphasis on the latter in accordance with the aims of this study. An exhaustive part of speech classification is not attempted here. Subclasses are given only if they need to be specified in describing clause constructions, or if their members occur so frequently or have such special characteristics that general description here might help to render examples and glosses more intelligible.1 2.1 SUBSTANTIVES

Substantives inflect for case. For substantives, generally, there are four cases: NOTE: Symbols used to represent these and other grammatical categories are introduced in parentheses with (—) indicating that the category is left unspecified, i.e. taken as basic for the inflectional class in question. Direct

(—)

lankaawa

meeka

'Ceylon'

'This one' 'man'

Dative

(-d)

lankaawsfa

meekatd

minihafa

ma(a

lankaawe

meeke

minihage

magee

meeken

minihagen

magen

Genitive

(-g)

Instrumental

(-i) lankaawen

miniha

mama

'I'

For some subclasses of substantives, it is necessary to recognize other cases: ACCU(-a) minihawa 'man', maawa 'me' and VOCATIVE (-V) miniho 'man = hey, you'.

SATIVE 1

A somewhat more detailed presentation of Sinhalese parts of speech may be found in the author's "Basic Elements in Sinhalese Syntax", University of Ceylon Linguistic Society Transactions, II, 1965 (forthcoming).

28

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

Many substantives inflect for DEFINITENESS and/or both, definiteness does not operate in the plural:

NUMBER.

For those that show

Number Definiteness Sg. (—) Def. (—) pota (the) book' deka '(the) two' xx 'she' Indef. (-k) potak 'a book' dekak '(a) two' PI. (-p) pot 'books' xxla 'they' (feminine reference) 2.11 Nouns 2.111 — Most nouns inflect for definiteness and number, and the paradigm includes a STEM FORM which appears as the first member of compounds and is considered uninfected, though it is frequently identical with one of the direct case forms. Nouns divide inflectionally into two main classes. 2.1111 — One class of nouns shows inflection for four cases, and although it includes several morphophonemic subclasses, all share certain features such as the ak ~ 3k(p) of the indefinite and the -wal- of the non-direct plural. The following paradigm, for pota 'book' will illustrate the interplay of categories and their symbolization (nouns will be cited in the direct definite form): Stem Form: pot (pot gula 'library') Definite (sg.) Indefinite (sg.) Direct: potd potak -k potafa Dative : potakap -d -k-d Genitive : potee potaka -k-g -g Instrum. : poten potakin -i -k-i

Plural pot -P potwalafa -p-d potwah -P"g potwalin -p-i

2.1112 — The second main noun class also includes several morphophonemic subclasses, but all share certain features including the -ge, -gen endings of the genitive and instrumental forms and the -n- of the plural non-direct forms. In addition to the four cases above, nouns of this class may inflect for the accusative.2 The paradigm of lamea 'child, boy' will illustrate: 1 The status of the accusative as a case in comparison with the other cases is a problem. Its occurrence in the relevant syntactic positions seems to be optional for all speakers, and this optionality of occurrence does not hold for the other cases. However, the frequency with which it is used in the appropriate positions differs from speaker to speaker, and for a given speaker may vary from form to form within the total set to which it may potentially apply. Whether or not differences in its use correlate with areal or other dialects is not yet clear. Elsewhere ("Basic Elements in Sinhalese Syntax", see previous note) we have treated it as an optional accusative particle rather than as a case inflection

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

29

Stem Form : lamaa (lamaa wseda 'children's work') Definite (sg.) Indefinite (sg.) Plural lamea lameek lamay Direct : -k -P lameafa lameekufa lamainfa Dative: -d -k-d -p-d lameage lamainge lameekuge Genitive : -k-g -g -P-g lameekugen lamaingen Instrumental : lameagen -p-i -i -k-i lameawa lamainwa Accusative: lameekwa -a -k-a -p-a Some members of this class also inflect for the vocative: lameo 'child-v'. 2.112 — There are forms of the shape stem plus eka (identical with the inanimate numeral 'one') which function as single lexical units and show the full paradigm of 2.111, the eka forms serving as singular, and the plural identical with the stem: bas+eka 'bus' (direct definite) bas-\-ekak 'bus-k', bas 'bus-p'. Most are from English but not all: wesak+eka 'The Vesak'. They are included in the noun class, their lexical unity indicated b y ' + ' (see 1.4). 2.113 — Nouns are ANIMATE or INANIMATE in GENDER on the basis of the forms of numerals and some other numeratives which they govern: Animate: minissu denna 'man-p-two (anim.)' = 'The two men' Inanimate:pot deka 'book-p-two (inan.)' = 'The two books' With rare exceptions, nouns of the class of 2.1111 are inanimate, those of 2.1112 animate. 2.1114 — The characteristic syntactic attributes of nouns will be given later in 3.1, and some substantive stems not showing inflection for all the categories of 2.111 are assigned to the noun class because they share those attributes. Thus such mass nouns as wii 'unhusked rice, paddy', bat 'cooked rice', kiri 'milk', appear only in the plural, and place nouns such as kalutara 'Kalutara', kolatnba 'Colombo' lack both indefinite and plural forms. on a par with the others. However, this leads to morphophonemic complications in that the stem on which it occurs in the plural otherwise occurs in colloquial Sinhalese only with case affixes (see paradigm). In the data on which this study was originally based, the accusative was rare, but some revision has been carried out on the basis of subsequent field work with speakers who employed it more frequently. It is now specified for positions in which it occurs for the latter type of speaker, partly because its potential occurrence helps to distinguish some clause constructions that seem to be distinct for all speakers but more clearly marked as such by those who use the accusative, partly because it is simpler to specify it wherever it may appear, stating its optionality, than to give a separate statement of its range of occurrence.

30

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

2.12 Numeratives Numeratives include

NUMERALS

and a few other forms with similar distributions.

2.121 — Numeral stems combine in a special type of compound such that single and compounded stems form a (presumably) infinite series: STEMS: de- 'two', tun- 'three', wisi- 'twenty' sia- 'hundred'; COMPOUNDED STEMS: wisi de- 'twenty two', wisi tun'twenty three', de sia de- 'two hundred and two', de sia tun- 'two hundred and three'. Both stems and compounds appear in3 two gender forms and an ordinal form: Gender Forms: Inanimate: deka 'two' tuna 'three' wisi deka 'twenty two' Animate: denna tun denaa wisi denaa Ordinal Form: deweni tunweni wisi deweni Ordinal forms show no further inflection in our data. Gender forms inflect for case and definiteness, but not number, and may occur after plural nouns to form NUMERAL PHRASES. The numeral agrees with the noun in gender and carries case and definiteness inflection for the phrase: pot tunak 'book-p three (inanimate)-k' = 'three books' minissu dennafa 'man-p two (animate)-d' = '(to) two men'. 2.122 — The numeral phrase is one subtype of NUMERATIVE PHRASE of the form direct case plural noun plus numerative. Numeratives other than numerals fall into small, often single-member classes on the basis of their total inflectional and syntactic characteristics and include huñga 'many', (ika 'few', samahara 'some' (as numeratives these three virtually always in the indefinite), kiipe 'several', seerama 'all', okkoma 'all'. 4 Agreement and inflectional characteristics vary with the numerative. Examples of non-numeral numerative phrases are: pot kiipeak 'book-p several (inan.)-k' = 'several books' minissu kiipa + denek 'man-p several (anim.) -k' = 'several men' pot seerama 'book-p all' = 'all the books' minissu seerama 'man-p all' = 'all the men'

* Animate lorms for numerals other than two are, strictly speaking, compounds with the forms kenaa 'person, being' (in ekkenaa 'one') and denaa 'people, beings' (in the remainder). However, these function on a level with the inanimate numerals and the non-compound animate numeral denna 'two', and are most simply treated as phrasal inflection (cf. Hockett, A Course in Modern Linguistics, p. 212). * seerama and okkoma 'all' may be analyzed into seers and okko followed by ma 'emphatic', particularly since ma here as elsewhere follows any case affixes: seerafama, okkofama 'all (dative)'. However, seera and okko appear never to occur without ma, so that the combinations are treated here as single lexical units.

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

31

2.13 Deictic and interrogative substantives A number of forms in Sinhalese belong to sets showing the type of proximity-anaphora distinction demonstrated by the demonstratives below: mee oya ara ee

'this, these': proximity to speaker, or to both speaker and hearer. 'that, those (by you)'; proximity to hearer. 'that, those (over there)': distal from both speaker and hearer; if an object, in sight. 'that, those (in question)': anaphora; reference to some preceding segment or topic in the discourse.

Forms showing this distinction are DEICTICS, and may be classified as IP (Proximal» first person), 2P (Proximal, second person), D (distal) and Aph (anaphoric), respectively. INTERROGATIVES appear, together with the question marker da (2.462), in certain types of interrogative and dependent clauses. Thus monawa 'what' and kohoma 'how' in the following: mahatteata monawa da oona 'gentleman-d what da necessary' = What does the gentleman want? (aeksiak ganne kohoma da kianna 'taxi-k get-npt-e how da tell-nna. = 'tell (me) how to get a taxi'. A transformational approach to clauses with interrogatives appears to be called for, but it is not attempted here, and the analysis of this general type of interrogative clause does not form a part of the present study. Most interrogatives resemble members of deictic sets and generally parallel them in distribution. Such deictics and interrogatives are given together, as deictic-interrogative sets, in the following subsections. 2.131 — Deictic and Interrogative Demonstratives— The deictic demonstratives are IP:mee, 2P:oya, D:ara, Aph:ee. They are substantives, showing no inflection for definiteness or number. They occur as attributes preceding nouns, characteristically preceding all other attributes and thus closing the phrase. They show no agreement, and thus no inflection in this position: mee honda pota 'This good book' mee honda pot 'This good book-p' = 'These good books' mee honda potafa 'This good book-d' = '(to) this good book'. Interrogatives demonstratives are koy 'which', mona 'what'. 2.132 Deictic and Interrogative Pronouns — Deictic-interrogative pronouns are classifiable by gender into ANIMAL, HUMAN and INANIMATE. The number of such forms, multiplied by inflectional categories, results in a large number of forms, so that only

32

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

the IP form and the interrogative(s) belonging to a set are given. Unless otherwise indicated, these sets also have 2P, D and Aph forms. All are substantives; K indicates inflection for definiteness, N for number: Inanimate: meeka 'this one, it', N. Interrogatives: moka 'what one', N,K. kooka 'which one', N,K. Animal: meeka 'this one, it', N. Interrogatives: mokaa 'what one', N,K. kooka 'which one', N,K. muu 'this one, it', N. IP and Aph only. Human: meaa'this person, he, she', N. Interrogative: kauru, munnxhee 'he (respectful)', No 2P form or interrogative. msese 'she' (feminine reference only), N. No 2P, D or interrogative. All of the above occur as pronouns with the reference suggested by the gender terms: meeka yanawa 'this one (i.e. bus) goes'. meeka yanawa 'this one (i.e. cow) goes'. meaa yanawa 'he (or she) goes'. (Animal forms are also used with human, commonly derogatory reference, so that "animal-derogatory" might be more accurate as a term.) The Aph member of the munnsehee set is also used as a title, roughly 'Mister', following names: perera unnzhee 'Mister Perera'. moka 'what one (inanimate)' in pronominal use is virtually always in the indefinite: meeka mokak da 'this one moka-k da' = 'what is this one?' In the definite, it is commonly a proadverb with the sense 'why': dxn yanne moka da 'now go-npt-e why da' = 'Why are you going now?' 2.133 Other Deictic and Interrogative Substantives — The remaining deictic and interrogative substantives are listed below. Again only IP members are given. The range of distribution varies from set to set, and may include a number of widely varying types of environments for a given set: mehee 'here', Interrogative: kohee 'where'. metana 'here' (greater specificity of location than mehee), Interrogative: kotana 'where'. mehaa 'this way', No D or 2P. meccara 'this much'. Interrogative: koccara 'how much'. kiia (inanimate), kiidenaa (animate) 'how many' are numerative interrogatives not belonging to a demonstrative interrogative set. 2.14 Personal Pronouns Personal pronouns are substantives. They are classifiable by or are classifiable by, NUMBER.

PERSON,

and inflect for,

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

33

The first person pronouns are mama 'I', api 'we'. There are numerous second person pronouns implying various degrees of respect and differential status. Examples in this study use ohee 'you' (sg.), plural oheela 'you' (pi.), or oyaa 'you', plural oyaala.5 Third person pronouns appearing in our data are deictics and have been given in 2.132. 2.15 Substantive Postpositions Substantive postpositions occur with preceding substantives, whose case they govern, to form SUBSTANTIVE POSTPOSITIONAL PHRASES. They may themselves inflect for case in this position and differ in that respect from the postpositions described later (2.43). Examples are (with the governed case in parentheses): lahga 'near, by' (direct) kiffua 'near, vicinity of' (direct), diga 'long, along' (direct), pahala or palleha 'down, below' (d or i), ihala 'up, above' (d or i): taatta lahga 'father near' = 'near father' taatta lahgafa 'father near-d' = '(to) near father' wattafa pahala 'estate-d below' = 'below the estate' wattafa pahalin 'estate-d below-i = (from) below the estate' galwalin ihala 'rock-p-i above' = 'above the rocks' galwalin ihala(a 'rock-p-i above-d' = '(to) above the rocks'.

2.2 VERBS

Verbs inflect for tence. There are two tenses: Non-Past: yanawa 'go, goes' karanawa 'do, does' adinawa 'draw, draws' Past: giaa 'went' kerua 'did' xdda 'drew' Verbal inflection is more complex, both morphophonemically and in number of categories represented, than that of substantives. Categories relevant to this study are given below in 2.22. 2.21 Classification 2.211 — On the basis of inflectional affix shape, most verbs fall into one of three 5

Some second person pronouns, classified by grade, appear in M. W. S. De Silva, ".Verbal Categories in Spoken Sinhalese", and a similar group, similarly classified, in K. De Abrew, A Syntactical Study of the Verbal Piece in Colloquial Sinhalese. Comments on the use of various pronouns appear in Fairbanks et al., Colloquial and Literary Sinhalese. None of these gives an exhaustive list, and usage differs significantly in different areas of Ceylon.

34

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

large morphophonemic classes. Since morphophonemic detail is irrelevant to this study, representative verbs are simply cited for each class: Class 1, Thematic Vowel

-a-:

kapanawa

Class 2, Thematic Vowel Class 3, Thematic Vowel

-i-:

adinawa

-e-:

teerenawa

kianawa

hzrenawa

'cut' 'say' 'draw, pull' 'understand' 'turn'

kappanawa balanawa badinawa wxtenawa

'cause to cut' 'look, observe' 'fry' 'fall'

There are also a number of irregular verbs, for which one or more inflected forms are unpredictable in shape: yanawa 'go', enawa 'come', gannawa 'take, buy'. 2.212 — More important for present purposes is a division partially cross-cutting the morphophonemic one, by which verbs may be classified as A, P, or C verbs in terms of the morphemic composition of their stems, P and C verbs containing morphemes {P} and {C} respectively, neither of which are present in A verbs. Verbs in Sinhalese thus fall into sets containing A, P and C verbs, such that all verbs in a set share a common root morpheme. Verbs in a set will be referred to as CORRESPONDING A, P and C verbs: A Verb kapanawa hadanawa maranawa

'cut'

'make' 'kill'

P Verb kzpenawa hxdenawa mxrenawa

C Verb

'get (be) cut'

kappanawa,

'get (be) made' 'die, be killed'

'cause to cut' hadawanawa 'cause to make' marawanawa 'cause to kill'

kappawanawa

Some sets, like the first above, contain more than one C verb. Setting aside whatever morphemic decisions one may be led to make, such C forms are optional variants in our data, freely substitutable in any given frame. For such sets: "Corresponding C verb" may be read as "any of the variants, optionally".8 Some sets are incomplete, lacking verbs within one or two of the categories above. Examples are:7 • For some speakers, there may be sets with two P verbs, and K. De Abrew gives such sets in his thesis (see previous note). An example would be: A kapanawa 'cut', P x ksepenawa 'get cut', C kappanawa 'cause to cut', P a kxppenawa 'be caused to cut' (the A P C terminology and subscripts are ours). In such sets, P 2 would be the corresponding P verb to the C verb, and would include both morphemes {C} and {P}. De Silva does not list such sets in his "Verbal Categories in Spoken Sinhalese", and they do not appear in the basic corpus for this study or in our subsequent field data. When presented with such forms and asked to use them, informants we have tried show hesitation, but when pressed use them in clauses that relate to base clauses with a corresponding C verb in a manner parallel to a relationship between clauses with P verbs and clauses with A verbs treated later in this study. This suggests that such sets might easily be incorporated into the present study, but we lack sufficient data to do so at present. 7 I am directly indebted to M.W.S. De Silva, both in private conversation and in his "Verbal Categories in Spoken Sinhalese" for information as to limited sets, and for the examples of them given here. Furthermore, a few examples used here to illustrate syntactic relationships between A, P, and C verbs are taken from the article mentioned, though the analysis is different.

35

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

A Verb

P Verb

C Verb

AP_: ayana w a 'open' seenawa 'get (be) opened' A_C: uyanawa 'cook' uyawanawa 'cause to cook' A : dangahnawa 'flap' _PC: _P_:

wsefenawa 'fall' sedenawa 'creep'

waffanawa

'drop'

C: No isolated C verbs have been found. The A, P, C division partially correlates with the morphophonemic one in 2.211. P verbs are Class 3, and C verbs Class 1, but A verbs may be Class 1, Class 2, or irregular. 2.213 — A syntactic classification of verbs will emerge from the description of the clause types in which they occur. 2.22 Verb Inflection and

Symbolization

Only those inflected forms for which there is data showing their occurrence in clauses are listed here; this includes the largest part of the paradigm.8 2.221 — The following general symbols are used in representing verb forms: V- indicates the verb stem. VA, Vp, V c are used when it is necessary to specify A, P, or C verb. -T- is tense. -pt- 'past' or -npt- 'non-past' replace -T- to indicate specific tenses. -Af is used in two ways: (1) Preceded by a symbol for tense, i.e. V-T-Af, V-pt-Af, V-npt-Af, -Af means "any inflectional affix co-occurring with tense" (a specific range of forms may be indicated in the surrounding text). (2) When not accompanied by an indication of tense, -Af means any and all inflectional affixes, including tense, occurring on a verb stem. Thus, V-Af is the most general symbol for inflected forms of verbs (again, context may indicate a specific range of forms). -L- is "perfect participial morpheme". -R- indicates reduplication. Specific affixes not listed above are represented by one of their allomorphs, as given in the following subsection. ' Others will be found listed in De Silva, "Verbal Categories in Spoken Sinhalese" and still others in De Abrew, A Syntactical Study of the Verbal Piece in Colloquial Sinhalese. Those that we omit here are virtually all imperative forms for which we have little data on their use. What data we do have, however, suggests that their omission does not constitute a serious limitation on this study.

36

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

2.222 — Inflected forms and their symbolization (in parentheses) are illustrated below with the verbs kapanawa 'cut' and wzfenawa 'fall'. They fall into three groups: show a distinction in tense or are always past, i.e. are forms which may be represented as V-T-Af (forms separated by commas appear to be free variants): ( 1 ) TENSE FORMS

Basic Forms (V-T-a): Non-Past (V-npt-a): kapanawa 'cut' wxfenawa 'fall' Past (V-pt-a): kxpua was (una Emphatic Forms (V-T-e): Non-Past (V-npt-e): kapctnne wxfenne Past (V-pt-e): kxpue wx{une Conditional Forms (V-T-ot): Non-Past (V-npt-ot): kapatot wxjetot Past (V-pt-ot): kxpuot wxfunot Concessive Forms (V-T-at): Non-Past (V-npt-at): kapatat wxfetat Past (Vot-at): kxpuat wxfunat Adjectival Forms (V-T-a): Non-Past (V-npt-a): kapana wxfena Past (Vpt-a): kxpua, kxpuu was(una, wxfuu Prior Temporal Form (V-T-aama, -T- always-»-pt-): 9 Past: kxpuaama wxfunaama Permissive Form (V-T-aawe, -T-always->-pt-) ksepuaawe wsefunaawe ( 2 ) PERFECT PARTICIPIAL FORMS include the perfect participial morpheme - L (-) with or without other affixes; i.e. all forms which may be represented V-L(-Af). ? indicates that the verb appears to lack the form in question: Perfect Participle Base Form (V-L): kapa, kapaa 1 Perfect Participle (V-L-la): kapala, kapaala wxfila, wxfiila Reduplicated Form (V-L-R): kapa kapa wx(i wxfi Perfect Adjectival Form (V-L-pu): kapapu wxficca Perfective Form (V-L-pi): kapapi wxficci (3)

neither show tense Hortative Form (V-mu) : Volitive Optative Form (V-nnan) : Involitive Optative Form (V-wi) : Infinitive (V-nna) :10

STEM-BASED FORMS

nor include -L(-): wxfemu kapamu wxfennan kapannan kapaawi, kapay wx(eewi, wsefey wsefenna kapanna

• Some speakers have, either instead of this -aama form or as an optional variant, a particle ham» preceded by the past tense or perfect participial verbal adjective (V-pt-a or V-L-pu): ksepua hama, kapapu hama. There appears to be no difference in syntactic distribution, and the forms are functionally equivalent in that sense, but the transformations involved must be assigned to different types according to whether inflected or composite forms are involved (6.211 and 6.2224). 10 Some speakers have -nta or -nda in the infinitive, hence kapanda, wsfenfo or kapanp, wsefenp

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Present Participle (V-ta) : Contemporaneous Form (V-ddi)

kapata kapaddi

wx{eta wsefeddi

2.23 Verbal Substantives Verbal Substantives are forms included in the paradigm of a verb which may be inflected for case. They include the non-past and past base forms (V-T-a) and the VERBAL NOMINAL FORMS (not listed in 2.22). 2.231 — Verbal Nominal Forms The Verbal Nominal Forms include: (1) Forms in -iima or -ilh which do not appear to differ in meaning or privilege of occurrence: liwiima, liwilla '(The) writing', from lianawa 'write'; teeriima, teerilh '(The) understanding' from teerenawa 'understand'. (2) Forms of the shape verbal adjective plus eka, where "verbal adjective" may be read as either of the V-T-a forms, i.e. V-npt-a, V-pt-a) or V-L-pu. Thus for lianawa 'write': V-npt-a eka: liana+eka '(The) writing' V-pt-a: liua+eka '(The) writing (in the past)' V-L-pu eka: liapu+eka '(The) having written'. Like -eka nouns (2.112), these will be written with ' + ' . This differentiates them graphically from contrasting phrases of similar form with a verbal adjective as attribute and eka 'one' or some other numeral as head: liana + eka 'the writing' but liana eka 'the one that is written'. Compare liana deka 'the two that are written'. Details of the kinds of composite forms in which verbal nominals serve as nuclei or the nominalizing transformations that lead to them are not given in this study. Token examples are: ee minihapot liana + eka 'that man book-p write-npt-a + eka' = 'that man's writing books'; ee minihage liwiima 'that man-g writing' = 'That man's writing'. Such composite forms, or the verbal nominals alone, occur in positions in clauses which nouns or noun phrases may also occupy: ee miniha pot liana + eka honda rnex 'That man book-p write-npt-a + eka good not' = 'It isn't good that he writes books'. ee minihage liwiima honda nsex 'That man-g writing good not' = 'That man's writing isn't good'. Compare: pot honda nsex 'book-p good not' = 'The books aren't good'. 2.232 Basic Forms as Verbal Substantives — Both the non-past and past basic forms rather than kapantn, wxtenna. This is primarily a matter of regional dialect, with -nta in the up country, Kandyan areas, and in the Colombo area, but -nns, apparently in origin a southern coastal form, appears to be gaining in other areas, particularly in educated speech. In any event, many speakers now vary between two or even all three of these forms.

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of verbs (V-npt-a, V-pt-a) may occur inflected for case. Thus yanawa 'go-npt-a' and giaa 'go-pt-a' have dative case forms yanawafa 'go-npt-a-d' and giaafd 'go-pt-a-d' as well as other case forms. Unlike verbal nominal forms, a basic form may occur as predicator of an independent clause, in positions which may also be filled by non-caseinflectable forms of the verb: mahattea kolatfibafa yanawa 'gentleman Colombo go-npt-a' = 'The gentleman is going to Colombo'. Compare: mahattea kolarhbafa yaawi 'gentleman Colombo-go-wi' (involitive optative form, not inflectable for case) = 'The gentleman might go to Colombo'. There is no direct case form differing from that which occurs in such clauses. When basic forms occur clearly marked for case, they do so in case transforms of verbal clauses, briefly described in a later section (6.42).

2.3 QUASI-VERBS

The quasi-verbs xti 'might (be)', nxx 'not', bxx 'impossible, can't' inflect for neither case or tense, but each has a few forms partially paralleling inflected forms of verbs in their distribution. The forms are as follows (? indicates that no form of the quasi verb concerned has been observed to occur in the relevant environments): Basic Form : Adjectival Form : Emphatic Form: Participial Form: Conditional Form: Concessive Form:

• < • . „_ ,, nxx 'not' xti might (be) nxti \ xtte nxtte J xtua nxtua xtot nxtot xtat nxtat

bxx 'impossible, can't bxri bxrua ? ?

Some of these forms, i.e. the emphatic, conditional, and concessive forms of nxx and zti, clearly share inflectional morphemes with inflected forms of verbs (V-T-e, V-T-ot, V-T-at). The remainder are named according to the verb forms that they parallel most closely in distribution. Quasi-verbs are characteristically introduced in transformations, and the distributional ranges associated with the forms above will appear from the statements of those transformations.

2.4 PARTICLES

Stems not belonging to any of the three inflectional classes already described are particles.

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2.41 Adjectives Adjectives11 occur as attributes preceding nouns: prayoojanawat wseda 'useful work' alut pot 'new book-p' = 'new books' and as predicators in clauses: meeka prayoojanawat 'this + one useful' = 'This one is useful'. ee pota alut 'That book new' = 'That book is new' 2.411 Descriptive Adjectives — constitute the largest class of adjectives. Examples are: honda 'good', naraka 'bad', alut 'new', loku 'big', podi 'small', mataka 'remembering, remembered', prayoojanawat 'useful', asaniipa 'sick'. Vowel-final, but not consonant-final, descriptive adjectives appear obligatorily marked with the assertion marker (symbolized-Y, described in 2.461) when they are predicators in clauses (and no subsequent transformations have been applied), but not in other positions: -V Final (honda 'good'): As Pre-Nominal Attribute: mee honda mahattea 'This good gentleman'. As Predicator: mee mahattea honday 'This gentleman good-Y' = 'This gentleman is good'. -C Final (alut 'new') As Pre-Nominal Attribute: mee alut pota 'This new book' As Predicator: mee pota alut 'This book new' = 'This book is new'. A few descriptive adjectives have a STEM FORM differing in shape from the FULL FORM which appears as predicator or pre-nominal modifier and in which adjectives are cited. Thus naraka 'bad', mataka 'remembering, remembered' have stem forms narak and matak. The stem form appears after certain verbalizing transformations. Descriptive adjectives fall into several non-mutually exclusive subclasses on the basis of the type of clauses in which they serve as predicators, as will appear from the statement of those types. 11 Though adjectives are classed as particles here, there are identical substantive forms for many of them: hofuhta 'good-d' hondak 'good-k'. We treat these as homonymous forms, parallel to other sets in which the difference is marked by overt derivational affixes. This is treated further in 6.1193, where a transformation involving substantive-adjective sets is given.

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2.412 Quantifying adjectives — The quantifying adjectives in our data are modi 'too little', xti 'enough', wsedi 'too much'. They have a privilege of occurrence not shared by other adjectives: following descriptive adjectives to form QUANTIFYING ADJECTIVE PHRASES:

hondd madi 'good too + little' = 'not good enough' loku xti 'big enough'. These phrases have essentially the same distributional and co-occurrence characteristics as the descriptive adjective alone. The assertion marker appears optionally on quantifying adjectives, whether in such phrases or alone, in the position in which it is obligatory with vowel-final descriptive adjectives: gewal loku wsedi (or wxdii) 'house-p big too + much' (or 'too + much-Y') = 'the houses are too big'. mehee pol madi (or madii) 'here coconut-p too + little' (or 'too + little-Y') = 'Here there are too few coconuts'. 2.413 Modal Adjectives — The modal adjectives are oona12 'wanting, necessary', puluan 'possible, can', epaa 'not desired, don't want'. With these, the rule for the assertion marker in the relevant position is essentially the reverse of that for descriptive adjectives. It does not occur on the vowel-final oons and epaa, but is optional on the consonant-final puluan: pot oona 'book-p necessary' = 'Books are necessary' mee wxda puluan (or puluani) 'This work possible' (or 'possible-Y') = 'This work is possible'. 2.42 Adverbs Adverbs are particles which occur as attributes to the predicator of a clause, some segment containing the predicator, or a clause as a whole. Included are aaet 'again', aapahu 'back', yantan 'barely', namut 'but, however', nitara 'always': namut ee minihage wxda honda nxx 'but that man-g work good not' = 'But that man's work isn't good'. (namut attributive to the remainder.) eaa ada aapahu eewi 'he today back come-wi' = 'he might come back today'. (aapahu attributive to the predicator eewi.) The class of adverbs is small, but forms the basis of the large class of ADVERBIALS (3.4). 2.43 Postpositions Postpositions appear with preceding substantives, whose case they govern, to form "

For some speakers, oonx or oone.

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Unlike substantive postpositions (2.15) they do not inflect for case. Included are (with the governed case in parentheses): gaena 'about' (direct), issara 'before' (d or i), tisse 'throughout' (direct), indala 'from' (g), kiala 'by (agent)' (d):

POSTPOSITIONAL PHRASES.

lamea gsena 'child about' = 'about the child' aurudu tunak tisse 'year-p three-k throughout' = 'for three years' (numeral phrase as axis) gamee indala 'village-g from' = 'from the village'. 2.44 Deictic and Interrogative Particles Deictic and interrogative particles may be classified like the deictic-interrogative substantives. They are: menna 'voici' (no D, Aph, or interrogative) meccara 'this much'. Interrogative: koccara 'how much'. 2.45 The Quotation Marker The quotation marker kiala is identical in shape with the postposition kiala (2.43) and the perfect participle of kianawa 'say', but has a quite distinct range of distribution. In semantic terms, it marks a preceding form as a thought, supposition, quotation, hypostasis, or attributed name: mahattea ads yanawa kiala kianawa 'gentleman today go-npt-a kiala say-npt-a' = '(He) said the gentleman is going today.' samaharu eewafa duntel bat kiala kianawa 'some that-pl-d duntel bat kiala saynpt-a' = 'Some people call that duntel bat' (duntel 'buffalo milk butter', bat 'rice'). The quotation marker also appears, in an apparently optional variant, as -Y kiala, where -Y has the same regularly conditioned allomorphs as the assertion marker (2.461): mahattea ada yanaway kiala kiua 'gentleman today go-npt-a-Y kiala say-pt-a' = (He) said the gentleman is going today'. The quotation marker will thus be written (-Y) kiala to indicate kiala with or without the preceding bound form. 2.46 Bound Forms The forms that follow, even those that form part of a single word morphophonemically, are not restricted to word-length forms as their relevant domain, but may be in construction with larger forms. 2.461 The Assertion Marker — symbolized -Y, occurs as -i with the modal adjective

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puluan 'can, possible' (puluan + -Y-»puluani); elsewhere in two phonologically conditioned allomorphs: -y after vowels (with iy-*ii), -uy after consonants. It follows any inflectional affixes: hondd 'good' (descriptive adjective) -Y=honday. before C # is regular.

NOTE:

The alternation

-a#~a

Examples: pot 'book-p' + Y-*potuy podi 'small' (descriptive adjective) + Y-*podii kalutarafa Kalutara-d' + Y-*kalutara{ay mahatteage 'gentleman-g' + Y-+mahatteagey 2.462 The Question Marker da is symbolized in formulae and glosses by itself: mahattea add yanawa da 'gentleman today go-npt-a N2 NJ V c Af Subject Intransitive Subject Direct Secondary Transitive Active (A or P) Object Active Verb Verb A new nominal, N 2 , is introduced as subject of the transform. 4 V c Af is the corresponding C verb to VAAf. Note that the formula for the transform is equivalent to the " "Co-occurrence and Transformations", pp. 330ff. 4 We have not yet found a satisfactory way to avoid the introduction of a new nominal here and in some other transformations. Working from transitive to intransitive would give rise to other and apparently worse problems.

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formula for the type given earlier despite the difference in subscript numerals arising from transformational as against constructional statement and may be converted to it by rewriting N 2 a s N t and N x as N 2 . Similar conversion will be possible for other inter-type transform formulae to equate them with formulae for types. VAAf must be read to include P verbs such as waefenawa 'fall', hzrenawa 'turn' which appear in intransitive active clauses :5 dua wzfenawa 'daughter fall-npt-a' = 'The daughter falls'

-*

lamea dua wa((anawa 'child daughter drop-npt-a' = 'The child drops the daughter'

The secondary transitive transformation is essentially a transitivizing one, and cooccurrences in pairs like the following help to establish the relation between the subject of the base and object of the transform: bulla buranawa -* lamea balla burawanawa 'dog bark-npt-a' = 'child dog make+bark-npt-a' = 'The dog is barking'. 'The child is making the dog bark.' lamea andanawa -» balla lamea andawanawa 'child cry-npt-a' = 'dog child make+cry-npt-a' = 'The child is crying'. 'The dog is making the child cry'. There are no likely clauses such as balla andanawa 'The dog cries' or lamea buranawa 'The child barks'. LIMITATIONS: If secondary transitive active clauses are taken to include all active transitive clauses with C verbs, a number of them will not be derivable by the transformation above. For one thing, a verb like pennanawa 'show' has no corresponding A form, and the P form does not appear in intransitive active clauses. Thus there is no underlying intransitive clause for an example such as:

amma lameafa harakunwa pennanawa 'mother/child-d/cow-p-a/ show-npt-a' = 'The mother is showing the child the cattle.' The apparently simplest procedure is to assign such examples to the class of primary transitive active clauses, so that the latter class, initially defined to include only clauses with A verbs (5.1121), would also include some with C verbs. A somewhat different problem arises with a verb such as paddanawa 'to rock, make sway,' as in: lamea ammage putua paddanawa 'child/mother-g chair/ rock-npt-a = 'The child is rocking the mother's chair'. 6

Later, a different analysis of the base clause here will be suggested (5.12232), but will not seriously affect the basic statement that secondary transitive clauses may be derived from clauses with these P verbs.

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While it looks like the C verb for padinawa 'pedal, make go, swing', not only is the latter transitive so that it cannot form underlying clauses for our transformation, but the clearly different semantic ranges of these verbs point to different co-occurrence sets making transformations unlikely. However, there is also paddanawa 'cause to pedal'. The answer here appears to be that while the latter is in fact the corresponding C verb to padinawa 'pedal', there is a homonymous transitive active verb paddanawa 'rock, make sway' which is not a member of the APC set containing padinawa (save in a historical sense that does not concern us here) and which occurs in examples like the above.6 In any event, while the (quasi-) transformation in question appears to apply to a number of clauses, its status will not be fully clear until a great deal more information is available bearing on its productivity and regularity. 5.11222 The kawanawa Subtype. — There is a group of clauses with members of an apparently small subclass of C verbs including kawanawa 'feed' (A verb kanawa 'eat') powanawa' 'feed liquids' (A verb bonawa 'drink'), dannanawa 'inform' (A verb dannawa 'know') as predicators which differ from other secondary transitive active clauses in that they are transformationally relatable to transitive rather than intransitive verbal clauses. They contain a dative case nominal, derivable from the subject of the base clause, as indirect object: VAAf -»• N3 Nx-d N2 V c Af Primary Subject Indirect Direct kawanawa Transitive Object Object Subtype Verb Verb malli apirisidu watura bonawa -* N j :younger-brother/N 2 dirty water/V A Af: drink-npt-a' = 'Younger brother drinks dirty water'. kolla malli(a apirisidu watura powanawa 'N 3 :boy/N-d younger-brother-d/N 2 : dirty water/V c Af: feed (liquids)-npt-a' = 'The boy feeds younger brother dirty water'. gonaa piduru kanawa lamea gonaafa piduru kawanawa A ' N x : bull/N 2 : straw/V Af: eat-npt-a' = ' N 3 : boy/N^d: bull-d/N 2 : straw/V c Af: 'The bull eats straw'. feed-npt-a' = 'The boy feeds the bull straw'. mahattea eeka dannawa banda mahatteap eeka dannanawa ' N j : master/N 2 : that/V A Af: know-npt-a' = ' N 3 : Bands/Nj-d: master-d/N 2 : that/ V c Af:inform-npt-a' = 'The master knows that'. 'Banda informs the master of that'. N4 Subject

N2 Direct Object

The limitations of this relationship are not yet clear. Constructionally, the transforms are transitive active clauses with indirect objects. •

The two sets of corresponding verbs resulting from this decision will be explored further in 5.124.

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5.1123 Causative Clauses — In addition to a direct object, causative clauses contain, or may be expanded to contain, an agentive constituent of the form dative case nominal plus postposition kidla.1 Some causative clauses also contain an indirect object. Causative clauses have the sense "get someone to do something", and those without indirect objects are derived from transitive active clauses, either primary or secondary transitive, as follows: Nt Subject

N2 Direct Object

V A ' c Af Transitive Active Verb

N3 Subject

N r d kidla N 2 VcAf Agentive Direct Causative ConstitObject Verb uent

If the verb of the base clause is an A verb, the corresponding C verb will appear in the transform. If it is a C verb, it will appear unchanged in the transform. A new nominal, N 3 , appears as subject of the transform. PRIMARY TRANSITIVE AS BASE:

wadu+baas+unnxhee xndak hadanawa -+ ' N t : carpenter/N 2 : bed-k/VAAf make-npt-a' = 'The carpenter is making a bed'. karoolis wadu+baas+unnzheefa kidla xndak hadawanawa N 3 Carolis/Ni-d kidla: carpenter-d kidlaj N 2 : bed-k/V c Af: get+to+make-npt-a' = 'Carolis is getting the carpenter to make a bed'. mee denna add akkareeka witard goyan kapandwa -* N t :these two/today/N 2 :acre-k-g about rice+plant-p/V A Af:cut-npt-a' = 'These two are cutting about an acre of rice plants today'. mamd mee dennafd kidla add akkdreekd witdrd goyan kappdndwa 'N 3 :1/Nx-d kidla:these two-d kidla/today/N2:acre-k-g aboutrice+plant-p/ V c Af:get/to/ cut-npt-a' = 'I'm getting these two to cut about an acre of rice plants today.' SECONDARY TRANSITIVE AS BASE:

lamea aswea duawanawa -»• ' N t :boy/N 2 : horse/V c Af:run-npt-a' = 'The boy runs the horse'. gowia lameaja kidla aswea duawanawa 'N 3 :farmer/Ni-d kidla:boy-d /c('a/a/N2: horse/V c Af:get+to+run-npt-a' = 'The farmer gets the boy to run the horse'. draywdr bas+ekd nawattaawi -*• ' N j : driver/N 2 : bus/V c Af: stop-wi' = 'The driver will stop the bus'. mamd draywarfa kidla bas+ekd nawattannan Some speakers have, instead of a dative case nominal with kiala, a direct case nominal with lawaa or lawwa. Statements here concerning causative clauses and their transformational derivation may be adjusted for such speakers simply by substituting N lawaa or N lawwa for N-d kiala. 7

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'N 3 :1/Nj-d kiala: driver-d kiala/N2: bus/V c Af: get+to+stop-nnan' = 'I will get the driver to stop the bus'. (The difference in affix between base and transform in the last example is necessary because of the restrictions on occurrence of the volitive and involitive optative forms with subjects in active clauses). Causative clauses with indirect objects are produced by a similar transformation: except that an indirect object appears on both sides: Nt Subject

N 3 -d Indirect Object

N4 Subject

N2 Direct Object

Nx-d kiala Agentive Constituent

V A ' c Af Transitive Active Verb N 3 -d Indirect Object

N2 Direct Object

Y c Af Causative Verb

PRIMARY TRANSITIVE AS BASE:

lamea ohe(a pol kadanawa ' N x : boy/N 3 -d: you-d/N 2 :coconut-p/V A Af:pick-npt-a' = 'The boy picks coconuts for you'. mahattea lamaa{a kiala ohe{a pol kadawanawa N 4 : gentleman/N 1 -d: kiala boy-d kiala/N3-da you-d/N 2 :coconut-p/Y c Af: get+to+pick-npt-a' = 'The master gets the boy to pick coconuts for you'. SECONDARY TRANSITIVE ( k a w a n a w a SUBTYPE) AS BASE:

mama gonaap piduru kawanawa -»• N j : I/N 3 -d:bull-d/N 2 : straw/V c Af:feed-npt-'a = 'I feed the bull straw'. gowia mafa kiala gonaa{a piduru kawanawa N 4 : farmer/Nj-d kiala: I-d kiala/N3-d: bull-d/N 2 : straw/V c Af: get/to/feednpt-a' = 'The farmer gets me to feed the bull straw'. All causative clauses do not include the agentive constituent, but those which do not may be expanded by the addition of such a constituent to yield a grammatical clause. In many instances where the agentive constituent is lacking, context does not indicate zeroing. Such clauses have an "indefinite agent" sense: taatta gas kappanawa 'Father gets the trees cut'. We would derive such clauses from bases lacking a subject. Such subjectless active clauses are realistic (they are treated in the next subsection), and their "indefinite actor" sense matches the "indefinite agent" sense of the causative transform. Thus, for the clause above: gas kapanawa -> N 2 : tree-p/VAAf : cut-npt-a' =

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'The trees are cut, someone cuts the trees'. taatta gas kappsnswa N 3 :father/N 2 tree-p/V c Af: get/to/cut-npt-a' = 'Father gets the trees cut'. It follows from the transformations above that the verbs occurring in secondary transitive clauses will also occur in causative clauses, although the reverse is not always true. When a verb occurring in both types is predicator and there is no agentive constituent, ambiguous clauses may arise. For example: GROUP 1: GROUP 2 :

mams lamea nzgiffsnswa 'I awaken the child'. mama lamea nzgitfsnswa 'I get the child awakened (by someone)'.

The causative clause will derive from a secondary transitive clause with the same verb and object but no subject: lamea nsegitfsnswa '(Someone) awakens the child'

mams lamea nxgiftsnswa 'I get the child awakened'

If the secondary active transitive clauses of such pairs are transformationally derivable, they will be so by the transformation of 5.11221: lamea nsegifindwa 'The child wakes' (Primary active clause)

mams lamea nzgiffsnswa '1 awaken the child'. (Secondary transitive clause)

Only the causative clause will be expandable by an agentive constituent such as kellsfs kisla 'by the girl': mams kellsfs kisla lamea nzgiftsnswa 'I get the girl to awaken the child'. LIMITATIONS: Although causative clauses were treated in this subsection so that they could be given immediately following secondary transitive clauses, the transformations by which they are derived seem not to offer complications and limitations like those producing secondary transitive clauses, but to operate quite regularly on base clauses of the proper form. Thus, it appears likely that they represent a genuinely transformationally derivable type.

5.113 Subjectless Active Clauses When verbs which occur in active clauses appear without subjects, zeroing is indicated in many instances, but in others it is not. Where it is not, the clauses commonly have a "general statement" or "indefinite actor" sense, and in our data, involve transitive active verbs or one of a set of "weather verbs" given below. For each of them, with the possible exception of those with some of the weather verbs, these will be a grammatically possible matching clause with a subject but otherwise identical. From a strictly generative standpoint, they could be generated by optional subject deletion,

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but the distinction between cases where zeroing is indicated and those where it is not appears to us important. Also, transformationally related types which lack a constituent derivable from an active subject commonly show a parallel "indefinite agent" sense (as in causative clauses without the agentive constituent), and there are parallel non-verbal types. There are two types of subjectless active clauses (where subjects have not been zeroed): transitive and intransitive. 5.1131 Transitive Subjectless Active Clauses — N 2 is used for the direct object as in formulae for transitive clauses (5.1121, 5.1122). For the first example, a matching clause with subject is given for comparison: Subjectless Clause: mee watte wii wawanawa 'this estate-g/N 2 :unhusked+rice/V A Af:grow-npt-a' = 'Unhusked rice is grown on this estate'. Matching Clause: taatta mee watte wii wawanawa 'N^father/this estate-g/N 2 : unhusked-rice/V A Af: grow-npt-a' = 'Father grows unhusked rice on this estate'. Further examples are: samahara mantrii koftaasawalafa mantriiwaru detundenek tooranawa 'some parliamentary district-p-d/N 2 :M.P.-p two-three-k/V A Af: choose-npt-a' = 'There are two or three M.P.'s chosen for some parliamentary districts'. The following example, with a C verb, is the subjectless equivalent of a secondary transitive clause: bas ara handie nawattanawa ' N 2 : bus-p/that corner-g/V c Af:stop-npt-a = 'Busses stop at that corner'. This clause is derivable by the quasi-transformation producing other secondary transitive clauses, except that no new subject is introduced: bas ara handie nawatinawa -* bas ara handie nawattanawa 'Busses stop at that corner' 'Busses stop at that corner' (nawatinawa 'stop, stay' is the corresponding A verb to nawattanawa) 5.1132 Intransitive Subjectless Active Clauses — in our data have as predicators members of a semantic class of "weather verbs" which includes wahinawa 'rain', gorawanawa 'thunder', paahynawa '(sun-)shine', 'be bright'. ada mehefa wahiiwi 'today/here-d/V-Af: rain-wi' = 'It might rain here today'. hxmadaama gorawanawa 'every+day/V-Af:thunder-npt-a' = ' I t thunders every day'. adahonda{a paayanawa 'today/well-/V-Af:shine-npt-a' = 'It's nice and bright today'.

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At least paayanawa and wahinawa may occur with subjects, but each with a severely limited class of nomináis. We have no evidence for gorawanawa with a subject: eheta wxssa hsemadaama wzssa 'there-d/NI :rain/every+day/V-Af:rain-pt-a' 'It rained there every day'. mee dawaswala aua paayanawa 'these day-p-g/Ni: sunshine/V-Af: shine-npt-a' 'These days the sun shines'. Clauses with weather verbs do not appear to enter any inter-type transformations. 5.12 Impersonal Verbal Clauses The criteria by which impersonal verbal clauses are distinguished are the counterparts of those which distinguish active clauses: (1) CROSS-REFERENCE: Impersonal clauses contain no subject, hence no nominal which brings into play the cross-reference restrictions on verbal affixes characteristic of active clauses (5.11). The volitive optative (V-nnan) may not occur and the involitive optative (V-wi) may occur, regardless of the positions which first person nomináis may occupy in the clause. For example, the following examples, in which first and third person nomináis are interchanged, are all possible: (la) ma{a noonapeneewi 'I-d mistress see-wi' = 'I will be able to see the mistress', (lb) noonafa mama peneewi 'mistress-d I see-wi' = 'The mistress will be able to see me.' (For this type, see 5.1232) (2a) miniha atin mama mzreewi 'man atin I get+killed-wi' = 'I might be killed by that man.' (2b) mama atin miniha mxreewi 'I atin man get-killed-wi' = 'That man might be killed by me.' (For this type, see 5.121) but not: *ma{a noona peennan *noona(a mama peenan *miniha atin mama mxrennan *mama atin miniha mxrennan (2) TRANSFORMATIONS : Where inter-type transformations apply, they are of some help in identifying types and constituents. The data is much more limited for impersonal than for active clauses in relation to their behavior under more general transformations like those in section 6. (3) VERB TYPE: Generally, verbs occurring as predicators in impersonal clauses are P verbs, but a few A verbs occur in clauses assigned to impersonal types. (4) CASE MARKING OF CONSTITUENTS : Impersonal clauses are also distinguished by

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the cases in which major nominal constituents appear. Thus examples la and lb under point 1 above are distinguished in part by the dative case nominals they contain as first constituent. Furthermore, in all four examples, the direct case animate nominals occurring as their second constituents may appear optionally in the accusative case for at least some speakers.8 This feature, combined with the cross-reference characteristics of point 1 clearly distinguishes these nominals from subjects of active clauses. Details will appear under specific types. Impersonal clauses may be PASSIVE, INACTIVE, o r INVOLITIVE.

5.121 Passive Clauses

Initially, passive clauses may be defined as impersonal clauses with P verbs that have corresponding active clauses such that : (1) The verb of the passive clause is the corresponding P verb to the active (A or C) verb of the active clause. (2) A direct case nominal appearing as subject of the active clause occurs in the direct case followed by the substantive postposition atin9 to form an agentive constituent N x atin in the passive clause. In our data N t is always an animate nominal. (3) The passive clause contains either: (a) A direct or accusative case nominal N2(-a) as PASSIVE DIRECT OBJECT relating to a direct object N 2 (-a) in the active clause. In some instances, both active and passive clauses also contain a dative case nominal N 3 -d as indirect object. or b) A dative case nominal N 2 -d as PASSIVE DATIVE OBJECT relating to a dative object N 2 -d in the active clause. 3a and 3b may be taken to define two subtypes of passive clauses. The relationships above are expressed transformationally and exemplified in 5.1211 and 5.1212 below, taking the passive clauses as transforms. 5.1211 With an Active Transitive Clause as Base (3a) :

8

This section on impersonal clauses is that which has been most revised from the earlier version of this study and it is now less an account of Mr. M. W. S. de Silva's idiolect than any other section, diverging from it primarily in the occurrence of accusative case forms. It represents a dialect in which the latter occur more frequently, especially as represented in the speech of Mr. W. S. Karunatillake, a native of Yagodamulla, about 18 miles north of Colombo. The number of types recognized and their analysis has been altered, but not drastically. (The chief difference is that inactive clauses are now sharply distinguished from passive.) Rather, the occurrence of accusative case forms in certain types merely confirmed for the most part conclusions reached earlier without them. We would not now have a different analysis from the present one for the earlier data without the accusative, although one clear-cut, simple, and thus useful indication of differences between some types would be lacking. • atin is also the instrumental case form of the noun ata 'hand', ata appears as a nominal postposition in all four cases, but the use of atin to form an agentive constituent is characteristic of passive clauses. Whether or not this agentive atin should be identified morphologically (as against etymologically) with ata 'hand' is doubtful, but in any event the decision is of no real consequence for the analysis of passive clauses here.

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Nx (N 3 -d) N 2 (-a) V A ' c Af Subject Indirect Direct Active Object Object Transitive Verb

N x atin (N 3 -d) N 2 (-a) VpAf Agentive Indirect Passive Passive Constituent Object Direct Verb Object

EXAMPLES:

banda pol siiak witara kadanawa -* ' N j Banda/N 2 :coconut-p hundred-k about/V A Af:pick-npt-a' == 'Banda picks about a hundred coconuts'. banda atin pol siiak witara kxdenawa ' N t aim:Banda atin/N^:coconut-p hundred-k about/V p Af:get+pickednpt-a' 10 = 'Banda can pick about a hundred coconuts'. mahattea ee wxda karaawi ' N j : gentleman/N 2 : that work/V A Af: do-wi' = 'The gentleman will do that work'. mahattea atin ee wxda kereewi ' N ! atin: gentleman atin/N2:that work/V p Af: get+done-wi' = 'That work might get done by the gentleman'. mee denna ada akkareeka witara goyan kapanawa -+ ' N j '.these two-anim./today/N 2 : acre-k-g about rice+plant-P/V A Af:cut-npt-a' = 'These two are cutting about an acre of rice plants today.' mee denna atin ada akkareeka witara goyan ksepenawa ' N j atin: these two-anim. a/j'w/today/N2: acre-k-g about rice+plant-p/V p Af: get+cut-npt-a' = 'These two might cut about an acre of rice plants today'. lamea kurullawa maraawi -* ' N i : child/N 2 -a: bird-a/VAAf: kill-wi' = 'The child might kill the bird'. lamea atin kurullawa mxreewi 'Nj. atin: child aim/N 2 -a: bird-a/V p Af: get+killed-wi' = 'The bird might be killed by the child'. mama lamenta salli denawa -+ ' N t : I/N 3 -d: child-d/N 2 : money/VAAf: give'. = 'I give the child money'. mama atin lameala salli dewenawa 'Ni atin: I atinjN3-d: child-d/N 2 : money/V p Af: get+given-npt-a' = 'I might give the child money'. The examples above all have primary transitive clauses as base. In the three that follow, the base is a secondary transitive clause, the third one of the kawanawa subtype: 10

' g e t + V + e d ' is used as a standard gloss for verbs in passive clauses, just as g e t + t o + V was for causatives. Actually, passive clauses commonly involve special senses and shades of meaning as suggested by the translations following the glosses.

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75

lamea aswea duawanawa ' N ! :child/N 2 :horse/VcAf :run-npt-a' = 'The child runs the horse'. lamea atin aswea diwenawa ' N t atin: child atin[N2: horse/V p Af: get+run-npt-a' = 'The child might run the horse'. lamea dua watfanawa 'N x :child/N 2 :daughter/V c Af :drop-npt-a' = 'The child drops the daughter'. lamea atin dua wxfenawa 'Nx atin :child 'day-k-d/N 2 : coconut-p hundred-k about/V A Af:cut-npt-a' = 'About a hundred coconuts a day are picked'. dawasakafa pol siiak witara kxdenawa 'day-k-d/N 2 : coconut-p hundred-k/Y p Af:get+picked-npt-a' = 'About a hundred coconuts a day get picked'. ee wxda ikamanafa karaawi —• ' N 2 : that work/quick-d/V A Af: pick-wi' = 'That work might be done quickly' ee wzeda ikmana(a kereewi 'N 2 :that work/quick-d/V p Af: get+done-wi' = 'That work might get done quickly'. Clauses like the transforms above do not fulfill condition 2 given earlier in that they lack an agentive constituent. They share the active-passive relationship in all other respects, however, and may usefully and convincingly be considered passive clauses, particularly in view of the parallelism to active clauses without subjects. 5.1214 Passive Clauses — Residue and Limitations — Passive clauses have been defined primarily in terms of their transformational relationship to active clauses, whether dative object or transitive. We may now examine the adequacy with which the definition and connected transformational relationships account for the relevant portion of our data. Passive clauses with passive dative objects are accounted for satisfactorily by the transformation stated, but the number of such passive clauses, as well as of active dative object clauses, is quite small. With regard to passive clauses with passive direct objects, we ask first the regularity with which the transformation producing that type applies to transitive active clauses

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providing there is a corresponding P verb; i.e. the extent of residue at the base end. We then look for residue at the transform end; that is, clauses that resemble passive ones but lack the transformational derivation. There appear to be a number of restrictions, not yet statable in general terms, upon the freedom with which transitive active clauses transform to the passive. Frequently, they concern the subject of the base clause (hence the agentive constituent in the transform). Thus such active transitive clauses as the following: hungak denaa triiroos paawicci+karanawa 'Njimany people/N 2 : Three-Roses/ VAAf: use (phrasal verb)-npt-a' = 'Many people use Three Roses (cigarettes)'. mama dostara{a bila gewanawa 'N x :I/N 3 -d:doctor-d/N 2 :bill/V A Af:pay-npt-a' = 'I pay the bill to the doctor', will not transform in a straightforward fashion to the passive, and the clauses: * hungak denaa atin triiroos paawicci kerenawa *mama atin dostara{a bila gewenawa are not acceptable to at least one informant. However, if the subjects are deleted from the active clauses, the transformation may take place, producing acceptable results: triiroos paawicci kerenawa 'Three Roses get used'. dostara{a bila gewenawa 'The doctor gets paid his bill'. In other cases, the passive transform of an active clause is not acceptable unless certain adverbials are present. Thus the active transitive clause mama watfuwseda karanawa 'N 1 :I/N 2 :carpentry/V A Af:do-npt-a' = 'I do carpentry', will not transform, for one speaker, to an acceptable passive clause, but mama waduwxda hondafa karanawa'

well

' = 'I do carpentry well',

will: mama atin waduwxda honda(a kerenawa 'N x atin: I V p Af: get-done-npt-a' = 'I can do carpentry well'.

atin/N2/carpentry/well/

These two types of restrictions accord with the fact that passive clauses commonly lack agentive constituents and that they rarely occur in a "skeletal" form with only major constituents present. Here we must bear in mind also that passive clauses are not only much less frequent than active ones or than some other impersonal ones, but are likely to have special, difficult to translate senses, frequently with implications of potentiality or possibility (hence the 'can' or 'might' in some of the translations of examples). In many cases involving seemingly arbitrary restrictions on transforming a given active to a passive clause, it appears that the non-allowed clause is semantically

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strange, given the special senses of the passive. That is, the result may be grammatical, but it is "ontological nonsense" in Bolinger's happy phrase, 11 a notion reinforced by the observation that the extent to which passive clauses thus coined are accepted seems to vary with the informant. The passive transformation does in fact appear to be a live, productive one applying to transitive active clauses providing there is a corresponding P verb that appears in active clauses, though it may be necessary to state specific restrictions. We do, however, have residue at the transform end; that is, clauses that resemble passive clauses but are not apparently derivable by the transformation that produces the latter. The phrasal verb ahaka yanawa 'go to waste, be wasted' occurs with an atin constituent: lamea atin piduru ahaka +yanawa 'boy atin straw go+to+waste-npt-a' = 'The boy might waste the straw'. We have not found such an atin phrase occurring with yanawa 'go' or any other phrasal verb containing it, nor have we been able to elicit any such, so that the passivelike distribution appears to be specifically a characteristic of ahaka yanawa. The other apparent exceptions to the occurrence of atin phrases only in transformationally derived passive clauses concern clauses with phrasal verbs formed with wenawa. Such phrasal verbs occur in clauses resulting from verbalizing transformations, and their relationship to the passive/active distinction requires special investigation that will be further considered under the relevant verbalizing transformation in 6. For the present, we can only consider clauses with ahaka yanawa or wenawa and atin constituents to constitute a marginal, non-transformationally derivable subtype of passive clause. 5.122 Inactive Clauses — resemble passive clauses without agentive constituents, but differ from them in important respects, notably in lacking their possible transformational derivation and expandability by an atin constituent. Semantically, they often imply a participant acting without volition as a result of some external force or agency. 5.1221 With Animate Nominals — The animate nominal appearing as INACTIVE SUBJECT is in the accusative, or optionally the direct, case. The verb is either a P verb or one of an apparently small set of A verbs: N(-a) Inactive (Animate) Subject

V A ' p Af Inactive Animate Verb

maawa gangafa wz(eewi 'N-a:I-a/river-d/V p Af :fall-wi' = 'I might accidentally fall into the river'. wxssafa maawa temenawa 'rain-d/N-a:I-a/V p Af:get+wet-npt-a' = 'I'm getting wet from the rain'. "

"Syntactic Blends and Other Matters", p. 367.

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79

nagiddi lameawa lissuna 'climb-ddi/N-a: child-a/V p Af: slip-pt-a' = 'The child slipped while climbing'. minihawa gxhenawa 'N-a:man-a/V p Af:shiver-npt-a' = 'The fellow is shivering'. minihawa erenawa 'N-a:man-a/V p Af:be+stuck-npt-a' = 'The fellow is stuck'. The examples above all have P verbs. The A verbs that appear in such clauses appear for the most part to be the corresponding A verbs to some of the P verbs that so appear, serving as optional variants. Thus lissua 'slipped' from lissanawa 'slip' (A) could appear in the third example above instead of lissuna from lissertawa 'slip' (P), and there are other such sets such as wadinawa CA) wxdenawa (P) 'strike (accidentally or of clocks)'. However, such is not always the case. Thus wewlanawa 'shiver', an A verb, might occur in place of gsehenawa in the example above, but is not a corresponding verb to it. Where there is a corresponding A verb (setting aside the kind just mentioned) to an inactive P verb, it may be either transitive or intransitive. If transitive, derivation of the inactive clause from a primary transitive clause will be unconvincing even when mechanically possible, and if intransitive, the same will hold for derivation from a secondary transitive clause with the corresponding C verb. Thus the temenawa 'get wet' clause above is not convincingly derivable from a clause with the transitive active A verb temanawa 'moisten, wetten'. Similarly, those with wsefenawa 'fall' and erenawa 'be stuck' are not convincingly derivable from secondary transitive clauses with the C verbs watfanawa 'drop' or erawanawa 'stop, obstruct someone', although derivation in the opposite direction is more likely and will be considered later. It should be noted that the class of P verbs appearing in inactive clauses is not mutually exclusive with that for passive clauses. Thus there are pairs such as: Inactive: lameawa w&feewi 'child-a fall-wi = 'The child might fall'. Passive: (miniha atiri) lameawa wxfeewi '(man atiri) child-a get+dropped-wi = 'The child might be dropped (by the man)'. The passive clause in such sets will be derivable from a secondary transitive clause with the corresponding C verb or a primary transitive clause with the corresponding A verb, and the passive but not the inactive clause may be expanded by an agentive constituent with atin. 5.1222 With Inanimate Nominals — The inanimate nominal occurring as inactive subject will be in the direct case. The verb will usually be a P verb but as with animate nominals may be one of a small set of A verbs: N Inactive (Inanimate) Subject

V A ' p Af Inactive Inanimate Verb

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wxssafa wii temenswa 'rain-d/N:unhusked-rice/VpAf:get-wet-npt-a* = 'The unhusked rice is getting wet from the rain'. pihia(a ata kxpuna 'knife-d/N: hand/V p Af: get-cut-pt-a' = 'The hand accidentally got cut by the knife'. hulangafa gaha wxfuna 'wind-d/N:tree/V p pt-Af:fall-pt-a' = 'The tree fell from the wind'. gas hellenawa 'N:tree-p/V p Af:shiver-npt-a' = 'The trees are shivering'. As with animate nominals, some A verbs may occur as alternants with their corresponding P verbs. Thus pupuranawa 'burst, split' (A) and pipirenawa 'burst, split' (P) are mutually substitutable: liia auafd pipirenawa 'N: wood/sunshine-d/VpAf: split-npt-a' or liia aus(3 pupuranawa ' sun'.

VAAf: split-npt-a' = 'The wood is splitting from the

Since inactive clauses with inanimate nominals resemble agentless passive clauses on the one hand and intransitive active clauses on the other, they involve some special problems of identification. The features distinguishing them from passive clauses are the same as for clauses with animate nominals (5.1221), i.e. lack of an atin constituent and transformational derivation, though there may be uncertainty and homonymity in some cases where there is a corresponding active transitive verb. Thus the example with kzpuna 'get cut' above might be taken as a passive clause related to an active one with ksepua 'cut (transitive)', but if there is no agent (even an unspecified one) implied, so that the sense is roughly 'My hand got cut on the knife'; it seems best to include it among the inactive ones. However, there is a possible homonymous passive clause with a zeroed atin constituent and the sense '(someone) cut (his or someone else's) hand accidentally with the knife'. There will be numerous other such cases. Hence pingaana binduna 'the plate broke' or 'the plate was broken by someone'; mzsima kseduna 'the machine broke down' or 'the machine was broken by someone', etc. The dative case of pihiap 'with the knife' in the example requires comment and will be dealt with shortly. The distinction between inactive clauses with inanimate nominals and intransitive active clauses is more difficult to make, since the most clear-cut signs of the activeimpersonal distinction — optional accusative case marking and person-related affix co-occurrence — do not apply with inanimate nominals. While this subtype could thus be eliminated and merged with intransitive clauses, particularly since the latter already include some clauses with P verbs, they are kept distinct in view of the following considerations. First, there is a large overlap between animate inactive verbs defined by the clauses of the preceding subsection, and inanimate active verbs as defined by the clauses under

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81

discussion. Compare, for example, the clauses above with temenawa 'get wet' and wzfenawa 'fall' with the undoubtedly impersonal clauses with the same verbs in the preceding subsection, and piccenawa 'get burned' and many others may similarly appear: maawa gindarafspicceewi 'I-a fire-d get-burnt-wi' = 'I might get burnt by the fire'. ata gindarafa picceewi 'hand fire-d get burnt-wi' = 'The hand might get burnt by the fire'. It seems reasonable to associate pairs like the above in a single major type, even though the inanimate nominals cannot inflect for the accusative. The overlap is not complete, however, and in many instances co-occurrence restrictions intervene so that a given verb may occur with animate but not inanimate nominals or vice-versa. Thus gzhenawa in the sense 'shiver' occurs only with animate nominals. On the other hand, issenawa 'rise' seems to occur only with inanimate, so that we have: dsn ploofar+eka issenawa now/N: float/VpAf: rise-npt-a' = 'Now the (carburetor) float is rising'. but dxn maawa issenawa 'I am now involuntarily rising' is unlikely and apparently unacceptable. Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to include such clauses with inanimate nominals and P verbs in a single class with those like the piccenawa clause above that they most resemble. Secondly, the semantic distinction between volitive, active participation and involitive, passive participation is a deepseated one in Sinhalese receiving formal expression in numerous ways, the most fundamental one being the overall distinction between active and involitive clauses. It thus appears warranted to continue its recognition when dealing with these inanimate nominal clauses, as we are forced to in dealing with those with animate nominals. This entails the recognition that inaminate nominals are characteristically treated as incapable of participation of the first, volitive kind in Sinhalese, so that we would expect them (when they are the equivalent of English subjects) to appear commonly in inactive clauses and hence with P verbs. This is in fact the case, and while no actual count for a large corpus has been made, the occurrence of inanimate nominals as subjects of A verbs appears to be rare, with a few verbs such as yanawa 'go', enawa 'come' constituting notable exceptions (as well as, of course, those like pupuranawa that alternate with their corresponding P verbs). Hence classifying clauses like those as impersonal, specifically inactive, ones above would appear a further recognition of an important characteristic of Sinhalese. Another way in which the fundamental volitive-involitive semantic distinction is marked requires mention here, since it enters into the analysis of clauses. There are in Sinhalese two main types of adverbials that may broadly be called "instrumental": dative case nominals and instrumental case nominals. In general, the instrumental

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case ones imply a consciously used or manipulated instrument, and generally appear in active clauses: mama aid pihien kzpua 'I hand knife-i cut-pt-a' = 'I cut my hand with the knife (purposely),' while the dative case ones signify an instrument or agency outside conscious or potential control, and commonly appear in impersonal clauses with implications of accidentality, as in the (passive) clause: {miniha atiri) atd pihidtB ksepuna ('man atiri) hand knife-d get-cut-pt-a' = 'The hand got cut by the knife (by the man)' or in the examples of inactive clauses above. The extent to which the instrumental case ones occur in impersonal clauses is not yet clear, but it appears to be rare. They may be allowable in passive clauses: miniha atin belh kaduen ksepuna 'man atin throat sword-i get-cut-pt-a' = The man's (own) throat got cut by him with the sword'. But such clauses appear to strike an informant as artificial at best. (The suitability of these instrumental adverbials in active clauses as compared to passive clauses will clearly require eventual restatement of the transformation leading from the former to the latter to accommodate it, but the conditions are not yet sufficiently clear.) The instrumental case adverbials appear to be even less allowable in other types of impersonal clauses, including inactive ones. On the other hand, the occurrence of dative case instrumental adverbials in active clauses appears to be similarly rare, but may take place in active clauses of a type to be considered in the next subsection which have a possible transformational derivation from inactive clauses. These limitations on the occurrence of the two kinds of adverbials in different clause types thus reinforce the present classification. Furthermore, while evidence is slim regarding the relationship of various types of impersonal clauses to the transformations to be presented in Section 6, some of the latter, notably the puluan 'can' and oona 'want' clauses of 6.1122 appear not to operate on impersonal clauses, including those here classified as inanimate inactive. For the reasons above, then, we consider the clauses under consideration to be impersonal and to form a subtype together with inactive animate clauses.12 Clauses with inanimate nominals and verbs such as enawa 'come', yanawa 'go' that occur with animate nominals in active rather than inactive clauses pose a special problem in classification. As one aspect of this, transforms according to the puluan 'can' transformation (6.11221) of clearly inactive clauses are generally unacceptable to informants, while transforms of enawa or yanawa clauses with inanimate nominals may meet with hesitation. For the present, such clauses are classified as active, so that clauses with inanimate nominals are inactive only if their verbs are P verbs or one of those A verbs that alternates with them, and/or appear also in inactive clauses with animate nominals. 12

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5.1223 Inactive Clauses and Inter-type Transformations — There appears to be no likely way in which inactive clauses are derivable from some other type. They may, however, serve as bases for two kinds of inter-type transformations. 5.12231 Inactive clauses with animate nominals characteristically have matching intransitive clauses with the same verb and the same nominal that appears as inactive subject of the former as the active subject of the latter. There seem to be two types of relationships involved: (1) Some verbs, such as hxrenawa 'turn' (P), kzrakenawa 'spin' (P) appear to occur freely in both kinds of clauses, if anything more frequently in the active ones: mama hxrennan 'I turn-nnan' = 'I'll turn.' maawa hxreewi 'I-a turn-wi' = 'I might involuntarily turn.' (2) Other verbs, such as lissenawa 'slip' (P), lissanawa 'slip' (A), gzhenawa 'shiver' (P), wadinawa 'strike involuntarily' (A), wzdenawa 'strike involuntarily' (P) occur in both types of clauses, but more frequently in the inactive ones. The active ones are likely to have the sense 'to pretend to do, or to do by an act of will, the otherwise involuntary action of the verb', and the active clauses seem to have a secondary, derived status: maawa eaage xngee wxduna 'I-a his body-g strike-pt-a' = 'I struck him accidentally.' mama eaage xngee wadinnan 'I- his body-g strike-nnan' = 'I'll pretend to strike him accidentally.' Both kinds could by treated alike, with the relationship between inactive and active as either reciprocal or unidirectional either way arbitrarily. However, it seems more realistic simply to consider verbs like hxrenawa as entering into both intransitive active and inactive clauses as kernel clauses, and for the second group to consider the inactive clauses basic, and the active ones, which seem to be relatively marginal, as derived from them by a transformation converting them to active clauses simply by eliminating the optional accusative case (and, of course changing agreement characteristics), i.e.: N(-a) Inactive Subject

V-Af Inactive Verb

N Subject

V-Af Active Intransitive Verb

5.12232. — At least some inactive clauses may serve as bases for a transformation leading to secondary active clauses. It is like that with active intransitive clauses as base given in 5.11221, except for the optional accusative marking in the inactive base clause. V c is the corresponding C verb to the A or P verb of the base clause: N,(-a) Inactive Subject

Vp'AAf Inactive Verb

->

N2 Subject

N t (-a) Object

V c Af Secondary Transitive (C) Verb

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With such a transformation, we will be able to account for such clauses as mama minihawa erawannan 'I'll stop the fellow' as follows: minihawa ereewi Ni-a i man-a/VpAf:be-stuck-wi' = 'The fellow is stuck.'

-> mama minihawa erawannan 'N 2 :1/N^a:man-a/V c Af: stop-nnan' = 'I'll stop the fellow.'

Here, as elsewhere, details as to the manner in which verbal affixes are to be dealt with in transformations remain to be worked out. The affix change above follows from the different type of clause involved, since the -wi affix is not possible in the active transform. Other examples are: lameawa gilenawa 'N-a: child-a/VpAf: drown-npt-a' = 'The child is drowning.' malliwa wasssafa temenawa 'N-a:younger brother-a/rain-d/V p Af: get+wet-npt-a' = 'Younger brother is getting wet from the rain.'

miniha lameawa gilawanawa 'N 2 : m a n / N r a : child/V c Af: drown-npt-a' = 'The man is drowning the child.' -* ohee malliwa wzssafa temawanawa N 2 :you/Nj-a:/rain-d/V c Af cause+ to+get+wet-npt-a' = 'You are making younger brother get wet from the rain.'

In the latter example, the transform appears to be unusual, but grammatically possible. The corresponding A verb, temanawa is transitive, and with the transform above, we may compare the following primary transitive clause with temanawa and a different sense: ohee harakawa temanawa 'N x : you/N 2 -a: cow-a VAAf: wetten-npt-a' = 'You are wetting the cow.' Note also the dative case instrumental adverbial in the transform above, carried over from the underlying inactive clause. It would be possible to convert inactive clauses to active as in 5.12231 and then apply the secondary active transformation of 5.11211, but this would not only involve an extra step, but be semantically less convincing. Also, by deriving directly from inactive clauses we obviate the necessity of a double case change when the base clause is an animate inactive one. In accordance with this, the wzfenawa 'fall' base clause from which the secondary transitive waffanawa clause of 5.11211 was derived should now be considered an inactive clause (if active it would be a transform by 5.12231 since wzfenawa belongs to the second group of verbs in that subsection). Limitations as to which inactive clauses may be transformed to secondary transitive ones are still not clear, but in many cases it appears that for these that will not transform, the resulting clause simply does not make sense. 5.123 Involitive Clauses — include, or may be expanded to include, a dative case

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nominal as INVOLITIVE ACTOR. This constituent is relatable, where inter-type transformations obtain, to the subject of a matching active clause, and in our data is always an animate nominal. In general, involitive clauses imply involuntary or automatic action from internal rather than external causes, but they also show a wide range of special meanings. Involitive clauses fall into three groups: ORDINARY INVOLITIVE, PERCEPTION, and PERSONAL STATE clauses. 5.1231 Ordinary Involitive Clauses — are linked by inter-type transformations to active clauses. They fall into two groups on the basis of whether or not they include a direct case nominal as INVOLITIVE DIRECT OBJECT. Verbs occurring as predicators are P verbs. 5.12311 Without Involitive Direct Objects N-d Involitive Actor

VpAf Involitive Verb

ma{3 nsefenawa 'Nj-drl-d/VAfiget+dancing-npt-a' = 'I get to dancing' mallifa nitarama ¡endenawa ' N ^ d : younger-brother-d/always/VpAf: get+cryingnpt-a' = 'Younger brother always breaks out crying'. hxma irida ma ma{a kolatfiba yzwenawa 'Every Sunday emphatic/N 1 -d:I-d/ Colombo-g/V p Af:get+going-npt-a' = 'Every Sunday I find myself going to Colombo'. Some involitive clauses which will not allow the occurrence of an involitive direct object include Involitive Dative Objects: mafa unfa bxnenawa 'I-d they-d get-scolding-npt-a' = 'I (involuntarily) scold them'. Active intransitive clauses serve as bases for the inter-type transformation yielding involitive clauses without involitive direct objects: TRANSFORMATIONAL DERIVATION:

Nx Subject

VA Active Intransitive Verb

Nj-d Vp Involitive Involitive Actor Verb

V p represents the corresponding P verb to VA. malli nitarama andanawa 'younger+brother always cry-npt-a' = 'Younger brother always cries'.

mallita nitarama zndenawa 'younger+brother-d always get+cryingnpt-a' = 'Younger brother always breaks out crying'.

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hxma irida ma mama kolarfiba yanawa -» 'every Sunday emphatic I Colombo-g go-npt-a' = 'Every Sunday I go to Colombo'. hxma irida ma map kolarfiba ysewenawa 'every Sunday emphatic I-d Colombo-g get+going' = 'Every Sunday, I find myself going to Colombo'. mama nafanawa ma(a nxfenawa 'I dance-npt-a' = 'I-d get+dancing-npt-a' = 'I am dancing'. 'I get to dancing'. Involitive dative objects are derived from the dative objects of verbs in 5.1114: Nt N 2 -d VA Subject Dative Dative Object Object Verb

N x -d N 2 -d Involitive Involitive Actor Dative Object

mama unfa baninawa 'I they-d scold-npt-a' = 'I scold them'.

Vp Involitive Verb

mafa unfa bznenawa 'I-d they-d get+scolding-npt-a' = 'I (involuntarily) scold them'.

Verbs that appear in inactive clauses do not appear in involitive clauses. This constitutes a major limitation on the first transformation above, since active intransitive clauses containing those verbs as predicators will not enter that transformation. Otherwise, the data suggests that the transformations above apply quite freely to clauses of the types specified providing that there is a P verb corresponding to the A verb of the base clause, although the results may be semantically strange in some cases. 5.12312 With Involitive Direct Objects Nj-d Involitive Actor

N2 Involitive Direct Object

VpAf Involitive Verb

mafa kawi kiawenawa ' N j d i l - d / N j poetry/V p Af:get + reciting-npt-a' = 'I start reciting poetry (despite myself)'. putaafa waeli kzwenawa 'N 1 -d:son-d/N 2 :sand/V p Af:get+ eating-npt-a' = 'The son is eating sand'. Clauses of this kind are rare in our data. Those that do occur are derivable from primary active transitive clauses in a manner parallel to that in which those without involitive direct objects are derived from active intransitive clauses:

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

Ni Subject

N2 Direct Object

VAAf • ^ Nj-d Primary Involitive Active Actor Transitive Verb

mama kawi kianawa 'I poetry say-npt-a' 'I recite poetry'. putaa wseli kanawa 'Son sand eat-npt-a' = 'The son eats sand'.

•

87

N3 VpAf Involitive Involitive Direct Verb Object

ma/a kawi kiawenawa 'I-d poetry get+reciting-npt-a' 'I start reciting poetry'. putaafa wseli kaswenawa 'son-d sand get+eating-npt-a' = 'The son is eating sand'.

On the basis of a number of clauses tested, the proportion of active transitive clauses entering this transformation appears to be lower than that for active intransitive clauses entering the transformations of 5.12311 to form involitive clauses. At present, any restrictions that might be involved are not statable other than by assuming that this transformation defines a special subclass of active transitive verbs (and a subclass of corresponding P verbs that appear in the transforms). 5.1232 Perception Clauses — have members of a relatively small class of P verbs falling under the semantic rubric of "verbs of perception" as predicators. They resemble ordinary involitive clauses with involitive direct objects in form but as a group do not appear to share their possible transformational derivation from active clauses. Perception verbs often have no corresponding A verbs, or stand in specialized semantic relationships to them. They include: zhenawa 'hear' (A. ahanawa 'listen, ask'), dznenawa 'feel' (A. dannawa 'know'), peenawa 'see, can see' (No A, but C pennanawa 'show'), ridenawa 'hurt, feel pain' (No A or C). N x -d Involitive Actor

N2 Involitive Direct Object

VpAf Perception Verb

lameafa kataawa xhenawa 'Nj-d:child/N 2 : story/V p Af: hear-npt-a' = 'The child hears the story'. mafa ada rasne dxnenawa ' N t - d : I/today/N 2 : heat/V p Af: feel-npt-a' = 'I feel the heat today'. api{a pansala peenawa 'N x -d: we-d/N 2 : temple/V p Af: see-npt-a' = 'We can see the temple'. Where first person nominals may be substituted for the involitive direct objects, these clauses show the lack of cross-reference characteristic of impersonal clauses:

88

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

ma(a noona peneewi 'N t -d: I-d/N 2 : mistress/VpAf: see-wi' = 'I might see the mistress'. noonafa mama peneewi N t -d: mistress-d/N2:1/VpAf see-wi' = 'The mistress might see me'. Furthermore, animate nominals in this position may for at least some speakers, appear optionally in the accusative case. Thus noona and mama in the examples just above may appear as noonawa 'mistress-a' and maawa 'I-a'. Similarly, with a non-human but animate noun: lamea{a harakunwa peenawa 'Nj-d: child-d/N 2 -a: cattle-a/VpAf: see-npt-a' 'The child sees the cattle'.

=

The formula above may thus be rewritten: N t -d N 2 (-a) VpAf. Superficially, perception clauses with some verbs appear to be derivable by the transformation which produces ordinary involitive clauses with involitive direct objects: -> lamea kataawa ahanawa 'child story listen-npt-a' = 'The child listens to the story.'

lameafa kataawa zhenawa 'child-d story hear-npt-a' = 'The child hears the story'.

However, the semantic specialization of these P verbs with relation to the corresponding A (or C) verbs, where the latter exist, points to disparate ranges of co-occurrences such that matching sets of active and impersonal clauses seem unlikely. Some pairs that match from a purely mechanical standpoint are otherwise unconvincing. Thus: mama acta rasne dannawa 'I today heat know-npt-a' = 'I know the heat today'

-»

ma/a ada rasne dznenawa 'I-d today heat feel-npt-a' = 'I feel the heat today'.

where the semantic connection between the two clauses seems particularly tenuous. Each of the P verbs which appears in perception clauses involves its own particular problems of analysis, and for the present, at least, we consider perception clauses as a group to be a kernel type. — One group of clauses involving a dative case nominal in construction with a predicator does not fit neatly into any of the groups stated so far. They commonly refer to states of feeling or health, and the verb may be either an A or a P verb (sometimes one or the other optionally). Some include a direct case nominal which may not become the focus under the emphatic transformation. The constructional relationships of such nominals to the verb are not clear, and the collocation of nominal and verb is commonly idiomatic13 with other nominals not freely substitutable. Whether or not such nominals appear, the verbs in these clauses 5 . 1 2 3 3 PERSONAL STATE CLAUSES

13

In the sense of Hockett A Course in Modern Linguistics, pp. 171 ff.

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

89

commonly appear in senses outside the ranges of meaning in which they more commonly and freely occur: ma(a naginawa 'I-d climb-npt-a' = 'I get angry'. (naginawa 'climb' is an A verb.) ammafa una gannawa 'Mother-d fever get (P verb)-npt-a' or: ammafa una gsenenawa 'Mother-d fever get (P verb)-npt-a' = 'Mother gets a fever'. (gxnenawa is the corresponding P verb to gannawa 'get, take'.) ma(a hariafa kimihun yanawa 'I-d really sneeze-p go-npt-a' = 'I sneeze a lot'. These clauses are not derivable by inter-type transformations, nor do they appear to undergo any such. They resemble involitive clauses more than any other type and are thus considered to represent the same general construction-type. There are also clauses such as mahatteata hembirisaawa hxduna 'Gentleman-d cold hsede-pt-a' = 'The gentleman caught cold'. with hxdenawa (the corresponding A verb to hadanawa 'make') which resemble personal state clauses and belong to the same construction-type. However, they are derivable by a transformation from one type of non-verbal impersonal clauses and will be so described in 6.1143. 5.124 Inter-Type Transformations — Summary — The inter-type transformations that have been stated for verbal clauses are summarized in the chart below. After each clause type, the kind of verb appearing in it is indicated. Numbers under types ACTIVE TYPES

IMPERSONAL TYPES

Intransitive: A, P 5.12231

Inactive: A , P

Dative Object: A

Involitive: P, A * 5.12311-2

.Primary Transitive: A.

Passive: P, A** 5.1211-4

I

Causative: C 5.1123

t

—•Secondary Transitive: C 5.11221-2 5.12232

Í t * Only P verbs occur in the transformationally derivable subtype, but one non-derivable subtype includes some clauses with A verbs. ** With A verb, status uncertain and not transformationally derived.

90

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

refer to the subsections in which the inter-type transformations leading to them have been described. The inter-type transformations that have been presented appear to represent currently productive relationships that are part of the grammatical machinery available to the native speaker for coining new utterances. However, they have involved, in varying degrees, complex and as yet unformulated restrictions. In general, given a clause of one of the types that they produce, we have been able to account for it, but we have been unable to state restrictions at the base end to predict with a high degree of confidence which transforms would be unacceptable. Part of this can undoubtedly be taken care of by a careful subclassification of verbs, in particular by refinement of our statements concerning A, P, and C verbs (2.212). Such a refinement would entail considering the syntactic behavior of verbs, and in many cases, paying more careful attention to their meanings, in addition to taking shared roots into account. While we do not attempt to carry out such a classification here, we may sketch out, with a few examples, the general form that it would take. Earlier we noted that it seemed preferable to recognize two verbs with the shape paddanawa-, one the corresponding C verb topadinawa 'pedal', the other a transitive active verb with the sense 'rock, make sway' (5.11221). We may now add that for at least some speakers the latter may be considered an A verb with a corresponding P verb pxddenawa and a C verb identical in form but with the meaning 'cause to rock, cause to make sway'. On the other hand, padinawa 'pedal' has a C verb also of the shape paddanawa 'cause to pedal', but a P verb pxdenawa 'get pedalled'. Thus we have two sets, both with transitive active A verbs: Set 1: Set 2:

A padinawa 'pedal' paddanawa 'rock'

P pxdenawa pxddenawa

C paddanawa1* paddanawa

We then find the expected clauses for each set :16 From Set 1: lamea saykalee padinawa 'The child pedals the bike' (primary transitive) mama lameata kiala saykalee paddannan 'I'll get the child to pedal the bike', (causative) mee saykalee honda(a pxdenne nxx 'This bike doesn't pedal well', (agentless passive; nxx negative transformation applied) From Set 2: lamea ammage putua paddanawa 'The child rocks the mother's chair', (primary transitive) 14

All of the paddanawa forms have an alternate form padchwsnswa, but this is a characteristic of numerous verbs that are either C verbs or derived from them. 16 While at least one informant finds all of these examples acceptable, it seems likely from experience with inter-type transformations generally that there will be variations from speaker to speaker with regard to the acceptability of specific ones out of context.

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

91

taatta lameafa kiala ammage putua paddanawa 'Father gets the child to rock mother's chair', (causative) lamea atin ammage ptifua pzddeewi 'The child might rock mother's chair', (passive). A classification into A, P, and C verbs that takes syntactic behavior into account will increase the number of defective sets by creating new ones. Thus gzhenawa 'shiver' appears in inactive clauses with animate nominals (an example appeared in 5.1221), but there is also gxhenawa 'get hit', the P verb for gahanawa 'hit', and the latter also has a corresponding C verb gassanawa 'cause to hit'. Since clauses with gxhenawa 'shiver' do not appear to enter into inter-type transformations with clauses containing any of the others, or indeed into any inter-type transformations whatsoever, these verbs would fall into two sets, one of only one member: Set 1: Set 2:

A gahanawa 'hit'

P gzhenawa gsehenawa 'shiver'

C gassanawa

Similarly, maranawa 'kill' has a corresponding C verb marawanawa 'cause to kill' and P verb mzrenawa, 'get killed', but mserenawa 'die', though identical in shape to the latter, does not appear to enter into a transformational sequence with any of that set, and may be considered to constitute a class of one P verb. Such a classification will in itself carry the information that clauses with gxhenawa 'shiver' and mxrenawa do not enter into secondary causative transformations. They cannot, since there are no corresponding C verbs. Our goal might then be a classification that renders the maximum number of special statements of restriction unnecessary. To accomplish this however, it will be necessary to go a step further, and sometimes assign what might otherwise be considered a single verb to two different sets even though there is no difference in meaning as clear as those that have been dealt with so far, and, in effect, to create 'syntactic homonyms'. For example erenawa 'get stuck' (P) occurs as an inactive verb with both animate and inanimate nominals, but only the clauses with animate nominals appear to undergo a secondary transitive transformation (for an example, see 5.12232). This will require assigning erenawa (animate) to one set and erenawa (inanimate) to another such that only the former has a corresponding C verb and can thus enter into a secondary causative transformation, even though there appears to be no real difference in sense. To illustrate the kind of classification that might be achieved, a sample follows for the verbs that have just been discussed, together with the wzfenawa and kapanawa sets that have been involved in many examples thus far. The latter furnishes an example of a complete, straightforward set, apparently lacking the complications connected with the others. For each set, the type of clause in which the first, or "base" verb occurs is stated. If the classification is correct and properly done, the types of clauses in which the others appear can be told from it, since they will occur in clauses derived by the inter-type transformations summarized in the diagram above.

92

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

erenawa P 'be stuck', inactive (animate); erawanawa C. erenawa P 'be stuck', inactive (inanimate). gxhenawa P 'shiver', inactive (animate). gahanawa A 'hit', dative object; gxhenawa P; gassanawa C. kapanawa A 'cut', transitive, kxpenawa P; kappanawa, kappawanawa C. mxrenawa P 'die', inactive (animate). maranawa A 'kill', transitive; mserenawa P, marawanawa C. wzfenawa P 'fall', inactive (animate and inanimate); watfanawa C. We should note that a base verb may also be used in a type of clause other than that indicated for it. Thus a sequence of clauses produced from one with wzfenewa as a starting point may loop back to produce another with that verb, i.e. inactive (wzjenawa) secondary transitive (waffanawa) -> passive (wzfenawa). Verbs other than the base verb may also appear in more than one type where inter-type transformations require, i.e. secondary transitive (watfanawa) causative (wa{{anawa).

5.2 NON-VERBAL CLAUSES

5.21 General 5.211 Basic Classification — Most non-verbal clauses are either EQUATIONAL or Other non-verbal clauses belong to a few MINOR TYPES less frequently represented in the data.

IMPERSONAL.

5.212 Predicator Marking —5.2121 Adjectives as predicators are marked with the assertion marker -Y under certain conditions as stated in 2.41 and summarized below: 16 When an adjective, or form so headed, is the predicator in an independent basic clause, unless certain transformations to be specified later have been applied: (1) Vowel-final descriptive adjectives are obligatorily marked with -Y: meeka honday 'This+one good -Y' = 'This one is good'. (2) Consonant-final descriptive adjectives are not so marked: meeka alut 'This+one new' = 'This one is new'. (3) The modal adjective puluan and quantifying adjectives are optionally marked with -Y: mafa sinhala puluan (or puluani) 'I-d Sinhalese possible' (or 'possible-Y') = 'I can speak Sinhalese'. " The optional or obligatory marking of adjectival predicators (which will also be foci since we are here concerned with basic clauses) must be distinguished from an optional transformation to be stated later (6.1131) by which -Y is added to the focus of a clause to indicate emphasis.

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

93

mee bat madi (or madii) 'This rice insufficient' (or 'insufficient-Y') = 'This rice isn't enough'. (4) Modal adjectives other than puluan are not marked with -Y: ma(a yarns ootid 'I-d go-nna necessary' = 'I want to go'. The applicability of the rules above to a clause type is symbolized in formulae as (-Y). 5.2122. Non-verbal forms other than adjectives are not marked as predicators except as stated under some specific clause types. 5.22 Equational Clauses Equational clauses have the fundamental form: Subject/Predicate Attribute The predicate attribute may be the predicator alone or the predicator with one or more layers of attributes: meeka alut 'This+one/new' = 'This one is new'. (alut is both predicator and predicate attribute.) meeka kanna honday 'This+one/eat-nna good-Y' — 'This one is good to eat'. (The predicator is honda 'good', obligatorily marked with -Y. kanna is attributive to the predicator and included in the predicate attribute.) In formulae, the predicator alone will represent the predicate attribute unless specific types of attributes distinguish clause subtypes. There may be forms attributive to the bipartite equational construction as a whole, such as mahatteafa in: mahatteafa mee deka honday 'gentleman-d these two good-Y' = 'These two are good for you, sir'. Such attributes will also be represented in formulae only when they distinguish subtypes. The predicator of an equational clause may be an adjectival or a nominal. 5.221 Adjectival Equational Clauses — The predicator is an adjectival, i.e. an adjective, adjective-headed phrase, or form paralleling adjectives in distribution (essentially occurrence in these clauses and their transforms). In the clauses used to establish the type and described in this subsection, the subject is a direct case nominal. There will be clauses derived by transformations in Section 6 that will be analyzed as adjectival equational clauses with subjects of other kinds. 5.2211 Ordinary Adjectival Equational Clauses — are those which do not belong to any of the special subtypes subsequently described. They have the form:

94

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

N Subject

A(-Y) Adjectival Equational Predicator

Descriptive Adjective or Phrase as Predicator: siigirie taanaayama honday ' N : Sigiriya-g resthouse/A(-Y): good-Y' = 'The resthouse at Sigiriya is good'. meeka bohoma rasay 'N:This+one/A(-Y):very tasty-Y' == 'This one is very tasty'. In the last example, bohoma is part of the predicator, not attributive to it. See 4.5. Quantifying Adjective as Predicator: mehee polgedi madii 'here/N: coconut-p/A(-Y): insufficient-Y' = 'There are too few coconuts here'. Modal Adjective as Predicator: mee wzda puluani 'N:this work/A(-Y):possible-Y' = 'This work can be done'. Other Predicators: The ordinal numeral palaweni 'first' may occur as an adjectival equational predicator or its head. The assertion marker does not appear: ee beetd hari pahweni really tops'.

'N:That medicine/A: really first'

'That medicine is

Phrases with the postposition wagee 'like, as' and a direct case nominal axis occur as predicators in these clauses. The assertion marker is optional: mee mahattea yakaa wagee 'N:this gentleman/A(-Y) :devil like' = 'This man is like the devil'. aua gindara wagey 'N:sunshine/A(-Y):fire like-Y' = 'The sunshine is like fire'. 5.2212 Expanded Predicator Equational Clauses — These clauses are characterized by certain types of attributes to the predicator. Such attributes are of two kinds: dative case nominals and infinitive phrases. They stand outside the predicator, since they may become the focus by the emphatic transformation, but within the predicate attribute. 5.22121 Dative Case Nominals as Attributes — The predicator is one of a subclass of descriptive adjectives including kxmati 'liking, pleased', hitawat 'solicitous', aasa 'fond', prayoojanawat 'useful'. We have no examples of modal or quantifying adjectives in clauses of this subtype.

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

95

Nx N 2 -d A(-Y) Subject Attribute Predicator mee pot a mafa prayoojanawat ' N ^ T h i s book/N 2 -d:I-d/A(-Y):useful' = 'This book is useful to me'. mahattea udarafa nz(unwala(a kxmatii ' N t : gentleman/N 2 -d upcountry dancep-d/A(-Y): liking-Y' = 'The gentleman likes upcountry dances'. ee miniha mahajsnea{a hitawat 'N x :that man/N 2 -d:public-d/A(-Y):solicitous' = 'That man has the public's interest at heart'. mama harakmaswalata aasay 'N 1 :I/N 2 -d:beef-p-d/A(-Y)fond-Y' = 'I am fond of beef'. Some indeterminacies concerning the distinguishing of some clauses of this type from equational clauses of another subtype will be dealt with subsequently (5.2114). Dative case transforms of verbal clauses may also occur as attributes in clauses assigned to this subtype. Such transforms will be discussed in 6.42. A token example is given below: eaa mama yanawafa kxmatii 'N x :he/N 2 -d:I go-npt-a-d/A(-Y): liking-Y'='He likes my going'. 5.22122 Infinitive Phrases as Attributes — The subclass of adjectives appearing as predicators clearly shows a large degree of overlap with the dative attribute subclass, and includes the descriptive adjectives kxmati: 'liking, pleased', aasa 'fond' and honda 'good'. Nx Subject

Z V-nna Infinitive Phrase

A(-Y) Predicator

Z represents any constituents other than the infinitive (V-nna) within the infinitive phrase. The examples below are numbered for subsequent reference: (1) mahattea udara{a nsetun balanna kxmatii 'N x :gentleman/Z V-nna: 'upcountry dance-p see-nna/A(-Y): liking-Y' = 'The gentleman likes to see upcountry dances.' (2) mama kolaifiba yanna aasay 'Nx: I/Z V-nna: Colombo-g go-nna/A(-Y): fond-Y' = 'I'm fond of going to Colombo'. (3) harakmas kanna honday ' N t :beef-p/Z V-nna: eat-nna/A(-Y) :good-Y' = 'Beef is good to eat'. (4) mee minissu baninna honday 'N t :These man-p/Z V-nna: scold-nna/A(-Y): good-y' = 'These men are good to scold'. (5) ehee hootalee nawatinnahonday ' N t : There-ghotel/ZV-nna: stay-nna/A(-Y):goodY' = 'The hotel there is good to stay in'. In these and other clauses of this subtype, N x and the constituents of the infinitive phrase may also co-occur in active verbal clauses, so that there is a matching verbal

96

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

clause for each clause of this subtype. However, the position which N t fills in the matching verbal clause is not the same in each case. The following match # 1-3 above: (lv) mahattea udarafa nxfun bahnawa 'The gentleman sees upcountry dances'. (2v) mama kolarfiba yanawa 'I go to Colombo'. (3v) harakmas kanawa '(Someone) eats beef'. In # lv and 2v, N x is the subject. Note that the direct object udarafa nxfun 'upcountry dances' in # l v stands in the same relationship to the infinitive in # 1 . In # 3 v , N j is the direct object. These examples represent the most frequent relationships between N t and the verb in matching verbal clauses. Matching clauses may also be provided for # 4 and #5, but Ni will appear in a position other than direct object or subject, and in a different case: (4v) mee minissunfa baninawa '(Someone) scolds these men'. (minissunfa is in the dative case as object of baninawa.) (5v) ehee hootalee nawatinna 'Stay in the hotel there', (hoofalee is in the genitive case as an adverbial.) The existence of matching verbal clauses suggests the possibility of transformational derivation for adjectival clauses of the subtype under discussion. Such a transformational statement is not attempted in this study, for the number of possible positions in which N t may occur in matching verbal clauses leads to complexities that go far beyond the available data. 5.2213 Allocative-Equational Clauses — are a subtype of adjectival equational clause characterized by a dative case nominal as allocative constituent standing in an attributive relationship to an adjectival predicator equational construction: (cf. allocative verbal clauses 5.1113). Nj-d Allocative Constituent

Ni Subject

A(-Y) Adjectival Equational Predicator

The subclass of adjectives appearing as predicators includes all modal and quantifying adjectives and a subclass of descriptive adjectives that includes higa 'scarce', 14 purudu 'accustomed': Descriptive Adjective as Predicator: ma{a mee dawaswala salli higay 'Ni-dil-d/Ni: These day-p-g/A(-Y): scarce-Y' = 'I'm short of money these days'. 17

Some speakers have hinga rather than higa.

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

97

ma(3 ka(9 dam kxzma puruduy 'Nj-drl-d/Nx: mouth burn-npt-a food/A(-Y): accustomed-Y' = 'I'm used to hot food'. Quantifying Adjective as Predicator: ma(9 mee bat madii ' N j - d i l - d / N ^ T h i s rice-p/A(-Y) insufficient-Y' = 'This rice isn't enough for me'. ohe{3 oyd salli seti ' N j - d i y o u - d / N ^ T h a t (2P.) money-p/A(-Y): enough' = 'That money you have is enough for you.' Modal Adjective as Predicator: lameafd ee wsedd puluani 'N 2 -d:child/N 1 :That work/A(-Y) possible-Y' = 'The child can do that work'. mahattea{9 nawakataa+potak oom 'N 2 -d:gentleman/N 2 :novel+book-k/A(-Y): wanted' = 'The gentleman wants a novel'. bxx as Predicator: The quasi-verb bzz 'impossible, can't' has privileges of occurrence resembling those of modal adjectives, differing from them only when certain transformations are applied to clauses in which it appears as predicator. Clauses such as the following are thus most simply analyzed as belonging to the subtype under discussion: ma{3 sinhdte bxx 'N 2 -d: I-d/N t : Sinhalese/A(-Y): impossible' = 'I can't (speak) Sinhalese'. Other environments in which bxx patterns with modal adjectives, as well as the ways in which it diverges from them, will appear in the transformational section (6). 5.22131 One adjective in the data, higd 'scarce' appears as predicator in a clause with an allocative constituent of the form direct case nominal plus substantive postposition langa (compare the allocative verbal clauses with such a constituent in 5.1113). mahattea langa dsen salli higay 'gentleman langa now money-p scarce-Y' = 'The gentleman is short of money now'. 5.2214 Indeterminacy in Assignments to Subtypes — Like other clauses, allocativeequational clauses and expanded predicator clauses with dative case attributes are subject to optional order transformations, and the possibility of variant linear orderings of constituents leads to difficulties in assigning some clauses to one subtype or the other. Consider the following optional order transformations: Expanded Predicator Clauses:

98

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

Ni N 2 -d A(-Y) -> N 2 -d N t A(-Y) (1) mahattea eekafa kxmatii 'The gentleman likes that one'. (la) eekafa mahattea kxmatii 'The gentleman likes that one'. Allocative-Equational Clauses: N 2 -d N i A(-Y) - Ni N 2 -d A(-Y) (2) ma(a sinhab puluani 'I can (speak) Sinhalese' ->• (2a) sinhala map puluani 'I can speak Sinhalese'. In these examples, and a large number of others, the order on the left ( # 1 and # 2 ) appears quite clearly to be a neutral order, and other orders ( # l a and # 2 a ) involve special emphasis on some constituent. (The emphatic transformation is in no case involved. All are basic clauses with the assertion marker on the predicator.) Descriptive adjectives such as santoosa 'glad', hitawat 'solicitous', ksemati 'liking, pleased', prayoojanawat 'useful', aasa 'fond' occur in our data in clauses in which the neutral order is like # 1 . Modal and quantifying adjectives and some descriptive adjectives such as higa 'scarce' occur in clauses with a neutral order like # 2 . The existence of two constructions thus appears to be clear, and two subtypes of clauses have been described. However, not only does one optional order for each subtype resemble the neutral order for the other, i.e. # 1 is like # 2 a and # l a like # 2 , but some adjectives like honda 'good', naraka 'bad' enter freely into clauses with the N t N 2 -d A(-Y) or the N 2 -d N t A(-Y) order and no apparent difference in 'neutrality' as far as we can judge from informant reaction. Thus given clauses like: (3) mee sapattu mafa honday 'These shoe-p I-d good-Y' = 'These shoes are fine for me'. (4) mata mee sapattu honday 'I-d these shoe-p good-Y' = 'These shoes are fine for me'. We have no basis for taking one as a base from which the other is generated by an optional order transformation. Thus we have two clause subtypes for those like # 1 and # 2 , but no basis for clearly assigning clauses like # 3 and # 4 to either of them. It may be, of course, that there are more than two subtypes involved, and a careful analysis of suprasegmental features, yet to be carried out for Sinhalese, may be helpful. For the present, we simply follow linear order for clauses like # 3 and # 4 , assigning them to the subtypes that shows the same linear order for neutral clauses. Thus # 3 is an expanded predicator clause, # 4 and allocative-equational clause. Adjectives like honda and naraka thus belong to a subclass the members of which appear in clauses of both subtypes. 5.222 Nominal Equational Clauses — The predicator is a direct case nominal, i.e. a noun, noun-headed phrase, or form paralleling them in distribution.

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

99

5.2221 Direct Case Nominals as Subjects — In the clauses used to establish the type, the subject is a direct case nominal : Subject

N.2 Nominal Equational Predicator

mahatteage kaar+eka osfin+ekak ' N , :gentleman-g car/N 2 : Austin-k' = 'The gentleman's car is an Austin'. eeks tunwenipantie potak 'N x :that+one/N 2 : third grade-g book-k' = 'That one is a third grade book'. wxualin wsedi haria bohomd puraana kaale karapu eewa 'N x :tank-p-i greater part/ N 2 :very ancient time-g make-L-pu t h a t + o n e - p ' = 'The majority of the tanks are ones built in very ancient times'. 5.2222 Other Forms as Subjects — Some forms that are not nominals in overall distributional range may serve as subjects. The symbolization N ! is retained for such forms below. 5.22221 The deictic demonstratives — mee 'this, these', oya, ara, ee 'that,those' (2.131) may be subjects of nominal equational clauses: mee triiroos ' N t :these/N 2 Three Roses-p' = 'These are Three Roses (cigarettes)'. This is the only type of clause in which these demonstratives occur as subjects. 5.22222 — There is one example of a nominal equational clause with an infinitive phrase as subject in the data. The newi negative transformation (6.132) has been applied: meeka karanna puluan wsedak newi ' N ^ t h i s + o n e do-nna/N 2 :possible work-k/ newi = 'to do this is not a possible job'. 5.223 Adjectival vs. Nominal Equational Clauses — The following characteristics of adjectival and nominal equational clauses aid in differentiating them. Transformations involved are illustrated and reference is made to the appropriate statements in Section 6. (1) The occurrence of -Y under the conditions stated in 5.2021 is characteristic of adjectival predicator and not nominal predicator clauses. (2) Adjectival predicator clauses, and not nominal predicator clauses, may undergo a negative transformation with nsez (6.11921): mee pota honday 'this book good-Y' = 'This book is good'.

mee pota honda nxx 'This book good n z z ' = 'This book is not good'.

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Nominal equational clauses may undergo a negative transformation with newi (6.132): meeka potak -* meeka potak newi 'this+one book-k' = 'this+one book-k newi = 'This one is a book'. 'This one is not a book'. Adjectival equational clauses will not undergo a newi transformation unless they have first undergone the emphatic transformation. (In the latter case, newi will follow the focus, not the adjectival predicator. See the newi transformation for an example.) (3) Adjectival, but not nominal, equational clauses may undergo nominalizing transformations of the adjectival type (6.41): pota honday -> honda pota 'book good-Y' = 'good book' 'The book is good'. 'The good book'. All three of these criteria may not be applicable in every case. For example, # 1 is not useful when the predicator is a consonant-final form, and there are restrictions on the application of the others, but at least one, and usually more, will be applicable in any given instance. These criteria will also be used in discussing other types of non-verbal clauses. 5.23 Impersonal Non- Verbal Clauses Impersonal non-verbal clauses have a dative case nominal as involitive actor in construction with the predicator. They do not have subjects. They are the non-verbal counterparts of the personal state verbal clauses of 5.1233 and the terms "impersonal" and "involitive actor" are used for them by extension from those verbal clauses. The same criteria for impersonality used for verbal clauses, except for case-marking and the non-allowability of a subject, do not of course apply. The predicator may be an adjectival or nominal, in either case a member of a -imited subclass. 5.231 Adjectival Impersonal Clauses — Forms occurring as predicators are descriptive adjectives or forms so headed, and the general rule for the assertion marker with such adjectives applies. Some adjectives, including saniipa 'well', asaniipa 'sick', mahansi 'tired', nidimata 'sleepy' occur as predicators only in impersonal clauses. There are others that occur in both impersonal and equational clauses. These include (the second meaning, after the hyphen, is for impersonal clauses): hoMa 'good-well', amaaru 'difficult-very ill', tuaala 'injured' (a part)-'injured' (a whole). N-d Involitive Actor

A(-Y) Impersonal Adjectival Predicator

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

101

mahatteafa tuaalay 'N-d: gentleman-d/A(-Y): injured-Y' = 'The gentleman is injured'. noonafa amaaruy 'N-d:lady/A(-Y) very+ill-Y' = 'The lady is very ill'. po4i haadea(a dxn maaseak witara asaniipay 'N-d¡little fellow-d/now/month-k/ about/A-Y: sick-Y' = 'The little fellow has been sick for about a month now'. Adjectival impersonal clauses may undergo a negative transformation with nsese. Whether or not they undergo an adjectival type nominalizing transformation is not yet clear. 5.232 Nominal Impersonal Clauses — have the form: N-d Involitive Actor

N2 Impersonal Nominal Predicator

Almost all nominal impersonal clauses in the data fall into a special class characterized by the applicability to them of a particular verbalizing transformation (with hsedenawa, 6.1143). The nominals occurring as predicators in these clauses fall under the semantic heading of "illness designations" and include una 'fever', hembirissaawa 'cold', mxleeriaawa 'malaria', kahawna 'yellow fever': mahatteafa kahawna 'N 1 -d:gentleman-d/N 2 :yellow+fever' = 'The gentleman has yellow fever'. putaafa una 'N 1 -d:son-d/N 2 :fever' = 'The son has a fever'. There are also nominal impersonal clauses that do not belong to the set described above: eaafa dxn hungak karadara N t -d :he-d/now/N 2 : much-k worry' = 'He has a lot of worry now'. Nominal impersonal clauses do not undergo a negative transformation with nsese or an adjectival type nominalizing transformation. 5.24 Minor Non-Verbal Types Type formulae are not given for minor non-verbal types. 5.241 Price Clauses — The subject is a direct case nominal. The predicator is one of the following: (1) A numeral phrase (2.121) in which the plural noun is one of a limited subclass of currency names, including in our data rupial 'rupees' (sg. rupiala), sata 'cents' (sg. satee).

102

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

(2) The singular of one of the nouns in # 1 . (3) A phrase formed by conjoining two numerals with the conjunction -Y, which appears only on the first numeral in this construction. When these clauses appear as basic clauses, and transformations have not been applied, the numeral or singular noun will appear in the definite and the assertion marker is obligatory unless witara 'about' follows as attribute. In the latter case, the numeral or noun will appear in the indefinite without the assertion marker. mee keselgedi sata tunay 'these banana-p cent-p three-Y' = 'These bananas are three cents'. meeka rupialay ' t h i s + o n e rupee-Y' = 'This one is one rupee'. meepota tunay hatdlihay 'this book three-Y forty-Y' = 'This book is three-forty'. mee badu rupial wissak witara 'These p i e c e + o f + g o o d s - p rupee-p twenty-k about' = 'These goods are worth about twenty rupees'. These clauses may undergo a negative transformation, with nsese. They also may enter an adjectival type nominalizing transformation, but in a different fashion from adjectival equational clauses (6.41). 5.242 Date clauses — The subject is a direct case nominal, the predicator one of a limited number of nominals indicating date (all of which in our data are built on the phrasally bound noun da 'day'). Like nominal equational clauses, these may not undergo a negative transformation with mess, but at least some of them will undergo an adjectival type nominalizing transformation (6.41). ee utsawee pebarawaari hatarawenida 'That festival February fourth-day' = 'That festival is on February fourth.' sinhala aurudda apriel dahatunwenida 'Sinhalese year April thirteenth-day' 'The Sinhalese New Year is on April thirteenth'.

=

5.243 Categorizing Clauses — The subject is a direct case nominal, the predicator a genitive case nominal. These clauses may undergo an adjectival-type nominalizing transformation, but not a negative transformation with nsese. They may undergo a negative transformation with newi. The predicator generally designates either place of origin or allocation: mahattea xmerikaawe 'gentleman America-g' = 'The gentleman is American'. ara miniha dakune 'that man south-g' = 'That man is from the South'. ara pota magee 'that book I-g' = 'That book is mine'. 5.244 Instrumental State Clauses—The subject is a direct case nominal, the predicator one of a limited subclass of nouns in the instrumental case. These clauses do not undergo a negative transformation with nsese. We have no data on nominalizing transformations for this type. The reference is generally to state of health.

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

103

ee miniha ledin 'that man disease-i' = 'That man is sick'. podi haadea dzn maaseak witara asaniipen 'little fellow now month-k about sickness-i' = 'The little fellow has been sick about a month now'. 5.245 Age Clauses— A dative case nominal stands in construction with the predicator. There is no subject. The predicator is a numeral phrase of the form "plural noun + numeral" or two such phrases conjoined with the conjunction- F on the first. In our data, the plural nouns are restricted to aurudu 'years' (sg. aurudda) and maasa 'months' (sg. maase). Rules for the assertion marker are the same as for price clauses. These clauses will undergo a negative transformation with nxx. They appear also to undergo an adjectival-type nominalizing transformation, but the details are not clear. They resemble impersonal non-verbal clauses (5.23) and should perhaps be considered to constitute a third subtype of such clauses. mafa aurudu wissay 'I-d years twenty-Y' = 'I am twenty years old'. mee lameafa aurudu tunay maasa dekay 'this child-d year-p three-(conj-) Fmonthp two- F' == 'This child is three years and two months old'. The dative case nominal need not be animate: mee ge(a aurudu siiay 'this house-d year-p hundred- F ' = 'This house is a hundred years old'. 5.246 Adverbial Predicator Clauses — The subject is a direct case nominal, the predicator an adverbial, either an adverb or a nominal in the genitive or dative case. In our data all are adverbials of location or destination. These clauses will not undergo a negative transformation with nsem. We have no clear data on nominalizing transformations for this type. dzn lameagama 'now child home' = 'The child is home now'. taatta gamee 'father the village-g' = 'Father is in the village'. N O T E : gamee is the genitive case of gama 'village', gama also appears as an adverb of place 'at home, in one's own area or village'. ada magee kaar-eka gaerej+ekee 'today I-g car garage-g' = 'My car is in the garage today'. dua wisaaka widyaaleta 'daughter Wisaka college-d' = 'The daughter goes to Wisaka College'. meeka kalutarafa 'this-one Kalutara-d' = 'This one goes to Kalutara'. For each such clause, there is a possible matching emphatic transform of a verbal clause with one of a very limited set of verbs: yanawa 'go', innawa 'be' (anim.), tienawa 'be' (inan.). Thus for the clauses above (the translations for those above may be carried over):

104

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

dxn lamea inne gama 'now the child be (anim) npt-e home' taatta inne gamee 'father be (anim)-npt-e village-g' ada magee kaar-eka tienne gxrej+ekee 'today I-g car be (inan)-npt-e garage-g' dua yanne wisaaka widyaalefa 'daughter go-npt-e Wisaka college-d' meeka yanne kalutarafa 'this-one go-npt-e Kalutara-d' There may be a difference in implication between the matching clauses, often involving the relative transience of the situation, with the verbless clause implying less permanence. Note that it is the existence of the matching verbal clause that clearly differentiates these clauses with genitive nominals from the categorizing clauses of 5.233, some of which may be identical with them in form: or

ee miniha zmerikaawe .... .. ee miniha inne xmerikaawe ee miniha xmerikaawe

} > J

. . . • , That man is in America . 'That man is American'.

Our adverbial predicator clauses may thus be derived transformationally from emphatic clauses by optional deletion of the verb: N V-T-e Adv. -> N Adv. Where V and Adv. represent the verbs and adverbials specified, respectively. We tentatively choose an emphatic transform as base rather than a basic verbal clause primarily because these clauses and matching emphatic clauses seem to be most easily substituted for each other in discourse, and the focus appears to be the same in both. 5.247 Subjectless Non-Verbal Clauses — The situation with regard to non-verbal clauses without subjects is similar to that for verbal clauses (5.113). Some may be expanded in context by the addition of an explicit subject, and context points to its zeroing. In other cases, however, the context appears to give no evidence of zeroing, and the non-verbal clauses concerned have the same kind of "general statement" or "indefinite actor" sense characteristic of subjectless verbal clauses. Many such clauses in our data show a kind of large-scale similarity of form, in that they consist of a predicator, either adjectival or nominal, accompanied by an adverbial. The adverbial is often a clause transform resulting from one of the "shunting transformations" of 6.2. Examples 1, 2 and 5 below are clauses of this variety. 5.2471 With Adjectival Predicator (1) eeka{a dokfa saraccandrage pota kieuaama xti 'that-d doctor Saratchandra-g book read-pt-aamo enough' — 'For that, it's enough to read Doctor Saratchandra's book'. dokfa saraccandrage pota kieuaama 'When you have read Dr. Saratchandra's book' is a prior temporal transform (6.211).

CLAUSE CONSTRUCTION TYPES

105

(2) honda(a dxna+ganne nsetua amaaruy 'well g e t + t o + k n o w phrasal verb/-npt-e metud difficult-Y' = 'Without getting well acquainted, it's difficult'. hondafa dxna+ganne nxtua 'Without getting to know them well' is a participial transform of a nsese transform (6.232). (3) honday 'good-Y' = 'Fine'. 5.2472 With nominal predicator (4) saappue hariafd wseda 'shop-g really work' = 'There's really work in the shop'. (5) telijja unu+keruaama pxni 'sap heat (phrasal verb)-pt-aama treacle' = 'You heat the sap and you have treacle'. telijja unu keruaama 'When (you) have heated the sap' is a prior temporal transform (6.211).

6. CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

Transformations applying to clauses fall into two major groups: (1) SINGLE-BASE transformations operate upon a single clause1 to produce a single clause, and both base and transform are capable of occurring as independent clauses. (2) DOUBLE-BASE transformations operate upon two clauses, combiningthemin some fashion. Commonly, that part of the transform deriving from one of the clauses is incorporated into, or placed in an attributive relationship to, that part deriving from the other, and this will be the case for all transformations of this kind dealt with in this study. It is possible to approach double-base transformations in a different way. In his study of Huichol, Grimes defines SHUNTING TRANSFORMATIONS as "transformations that operate on an independent clause to yield a clause that stands in a specific grammatical relationship to some other clause".2 In essence this approach looks at double-base transformations from the point of view of one of the base clauses: that which is incorporated or rendered attributive. It has decided advantages at this early stage in the analysis of Sinhalese, since it allows us to retain some of the advantages of a transformational treatment by accounting for a number of kinds of dependent structures found in the data in terms of clause patterns already described, while characterizing their distributions in constructional terms as specifically as the evidence allows. At the same time, it is consistent with the emphasis in this study on singleclause patterns, since it is characteristically the form resulting from the shunting transformation, not that into which it is introduced, that represents a new variety of clause. This approach is thus adopted here. When any transformational statement in this section specifies verbal clauses as bases, "verbal clause" = "active verbal clause" unless impersonal clauses are expressly included, since we have very limited data bearing on the transformational potentialities of the latter.

1 The terms "single-base" and "double base" are borrowed from Householder ("On Linguistic Primes") and used in a slightly different manner. The statement that single-base transformations operate on a single clause is not intended, of course, to exclude the possibility that the base clause may have clause transforms as constituents or attributes. a Joseph E. Grimes, Huichol Syntax, pp. 54 and 62ff.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

107

6.1 SINGLE-BASE TRANSFORMATIONS 6.11 Basic

Transformations

Basic transformations operate upon a basic clause to yield a basic clause. The base may represent one of the types in Section 5 or may itself be a transform resulting from a basic transformation. All basic transformations given in this study, whatever else they may involve, include a change which may be stated in general terms as follows: Where: Pr is the predicator of the base clause and pr is the same form, with a possible change of affix, as it appears in the transform, X represents any and all other constituents in the base clause and the forms derived from them in the transform, and Aux is a general symbol for a form, either verbal or non-verbal, added in a basic transformation: X Pr -*• X pr Aux. Some basic transformations will involve changes to constituents within X, others will not, and the constructional relationships in which Aux stands to other constituents will depend on the transformation in which it is introduced. For most basic transformations, the predicator of the transform will be pr Aux, since pr cannot become the focus under the emphatic transformation. For others, however, pr is shiftable in this way, and the predicator is thus Aux. Where the evidence shows the latter to be the case, that fact will be stated under the transformation concerned. Where no such statement is made, the predicator may be assumed to be pr Aux. When any basic transform undergoes a further transformation, its predicator, whether pr Aux or Aux alone, will of course be Pr for that transformation. In such cases, Aux of the base clause will carry any affixes involved in the transformation, and the class of Aux (sometimes in conjunction with other features) will determine the subsequent transformations that may apply. For example, transforms with verbal Aux will undergo transformations which apply to verbal clauses. Where verbal forms are involved as Pr and Aux, the symbol -Af may occur on both, and thus on both sides of the transformation. In such cases, the range of -Af permissible in the base should not be assumed to be necessarily identical with that of -Af in the transform. The relationship between the ranges of -Af in base and transform remains to be investigated for most transformations of this kind. 6.111 Modal Transformations — "Modal transformation" is used as a convenient term for a basic transformation which operates on a verbal predicator basic clause such that the verb of the base clause appears in the infinitive form in the transform,

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CLAUSE. TRANSFORMATIONS

and Aux, either verbal or non-verbal, is added, with no change to other constituents in the base clause: XV-Af -* X V-nna Aux 6.1111 With Verbal Aux—These transformations are of the general form (Aux. = V 2 ): XVi-Af X-Vi-nna V2-Af The verbs which appear as V2-generally add a sense to the base clause which is quite distinct from the meanings of those verbs when they appear alone as predicators. V 2 includes the following verbs (in each case their general meaning as predicators in the clause types of section 5 is given first, their sense as V 2 here second): balanawa 'see', 'try to'; yanawa 'go', 'going to' or 'go to': enswa 'come', 'about to'; hadanawa 'make', 'prepare to'; gannawa 'get, 'get (down) to'. In addition, the phrase ida tienawa (ida 'space', 'permission' plus tienawa) occurs in clauses in our data which could be derived mechanically by this transformation by including that phrase among Aux. The sense is 'might' and appears to be the same as that for puluan as non-verbal Aux. in a parallel transformation (6.11122). We include an example of ida tienawa (#6), but although such clauses do not fit neatly anywhere else, we wish more data, particularly concerning their transformational potentialities, before concluding that they do in fact belong here. On the basis of our investigation to date, and the testing of a number of clauses, balanawa, yanawa and gannawa occur only with active clauses as base; enawa with both active and impersonal clauses, but more freely with the latter; hadanawa with both active and impersonal clauses but freely with the former, rarely with the latter. ida tienawa occurs with both active and impersonal clauses, with no apparent difference in freedom. The constructional analysis of the resultant clauses is not yet clear, but some aspects of it are presented following the examples. A new convention is introduced here by which only that part of the transform representing a change from the base is given in glosses for transforms. Parts carried over unchanged are represented by ' '. (1) mama perahxra balanna yanawa -> 'I Perahera see-nna go-npt-a' (yanawa is not Aux, here; see below) = 'I am going to see the Perahera.' mama perahxra balanna yanna hadanawa ' go-nna hada-npt-a' 'I am getting ready to go to see the Perahera'. (2) mee paara nidahas utsawee bohoma jayafa pawatwanawa -* 'This time Independence Festival much scale-d. hold-npt-a' = 'This time they are holding the Independence Festival on a grand scale'. mee paara nidahas utsawee bohoma jayafa pawatwanna yanawa ' hold-nna ja-npt-a' =

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

109

'This time they are going to hold the Independence Festival on a grand scale'. (3) mama he(a yanawa 'I tomorrow go-npt-a' 'I am going tomorrow'. mama he(a yanna balannan ' go-nna ¿a/a-nnan' = 'I'll try to go tomorrow'. (4) putaata xndenawa -* 'The boy-d get crying-non past-a' = 'The boy breaks out crying'. (Passive impersonal clause) putaafa sendenna enawa ' get crying-nna e-npt-a' = 'The boy is about to break out crying'. (5) mahattea wxda karanawa 'gentleman work do-npt-a' = 'The gentleman is working'. mahattea waeda karanna gannawa ' do-nna gan-npt-a' = 'The gentleman is getting down to work'. (6) mama gedara yanawa -» 'I home go-npt-a' = 'I am going home'. mama gedara yanna ida tienawa ' go-nna ida i/e-npt-a' = 'I might go home'. All of the verbs occurring as V 2 here (except ida tienawa) also occur as predicators in active clauses of types presented in 5.11: gannawa-, hadanawa, balanawa in transitive, yanawa, enawa in intransitive clauses. When they so occur, they may, like other verbs, have infinitive phrases attributive to them, and the resultant sequences may resemble sequences arising from a modal transformation with the same verb. Thus in the base clause of example 1 above, perahxra balanna 'to see the Perahera' is attributive to yanawa 'go'. These sequences differ constructionally from those resulting from modal transforms in that the verb to which an infinitive phrase is attributive may have other forms attributive to it alone, or if transitive, may have an object. Thus yanawa of the clause in question may have another form attributive to it: mama perahxra balanna nuarata yanawa 'I Perahera see-nna Kandy-d go-npt-a' = 'I am going to Kandy to see the Perahera'. This is not the case where it has been introduced as Aux. in a modal transformation, where any modifiers are carried over from the single base clause. Clauses like that immediately above, however, would presumably result from a double-base trans-

110

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

formation not dealt with in this study in which modifiers of both verbs in the base clauses could be carried over. These modal transforms must be considered among those for which Pr. = Aux. The following is an emphatic transform of the transform in example 1 above. Note -Y marking the focus and the emphatic form of hadanawa: mama perahxra balanna yannay hadanne 'I Perahera see-nna go-nna-Y Aacfo-npt-e' = 'What I'm getting ready for is to see the Perahera'. Those modal transforms which have transitive verbs as Aux could conceivably be considered to be infinitive object clauses (5.11213) although the special senses in which they occur as Aux here suggests that this is not the case. The same analysis would naturally not be possible for those with intransitive Aux. For the present, we consider the constructional description of all of them to be "base clause plus transformation". 6.1112 With Non-Verbal Aux — Aux includes the modal adjective puluan and oona and the quasi-verb xti. 6.11121 With aeti as Aux XV-Af -

X V-nns xti

Active verbal clauses and impersonal clauses of at least the perception type may serve as bases. The implication is past time and probability. Active Clause as Base : mahattea yanawa 'gentleman go-npt-a' = 'The gentleman goes'.

mahattea yanna xti ' go-nna xtV = 'The gentleman must have gone'.

Perception Clause as Base: lamea(a xhenawa -* lameata xhenna xti 'child-d hear-npt-a' = ' hear-nna xtV = 'The child hears'. 'The child must have heard'. These xti transforms are among those for which Pr = Aux, since the infinitive may become the focus (or part of it) by the emphatic transformation. Note the assertion marker and the emphatic form (site) of xti: lameata xhennay xtte 'child-d hear-nna-Y xti (emphatic form)' = 'It must be that the child heard'. 6.11122 With oona or puluan as Aux — X V-Af -> X V-nna I ° 0 " 3 I puluan

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

111

Active verbal clauses may serve as bases, but whether or not this transformation also applies, like the preceding one, to impersonal perception clauses, is not clear, since the transforms would be identical to those resulting from another transformation. This will be discussed further in 6.11223. ootid and puluan as Aux in this transformation have the senses 'must' and 'might' respectively. mama sinhala igartagannawa ->• 'I Sinhalese learn-npt-a' = 'I am learning Sinhalese'. mama sinhala iganaganna oona ' learn-nna oona' = 'I must learn Sinhalese'. mama kalutarap yanawa 'I Kalutara go-npt-a' = 'I am going to Kalutara'. mama kalutarata yanna oona 'I go-nna oona' = 'I must go to Kalutara'. minissu ee gasna prasna ahanawa -*• 'man-p that about question-p ask-npt-a' 'People ask questions about that.' minissu ee gxna prasna ahanna puluani ask-nna puluan-Y' = ' 'People might ask questions about that.' These transforms resemble equational clauses with infinitive phrase attributes (5.21122) and might be considered to represent that subtype. However, they differ from the latter in some important respects. Unlike them, they will not undergo a verbalizing transformation with wenawa (6.1141), and unlike those adjectives that appear in the clauses of 5.21122, neither oona nor puluan ever appears to occur with dative case attributes. All oonajpuluan clauses of this kind in our data are derivable quite simply by the transformation above. While oona appears to be not uncommon in this transformation, puluan seems to be quite infrequent here (though not in another transformation given later in 6.11221 involving puluan and oona), since the 'might' sense is more frequently rendered by the aeti transformation or the -wi form of the verb. 6.112 Infinitive Subject Transformations — These transformations, with both verbal and non-verbal Aux. result in clauses with infinitive phrases as subjects and Aux. as predicators. Our data shows these transformations applied only to active verbal clauses as bases, with the possible exception of those clauses discussed below as

112

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

"Residual Clauses". A nominal occurring as subject of the base clause will appear as a dative case allocative constituent in the transforms, and the verb will appear in the infinitive form. The general statement of these transformations is thus (Z = constituents other than the subject in X): N Subject

Z V-Af Verb

N-d Allocative Constituent

Z V-nna Infinitive Phrase Subject

Aux. Pr.

6.1121 With Verbal Aux — Verbs appearing as Aux are (the second meaning for each is the sense in which it appears as auxiliary here): tiendwa 'be (inan.)', 'be to'; wenawa 'be, become' 'have to', hamba wenawa 'meet', 'get a chance to'. Note that these are the same verbs which appear as predicators in allocative clauses with nominal subjects (5.1113) except that innawa 'be' is lacking, and since the latter verb is restricted to occurrence with animate subjects, its non-occurrence here is not surprising. The transforms here are analyzed as allocative verbal clauses with infinitive phrase subjects (Z as above, V 2 =Aux.). N Z Subject

Vi-Af Verb

N-d Allocative Constituent

Z Vrnna Infinitive Phrase Subject

Va-Af Verb

iie hawasa eaa kolaifiba unna -* 'yesterday afternoon he Colombo-g be (anim)-pt-a' = 'He was in Colombo yesterday afternoon'. iie hawasa eaafa kolarhba inna tiuna ' he-d be (anim)-nna i/e-pt-a' = 'He was to be in Colombo yesterday afternoon'. jinaseena ispiritaalefa giaa -* 'Jinasena hospital-d go-pt-a' = 'Jinasena went to the hospital'. jinaseena{a ispiritaale(a yanna uma 'Jinasena-d go-nna we-pt-a' = 'Jinasena had to go to the hospital'. mehee mama sinhala kataa+karanawa -* 'here I Sinhalese speak (phrasal verb)-npt-a' = 'Here I speak Sinhalese'. mehee mafa sinhala kataa+karanna hamba wenawa ' I-d speak-nna hamba w-npt-a' = 'Here I get a chance to speak Sinhalese'.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

113

6.1122 With Non- Verbal Aux — 6.11221. — There are allocative-equational clauses (5.2113) with infinitive phrases rather than direct case nominals as subjects, i.e. N-d Allocative Constituent

Z V-nna Infinitive Phrase Subject

A(-Y) Adjectival Equational Predicator

where Z V-nna serves as N x of the formula in 5.2113: ma(a kolarfiba yarns puluani 'I-d Colombo-g gonna possible-Y' = 'I can go to Colombo'. mahatteafa mee ksesema kanna honday 'gentleman-d this food eat-nna good-Y' = 'It is good for the gentleman to eat this food'. Such clauses may be generated from active verbal clauses as follows: N Subject

Z V-Af Verbal Predicator

N-d

Z

V-nna

A(-Y)

mama kolarfiba yanawa -* ma(a kolamba yannapuluani 'I Colombo-g go-npt-a' = 'I can go to Colombo' 'I go to Colombo'. mahattea mee kxmma kanawa - 'I paper read-npt-a' = 'I read the paper'.

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ma(a pattaree kiawanna bsese 'I-d read-nna impossible' = 'I can't read the paper'. Descriptive Adjective as A api wenasa kianawa -> 'we difference tell-npt-a' = 'We tell the difference'. apifa wenasa kianna amaaruy 'We-d tell-nna difficult-Y' = 'It's difficult for us to tell the difference'. mama kolarftba yanawa —> 'I Colombo-g go-npt-a' = 'I go to Colombo'. mafa kolarftba yanna aasay 'I-d go-nna appealing-Y' = 'I like going to Colombo'. For transforms resulting from this transformation with the modal adjective epaa as Aux, a wenawa verbalizing transformation, given in 6.1141, must follow. This will be illustrated in that subsection. 6.11222. — There are also ordinary equational clauses with infinitive phrase subjects: Z V-nna A(-Y) Infinitive Phrase Adjectival Subject Equational Predicator wxda karanna amaaruy 'work do-nna difficult-Y' = 'It's hard to work'. harakmas kanna honday 'beef eat-nna good-Y' = 'It's good to eat beef'. The class of forms appearing as A appears to be a subclass of those which occur in the allocative-equational clauses of 6.11221. It includes honda, naraka, leesi, amaaru, but excludes others such as aasa which do not appear with infinitive phrase subjects unless there is an allocative constituent (or context indicates its zeroing). It would appear both feasible and convenient to generate these equational clauses by a transformation like the preceding one, but with subjectless active clauses (5.113) as bases: Z V-Af - V-nna A(-Y) wxda karanawa -> wxda karanna amaaruy 'work do-npt-a' = ' do-nna difficult-Y' = 'Work is done'. 'It's hard to work'.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

115

harakmas kanawa -* harakmas kanna hoñday 'beef eat-npt-a' = ' eat-nna good-Y' = 'Beef is eaten'. It's good to eat beef'. Note that clauses like those immediately above, in which the infinitive phrase subject contains a direct case nominal, may have the same forms in the same linear order as an equational clause with infinitive attribute (5.2112). Thus, where / marks the cut between subject and predicate attribute: Infinitive Phrase Subject: harakmas kannaj honday 'It's good to eat beef'. Infinitive Attribute: harakmas ¡karma honday 'Beef is good to eat'. But only the second will be subject to an adjectival-type nominalizing transformation (6.41) yielding: kanna honda harakmas 'beef which is good to eat'. 6.11223. — Our data includes a very few clauses like the following, which resemble the allocative-equational clauses of 6.11221 but differ in that the infinitive is an impersonal perception verb (5.1232): lameafa sehenna puluani 'child-d hear-nna possible-Y' = 'The child might hear'. lameafa, the apparent allocative constituent, would not be derivable from an active subject but from the involitive actor in a clause such as: lameafa xhenawa 'child-d hear-npt-a' = 'The child hears'. Similar clauses with the modal adjective oona or one of several descriptive adjectives are possible: lameafa sehenna oona 'The child must hear'. lameafa sehenna narakay 'It's bad for the child to hear'. lameafa sehenna honday 'It's good for the child to hear'. Tentatively, such clauses are analyzed as allocative-equational clauses. They may be generated along with those of 6.1122 by including perception clauses as bases, specifying that involitive actors, like active subjects, become allocative constituents (with, of course, no change of case). Z here represents constituents in X other than the involitive actor: N-d Involitive Actor

Z V-Af Perception Verb

N-d Allocative

Z V-nna A(-Y) Infinitive Adjectival Phrase Equational Constituent Subject Predicator

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CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

lameafa xhenawa -*• lameafa xhenna puluani 'The child hears'. 'The child might hear'. All of the forms which appear as A in such clauses also appear in the allocativeequational clauses of 6.1122. The clauses with oona and puluan could as easily be generated by the modal transformation of 6.1112, and their 'must' and 'may' senses (vs. 'want' and 'can' for other allocative equational clauses with them) suggest such a derivation. However, they may, unlike those modal transforms but like allocativeequational clauses with oona and puluan, undergo a wetwwa verbalizing transformation (6.1141) and this provides formal evidence for assigning them to the allocativeequational subtype. A wenawa transform is exemplified by: lameafa sehenna puluan unaa 'child-d hear-nna possible we-pt-a' = 'It became possible for the child to hear'. 6.113 hseki — The form hseki occurs as Aux in a transformation which strongly resembles the infinitive phrase subject transformations of the preceding subsection except that the verb of the base clause appears in the present participial form (Y-ta) in the transform. This is the only position in which we have found the present participle occurring in spoken colloquial Sinhalese, as well as the only position in which hseki has occurred. Rules for the assertion marker are as for descriptive adjectives. The sense of the transform appears to be the same as for an infinitive subject transformation with puluan as Aux. (6.11221). We have no data on subsequent transformations applied to these clauses. api sindu {ikak ahanawa -*• 'we music little-k listen-npt-a' = 'We will listen to some songs'. apifd sindu (ikak ahatd hxkii 'We-d listen-ta hxki-Y' = 'We can listen to some songs'. 6.114 Verbalizing Transformations 6.1141 With wenawa as Aux Verbalizing transformations with wenawa apply to adjectival and nominal predicator clauses, wenawa may appear in the non-past or past tense. 6.11411 With Adjectival Clause as Base — The base clause may be either equational, including allocative-equational and expanded predicator subtypes, (Examples 1-4 and 6) or impersonal (Example 5). Its predicator may be a descriptive, quantifying, or modal adjective (including bsese). This transformation does not apply to modal transforms with oona or puluan (6.11122), although it does to infinitive subject transforms (6.112) with these and other adjectives, as in examples 3 and 6.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

117

The assertion marker, if present, is deleted, and wenawa is added. Some predicators in the base clause appear in a different form in the transform. Thus bxx bxri, and some adjectives, including naraka 'bad', mataka 'remember' appear in stem form (narak, matak) in the transform. The sense is often 'become', but varies with the base clause and the form of wenawa. A A(-Y) - X A we-Af (1) mee goyan lokuy -* mee goyan loku wenawa 'These rice-plant-p big-Y' = ' big we-npt-a' = 'These rice 'These rice plants are big'. plants may become big'. (2) mahattea eekafa kxmatii -> 'gentleman that-one-d pleased-Y' = 'The gentleman likes that one'. mahattea eekafa kxmati weewi ' pleased we-wi = 'The gentleman might become agreeable to that one'. (3) ohefa sinhala akuru lianna puluani 'you-d Sinhalese letter-p write-nna possible-Y' = 'You can write Sinhalese script'. ohefa sinhala akuru lianna puluan weewi ' possible we-wi' 'You might get to be able to write Sinhalese script'. (4) mafa ee watta matakay -*• 'I-d that estate remember-Y' = 'I remember that estate'. mate ee watta matak unaa ' remember we-pt-a' = 'I remembered that estate'. It appears that either this transformation or that with karanawa to be given in 6.1142 must obligatorily follow an infinitive subject transform with the modal adjective epaa 'Don't want': *mafa mehefa enna epaa 'I-d here-d come-nna don't+want' (This base clause does not occur) mafa mehefa enna epaa welaa ' epaa we-L-la' 'I got fed up with coming here'. For some impersonal adjectival predicators (5.221) special rules for the wenawa transformation will be necessary, specifying a change of case for the nominal with which they occur. For example, keenti 'angry' appears in impersonal non-verbal clauses: mahatteafa keentiy 'gentleman-d angry-Y' = 'The gentleman is angry',

118

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

but the nominal appears in the direct case in a wenawa transform: mahattea keenti unaa 'gentleman angry we-pt-a' = 'The gentleman became angry'. The status of wenawa transforms with relation to the active/impersonal division of verbal clauses is not yet clear. Both of the following are apparently acceptable: mama eeka{a kxmati wennan 'I that-one-d pleased we-nnan' = 'I will get agreeable to that'. mama eeka(a kaemati weewi 'I that-one-d pleased we-wi' = 'I might become agreeable to that'. The first shows the cross-reference characteristic of active clauses, but the second does not. Also, we have a few examples of wenawa clauses with the atin agentive constituent characteristic of passive clauses. For example: dostara atin asaniipe honda weewi 'doctor atin sickness good we-wi' — 'The doctor might cure the illness'. lamea atin putaa narak weewi 'child atin son bad (stem form) we-wi' = 'The child might spoil the son'. At present, we cannot account satisfactorily for such atin constituents, although a possibility will be indicated under the karanawa transformation to be described. A special problem in connection with this transformation (and probably with the karanawa verbalizing transformation as well, although we have no data on that point) involves certain adverbials that may occur in the transform but not the base clause. Thus we may have: mee goyan langa+di loku weewi 'these rice-plant-p soon big we-wi' = 'These rice plants might get big soon'. but only: mee goyan lokuy 'these rice plant-p big-Y' = 'These rice plants are big'. not: *mee goyan langa+di lokuy 'these rice-plant-p soon big-Y' at present, we must consider such adverbials to be added in conjunction with, or subsequent to, the wenawa transformation. 6.11412 With Nominal Clause as Base — wenawa is added to a nominal predicator equational clause without change to the base: Nx N2 -• eaa loku mahattea -* 'he big gentleman' = 'He is the big boss'.

Nt N2 we-Af eaa loku mahattea welaa ' big gentleman we-L-la' = 'He became the big boss'.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

ee kaale anuraadapuree lankaawe aganuara 'that period-g Anuradhapura Ceylon-g capital' = 'In that period, Anuradhapura was the capital of Ceylon'. ee kaale anuraadapuree lankaawe aganuara unaa Ceylon-g capital we-past-a' = ' Anuradhapura became the capital of Ceylon'.

119

'In that period,

Such clauses are relatively rare in our data as independent clauses, but this transformation (as well as that in 6.11411 with adjectival predicator clauses as base) is necessary as an intermediate stage in the generation of dependent clauses. A token case is given here involving the dative case transformation (6.42. With this shunting transformation, wenawa appears always to occur in the past tense.) miniha waduek unaafa wzda Honda nxz 'man carpenter-k we-pt-a-d work good nxx' = 'Although he is a carpenter, his work isn't good'. The (1) (2) (3)

sequence here is: miniha waduek 'The man is a carpenter'. miniha waduek unaa (wenawa verbalizing transformation- past tense) miniha waduek unaafa (dative case transform of 2) 'Although he is (or was) a carpenter...'

6.1142 With ksrenawa as Aux 6.11421 With Adjectival Clause as Base — To an adjectival predicator clause, karanawa is added, and a new nominal is introduced as subject of the transform. If the assertion marker is present in the base it is deleted. Rules for changes to the predicator of the base clause appear to be the same as those for wenawa: bxx bseri, and some adjectives, again including naraka 'bad' appear in stem form in the transform. N t A(-Y) -* N 2 N x A kara-ki Examples 1-4 have equational clauses (including allocative-equational and expanded predicator) as base: (1) mahatteage gee alut -* 'gentleman-g house new' = 'The gentlemen's house is big'. baas+unnsehe mahatteage gee alut kerua 'craftsman new kara-pt-a' = 'The craftsman remodeled the gentleman's house'. (2) mahattea eekata kzmatii -* 'gentleman that-one-d pleased-Y' = 'The gentleman likes that'.

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CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

noona mahattea eeka(a ksemati karanawa 'lady pleased kara-npt-a' = 'The lady will make the gentleman agreeable to that'. (3) ohe(a sinhala akuru lianna puluani 'you-d Sinhalese letter-p write possible-Y' = 'You can write Sinhalese script'. ee guruwarea ohefa sinhala akuru lianna puluan karaawi 'that teacher possible kara-wi' = 'That teacher will make you able to write Sinhalese script'. (4) mafa wxda karanna bxx 'I-d work do-nna impossible' = 'I can't work'. mahattea ma(a wxda karanna bxri kerua 'gentleman impossible kara-pt-a' = 'The gentleman made it impossible for me to work'. Like the wenawa transformation, this one does not apply to modal transforms with oona or puluan. However, it also does not apply to allocative-equational clauses with oona in the manner stated above, but rather, in the same way as the wenawa transformation, without a new nominal introduced as subject, and appears to be an alternative to that transformation with the same sense: mafa yanna oona -»• 'I-d go-nna necessary' = 'I want to go'. (+ wenawa) -*• mafa yanna oona unaa ' we-pt-a' = 'It became necessary for me to go'. or: (+ karanawa)

-*

mafa yanna oona kerua ' kara-pt-a.' = 'It became necessary for me to go'.

The manner in which this transformation applies to impersonal adjectival predicator clauses is not yet clear. In at least some cases, the dative case nominal in the base clause may appear in either direct or dative case in the apparent transform. gaswalafa tuaalay -* 'tree-p-d injured-Y' = 'The trees are damaged'. banda gaswala(a tuaala karanawa ' tree-p-d kara-npt-a' = or banda gas tuaala karanawa

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

121

' tree-p (direct case) kara-npt-a' = 'Banda is damaging the trees'. Clauses resulting from this karanawa verbalizing transformation share some important characteristics with transitive clauses: (1) They may undergo the regular causative transformation, which requires a transitive clause as base (5.1123): baas+unnxhe mahatteage gee alut kerua -*• (example 1 above) mama baas+unnsehe(a kiala mahatteage gee alut kereua I craftsman-d kiala karawa-pt-a (karawanawa is the corresponding C verb to karanawa) 'I got the craftsman to remodel the gentleman's house'. (2) They may also undergo a complex verb transformation with denawa, which is restricted to transitive clauses (6.1152). An example of this is given under that transformation. (3) At least some clauses resulting from the karanawa transformation may undergo the passive quasi-transformation (5.121) with karanawa-*kerenawa (the corresponding P verb): ee guruwarea ohe{a sinhala akuru lianna puluan karaawi -* (example 3 above) ee guruwarea atin ohefa sinhala akuru lianna puluan kareewi 'That teacher atin kere-wi = 'That teacher might make it possible for you to write Sinhalese script'. These karanawa transforms are thus analyzed as transitive clauses, with the subject of the base clause as object of the transform and the phrase "adjective + karanawa" as predicator. The allocative constituent, if the base clause is of the allocative-equational type, may be analyzed as the indirect object of the transform (Examples 3 and 4 above). Possible relationships between karanawa and wenawa clauses require further investigation. For example, it is possible that those wenawa clauses with atin constituents are derivable from karanawa clauses by a transformation similar to the passive quasitransformation. Thus, with the wenawa clause (given earlier in 6.11411): dostara atin asaniipe honda weewi 'The doctor might cure the illness', we may compare the karanawa clause: dostara asaniipe honda karaawi 'doctor sickness good kara-wi' = 'The doctor will cure the illness'. This suggests a possible way of accounting for those atin constituents, and could of course lead to altering the general derivation of wenawa clauses. However, since we

122

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

have very few wenawa clauses with atin but a number without it, and since the latter are both more frequent than karanawa clauses and necessary for subsequent transformations, it is simpler for the present at least to derive them without reference to karanawa transforms and to consider those with atin residual. 6.11422 With Nominal Clause as Base— The object complement clauses of 5.11214 could be generated by a karanawa verbalizing transformation like that which applies to adjectival equational clauses, but with a nominal equational clause as base (the formula for the transform is equivalent to the type formula in 5.11214 although the subscript numerals are different): Nt N2 Subject Nominal Equational Predicator joon lokka ->• 'John boss' = 'John is the boss'.

-v

N3 Nt Subject Direct

N2 Object

kara-M V-Af

Object Complement eaa joon lokka kalaa 'he kara-L-la' = 'He made John the boss'.

However, only a limited number of equational clauses would appear to enter into such a transformation, and the special restrictions involved cannot be stated from the available data. 6.1143 With hsedenawa as Aux — This transformation applies to those nominal predicator impersonal clauses for which it was specified in 5.232. The P verb hxdenawa (corresponding A verb hadanawa 'make') is added, and may appear in either past or non-past forms. The sense is commonly 'get' or 'catch' (an illness): N t -d N 2 - ohe(a hembirissaawa hxdenawa

'you-d cold' = ' cold hxde-npt-a' = 'You have a cold'. 'You'll catch a cold'. (2) mahatteafa mzleeriaawa -> 'gentleman-d malaria' = 'The gentleman has malaria'. mahatteafa mxleeriaawa hseduna malaria Aa?ife-past-a' = ' 'The gentleman got malaria'. This transformation is among those basic transformations for which Aux. and not pr Aux must be considered the predicator. Although the emphatic transformation

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

123

applied mechanically to a number of these transforms may produce some clauses which are semantically odd, others are acceptable: mahatteafa hsedune mseleeriaawa (emphatic transform of Example 2, mzleeriaawa as focus) 'It was malaria that the gentleman got'. 6.115 Complex Verb Transformations — These transformations apply to active verbal clauses to produce clauses with complex verbs as predicators. Complex verbs are phrasal verbs of the forms: Yi-L

V2-Af where V2 is gannawa or denawa

or V*-L-la

Vj-Af where V 2 is denawa

6.1151 With gannawa as Aux — The base clause is an active verbal clause, either intransitive or transitive, but if the latter, an indirect object may not occur. The verb of the base clause appears in the perfect participle base form in the transform and gannawa 'get' is added. The most common sense is reflexive, 'to do for oneself:' X V-Af -> X V-L gan-Af mahattea naanawa 'gentleman bathe-npt-a' = 'The gentleman bathes'. mama kariak hadanawa 'I curry-k make-npt-a' = 'I'm making a curry'.

->

->•

mahattea naa gannawa ' bathe-L gan-npt-a' = 'The gentleman bathes himself'. mama kariak hadaa gannawa ' make- L gan-npt-a' = 'I'm making myself a curry'.

6.1152 With denawa as Aux — The base is a transitive active clause, and may include an indirect object. The verb of the base clause appears optionally in the perfect participle (V-L-la) or perfect participle base form (V-L) in the transform, and denawa 'give' is added. The sense is commonly benefactive, 'to do for someone:' X V-Af X V-L(-la) de-Af mama ohefa kariak hadanawa 'I you-d curry-k make-npt-a' = 'I'm making you a curry'. mama ohefa kariak hadala denawa ' make-L-la de-npt-a' = 'I'm making you a curry'. or: mama ohefa kariak hadaa denawa ' make-L de-npt-a' = 'I'm making you a curry'.

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As noted in 6.11421, karanawa verbalizing transforms may serve as base: baas unmehee mee gee alut karanawa 'craftsman this house new kara-npt-a' = 'The craftsman is remodeling this house'. baas unmehee mee gee alut karala denawa ' kara-L-la. ¿fe-npt-a' = 'The craftsman is remodeling this house (for someone). 6.116 The Perfect Transformation — The perfect transformation applies to verbal clauses and to non-verbal clauses with the quasi-verbs nxx and bsese. (Note that this represents a privilege of occurrence for bsez not shared by the modal adjectives with which it patterns in many other respects.) The predicator of the base clause appears in the perfect participial form in the transform, and tienawa is added as Aux. tienawa is not restricted here to occurrence with inanimate subjects (cf. 5.11121). The sense is commonly "perfect" if tienawa is in the non-past tense, "pluperfect" if it is in the past. Perfect transforms are among those for which the predicator = Aux, since pr, or even the entire clause except Aux, may become the focus by the emphatic transformation. Examples will appear under that transformation (6.12). 6.1161 With Verbal Clause as Base — This transformation applies generally to verbal clauses. X V-Af -

X V-L-la tie-Ai

Examples 1 and 2 have active clauses, intransitive and transitive respectively, as bases. Example 3 has an impersonal (perception) clause. Examples 4-6 have wenawa, karanawa and hxdenawa verbalizing transforms, so that the perfect transformation must be able to follow those of 6.114: (1) mahattea kalutara{a gihilla -> 'gentleman Kalutara go-L-la'3 = 'The gentleman has gone to Kalutara'. mahattea kalutarafa gihilla tienawa " go-L-la i/e-npt-a' = 'The gentleman has gone to Kalutara'. (2) mahattea nawakataa kiipeak lianawa -> 'gentleman novel-p several-k write-npt-a' = 'The gentleman is writing several novels'. mahattea nawakataa kiipeak liala tienawa • It is possible that for every perfect transform of a verbal clause there is another clause of the same shape except that it lacks tienawa. This suggests that the perfect transformation might be incorporated into the constituent structure description, at least for verbal clauses. We have not done so because it must be able to follow other transformations. Clauses with the perfect participle as predicator generally differ in sense from the equivalent perfect transforms, though this difference might not appear from their English translations.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

(3)

(4)

(5)

(6)

125

' write-L-la iie-npt-a' 'The gentleman has written several novels'. lameata mee pota teerenawa -*• 'child-d this book understand-npt-a' = 'the child understands this book'. lamea[a mee pota teerila tienawa ' understand-L-la tie-npt-a' = 'The child has understood this book'. ee mahatteafa nan hungak tuaala welaa 'that gentleman-d emphatic much-k injured we-L-la' = 'As for that gentleman, he got severely injured'. ee mahatte{a nan hungak tuaala welaa tiuna ' we-L-la i/e-past-a' = 'As for that gentleman, he had gotten severely injured'. baas unnxhee mahatteage gee alut karanawa -* 'craftsman gentleman-g house new kara-npt-a' = 'The craftsman is remodeling the gentleman's house'. baas unnxhee mahatteage gee alut karala tienawa ' kara-h-la. fie-npt-a' = 'The craftsman has remodeled the gentleman's house'. ohefa hembirisaowa hxdenawa -> you-d cold hxde-npt-a 'You will catch a cold'. ohefa hembirisaowa hxdila tienawa ' hxde-L-la tie-npt-a' = 'You have caught a cold'.

6.1162 With Quasi-Verbal Clause as Base nxx nxtua X X bxx bxrua In virtually all instances of the perfect applied to nxx or bxx in our data tienawa appears in the past tense. (1) warusaawa nisaa meloo deak karanna bxx 'rain because earthly thing-k do-nna impossible' = 'Because of the rain, not a thing can be done'. warusaawa nisaa meloo deak karanna bxrua tiuna ' bxrua tie-pt-a' ' Because of the rain, one wasn't able to do a thing'. (2) mahattea maaseak witara kolarhba yanne nxx —• 'gentleman month-k about Colombo-g go-npt-e nxx' =

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CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

(nxx transformation — 6.1191) 'The gentleman isn't going to Colombo for about a month'. mahattea maaseak witara kolamba yanne nxtua tiuna ' nxtua iie-pt-a' ' The gentleman didn't go to Colombo for about a month'. 6.117 The aeti 'Might' Transformation To a basic clause, the quasi-verb xti 'might (be)' is added. The base may be a verbal or non-verbal clause, as indicated. 6.1171 With Verbal Clause as Base — The verb of the base clause is in the non-past base form and is unchanged, except as noted below. Thus: X V-npt-a -» X V-npt-a seti Special Rules for V: (a) tienawa + xti -> xti This applies whether tienawa occurs as the verb in one of the clauses of 5.11121 (example 2) or was itself introduced as Aux by a transformation such as a perfect (example 3) or infinitive subject (Example 5) transformation. 4 (b) innawa + seti -> innawa seti or seti Whether this is optional in all cases is not yet clear. Commonly, there appears to be a difference in implication. (Example 4) (1) perahxra balanna hungak senaga enawa -> 'Perahera see-nna much-k crowd come-npt-a' = 'Many people come to see the Perahera'. perahxra balanna hungak senaga enawa seti ' come-npt-a xti' = 'Many people might come to see the Perahera'. (2) oheta wxda tienawa -> 'you-d work be (inan)-npt-a' = 'You have work'. ohe(a wxda xti ' work xti' = 'You might have work'. (3) dxn kantoorua wahala tienawa 'now office close (trans.)-L-la /¡e-npt-a' = 'The office has been closed by now'. 4 We have no examples of the seti transformation applied to perfect transforms of nxx or bxx clauses (6.1162), but this is consistent with the lack of non-past tense perfect transforms of the latter. Note that the clauses here analyzed as xti transforms of nxx and bxx clauses (6.1172) have the form we would expect for xti transforms of perfect transforms of those clauses, i.e., past participle plus seti, and could be analyzed as such, but the semantic fit is poor, and that, together with the lack of non-past tense perfect base clauses, has motivated the present assignment.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

127

dxn kantoorua wahala xti close (trans.)-L-la xti' = ' 'By now the office might have been closed'. (4) mee noonafa putek innawa -*• 'this woman-d son-k be (anim.)-npt-a' = 'This woman has a son'. -> mee noona(a putek xti ' son-k xti' 'This woman might have a son', (or) -+ mee noonafa putek innawa xti ' son-k be (anim.)-npt-a xti' = 'This woman might have a son'. (5) mafa yanna tienawa —• 'I-d go-nna fie-npt-a' = 'I am supposed to go'. mafa yanna xti ' go-nna xti' = 'I might be supposed to go'. 6.1172 With Non-Verbal Clause as Base — This transformation applies to adjectival predicator clauses and those with the quasi-verbs nxx and bxx. The assertion marker, if present, is deleted; nxx -* nxtua; bxx -» bxrua: (1) mee kxxma honday -* 'this food good-Y' = 'This food is good'. (2) hool-eka xtule rasne nxx 'the hall inside-g heat nxx' = 'It isn't hot inside the hall'. (3) mahatteafa ee wxda karanna bxx -* 'gentleman that work do-nna impossible' = 'The gentleman can't do that work'.

mee kxxma honda xti ' good xti' = 'This food might be good'. hool-eka xtule rasne nxtua xti ' heat nxtua xti' 'It shouldn't be hot inside the hall'. mahatteafa ee wxde karanna bxrua xti ' do-nna impossible xti' = 'The gentleman might be unable to do that work'.

6.118 The Qualifying Transformation — To a verbal predicator clause with the verb in the non-past or past basic form an adjective is added as Aux. Rules for the assertion marker are as for adjectival-predicator equational clauses: X V-T-a X V-T-a A(-Y) The constructional nature of the transforms is not yet clear, and it is not unlikely that more than one transformation, depending upon the subclass of adjectives, is actually involved.

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CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

6.1181 — In our data, A is virtually always a quantifying adjective. With such adjectives there appear to be few if any restrictions upon the transformation except that Y-T-a is not innawa 'be (anim.)' or tienawa be (inan.)': mahattea wzda karanawa -* 'gentleman work do-npt-a' = 'The gentleman works'. mahattea wseda karanawa wwdii ' do-npt-a too+much-Y' = 'The gentleman works too much'. lamea etenfa giaa -> 'child there-d go-pt-a' = 'The child went there'. lamea etenfa giaa madii ' insufficient-Y' = 'The child didn't go there enough'. 6.1182 — Some descriptive adjectives also appear as A, but here a number of special restrictions, as yet unformulated, appear to apply both in relation to the subclass of descriptive adjectives that so occur and to the co-occurrence of base clause and adjective. kolla wz(a bandinawa -+ 'boy fence build-npt-a' = 'The boy builds the fence'. kolla wx{a bandinawa kztay ' ugly-Y' = 'The boy's building of the fence is ugly'. mee kaar+eka yanawa -* 'This car go-npt-a' = 'This car goes'. mee kaar+eka yanawa ikman ' fast' = 'This car goes fast'. 6.1183 — Modal adjectives do not occur as A in this transformation. 6.1184 — More information concerning the further transformational behavior of these transforms is necessary before any really well-founded statement of their constructional nature can be made. Since the kind of marking of adjectives with the assertion marker which takes place here is otherwise characteristic only of clauses in which they are both predicator and focus, we do not interpret the adjectives here as adverbial in function. It may be that these clauses are equational, with the adjective

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129

as predicator and the verbal clause as subject, and at least for those with descriptive adjectives there is some evidence for that analysis. There is a special negative transformation with nxx (the indefinite negative 6.1193) that is restricted to adjectival equational clauses, and we have at least one instance of that transformation applied to a qualifying transform. It will be given under that negative transformation. The qualifying transformation should perhaps be extended to include adjectival predicator clauses as bases. With such clauses, only quantifying adjectives would occur, and the transformation would generate quantifying adjective phrases (2.412): mee gee lokuy -* 'This house big-Y' = 'This house is big'. mee gee loku wxdii big too much-Y' = ' 'This house is too big'. However, the phrases which result (as predicators) of the form adjective plus quantifying adjective appear always to be distributed like single adjectives, and until the constructional status of the transforms above with verbal bases becomes clearer, it appears simplest to treat such phrases constructionally on the phrase level. 6.119 Negative Transformations with naeae 6.1191 With Verbal Base Clause — The base is a basic verbal clause with the verb in the past or non-past tense. In the transform, the verb appears in the emphatic form, with tense retained, and nmz is added as Aux. X V-T-Af -> V-T-e nxx Special rules apply where V is a stative verb innawa or tienawa in the non-past tense: these verbs are deleted in the transform (examples 3 and 4). This rule applies also if tienawa has been introduced by a transformation (as in perfect transforms, example 5). As noted earlier, innawa may also occur as an ordinary intransitive verb with the sense 'stay, remain, live' (5.11121). When it so occurs, it is not deleted (example 6). In the past tense, neither tienawa or innawa is deleted (example 7). The predicator of these transforms is considered to be V-T-e nxx, since they are basic clauses subject to the emphatic transformation and V-T-e may apparently not become the focus. Example 5 shows that this nxx transformation must be able to follow the perfect transformation. However, the reverse is also the case, as was shown by example 2 in 6.1162. We have no instances of either one of these transformations applied twice, i.e., of sequences "perfect-na?#-perfect" or "n»#-perfect-«a?#". (1) mama anuraadapuree indala kaar-ekak gannawa -» 'I Anuradhapura-g from car-k take-npt-a' =

130

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

'I am taking a car from Anuradhapura'. mama anuraadapuree indala kaar-ekak ganne nxx ' take-npt-e nxx1 = 'I am not taking a car from Anuradhapura'. (2) ma(a ee kataawa teeruna -* 'I-d that story understand-pt-a' = 'I understood that story'. mafa ee kataawa teerune nxx understand-pt-e nxx" = ' 'I didn't understand that story'. (3) lamea gedara innawa -* 'child home be-npt-a' = 'The child is home'. lamea gedara nxx ' home nxx' = 'The child isn't home'. (4) ada ma(a wena wxdak tienawa 'today I-d other work-k be(inan)-npt-a' = 'I have other work today'. ada mata wena wxdak nzx ' work-k nxx' = 'I have no other work today'. (5) mahattea hakuru kaala tienawa -* 'gentleman hakuru eat-L-la tie-npt-a' = 'The gentleman has eaten hakuru\ (Perfect transform) mahattea hakuru kaala nxx eat-L-la nxx' = ' 'The gentleman hasn't eaten hakuru'. (6) eaa mee gamee innawa 'he this village-g live-npt-a' = 'He lives in this village'. eaa mee gamee inne nxx ' live-npt-e nxx'= 'He doesn't live in this village.' (7) mehee eloolu tiuna -* 'here vegetables be (inan)-pt-a' == 'There were vegetables here'. mehee eloolu tiune nxx ' be (inan)-pt-e nxx' = 'There weren't vegetables here'.

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131

6.1192 With Non-Verbal Base Clause 6.11921 With Adjectival Predicator Base Clause — This transformation does not apply to clauses with the modal adjective puluan or the quantifying adjective xti 'enough' as predicators. With other (basic) adjectival-predicator clauses, the assertion marker, if present, is deleted, and nxx is added as Aux: X A(-Y)

X A nxx

(1) mee eloolu honday -* 'These vegetables good-Y' = 'These vegetables are good'. mee eloolu honda nxx ' good nxx' = 'These vegetables aren't good'. (2) mama yanna ootid -* 'I go-nna necessary' = 'I must go'. mama yanna oona nxx ' necessary nxx' = 'I need not go'. (3) mahatteafa ee taran ma amaaruy —• 'gentleman-d that extent emphatic injured-Y' = 'The gentleman is hurt that badly'. mahatteafa ee taran ma amaaru nxx ' injured nxx' = 'The gentleman isn't hurt that badly'.

6.11922 With Price and Date Base Clauses — The assertion marker is deleted and replaced by the indefinite affix, and nxx is added as Aux. (1) meeka rupial dekay —> 'This-one rupee-p two-Y' = 'This one is two rupees'. meeka rupial dekak nxx ' rupee-p two-k naeae' = 'This one isn't two rupees'. (2) ma(a aurudu wissay -> 'I-d year-p twenty-Y' = 'I am twenty years old'. ma(a aurudu wissak nxx ' year-p twenty-k nxx' = 'I am not twenty years old'.

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6.1193 The Indefinite Negative Transformation 6.11931 With Adjectival Predicator Clause as Base — This transformation applies to equational clauses with a descriptive adjective as predicator and requires the CORRESPONDING SUBSTANTIVE to the adjective. The corresponding substantive is one morphologically related to the adjective and standing in the relationship to it defined by this transformation. The adjective and substantive stems may be identical: thus adjective hondd 'good' (stem and full form), substantive honda 'goodness' (stem and singular direct). However, derivational morphemes may also be involved: thus adjective prayoojanawat 'useful' (stem and full form); substantive prayoojanee (direct singular) stem prayoojana, in which the adjective is derived from the substantive stem by a derivational morpheme {-wat}.8 The various types of morphological relationships involved in such pairs remain to be systematically investigated, but for present purposes it is the existence of the pairs and their transformational relationships that are relevant. The indefinite negative transformation substitutes the corresponding substantive, in the direct indefinite, for the adjective and adds nxx. Thus where A-s represents the corresponding substantive: N A(-Y) -

N A-s-k nxx

The usual implication is 'not very', 'not especially'. mee pota honday —• 'This book good-Y' = 'This book is good'. mee pota hondak nxx ' good-s-k nxx' = 'This book isn't very good'. ee gaana niamay 'That number fixed-Y' = 'That number is fixed'. ee gaana niameak nxx ' fixed-s-k nxx' = 'That number isn't particularly fixed'. The following clause: mahattea sinhala iganagannawa kisima prayoojaneak nxx 'gentleman Sinhalese

• Stems could be classified so that those that appear as both substantive and adjective without change of form would constitute a separate class, i.e., one distinct on the one hand from those substantives that appear only as such and on the other from those adjectives that never take substantival inflection without some overt derivational affix being added or removed. For present purposes it is certainly simplest to list substantives and adjectives with identical stems under both headings, treating them as homonyms, since the same two sets of functions are involved as for adjectives and substantives differing in shape.

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133

learn-npt-a any use-k nxx' = 'The gentleman's learning Sinhalese is no use', is most simply analyzed as an indefinite negative transform of mahattea sinhald iganagannawa prayoojanawat 'gentleman Sinhalese learn-npt-a useful' = 'The gentleman's learning Sinhalese is useful'. (kisima 'any' is an adverb which may be introduced only subsequent to a negative transformation and we set it aside here.) The latter clause is in turn a qualifying transform (6.1182) of mahattea sinhala iganagannawa 'The gentleman is learning Sinhalese' with prayoojanawat 'useful' as Aux. 6.11932 With Verbal Predicator Clause as Base — The verb of the base clause appears in the transform in the V-T-3-eka verbal form in the indefinite, followed by nzz. T is always non-past in the transform and it is simplest to assume that tense for the base. Hence: X V-npt-Af

X V-npt-a+e/ca-k nxz

eaa mee wxda karanawa -*• 'he this work do-npt-a' = 'He is doing this work'. eaa mee wxda karana-\-ekak nxx ' do-npt-a+e&a-k nxx1 — 'He's not likely to do this work.' 6.12 The Emphatic

Transformation

The emphatic transformation applies to virtually all clause types, and restrictions upon its operation appear to be primarily lexical and semantic. It is a focus-changing transformation, or set of such transformations (4.3-4.4), by which some form other than the predicator of the base clause becomes the focus of the transform. Depending on its class, the predicator of the base clause may be altered in form as indicated below, marking the fact that some other form within the clause is in focal position. Accompanying this transformation there is commonly but not necessarily an order transformation by which the new focus is shifted to final position, following the predicator. The semantics involved are complex. Frequent senses are emphasis (such as English "It's vegetables I went to buy") or exclusivity ("only five busses are going"). A full statement of this transformation must await an investigation of its suprasegmental correlates, since if the order transformation mentioned does not take place, and no focus-marking form is added in a subsequent transformation (6.13), the focus may be marked only suprasegmentally, even if the form of the predicator indicates that the focus is elsewhere in the clause.

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THE PREDICATOR: The predicator of the base clause changes form under this transformation as follows: (1) Verbal predicators appear in the emphatic form in the transform. Tense is retained. That is:

V-T-Af

V-T-e.

(2) The quasi verbs aeti and nzse have emphatic forms ruette and xtte which occur in the transforms, tea? appears as bseri. (3) Other predicators do not change form except that the assertion marker, if present, is deleted. THE FOCUS: Any major constituent or adverbial constituent, including clause transforms, may become the focus. Limitations appear to be primarily lexical and semantic. For example, the form hungs 'many' (usually occurring in the indefinite hungak) or any nominal phrase in which it is head or attribute may not become the focus. In some basic transforms, pr, (that is, Pr. of the clause that was base for that transform) may become the focus, as we have indicated under the basictransformations leading to those transforms. One difficulty in specifying the range of forms that may become the focus under the emphatic transformation concerns instances, few in our data, in which some composite form that is a single constituent from the point of view of the clause is split, with one constituent of that form (i.e., a "sub-constituent" from the point of view of the clause) becoming the focus. While we cannot yet specify such potentialities adequately, one general rule which covers a number of them may be given: Major constituents which may become the focus of a clause under the emphatic transformation may also become the focus if the emphatic transformation is applied to an infinitive subject or modal transform of that clause. Thus even though these constituents are part of an infinitive phrase which is a single constituent in the modal or infinitive subject transform, they may be taken out of that phrase to become the focus by an emphatic transformation applied to that transform (or even to a basic transform of that transform). Examples 8 and 14 below furnish instances. EXAMPLES : Since the emphatic transformation applies to so many clause types, with so many potential foci, the number of examples necessary to give any adequate indication of the kinds of transforms possible is extremely large. We thus give only a very limited sample, indicating for each example the type of clause serving as base and the type of constituent which becomes the focus. Where the type of base clause is such that the predicator does not change form, examples have been chosen that clearly indicate the focus of the transform, either by final (post-predicator) position or the occurrence of the assertion marker (although the latter actually involves a subsequent transformation to be presented in 6.1331). With Non-Verbal Base: (1) Equational, Adjectival Predicator, Subject as focus: eeropleen-eken yand-ekd hohday -*

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135

'airplane-i go-npt-a-eka good-Y' (Nominal transform with verbal substantive: 2.231) = 'Going by airplane is good'. eeropleen-eken yand-ekay honda 'airplane-i go-npt-a-eka-Y good' = 'It is going by airplane that is good'. (2) Equational, nominal predicator, subject as focus: meekd gunasinhage alutma pota 'This one Gunasinha-g new-emphatic book' = 'This is Gunasinha's newest book'. gunasinhdge alutma pota meekay 'Gunasinha-g new-emphatic book this one-Y' = 'This one is Gunasinha's newest book'. (3) Equational, attribute to predicator as focus: maama ee nxfunwalafa kxmatii -* 'uncle those dance-p-d like-Y' = 'Uncle likes those dances'. maama kxmati ee nz(unwah(a 'It is those dances that Uncle likes'. 4) Equational (allocative-infinitive subject transform); subject as focus: mafa yanna puluani -> 'I-d go-nn possible-Y' = 'I can go'. ma(3 puluan yanna 'I-d possible go-nna' = 'What I can do is go'. (5) nxx negative transform; adverbial as focus: mama anuraadapuree indala kaar+ekak ganne nxse -> 'I Anuradhapura-g from car-k take-npt-e nxx" = 'I'm not taking a car from Anuradhapura'. mama kaar+ekak ganne nxtte anuraadapuree indala 'I car-k take-npt-e nxx (emphatic form) Anuradhapura-g from' = 'It's from Anuradhapura on that I'm not taking a car'. (6) xti transform; subject as focus: eaa langa salli xti -*• 'he near money xti' = 'He might have money (with him)'. eaa langa xtte salli 'he near xti (emphatic form) money' = 'What he might have (with him) is money'.

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(7) Impersonal adjectival predicator; involitive actor as focus: ee mahatteata wsedie tuaalay -» 'that gentleman-d more injured-Y' = 'That man was more injured'. wsedie tuaala ee mahatteata 'more injured that gentleman-d' = 'It was that man who was more injured'. (8) oona modal transform, adverbial attributive to infinitive ( = verb of base for the modal transform) as focus: mama kalutarafa yanna oona -> 'I Kalutara-d go-nna must' = 'I must go to Kalutara'. mama yanna oona kalutarafa 'I go-nna must kalutara-d' = 'It is to Kalutara that I must go'. With Verbal Base: (9) Active, intransitive, adverbial as focus: mahattea kalutarafa yanawa -> 'gentleman Kalutara-d go-npt-a' = 'The gentleman is going to Kalutara'. mahattea yanne kalutarafa 'gentleman go-npt-e Kalutara-d' = 'It is to Kalutara that the gentleman is going'. (10) Active, transitive, object as focus: hsemadaama putaa nikan bat kanawa 'every-day son plain rice eat-npt-a' = 'The son eats plain rice every day'. hsemadaama putaa kanne nikan bat 'every-day son eat-npt-e plain rice' — 'It is plain rice the son eats every day'. (11) Active, transitive subjectless, adverbial (infinitive phrase) as focus: ee minissunge aytiwaasikan aarassa+karanna ee hayadenaa pat+karanawa -* 'those man-p-g right-p protect (phrasal verb)-nna those six (anim.) appoint (phrasal verb)-npt-a' = 'Those six are chosen to protect those people's rights'. ee minissunge aytiwaasikan aarassa +karannay ee hayadenaa pat karanne 'those man-p-g right-p protect (phrasal verb)-nna-Y those six (anim.) appoint (phrasal verb)-npt-e 'It is in order to protect those people's rights that those six are chosen'.

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137

(12) Impersonal (involitive), involitive actor as focus: mafd sinhah teeranawa -* 'I-d Sinhalese understand-npt-a' = 'I understand Sinhalese'. sinhah teerenne ma(a 'Sinhalese understand-npt-e I-d' = 'It is I who understand Sinhalese'. (13) Perfect transform, adverbial as focus: ehee gewal hungak hariaka bitti liien bxndala tienawa -* 'There-g house-p most-k part-k-g wall-p wood-i build-l-la //e-npt-a' = 'The walls on the majority of houses there are built of wood'. ehee gewal hungak hariaka bitti bxndala tienne liien 'There-g house-p most-k part-k-g wall-p build-L-la f/e-npt-e wood-i' = 'It is of wood that the walls on the majority of houses there are built'. (14) wenawa verbalizing transform as base. The wenawa transform has an allocativeequational clause as base. This in turn is an infinitive subject transform of a verbal clause. The adverbial which becomes the focus under the emphatic transformation here has been carried through from that original clause (mama pain yanawa 'I foot-i go-npt-a' = 'I go on foot'). Note that here an infinitive phrase is split even though another transformation beyond the infinitive subject transformation has taken place: ma{a pain yanna puluan unaa -> 'I-d foot-i go-nns possible we-pt-a' = 'I was able to go on foot'. map yanna puluan unee pain 'I-d go-nna possible we-pt-e foot-i' = 'I was able to go (only) on foot'. (15) Perfect transforms as base. These two examples are interesting since the limits of the foci are difficult to establish, although the participial forms in each case are clearly marked as the last form in the focus by the assertion marker. (15a) Perfect transform of a verbal clause as base. We take the participle with its satellites to be the focus, i.e. everything but the emphatic verb form, although this is admittedly an intuitive decision: mahattea kalutara(a gihilla tiuna 'gentleman Kalutara-d go-L-la tie-pt-a' = 'The gentleman has gone to Kalutara'. mahattea kalutara{a gihillay tiune 'gentleman Kalutara-d go-L-la- Y tie-pt-e' = 'What happened was, he had gone to Kalutara'.

138

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

(15b) Perfect transform of an infinitive subject transform (with bxx) as base. Here, again intuitively, we take all but the emphatic verb and the initial adverbial constituent (warusaawa nisaa) as focus: warusaawa nisaa meloo deak karanna bzrua tiuna —> 'rain because earthly thing-k do-nna bxrua f/e-pt-a' = 'Because of the rain nothing could be done'. warusaawa nisaa meloo deak karanna bxruay tiune 'rain because earthly thing-k do-nna bxrua-Y ii'e-pt-e' = 'Because of the rain not a thing could be done'. 6.13 Focus-Marking

Transformations

Under this heading have been gathered those transformations which involve the addition of a form after the focus of the base clause, whether the latter is basic or emphatic. 6.131 The General Interrogative Transformation — This transformation applies to clauses of all types, verbal or non-verbal. The question marker da is added following the focus of the base clause. There is at least one special restriction regarding a verbal affix: da does not appear following the volitive optative form of the verb (V-nnan). The focus of the base clause is unchanged except as follows: bxx + da -* bxri da nxx + da -* nxti da -* (virtually always) nxdda xti (quasi-verb 'might') + da ^ (optionally) xdda xti 'enough' + da -* (optionally) xdda The assertion marker is generally deleted. However, for some speakers, it may remain to indicate special emphasis or doubt as in example 4. (1) kolarfibata bas+ekak tienawa -*• 'Colombo-d bus-k be (inan)-npt-a' = 'There is a bus to Colombo'. kolarfibata bas+ekak tienawa da ' be (inan.)-npt-a da' = 'Is there a bus to Colombo?' (2) mee bas-eka yanne kalutara(a —> 'This bus go-npt-e Kalutara-d' = 'It is to Kalutara that this bus is going'. mee bas+eka yanne kalutarafa dal ' Kalutara-d da' 'Is it to Kalutara that this bus is going?'

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139

(3) meeka honday -> 'This-one good-Y' = 'This one is good'. meeka honda da ' good da'' = 'Is this one good?' (4) meeka honday -» 'This-one good-Y' = 'This one is good'. meeka honday da ' good-Y = 'Is this one really good?' (5) meeka honda -> 'This-one good' (emphatic transform of # 3 , meeka as focus): 'It is this one that is good'. meeka da honda 'This-one da' = 'Is it this one that is good?' (6) mahattea kaar-ekak gannernese-* 'gentleman car-k take-npt-e nsese' = 'The gentleman isn't taking a car'. mahattea kaar-ekak ganne nxdda ' take-npt-e nsex+da' = 'Isn't the gentleman taking a car?' 6.132 The Negative Transformation with newi 6.1321 This transformation adds newi8 to the focus of the base clause. It applies to verbal or non-verbal clauses, and may apply either before or after the emphatic transformation. With adjectival clauses, it virtually always applies subsequent to that transformation (Example 4). It does not follow the other focus-marking transformations or the nsess negative transformations. To the focus of the base clause, newi is added. There is at least one restriction upon the occurrence of newi with verbal affixes: it does not follow the volitive optative (V-nnan) form of the verb. Semantically, the newi transformation differs from those with nxse in that it negates the focus and implies an alternative to it: i.e., 'It isn't to Kalutara that this bus is going'. (It's going to Colombo). Note that this transformation may apply to nominal clauses (Example 1); those with nxx do not. (1) Basic Nominal Equational Clause as Base: ara kawn(aree pot nawakataa pot -* * Some speakers have nemee or newey instead of newi.

140

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

'That counter-g book-p novel (stem) book-p' = 'The books on that counter are novels'. ara kawnfaree pot nawakataa pot newi ' novel (stem) book-p newi' = 'The books on that counter aren't novels'. (2) Basic Verbal Clause as Base: mahattea ada wxda karanawa -* 'gentleman today work do-npt-a' = 'The gentleman is working today'. mahattea add wxda karanawa newi ' work do-npt-a newi' = 'The gentleman isn't working today'. (He's doing something else.) (3) Emphatic Verbal Clause as Base: mahattea yanne kalutarafa -* 'gentleman go-npt-e Kalutara-d' = 'It's to Kalutara that the gentleman is going'. mahattea yanne kalutarafa newi ' Kalutara-d newi' = 'It's not to Kalutara that the gentleman is going'. (4) Emphatic Adjectival Equational Clause as Base: mee pota honda 'This book good' (focus mee pota, note the absence of -Y on honda) = 'It is this book that is good'. mee pota newi honda 'this book newi ' = 'This is not the book that is good'. The general interrogative transformation may apply to newi transforms: meeka potak newi -* 'This-one book-k newi' = 'This one is not a book'. meeka potak newi da ' book-k newi da' = 'Isn't this one a book?' 6.133 Secondary Emphatic Transformations — By these transformations, a form is added to the focus of a clause to indicate special emphasis or asseveration.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

141

6.1331 The -Y Secondary Emphatic Transformation — The assertion marker-Y is added to the focus of a clause. This transformation applies to verbal clauses only subsequent to the emphatic transformation. It does not apply where the occurrence of the assertion marker is obligatory. It does not apply subsequent to other focusmarking transformations, except as specified subsequently for the tamaa and may transformations (6.1332). (1) kalutdrafd yanne mama 'Kalutara-d go-npt-e I' = 'It is I who am going to Kalutara'. kalutarafa yanne mamay ' I-Y' = 'I am the one who is going to Kalutara'. (2) mee pot3 honda -* 'This book good' = 'It is this book that is good'. mee potay honda 'this book-Y ' = 'It is this book that is good'. Note also the examples given under the emphatic transformation itself (6.12 examples 1,2, 11, 15a and b.). 6.1332 tamaa and may Either of the forms tamaa or may is added to the focus of a verbal or non-verbal clause, prior to or subsequent to the emphatic transformation. With both tamay and may, the assertion marker, if present in the base clause, is deleted. 6.13321 tamaa. — In our data, tamaa virtually always occurs with the assertion marker, as in all examples but # 2 below (tamaa+Y -> tamay). There is no difference in the restriction of tamaa to a position following the focus, and apparently none in meaning, relating to the occurrence or non-occurrence of -Y. Thus it is simplest to state that the secondary emphatic -Y transformation of 6.1331 may optionally follow the tamaa transformation (and usually does for at least some speakers). In all examples but # 2 below, then, we should consider that this has taken place, even though it is unspecified. (1) eaa yanawa eaa yanawa tamay 'he go-npt-a' = . . . . go-npt-a tamaa-Y' = 'He is going'. 'He is so going'. (2) eaa yanne -* 'he go-npt-e' (emphatic transform of # 1 , eaa as focus) = 'It is he who is going'.

142

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

eaa tamaa yanne 'he tamaa ' = 'It is certainly he who is going'. (3) mama kataa+karanne sinhala 'I speak (phrasal verb)-npt-e Sinhalese' = 'It is Sinhalese that I speak'. mama kataa+karanne sinhah tamay ' Sinhalese tamaa-Y' = 'It is so Sinhalese that I speak'. (4) eeken pansala(a watura ganne -* 'That-one-i temple-d water take-npt-e' (eeken is focus — note the emphatic form of the verb.) = 'From that one they get water for the temple'. eeken tamay pansalafa watura ganne 'That-one-i tamaa-Y ' = 'It is from that one that they get water from the temple'. The secondary emphatic transformation with tamaa may occur subsequent to the newi transformation: (5) meeka potak newi 'This-one book-k new? = 'This one is not a book'. 6.13322 may (1) lamea wxda karanawa -* 'child work do-npt-a' = 'The child is working'. lamea wxda karanawa may ' work do-npt-a may' = 'The child is surely working'. (2) meeka potak -* 'This-one book-k' = 'This one is a book'. meeka potak may ' book-k may' = 'This one is surely a book'. (3) mee pota honday —• 'This book good- Y' = 'This book is good'. mee pota honda may ' good m a y = 'This book is certainly good'.

-* meeka potak newi tamay ' book-k newi tamaa-Y'' = 'This one is certainly not a book'.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

143

(4) mee pot a honda -* 'This book good' (Emphatic transform of the base clause in # 3 , with mee pota as focus) = 'This book is good'. mee pota may honda 'This book may ' = 'This book is certainly good'. Like tamaa, may may occur after newi: meeka potak newi 'This-one book-k newV = 'This one is not a book'. meeka potak newi may ' book-k newi may' = 'This one is surely not a book'. It is possible that may should be analyzed as the emphatic particle ma (2.463) plus the assertion marker. The may transforms above could then be considered to result from the secondary emphatic -Y transformation applied to clauses with foci ending in ma, just as those with tamay resulted from that transformation applied to clauses with tamaa. Even so, may:ma would not be entirely parallel to tamay:tamaa. Unlike tamaa, ma is not restricted to forms in focal position. Thus we may find mama ma yanawa 'I myself am going' where mama is subject, not in focal position, but not *mama tamaa yanawa. Also, ma, unlike tamaa, seems never to occur in focal position without -Y. Thus may would result from an obligatory application of the secondary emphatic -Y transformation when a form with ma occurs in focal position, whether as predicator in a basic clause or as focus by the emphatic transformation. The exact point in the grammar at which ma could then be introduced is not yet clear, but since there seems to be no restriction on ma (unlike tamaa) such that it can occur only once in a single clause, it seems likely that it could be introduced as an optional constituent of phrases, rather than in clauses (whether as a constituent or by transformation as here). This would not be true of tamaa, since it is restricted in occurrence on the basis of clause structure. For the present, since may and not ma appears as a focus-marking form, we treat the former as a unitary element added by a transformation as above. Both of the following are possible: mahattea yanawa may da mahattea yanawa ma da

'Is the gentleman surely going?'

and both may be analyzed as resulting from a general interrogative transformation applied to:

144

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

mahattea yanawa may 'The gentleman is surely going'. The second example of the pair would then show an optional deletion of the assertion marker before da, and these examples are thus consistent with the general description of the dd transformation (6.131). The general interrogative transformation does not appear to apply subsequent to the tamaa transformation, and thus represents another point of difference between tamaa, (tamay) and may.

6.2 SHUNTING TRANSFORMATIONS

The reasons given in the introduction to section 6 for adopting a "shunting transformation" approach to double-base transformations also lead us to treat these transformations in the briefest possible fashion, leaving the formulation of adequate rules for one clause's incorporation into, or its being rendered attributive to, another clause for later treatment. 6.21 Conjunct Transformations Some types of dependent clauses in our data are marked as such by the fact that the predicator is in an inflected form which occurs only in such clauses. The transformations by which such clauses are generated are CONJUNCT TRANSFORMATIONS. They apply to verbal and a few types of non-verbal clauses. Their transforms occur in adverbial distributions, in our data in attributive relationships to clauses rather than to predicators (unless the clause to which the transform is attributive consists of a predicator alone, as in some of the subjectless non-verbal clauses of 5.237.) 6.211 The Prior Temporal (-aama) Transformation — In our data, this transformation applies only to verbal clauses. The verb appears in the prior temporal (V-T-aama) form in the transform: X V-Af -> X V-T-aama (T is always past) mahattea enawa 'gentleman come-npt-a' = 'The boss comes'.

-* mahattea aawaama ' come-pt-aama' == 'When the boss has come'

These transforms commonly indicate action prior to that of the clause to which they are subordinate: mahattea aawaama mama wxda karannan 'gentleman come-pt-aama I work donnan' = 'When the boss has come, I'll work'. As the list of verb forms in 2.222 shows, there is no non-past temporal form. How-

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

145

ever, the verb of the base form is not specified as past because adverbs such as hep 'tomorrow' which would not occur with a past tense verb in the base clauses may occur in these transforms: mahattea heta aawaama alut petara iwara karaawi 'gentleman tomorrow come-ptaama new road finished kara-wi' = 'When the boss comes tomorrow, the new road might get finished'. Similarly, tense is not specified in the other conjunct transforms to be given since the tense in which the verb of the transform appears is generally a function of its relationship in time to the main clause, and not of the form of the base clause of the transform. 7 Some speakers have, either instead of or as an alternative to the prior temporal transformation with the -aama form, a functionally equivalent transformation with the past tense or perfect participial verbal adjective (V-pt-a, Y-L-pu) and a form hama.8 This will be described subsequently in 6.2224. 6.212 The Conditional Transformation — This transformation applies to verbal clauses and clauses with quasi-verbs having a conditional form. The predicator appears in the past or non-past conditional form in the transform. V-Af seti (quasi-verb) nsese mahattea aawa 'gentleman come-pt-a' = 'The gentleman came'. mee gaha wsstenawa 'This tree fall-npt-a' = 'This tree falls'. unnsehee aawe nsese 'he come-pt-e nxse' = 'He didn't come'. pot seti 'book-p seti 'There might be books'

X

V-T-ot setot nsetot

mahattea aawot come-pt-ot' = ' 'If the gentleman comes'. mee gaha wz{etot ' fall-npt-ot' = 'If this tree falls....'. unnsehee aawe nsetot ' nsese (conditional form)' 'If he hasn't come...'. pot setot ' seti (conditional form)' = 'If there are books '.

' The range of permissable tense sequences for each type of combination must be worked out on the basis of much fuller data, and can only be stated adequately when shunting transformations are given full statement as double-base transformations. For simplicity here, we attempt to keep tense in transform and base the same in examples. 8 That the -aama form seems quite clearly to be derived historically from a form with hams and V-pt-9 is, of course, descriptively irrelevant. The fact that the former is an inflected form while forms with hama are composite leads to transformations with them being assigned to two formally different sets.

146

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

The sense is generally conditional. Past tense generally implies action prior to that of the main clause, present tense action contemporaneous or future to the main clause. mahattea aawot ohee kolaifiba yanna 'gentleman come-pt-ot you Colombo-g go-nna' = 'If the gentleman comes, you go to Colombo'. mee gaha wxtetot map kataa+karanna 'This tree fall-npt-ot 1-d call (phrasal verb)-nna' = 'If this tree falls, call me'. 6.213 The Concessive Transformation — This transformation applies to the same range of clauses as the conditional. The verb in the transform appears in the past or non-past concessive form in the transformation, quasi-verbs in their concessive form: V-Af xti (quasi-verb) nxx ee miniha padi gannawa 'That man wages take-npt-a' = 'That fellow takes wages'. mahattea giee nxx 'gentleman go-pt-e nxx' = 'The gentleman didn't go'. wxda xti 'work xti' "'['here might be work'.

X

V-T-at xtat nxtat

ee miniha padi ganitat take-npt-at' = Even though that fellow takes wages'. mahattea giee nxtat go-pt-e nxx (concessive form)' = Even if the gentleman didn't go...'. wxda xtat xti (concessive form)' = Even if there is work '.

The sense is generally concessive 'even if, even though'. The semantics of tense relationships in relation to the sequence of tenses in subordinate and main clauses is not yet clear. In our data, we can find no discernable difference in meaning (or in relation to the sequence of tenses) between the past and non-past concessive forms. ee miniha padi ganitat wxda karanna kammxliy 'That man wages take-npt-at work do-nna lazy- Y' — 'Even though that fellow takes wages, he's too lazy to work'. mahattea giee nxtat mama ennan 'gentleman go-pt-e nxx (concessive) I come-nnan' = 'Even if the gentleman doesn't go, I'll come'. 6.214 The Concurrent Transformation — This transformation applies to verbal predicator clauses in which the verb is one which has a reduplicated form (all do not). The verb appears in the reduplicated form in the transform : X V-Af - X V-L-R ara mahattea potak balanawa -> 'That gentleman book-k look-npt-a' = 'That gentleman is reading a book'.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

ara mahattea potak bah bala ' look-L-R' = 'While that gentleman is reading a book

147

'.

The sense is generally 'action concurrent with the main clause". In our data, this transformation is restricted to active clauses, both as base and as the clause in which the transform serves as an adverbial constituent, and the subjects of both clauses are the same (one is deleted by the transformation): ara mahattea potak bah bah kxxma kanawa 'That gentleman book-k look-L-R food eat-npt-a' = 'That gentleman is eating while reading a book'. 6.215 The Contemporaneous (-ddi) Transformation — This transformation applies to verbal clauses. The verb appears in the contemporaneous form (V-ddi) in the transform: X V-Af

X V-ddi

mama kolambafa yanawa -* 'I Colombo-d go-npt-a' = 'I am going to Colombo'. mama kolambafa yaddi ' go-ddi' = 'While I was going to Colombo '. miniha ee wxda karanawa -» 'man that work do-npt-a' = 'The man is doing that work'. miniha ee wxda karaddi ' do-ddi' = 'While he was doing that work '. baas-\-unnxhe kaar+eka harigassanawa -* 'mechanic car repair-npt-a' = 'The mechanic repairs the car'. baas+unnxhe kaar+eka harigassaddi ' repair-npt-ddi'. = 'While the mechanic repaired the car

'.

The sense is generally 'while'; that is, the action of the main verb is within or coextensive with the time of that of the -ddi verb: miniha ee wxda karaddi tuaala unaa. 'man that work do-ddi injured we-pt-a' = 'While the man was doing that work he was injured'. There is no requirement that the subjects of the two clauses must be identical:

148

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

baas+unneehe kaar+eka harigassaddi mama potak kieua 'mechanic car repair-ddi I book-k read-pt-a' = 'While the mechanic repaired the car, I read a book'. 6.22 Conjunctional

Transformations

Conjunctional Transformations, like conjunct transformations, result in dependent clauses with adverbial distributions, but they differ in that they introduce a new form, other than an inflectional affix, not present in the base. They are arranged here according to the form the predicator of the base clause, if verbal, takes in the transform. 6.221 The nan Conditional Transformation — To a clause, verbal or non-verbal, basic or emphatic, nan is added immediately following the focus (and is thus a focusmarking form). The focus is generally in final position in the base clause,9 and is unchanged under the transformation, except that the assertion marker is deleted and nxx+nan —• nzeti nan (optionally) met tan b n a n -* bseri nan xti (quasi-verb) + nan -» (optionally) settan seti (quant.adj.) + nan -> (optionally) settan There is no evidence for this transformation following any of the focus-marking transformations in 6.13, nor does it occur after any other shunting transformation. Basic Verbal Clause as Base: mahattea gedara innawa -» mahattea gedara innswa nan 'gentleman home be (anim)-npt-a' = ' be-npt-a nan' = 'The gentleman is home'. 'If the gentleman is home '.

• Two examples given by K. D e Abrew (A Syntactical Study of the Verbal Piece, pp. 145 and 159) have the focus by the emphatic transformation in non-final position, an order lacking in our data for nan clauses (we convert to our transcription and form): miniha nan horaa (hiree giaawe) 'man nan thief (jail-g go)' = 'If the man is the thief, let him go to jail.' umba nan meeka k&due (umba ma hadapan) 'you nan this break-pt-e (you ma make)' = 'If you are the one who broke this, you repair it.' The first example is interesting in that it gives a clear example of the emphatic transformation applied to a nominal predicator equational clause, otherwise difficult to find because both subject and predicator are nominals, so that given, say, N j N 2 -Y, one cannot often be sure that the base clause was N , N i rather than N , N 2 with N 2 as both predicator and focus. Here, however, horaa would clearly have been the focus in the base form, given the meaning involved, and the nan transformation applied to the base form would yield miniha horaa nan 'If the man is the thief'.

149

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

Emphatic (verbal) Transform as Base: mahattea yanne kalutarafa -* 'gentleman go-npt-e Kalutara-d' = 'It is Kalutara that the gentleman is going'. mahattea yanne kalutarafa nan ' Kalutara-d nari = 'If it is to Kalutara that the gentleman is going

'.

Non-Verbal (Adjectival Predicator) Clause as Base: mee sigarset hohday 'These cigarette-p good-Y' = 'These cigarettes are good'.

->

mee sigarazf honda nan ' good nari = 'If these cigarettes are good

The sense is generally conditional, like that for the conditional conjunct transform, (6.212) and the transforms occur as modifiers of clauses: mahattea gedara innawa nan ohee mehe(a enna 'gentleman home be (anim)npt-a nan you here-d come-nna' = 'If the gentleman is home, you come here'. mahattea yanne kalutarata nan, maat yannan 'gentleman go-npt-e Kalutara-d nan I-too go-nnan' = 'If it's to Kalutara that the gentleman is going, I'll go too'. mee sigarasf honda nan, pzkzf+ekak denna 'These cigarette-p good nan pack-k give-nna' = 'If these cigarettes are good, give me a pack'. 6.222 Adjectival Form Conjunctional Transformations — There are a number of transformations which produce dependent clause transforms in which the predicator of the base clause, if verbal, will appear in one of the adjectival forms of the verb — that is, the past or non-past adjectival form or the perfect participial adjectival form (V-T-3 or V-L-pu) — and another form is added following it. All of these transformations are not limited, however, to verbal bases, and some of them may well have a wider range of applicability than is shown by our data and specified here. Also, at least some of the forms added in these transformations are not limited in their occurrence to these transforms. For example, nisaa 'because', added in one transformation below, also occurs with the demonstrative ee 'that' attributive to it or with one of a limited number of nouns dependent upon it to form adverbial phrases: ee nisaa 'therefore', warusaawa nisaa ('rain because') 'because of the rain'. 6.2221 The nisaa-hinda Transformation — nisaa and hinda, at least in this transformation, appear to have the same distributional ranges and the same sense: 'because, since'. They apply to verbal or adjectival-predicator basic clauses or to clauses with the quasi-verbs bzse or nxse.

150

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

If the base is a verbal predicator clause, the verb appears in either the past or nonpast adjectival or the perfect participial adjectival form and either nisaa or hinda is added. Relationships in tense between base and transform are not yet clear, so we do not specify tense for the base: V-T-a X V-Af

nisaa (or hinda) V-L-pu

The quasi-verbs bxx and nxz appear in the transform as bxri, nxti: bxx bxri -> X X nxx nxti nisaa (or hinda) With adjectival predicators, the assertion marker, if present, is deleted: X A(-Y) -» X A nisaa (or hinda) pereera yaapaneefa giaa -* 'Perera JafFna-d go-pt-a' = 'Perera went to Jaffna'. pereera yctapaneefa gid nisaa ' go-pt-3 nisaa or: pereera yaapaneefa gia hinda go-pt-3 hinda' = ' 'Because Perera went to Jaffna ' am sxray aua sxra nisaa 'sunshine strong-Y' = ' strong nisaa' = 'The sunshine is strong'. or: aua sxra hinda strong hinda' = ' 'Because the sunshine is strong'. watte wseda nxx watte wxda nxti nisaa 'estate-g work nxx' = ' nxti nisaa' = 'There's no work in the estate'. 'Because there's no work in the estate'. These transforms have adverbial distributions, as attributes to clauses: aua sxra hinda api citrapa\iak balanm yamu 'sunshine strong hinda we movie seenns go-mu' = 'Since the sunshine is so hot, let's go see a movie'. watte wxda nxti nisaa mama gamafa aawa 'estate-g work nxti nisaa 'I village-d come-pt-a' = 'Since there's no work in the estate, I came home (to the village)'. pereerayaapaneeta gia hinda mama kaar+eka mehe{a genaawa 'Perera Jaffna-d go-pt-a hinda I car here-d bring-pt-a' = 'Because Perera went to Jaffna, I brought the car here'.

151

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

6.2222 The haetie Transformation — This transformation applies to basic verbal clauses. The verb appears in the past tense verbal adjectival or perfect participial adjectival form and : hsefie 'as soon as' is added : V-pt-3 X V-Af

hastie V-L-pu

nsefuma iwara unaa -» 'dance finished we-pt-a' (wenawa verbalizing transform) = 'The dance was finished'. nsefuma iwara una hsefie ' we-pt- hsefie' — 'As soon as the dance was finished ' tasksia aawa -* fseksia aapu hsefie 'taxi come-pt-a' = ' come-L-pu-te/Ze' = 'The taxi came'. 'As soon as the taxi has come ' These transforms have adverbial distributions as clause modifiers: nsefuma iwara una hsefie gedara enna 'dance finished we-pt-3 hsefie home comenns' = 'As soon as the dance has finished, come home'. fseksia aapu hsefie mats kataa-\-karanna 'taxi come-L-pu hsefie I-d call (phrasal verb)-nna = 'As soon as the taxi comes, call me'. 6.2223 The koto Transformation — This transformation applies to basic verbal clauses or clauses with the quasi-verbs bsese or nsese. If the base clause is verbal, the verb appears in the transform in the non-past verbal adjective form and kofa 'when' is added. Tense is not specified for the base clause since adverbials such as iie 'yesterday', which would not appear with a non-past verbal form in an independent clause may appear in these transforms, nsese and bsex appear as nseti and bseri and kofa is added: X ohee siigiriafa yanawa 'You Sigiriya-d go-npt-a' = 'You are going to Sigiriya'. mama iie aawa 'I yesterday come-pt-a' 'I came yesterday'. warusaawa nsese 'rain nsese' = 'There isn't rain'.

V-Af nsese bsese

X

kota

ohee siigiriafa yana kofa go-npt-kofa' = When you go to Sigiriya. mama iie ena kofa come-npt-kofa' = When I came yesterday.. warusaawa nseti kofa nseti kofa = When there isn't rain

152

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

These transforms have adverbial distributions as attributes to clauses. Those with verbal clauses as base are semantically the non-past equivalent of the prior temporal conjunct transforms of 6.211, indicating time contemporaneous with the main clause: ohee siigiria{a yana kota kaar-ekak ganna 'You Sigiriya-d go-npt-s kop car-k take-nna' = 'When you go to Sigiriya, take a car'. mama iie ena kota gunasinha hamba-\-unaa 'I yesterday come-npt-s ko(a Gunasinha meet (phrasal verb)-pt-a' = 'When I came yesterday, I met Gunasinha'. warusaawa nxti ko(a wxda karanna puluan 'rain nxti kofa work do-nna possible' = 'When there isn't rain, one can work'. 6.2224 The hams Transformation — As noted earlier (6.211) some speakers have a transformation with the past tense adjectival or perfect participial adjectival form of the verb and hama: X V-Af

X V-T-3 hama

where T is always past, or X V-Af ->• X V-L-pu hama mahattea enawa -> 'gentleman come-npt-a' = 'The boss comes'. mahattea aawa hama come-pt-3 hama', or: mahattea aapu hama come-L-pu hama' 'When the boss has come

'

This transformation is the functional equivalent of the prior temporal -aama transformation of 6.211, and like it serves semantically as the past of the ko(a transformation, indicating time prior to that of the main clause: mahattea aapu hama mama wxda karannan or: mahattea aawa hama mama wxda karannan 'gentleman go-L-pu {or go-pt-a) hama I work do-nnan' = 'When the boss has come, I'll work'. 6.2225 The kan Transformation — This transformation applies to basic verbal predicator clauses. The verb appears in the non-past verbal adjective form and kan 'until' is added: X V-Af mama enawa 'I come-npt-a' 'I am coming.'

X V-npt-3 kan mama ena kan ' come-npt-3 kan' = 'Until I come'

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

153

These transforms have adverbial distribution as attributes to clauses: mama ena kan ohee gedara inna 'I come-npt-a kan you home be (anim.j-nns' = 'Until I come, you stay home'. 6.23 Perfect Participial Shunting

Transformations

6.231 With Verbal Base Clause — Verbal clauses with the predicator in the perfect participle, that is clauses of the form X V-L-la appear as dependent clauses in adverbial distribution. Constituents within X will be such that they may also occur in an independent clause with the same verb as predicator. Adequate rules for the various ways in which these clauses may be combined with or incorporated into main clauses remain to be worked out with fuller data, but the following general points are relevant: (1) Unlike those forms of the verb which appear in conjunct transformations, perfect participles may occur as predicators in independent as well as dependent clauses: mahattea gihilla 'gentleman go-L-la' = 'The gentleman has gone'. There seems to be such an independent clause for every dependent clause. Thus these dependent clauses will duplicate clauses already accounted for elsewhere, except for obligatory and optional deletions connected with their being combined with the main clause. Since these deletions constitute the only changes in form to the clause rendered dependent, and are a function of the particular forms of the two clauses being combined and the manner of their combination, a "shunting transformation" approach adds nothing here. (2) Clauses to be combined need not be of the same type. Examples 1-3 below illustrate active (intransitive), allocational verbal, and impersonal clauses respectively rendered subordinate to active clauses. Example 4 entails an active clause rendered subordinate to a wenawa verbalizing transform. We do not attempt to state rules for combination or deletion (Dependent clauses are in bold type). (1) gedara wsedata unnu gaeseni gihilla dxn gedara seerama wzda karanne eaa 'home work-d be (anim.)-pt-a woman go-L-la now home all work do-npt-e she' = 'With the woman who was there for housework gone, she does all the work in the house now'. (2) bandata salli hamba welaa miniha add kolamba giaa 'Banda-d money get (phrasal verb)-L-la man today Colombo-g go-pt-a' = 'Banda having gotten his money, he went to Colombo today'. (3) mahatteata eeka teerila giaa 'master-d that understand-L-la go-pt-a' = 'The master understood that and went'. (4) mahattea gihilla mats mokut karanna bzri unaa 'master go-L-la I-d anything donna bxri we-pt-a' = 'With the master gone, I couldn't do a thing'.

154

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

(3) A number of rules for obligatory and optional deletions will be necessary, stated in terms of the types of clauses combined, the particular forms of constituents, and the manner of combination. For example, our data shows a kind of equivalence between active subjects, involitive actors, and allocative constituents. If we refer to any of these constituents as an S, if two clauses to be combined have S's which are the same lexical item, one S will be deleted, or in some cases another form may be substituted. Thus, in example 3 above, the presumed base clauses are (pending affix rules, we use the participle in the base for the dependent clause): mahatteafa eeka teerila 'master-d that know-L-la' = 'The master knows that'. mahattea giaa 'master go-pt-a' = 'The master went'. Similarly, for the following example: (5) banda pol kadala gedara giaa 'Banda coconuts pick-L-la home go-pt-a' = 'Banda picked coconuts and went home'. We assume the base clauses to be: banda pol kadala 'Banda coconuts pick-L-la' = 'Banda picked coconuts'. banda gedars giaa 'Banda home go-pt-a' = 'Banda went home'. Example 2 above affords an example of substitution. We assume the base for the main clause to be: banda ada koterfiba giaa 'Banda today Colombo-g go-pt-a' = 'Banda went to Colombo today'. with miniha substituted for banda in the transform. (4) Participial clauses enter into more than one kind of adverbial relationship, and different relationships will require different combinatory rules. For example, when a participial transform is attributive to the predicator of another clause, or to some segment containing the predicator and such constituents as a direct object and/or adverbial constituent(s), but not to the clause as a whole, the two base clauses must have the same subject (assuming that both are active). Example 5 above illustrates this. The same need not be true when the participial clause is attributive to the clause as a whole, as in Example 1 above. (5) There may be nestings of attributive participial clauses with the predicator of the main clause (or segment containing it) as ultimate head, suggesting a sequence of participial transformations: madina miniha gahata naegala mala aga {ikak kapala mu{(iak elhnswa 'tap-npt-a man tree-d climb-L-la flower end little-k cut-L-la pot-k hang-npt-a' = 'The man who is tapping climbs the tree, cuts the end of the flower a little, and hangs a pot'.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

155

6.232 With Quasi-Verbal Base Clause — There are dependent transforms of clauses with the quasi-verbs nxx and bxx that occur in adverbial distributions and do not match any of the verbal conjunct transforms. Since the forms of these quasi-verbs which occur in these, nxtua and bxrua, resemble perfect participles in another distribution (perfect transforms 6.116), these transforms may conveniently be considered as quasi-verbal counterparts of the participial clauses in the preceding subsection. Unlike verbal participles, however, nxtua and bxrua do not occur as predicators in independent clauses, so that a shunting transformation may be stated: nxx X bxx pot nxx 'book-p nxx' — 'There aren't books'. yanna bxx 'go-nna bxx' = '(I) can't go'.

nxtua •

—•

bxrua pot nxtua ' nxtua' = 'Without books ' yanna bxrua ' bxrua' = 'Being unable to go.

Examples of these transforms as adverbials are: pot nxtua iganaganna bxri unaa 'book-k nxtua learn-nna bxri we-pt-a' = 'Without books, I couldn't learn'. yanna bxrua nxwatuna 'go-nna bxrua stay-pt-a' = 'Being unable to go, I stayed'. We have instances of nxtua transforms, unlike verbal participle clauses, attributive to a non-verbal predicator: hohdata dxna+ganne nxtua amaaruy 'well get+to+know (phrasal verb)-npt-e nxtua difficult-Y' = 'Without getting to know (them) well, it's difficult'. 6.3 SPECIAL TRANSFORMATIONS

The following transformations have special ranges of application so that they do not fit neatly into any of the categories of transformations dealt with thus far. 6.31 The epaa Negative Transformation Verbal clauses with the verb in the infinitive form may serve as imperatives: etenta yanna 'there-d go-nna' = 'Go there'. In our data, such clauses are always active clauses. They differ from infinitive phrases in that they may contain, or be expanded to contain, a subject:

156

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

mahattea kariak ganna, 'gentleman curry-k take-nna' = 'You should take a curry'. Such clauses may be negated by the addition of the modal adjective epaa as Aux: X V-nna -*• X V-nna epaa Thus, for the examples above, the epaa negative transforms are: etentd yanna epaa 'there-d go-nna epaa1 = 'Don't go there'. mahattea kariak ganna epaa 'gentleman curry-k take-nna epaa' = 'You shouldn't take a curry'. 6.32 The no-Negative

Transformation

The negative form no-occurs prefixed to verbal forms, but not when these forms are both predicator and focus of an independent clause. It thus occurs only in transforms of verbal clauses of which one or both of the following are true: (1) The verb form is not the focus of the transform. (2) The transform is in dependent distribution. no-may thus be regarded as introduced by a transformation dependent upon the occurrence of some other transformations. The latter may be a shunting, emphatic, or basic transformation. (The number of basic transformations of which this is true is not yet established, but it is clear that no-may occur in transforms resulting from at least some of them. Thus example 4 shows it is an xti 'might' transform of a verbal clause.) Part of the range of application of the «o-transformations is exemplified below. (1) The emphatic transformation: mama nokanne harakmas witaray 'I no-eat-npt-e beef only-Y' = 'It's only beef that I don't eat'. (2) The nan conditional transformation: mama noyanawa nan oheta liumak ewannan 'I no-go-npt-a nan you-d letter-k sendnnan' = 'If I don't go, I'll send you a letter'. (3) Dependent participial transformation: pot nokiawa iganaganne kohoma da 'book-p no-read-L learn-npt-e how da' = 'How can you learn without reading books?' NOTE: A special rule is involved here. For most verbs, the participle will occur in the stem form with no-; i.e., V-L-la -» no-V-L. (4) xti 'might' transformation: mahattea noyanawa seti 'gentleman no-go-npt-a xtV = 'The gentleman might not go'.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

157

6.4 NOMINALIZING TRANSFORMATIONS

Nominalizing transformations are numerous and will require separate and fuller treatment, but two types of transformation that fall under this heading have been referred to previously and must be briefly characterized here. 6.41 Adjectival Type Nominalizing

Transformations

Adjectival Type Nominalizing Transformations are those which result in constitutes representing attribute-head constructions with substantive heads and nominal distribution. They are not restricted to adjectival predicator clauses as base. In one general variety of such transformations, that which concerns us for present purposes, some substantive form within the base clause becomes the head in the transform, and the remainder of the base clause (i.e. the predicator and any other satellite constituents) stands in an attributive relationship to it. The predicator may change form, depending upon the class to which it belongs. A general restriction applies such that the form which becomes the head must be capable of being so modified. This excludes pronouns such as eeks 'that (one)', which do not occur with preceding attributes of the types which modify nouns, as well as either infinitive phrases or clauses occurring in positions in the base clause which may also be filled by nominals, and in our data limits the forms which may occur as heads in the transforms to nouns. The noun may be in any case and in a number of constructional relationships in the base clause, and its case in the transform will depend upon the position in which the transform occurs. Thus the most general statement of such a transformation is: Where n is the noun in question, -c any case including direct, and C x and C 2 together represent any other constituents within X (Parentheses indicate that there need not be such other constituents.): (C t ) n-c (C 2 ) Pr

(C t ) (C a ) Pr N

Changes in form will, of course, have to be specified for particular classes of Pr. We do not attempt more exact statement of such transformations here. Not only will rules be required for the selection of the form to become the head, but it is possible that the noun may be accompanied by attributes in the base clause, although we have very few such cases, and special rules for the ordering of these attributes with relation to those resulting from the transformation will be necessary, (Note that the formulaic representation above will also have to be adjusted to allow for such attributes to n.) Even in the rough form in which they are stated here, however, we may make diagnostic use of such transformations and they have previously been referred to in this function, particularly in connection with non-verbal clauses. For this purpose, the important points are whether or not clauses of a given type (providing they include an "eligible" noun) will undergo such transformations and, if so, the form the predicator will take in the transforms. In this study the following points are relevant:

158

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

(1) In adjectival transformations of verbal clauses of whatever type, the verb (Pr of the base) appears in one of the adjectival forms (i.e., V-T-a or V-L-pu) in the transform: kurulla gahin gahafa paninawa -*

'bird tree-i tree-d jump-npt-a' = 'The bird jumps from tree to tree'. gahin gaha(a panina kurulla

'tree-i tree-d jump-npt-a bird' = 'The bird that jumps from tree to tree'. mama gamafa giaa ->

'I village-d go-pt-a' = 'I went to the village', mama gia gama 'I go-pt-s village' = 'The village that I went to'. (Note that the noun is in the dative case and adverbial function in the base clause.) banda pol kadala ->

'Banda coconuts pick-L-la' = 'Banda picked coconuts'. banda kadapu pol

'Banda pick-L-pu coconuts' = 'The coconuts that Banda picked'. ^2) Nominal predicator clauses do not undergo adjectival transformations. (3) For adjectival predicator clauses, the assertion marker is deleted, if present. Otherwise, the predicator of the base is unchanged in the transform: pot honday -*

'book-p good-Y' = 'The books are good'. honda pot

'good book-p' = 'The good books'. (4) Quasi-verbs appear in the adjectival form indicated in 2.3: mahattea{3 salli nxx -*

'gentleman-d money nxx' = 'The gentleman has no money'. salli nxti

mahattea

'money nxti gentleman' = 'The gentleman who has no money'.

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

159

(5) For price clauses, the predicator appears in the genitive indefinite: badu rupial dekay 'goods rupee-p two-Y' = 'The goods are two rupees'. rupial dekdka badu 'rupee-p two-k-g goods' = 'Two rupees (worth of) goods'. (6) For categorizing and date clauses, there is no change in the form of the predicator: mahattea semerikaawe -> 'gentleman America-g' = 'The gentleman is American'. ¡emerikaawe mahattea 'America-g gentleman' = 'The American gentleman'. utsawee pebarawari hatarawenida -* 'festival February fourth-day' = 'The festival is February fourth'. pebarawari hatarawenida utsawee 'February fourth-day festival' = 'The festival on February fourth'. As indicated above, adjectival type nominalizing transformations are not limited to the variety dealt with briefly above. For example, there are nominal phrases like the following one with the noun aya 'people' as head: pudgalikawa wxda karana aya 'privately work do-npt-a people' = 'people who work privately'. While such a phrase would presumably result from an adjectival-type transformation, aya belongs to a special subclass of nouns, PHRASALLY BOUND NOUNS, including golla 'people, group', denaa 'people, beings', kenaa 'person' that never occur unmodified by some preceding form. Thus a clause such as *aya pudgalikawa wxda karanawa 'people privately work do-npt-a' is not possible although one such as mee aya pudgalikawa wzda karanawa 'these people privately work do-npt-a' = 'These people work privately'. is. The transformations leading to such phrases remain to be properly investigated and stated.

160

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

6.42 Case Transformations As indicated in 2.232, basic forms of verbs (V-T-a) may occur inflected for case, but, unlike the verbal nominals of 2.231, basic forms also appear as predicators in clauses of types in which non-verbal substantives may not so occur but verb forms that are not inflectable for case may, and this is the role in which they most often appear. In such independent clauses there is no more reason to consider them to be inflected for case than there is any of the non-substantive verb forms similarly appearing. Basic forms have no direct case form differing in shape from that appearing as the predicator of an independent clause, but clauses with a basic form with no overt marking for case, that is clauses identical with independent clauses, sometimes appear in positions in which direct case nominals may also occur. The range of such positions is quite restricted compared to that for most nouns and pronouns. For example, such clauses occur as subject with only one verb (5.11121) and as object with a limited set of transitive verbs (5.11212). Ultimately, such occurrences will probably be accounted for by double-base transformations, but since they undergo no change in form, except for obligatory and optional deletions, but only a shift in distribution, it has been simplest in this study merely to list the environments in which they appear in our data under the constructional description of the relevant clause type. When a basic form occurs clearly case-marked, i.e. in any oblique case, it may be accompanied by the same constituents as when it is the predicator of an independent clause (with the exception of any obligatorily deleted in a given environment). These case-inflected basic forms may most simply be treated as arising from shunting transformations by which a case affix is added to a basic clause with the verb in the past or non-past basic form. Our data shows instances of dative and instrumental case with virtually all instances involving the former. Thus, where -c is either dative or instrumental case: X V-T-a

X V-T-a-c

We give two examples for dative and one for instrumental case. The base for each transform may be obtained by simply removing the case affixes. (Case transforms are in bold type.) (1) eaa mama yanawata kiematii 'he I go-npt-a-d liking-Y' = 'He likes my going'. (2) pot lisnawafa padi denawa nee 'book-p write-npt-a-d wage-p give-npt-a n'est ce pas' = 'They pay wages for writing books don't they?' (3) ohee yanawain mats paaduy 'You go-npt-a-i I-d lacking-Y' = 'I lose by your going'. Case transforms generally occur in positions in which nominals in the same case may also occur, but in a restricted number of such environments. Thus a pronoun such as eeka 'that (one)' in the required case may be substituted for each of those above:

CLAUSE TRANSFORMATIONS

161

(la) eaa eeka(3 kxmatii 'He likes that'. (2a) eekafa padi denawa nee 'They pay wages for that, don't they?' (3a) eeken mafa paaduy 'I lose by that'. Note that examples 1 and la are expanded predicator equational clauses (5.2112) in which the dative case transform and nominal respectively are attributes to the predicator. Adjectives which may appear with dative case transforms include kxmati 'liking' santoosa 'happy, glad' and constitute a subclass of those that appear with dative case nominals (5.21121). Dative case transforms also occur in at least one distribution in which we do not have examples of nominals also occurring: as dependent clauses in dependent distribution with the sense 'although' or 'despite the fact that'. They may, optionally, be followed by the phrase moka da (interrogative mokd 'what' plus da).10 In these instances, the dative case transformation (or that with moka da) is in effect a conjunct (or with moka da a conjunctional) transformation. In most examples in our data the verb is in the past tense: (1) mahattea giaata salli hamba+wenne nxx or: mahattea giaata moka da salli hamba+wenne nxx 'gentleman go-pt-a-d (moka da) money get (phrasal verb)-npt-e nxx = 'although you are going, you won't get the money'. (2) ee lamea pattaree balanawata aaranci mokut danne nxx or: ee lamea pattare balanawata moka da aaranci mokut danne nxx 'That child paper look-npt-a-d (moka da) news any know-npt-e nxx' = 'Although that child reads the paper, he doesn't know any news'. (3) miniha watjuek unaafa wxda honda nxx or: miniha waduek unaata moke da wxda honda nxx 'man carpenter-k we-pt-a-d (moka da) work good nxx' = 'Although the man is a carpenter, his work isn't good'. Note that in the last example, the dative case transformation is applied to a wenawa verbalizing transform of a nominal predicator equational clause.

10

moki da otherwise occurs with the sense 'what' or 'why' in a manner similar to other interrogatives plus da — as focus plus marker in interrogative clauses :

baappa gamata aav/e moka da 'uncle village-d come-npt-e moka da' = 'Why did you come to the

village, uncle?' The environment under discussion is quite distinct from the latter type, and is a special range of use

for moka da.

INDEX*

A verb, 34 Active clause, 56 Adjectival, 46 Adjectival equational clause, 93 , Allocative, 96, 113 , Expanded predicator, 94 , Ordinary 93 Adjectival form conjunctional transformation, 149 Adjectival impersonal clause, 100 Adjectival-type nominalizing transformation, 157 Adjective, 39 , Descriptive, 39 , Modal, 40 , Quantifying, 40 Adverb, 40 Adverbial, 46 Adverbial Predicator clause, 103 x ti 'might' transformation, 126 Age clause, 103 Allocative clause , Equational, 96, 113 , Verbal, 60, 112 Anaphoric, 31 Animal (gender), 31 Animate (gender), 29 Assertion marker, 39, 41, 42, 49, 91, 141 atin constituent, 73 Basic clause, 49 Basic transformation, 107 Bound forms, 41 C verb, 34 Case, 27 Case transformation, 160 Categorizing clause, 102 Causative clause, 68 * a has been alphabetized as a and a? as a e.

Clausal object clause, 62 Clause constituent class, 44 Complex verb transformations, 123 Concessive transformation, 146 Concurrent transformation, 146 Conditional transformation, 145 Conjunct transformations, 144 Conjunction-Y, 42 Conjunctional transformations, 148 Constituent, 18 Constituent order, 54 Constitute, 18 Construction, 18 Contemporaneous (-ddi) transformation, 147 Corresponding substantive, 132 Cross-reference, 57 Date clause, 102 Dative object clause, 60, 62 Definiteness, 28 Deictic, 31, 41 Deletion, 54 denav/a complex verb transformation, 123 Dependent clause, 48 Descriptive adjective, 39 Distal, 31 Double-base transformation, 106 Emphatic clause, 49, 133 Emphatic transformation, 50, 133 Emphatics, 42 epaa negative transformation, 155 Equational clause, 93 , Adjectival, 93 , Expanded Predicator, 94 , Nominal, 98 Expanded predicator equational clause, 94 Focal position, Focus, 49,134, Focus-marking Focus-marking

49 138 form, 49,138 transformation, 138

INDEX

gannawa complex verb transformation, 123 Gender, 29, 31 General interrogative transformation, 138 hzderawa verbalizing transformation, 122 hxki transformation, 116 hzfie transformation, 151 hams transformation, 152 Human (gender), 31 Impersonal clause , Non-verbal, 100 , Verbal, 72 Inactive clause, 78 Inactive subject, 78 Inanimate (gender), 29, 31 Independent clause, 48 Indirect object, 64 Infinitive object clause, 63 Infinitive phrase, 47 Infinitive subject transformation, 111 Instrumental state clause, 102 Intensifier, 46 Inter-type transformations, 65, 89 Interrogative transformations, 31, 138 Interrogatives, 31,41 Intransitive active clause, 57 Involitive actor, 85 Involitive clause, 84 Involitive dative object, 85 Involitive direct object, 85 kan transformation, 152 kar»nawa verbalizing transformation, 119 kav/dt&wa subtype clause, 67 kof9 transformation, 151 Major constituent, 53 may, 141 Minor non-verbal type, 101 Modal adjective, 40 Modal transformation, 107 Multiple foci, 53 Negative transformations , epaa, 155 , Indefinite negative, 132 , mes, 129 , newi, 139 , no, 156 nisaa-hinda transformation, 149 Nominal, 44 Nominal equational clause, 98 Nominal impersonal clause, 101 Nominalizing transformations, 157

163

, Adjectival-type, 157 , Case, 160 , Verbal nominal, 37 Non-verbal clauses, 92 Noun, 28 Number, 28 Numeral, 30 Numeral phrase, 30 Numerative, 30 Numerative phrase, 30 Object complement clause, 64 Order of constituents, 54 Ordinary adjectival equational clause, 93 Ordinary intransitive clause, 57 Ordinary involitive clause, 85 P verb, 34 Particle, 38 Passive clause, 73 Passive dative object, 73, 75 Passive direct object, 73 Perception clause, 87 Perfect participial shunting transformations, 153 Perfect transformation, 124 Person, 32 Personal pronoun, 32 Personal state clause, 88 Phrasal verb, 46 Phrasally bound noun, 159 Postpositions, 33, 40 Predicator, 48 Price clause, 101 Primary transitive active clause, 61 Prior temporal (-aanw) transformation, 144 Proximal (first and second), 31 Qualifying transformation, 127 Quantifying adjective, 40 Quantifying adjective phrase, 40,129 Quasi-verb, 38 Question marker (eh), 42, 138 Quotation marker, 41 Quotative object clause, 63 Secondary emphatic transformations, 140 Secondary transitive active clause, 64 Shunting transformation, 106, 144 Single-base transformation, 106 Special transformations, 155 Stative verb, 58 Stem forms , Adjective, 39 , Noun, 28

164

INDEX

Subjectless active clause, 70 Subjectless non-verbal clause, 104 Substantive, 27 Substantive postposition, 33 Substantive postpositional phrase, 33

Verb inflection, 37 Verbal clause, 56 Verbal nominal form, 37 Verbal substantive, 37 Verbalizing transformations, 116

tamaa, 141 Tense, 33 Transformation, 19 Transitive active clause, 61

Weather verb, 71

Verb, 33

wenawa verbalizing transformation, 116 -Y secondary emphatic transformation, 141 Zeroing, 54

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