Civil War in Kelantan in 1839

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Monographs of the Malaysian Branch Royal Asiatic Society II

THE CIVIL WAR IN KELANTAN IN 1839

by

CY"L

sKIN

NEr

Printed for the MBRAS by Malaysia Printers Limited Singapore

Copyright MBRAS 1966

Edited for the Council of the Society by

Wang Gungwu, M.A., Ph.D.

C0 N TE N T S Page Foreword Part 1:

vii

The Historical Background of the Letters

Chapter I

The Northern Malay States in the 1830's

Chapter II

Kelantan in the late 1830's

Chapter III

Kelantan during the period covered by the letters

23

Chapter IV

Epilogue

68

..

1

..

8

Part 2: The Letters

1. Facsimile Reproductions of the Letters Transliteration

71 99

of the Letters

144

Spelling of the Left-ers . . Style of the Letters

2.3.4.5.6.

..

152

..

System of Dating Used in the Letters

156

Bibliographic Details of the Letters

157

Appendices

A. Index of Persons and Places mentioned in the Letters .

_

B. Transliteration of Siamese Names mentioned in the Letters

160 166 169

Bibliogn-aphY Maps

..

175

2. Kelantan and the States to the North-West

175

3. Kelantan

175

1. Siam and the Malay Peninsula

V

..

.

t

FOREWORD "The early history of Kelantan i~ lost 1 obscurity" wrote Graham in 1908.1 Some thirty years later Anker Rentse attempted to dispel some of this obscurity, but was nevertheless constrained to agree that "the early history of Kelantan is still unknown and very few records are

3V€l.1l1€1b16".'-2

Until recently few people would have quarreled with these findings, except perhaps to observe that the 'early history of Kelantan' apparently extended well into the 19th century. It was therefore with considerable interest that I learned of the existence, in the Wachirayan National Library in Bangkok, of a collection of letters written by various Kelantan chiefs during a civil war that took place in the state in the year 1839. The letters, edited and translated, are presented here with the emphasis on their value as historical documents, although some attempt has also been made to comment on various features of philological interest. Indeed, in trying to cover both historical and philological aspects, I have probably fallen between two stools, producing something which is too historical for philologists, but too philological for historians, Any such lack of balance will be due entirely to myself, and in no way to any of the people named below, to all of whom I am indebted for the he lp they gave me. Listed in purely alphabetical order these 'pill=ars' are: He. Ali bin Hj. Taib, Mr. H. S. Broadhead, Mr. Kachorn Sukhabanij, Dato' Nile Fadzil

bin Dato' Nik Mahmud, H. H. Prince Prem Purachiira, Mr. W. Roth,

He, Mubin

Sheppard, Mr. Suphachai Sirisuwangkura, Mr. Suwit Ismail, Mr. E. H. S. Simmonds, Khufu Tri Amatyakul, Dr Md. Zaki Badawi. I am grateful too for the assistance given me by the following institutions : The University of Malaya (who helped finance the visit to Bangkok), the \fVachirayan National Library in Bangkok and Monash University, Victoria ( Australia ). And finally, it is a pleasure to acknowledge the contribution made by those who typed out the many drafts of the present work, viz.: Mrs. J. Storer and Mrs. H. Wernas. CYRIL SKINNER.

Bangkok - Kuala Lump-ur - Monash.

1.

Graham:

2. Rentse-

KEL, p. 38.

KEL, p. 42.

vii

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Part One.

The Historical Background of the Letters

CHAPTER I THE NORTHERN MALAY STATES IN THE 1830's A modem political map is an indifferent aid to understanding the history of Malaya. The thick black line separating the Federation from Thailand, the solid boundary lines separating one Malay state from another, create the impression of territorial states with well-defined frontiers, a concept with which the Peninsula is not yet entirely familiar. It is true that the boundaries along the coastal plains are now reasonably well-delined, but inland - as the communist revolt of 1948 showed- neither state nor national boundaries have counted for very much. For most of Malaya's history, the Malay 'state' was, typically, centred around a small port-town, a settlement located so as to control the area's most important waterway, from which, area, town and state all took their narne.1 The settlement need not be particularly large, a circle of some 5-10 miles' radius would provide suH-icient rice-fields, fishing harbors and coconut trees to cover basic food needs. Outside of this area, 'upstream', there would probably be little direct supervision by the Ruler, except for an occasional foray in strength, for his control of the area's main waterway enabled him to levy such tolls as he thought Ht upon any produce from the interior word exporting (e.g. tin and gold). Such imports as there were would usually provide the ruling oligarchy with a further source of revenue in the form of port dues and customs duties (as well as the traditional presents and douceurs), and if times were really hard there was always the chance of a little piracy.2 George Earl, who visited the East coast states in the 1830's describes one such 'town-state' as consisting of "a large group of huts composed of wood and 1. of the nine states in the Federation, all, except one, derive their name from a river. 2.

The exception is a confederation of nine states (Negeri Sembilan). of. Tengku Umar, who after an unsuccessful attempt to gain the throne of Trengganu, "

. .. . . . l a u

( b e ) Kemaman make tetaplah di Kemaman it

Serta mengerjakan rompalc

rang yang berniaga menchari kehidupannya didalam ta'lok da'érah Trengganu it maker h(u)ruharalah didalam laut2 Trengganu ill Serta banyaklah hamba Allah ta'ala

.

yang terbunoh dengan mazur ya'ani dengan aniaya. . . . ." (went to Kernaman, where he stayed, plundering those who sought to earn their living by trading in Trengganu and its tributary districts. There was no peace to be had in Trengganu waters and

many of Cod's creatures met with a violent end, the victims of oppression), Ali: TUH, p. 257. The subject of these remarks. returned to Trengganu in 1839 and carried out a successful coup, reigning over the state until his death in 1876.

1

The Civil Vi/ar in Kelantan

thatch, heaped together without any order or regularity. The part inhabited by the few Chinese who were not driven away by the tyranny of the former Sultan, can boast of some appearance of regularity, the houses and shops forming a small street, but the Malay habitations are all detached from each other. The dwellings of the Sultan, and of two or three of the principal pangerrms or nobles, are built of more substantial materials than the rest, indeed the former may be called a fort, for it is surrounded with a paggar, or bamboo fence, and is defended by several long brass lelahs."3 In the town itself and its vicinity, authority would be exercised by, or through the recognised head of the local dynasty (the 'Yang di-Pertuan'-He who is made Master), exercised, that is, in as far as this individual could control the nominally subordinate members of the dynasty. As Earl says: . . .

.

"The government must be pronounced aristocratical, for although the Sultan is

nominally the chief authority, the whole power is vested in the pangerans, or lords. . . . .The Sultan and the pangerans form a sort of commercial company, and monopolize the whole of the foreign trade, the people not being permitted to purchase a single gcznton of rice that has~ not passed through their hands."' The state Earl was writing about was Trengganu, but his remarks would apply, almost word for word, to Kelantan, and in fact to most of the Peninsula Malay states at the time.5 Looked at through 20th century eyes, the statement may seem a little surprising, but the eco-nomic predominance of the West coast Malay states over their East coast fellows, dates only from the end of the 19th century and is largely the result of British intervention. For most of the century, however, although the British-controlled ports -of Singapore, Penang and Malacca did provide the V5/est coast with thriving trading centre, the Malay states adjoining them were little if at all, better oft economically, than the East coast states." Indeed, for the century or so preceding British intervention a better classification of the Malay states would be not East and Weest, but South and North, a classification based upon the fact that during this time, the main centres of power lay outside the Peninsula; to the South, the Dutch and to the North, the

Siamese. During the 18th century, the Dutch, with little competition from the British, formed, despite their internal weaknesses, a comparatively stable power-force Earl; EAS, p. 184. Lela(h)s' are Swivel-guns.

ibid., p. 185. Galton is, of course 'gar tang', a 'gallon' measure equivalent to about 8 lb. 3.4.5. As Earl says "The inhabitants of Tringanu are genuine Malays, and a description of the town and its inhabitants would, with a few topographical alterations, answer equally well for all the independent Malay states on the Peninsula." (ibid., p. 184.). 6. For the importance of the East Coast trade with Singapore, of Wong: TBA, especially

p. 79-80.

2.

The Northern Malay States in the l830's

in the area, over which they thus exercised a good deal of influence. Nevertheless, in the area to the North of the Peninsula which lay outside the effective range of their bases ( at Malacca, Batavia and in Sumatra), they were not able to do much more - even if they had wished - than establish occasional trading posts. In the Southern Malay states, the one dynasty that had been at all successful in establishing some form of supra-state loyalty the MalaccaJohore dynasty and, as a result, enjoyed a prestige 0ut of all proportion to its political power,7 had, in its struggle to survive, embroiled both itself and its

_

-

successor states in an apparently unending series of Malay V. Bugis dispLltes.'*

These quarrels benefited no one more than the Dutch, but even without Bugis intervention, it is doubtful if the markedly local loyalties of the various states (which, internally, produced an endless series of civil wars) could have offered any lasting resistance to Dutch influence. In the North of the Peninsula the Siamese, who might have been expected to play a role similar to that played by the Dutch in the South, had for most of the 18th century to face up to a 'life and death' struggle with tlle Burmese," so that although Siam continued to claim suzerainty with regard to Malay states over which former Siamese kings had undoubtedly, if only temporarily, exercised some form of rule, Ked ah, Patani and Trengganu were able to enjoy a considerable measure of independence. In the South, the 19th century brought only slight changes. When the British Erst established themselves in the area to stay, the situation seemed to offer promising prospects of playing off the one European power against the other, but, disappointingly enough, the actual physical clash between the two powers lasted only briefly. Britain and Holland soon came to a working agreement defining their various spheres of interest in the archipelago" and although the Malay states were able to gain some benefit from British-Dutch commercial rivalry, the main result of British intervention, as far as the Peninsula states

were concerned was simply to substitute British control for Dutch. Ono reflection of this prestige was the way the Lheory (if not the practice) of government in the Malacca Sultanate was imitated in the later, smaller, states. Most of

these had their own version of the Malacca Code (of Laws), which served them in theory at least as a combined Statute Book and Penal Code (although it seems fairly clear that few of the provisions could ever have been consistently applied.) Again, virtually all the states had their own Bendahara, Temenggong, Perdana Menteri, etc., offices which in the Malacca Sultanate had indicated more or less well-deiined fields of jurisdiction, but which, in the successor states, became simply titles, frequently hereditary and often territorial (of. also Gullick; POL, p. 7-8). 8.

These form the main theme of the Tuff at al-nayqs and the Hilcar/at Negeri Johor (ct.

Ismail: JOI-I, p. 344-351).

9. of. Hall; SEA, Chapters 21, 24. 10.

with the signing of the Treaty of London, in 1824.

3

The Civil War in Kelantan For the farther Malay states however, the approach of the 19th century brought about a decided worsening in their position. By the time the British occupied Penang, the Siamese had beaten off the most dangerous Burmese attacks and placed Siamese independence beyond doubt. One of the commanders successful in the wars against the Burmese had founded a new dynasty

-the Chakkri or Rama dynasty - and had established this dynasty so securely on the throne that it still reigns to-day, from the capital that Rama I established at Bangkok. The various Siamese territorial chieftains or barons who had taken advantage of Siam's 'time of troubles' to assert their independence, had all been brought back into the fold, so that by the last decade of the 18th century, although Siam's southern-most Province of Nakhon Si Thamrnaratll was still more of a 'barony' or 'Inarch' than a province, its 'Margrave' was fully conscious of his allegiance to the King in Bangkok." It was through Nakhon that Bangkok had hitherto exercised its overlordship over the Malay states but in 1791 after a particularly hard-fought campaign against Patani, Bangkok had detached the Songkhla area from Nakhon's

jurisdiction and made it into a separate 'county', whose 'counts' were made responsible for the East coast Malay states." Control of the West coast states remained in the hands of Nakhon, the rulers of which continued to show themselves both enterprising and ambitious, and it was perhaps partly due to pressure from the Margrave tllat when Kelantan broke away from Trengganu at the beginning of the 19th century the Siamese King decided to place it not, as were its fellow East coast states, under Songkhla but under Nakhon.14 From this time onwards, as Nakho-n's one charge on the East coast, Kelantan enjoyed the attention of perhaps the most powerful territorial chieftain in Siam, an attention that might well have proved overpowering had not the Margrave been rather more interested in the affairs of the largest of the North-west Malay states, viz. Kedah_15

II.

For more exact transcriptions of this and other Siamese names, see Appendix B. Henceforth, to save space, Nakhon Si Thammarat will be abbreviated to Nakhon.

Hall: SEA, p. 395-397. Vella; RAM, p. 61. The degree of autonomy enjoyed by the Malay states at this time However, all had to have their Rulers confirmed in office by H16 varied considerably. King of Siam to whom, in recognition of his suzerainty, were sent, usually every three years, gifts and presents. Among these gifts- was the famous bunger eras not, ( a it is

14. 15.

usually translated) 'golden Hower(s)', but 'two trees', one of gold and one of silver, whose combined value would run into some thousands of dollars (Graham: KEL, p. 47 estimated the value of the bufrzga eras sent by Sultan Muhammad II (Senik) at $11,000. ) See also Ibrahim: PAT, p. 935 Ismail: BUN, p. 40-42; Mustaita: BUN, p. 42-43; Skeat: CAM, P- '7'7-78; Nulls: BRI, p. 41-48. According to the Siamese 'Annals of Kelantan', this was done to avoid complications between Kelantan and its former master (Prachum: KEL, p. 132. ) At this time, Perlis and Setul were still part of Ked ah.

4

The Northern Malay States in the l830's From about 1801, Ked ah had been ruled by Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Shah, a name that was to strike terror into the hearts of Britons engaged in the administration of the Straits Settlements, not so much because of any political power the Sultan might bring to bear, but because of the complications that any activity involving this indomitable but often tortuous monarch seemed fated to bring about in its wake." From Tajuddin's viewpoint, of course, matters appeared far less tortuous, in fact, he might well claim that he did nothing except pursue Zinea recta, the policy best calculated to preserve the independence of Ked ah and the dignity of its ruling dynasty. He had, after all, seen his predecessors' attempts to obtain a British 'shield' against Siam, by the cession of Penang island, come to nothing because of the timidity of the East India Company, a timidity which, he would note, apparently applied only to Siam, for the Company had been bold enough in compelling Tajuddin's father to cede them the 'Seberang Perai' district on the mainland opposite Penang." Such independence as Ked ah enjoyed at this time was due not so much to the help afforded it by the East India Company as to Siamese appreciation of the strategic role Ked ah could play in assisting Siam in its struggle with Burma. With the British a broken reed, Tajuddin had perforce to collaborate with the Siamese, and for his services in the campaigns against Burma, was promoted from the rank of Phaya to ChauphayafS To some extent, the promotion may be said to have gone to his head in that it probably inspired in him fresh hopes 16. The exasperation felt by the British oil-icial he dealt 'with sometimes seems to have communicated itself to later British historians; obscuring the resolution lying behind Tajuddin's doggedness. Even when most up against it, after an exile of some fifteen years, Tajuddin still had spirit enough to write to the Resident Councillor at Penang " . . . . .App boleh beta katakana Karena kompeni inggeris Ada besar kuasanya barong and hendak diperintahnya turut sukanya aka facial negeri ked ah it negeri beta lleturunan mari daripada datok nénék beta maker prang Siam tip ambit tiadalah boleh beta hendak lupakan pads has melainkan barangkala beta dap at kuasa beta hendak ambit b a l k jug negeri beta it Karena pikiran beta jika pads tuan raja éropa(h) inggeris dan kepada lat bengal sekali pun Sada jadi kesalahan béta2 hendak ambit balék negeri beta it Karena pads has rang segal bangs pun tatkala semarang berhuat malu rnengamhil artanya Eesti ia ma(h)u rnengamhil halék

.

( Then ebon sekali pun. . . . . ." what can I say, for the Company is great and powerful, and whatever they ordain

artanya itu iangan pun suatu negeri iika suatu

must be complied with. But as for Keclah, this is my country, handed down to me by my ancestors, (until) the Siamese tricked me and took it away from me. This I can never banish from my mind, and whenever I possess the power to do so, I shall retake my country, because, as I see it, I shall not be doing anything wrong with regard to the English King of Europe or even to the Lord of Bengal (the Governor-General-CS). For, whatever race a person may be, if anyone insults him and takes his property, he must surely want to get it back, even it what has been taken

is a mere orchard, much less a (whole) country).

Ms-. letter from Sultan Ahmad

Tajuddin Halim Shah to Mr. James William Salmond, Resident Councillor, Penang, fol.

135, Straits Settlements: LET, vol. F6. 17. Acquired in 1800, the district was rechris-tened Province Wellesley. 18. See Appendix B2.

5

~»_»--'*

The Civil War in Kelantan

of finding someone else to play off against the Siamese, viz. the Burmese. The Siamese, however, were not to be taken by surprise, and in 1821, on the grounds that Tajuddin was intriguing with the Burmese, the Margrave of Nakhon attacked Ked ah and drove out Tajuddin.19 From this time onwards, Ked ah (or Saiburi as it was called in Thai) was administered by Siamese from Nakhon, the Margrave's own sons." The Siamese attempted to assert their control even further south, but here they ran into opposition from the British in Penang, and after the Burney treaty of 1826 (and a subsequent show of force from Captain Low) Siamese claims to Perak and Selangor were never seriously pressed. However, despite the anger of the British merchants in the Straits, the Burney treaty did recognise the Siamese as the de jure rulers of Ked ah and as the de facto overlords of the North-Eastern Malay states of Trengganu and Kelantan. Further north still, the once powerful Malay kingdom of Patani had already been broken up by a series of Siamese attacks, and even before the death of Rama 1st in 1809 had been divided into seven petty principalities, under a Siamese governor." The methods used by the Siamese, both during and after their conquest, had not endeared them to the Patani Malays who, although temporarily brought to heel, showed themselves ready to join in any movement that held out to them the hope of driving out the Siamese.

When therefore, in 1831, the eidled Malay princes of Ked ah launched a successful attack on the Siamese, the 'rebels' were soon joined by most of the Patani states and the flame of Malay 'rebellion' spread into the Patani states, threatening to engulf Songkhla. Not only this, but the rulers of both Trengganu and Kelantan were persuaded into giving, or at least offering, the 'rebels' assistance against their mutual overlord." The rising was eventually put down

of Saiburi (i.e. Ked ah), Tajuddin's own (younger) brother, Tengku Mom, had gone to the Margrave and laid information against the Sultan (Prachum: SAI, p. 83). 20. According to Burney, after driving out Tajuddin, the Margrave had ". . . . . .ostensibly

19.

According to the Siamese Annals

transferred the Government of the Country to the retired chief, Sultan Thaoodeen (Diyauddin, Tajuddin's uncle CS) for the purpose of making through him a demand

-

of the Annual Stipend of 10,000 Dollars from the Government of Prince of Wales Island." The claim however was ignored and Diyauddin was soon allowed to return to his retirement (Burney- PAP, II ( 4 ) , p. 187). In 1825, Bangkok confirmed the appointment of Phra' Borirak Phubét (the Margraves eldest S~OI1 by a secondary wife) as Phaya or Ruler of Saiburi (Ked ah), (ibid., IV ( 2 ) , p. 47-485 Prachum: SAI, p. 83-845 Anuson:

NAK, p. 111). 2.1.

Vellla: BAM, p. 61-62, implies that Patani was broken up in 1791 but Ibrahim- PAT, p. 101 states that the division into seven states took place on y after the 1808 Patani

22.

Ibrahim: PAT, p. 108 says that Kelantan actually sent a band of Fighting men under the leadership of the Raja Muds (Long Ismail of Kampong Laut) and his son (Tuan Besar), and the Raja of B a n a l .

rising.

6

The Northern Malay States in the 1830's and Siamese control restored but the behavior of the rulers of Trengganu and Kelantan had not escaped the attention of the Siamese. In Kelantan, Sultan Muhammad was compelled to surrender the fugitive Raja of Patani,23 and pay 30,000 silver dollars in order to retain his throne."

23. Ibrahim, ibid., says that this Raja of Patani (Tengku Sulong) was a nephew of Sultan 24.

Muhammad. Vella: RAM, p. 69; Hikayat Semi Kevlar-tan, p. 111; Earl; EAS, p. 153; Moor: NOT, p. 201-202.

'7

CHAPTER II KELANTAN IN THE LATE 1830's It was shortly after the Siamese had reasserted their authority in the Northern Malay states that George Earl visited Kelantan in his schoonerAttempts to trade with the Sultan proved unsuccessful for, as a result of the heavy fine he had been forced to pay, Muhammad declared "that he had no money, all his gold-dust and dollars having been given to the Siamese. It was perhaps this that caused Earl to consider Kelantan to be "inferior in importance to Tringanu",2 although the picture that emerges of Kelantan in the late l8:30's is one of considerable p r o p erity. As far as its population

-

went - often a good guide to the prosperity of a place Kelantan, with a population of between 40,000 and 50,000 was the most populous of the peninsula Malay states at the time? Earl himself allowed that "gold-dust, pepper, rattans and hides are exported in considerable quantities$24 but omitted to list tin (of which Kelantan produced some 3,000 pikul annually), coffee, rice and woven the raw silk being imported from China? silk

-

Earl: EAS, p. 153. ibid, p- 153. 1.2.3. In 1822, Crawford gave the population of Kelantan as 50,000, excluding Chinese (Crawfurd; SIA, vol. 2, p. 219) and the same figure was given by Nev bold in his book published in 1839. According to the latter, Kelantan was then the most populous state in the Peninsula, Ked ah and Nakhon combined having a population of 50,000, Perak of 35,000 and Trenggarlu of 30,000 (Nev bold: POL, vol. I, p. 418-419, vol. 2,

p. 65). When Munshi Abdullah visited Kelantan in 1838, one of the younger rajas he met told him that, not countin the up-stream districts, there were 60,000 people in the capital and its vicinity (Abdullah: PEL, p. 80). These figures are probably a little too high. In a later book Crawfurcl again mentions the figure of 50,000 but this time says: "I make no doubt but that it is much exaggerated." (Crawfurd:

DES, p. 195), and in 1882, British Intelligence estimated the total population of the state as 30,000 "including some thousand Chinese" (War Officer: PRE, p. 170).

Earl: EAS, p. 153.

4.5. Nev bold (1839) says that "the principal articles of produce are gold and tin: of the latter about 3000 piculs, and about 12,000 piculs of pepper annually. Lead is stated to exist." ( Newboldz POL, vol. II, p. 65). Abdullah: PEL, p. 85-65 says- "Shahdan adalah dagangan and keluar dari dalam ne Geri it eras dan kahlua dan betas sedikit2. clan Kain s u t r a Dan seluar sekalian itu ditenun dalam negeri itu. Maker ad s u t r a itu bukannya jadi dalam negeri melainkan dibawa oleh kapal Inggeris atau wangkang China danya." (The produce that is exported is gold and coitee and a little rice, as well as silk salon s- and trousers, woven in the state. The silk is not obtained from is imported in English ships or Chinese junks.) Kelantan's inside the country principal imports from Singapore during this period were probably cloth (from Britain and India), tobacco (from .lava) and opium (mainly from India). "The

In

speculative trade in opium was one of the most profitable ventures# undertaken by the

8

Kelantan in the Late l830's Even Munshi Abdullah, who visited Kelantan in the middle of a civil war ( in 1838) and does his best, in his 'Travel-Journal to show us the blacker side of life in the Malay states, was constantly moved to admiration by the abundance that met him everywhere he went." Although a war was going on and the normal market had been disrupted, he found the temporary market crowded with hawkers selling all kinds of vegetables, sambas, fish and shell-iish, while fruit (bananas, durians, rambutans, rambai, langsat etc.) was apparently so

plentiful as to be not worth bringing to market. Everywhere he found coconuttrees, betel-vines and sugar-cane growing and thriving, and even maize, while then (as now) Kelantan's paddy-fields - yielding a return of between 100 to 150 gar tang for each gar tang of seed - produced more than enough rice to go round. Poultry and livestock of all kinds were cheap and plentiful, a fullygrown goat costing no more than a dollar and a large fine bullock between two and three dollars. Even when he went 'up-country' and visited Sabak ( about 10 miles north-east of Kota B(h)aru} Abdullah found hundreds of bullocks, buitaloes and goats roaming around, virtually untended, while the 'inland sea' in the vicinity produced tons of prawns, as we.ll as great quantities of fish. He even saw pigs being kept, by Chinese of course, who also cultivated peppervines and betel-vines, as well as vegetables" It is true that Abdullah found the people of Kelantan, nobles and commoners alike, dreadfully inelegant* and with only the most primitive ideas on hygiene, but all in all, the prosperity described by this decidedly unfriendly witness goes some way towards justifying the claim that during the reign of Sultan Muhammad I the government of the state had been carried on ". . . .dengan 'adil dan murah hingga dari seta fun kesetahun bertambah rama dagan santeri kerana Sada berbangkit kerusohan atau pepe1angan".9 Singapore merchants to (the East Coast)", says Wong: TBA, p. 79, who explains it as being due to the presence of Chinese miners in Kelantan and Pahang. It seems

clear however, that the opium was enjoyed by the Malays as much as by the Chinese (of. Abdullah' 6.

PEL, P. 87, 99-101, 123).

This abundance applied even to the 'ladies of the town' who, accompanied by

their

pimps, shocked Abdullah by descending in droves upon the ships moored at the landing-

stage. For once however, Abdullah was apparently too fascinated by the ladies' coiffures (which attained an elegance greater than he had ever seen before, even in such

'7. 8.

9.

civilised centre as Malacca and Singapore) to do much more than comment disapprovingly on a town in which pimping was acknowledged to be an honorable profession (ibid. p, 87). The above account is based entirely upon Abdullah: PEL, p. 74-97, On Abdullah's- own admission however, the Kelantanese were not entirely lacking in culture, as witness his borrowing from the locals a copy of the '(Hikayat) Khoja Mair run' (alias 'Beyer Budirnan'), ibid., p. 81.

. . . with justice and Chan so that, in the absence of any disorder or strife, the number of merchants and tra ers increased from year to year'. (Said Shukri' KEL, p. 89.) Written by a Kelantan Malay some hundred years after the Sultan's- death, such a quotation may seem worthless. It is however backed up by the Singapore Free

3

( continued on page 10 )

9

The Civil War in Kelantan Unfortunately, although surrounded by every evidence of fertility, Sultan himself was apparently sterile, gaining for himself the nickname of 'Sultan Mandul' (the childless Sultan)1° and when he died in 1837,11 his surviving relatives were soon lighting each other for the throne. Muhammad

Of his two surviving brothers, the elder, Engku Kota," appears to have been rather more ineffectual than the younger, Long Zainal, the Raja ( of) Banggul." Neither brother however seems to have possessed anything like a strong personality, and it was possibly for this reason that the late Sultan was said to have singled out one of his nephews, Tuan Senile, for special attention, perhaps with a view to making him his heir apparent. It was not surprising therefore that even before MuhammadS death, Kelantan had begun to show a division into two main parties, that of Raja Banggul, and that or Tuan Senile, both prepared to use force if necessary, to obtain supremacy in the state. One story has it that, so great was Raja BangguI's1 jealousy of Senik and his family, that the death of Senile's father (Tuan Long Tan, the Temenggong) at the hands of a gang of Chinese was in fact a 'put-up job' arranged by Raja Banjul, who was thereupon promptly banished from Kelantan on Sultan Muhammad's Press which, writing in the year of the Sultan's death, noted that- "Of the several ports on the East Coast of the Peninsula frequented by the sampan pukats, Calantan seems at present to be the favorite place of resort. The Rajah of that place it appears, has the good sense to patronise a more liberal system of trade than is usually countenanced by his compeers along the Coast, and not to act on the principles of a rigorous

monopoly." (Singapore Free Press, 12 January 1837.) Such a tribute (and from such a source) can scarcely be discounted. cf. Hentsez KEL, p. 60. Rentse: KEL, p. 60 (of. also Rentse and Nile Mahmood: SAL), says that Sultan Muhammad I died "in A.H. 1251 or A.D. 1835", a date that is accepted not only

by Vella: RAM, p. 705 Abdullah: THE, p. 12; Seed Shukri: KEL, p. 85, Mohd. Taib: ABD, p. 345, but also apparently by the Sultan's descendents, the present Kelantan royal House (cf. Coronation Souvenir p. 33, 35). As against this however, Graham: KEL, p. 44, says that Muhammad died "about the year 1837", a date which is supported by the Siamese 'Annals of Kelantan" which s-ays that the Sultan died "in the year of the Dog, the 10th year of the (10 year) cycle", i.e. in A.D. 1837-1838 (PranchumKEL, P- 133). L`v[unshi AbduIlah's visit to Kelantan in A nil/Mav 1838 (see below) gives the impression that the fighting he describes had lliroken out no great length of time after Raja Banjul had succeeded Muhammad, an impression which is to some extent confirmed by the account given in a contemporary ballad, the Stair Mus oh Kelantan (p. 12-20). Perhaps most convincing is the fact that the personal seals of office of the chieftains appointed by Banjul (after succeeding Muhammad as Ruler of Kelantan) bear the date "A.H. 1253" see e.g. Letters No. 1 and 4 below. The J

12.

evidence seems to show that the traditional dating of Sultan Muhalnmad's death is two years too early. All the sources c o l i c that Engku Kota was Raja Banjul's elder brother. The fairly reliable Abdullah:

THE, p. 4, states that the two were in fact half-brothers,

Engku Kota (called 'Tuan Dagang' and 'Ungku Sowa Raja') being the issue of Long Yunus' second marriage, and Raja Banjul the issue of his third marriage. Engku Kota is also called 'Tengku Long Mada' and 'Tengku Kota' (Rentse and Nile Mahmoud: SAL), as well as 'Tengku Seri Putera Maharaja' (Letter No. 13). 13.

Shah' M-usoh Kelantan, p. 3-10 ( see especially p. 9 ) .

10

Kelantan in the Late 1830's

orders." The story is probably not true;15 certainly, Baja Banjul was in Kelantan when Sultan Muhammad died, and with his elder brother ( Engku Kota) being quite content to back his claims, Banjul was able to obtain enough support to win him the throne." On becoming ruler, Banjul tried not only to reward his friends, but also

to conciliate his enemies, distributing the principal oiiices of state fairly widely among his nephews. The oiiice of Raja Muda (Deputy Ruler) was given to Tuan Long Ahmad (son of Tuan Long Yusuf, Bangguls deceased brother) and that of Perdana Menteri (Chief Minister) to Tuan Besar of Kampong Laut (the eldest son of another of Banggufs deceased brothers the former Raja Muda, Tuan Long Ismail). Senile was given the office of Temenggong (as held by his late father, Tuan Long Tan) while Senile's eldest brother, Tuan Kota, took over the post of Bendahara from Raja Banjul," in fact, the only notabili1.4.

So runs the version in the Hikaifat Semi Kalarxton, p. 62, followed by Bentse: KEL, p. 58. This version goes on to say that, after Long Tan'sl murder, an attempt was made to burn the corpse, but the dead man's gold (-capped) teeth, resisting the flames, eventually revealed the victim's identity ( a n account which, if true, would make this probably the earliest recorded example of forensic science in Malaya). 15. The Iiikayat Semi Kelantan the only original source reference I can find that mentions the murder, is obviously brassed against the Banjul faction. The more impartial Shoir Mus oh Keiantan makes no mention of the story (nor, apparently do any of the Siamese sources, all of which are anti-Banggul). Most significant, I think, is the fact that when Munshi Abdullah made his brief visit to Kelantan in 1838 (see below) and met Long Tan's oldest son, the latter, although then engaged in a bitter struggle to drive out the alleged murderer, made, in the course of a long and angry attack OI1 Raja Banjul's past conduct, no mention of the incident. (Abdu]lah: PEL, p. 69-73). 16. In his interview with Abdullah in May 1838, Senik'g elder brother, Tuan Kota, (who appears to have been the driving force in the Senile faction) admitted that Raja Banjul 'was elected Ruler of Kelantan as the result of a (family) council-of-state, in

which the Senile faction were fully represented. "Hatter niaka n a h u m pun mangkatlah it maker dalam says sekalian bersaudara muafakatlah. Maka dijadikan die raja dalam negeri i i " (\lichen the late King died, we members of the family took counsel among ourselves and he (i.e. Raja Banjul: CS) was made King of this land.), ibid., p. '72, The Hikarfat Semi Kelarztan has it that Baja Banjul ( u p till then an exile, as the result of his alleged murder of Long Tan) hearing that Sultan Muhammad was dying, returner just in time to become Rider ( p. 62-63.) The Shaizr Mus oh Kelautan records that Raja Banggufs elder brother, Engku Kota, (the 'doyen' of the family) proposed Raja Banjul as Ruler, without meeting any strong opposition, although the Senile faction obviously had their reservations on the subject (p. 8-10.) Strangely enough, the Siamese records ignore completely all reference to Baja Banjul's occupancy of

the throne ( a striking example of their pro-Senik and anti-Banggul Siamese Arnlafs

of

attitude.)

The

Kelantfm for example says that, when Sultan Muhammad died, the

family Council-of-State unanimously decided that Senile, as the best loved and ablest members of the late Ruler's family, should be appointed King, a choice that, when submitted through the Margrave of Nakhon to Bangkok, met with the King of Siam's gracious approval. (Prachurn: KEL., p. 1335 of. Vella: RAM, p. '70-71.) 17.

Shair Mus oh Keiantun, p. 10; Saad Shukri: KEL, p. 86. There seems no doubt of these appointments. The anti-Banggul Hikayat Semi Kelantan mentions Tuan Long Allmad's appointment as Raja Muda p. 63), and the letters edited here show that Tuan Long Ahmad sealed his letters "Raja Muda", and Tuan Besar, "Perdana MertonM - The (continued on page 12 )

II

\

The Civil War in Kelantan ties not given high otlices were Banjul's own sons. Despite this apparently impartial distribution of offices, the Senile faction were obviously not prepared to give up so easily the throne that had appeared so near during the lifetime of the late Sultan." However, with the strength of both parties fairly equally matched, it required intervention from outside in order to break the deadlock.

The obvious place to look for such intervention was Siam, probably in Nakhon rather more than in Bangkok, and in the months that followed both parties spared neither flattery nor money to win Siamese support."

It seems likely however, that the Margrave of Nakhon had already decided that from t.he Siamese point of view, Senile would be a far better man to have on the throne than Raja Banjul, who was said to have assisted the Malay rebels in 1832"0 (and would therefore, if Sialn's experience with the Ked ah and Patani Malays were any guide, certainly do so again.) Whatever the facts of the matter may have been, from this point on, if not before, the Margrave appears to have decided that, without necessarily intervening in force in the affairs

18.

impartial observer from Singapore, Munshi Abdullah, calls Tuan Kota, the 'Bendahara' and Senile the 'Temenggong'. (Abdullah: PEL, p. 72.) The Stair Mus oh Kelantan observes that, at die Council meeting when Raja Banjul

was suggested as the successor to Sultan Muhammad I (by his brother, Engku Kota), "Akan Tuan Senile Tuannya Kota tundok tidak berkata2 . ."

.

(Tuan Senile and Tuan Kota

dropped their gaze, said never a word . . .) "menjadi pay ah hendak berkata Karena berkapit dengan Engku Kota . . ." 19.

(hard it was to say a word when sitting next to Engku Kota . . . ) On the Senile side, Tuan Kota told Abdullah ( in April 1838) "Maker sekarang adalah sahaya masing2 telah menyurohkan orange pergi men6hadap kebenua Siam, Serta membawa beberapa h a r t . Maka barong siapa yang dijadikan Raja Siam, ialah Yang di Pertuan di Kelantan i i . " (Recently, we' ve both of us sent envoys to Bangkok, with lots of presents and whoever is appointed by the King of Siam is to be the lawful Ruler of Kelantan), Abdullah; PEL, p. '72, while one of Tuan Kota's commanders told Abdullah " . . . Karena daripada empat2 raja i i ad menyurohkan utusan kehenua Siam, Serta mernbawa lima e a r n puloh rib

adana" (

. . these

ringgit Dan eras akin obadiah kepacla Baja,

four Rajas between them .have sent envoys to Bangkok, with

presents for the King of up to fifty or sixty thousand dollars, in currency and gold ibid., p. 89). On the other side, Baja Banjul, after he had been driven out and taken refuge with the Raja of Saihuri, complained to his host "Harapkan menolong orangnya Siam

haloislah pérak herpuloh koyan

..

."

("In the hope of obtaining help from Siam 20.

I poured out silver by the ton") (Stair Mus oh Kelantan, p. 32). Vella: RAM, p. 70. Apparently relying upon Udom Son bat: CHO, Vella says that both Banjul and Tuan Besar were suspected on these grounds. Ibrahim: PAT, p. 108, states defiriitely that both Banjul and Tuan Besar had taken part in the campaign against the Siamese.

12

Kelantan in the Late l830's

of Kelantan, he would use his not inconsiderable influence against Banggul and in favour of Senik, whenever the occasion gave rise." With feelings running high within Kelantan it required little gift to prophesy that the occasion would not be too long in coming.. The incident that sparked off actual hostilities occurred when some Chinese actors put on a public per-

formance in the Chinese quarter (Kampong China) of Kampong Laut. The Chinese play on the stage was soon outdone by the fighting that broke out amongst the audience, which included partisans of both factions, numbers of whom, fully armed, had gone to watch the show. The first clash took place between Tuan Kota's men and Tuan Long Ahmad's men. Senik's partisans rallied to the assistance of Tuan Kota's men and this in turn brought out the men-at-arms of Raja Banggul in support of Tuan Long Ahmad's men. Not to be outdone, the retainers of another brother of Senile's, Tuan Long Senile Gagap, joined in against Banggul's men, and the battle was well and tryly joined. Seni_k's faction appear to have carried the day, and to have pursued their opponents back to their compound, where, from the safety of the stockade that had been erected with perhaps just this in mind, Banggufs men discharged a few salvoes at their pursuers in order to prevent them from coming too close. Attempts by Raja Banjul and Tuan Long Ahmad to put an end to the fighting proved ineffective and soon both sides were busy in erecting defensive positions of some strength." .

At last, Raja Banjul sent for his sons, Tuan Lebai and Tuan Tengah, and ordered them to launch a full-scale attack upon the enemy. Senile, however, had recruited the assistance of his cousin Raja Chik,23 who soon put the attackers 21. The Stair Mus oh Kelantan, p. 2.7-28, says that, when Fighting did break out, and Banjul sent a letter to the Governor of Nakhon, asking for help, "Perkataan Surat didengar s e r t a

Raja Legor sangatlah sukachita Kapada niatnya didalam chit Tuan Seniklah hendak ditakhta."

(The letter was read, from beginning to end The Raja of Legor was greatly pleased As he had desired and secretly planned Tuan Senile was to have the throne),

and events seem to bear out this accusation of partiality. 22. The account of the Fighting given here is based upon the Stair Mus oh Kelantan, p.

20-32; Ahclullah~

PEL, p. 71-72; Abdullah: TRE, p. 13. Gullick: POL, p. 120-12.4

gives an excellent summary of the main characteristics of this stockade-type warfare. (of. also Gibson-Hill- CAN, especially p. 147).

23. Letter No. 11 says Baja Chik was Tuan Besar's "a-clék" (younger brother).

Tuan Besar,

as is clear from his seal on his letters here, was the son of Long Ismail but Letter No. 13

states categorically that Raja Cheek was the son of Engku Kota (Tengku Serf Putera Maharaja). Rentse and Mahrnood: SAL, confirm that 'Baja (1n)che" was the son. of Engku Kota and the account in Abdullah: TRE, p. 12, also gives, Raja (In)ché' as the son of Engku Kota, here called 'Tuan Dagang' and 'Ungku Sowa Baja'. The word "adék" in Letter No. I I is probably used merely to denote a relation of the same age-group as one's (younger) brother.

13

The Civil War in Kelantan to flight. Tuan Lebai and Tuan Tengah fled precipitately, not stopping until they had reached Saiburi, one of the Patani Malay states." At this stage of the proceedings, an exotic clash of c o l o r was given to the scene by the arrival ( in April 1838) of a multi-racial trade delegation from Singapore.25 The mission, headed by a Mr. 'Cranpré',2" bearing letters from Governor Bonham, had come to petition for the release of four Chinese boats and their cargo, viz. merchandise to the value of forty or Fifty thousand dollars belonging to some Chinese and Jewish merchants in Singapore. The boats had been detained in the Kelantan estuary since the outbreak of hostilities, (in fact, as Tuan Kota revealed in a talk with the Malay Interpreter of the mission (the famous 'Munshi' Abdullah), three at least of the cannon with which the boats had been equipped, were at that moment adorning Tuan Kota's stockades.) As Abdullah describes the situation, Raja Banggul, although still holding out, and tiring off impressive, if largely harmless, salvoes of artillery, was being hard-pressed. According to what Abdullah heard, he had only some 600 men in his stockade - the Senile faction apparently numbered several thousand - and was only able to hold out because of the amount of supplies and ammunition that he had amassed in readiness for just such an attack upon him. However, the end was obviously in sight; it was reported that inside his stockade a leaf of betel, or a piece of fish could not be had for less than a dollar, while deserters were coming over at the rate of about a dozen every night. Abdullah gives the impression that the driving force in the anti-Banggul movement at this time was not Senik, but his eldest brother, Tuan Kota?" 24.

Stair Mus oh Kelantan, p. 23-27. Raja Cliik's defeat of Tuan Bulat is confirmed by Letter No. 11. 2.5. For the activities of the mission, see Abdullah: PEL (especially p. 56-107)5 Singapore Free Press, 29 March, 26 April, 3 May 1838. The mission left Singapore during the last week in March (1st Muharram, 1254 - Abdullah's "12.53°' must be a mistake, otherwise none of the days of the week will Ht the dates given) and apparently arrived in Kelantan on 12 April 1838. 26. This 'Granpré' is described as a "young Portuguese gentleman" and may have been

a Eurasian (Singapore Free Press, 3 May, 1838). 27.

The dominance of Tuan Kota is confirmed not only by Abdullah, but also by all other

records (Hikayat Semi Keluntan, Stair Mus oh Kelnntan, Prachum: KEL), which present Tuan Kota as the more forcible, and Senile as the more diplomatic of the anti-Banggu1 leaders. This being the case, one might well wonder why it was Senik, and not Tuan Kota, who became Ruler of Kelantan, after BanguI's expulsion. As Sultan Muhammad I had left no heir, the person with the best legal claim to succeed him would be the eldest of his surviving brothers, i.e. (with Engku Kota unwilling), Raja Banjul. The only effective counter-claim that could have any appearance of legality would be, that the late Sultan had definitely appointed someone else as his heir-apparent. Senile seems to have been the late Sultan's favorite nephew, and, although probably not in fact nominated as his heir (of. Tuan Kota's own statement as to Sultan Muhammad's dying testimony, Abdullah: PEL, p. 72), this was obviously the best line for the anti-

Banjul faction to take, providing them legal grounds for Banjul's expulsion. At this stage of the proceedings, therefore, Tuan Kota could not press his own claims over

14

Kelantan in the Late l830's Abdullah seems not to have met Senik, and the letter for Senik from the Governor of Singapore was taken by Tuan Kota, who promised to deliver it safely. Abdullah describes Tuan Kota as being ". . . . . .round-faced, of middle height and rather plump, with a fair skin".28 At the moment of their meeting, Tuan Kota (although he could scarcely have been unaware that visitors were calling ) was dressed somewhat informally in ". . . . . . a black Bugis sarong, wearing no coat, and with a batik head-cloth".29 Abdullah leaves us in no doubt as to his forceful personality; when pressed to allow the mission to deliver a letter

to Raja Banggul, the angry look that Tuan Kota assumed was at once sufficient to persuade the mission to drop the matter. Attempts by the mission to collect debts owed by the wife of one of the Kelantan chiefs who had gone up to Bangkok were firmly brushed aside with the remark- "Under no circumstances can we have dealings with women, wait till her husband comes (back) and the war is finished, and then we can settle the matter.:uf1.*° The same note was struck when the mission asked for the release of the Chinese boats and their cargo. The Tuan Kota replied that the boats were free to go, and all of them except one had in fact left. He had, it was true, borrowed some three of the ship's cannon, but he would return them as soon as the war was over. He assured them that he would leave no stone unturned in seeing that any debts contracted by Kelantanese in respect of the boats' cargo would be paid back - eventually. He then told the mission how the war had started, with the brawl at the Chinese show in Kampong Last, and how he and his brothers had been forced to defend themselves against the attacks of the Banggul 'gang'.31 those of Senile, without admitting the far better claims of Raja Banjul. The first thing was to oust Banjul, on the grounds that Senile was the official heir. When this was at last accomplished and Senile recognised as Sultan of Kelantan by the Siamese, Tuan Kota too was granted the title of 'Sultan', obvious a reflection of the dominant part played by him. Subsequently, when the attempted) ' come-back' by the BanggulTuan Besar faction had been defeated, it became a case of Senile versus Tuan Kota, and die dispute was only settled by Senile calling in Siamese assistance and obtaining Tuan

Kota's banishment.

(Hfkayat Ser-5 Keiontan, p. 65-69- cf. Vella; RAM, p. 74, for a

pro-Senik account of the quarrel. )

mukanya b l a t Sada tinggi Sada rendah, dan tubohnya gempa12, dan kulitnya . . ." (Abdullah: PEL, p. 68.) 2.9. " . . . dipakainya Kain Bugis hit am, Sada berbajul dan saps tangannya batik bang." ( i s m , p. 68). 30. "Maker iikalau barong pa sekali pun, Sada boll Kita berbichara kapada perernpuan,

2.8.

putsch tuning

melainkan biarlah datary lakinya dan selesai pekerjaan p r a n g i i , boléhlah Kita Jeriksakan." Uhid., p. 73). It is not impossible that the absent husband refereed to ere is none other than Tuan Bongsu, the younger brother of the speaker, sent to Bangkok

to obtain Siamese recognition for the claims of the Senile faction (see below). If so, this would help to explain the somewhat brusque dismissal of the matter by Tuan

Kota. 31.

Tuan Kota's views. are naturally not free from bias. Seed Shukri, who is decidedly pro~Senik and anti-Banggul (of. his somewhat theatrical 'asides') nevertheless appears (continued on page 16 ]

15

The Civil War in Kelantan With some indignation, he related that, although Sultan Muhammad I's dying political testimony to his surviving relatives had been: "You all right it out, the winner will be the Ruler of Kelantan. It was the same when I was

young; I became Raja of Kelantan through my courage and daring",32 the Council of State, of which Tuan Kota and his brothers had been members, had generously allowed Banggul to become Ruler. Now, however, as a result of the attacks' made upon them by the Banggul faction, it was a case of 'may the best man win'. He revealed that he had himself sent a mission to Siam, well laden with presents, in order to obtain from Bangkok a decision as to who was to be acknowledged as the Ruler of Kelantan. In the recent fighting he said, he had been handicapped by lack of supplies as (unlike Raja Banggul) he had harbored no aggressive intentions, and he asked the mission to request the Governor of Singapore to send him gunpowder and shot. Abdullah, a journalist manqué if ever there was one, spent the remainder of his brief visit to Kelantan in wandering around picking up gossip and meeting local celebrities. Despite his account of the fearsomeness of the daily bombardments,

it seems fairly clear that the only really dangerous area was

within about a hundred yards of the rival stockades.33 He met a Haji of Trengganu descent, who described himself as one of the officers of Tuan Kota's troops. The Hajj was critical of the courage of the leaders of both factions and gave it as his opinion that matters would drag on indefinitely until the He told Siamese had made up their minds who was to have the throne. Abdullah that, in order to help the Siamese make up their minds, the warring factions had between them sent Hefty to sixty thousand dollars in gold and silver by way of inducements. Abdullah advised him that, if he wanted to finish oil the war quickly, he should mine the enemy's position and blow it up, as had been done with the great Portuguese fort at Malacca. The Haji appeared delighted with the idea and rushed off to tell Tuan Kota, only to return a little to take it for granted that Senile and company had no intention of accepting Banggul as ruler, but were merely waiting for an opportunity KEL, p. 86-87).

to start trouble (Saad Shukri'

32. "Berperanglah en kau sekalian: barong siapa yang renan, ialah yang menjadi Yang i i . Maker aku pun demikian jug dahulu; sebab gagahku dan r di Pertuan di Legantan beraniku, maker aku menladi raja di Kelantan i i . " (Abdullah- PEL, p. 72). This reported statement corroborates Abdullah's 'anti-Raja' views a little too exactly not to be taken with a grain of salt.. 33. Some of the artillery used during the lighting can still be seen in Kota B(a)haru. One

-

of the cannon used, strictly speaking a culverin of the largest - if not the largest (cast in Amsterdam in 1686 for the Amsterdam Chamber of the Dutch East India Com-

pany), stands to-day on the Padang; the barrel is nearly 8 meet long with a calibre of 4.37 inches, and fired a shot weighing some lOw£lbs. Other cannon from the period, which still survive, include "cast-iron G and 8-pounders" and there are also "two Hue

brass' lela" (Gibson-Hill; CAN, p. 156-157. )

16

Kelantan in the Late l830's while later and announce disappointedly that Tuan Kota had declared such action to be too drastic for a civil war.

Not the least interesting of Abdullah's interviews was with Tuan Besar himself, the man Raja Banggul had appointed as his Prime Minister. Abdullah found Tuan Besar's compound in Kampong Laut strongly defended. Stockades mounted with cannon, had been built all around it and hundreds of men were on guard as Grandpré and Abdullah were taken into the house. After a few moments of waiting, Tuan Besar came out to greet his visitor, a shy smile on his face. Abdullah describes him as being . . . . .short and rather dark-sldnned, plump and round-faced, with a Finely-chiselled nose. He had a few smallpox scars on his cheek; his teeth were curved, blackened and shining. He was wearing silk trousers and a shirt of patterned satin material, with a batik headcloth; his hair came down to his shoulders; he spoke in a rather hoarse voice and he had a kerfs stuck in his belt; his age would be about thirty or a little less".34 Abdullah asked him whether he was taldng part in the lighting but Tuan Besar replied 'Tm taking no part in this affair. I'm neither one way nor the other, I'm quite neutral".35 Abdullah then asked him why, in that case, his compound was so heavily defended, and was told "We must look after our district; if anyone should try and interfere with us, then we must smash the1n".36 Abdullah and the Singapore delegation stayed in Kelantan only a few days before sailing back to Singapore, their purpose largely unaccomplished.37 It was probably soon after their departure that a Siamese mission arrived in Kelantan, with instructions from the Margrave of Nakhon that both sides were to stop fighting at once, and that all stockades should be demolished. The break in the fighting that followed was only temporary, however, and (perhaps with the Siamese envoys turning a blind eye in their direction) Senile's party seem to have used the interval to increase the strength of their position, so that 34,

.. .

rendah2 lagi hit am manis Dan tubehnya gempal2 Dan Inukanya b l a t Dan hidong-

nya manchong.

Maka adalah p r u t chachar sedikit dipipinya, giginya lenték lag ber-

kilat hitarn. Maker dipakainya seluar s u t r a dan baju chit atlas dan sap tartan batik bang, dan rambutnla menjejak b a h , Dan suaranya gar au, dan sebilah k r i s tersisip pipingg a n g r y . Maka adalah kira2 umornya tiger puloh t h u r

35.

(Abdullah: PEL, P. '78). "Sahaya Sada m a s k alar pekerjaan i i .

tau kurang daripada i t . "

Adalah sahaya i i , diana pun tidak, disini

pun tidal: sahaya dudok ditengah2". (ibid,, p.79.).

"Baiklah Kita berjaga kampong Kita: kala barangkali datary rang mengusék Kita, Kita bantam aka die." (£bid., p.79). 37. Abdullah says he left Kelantan on 22 Muharram 1254 (17 April 1838) and arrived back in Singapore on 29 MWarram (24 April). The Singapore Free Press of 26 April 1838 confirms the date of Abddah's return. On l May 1838, Ko (H)an, the Chinese interpreter who had accompanied the mission, wrote to the Singapore Free Press expressing

36.

his "utter dissatisfaction" of the way the mission had gone about its task.

He was

particdarly severe on those members of the mission who had wasted their time "pencelling the fortifications of Calantan" (Singapore Free Press, 3 May 1838). The dating suggested by Mohd. Taib: ABD is untenable.

17

The Civil War in Kelantan

when a few days later, Fighting broke out again, Raja Banggul's men were unable to hold out any Ionger.3** Banggul's Raja Muda, Tuan Long Ahmad was defeated in battle and Banggul himself Hed up the Sungai Pinang, to Tun pat and then on to Narathiwat and Saiburi. Tuan Long Ahmad was captured by the attackers, but (as Tuan Kota had told Abdullah, it was, after all, a civil

war) was allowed to take his family and his dependents with him to Tun pat. Raja Banggnl had taken refuge with the Raja of Saiburi, to whom he complained bitterly of the amount of money he had spent in order to obtain the support of the Margravc. In a last effort to ensure that the money had not been spent entirely in vain, Banggul decided to go up to Nakhon to see the Margrave, only to find that the Margrave had left Nakhon for Bangkok. Banggul followed the Margrave on to Bangkok where the Margrave received him quite affably and expressed his surprise that the intervention of his envoys to Kelantan should have had such unexpected results. However, no action was taken to assist Banggul and subsequently Banggul heard, to his chagrin, that the King of Siam had graciously consented to recognise Senik as the Ruler of Kelantan. Piealising that he had been outwitted, Raja Banggul left Bangkok and sailed straight back to Saiburi, apparently omitting the customary courtesy call at Nakhon on his way. The other Kelantanese, headed by Tuan Bongsu (perhaps a member of a delegation originally sent by Baja Banggul) and Tuan Besar ( who had apparently gone up to Bangkok after Banggul's expulsion) were made the bearers of the official announcement of Siam's recognition of Senik as Sultan, and were also entrusted with an 'Hof ours List' of Kelantanese to be given Siamese titles of They made the customary stop at Nakhon, nobility on Senik's accession.3*' 38.

The account of events given here is based upon the Stair Mus oh Kelantan, p. 28-36. Some confirmation of Siamese partiality towards Senile is found in the comment of the it Singapore Free Press of 9 August 1839 that "The reigning chief of Calantan appears in the late contest for the succession to the sovereignty, had the voice of the Court of Siam in his favour

...

.

39.

The Shair Mus oh Kelantan gives the impression that Tuan Bongsu had gone up to Bangkok some time before the fighting had begun (as a member of

in

'all party' delega-

tion sent by Banggul to announce his accession) and had remained there ever since,

with Tuan Besar apparently joining him later (p.l5, p.37). This is partly corroborated by Letter No. 295, which suggests that Tuan Bongsu was out of the country when the fighting was going on; moreover, Abdullah, who certainly met Tuan Besar in Kelantan in April 1838 (when the fighting was oing o f ) makes no mention of Tuan Bongsu (except perhaps to supply indirect evidence of his absence from the country - see note 30 above. )

-

no mention is made of The Hikayait Semi Kelantan however says that Tuan Bongsu Tuan Besar accompanying him was sent up to Bangkok after the fighting had finished ( p. 63-64), while the pro-Senik 'Annals' imply that there was only one mission sent from Kelantan after Sultan Muhammad I's death headed by Raja Banggul, Tuan Bongsu and Tuan Besar, come to press Senile's claims to the throne! (Prachum: KEL, p. 133.) .--

Summing up the evidence, it seems probable that Bongsu had gone up to Bangkok before the fighting broke out, and stayed on to press his brother's claims. Banggul, on

18

Kelantan in the Late 1830's whose Margrave gave them an escort to accompany them back to Kelantan. On the mission's arrival back in Kelantan, Senile was otlicially proclaimed a Ruler, and details of the promotions announced.

It was, of course, no coincidence that both Raja Banggul and Tuan Long Ahmad were not included in this 'Hof ours List' which appointed Senik as the Phaya (Governor/Ruler) of Kelantan with the title of Phaya Phiphith Phakdi Semi Sultan Muhammad Batna Nuchit Santi Sur thon Boworo \Vongso. Tuan Kota was given the rank of Phaya Changwang (Deputy Ruler) with the title

Phaya Suntan Thibodi Seri Sultan Deva Maharaja; Tuan Senik Cagap received the title of Tengku Seri I n d r a , while Tuan Bongsu was promoted to be the Raja Muda.*° Rather surprisingly, Tuan Besar received no promotion of any kind partly, perhaps to pay him out for his neutrality during the recent fighting - a slight that was undoubtedly much resented by him.

Thus, when the Ked ah revolt against the Siamese broke out in the middle of 1838, Senile and his brothers seemed to be in complete command of Kelantan for Raja Banggul, his sons and Tuan Long Ahmad were in exile, while Tuan Besar, although still in control of the Kampong Laut district, had obviously lost a good deal of face and w.as lying rather low. As with the earlier Ked ah rising, the 1838 revolt obtained a good deal of success in its initial stages." The Siamese were driven out of Ked ah, Trang was captured and Setul and Perlis occupied, and the rebels pressed on into the Patani Malay states. Of these seven states, some, (probably Patani, Jering and

Saiburi) remained loyal to Bangkok, but the remainder joined up with the rebels, who had by this time succeeded in cutting oil Songkhla. At the outbreak of the revolt, the Margrave of Nakhon and the Count of Songkhla had been away in Bangkok (which probably helps to account for its initial success) but, with their return to the scene, the tide gradually began to being driven out of Kelantan, eventually made his way to Bangkok too, to ask for help against Senik. Subsequently, with the fighting over, Tuan Besar Daid a visit to Bangkok probably to hold a watching brief for his own interests (and also, perhaps as a sideine, buying up a quantity of Siamese rice, which be hoped to sell at a profit on his

return home, of. Prachum: KEL, p. 135, and Letter No. 11.)

When the Siamese, pro-

bably at the instigation of the Margrave of Nakhon, decided to recognise Senile, Banjul left in disgust, returning to Saiburi. BongSu and Tuan Besar (who had remained neutral

during the fighting) thereupon were charged to bring the news of the Siamese decision back to Kelantan. 40. For these titles, see Prachum: KEL, . 134, as well as the Letters edited here. There were thus two 'Baja Mudas', viz. S e n ' s younger brother (Tuan Bongsu) and the 'Raja Muda' of the expelled Banjul faction, viz. Tuan Long Ahmad. Tuan Kota's Malay title of Sultan and his Siamese title of Phaya Changwang should, I think, be considered as unusually high, probably indicative of his dominance in the Senile camp.

41.

.

For the Ked ah revolt, see Ibrahim: PAT, P. 111-113; Low: BRI, p. 373-3775 Stair Mus oh Kelantan, p. 38-48; Vella: RAM, p. 71-72.

19

The Civil War in Kelantan turn against the rebels. The Margrave summoned the Siamese vassals, both in and out of Siam," to rally to the help of their overlord. Armies were raised, based upon Nakhon and Phathalung, and, under the command of the former Phaya of Ked ah ( a son of the Governor of Nakhon), were able to recapture Setul. By the beginner-E of 1839, they were ready to make a series of counterattacks that, within a few months, saw Ked ah reoccupied, the siege of Songkhla lifted, and Trang recaptured. In addition to this, Bangkok itself had not remained idle and had raised a large ezgpeditionary force, the advance guard of which (under the Phaya of Phéchaburi) had already set off by ship to relieve Songkhla. By the time this adv.ance force reached Songkhla, the Malay besiegers, disheartened by the defeats suffered by their compatriots on the West coast, had abandoned the siege and had begun to disperse southwards to avoid being encircled, so Phaya Phéchaburi prepared to move on to Saiburi. By this time, the main body of the force, consisting of some 5,000 Siamese troops under the command of Phaya Si Phiphath Batanarachakosa and the Chauphaya Yomarat 43 had left Bangkok for Songkhla, where it set up camp in April, 1839. Although the rebellion was obviously 'dying on its feet' the Siamese commanders found that, besides 'mopping up' operations, they had also to deal with a new situation that had arisen in Kelantan. As can be imagined, the news of the many successes won by the Ked ah Malays at the beginning of the rising had aroused more than ordinary interest in Kelantan, particularly amongst those not well disposed towards the Siamesebacked Senile faction. With the Siamese driven out of Ked ah and the Patani states, Senile would obviously call in vain for their support." The disgruntled Tuan Besar proved only too willing to lend an ear to plans directed against Senik,45 and, with the pugnacious Raja Chik also won over, the first few months of 1839 saw the conspirators take the offensive. Raja Chik began to erect fortifications at Kota, the old capital, just south of.Kota Baharu. From his already strongly-defended stockade at Kampong of. Letter No. 11 and Letter No. 13. Thiphakarawnng: PKR, p- 194. It is C1car that the effective command of the expedition

was in the hands of Phaya Si Phiphath, the able and forceful younger brother of Rama III's most powerful minister (the Chauphaya Phra' Khlang), of. Skinner: KID,

p- 158-159. The Chauphaya Yomarat was "a quiet humble character, possessing little or no influence in affairs of State" (Burney: PAP, II (4), p.118.) The army ("consisting of 40 war ] u n k s . . . . . . and blazing with innumerable red Hags") sailed from Bangkok on March 16th (Singapore Free Press, 11 April 1839). of, Letter No. 13. The impression one gets from the available records is that it was probably Tuan Besar who was the 'brains' of the conspiracy. The Siamese Annals of Kelantan says that it was Tuan Besar Who First got in touch with Raja Banjul, sending him a letter in February 1839 (Prachum: KEL, p. 135).

20

Kelantan in the Late 1830's

Laut, Tuan Besar extended his defences upstream as far as Sungai Pinang, and downstream as far as (Kampong) Pekan, almost directly facing Kota Baharu. Alarmed, Senik asked the Siamese officials (from Nakhon) stationed in Kelantan to go and ask Tuan Besar what he was doing, but Tuan Besar merely temporized,

obviously expecting pretty prompt action on the part of his fellow-conspirators, viz. Raja Banjul and his sons, and Tuan Long Ahmad.

Probably some time in March, 1839, Banjul and company arrived, with a small invasion fleet, at Tun pat (Tuan Long Ahmad's base). From Tun pat, Banjul advanced inland, capturing Lambor (to the west of Kota Baharu) and advancing on Pasir Mas. Tuan Long Ahmad and his men left Tun pat for Bachok and then made their way inland to the Bukit Marak area (known locally simply as "Buldt" - 'The Hill') some eight or nine miles to the s-outh-east of Kota }Baharu.'*'5 Senile and his brothers wasted little time in taking measures to resto-re the situation.

Letters were sent to Nakhon asking for immediate Siamese help."

The Kelantan river was blocked, both up and down stream of the capital and troops were sent to engage Banjul at Pasir Mas, Raja Chik at Kota, and Tuan Long Ahmad at Bukit. The troops sent were able to halt the advance, but not to expel the invaders and a temporary deadlock was reached." lt was' at this juncture that it became vital to both parties to obtain reliable information as to the intentions of the Siamese, for, with both sides fairly evenly matched, intervention in force by the Siamese (or perhaps even the mere threat of force, ) would be decisive.

Both factions probably had some idea of the successes gained by the Siamese over the Ked ah rebels in recent weeks and the probable disintegration of the revolt that had once threatened to sweep the Siamese out of the Malay states.

VVhat was not known was, just how far would the Siamese go, literally

and metaphorically, to restore the situation. To what extent, for example would they be prepared to intervene directly in Kelantan aiiairs P 46. For the above account, see the Shair Mus oh Kelomtan,

48-52; Letter No. 13;

Prachum; KEL, p. 1355 Thiphakarawong; PKR, u. 194. B it (Marak) was some sort of '{ref' of Tuan Long Ahmad; the Shair Mus oh Kelantan usually refers to him either 'as 'Raja Muda' or as 'Raja Bukit', on one occasion ( p . 51) saying: "Raja Muda . . . sampai ke Bukit ten pat sendai" (Tuan Long Ahmad . . . arrived at Bukit (Merak), his own place), see also Saad Shukri: KEL, p. 903. 47. The Siamese Chronicle of The Third Reign says that Senik (in mid-April) sent directly to Phaya Si Pliiphath for help (Thiphakarawong: PKR, p. 194). Prachum: KEL, p. 135 is probably more accurate when it reports that ( o n the identical date) Senile sent to the Governor of Nalchon for help, and that, as by that time Phaya Si Phiphath had 48.

reached Songkhla, the letter was forwarded on to him there. Stair Muns-oh Kelantan, p. 53-57,

21

The Civil War in Kelantan

In the light of past events, time seemed to favour Senile, for, if only he could hold out long enough, it was probable that the Siamese, who had already preferred him to Banggul once, would do so again and come to his assistance, if necessary by sending troops. On the other hand, it was not impossible that if the Banggul-Tuan Besar party could dispose of its opponents before the

Siamese could Finish with the Ked ah and Patani rebels, Bangkok might conceivably be prepared to recognise the fait accompli, rather than undertake another --. yet another - Malay campaign. This then was the situation at the beginning of the period covered by our letters, and it explains why so many of them are addressed to the Raja of Saibud, a relation of the Kelantan chiefs" and one of the ( few) Patani rulers to remain loyal to Siam," who was thus obviously person grata with the commanders of the Siamese armies rumored to be proceeding southwards.

49. He is usually called Nile Day), see below, Letter No. 19 (confirmed by Ibrahim: PAT, p. 116; \Vichian.Id1iri; PAT, p. 15). His being called ' a m a n d a ' (uncle) by the Kelantan rajas would put him in the same age group as Raja Banjul, but would not necessarily imply blood-relationship. It is known however that there were close family links between the various Patani rajas and the Kelantan princeliness (of. Seed Shukri:

KEL. p. 77, 83.). 71-72 says that, of the seven Patani states, Patani,

50. Vella: RAM,

.

J

ring and Seiburi

remained loyal the remainder (Nongcbik, Jalap, Raman and Legéh) joining the rebels. The Shaiv' Mus oh Kelcmtan confirms that the Rojas of Saiburi and TIering took an active )art in putting down the rebellion, making particluar mention of the Baja of Saiburi's bravery in opposing the rebels on the field of battle (p. 42).

22

CHAPTER III KELANTAN DURING THE PERIOD COVERED BY THE LETTERS In April, 1839 Tuan Long Ahmad, Hom his encampment at Bukit wrote as follows1 to the Raja of Saibul'i:2

L6tt6r No. 1 O Dispenser According to Needs

Praise be to God the manifest tiler to whom is the judgment, for He

is

the wisest of the wise; benediction and peace to the Lord of the Prophets, the leader of the pious, the beloved of the Cod of both Worlds, and to his family and to all his companions who follow in the true path. Having completed our praise of Almighty Cod and having prayed for His Prophet the Lord of the Prophets, and all his family, most distinguished and fortunate of the emigrants and the helpers, adding to it the most excellent and most complete of prayers, together with respect and esteem - by the grace of His miraculous power and wisdom, to which is added esteem emanating from

God the compassionate - (this wish comes) from Tuan Long Ahmad, the vilest of the vile, the most unworthy, most foolish as well as most wretched, poor and needy, to be numbered among the negligent and wicked right up to the day ( of Judgment for) those who do evil before the Lord

of Majesty, may these wishes be conveyed to the all-wise and noble person of the Baja of Saibu-ri, the noblest of thre noble, versed in the knowledge of God, wise and prudent in carrying out enlightened government, who possesses the most reined of personalities and whose graceful manner is like the purest draughts of water, having obtained greatness of position and

elevated rank from God of the Throne of Might - who created the darkness and the light, let them have no fear of Him and they shall not be grieved -

to ( my uncle) upon whom the merciful God has bestowed distinguished guidance, may God preserve his good works and fortify his faith and his

actions in this world and the next. Amen. O God, 'fountain of majesty and generosity. To proceed, I am writing to tell you that during your absence from 1.2.

For the Malay text of this and the other letters see Part 2. From the way in which Kelantan chiefs 'pile on' the Arabic when writing to him, one gets the impression that the Baja of Saiburi enjoyed something of a reputation as an Arabic scholar. In point of fact, the Arabic use cl so freely in this and :many

other of the letters addressed to him contains many errors and if the Raja were indeed the Arabic scholar the letters SHatteringly insinuate, they must have caused him some surprise as well as amusement.

23

The Civil War in Kelantan Saiburr* a quarrel has broken out in Kelantan between first, Engku Kota,4 second, Tuan Besar of Kampong Last and his brother,5 and third, your obedient servant. As regards the quarrelling and fighting, I can only hope

for God's help and for your blessing and favour. What makes me really upset is because there is no one else I can turn to except you; for good or for evil, in right or in wrong, I rely upon you to instruct and admonish me in any doubtful or perplexing matter that may arise, because, after God and His Prophet, it is upon you, Sir, that I have always pinned my hopes. Just at present I feel very worried because of your absence, which makes me think longingly about you, day and night, never forgetting you for a single moment. Therefore, if, when you return, you can find the time, ( I shall be most grateful) to learn exactly what plans the Westerners" are making and what they are doing. As a matter of fact, I have heard from various merchants and travelers who have come to Kelantan in search of sustenance that you have obtained some merit and esteem, ( in fact) that you are now highly honored and respected by the 'Westerners As soon as I heard this it made me really pleased, because now you can assist me in any difficult or perplexing problem. I entreat you to give me the benefit of your counsel and advice, in view of my lack of understanding in all these matters. Next to Cod and His Prophet, I rely upon you in everything. Another thing, if you would be so kind, I would like you to buy me some tin, say two or three pikul, at whatever price you think Ht. As regards payment, I would like to delay this for a while. End of letter. With best wishes and greetings. Letter written on the 23rd of Muharram, on Monday, at Hve o'clock, A.H.

12537 SEAL

He who trusts in Almighty God + the Baja Muda of Kelantan + son of the late Yusuf + may Cod preserve his dominion and his good works -I- A.H. 1253.

It must have been shortly after Tuan Long Ahmad's letter, that the Senile forces gained their first success -against Raja Cheek at Kota, who was compelled to withdraw across the river, to rejoin his cousin, Tuan Besar, at Kampong Laut.8* Exultantly Senile wrote to another of the Patani rulers: the Raja of Jering" 3.

Presumably in rallying to his Siamese overlord's assistance against the Ked ah rebels (Shair Mus oh Kelantan, p. 39-43).

4. This obviously refers to Tuan Kota (Senik's elder brother) and not the man hitherto referred to Engku Kota (Raja Banjul's elder brother). Perhaps referring to Tuan Long Nile? i.e. the Siamese. 5.6.7. This must be an error for "1255" (perhaps caused by copying blindly the date on the seal). This latter date ("1253") is probably the date of Tuan Long Ahmad's

appointment to the post of Raja Mucosa, by Raja Banjul. The date of the letter is almost certainly 8/9 April, 1839. Stair Mus oh Kelantan, p. 58-59. 8.9. According to Ibrahim; PAT, p. 100, the Baja of Jering at this time was apparently not a Malay but a Siamese (of Chinese extraction) which no -doubt accounts for the lack of Arabic in the letter's exordium.

24

Kelantan During the Period Covered by the Letters

Letter No. 2 O Deserving One

Letter from your servant Sultan Muhammad, Raja of Kelantan to the Baja of Jainbuw the present ruler of Jambu and all its subject territories, the wise and discreet, skilled in maintaining friendly relations with all his friends and acquaintances, both far and near. I pray to God to give you enduring rank and position, together with all good fortune and victory over his enemies.

To proceed, l am sending you this insignificant scrap of paper to serve as a substitute for myself in conversing with you.

I am writing to you

about my boat, to ask if you would be so kind as to have it sent hack to Kelantan. Also, I have heard that the Ked ah people have fed from Patani, that the Siamese army has reached the state of ]ala11 and that the state of Ked ah has been conquered by Legor.12 As to the truth of these statements, I would like you to send me reliable information." Another thing, about my dispute with Tuan Besar of Kampong Laut, it has not yet been settled; as long as Tuan Besar of Kampong Laut goes on planning with his brothers to encircle me then I shall go on planning with my brothers to sally out and attack him. Well, with God's help, the people who were trying to encircle me have been smashed and I have completely destroyed Baja Chik's stockade.14 So far, there has been no decisive action as regards Tuan Besar of Kampong Laut, and Tuan Long Ahmad, who is still lighting at Bukit against the Raja Muda and Engku Semi Mas." We have captured all the territory on the other side of the river from the old mouth to the upper reaches, with the exception of Kampong Laut and Sungai Pinang. I merely write to let you know. End of letter. With good wishes and greetings. Letter written on the 29th of Muharram, on Saturday, at Eve o°clock, A.I-I. 1255.16 He who trusts in God + the Baja of Kelantan + may God preserve his dominion, his good works, and his merits + son of the SEAL late A Luann Tan" A.H. 1254.18 10.

_Iamb

was the chief town in the State of mering (situated between the States of

Patani and Saiburi).

11. .ala or Jalor (this latter spelling probably a graphic representation of the Patani pronunciation), the Patani State south of Nongcluik and south-west of Patani. The modern _Isle/Jalor (Siamese Yala) is about 10 miles west of the Kampong .Kala of the period of our letters. 12. i.e. by Nakhon. 13. These statements were in fact all true. 14. At Kota (of. Stair Mus oh Kelantan, p. 58-59). 15. Engku Semi Mas appears to have been the leading commander on Senik's side. He is sometimes referred to as 'Engku Lin bat' after the district of Lin bat, adjoining Bukit (Merak). 16. Probably 14 April, 1839.

25

""-.-

The Civil War in Kelantan The situation was in fact not quite so rosy as Senile had painted it. Downstream of Kota Bahru was still firmly under the control of Tuan Besar who continued his daily bombardments of Senile's positions. The defeated Raja Chik and his supporters were sent by sea to Bachok to make their way overland and reinforce Tuan Long Ahmad, still ensconced at Buldtli' And an attack on Banjul's position at Lambor made by Senile's adherents from Salon (under the command of Tuan Long Salléh) was unsuccessful. Nevertheless, time was on Senile's side.

Phaya Si Phiphath, the younger

brother of Siam's most powerful minister, had arrived at Songkhla at the head

of a large expeditionary force, and, in reply to Senik's pleas for help, despatched one of his staff, Luann Son Séni, with a small Siamese mission, to Kelantan, in order to pacify the two factions." The mission was in fact too small to achieve any decisive result, but it showed that Siam was still interested in Kelantan and given time, might well intervene in force on Senile's behalf. Tuan Besar accordingly wrote to Phaya Si Phiphath's secretary, hinting that any iniiuence the secretary could bring to bear upon his master in Tuan Besar's favour would not go unrewarded: Letter No. 3

O Deserving One

Seal to H(is) E(xcellency), the C(ommander) I(n) C(hief). I am writing to you about the matter of my dispute with the Baja of Kelantan concerning which I would like you to advise HE the CIC. I have communicated full details of the matter to HE the CIC and I entreat you to discuss the matter with him. Should God grant me good fortune, as the result of your counsel, I shall give you, every time the 'golden flowers' are sent, one tahil of gold for your disposal. I rely upon you, next to HE it is upon you I rely. I shall keep in touch with you. I have nothing (to 17.

'A Luann Tan' (Senik's father), is usually referred to as Long Tan. The name 'Tan' is an unusual one. It is spelt 'Tan' in our letters but elsewhere sometimes spelt Tang' (Seed Shukri-

KEL, p. 74 et seq.)

It may

perhaps be an abbreviated

form of 'Atan' although this name is not particularly common. In the Kelantan dialect, final '-am', 'an' and '-and' are pronounced alike and sometimes spelt alike (of. 'Spelling of the Letters'). 'Tan' and 'Taus' could therefore represent 'Tam', the usual abbreviation of 'Hit am' - a common personal name. I would therefore suggest that just as 'Long Yusuf' (the name of Long Tan's brother) is abbreviated to 'Long Sup' (of. Saad Shukri; KEL, p. 74), 'Long Hit am' is perhaps- the canonic form of the name here abbreviated to 'Long Tan'. 18.

The date of the seal probably refers to the date of Senik's becoming Ruler of Kelantan.

19.

Slmir Mus oh Kelcmtan, p. 59-60. ibid, p. 54-57; Thiphakarawong: FKB, p. 194.

20. 21.

Thiphakarawong, PKR, p. 195; Prachum: KEL, p. 135.

26

Kelantan During the Period Covered by the Letters older you) except one tahil of gold, Malay (weight)22' which I am entrusting to Enché' 'Jid.23 This is the gist of my letter. I will not prolong the letter. WV1itten on Monday, the 7th day of the 7th month. End of letter. A.H. 1255.24 A tahil of gold was .not an unreasonable sum as a present, but just at that moment the stakes were rather high and it seems not unlikely that the recipient revealed its contents to his 1naster,25 thereby increasing the suspicion with which Tuan Besar was regarded by the Siamese. At all events, the letter seems to have had little effect in procuring for Tuan Besar and his party the 'favourable consideration' asked f01°.26 Tuan Besar was probably anxious to avoid any direct form of contact with the Siamese commanders for as long as possible, so that, he could go ahead concerting plans for the final assault on Senile and his adherents. Whether by bribery (as claimed by Senik)2" or by force of personality, Tuan Besar appears to have come to some arrangement with Luann Son Sari to ensure that the Siamese mission's reports on the situation in Kelantan should not give undue weight to Senile's accus ations against him, and thus give Phaya Si Phiphath or

Phaya Pliéchaburi reason to intervene. He could not however guard against Senile communicating directly with the Siamese commanders, and was therefore compelled to keep up his diplomatic campaign (in which, he hoped, the Raja of Saiburi would play the main part) in order to discount in advance any accusations Senile might make. It was at this stage that the Phaya of Phéchaburi, acting on the personal instructions of the CIC, sent another mission to Kelantan, with clear-out orders 22.

The 'tahil of gold' referred to here and elsewhere probably means one tahil's weight of .gold-dust, folded up into a 'screw', and in this form referred to as a 'bungkal' (of. Nev bold: POL, vol. l, p. 143). Gibson-Hill: CWE, p. 113 (quoting the Singapore Chronicle) shows that in 1834 "and for some time s=ubsequently", the best Malay gold-dust (from Pahang) was worth 30 to 31% Spanish dollars, while inferior types of Malay gold-dust were worth 26 to 30 Spanish dollars. The 'douceur'

offered by Tuan Besar was therefore worth about 30 Spanish dollars (je. about £ 7 £8 sterling, of. Cowan- PEN, p. 21). 23.

This is probably a shortened form of the name '(Abdul Ma)jid'.

_

Enché' ']id was

apparently Tuan Besar's regular courier between Kelantan and points north (of. Letters' No. 4, No. 13). 2.4.

Although the dating is incomplete (it is not stated whether it is the 7th day of the 'light' or 'dark' half of the month), the letter was probably written on 20/21

May, 1839.

25. Whether or not the CIC's secretary had already been 'got at' by Senile (of. Letter No 10) it is' ditliicult to believe that Tuan Besar had enough 'pull' for this (by no means lavish) offer to carry much weight with the secretary of one of the most important men in Siam. Moreover, the fact that a letter of such a confidential nature has survived until to-day to become a 'public record' rather suggests that it achieved this status pretty soon after its receipt.

26. See Letter No. 10. 27. See Letters No. 10 and No. 13.

27

The Civil War in Kelantan for both sides to stop lighting and dismantle their defences. In addition to the letter bearing the CIC's personal seal, the Phaya of Phéchaburi sent Tuan Besar a personal letter (by the hand of Enché' 'Jid).2*'

This evidence of Siamese concern obviously shook Tuan Besar. On the same day as the arrival of the second Siamese mission (June 9th) he wrote off in desperation to the Raja of Saihuri, asking him openly to use his influence to prevent Phaya Phéchaburi coming down into Kelantan:

Letter No. 4 \Vithout the word of a lie

This completely sincere letter comes to you with the heartfelt prayers of Tuan Besar of Kampong Laut. Adorned with my hopes for your safety, through the compassion of the Lord, it is addressed to you, venerable uncle, the Baja of Saiburi, who through the merciful generosity of Almighty God have obtained honor, rank and fame, renowned amongst mankind created by Him who is exceedingly generous to the poor and needy and has great compassion upon all wanderers and outcasts. Your reputation for piety in matters both spiritual and temporal is spread abroad through all towns and hamlets and, as a result, you have achieved meritorious mention within the confines of space and time. Blessed are those who take shelter under His wing and carry out the tasks ordained by Cod in His Majesty, for there is no refuge and no strength except in God, both in this world and the next,

amen, O Lord of the Helpers. I am sending you this bit of paper, like a piece of dust blown about by the wind, the result of my lack of good fortune, to tell you that I would like to hear from you what the Siamese are doing and what their plans are, as I have heard r u m o r s which say that the Siamese intend to come to Kelantan to help the ruling party. As to the truth or otherwise of these r u m o r s , I beseech you, in the name of Almighty God, to let me have the real facts, because there is no one else I rely upon except you (next to Cod

and the Prophet.) Written on Sunday, the 27th of Babiulawal, in the year Ha," A.H. 1255.30 As Shaikh M-'-R-U-F A-L-K-R-KH-I31 is my witness. O God, O God. End of letter. Fostscript: According to Enché' ']id, the Phaya of Phéchaburi is coming

down into Saiburi in order to seize all the Ghana' and Patani people who See Letter No. 5.

This refers to the second of an eight-year cycle named after the letters of the Arabic alphabet (of. Nev bold: POL, vol. 2, p. 356, although according to Nev bold, 'tahun ha' should fall in A.H. 1257, and not, as here, in A.H. 1255). The date of the letter is 9th Tune, 1839.

Ma'ruf al-Karkhi, a celebrated SuH 'saint' who died c. 815 A.D. in Baghdad where

28

Kelantan During the Period Covered by the Letters

fled to Saiburi.32 However, if you can manage to stop him coming, then I beg you to do so, do not let him proceed any further, because our people in Kelantan ar=e extremely scared and if the Phaya of Phéchaburi comes down into Saiburi many of our Kelantan folk will run away, because the government party have been putting out such a lot of slanderous rumors. WVhen the sailing-boat and junk arrived," many of them ran away, about a hundred families in all. SEAL

He who trusts in Almighty God + Muhammad, Prime Minister of Kelantan + son of the late Ismail may God preserve his domiA.H. 1253.34 nion and his good works.

Nevertheless, the second Siamese mission, although bearing letters signed with the ClC's impressive seal, still did not constitute an intervention in force, and if only Tuan Besar could speed up his plans for the combined assault upon, and liquidation of, Senile, the game might yet be won. He could not, of course, ignore the personal letters from the Siamese commanders, so on June 14th he wrote to Phaya Phéchaburi explaining that he had only just heard of the Phaya's arrival in Saihuri. Rather daringly, Tuan Besar intimated that things were coming to a pretty pass if an honest vassal of HM the King of Siam couldn't live his life in peace:

Letter No. 5

The Saying is the Truth Tuan Besar of Kampong Laut respectfully submits this letter before I am the feet of the HE Phaya Si Surer Chai, Phaya of Phéchaburi. writing to inform YE that the letter sent by Enché' ']id and Enché' Sipin(?)35 has reached me safely and that I have understood fully all the details of the matters referred to by YE. In YE's letter, YE says that HE the CIC has told YE to proceed to Saiburi to investigate the matter his tomb has long been what in Malaya would be called a 'l

( M ) and 'to ' ('1`)~

The whole, I read as 'rat

m m to', the Thai-Malay partly abbreviated form of the Thai "rathamontri-" (minister, councillor), a word that is very frequently abbreviated in Thai (of. Haas: VOC, p. 4705 WRI, p. 95). The official concerned had been in Kelantan for sorne time (Shelf Masada. Kelantan, p. 24, represents him as having been there before the

expulsion of Raja Banggnl) and perhaps acted as a sort of Siamese 'Resident Commissioner' for Kelantan. Luann Seri Paduka was apparently not a Siamese but a local man (he is called Chi' Ali by both the Stair llfrfsoh Kelantan, p. 24 and Prachurn; KEL, p. 13) at least part of whose duties seem to have consisted of keeping an eye on the situation in Kelantan and reporting to the Siamese authorities (of. Letter No. 2899, in the Bibliographical Details in Part 2 ) . i.e. Tuan Long Abdulrabrnan. i.e. to the help of the Siamese ruler of Ked ah, trying to put down the Ked ah

Malaya.

42

Kelantan During the Period Covered by the Letters Eve men. Vol/hen interrogated, the men said that Tuan Long Ahmad and Raja Cheek had told them to go and conscript everybody, whereupon I told my men to go and ask Raja Cheek and Tuan Besar (all about it), but Tuan Besar and Raja Cheek denied the story, so I had the prisoners executed. Later on, Tuan Besar, Tuan Lo-ng Ahmad, Baja Cheek and Baja Banjul laid plans for the present action. Luann Thiph Ob and Luau Chai Phon Fhak know quite well all the details of these matter-s.

And if there is any pity or com-

passion for my worthless self from HE, I beg HE, with the deepest and humblest apologies for my temerity, rather than allow Luann Son Sonni to

have ]'urisdic:tion in matters affecting Kelantan, please take pity upon me and allow me to have someone else, who is fair and impartial and who does not take sides, but remains impartial, such as the Interpreter-Ol'licer, Phakdi. As tor Luann Son Sonni, the Siamese otlicer and Khufu In, I would rather have nothing to do with these three because they are not impartial. Of course, I have only recently been appointed as a vassal (of Siam) and I am ignorant of the correct forms and usages, so that if I have committed any error or made mistakes I ask a thousand bar-:Ions for my brothers and myself. We all very much rely upon HE who is our refuge and our help, there is no one else upon whom we rely - the highest mountain is not so high as the hopes we pin upon HE. Another matter mentioned in HE's letter, the mouth of the river is still not open so that, with the best will in the world, we are unable to send food to the royal oMcials, and the entire population is in great distress, as it is impossible for them to get out and obtain food, all supplies of which have now been completely exhausted. Moreover, amongst my subjects in (the areas occupied by) Tuan Besar, both Siamese and Malays, in some cases the husband is with me and the

wife is with Tengku Besar and Tuan Long Ahmad, having been seized and fined, .some of them live dollars, some forty dollars, some fifty dollars, and some a hundred dollars, while people's daughters have been seized and forced to take a husband. Even the Buddhist monks have had their yellow robes seized and burnt to pieces, this has happened to a good many of them. And cattle have been seized and .sold OE to Trerigganu and Besot people96, resulting in great damage being caused to Kelantan's prosperity. For some time now I have wanted to write to HE, but Luann Son Sari would not allow me, and this is why it is only now that I am sending HE details of what has gone on. I would have done so before, but I was m-ost anxious lest HE should think I was lying. For information about the matter, HE can ask Khufu Yuththa Sam at as the Siamese here have themselves told him about it. Another thing, at this moment, Tuan Besar has completed his plans, in concert with Tuan Long Ahmad, for their troops to concentrate in a certain locality. If a (Siamese) expedition arrives, they will make their escape by sea, and all the boats belonging to their chiefs have been collected 96.

In view of the former relationship between Trengganu and Kelantan one can well imagine that Trengeanu was by no means unwilling to profit at KeI2lntan's In the case of Besot, there may have been actual collusion with the anti-Senik faction, for Kuala Semerak, Baja :Banjul's 'hide-out' (of. Letter No. 15 and Letter No. 24) is less than four miles from Kuala Besot.

expense.

43

The Civil War in Kelantan in readiness, moreover, Raja Banggul has come to Kelantan with a Heet of eight boats. This is what I have to report. Letter written in the sth month, on the 8th day of the light (half), on Thursday, in the year of the pig, A.H. 1255.97 """ He who trusts in God + the Baja of Kelantan + may God preserve his dominion, his good works and his merits + the son SEAL

of the late A Luann Tan + A.H. 12.54. In seizing powers from Banggul, Scnik had probably been .secure in the knowledge that, if necessary, his protector, the Governor of Nakhon, would True, the anti-Senik assist him, not only in Kelantan but also in Bangkok. group had chosen for their 'come-back' the time when the Governor was too busy with Ked ah and Patani to be able to give Senile any military assistance but provided Senik could hold out, he might reasonably hope that, with the Ked ah revolt crushed, the Governor would soon be able to come to his assistance in force. Just when this moment appeared to be near however, in May 1839, the Governor died so that when Siamese assistance did look like becoming available to him, it had to be sought, not from his friend and protector, but from Bangkok Siamese such as Phaya Si Fhiphath and Phaya Phéchaburi, neither of whom Senile knew well enough to be able to count upon their being committed to his cause. This probably explains the note of anxiety in Senile's lest Me letters, and why he found it necessary to refute Tuan Besar's claims at such length. Senile was genuinely worried, and what probably worried him was the prospect, not of Siamese partiality ( which had hitherto been his support), but Siamese impartiality.

For, in his official correspondence at least, the Phaya of Phéchaburi does seem to have acted with commendable impartiality. On the same day that Senile sent off his lengthy letter of self-justification, a .small Siamese mission (under the command of Luang Phakdi Raja) arrived in Kelantan98, bearing despatches from the Phaya (and also from the Baja of Saiburi).

The despatches (to the

heads of both factions) reiterated the instructions given previously, viz. that both sides should scrupulously observe the CIC's orders for a cease-Fire, and

should demolish their fortifications without delay. In addition, it was suggested that the leaders of both factions should come up to see the Siamese commanders in the Patani area and argue their case in person'"'. 9'7. Probably 19/20 Tune, 1839. 98. For the arrival of the mission, see Letter No. 14. 99. That such were the Phaya's instructions to Tuan Besar is clear from Letter No. 21 and Letter No. 22. As far as Senile is concerned, it is true that the next letter from him to the Phaya that has survived (Letter No. 12) contains no reference to such instructions, but this particular letter is obviously written in considerable agitation (to report an imminent attack upon him). According to the (usually reliable ) Shfzir Mus oh Kelantan p. 88, Pliaya Phéehaburi's letter to Senile said that:

44

Kelantan During the Period Covered by the Letters This invitation - in the case of Tuan Besar, perhaps 'sulnmons' would be the right wordloo - was refused by all parties concerned, for the Kelantan leaders could ill afford to be absent from the State at a moment when the crisis

was obviously coming to a head.

Tuan Besar wrote to the Phaya:

Letter No. 12 In the name of God, the Merciful and Compassionate

Letter from Tuan Besar of Kampong Laut to HE Phaya Si Surer Chai Phaya of Phéchaburi. I am writing to tell YE that as regards the letter YE sent me, it has reached me safely and I have fully understood all the points dealt with in it. Moreover, in YE's letter it says that if I would like to do my duty to HM the King, YE would like me to come up to Saiburi and meet YE, so that YE can report to HE the CIC, and that I am not to be mistrustful or suspicious in any way, .so runs the letter. I am writing to tell YE that I have never been the slightest bit mistrustful or suspicious and that I am absolutely dependent upon YE. However just at present I hope YE will excuse me but the population of Kelantan is in such a turmoil that if I leave, the Kelantan people will run away. In addition I have to report to YE that when YE's letter arrived, I ceased fire and dismantled all the heavy artillery in my stockade, at the same time removing all the stakes (blocking) the river -this is what I have to tell YE. And moreover I must tell YE that I have never at any time intended to dispose of the Raja of Kelantan's party, and I can say now that if ever I attack the Raja of Kelantan's party again, in detianee of the orders issued by YE, then I am ready to receive any ( punishment) YE may think lit. Before, the reason I quarreled with the Raja of Kelantan was because I was unable to bear what the Raja of Kelantan was doing to me, because the Raja of Kelantan was acting in a

-

manner very different from when the late Raja was alive this is what made me quarrel with him. As regards my offence in quarrelling with the Baja "]ikalau ad Kira bichara hendaklah pergi kenegeri Sin,qgora" (were there matters he would argue,

to Singgora he should go ) and that "Surat clibalas pergi Dan

nari

Raja Kelantan denqan Pays Peuchaburi mengatakan hendak mengaclap sendiri

habis bulan berganti hart." (Thus did they exchange despatches Kelantan's ruler with Phaya Phéehaburi, saying he would attend in person on a later day and month.) Moreover the Raja of Saiburi, whose letters seem to have clone little more than repeat the instructions issued by the Siamese commanders told not only Tuan Besar (of. Letter No. 18 and Letter No. 22.) and Baja :Banjul (of. Letter No. 15)

to come to Patani, but also Senile as well (of. Letter No. 20). 100.

This is the word used b Tuan Besar himself- "panqgil" (see Letter No. 21). It seems quite likely that w ereas the Siamese would probably 'invite' Senile, they would 'summon' Tuan Besar.

11

45

The Civil War in Kelantan of Kelantan, of this I must of course plead guilty and I place myself entirely at the disposal of HE the CIC, but I must insist that I have never at any time even entertained the idea of acting disloyally towards HM the King, at no time did the thought ever so much as cross my mind of acting disloyally towards HM the King. I ask YE, with all due respect, if YE desires to continue to regard me as a loyal vassal, would YE please take steps tO ensure that the entire population of the country can carry on producing the rice for them to eat, so that I can collect the revenue from them and present it to HM the King. And if YE has any pity or compassion or grace

or favour for me and my brothers, I would ask YE (to confirm) my brothers in the land apportioned out to them by the late ruler. For example, '1`uan Long Ali who occupies the land at the river mouth opposite Tikat;101 this land the late ruler granted to Tuan Long Ali's father, and when the father died, the late ruler duly granted it to Tuan Long Ali. As regards the cloth YE sent me, I shall put it away and keep it. I have no present for YE but am sending a kerfs valued at 25 dollars. As regards the hilt of the kerfs I have not had this made yet, but will await YE's instructions as to what shape you would like. End of letter. With good wishes and greetings.

Written on Wednesday, the 15th of the eighth Buddhist month, in the year of the pig.102

Although long-term prospects of Siamese help for him too-ked good Senik's immediate prospects were still distinctly bleak. All the information available to him pointed to the fact that the opposing forces encircling him would soon launch their joint offensive, and (with the escape routes cut off ) a defeat for Senile could cost him not only his throne, but even his life. Probably on the same day as Tuan Besar was writing his letter to the Phaya of Phéchaburi, Senile held a council-of-war, to consider what could be done to avert such a disaster. It seemed that only immediate help from the Siamese could fully restore the position and, to this end, Senile and his advisers decided to mount some sort of "correspondence campaign", rather .similar to that carried out by the Tuan Besar faction a little earlier. However, whereas Tuan Besar (perhaps out of necessity) had preferred the indirect approach (via the Raja of Saiburi), there was no reason why Senile, as a Siamese protegé, should not aim his appeals directly at the commander of the Siamese advance-guard.

The first letter to Phaya Phéchaburi was from Tuan Long Salléh, Senile's

"uncle" and elder statesman,1"3 whose seniority ought surely to ensure that his 101. Tikat (or 'Tingkat') is a couple of miles north of Kota B(h)aru. 102. Probably 26th ]one, 1839. 103. Tuan Long Salléh was apparently the chief of the Salor (Sale) district (Stair Earlier he had Mus oh Kelantan, p. 54-57 refers to him as "Engku Solo/Salor"). tried unsuccessfully to dislodge Raja Banggufs troops from Lam(b)or (see above). His letter appears to confirm his 'elder statesman' role, while his 'u11c1e' status is

suggested by the fact that he addresses Baja Cheek as "anakanda" p. 100).

46

- my

son (ibid,

Kelantan During the Period Covered by the Letters

views ( as to who was responsible for starting the Fighting) would be given some weight by the Siamese: Letter No. 13

O Deserving One I

With a thou-sand apologies for his temerity, your very humble servant, Tuan Long Salléh, the lowest of low, ventures to lay this letter before the feet of YE Phaya Si Surer Chai, Phaya of Phéchaburi, for YE's inform action. I am writing to YE to report that the lighting began after the receipt of the

letter bearing the official seal appointing the Phaya of Kelantan. The Phaya of Kelantan, after discussing matters with me, told me to go and see Phaya Changwang with a view to giving Tuan Besar the post of Bendahara, and

Tuan Long Deraman the post of Temenggong. In addition it was decided by the council to raise a force of some three thousand men, under the Raja Muda and Engku Semi Mas, to go to the assistance of Ked ah. In the midst of our deliberations, all of a sudden Enché' 'did104 arrived from Patani giving it out that the Europeans had entered Siam and were guarding the entrance to the Bay of Ko' Khra1n1"5 that Legor had been destroyed by the Ked ah Malays, that Singgora had been cut oft by the Ked ah forces, that the Ked ah troops had entered Patani in force, and that Iamb too had fallen to them,106 this was what Enché' 'Jid reported. As a result, Tuan Besar made arrangements with Tuan Long Ahmad and Tuan Long Ahmad's party, also with the adherents of Tengku Seri Putera Maharaja's s0n,10" after which Tengku Besar brought Raja Banggul back to Kelantan. Tengku Besar then set about erecting fortifications. The Phaya of Kelantan observed that Tengku Besar had built fortifications all the way from Kampong Pekan downstream as far as Sungai Pinang. The Phaya of Kelantan then asked Luang Thiph Ob, Luang Chai Phon Phak, the Resident-Minister, Luang Seri Paduka, Chi' Sulaiman and Chi' Nut, the Legor officials, to go and ask Tuan Besar why he had built so many stockades. Tuan Besar told Luann Thiph Ob and the rest that he was afraid someone might try and burn his house down. Luang Thiph Ob then asked: 'What do you mean -burn you house down? 104.

105.

Tuan Besar's envoy.

The last word I take to be the

Text here has "Kuala (mouth, estuary) k-a-r-n". Kelantan Malay spelling of the Thai "khra'm".

Khram Island (Thai: "ko" khra:m" )

is the first island of any size to be encountered

when approaching

the Bay of

Bangkok from the south. Indeed, what laymen term the Bay of Bangkok is apparently usually referred to by mariners as 'Koh Krain Bay' (see Admiralty: CHI, p. 186). I cannot find any evidence that the 'European blockade= of the Bay of Bangkok' referred to in the letter is anything more than wishful thinking. The European . nation most affected, Great Britain, in fact, gave considerable help to the Siamese, by blockading the Ked ah rebels and preventing supplies and reinforcements reaching them from Penang (of . Osborn: .]OU, p. 29; Mills: BRI, p. 193; Tat-ling: BRI, p 40). 106. Although Leger (Nakhon) had certainly not been destroyed by the Malays, the last three run ours were correct. 107. Apparently referring to Baja Cheek (the son of Engku Kota). According to Abdullah: THE, p. 12 Engku Kota ( Tuan Dagang) was given the title of 'Engku Sowa Baja' which is perhaps a corrupt form of Tengku Semi Puteri Maharaja.

47

The Civil War in Kelantan Your stockades take up an extraordinary amount of space' Then Tuan Besar said that he believed that the Baja Muda's men were out to get him, so Liang Thiph Ob asked him: 'Vichy should the Raja Muda be out to get

you?' to which Tuan Besar replied that he didn't know. After this, Luann Thiph Ob and the rest went back and told the Phaya of Kelantan what Tuan Besar had said, whereupon the Phaya of Kelantan told them that so far from entertaining any evil designs upon Tuan Besar, he wouldn't even dream of harming a hair on his head. The Phaya of Kelantan asked Luann Thiph Ob and the rest to go back and tell Tuan Besar (this). Tuan Besar told them that even if Old Moore came matters would still not be settled;1°8 instead of them coming, they had better ask Engku Seri Mas to come along, because Engku Semi Mas knew how the whole alair had begun. That same night, Tuan Besar sent Tuan Long Ahmad to Bukit to gather forces and build fortifications. Raja Banjul then came to Lam(b)or, intending to cross over the Kelantan river at Salor, and fought an engagement with me at Pasir Emas.109 And Baja Cheek the son of Ten ku Serf Putera Maharaja and his men set up road blocks and gathered together an army. Tuan Besarls men, from their stockades, bombarded the Phaya of Kelantan's position for about four or five days before the Phaya of Kelantan started to erect fortifications. This is the true story of what happened, because the Kampong Lout people said that, whatever they did, no one would be able to come to our assistance. This is why they surrounded the Phaya of Kelantan, saying that the Siamese were finished and would not be able to come (to our assistance) - this is what they said. And in my opinion, as long as the adherents of Tuan Long Ahmad, Raja Cheek, Raja Banggul and Tuan Besar are at all numerous, there will be no peace in Kelantan, as they intend to destroy the territory belonging to HM the King. This is what I have to report to YE. Another thing, there is no relying upon Tuan Besar's word one day he says one thing, and the next day, another this is what I have to report to YE. I have nothing to send YE, although I think I can find an ounce of gold (Malay weight) to offer YE, which I will send by the hand of my younger brother, who is bringing you this letter. And if YE would know about Tuan Besai-'s unreliability, saying one thing one day and another thing the next day, please ask Luang Phakdi Raman" who will be able to inform you. Letter written on the thirteenth (light) of the eighth month,

-

on Wednesday, in the year of the Pig, at seven o'clock, in the year A.I-I.

1255.111 108.

The Malay here is obscure.

I translate it literally '(even i f ) To' Jum comes to

arbitrate, (matters) will not be settled'.

'To' 1um' I take to be '(Da)to' (Nu)jum' Tuan Besar is probably saying

literally: 'Grandfather Astrologer/Fortune Teller'). 109. 110. 111.

(sarcastically) that even the most 'learned' of outsiders couldn't settle of. Thipbakarawong; PKR, p. 194. Salon (Solo) is about 8 miles B(h)aru on the east bank of the Kelantan river. Pasir Eras is on opposite Salon. This was the official who had brought tlle Phaya of Plléchaburi's Senile, probably on the 520th .Tune (of. the following letter). Probably 26 Lune, 1839.

48

the dispute. south of Kota

the west bank, latest letter to

Kelantan During the Period Covered by the Letters

No sooner had the scribe Finished Tuan Long Salléh's letter, than he was set to work again drafting another letter to the Phaya, this time from Senik himself, begging the Phaya to come to his assistance at once:112

Letter No. 14 O Deserving One

Letter from your servants Phaya Phip fit (Phakdi) Semi Sultan Muhammad Ratna Nuchit Santi Suntan Boworo Wongso, Phaya of Kelantan, and Phaya Sur thon Thibodi Semi Sultan Deva Maharaja, Phaya Changwang,

for YE Phaya Si Surer Chai, illustrious Phaya of Phéchaburi. On Thursday, the eighth day of the waxing moon of the eighth month,113 Luann Phakdi Raja and the officer who is the younger brother of Khufu In114 brought me a letter which was received with all due ceremony. This letter I have read and all its details have been fully understood. In YE's letter, YE refers to the otlicial letter sent by HE the CIC containing instructions for an immediate cease-fire. The letter went on to say that, on Tuan Besar's side, Tuan Besar's men manning the stockade to the east of me were to demolish it completely, and that all Tuan Besar and Tuan Long Ahmad's men were to withdraw towards the west, and that I was not to 'pursue or attack them, such was the gist of the official letter. I complied with all the instructions given in the official letter but on Tuan Besar's side, whereas the official letter had instructed Tuan Besar and Tuan Long Ahmad's side to demolish the stockade erected to the east of my position and then erect a complete withdrawal towards the west, they have done nothing at all to carry out the instructions given, as I told YE in the letter I sent by Ché' Umar.115 I could in fact tell more, but I do not wish to appear to he exaggerating, and the truth of the matter about the stockades and the actions of both parties YE can End out from Luang Phakdi Baja and the Lieutenant. If YE has any pity or compassion at all for me I beg YE to come to our assistance within the next day or two, because they are making no effort to obey the instructions issued by HE the CIC, in fact they have built four more stockades -Luann Phakdi Raja and the Lieutenant can have their man go and see with their own eyes what has happened. If YE should delay in coming to our assistance then great havoc will be wreaked

upon the subjects of HM the King. The hopes I pin UDDI] YE 3.II€ higher than the highest of mountains. As it is at present, with the cease-fire in operation our opponents have simply proceeded to strengthen their forti-

Ecations. Another thing, Luang Pliakdi Raja and the Lieutenant told me that they went to see Tuan Besar, who signed a document to the effect 112.

113. 114. 115.

Tuan Long Salléh's letter was written at seven o'clock, Sen{k's letter at nine o'clock;

the handwriting appears to be identical. Probably 2.0 Tune, 1839. These two Siamese officials had obviously been sent by Phaya Phéchaburi from Saiburi. The title/name of the second official is given later in due text as 'n-i k-Ii-n", which I have read as the Thai "hazy Kong" (the leader of a detachment of troops). of. Senile's letter of 20 Tune, 1839 (Letter No. 10).

49

The Civil War in Kelantan

that he would comply with the instructions issued by YE in YE's letter. Subsequently however he went into his house and, upon coming out again, he told them that he was fed up with arguing with them, this is what Tuan Besar told them. Another thing, Luann Phakdi Raja and the Lieutenant told me that they had asked Tuan Besar whether he had the letter from HE the CIC. When Tuan Besar said that he had, they said that in that case would Tuan Besar please show it to them, but Tuan Besar refused and subsequently accused Luang Phakdi Baja and the Lieutenant of partiality towards me. Another thing, the women-folk belonging to my men have been lined, some of them ten dollars, some of them twenty dollars, some fifty dollars, some a hundred dollars, some even a dollar or half a dollar. Any of them who tried to escape and take refuge with me have had their house burned down and their belongings plundered, the husband being

killed and the wife seized. And as regards tho.se of my men who have fortiBed themselves behind stockades, my opponents have set their men to guard these stockades so that none of my men can get out to join me. And at the moment, if any Chinese rowing boat puts in, a tax of forty dollars is levied upon each boat, so that the entire population is suffering. And they won't allow any of the boats of the Malay traders to put in here to trade and they won't allow any of my men to go out in search of food, which causes us great distress. If YE has any pity or compassion for me I beg YE to come to assistance at once because I cannot bear any longer the way the people who have escaped from my opponents come to me to complain of the treatment they have received, because Tuan Besar's side are really inflicting great hardships upon the subjects of HM the King. If YE has any affection for me, please write to me, confirming the date of your setting out to come to my assistance, or whatever course of action YE decides upon. Another thing, as regards Tuan Long Ahmad's adherents, all my men in the territory occupied by Tuan Long Ahmad - about fifty or sixty men and women - tried to escape and join me; well, some twenty of them had their throats cut by I-Iajji Lebai Makari,11'5 this is what I have to report to YE.

And I must inform. YE too that the actions carried out by Tuan Long Ahmad and his men have caused great suffering to the population of Kelantan. End of letter, Letter written on the I3th waxing day of the eighth month,

on Wednesday, in the year of the Pig, at nine o'clock, A.H. 1255.117 He who trusts in Cod + the Raja of Kelantan + may Cod preSEAL

serve his dominion, his good works and his merits + son of the late A Luann Tan + A.H. 1254.

Senile uogelsuleli;

*c

sum

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The Civil War in Kelantan Kain yang dikumia char kun it pads perhamba boléh perhamba t r i n a ambit taroh sud ah hal itulah danya suatu pun Sada tanda hayatnya hanyalah perhamba (20) persembahkan k r i s sebilah harganya nam likur rial itulah Ada(nya d a y lagi facial f l u k r i s it Sada perhamba b u t lagi sebagaimana perkenan hull it (21) perhamba pohonkan tit ah Mari pads perhamba i i itulah danya tammatu'1-kalém bi'1-1dlair wa's-salém tersurat pads hart arba'a lima betas

(19)

haribulan buda delapan t h u r lura. Lefter No. 13

alqnustalgiqq

pinto am pun beribu2 am pun pen oh lilah diatas Kerala ubun(2) paték tuan long salléh yang hina daripada sekalian yang hina r€1{i'kan ser bah ma'lum mari kebawda kaus char kun pays s r i surer (2) tera char pays péchaburi yang mafia mulia beri ketahui maker inilah paték malumk-an maker adalah asalnya yang boléh berperang i i samba Surat chap tera yang dilanték pays kelantan i i sud ah maker pays

(1)

be]-antan

(3)

pun muafakat dengan paték sur oh paték p e r i Kira dengan pays changwang hendak beri tuan b e a r perintah ditempat raja bendahara hendak beri Man long deraman perintah ditempat raja temenggong

(4)

dan lag Eula Kira muafakat dengan paték bersama2 hendak bahagi ambit

1°a'yat barong tiger ribs beri raja muds dengan engku s r i eras bawa nark mari bantu negeri ked ah didalam (5) tengah berldra tiba2 ché' id Mari dari negeri patani ia IM terkata benumb Siam pun sud ah rang putsch m a s k dudok tunggu douala k e r r sud ah dinegeri lego pun sud ah binasa

pads rang relay ked ah dan negeri singgora pun terléngkong oléh prang ked ah negeri patani pun orange ked ah m a s k pen oh jam(b)u pun boléh kepada rang ked ah dernikian ( 7 ) inilah khabar ché' jidnya sebab inilah tuan besar muafakat dengan tu'an long ahmad suku tuan long ahmad dan sdcu anak tengku s r i putera (6)

rang ba m man' sa kemudian tengku kelantan kenegeri k s a m banjul raja (8) b e a r pun Ietak b u t kubulah maker pays kelantan l i f t tengku b e a r letak kobo sampai kampong peke sebelah hiller sampai kesungai maharaja kemudian tengku b e a r pun sur oh

124

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The Civil War in Kelantan maker suatu pun Sada hanyalah ialah paték boléh Chari eras b e a t setahil bungkal relay serif berikan kepada. adék paték yang membawa Surat in ser bah kepada tan yang mafia muli'a itulah adana (23) seperkara pull jikalau tan hendak ketahui aka hal perintah tuareg besar it tutor Kata beraléh hard i i lain ésok lain melainkan tanyalah a l a n g (24)

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The Civil War in Kelantan (18)

sekalian hendak terbium Chari make pun Sada berg jadi kesakitan sangat2 jika tan ad lilah am pun kumis diatas perhamba i i pinto tan angkat pergi dengan segeranya kerana perhamba i i Sada terdengar (19) sud ah segal ra'yat l a i Mari mengadu kepada perhamba kerana sebelah tuan b e a r it terlalulah dibuat diatas ra'yat bala raja mahabesarl i i jikalau ad kaséh kaséhan tan diatas perhamba bila2 tan (20) hendak berangkat perginya tau sebagai manama lira tan it pohonkau tan bales Surat beri tent boleh perhamba ketahuinya seperkara pda sebelah suku tuan long ahmad it segal ;ra'yat perhamba yang boléh

kepada tuan (21)

long ahmad it

ia hendak l a i terbium mari kepada perhamba Ada barong

lima nam puloh laki2 dan perempuan maker dikerat léhérnya hair lebai makari ad due puloh rang itulah perhamba ma'lumkan kepada tan boléh (22) tan ketahui aka f a n y a perintah sebelah tuan 1o_ng ahmad i111 sangatlah kesakitannya segal ra'yat is negeri kelantan i i itulah perhamba ma'lumkan kepada tan boléh tan ketahui t a r t (23) maker perbuat Surat i i kepada bulan lagan timbul tiger betas hart kepada hart arba'a t h u r kura waktu jam pull serbian tarikh sanat 1255 al-wzithiqu bi'l1-ahi + raja kelantan khaIlada'l1§¢hL1 mulkahu we ihsénahu we fadlahu + inonu Et Kiang tan al-marhiun s\anat 1254

5EAL

Letter No. 15

ye ghafilra'r-rahim (1)

al-hamdu

(2)

wa's-salému 'ali rasélika sayyidiné Muhammad we 'ali élihi we gahbihi wa's-salém telah selesailah daripada memuji

li'1l51hi 11abbi'1-'élamina wa'1-éqibatulilmuttaqina as-galétu

t h a n wa1;id11'1-qahh€11° day salawat aka rabi ékhiru (3) 'z-zaméin maker diiringi dengan s l a m do Serta ta'zim dan takrim iaitu daripada raja banjul yang ad bernaung (di)daérah jajahan kelantan Kuala semerak yang ad menard dukachita tiap2 hart dan (4) rnalam tambahan pull dengan hina papa lag misldn (5) yang tiara berguna kepada hamba allah yang bar yak barong diwasilkan allah subhanahu we ta'ala jura kiranya datary kehadapan majelis saudra hamba

128

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The Civil War in Kelantan

mol

Siam melainkan allah dan r a u l yang mengetahui aka takut hamba dalam hal it lebéh2 m'a'1um pads saudra sonni (21) melainkan Sada due tiger lagi yang hamba harapkan Dari dahulu s~ampai sekarang pun s a u d r a hambalah yang hamba harapkan (22) itulah danya t a r t termaktub pads nam betas haribulan rabi'ulakh.ir hart khamis waklu jam pukul (23) duabelas bertarikh sanat 1255 danya

Letter No. 16 al-mustahiqq

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

(6)

(7)

Surat daripada

perharnba tuan b e a r lcampong taut mari sampaikan pads char kun pays Si suréntera char pays péchaburi shahadan maker adalah perhamba m=a'1umkan pads char kun it aka perkeljaan char kun sur oh tuan said Muhammad Mari. larang tegur perhamba jangan jadi berkelahi dengan raja belantan it maker perhamba pun Sada melalui seperti tit ah char kun melainkan bagaimana tit ah char kun bagitulah perhamba perbuatnya hal perhamba hendak sembahkan pads char k m seki\an2 pun Sada dap at jadi perhamba bend*ak Chari alan kebenaran perhamba melainkan jikalau char kun hendak mengetahui sebarang perintahannya pintalah char kun usu tuan said muhammad it

(8)

sebagai

man

perintahan perhambanya dan sebagaimana perintahan raja ke-

lantannya melainkan sebagaimana

(9)

(10)

(II)

.

sembahan tuan said muhammad it sebagai itulah demikianlah danya perhalnba ma'lumkan pads char kun it hubong berhubong pergi pads hart yang kef-dapan demikianlah danya tersurat pads hart sabtu Japan betas haribulan delapan. t h u r kura t a r t

Letter No. 17 al-mustahiqq (1)

Surat daripada perhamba pays pipit pakdi s r i sultan muhammad r a t a nuchit anti suntan boworo wongso pays kelantan dan pays suntan tibodi s r i sultan diva maharaja pays changing ma'lum

130

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The Civil War in Kelantan anakanda tiger bersaudara mi pergi aka negeri sai salah semarang anakanda tjga bersaudara be1-sama2 dengan tuan (7) hajj shamsuddin it demikianlah ad-anya dan bar yak lag kuku yang tersebut didalamnya maker hal dirt anakanda i i amanda menard shale melainkan jikalau Sada oral gendala ( 8 ) janganlah anakanda tiger bersaudara i i s~alah semarang ( 9 ) melainkan sampai-lah anakanda anan negeri sai boléh berjumpa mata dengan marnanda inshallah ta'al:a dengan tush amanda amanda boléh (10) maker telah haraplah anakanda tiger bersaudara i i aka (6)

anakanda mengganti baps d u r a 'aldlirat tiadalah anakanda (II)

harap due tiger lag dahu.lu Allah ba'da rasul hubong berhubong pergi

pads hart yang kehadapan (12) tetapi yang kebajikan

amanda ates dirt anakanda it

tiadalah dap at

anakanda membalasnya

(13)

(14) (15)

melainkan allah subhanahu we ta'alalah membalas r a m a d a itu demikianlah danya anakanda nyatakan pads amanda it maker tiadalah anakanda memanjangkan khabar lag termaktub warkat i i pads hart ithnai(n) serbian betas hart bulan rabfulakhir t h u r ha tariff sanat 1255 al-wilthiqu bi'I15.hi'l-ghani + muhammad perdana renter inonu ismé'il al-marhum + khallada'lla§hu ketantan -|SEAL mulkahu wa ihsénahu + sanat 12.53

Letter No. Z9

yi raii'a'd-darajét (1) chuchunda nile lebai ma'lumkan Surat Mari Serta dinyatakan segal kuku perkara didalamnya pads na do my Kong lebai supaya boléh ( 2 ) ambit persembahkan kebawah kaus anakanda raja beri nyata segal kuku perkaranya avowal maker adalah facial perintahan chuchunda dudok dari dalam negeri sai pads seha (3) ii due i i maker chuchunda beroléh khabar yang sahib facial perintahan negeri kelantan pads s h a r i due i i do( ii) kerana orange sai beman pa' duhamid ia pergi hendak ( 4 ) mengambil bunya kedalam negeri kelantan bawl mari kedalam sai dan ialah yang membawa khabar pads perhamba Sana ada pun facial perintah p r a n g rang yang

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telah selesailah daripada meiji t h a n al-maliku'l-'allém dan salawat-

kan nabinya §afwatu'1-aném dan ates segal keluargauya dan sahabatnya sédétu'l-kirém maker dipesertakan pula s l a m ad-du'é'u 'alé'1-istimréli wa'd~dawém iaitu daripada (5) perhamba raja kelantan yang teramat hina dan dzaif Serta miskin baring disampaikan Allah subhanahu we ta'.ala apalah ( 6 ) ldranya kepada kehadapan majelis m a r k hamba iaitu raja sai yang telah beroléh pangkat dan darjatnya Serta beroléh ( 7 ) tauiik dan hidayat bertambah2 Eula budi yang hali yang aka wadi

(4)

t e m p t segal kauri keluarganya yang karib (8)

dan ba'id mengadukan hal segal ma'mur dan kemurahannya

kesakitan seki1°a2. mashhurlah dengan

pads segala aqyér

(9)

dan buldén dan mudah2an Minta dipanj angkan Allah 'umurnya mengerjakan am run bi'1-ma'rHH we nahyun 'ani'l-munkar Serta (10) dijauhkan daripada ball dan as'hrér min ye mujiba's-s5.'ilina wa ba'dahu daripada i t . ( I I ) maker adalah war"atu'1-ikhlé§ daripada m a r k hamba it telah lah kepada hamba dengan selamat sernpurnanya maker (12.) hamba Eula t e r r a ambillah dengan 'aini'1-faral; wa's-surlir Serta

dengan ajma'in

sampaimengu-

chap shukur kepada t h a n f§a'§11un Ii rnéyurid (13) Serta dimutala'ahkan daripada. val satarnya hingga akhir satarnya (14)

(15)

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The Civil War in Kelantan sur oh penghulu dullard bawa ra'yat empat puloh rang jemerang man' kerah segala 1°a'yat seberang sin sur oh pergi aka seberang 10) Sana kerana ra'yat sebelah kampong Iaut rang hendak ambit beri aka ( Siam maker penghulu dullard Mari berkerah it bawa (11) sabda raja chaya sur oh maker perhamba pun sur oh tuan said muhammad salléh dengan tuan long in mengadap raja chayanya (12) tanya raja chaya sunggoh raja sur oh raja kelantan mari kerah segala ra'yat seberang sin maker Kata raja chaya aku Sada sur oh (13) pergi kerah ra'yat seberang sin maker perhamba pun sur oh rang pergi (9)

léngkong tangkap kat ambit tub oh penghulu Gullah (14)

it

maker dengan tush char kun perhamba tangkap lima betas orange

yang Iasi habis l a i Sada boleh ambit tub oh (15)

nya maker yang boléhnya lima betas it raja chaya maker pads hard

(16) (17)

(18) (19) (20)

(21) (22)

had

perhamba pun kantar aka

nam likur hart

bulan rabi'ulakhir it raja kelantan dan raja changing sur oh mé Kong 'all dan musa pa' derarnan dan ché' tam bawa ra'yat seratus rang bedil senapang tiger puloh puchok jemerang mari akan seberang sin mari merampas pad betas ambit perahu sebuah (maker raja) chaya sur oh perhamba ambit tub oh rang yang jemerang mari it Sada boléh ambit tubohnya prang itulah perhamba ma'lumkan kepada char kun it kemudian dari it jikalau char kun hendak mengetahui perintah raja chaya it melainkan char kun Tanya tuan said muhammad salléh it dan raja 'abdullah it segal perintahnya perhamba hendak khabar seldan2 pun Sada dap at demikianlah danya suatu pun Sada pa hanyalah perhamba sembahkan eras setahil relay tersurat kepada lagan likur hart bulan lagan hart abu kepada t h u r kura danya

Letter No. 22 yajma'ul11§1hu bainané we bainakum (1)

(2)

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The Civil War in Kelantan (16)

(17)

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(24)

(25)

tiger puloh puchok jemerang mari aka seberang sini mari merampas wadi betas ambit perahu maker raja chaya sur oh anakanda pergi ambit tub oh orange yang jemerang mari IM tiara boléh ambit tubohnya rang it kernudian dari it anakanda nyatakan pads amanda facial pekerjaan rial n a h u m pads raja kelantan due puloh kotak pads sat kotak seribu eras u r i due butir ba'ang kasha it suku daripada bahagian berikan raja lemur dan suku daripada berikan raja benumb dan suku daripada bahagi segala adék beradék raja kelantan ambit taroh tatakala n a h u m dudok berra it maker raja kelantan pun berjanji dengan anakanda hendak bahagi dengan anakanda sur oh anakancla pergi akan benumb Siam it melainkan jikalau benar amanda pintalah amanda sembahkan char kun my tap dan pads tan pays péchaburi jikalau Sada boléh aka anakanda pun sudahlah jadi persembahan anakanda pads; char kun dalam pads it Iamu(11) b e a r pads amanda jikalau tidak b e a r jangan disembahkan kerana anakanda i i tiadalah h a r p due tiger lag melainkan mamandalah akan menolong anakanda hart i i berpanjang panjangan hubong berhubong pergi pads hart yang kehadapan demildanlah danya kemudian dari it yang mamanda hendak mengetahui amanda tanya tuan said perintah raja chaya it melainkan pintalah muhammad salléh it lengan raja 'abdullah segal perintahannya anak anda hendak khabar seldan2 pun Sada dap at demikianlah adanya suatu pun Sada hanyalah Kain lima sehelai boléh marnanda buat2 basahan Sada dengan sepertinya terlnaktub warkat i i pads y a m abu' thaméniyah we 'ishrlina shahru'r-rabi'u'l-akhir waktu pukul lima Yagi Parikh sanat 1255 a1-ithnai(n) hijratu'n-nabiyi §a1l5'Il§hu 'alaihi wa Salim al-haqqu'sh-shaikhi m r i f f ( a l ) k r k h i tam rat (continued at the side, upside down): ad pun bar yak wadi yang diambil oléh my Kong 'all it berasnya tiger r a t s padinya due rib tush r a t s jumlah sekali dengan betas it wadi tiger rib samanya Perahu setuboh demikianlah danya tetapi anakanda i i sangatlah miskinnya a.l-wéthiqu bi'IIahi'l-ghani J. Muhammad perdana renter ke+ inonu ismé'il al-marhim + ldlalladu'Ili51hu mulkahu we lantan SEAL ihsénahu + sanat 1253 ¢

(26) (27) (28)

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The Civil \Var in Kelantan / \

pembawaan sedikit2 m a r k hamba pun sud ah ketahui aka hal 'adar sebelah barat in (20) itulah danya tam rat maker suatu pun Sada 'al{1matu'1-hayét hanyalah du'é'un fi kulli waqtin we f i n n tam rat (21) maker pe1'b'L1at Surat i i kepada hart juma'at tiger puloh hart bulan rabi'u1akhir tarikh sana 1255 al-wénthiqu bi'lléhi + raja kelantan + ldlallada'llElhu mulkahu inonu l a n g tan al-marlglim + sanat SEAL we ihsénahu we fadlahu 1254 19)

Letter No. 24 ya ghaf€1ra'1'-rahim

salému'd-~du'é'u bi'l-khair ajma'in iaitu daripada hamba raja banjul yang ad bernaung pads mass i i didalam semerak yang ad dudok dalam perchintaan tambahan Eula dengan hina p a p a y a lagi misldn ( 2 ) tiap2. ari dan mala yang Sada berguna pads hamba allah yang banyan barong diwasilkan allah jua kiranya ( 3 ) datary kehadapan majelis s a u d r a hamba raja sai yang di(a)nugerahkan allah kebesaran Dan kemuliaan diatas takhta kerajaannya dari dunia datary pads hart (4) k a r a t haH;ahu'1lahu ta'al8 fi'd-daraini amen we ba'dahu dari itu hamba melayangkan qatrah i i Sada dengan sepertinya aka jadi ganti (5) pertemuan dan perjumpaan hamba dengan say(da)ra hamba maker dari had warkat s a u d r a hamba it telah sampailah dengan selamatnya tiara (1)

(6)

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Serta hamba

menguchap shukur kepada allah subhanahu we ta'ala menerima kebajikan s a u d r a hamba melainkan tuhan wahi~du'l~qahhzir yang membalaskan kebajikan saudara hamba it shahadan adalah facial dirt hamba itll terserahlah pads saudara ( 8 ) hamba segal bicharanya dengan rang Siam kerana hamba it tiadalah h a r p due tiger lagi dani dahulu sarnpai keakhir hanyalah saudra hamba (9) yang t e m p t hamba harapkan dahulu allah we ba'dahu r a u l kemudian saudra hambalah yang hamba ha-rapkan jikalau sud ah dengan perbuatan (7)

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The Civil War in Kelantan (9)

(10)

t e m p t perhamba berharap yang tolong menolong perhamba maker dengan tush daunt dull char kunlah yang boléh perhamba dudok sering supaya adék beradék hubong p e r i kehadapan danya seperkara pula perhamba pensembah rnaiumkan kebawah kaus char kun facial yang char kun ibu angkatan b e a r yang selesai pekerjaannya

yang (11)

(12)

(13)

(14)

(15)

(16)

(17 I

(18)

(19)

In aha

mulia tit ah sur oh perhamba p e r i Kira dengan

pays chaya tangkap tuan long ahmad tuan long deraman tuan senile sungai pinang tuan b l a t raja ché' enché' ku 'all tuan long 'all it maker perhamba pun muafakat dengan raja chaya ldra hendak tangkap orange yang seperti tersebut mama in maker tuan long deraman it tatakala perharnba sampai kenegeri kelantan tuan long deraman it sud ah l a i p e r i dudok ditempat b e s t dahulu ( sud ah kemudian raja chaya Kira dengan perhamba dibahagi rang dna t e m p t P) suatu t e m p t bawa perahu pergi s k a t yakut taut suatu t e m p t raja chaya beri a l a n g son sonni dengan raja changing dengan raja muds bawa ra'yzat pergi yakut darat sekat Man long ahmad tuan long salléh dengan tuan long deraman pa' s a u d r a perhamba bawa ra'yat pergi s k a t tangkap raja ché' enché' ku 'all maker tuan long ahmad tuan senile sungai pinang tuan long 'all it l a i dahulu maker said ja'far t u r n pergi sampai didalam daérah terengganu Sada disinggah a l a n g son sonni pays changing t u r n pergi sampai ditempat semerak maker tuan long salléh dengan tuan long deraman pa' s a u d r a perhamba it p e r i tangkap raja ché' day enché' ku 'all it boleh perhamba ambit tub oh s e r f beri kepada raja chaya anak saudaranya mama ku tengah dan anak raja ku jadi empat rang aka facial tuan long Ahmad sekalian it balék tuan said ja'far balék its boll khabar yang ' tentunya kemana2 ia pergi m a s k ditempat manama boléh perhamba ser bah ma'lum mari pula seperkara Yagi perhamba persembah ma'lumkan

kebawah kaus char kun aka enché' j a i l it perhamba sur oh jura beli betas sedikit yakut must perahu yang enché' j a i l bawa mari it maker perhamba harapkan kebawah kaus char kunlah tolong menolong pads (21) barang2 suatu yang hendak kesaldtan dan kepayahan ates enché' j a i l itu maker apakala selesai sud ah segala Kira bicharanya mintalah char kan sur oh enché' j a i l

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3. SPELLING OF THE LETTERS

The spelling employed in the letters shows many divergences from the system in use in Malaya to-day.1 These divergences may be described (rather roughly) as

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Malay mss.

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