Civic wars: democracy and public life in the American city during the nineteenth century 9780520216600, 9780520204416, 9780520922082

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
List of Illustrations (page ix)
Acknowledgments (page xi)
Introduction: From Public Realm to Civic Warfare (page 1)
PART ONE Heterogeneous Compounds and Kaleidoscopic Varieties: Creating a Democratic Public, 1825-1849
CHAPTER 1 People's Places (page 21)
CHAPTER 2 The Performance of People in Association (page 58)
CHAPTER 3 Public Meetings and teh "Principles of Pure Democracy" (page 94)
PART TWO The Interregnum, 1850-1865
CHAPTER 4 Civil Wars in the Cities (page 135)
PART THREE "The Huge Conglomerate Mass": Democracy Contained and Continued, 1866-1880
CHAPTER 5 The "Vague and Vast Harmony" of People in Space (page 183)
CHAPTER 6 The People in Ceremony: Multiply, Divide, Explode, Transcend (page 223)
CHAPTER 7 Publicity and Democratic Practice (page 259)
Epilogue (page 305)
Notes (page 317)
Selected Bibliography (page 341)
Index (page 363)

Citation preview

CIVIC WARS

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Democracy and Public Life in the American City during the Nineteenth Century

MARY P. RYAN

University of California Press

Berkeley Los Angeles London

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England First Paperback Printing 1998 ©1997 by

The Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ryan, Mary P. Civic wars : democracy and public life in the American city during the nineteenth century / Mary P. Ryan.

p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references (p. _) and index. ISBN 0-520-21660-1 (alk. paper : pbk.) 1. Political participation—United States—History—1oth century. 2. Political culture—United States—History—1oth century. 3. Democracy—United States—History—1oth century. 4. City and town life—United States—History—1oth century. 5. United States— Politics and government—toth century. 6. New York (N.Y.)—

Politics and government—To 1898. 7. New Orleans (La.)—Politics and government. 8. San Francisco (Calif.)—Politics and government. I. Title.

Ji1764.R9 199796-25630 320.973—dc20 CIP

Printed in the United States of America

987654321

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.

For Anne

|| Blank Page

List of Illustrations / ix Acknowledgments / x2 Introduction: From Public Realm to Civic Warfare / I

PART ONE

, Heterogeneous Compounds and Kaleidoscopic Varieties: Creating a Democratic Public, 1825-1849 CHAPTER 1

People’s Places / 2r CHAPTER 2

The Performance of People in Association / 58 CHAPTER 3

Public Meetings and the “Principles of Pure Democracy” / 94

PART TWO The Interregnum, 1850~—1865 CHAPTER 4

Civil Wars in the Cities / 135

viil Contents PART THREE

“The Huge Conglomerate Mass”: Democracy Contained and Continued, 1866-1880 CHAPTER 5

The “Vague and Vast Harmony” of People in Space / 183 CHAPTER 6

The People in Ceremony: Multiply, Divide, Explode, Transcend / 223 CHAPTER 7

Publicity and Democratic Practice / 259

Epilogue / 305

Notes / 317 Selected Bibliography / 341

Index / 363

ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Plan of New Orleans, Louisiana, 1815 24. 2. Map of San Francisco, California, 1853 24

3. Map of the city of New York 25

4. City Hall Park, New York 33 5. Canal Street, New Orleans, 1850 41 6. View of New York looking south from Union Square, 1849 44

7. View of New Orleans, 1852 AS

8. Chatham Square, ca. 184.7 48 9. San Francisco view, 1851 SI

10. Lafayette’s visit: engraving of Inumphal Arch 63

uw. Invitation: Erie Canal celebration 67

12. View of the Plaza, July 4, 1851, San Francisco 71

July 4, 1851 72 14. Volktest, New Orleans, 1859 86 13. New York procession passing Brougham’s Lyceum,

15. Inauguration of the Jackson statue, New Orleans 107 16. Council chamber, New York City Hall, 1830-1831 IIS

17. San Francisco election, 1850s 116

18. Astor Place riot, 184.9 137

19. Execution of James P. Casey and Charles Cora 143

20. “War Song of the Natives? ca. 1855 I47

21. Metropolitan Police storm City Hall, 1857 IS4.

22. Charge of the police at the Tribune office, 1863 WI

23. Panel from the Muybridge panorama, San Francisco, 1877 186

24. Panel from panorama of New Orleans, ca. 1870 186

2§. Panel from panorama of New York, 1876 187 1X

X Illustrations

26. Chinatown alley, ca. 1880 192

27. Stewarts mansion 194. 28. Five Points, 1875 19S 29. Canal Street, Clay statue, 1884 199 30. Shelter, Golden Gate Park, ca. 1874 208

31. Map of Golden Gate Park 210

32. Lincoln funeral procession, 1865 225 33. Attack on the Orange Societies’ parade, 1871 232

34. Mardi Gras, 1872 241 35. Mussing Links 243

36. St. Patrick’s Day, Union Square, 1870 247

37. “Comung Races,” 1880 253 38. New Orleans riot, 1866 265

39. “Rout of the Metropolitains,’ 1874 268

40. “Who Stole the People’s Money?” 1871 278 41. “The Latest Phase of American Politics? 1880 289

42. The San Francisco Illustrated Wasp, 1880 298

Violence,’ 1875 299 44. “U.S. A Plague upon All Your Goes,’ 1879 300 43. “A Republican Form of Government, and No Domestic

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

have practiced the historian’s craft too long to pretend that I am the

[ie author of the following pages. In creating this book I have

transcribed, transmitted, and lifted out of context the work of

countless chroniclers and historians, most of whom I will never meet. Because this investigation took me far from the fields of my training or expertise, I was dependent on a vast and rich secondary literature that deserves far more recognition than the simple citations in the bibliography. It would not diminish my debt to all these strangers by naming my personal and specific benefactors. My special thanks go to those very generous and tolerant colleagues who read messy early drafts of this book and tendered invaluable advice and criticism. In thanking them I also assure them that I have left abundant grounds for continuing debate and disagreement among us. I am most indebted to Thomas Ben-

der, Robin Einhorn, Philip Ethington, Eric Foner, Michael Kazin, Suzanne Lebsock, Joseph Logsdon, Timothy Gilfoyle, Terence MacDonald, Christine Stansell, and Dell Upton. Several institutions have generously supported this project with their funds, their facilities, and their staffs. My research commenced long ago at the Center for Advanced Studies in the Behavioral Sciences at Stanford University; it was sustained while I was a member of the faculty at the University of California at Berkeley; and it was rejuvenated for one ecstatic year when the French American Foundation sent me to the Center for North American Studies, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Science Sociales in Paris. I send special thanks to Jean Heffer, Francois Weil, and XI

xii Acknowledgments

Carolyn Kaufman at CENA. This project would never have been finished without the skillful efforts of graduate research assistants at Berkeley: Jennifer Gold, Valerie Mendoza, Jessica Weiss, and the heroic Gabrielle Tenaglia. I am deeply indebted to the librarians and staff of the Bancroft Library, Historic New Orleans Collection, Louisiana Division

of the New Orleans Public Library, the Louisiana State Museum, and the Municipal Archives of New York. The editorial staff at the University of California Press— Sheila Levine, Nola Burger, and Scott Norton—has my gratitude and affection, as does my copy editor, David Severtson.

Finally, I would like to acknowledge those who diverted me from working on this book, yet kept me right on course to creating It, as together we walked city streets and reveled in public places. My heartfelt appreciation goes to old New York friends David Gurin, Bert Hansen, Carroll Seron, Joanne Vanek, and Judy Walkowitz. I am indebted to Joe and Mary Logsdon for introducing me to New Orleans, her restaurants, her fetes, her people. ] thank Ted and Joby Margadant for the pleasures of their company on the boulevards of Paris as well as the streets of San Francisco. Thanks and a purple heart go to Judy Stacey and Carol Stack for rescuing me with walks through the neighborhood. Richard Busacca has done double duty as usual, by tending the homes fires when I escaped to distant cities and by joining me at city playgrounds near and far. I thank Anne Busacca-Ryan for constantly reminding me to cherish the cities of our world for their fun and for our future.

INTRODUCTION

From Public Realm to Civic Warfare

forawaiting the gloomy associated such an evidence ominous " ) } hose the forecasts turn of theoften millennium canwith easily find date. The approach of the year 2000 finds many observers of American civic life, including historians, in a curmudgeonly frame of mind, their pessimism fed by more than the usual references to rising crime, debased morals, and irresponsible youth. Complaints first heard in the mid-1980s about how the American citizenry was fragmenting into narrow circles of interest and identity had given way by 1995 to far more alarming and widespread signs of the disintegration of the national consensus. Those earlier squabbles about what was alternately labeled multiculturalism and political correctness paled next to the clash-

ing cultures of the r990s—urban riots, rural militia companies, and bombed-out federal buildings—while the new political identities that emerged in the 1960s might seem paper tigers compared to the insurgents of the 1994 congressional election who not only asserted themselves but also set out to dismantle the basic social programs that had, at least since the New Deal, linked Americans together in the recognition of basic public needs. Historians’ alarm about the rumored demise of a unified national narrative might seem inconsequential in a popular culture that shunned the printed word as it sated itself on talk shows, MTV,

and cyberspace. The end of the twentieth century threatened to bring not just the contest and rivalry to be expected in a democracy but a whole other order of change, a withdrawal from the civic project as we had known it. I

a Introduction Or so it might seem to an American Jeremiah at the fin de siecle. But the revelers who will gather in Times Square on New Year’s Eve 2000 will doubtless encounter some less dyspeptic citizens. The omens of crisis in American public life can also be read as signs of civic rejuvenation.

The revolt against Washington at the ballot box could also open a broader, more fundamental debate on the nature of the public trust. ‘The babel in cyberspace might give voice to the otherwise isolated and inarticulate. Those who gather at a place such as Times Square on New Year’s

Eve, furthermore, obstinately refuse to cede public space to urban anomie or disorder. Indeed, the compulsion to gather in city space seems more vigorous than ever. Witness the proliferation of cafes, street fairs, and festivals in communities across the land. Since the mid-1970s Americans have invented whole new occasions for citywide parties: Halloween processions in Manhattan, annual jazz festivals in New Orleans, foot races across San Francisco that bring as many as 100,000 giddy runners into the streets. I would bet that many Americans will greet the next century as the occasion to come joyously together, right in the heart of the city. Not all Americans have lost the will to fashion some facsimile of a civic whole.

As always, the markers of change can be read in many ways. And much depends on where we stop to read the signs of the times, be it, for example, on city streets or in front of TV screens. What strikes this observer at the end of the twentieth century is not the expected prophecies of national disorder and moral and political damnation but the fear that Americans are withdrawing from civic space as we have known it, be it in electoral campaigns, public festivals, or everyday encounters with one another. In the past Americans managed to contain their rowdy civic be-

havior within the bounds of acceptable differences and were linked to- | gether by both regular associations of town and city life and a common print culture, the very institutions that fostered the American experment in pluralistic democratic politics beginning in the eighteenth century. The differences among Americans in the late twentieth century, by contrast, rarely come together in the same public square or on the same page of newsprint. Civic life seems socially adrift. This book faces this troubling contemporary prospect in the perverse

manner of a historian: To better read the signs of change before me, I have intentionally turned backward. By examining civic life a century ago I hope to acquire some sharpened perception, even some ideas, about how to exercise citizenship in these shifting times. In so doing I have adopted a spatial strategy just as curious as my temporal move

Introduction J backward. At a time when the connecting tissue of civic life seems as insubstantial as the airwaves of mass media, I have set up my historical lab-

oratory in concrete places, in three nineteenth-century cities. In New York, New Orleans, and San Francisco I have found some solid ground

on which to confront these civic fears and hopes. In the last century these cities were arguably as full of cultural differences and as fractured by social and economic changes as any metropolis today, and they provided equally challenging conditions under which to create civic communication and identity. My years of foraging through these corners of the American past have not yielded reassuring portraits of virtuous and harmonious communities that can serve as models or admonitions for the present. What I found instead is a trail of contestation that goes back well beyond a century. What I learned, slowly and reluctantly, still incompletely, is the necessity of facing these recurrent cultural and political collisions, of embracing these civic wars as an essential feature of modern democracy. But before I report on this exercise of retrospective citizenship, a brief comment on some of the personal concerns and more abstract cogitation that informed and preceded it 1s in order. Undertaken as both a historian’s project and a citizen’s mission, my exploration began in the early 1980s amid growing unease with the fragmentation of the historical record that had accompanied the success of the new social history. The elaboration and diversification of our history that occurred in the 1970s and 1980s left a larger, infinitely improved, but more splintered picture of the past. The disarray among historians, the cracks in old syntheses, and the refuse of an untenable consensus were more than by-products of a quantitative expansion of the population included in the official historical record. A skilled and patient historian could fashion a social history from the studies of different races, classes, ethnic groups, gender cultures, sexual orientations, ages, and so forth. (My colleagues do it every day in survey courses and textbooks.) But to be a usable and living history rather than a sociological portrait, we are told that the parts of this enlarged picture need to be stitched to-

gether into a moving narrative. It needed a focal point, some major characters, a plot. In the past the focal point had been politics on the national level. The central characters had been political leaders, and the plot ended in the uniformity of a common culture or at the apex of intel-

lectual hegemony or political power.' |

These ways of giving narrative coherence to history certainly remained available to painstaking historians willing to draw the links between the social and the political, the local and the national, the social

4 Introduction | and the cultural, the everyday and the election day. Yet a rush to synthesis often traveled the same well-worn paths, sacrificing the rich record compiled by social historians, finding the easiest point of unity among the powerful and prominent, and in the end giving starring roles to the

white, male, educated, and affluent. Still searching for some way of bringing America’s diverse peoples together on one plane of analysis, but without subjecting them to the brute authority of a central government or the cultural tyranny of national character, I came upon the idea of the public, a symbol of the possibility of unification without homoge-

nization, of integration without assimilation. In my first musings it evoked a broad and visible political space where a society’s members might come together without forfeiting their multiple social identities, where they mounted debates rather than established consensus. In the first instance the public was no more than an sjnvitation to imagine a his-

torical plane of commonalty and connection that did not pulverize differences, where power was recognized without erasing the less powerful.”

From the first the word public had a second and especially seductive reference point as well. This attraction was as much personal and aesthetic as scholarly and political, and it was rooted in my own niche in American history. For someone growing up female after World War II, in a small town where my lower-class Roman Catholic parentage was still a mark of marginalization, the public gleamed as an object to covet, a kind of brass ring. As a female child of a small town in the 1950s I also saw the public as a liberation from stultifying privacy. It was a way out of the house. It summoned images of a gregarious, open, cosmopolitan, new, heterogeneous, anonymous world free of the constrictions of family and the straitjacket of gender identity. To my parents’ generation the coveted public signaled the aspirations of the “little guy” for a public voice that was heard only as recently as the New Deal. In my adolescence the public prize was the election of the first president who shared my family’s religious affiliation. My own political consciousness would take form within those social movements of the 1960s that made the dreams and protests of millions of once-silenced Americans a public matter. To this very day, when my gender remains drastically underrepresented in positions of state power and legislative deliberation, the public still glows with the aura of a brass ring. For a feminist the public remains an object of not fully requited desire. The turns in my own life and the jolts of American politics since the 1970s have not dimmed the utopian imaginings of the word; they have only made them seem more precious

Introduction ) as they receded from the political horizon. In sum the word that set the course of this book 1s bloated with social, personal, as well as political promises. In its first incarnation the subject of this book was impossibly broad, simply a study of American public life in the nineteenth century. Although my search for the “public” was singular, personal, and a mite eccentric, it was hardly solitary. The word public has one of the longest and most distinguished lineages in the Western dictionary of

keywords. From the perspective of the history of ideas my musings about the public are a dilute and base remnant of the classic vocabulary of polis, politeia, and res publica. The word public was present at the reputed origins of Western political culture, in its Renaissance, and at the moments of greatest trial. ‘The public was a conceptual life raft for politi-

cal thinkers, most notably Hannah Arendt, trying to set a humanistic political course in the wake of twentieth-century totalitarianism. Yet I have kin much closer than these in my association with the public. The public is very much in the American grain. The word had a particularly prominent place in the vocabulary of the Progressives and appeared in the titles of books by Walter Lippman, Robert Park, and John Dewey in the 1920s. And in the 1990s the chorus of concern for the public 1s full of

historians, social scientists, literary critics, and veterans of the social movements of my generation, including most especially feminists. My original fealty to the word public inspired a conversation with po-

litical theorists that became a long, rambling section of this book’s penultimate draft. The empirical historical study that followed, however, broke the bounds of this theory and became a meandering story of how Americans came together, for better and for worse, to share and shape a conjoined life. That account, which will begin with chapter 1, 1s not a paean to the public but a story I will call “civic wars.” Before that story begins, however, I offer the reader the briefest report on my foray into the body of political philosophy to which I remain indebted.

The classic formulation of the public, especially as interpreted by Hannah Arendt, offers the loftiest inspiration for the study and practice of public life. Brought down from the Acropolis, this tradition heralds the public realm, as Arendt names it, as the place where citizens surren-

der their private concerns and come together as equals to deliberate about the common good. It is in the public realm, set aside from petty material interests and devoted to mutual respect and rational discourse, that humans express their highest natures and achieve a semblance of immortality. Yet as many critics, most notably Hannah Pitkin, have pointed out, whether it be ancient Greece or the Italian Renaissance re-

6 Introduction publics, the public realm was as narrow in its membership as it was lofty

in its idealism. It was a gathering place of elite males, many of them slavemasters.°

For a more democratic social base, contemporary political philosophers turn more often to the work of Jiirgen Habermas. By locating his “public sphere” in the eighteenth-century West, Habermas opened up civic life to a much broader citizenry and wider realm of rights and freedoms. His public sphere was a “realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed. Access is guaranteed to all citizens. A portion of the public sphere comes into being in every conversation in which private individuals assemble to form a public body.’ Habermas brought the public sphere not only into modern times but into a broad historical plane of analysis. By locating public life outside the state, finding it in the press and the cafes and clubs of eighteenth-

century European capitals, wherever public opinion could be formed, Habermas placed the humanistic political ideals on the grounds of social practice and in the reach of many. His public sphere has been adapted by

many historians and literary scholars and is an indispensable guide through the research for this book.* Yet Habermas himself was circumspect in his own historical mapping of the public sphere. Clinging to high standards of “rational-critical discourse,” Habermas was wary of finding a genuine public sphere outside the bourgeoisie and after the eighteenth century. To open a flank of the

public sphere in the nineteenth century, I next turned to the American tradition of political philosophy and to John Dewey’s The Public and Its Problems. Conceived as a pragmatic human creation, not as an a priori rational norm, Dewey's public was an act of human discovery and organtzation that could, or could not, be found in any historical circumstance.

His formula for creating a public specified only this: “We take as our point of departure from the objective fact that human acts have consequences upon others, that some of these consequences are perceived, and that their perception leads to subsequent effort to control action so as tO secure some consequences and avoid others.” Dewey then construes a public that, theoretically, could exist anywhere, even in the most unseemly civic spaces of America in the 1990s.° Writing in 1927, Dewey rarely gave specific social or political content

to the public. His major historical reference was to the New England community of face-to-face public assembly. Reconvening a town mecting is not a strategy likely to revive the public in the late twentieth century. An update to Dewey's public can be found, however, in a number

Introduction | of contemporary writers, including postmodernists and neopragmatists, many of them veterans of the social movements of the 1960s. ‘They argue for a public created through the piecemeal identification of new political constituencies. Social movements not only make new public claims for isolated groups but expand the rights of all. The feminist movement is a prime example of this pluralistic expansion of the public; 1t not only enrolled the second sex in the public realm but formulated whole new sets of human rights, naming them such things as privacy, reproductive freedom, family entitlement. These contemporary theorists dispute the singularity of the classic notion of the public but reclaim the term in the plural or prefix it with adjectives such as heterogeneous or democratic.° At this point in the search for a civic lodestar I came to wonder if the public should be the exclusive focus of my attention. A qualifying term used by everyone from Dewey on began to assume a central place in my thinking. That term was democratic. Turning directly to recent demo-

cratic theorists, most notably Claude Lefort and Chantal Mouffe, I found classic and Renaissance notions of the public demoted to secondary importance, behind the political practices of representative gov-

ernment dating from the nineteenth century. Lefort focuses not on a preconceived public realm but on the process of representation, the ways in which the “people” become sovereign. To democratic theorists such

as Lefort the participation of the people is the measure of civic wellbeing, and yet who the people are is never established in any finite, stable, or absolute way. Democratic politics and decisions about the conjoined life of a polity are worked out in an unremitting practice whereby citizens name, assert, and give meaning to themselves and one another. “The identity of the people remains latent. . . . Representation is depen-

dent upon a political discourse and upon a sociological and historical elaboration always bound up with ideological debate.” Convinced that the democratic public I valued requires this unremitting representative practice, I retitled my project The Public and the People and vowed to place the two concepts in constant, fluid relationship to one another.’ Once the search for civic ideals shifts from the Olympian plane of the polis to the pragmatic practices of democracy, the public sphere or realm splinters, inevitably and unregrettably, into more mundane and multiple political spaces. Democratic theorists are particularly intent on locating

politics in actual physical spaces, historical sites that are public in the more pedestrian, colloquial, but critical way—1in their openness and accessibility to the people. The writings of Lefort and Dewey no less than

those of Habermas refer at critical points to mundane public places

8 Introduction called, variously, civil society, New England communities, face-to-face ties—that is, multiple, finite, often small and decentered publics where people formulate their democratic aspirations and mobilize for political action. Conversely, one cannot imagine Dewey’s pragmatic method of locating the public or Lefort’s model of popular democracy operating in private space—the intimacy of the home, the recesses of the individual soul, and what Habermas calls the “rooms and anterooms of bureaucracies.” By decentering politics and underplaying the role of the state, democratic theorists invest the social space between the government and the private home with more significance, by default if not intention. Even

Hannah Arendt was enticed into this earthbound social dimension of the public as a “space” where “men act together in concert?’® Theories of democracy seem especially to gravitate toward this social and spatial public. ‘The germination of democratic institutions may even require open, accessible, shared space, sites where the people can actually see each other in all their diversity and can mobilize, debate, form identities, and forge coalitions. Contemporary theory also adumbrates an aesthetic dimension to public democracy that is nurtured by the diverse and unpredictable encounters possible in open social space. Lefort repeatedly and approvingly quotes Tocqueville’s observation that the “ceaseless agi-

tation which democratic government has introduced into the political world influences all social intercourse. I am not sure that on the whole, this is not the greatest advantage of democracy-’?

As the course of this search for the public shifted from the classic public to modern democracy it was inevitable that it should come back to Alexis de Tocqueville. First, Tocqueville’s own search for a political system and culture to succeed the ancien regime \ed not just to democracy but to a social rendering of the public: It was founded not in the su-

perior virtue of Americans but in their inveterate habit of forming groups to obtain common social goals. “Wherever, at the head of some new undertaking you see the government in France, or a man of rank in England, in the United States you will be sure to find an association. ... Thus, the most democratic country on the face of the earth is that in which men have, in our time, carried to the highest perfection the art of pursuing in common the object of their common desires, and have applied this new science to the greatest number of purposes.” Tocqueville’s democracy was composed of associated peoples, of voluntary organizations, or of local governments; his is a politics of public sociality. It is Tocqueville who located civic life in a place that is most congenial to this investigator. Its coordinates are not the goodness and virtue of the clas-

Introduction 3 sic public sphere, nor the austerity of pure pragmatic practice, but the democratic associations of people.

Tocqueville guides the story that follows in a second, fundamental way: He identified the empirical center of the history of democracy peculiar to the United States. He discovered democracy not just in association but in a critical place and time. Touring America in 1831 and 1832, he was struck by sights such as these: “The people of one quarter of a town are met to decide the building of a church; there, the election of a representative is going on; a little further, the delegates of a district are posting to the town in order to consult some local improvements; the labor-

ers of the village quit their ploughs to deliberate upon the project of a road or a public school” Tocqueville located democracy, in other words, in relatively dense human settlements, towns, villages, or cities. Tocqueville’s America is distinguished not just from the classic or Enlighten-

ment public sphere but also from another great theory of American democracy, Turner’s frontier thesis, which traced the distinctive politics of the United States not to public associations but to the individual freedoms practiced in the supposedly open territories of the American West. The human settlements that so sparked Tocqueville’s political imagination point to an ideal time and place in which to examine the democratic public practices of an associated people. Tocqueville’s visit, occurring in the second quarter of the nineteenth century, intersected with the moment when the term democracy became the best designation of the new nation’s political ideology and institutions. By 1825, despite some contrary and curmudgeonly opinions, American politicians operated on the assumption that the people had to be consulted in public matters. A stance of superiority to the mass of men and deference to the opinions of the better sort, once proudly espoused by the likes of John Adams and James Madison, was now taboo. In the second quarter of the nineteenth century the term democracy was rarely qualified by allusions to those as-

pects of republican theory that constrained the voice of the people within the confines of a mixed constitution, with its aristocratic and monarchical elements. The frank exhaltation of democracy had become

the presumption of national politics with Jackson’s bank message in 1832. Ever since, politicians have courted the common man and bowed to the people in their homeliest aspects and humbler statuses. After ac-

knowledging the accomplishments of a generation of historians who traced survivals of a republican ethic in nineteenth-century America, it is time to give this explicitly democratic strand of American political history a central place as of the 1830s. ‘Thereafter neither politicians nor his-

10 Introduction , torians could sanction restrictions on popular participation in government, no matter how rational and critical were the discussions that transpired within the public sphere.'° The trrumph of democratic rhetoric was no mere chimera but the product of a slow yet revolutionary change in the methods of representative government. The chief element 1n this transformation was the expansion of the elected sector of the government, which under republican theory and early American practice was kept in balance by constitutional restraints and restrictions on suffrage. By the date that begins this study, and exemplified by the New York State Constitution of 1821, legislative bodies were elected more directly, and property restriction on both voting and office holding had been abolished for white males. Democratic life was breathed into these representative procedures by political parties, mobilizations in civil society that the “founding fathers” had once bitterly excoriated. Still suspect as late as 1820, partisan loyalty was the focal point of politics by the raucous presidential election of 1840. With it came the assumption of permanent opposition, contest, and debate 1n

public affairs and the removal of inhibitions about partisan loyalty. It was in the process of partisan elections that a public constituted itself in a participatory and expressive way. Only after several decades of practicing democratic politics in heated electoral contests for relatively low political stakes did Americans begin to invest public institutions with the extensive administrative power and responsibilities associated with the

modern state—things (such as income taxes and standing armies) that were established during the Civil War. Although this democratic public life was acted out on the national stage and orchestrated with particular virtuosity during presidential elections, its origins and constitution can be discerned best at the local level by eavesdropping, like Tocqueville, on the political practices of associated Americans. Those ubiquitous meetings that dotted his itinerary, while less remote and more down to earth than those in the Acropolis, seem far too bucolic to offer models for democratic practice in late twentieth-century America. Tocqueville painted Americans as a relatively settled, homogeneous people who traced a cultural and political ancestry to Anglo-Saxon England. While he pointed out, perhaps correctly, that

democracy flourished under such homogeneous social conditions, the village setting did not subject the democratic public to a severe test, certainly not by contemporary standards of diversity and disorder. My strategy in selecting exact sites for this study was to place the representative institutions established by 1825 in direct confrontation with a particularly

Introduction I] heterogeneous and fractious people. Therefore, I mounted my historians’ canvas squarely in the middle of rapidly growing, soon industrialized, garishly diversified cities. To maximize the pressures on public life, I chose three sites that also reflected regional differences and antagonisms; one north and one south

of the great rent in the nineteenth-century national order and a third located in the contested territory of the West. These three particular cities, New York, New Orleans, and San Francisco, meet my criteria for being ungainly, urban mongrels. Each is the antithesis of the other putative cradles of democracy, the New England town or the sparsely settled frontier where a sense of the common good or the unanimous public interest could be read off the surface of social relations within a relatively homogeneous community. The diversity of the citizenries of New York, New Orleans, and San Francisco precluded any assumption of an organic, automatic public consensus. Each was a port city tied to a transoceanic hinterland and open to waves of immigration. Already by the Revolution, New York boasted a cosmopolitan history. Having passed from Dutch to English colonial control, it hosted a mix of Western European immigrants along with significant numbers of African-born slaves and toler-

ated a range of religious sects as well as the usual number of urban infidels. The roots of city people were even more tangled in New Orleans. French, Spanish, English, African, Afro-Caribbean, and Ameri-

can Indian accents mingled in one of the most polyphonic cultures on this planet. The transient population that hastily staked a claim beside the Bay of San Francisco in 1849 was fed by especially strong demographic currents from the South. Migrants from Australia, Chile, Mexico, and elsewhere in Latin America pitched their tents beside refugees from back East. Soon the ocean traffic came from Asia, bringing thousands of Chinese. In none of these cities 1s there much evidence that the simmering social diversity ever boiled away. During the Civil War and after each city experienced vicious interracial conflict at the time that it ad-

mitted enough immigrants to make one third to one half the population foreign born. The heterogeneity of the city was not as easily corralled into a single political jurisdiction as historians often assume. Even the national affiliation of each of these cities was a recent, fragile, and reversible creation. New York was invaded by the British as late as 1812. The teleology that affixes a basic stable national identity on the ports of North America is

especially inappropriate to the other cities in this triad. In just one month, November 1804, New Orleans officially passed from Spanish to

12 Introduction French to U.S. authority. Well into the 1840s, city business was still con-

ducted in French. The national identity of the settlement beside San Francisco Bay was also unstable. In just a few decades the hunting and fishing grounds of native Ohlone Indians passed through the hegemony of the Spanish crown, to the Republic of Mexico, and on to some fortune hunters calling themselves the Bear Flag Republic before it became a U.S. territory and finally a sovereign state in the Union. ‘Then, 1n 1861, the Union itself was violently torn in two, causing particularly bitter internal political divisions in these three cities. The instability of nationality during the nineteenth century ts just one indication that democratic civic life 1s not a simple transcription from a singular national culture, nor is it centered in a singular political institution such as the state. Accordingly, this search for the public will focus not on centers of government but on the far more dispersed and elusive habitats of the people. The people of course do not present themselves to historians directly, transparently, as pure essences. A major objective of this investigation is to discover how people actually defined themselves as political actors and recognized one another. At best, some citizens left fleeting, partial, and ambiguous traces of themselves on selec-

tive sets of documents, few of which bear those exquisite signs of authenticity characteristic of the elite citizens who transcribed their lives and thoughts for posterity. Of necessity the search for the democratic public will be conducted in that second-class stock of historical documents called the published sources. It 1s there, in published proceedings of municipal governments, printed guides to city life, public commentaries of literate citizens, and above all the daily newspapers that the public discloses itself to citizens and historians. The impurities of these raw materials do not require an apology, for

in this instance they have their virtues as well as their limitations. Michael Warner, among others, has demonstrated how the emergence of the democratic public in the modern West was inextricably bound up with publication. Until the mid-eighteenth century the idea of calling upon officials to publish, much less explain or justify, their actions was considered libelous. Soon thereafter, the first halting attempts to question colonial authority took the form of demands for the publication of colonial procedures and mushroomed into a printing industry premised on the radical assumption of open debate, public discussion, and governmental accountability to citizens. The political literature of the early national period was more than a printed transcript of public debate. ‘The process of publishing government actions created an imaginary but con-

Introduction 13 sequential republic of letters. Print linked author to reader and readers to one another in an ongoing, widespread, deeply thought if unspoken conversation. A political culture of print made government a public rather than a private matter; it was critical to the democratization of civic life.14

By 1825 the republic of letters was on its way to becoming a democ-

racy of print. With steady growth of the penny press the majority of adult males became parties to the public discussions on a whole range of political issues. Early in the century the expenstve newspapers not only were few, of narrow distribution, and small in size but scarcely mentioned local or national events. It was through the fiercely partisan campaigns of the press in the 1830s and 1840s that readers were introduced to a daily diet of public discussion of local and national politics. By 1850, when the press began to assume a nonpartisan but nonetheless politically engaged stance, the whole electorate was mobilized by newsprint. Circulation figures in individual cities reached to six digits, newspaper offices became gathering spots for obtaining political information, and even the illiterate congregated on street corners and in grogshops for a public reading of the dailies. After midcentury the press became more

ageressive in courting and organizing public opinion by sending reporters onto the streets to survey and report on grassroots political discussions. Through it all newspaper editors were major public actors, candidates for public office, sponsors of major public projects, targets of violent crowd action and even assassination. By the late nineteenth century the big city newspapers had come to dominate civic space itself: the office towers of the New York Herald, San Francisco Chronicle, and New Orleans Picayune provided a spatial as well as an ideological focal point of public life. By scanning pages of newsprint, the chief informant for this account of the people and the public, the historian becomes witness to the oral, the imagined, the distorted, the living public.!? As the printed nexus of an extended, multivoiced conversation the newspaper may be as close as historians can get to the voice of the public. This is not to say that these published records speak of the people any more accurately and authentically than does any other species of historical document. At the same time newspapers and published records supply an admirably complete empirical record of local events and public actions. Nearly every political body, from Sunday school societies to the city council, reported to the local newspapers, while very few deposited their private papers in historical archives. Repeatedly, the fullest, most intricate and extended accounts of public events are to be found in

14 Introduction neither the minutes of the city council nor the private papers of mayors but in the newspapers. Once again it was Tocqueville who spied the practical as well as the theoretical significance of the press for democracy.

He noted that an independent press was not only the “chief, and so to speak, the constitutive element of liberty” but the most efficient channel of communication and most audible call to the association so necessary to democracy. In Tocqueville’s pithy but overly modest image the city presses “drop the same thought into a thousand minds at the same moment.’ This newspaper democracy has the final advantage that it extends across time as well as across the space of the city, making the historian just another citizen reader. 4

The following chapters report one citizen’s reading of this public record. My selective itinerary through this boundless universe has been plotted around a few signposts, or what Dewey called markers, of the public. My route will begin among the people and circle slowly in on the more formal institutions of the public. The first marker of the public is within the domain of everyday sociability, of face-to-face or shoulder-

to-shoulder encounters between city residents, most of whom were strangers to one another if not representatives of alien cultures. This public life transpired in streets, squares, and parks, places of informal, casual, largely unplanned social interaction. The search for the public be-

gins here, because such actual social interactions may nurture, undermine, or otherwise fundamentally condition the discovery of a more formal and organized public. Dewey, among others, maintained that sustained face-to-face associations (like those of the New England town of his birth) were the necessary precondition for discovering a public. Portraits of urban sociability such as those drawn by Lyn Lofland or Richard Sennett point to city streets as schools of public spirit more appropriate to complex modern cultures. City sidewalks were spaces where citizens could learn the cosmopolitan skills of discerning and accepting

differences. The most exquisite evocation of such urban civility came from the pen of Jane Jacobs, who described the makings of the public on the sidewalks of New York some thirty years ago. “The sum of such casual, public contact at a local level—most of it fortuitous, most of it associated with errands, all of it metered by the person concerned and not thrust upon him by any one—is a feeling for the public identity of people, a web of public respect and trust and a resource in time of personal

or neighborhood need” I have been alert to any evidence that city people found the first dim recognition of a public identity in encounters like these. The civilities of

Introduction ft) the streets may be the most basic training exercises of democratic citizenship. The possibility of nurturing such public civility, as Jacobs clearly demonstrated, depends on the sidewalks themselves, on the actual phys-

ical organization of city space. Accordingly, charting the roots of the public in everyday sociability has required attention to the changing organization of urban space—such things as the layout of streets, creation of parks, maintenance of squares, and construction of public buildings. These spaces are also the sites of a second flank of my research in which I examine how public culture was organized through civic ceremonies. The performances and festivities that were enacted in public spaces on civic holidays served as both staging grounds and exercises of public life. Fourth of July parades, to give the obvious example, brought city residents together in a short-term commitment to some larger civic identity. In the process the celebrants might acquire a cultural cohesion that would gird them to undertake more costly and difficult public projects. At the very least public ceremonies allowed vast numbers of citizens

to learn, invent, and practice a common language that could be converted to other civic or political uses. This public record is subject, like any other, to different readings. It can, in the manner of some symbolic anthropologists, be seen as the reservoir of a complex but seamless com-

munity identity, a pool reflecting an unproblematic common culture. But in the three bustling towns under study here, public ceremony is just as likely to present fractured images, outlines of the distinctive publics that formed in each city: ethnic contingents who skirmished on the sidelines of parades, racial minorities who were banished to the back of the line of marches, women who could be found only back stage or on the balconies, whole classes who strategically retreated from public icstival. This second part of the investigation 1s an especially sensitive measure of the degree of public consciousness among the people. It may speak either of unity or diversity, harmony or conflict, exclusion or openness, but it always puts a large and vivid representation of the people on or near a public stage. The luxurious ceremonial life of the last century will at least reveal some of the many possibilities of the urban civic imagination. !°

The ceremonial civic lessons were carried onto the next plane of my analysis, to a space of more formal and directly political public action.

Perhaps the most intense focus of public attention in a nineteenthcentury city was not a promenade or parade, neither casual socializing nor festive solidarity, but a knock-down-drag-out political contest called an election campaign. The operating principles of urban politics in 1825

16 Introduction and after was not an allegiance to some Olympian public good but a radically democratic procedure, an agreement to disagree. Conventional wisdom downplays the level of permissible disagreement and tells us

that American electoral procedures compressed the diversity of the people into two parties with narrow ideological differences. In these three cities between 1825 and 1880, however, the voting public was far more distended than dualistic. Even the most rigid schemes of classifying partisan politics recognize three party systems in less than fifty years— Federalists and Democratic Republicans, Jacksonians and Whigs, Demo-

crats and Republicans. At the local level the major parties regularly splintered into contending factions that were joined by an array of serious and sometimes successful contenders for local power, chief among them working men, abolitionists, nativists, and municipal reformers. An investigation of these partisan formations of the public, their ceremonies and symbols, as well as their platforms and speeches will be a critical test of the democratic public. Because neither elections nor city council mectings ever enrolled all the people or expressed all public needs, it is also necessary to be attentive to the many occasions when politics spilled into the streets, 1n less than civil ways. Vociferous, often violent crowds took regularly to the streets of New York, New Orleans, and San Francisco to articulate interests, opinions, and demands that had not been heard in the more formal arenas of political discourse and decision making. Although the rioting public included relatively large cross sections of the urban population, it was more likely than a civic ceremony or a political party to enroll the

more disorganized populations—the poor, unenfranchised, women, racial minorities, underrepresented peoples. In addition to functioning as an active part of the public, these urban crowds broke the silence of the formal public about certain issues and certain citizens: They are essential reminders that the democratic procedures of the nineteenth century consulted and enacted the will of only some people. Much of the heterogeneity of the democratic public was washed out when established governments took action in the name of the whole polity. In the end only a few of the infinite matters of public relevance (or, in Dewey’s terms, indirect consequences) reached city hall. Groups such as racial minorities and women seldom were able to place issues of ereatest concern to them on the public agenda, much less translate them into public policy. Accordingly, any attempt to retrace the steps whereby people discovered the public must move beyond the space of discourse, demonstration, and contention to consider public decisions and public

LULTORUCTION Li

policies. At this final plane of analysis tlie discrepancy between the public and the people will appear once again and in boldest relief, inscribed in

the limited nuimber of issues, interests, and public goods that culmunated in government actions. Tn fact the range of municipal actions in the nineteenth century was relatively small, and extremely hesitant: from partial responsibility for street improvements, to private contracting of major services such as the waicr supply, and occasionally a major investment 1n civic Improvement such as a municipal hall or grand park. Although a number of historians have shown how antebellum cities were busy staging grounds of different public interests, they had a very small set of public programs and ser-

vices to show for themselves. There is still little reason to expect that these three cities managed to disprove Sam Bass Warner’s interpretation of nineteenth-century urban history as the domain of the private city. Too often the machinations of the capitalist market, rather than democratic deliberations, were left to determine the public good. During and after the Civil War, furthermore, military force, governmental bureaucracy, and corporate franchises became larger forces in municipal life, posing a potential threat to democratic freedoms, without necessarily promising to distribute the beneficence of government to all the people. One should not expect a simple story of triumphant public democracy in the pages ahead. The meaning of civic life in these three cities almost 170 years ago, as today, was confusing and contradictory. Was it possible for so diverse a

people, with such different beliefs and competing interests, to mold themselves into one public, even a harmonious circle of publics? Would the decentralized practices of democratic associations create pandemo-

nium or a working coalition? Can a public composed of men and women separated by their different resources and flagrant inequities opcrate in a truly democratic manner? Can (must) democracy attempt to

moderate inequality? Could democratic politics meet the needs of so many people living so closely together aad yet often so culturally and politically apart? Can government administer to public needs without jeopardizing individual freedoms? To address these basic questions [ adopted a mundane empirical strategy that can be quickly recapitulated. After parting with the lofty aspirations of political philosophers who sought an Apollonian public realm, I

come down to earth to explore the associated democratic practices of specific places. My research plan then takes on a tidy trinitarian shape. To explore a full range of civic possibilities, I set my story in three differ-

18 Introduction | ent cities, each chosen to test the fiber of democracy under the most riotously heterogeneous social conditions. Convinced that the quality of civic life could not be measured or explained within the narrow compartments of historical specializations, I proceed on three planes of investigation—the social, the cultural, and the political. I have plotted the history of the democratic public in an old-fashioned, linear narrative, told from a single but hardly omniscient vantage point. Eschewing a more fashionable posture, such as telling multiple or open-ended sto-

ries, I have indulged an irrepressible urge to make my own sense of things and thereby give the reader a firm and fallible position to contest against. (Such straightforward contention can be a useful mode of discourse in a democracy.) The narrative is divided just as predictably into three parts. Part one describes the creation of a robust democratic political culture between the approximate dates of 1825 and 1850: It builds up from the first chapter on city space, to a second describing civic ceremonies, to a third addressing politics in the conventional sense but as conducted both inside and outside the electoral and legislative arenas.

Part two is but one chapter that recounts how, around the time of the Civil War, the municipal public exploded into quite uncivil warfare. Part three also contains three uneasy chapters that detail a sequence of critical alterations in the organization of city space, culture, and politics. By tts termination, in the year 1880, civic life had quieted down significantly

and had been reshaped in some fundamental (not always democratic) ways.

But in New York, New Orleans, and San Francisco the tidy plan ran amuck and created some major disorder. Writing urban history, much like touching down in a busy city street, can be a delightfully disorienting experience. Early in the story the civic center splinters into a kaleidoscope of urban associations. Soon thereafter, and even before the outbreak of the Civil War, segments of the public went to war with one another. By the end of part three, which reaches the year 1880, this account of municipal life will have earned and maintained its new title, “Civic Wars.” Running through the whole story of democracy in the city is a spirit of public contention, which I will first report and then, in the conclusion, attempt to come to terms with, if not explain. For now I will only say that I have come to believe that the often uncivil history that I am about to describe betokens something of a civic accomplishment. An indelicate balance between civility and belligerence may, in the last analysis, be a precious contribution of the nineteenth-century city to American democracy.

PART ONE

Heterogeneous Compounds and Kaleidoscopic Varieties

CD Creating a Democratic Public, 1825-1849

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CHAPTER 1

People’s Places

‘ J isiting New York City in 1849, Lady Emmeline Stuart Wortley

fumbled for words to capture a place “unlike every city ever beheld before.’ That a tourist was bewildered by “the cosmopolitanism” of Gotham and “the extraordinary stir and bustle and tumult of

business going on perpetually” will surprise no one familiar with the place and its people. But Lady Stuart Wortley did provide one more original observation about civic life in the second quarter of the nineteenth century: In antebellum New York she saw “heterogeneous compounds and kaleidescopical varieties presented at every turn?’ With these two awkward pairs of words Lady Stuart Wortley compressed the life of the city into an image of variety and cohesion—a “heterogeneous compound”—and drew an unstable alliance between diversity and symmetry —those “kaleidescopical varieties: ! Part one of this book will describe how, in the second quarter of the nineteenth century, American cities indeed held the complexity and constant movement of urban populations together 1n an intricate but comprehensible and even pleasing whole. Before 1850 those who walked the busy streets of New York, as well as the lively promenades of New Orleans or the rugged pathways of San Francisco, were less likely to express

anxious disorientation, so common in latter-day urban chronicles. Surely the antebellum city had its detractors, and historians properly point to growing apprehension of urban danger, especially as midcentury approached.” But the antiurban bias that has pervaded American thought for the last century has cast a teleological shadow over a time of al

22 Heterogeneous Compounds and Kaleidoscopic Varieties

relative urban contentment. My reading of the historical record will, for the sake of balance, lean in the direction of a more sanguine interpretation. The people of these three cities managed to construct a mechanism that brought differences together into a colorful whole, something that resembled an urban kaleidoscope. This complex social creation was constructed from the ground up, on the concrete spaces of the city. These elemental building blocks of civic consciousness are the subject of this chapter, which will describe the particular arrangements of people and space that supported American democracy during a critical period be-

tween approximately 1825 and 1850. | No one could dispute that by the midpoint of the last century the cities of New York, New Orleans, and San Francisco were well supplied with the raw materials from which to construct a kaleidoscope or blend

a compound. The human fragments numbered over half a million in New York and 110,000 1n New Orleans. In each city, including the upstart settlement of San Francisco, the pieces of the kaleidoscope were

very much in motion. The 35,000 residents whom the census takers found just within the Golden Gate in 1850 were almost to a man (and a very rare Woman) newcomers to a village only recently claimed from the Mexicans (and the Spanish and Native Americans just before them). The city had acquired its name and corporate status only three years before.

Meanwhile, in the relatively ancient cities of New York and New Orleans the population had grown fivefold in the two preceding decades. These two ports were, respectively, the first and second major points of entry into the United States. New Orleans saw an estimated 188,000 1mmigrants (one and one-half times its official population) pass through its port in the preceding decade. The diverse origins of these mobile thou-

sands meant that unusually disparate languages, cultures, and peoples came together in these port cities. Over 40 percent of the residents of both New York and New Orleans had been born abroad, with the Irish and Germans constituting the largest immigrant groups. A full majority of San Franciscans were foreign born as of 1852. The population flowing

into San Francisco and New Orleans was replenished from Asia, the Caribbean, and South America as well as Europe. Already in 1850 hundreds of immigrants from China were arriving in San Francisco. In New Orleans the balance between those of European and African descent was slowly stabilizing after an erratic half-century. In 1820 African Americans, free people of color as well as slaves, were a majority in the Cres-

cent City. Thereafter steady migration from the Northern states and immigration from Europe gave Caucasians the demographic edge, accounting for almost three fourths of the population by 1850. From the

People’s Places 23 perspective of New Orleans natives, the migrants from the Northern United States were as disruptive a presence as any: Just a few years after the French-speaking majority of New Orleans voted against enrolling Louisiana among the United States of America, they found that English had become the predominant tongue spoken in the city.* The “American” majority had shallow roots in all antebellum cities. As of 1850 over 55 percent of New Yorkers and New Orleanians had been born out of state if not out of the country. These newcomers swept into the city at a time of frenetic economic expansion that splintered the polity along yet another axis. Social historians have demonstrated that the decades before 1850 saw the demolition of the bonds of interdependency that once linked master and servant,

journeymen and apprentice, shopkeepers and clerks into joint households and under a web of deference and stewardship. It 1s equally clear that differences in wealth became more dramatic over the course of the antebellum period. Yet the shifts in occupational structure did not sort themselves into clear class divisions. The period between 1825 and 1850 saw both the expansion of independent wage labor and the continuing

predominance of small-shop production. The militant producer consciousness of Anglo-Saxon Protestant artisans waxed its strongest just as

unskilled foreign-born, often Catholic laborers came to dominate the manual work force. Finally, the whole motley marketplace was turned topsy-turvy by the prolonged depression that followed the financial panic of 1837. In sum the diverse and growing urban economies of these commercial cities tended to fracture the occupational structure, giving another bewildering turn to the urban kaleidoscope.* The populations of these three cities were diverse in national origins, place of birth, lines of descent, and economic status and were composed of people who had resided together for only a short time. Such a population is unlikely to manifest the coherence of a folk, or common, culture or a singular and seamless community. Still, this does not mean that the coresidents of American cities were merely stray atoms strewn across the urban landscape. At the most basic level they were drawn into rela-

| tions with one another by the necessity of sharing densely settled urban turf. During the second quarter of the century the physical arrangement of this common ground fostered public sociability and democratic association. Although the antebellum urban plan was a haphazard creation, to say the least, 1t was, to use Kevin Lynch’s phrase, a readable city: Its basic spatial organization was clear enough that residents could comprehend where they were 1n relation to the whole urban polity (figs. 1-3). The social life of antebellum cities flowed along three spatial coordinates,

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‘

People in Space 193 also vague and mottled: the association of the poor, workers, and Irish in the region south of Market, for instance, as well as the huddling of some native-born citizens in a middle-class development on Rincon Hill.'? Signs of class or economic differences were becoming clearer than the ethnic borders of city space. In New York the “Americans” of Greenwich Village were middle class, and the “Nigger Hill” dwellers were poor squatters whose hovels would be bulldozed away to create Central Park. Perhaps the most dramatic signal of social differences to appear on the city skyline after the Civil War was the erection of ostentatious mansions for the rich. Nob Hill in San Francisco was the most garish example, unmistakably home to the zenith of San Francisco wealth and society, the railroad tycoons of Huntington, Stanford, Crocker, Hopkins. The Big Four competed with one another to build the largest, best-fortified mansion atop the city and then fenced their properties in granite, brownstone, or brass. James Flood, whose fortune was made in mines rather than rails, won the height contest, erecting a tower of thirty-four feet alongside his palace. In New York as well the map of wealth that would endure a century appeared as the rich began to build their mansions on Fifth Avenue and line their facades with marble, which eclipsed brownstone as the insignia of an affluent neighborhood. The opulent Fifth Avenue mansion of dry goods merchant A.’T. Stewart covered a space sufficient for the tenements that housed hundreds of the poor downtown. The chiaroscuro of class grew more dramatic in the late nineteenth century, be it measured in figures on the distribution of wealth or in contrasts between Fifth Avenue and Nigger Hill. But symbols of class differences were not the same as spatial barriers between the rich and poor: Few city people could erect granite fences between themselves and the masses. Pockets of wealth and poverty dwelt side by side in every city. The dispersion of zones of impoverishment throughout the city was reflected in increasing use of now-famuliar terms slums or tenement district. This urban argot indicated a simultaneous concentration of poverty and its dispersal beyond any single fixed and centralized place such as Five Points a generation earlier (figs. 27—-28).!°

As late as the 1870s the polyglot population of America’s great cities could not be sorted out into tidy niches. Kenneth Scherzer, an assiduous historical geographer of New York City, has concluded that although the class and ethnic patterning of city space became perceptibly more segmented after the Civil War, residents were seldom afforded either homogeneous neighborhoods or a cushion of distance from people different

194 “The Huge Conglomerate Mass”

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Nineteenth-Century New York in Rare Photographic Views.

from themselves. The native born, for example, never found a perfect refuge in Greenwich Village, and the Irish immigrants never barricaded themselves inside an urban village all their own. The people of late

obstinate differences. |

nineteenth-century American cities still lived close together in a world of

Building toward Modernity

Yet the turf on which they encountered one another was changing in undeniable ways. The transformation of the built environment took off in the real estate boom after the war, stagnated in the prolonged depression of the 1870s, and sped up dramatically at decade’s end. In New York and

San Francisco builders and businessmen found a wayy to expand the boundaries of urban settlement. Slowly the shape of Gotham began to

swell in a vertical as well as a horizontal direction. By 1864 half the city’s

population resided north of Fourteenth Street and pressed up the island

on both the east and west side. Driven by the power of steam to move ,

the granite that covered much of the island and propelled by the ambi-

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People in Space 195

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248 “The Huge Conglomerate Mass”

ways practiced that spirit of toleration and fraternity which these emblems indicate, I feel no hesitation in entrusting them to your care. Take them now and proceed to the pious mission which has called you out today.... Act your part like true sons of liberty and the women of your race will cheer you to victory.’ Responding for the Mitchell’s Rifles, Captain McCooney gallantly replied: “Your words have sunk deep into our heart....In future camp grounds we will see them and know that the true and beautiful daughters of our race are cheering us on?” In San Francisco in 1873 a Mrs. O’Brien called Irish men to the same nationalist duty, and in a less pacific but equally gendered style. She asked that the members of the nationalist corps “never be forgetful of your manhood or the claims of your far off brothers.”*°

The physical and audible appearance of women in ceremony conformed to a sharply binary division between the sexes. The ceremonial woman was not only feminine in demeanor but also supportive of a militantly masculine political position, be it a warrior for Irish nationalism or fighter for white supremacy. The feminine side of gender antinomy was a convenient support for ethnic identity, evoking as it did the ties of

blood, marriage, kinship, and reproduction, which gave definition to different descent groups. An orator on St. Patrick’s Day in 1854 invoked this symbolism when he spoke of “the hope that this good brotherhood

may often mect together on this day to do honor to the mother from , whose wearied womb they came-?*! Frail femininity was also readily adaptable to the enactment of the lost cause. New Orleans ladies organized Memorial Day as a flourish of demure femininity: “there were no noisy demonstrations, no parades, no gatherings, just a quiet laying of flowers and whispering of prayers for the dead. Even the male orator that year dealt out images of victimization, of “weary, sick wounded” men coming home in defeat. Wreaths bore the words “to some dear dead one to a lost cause.” (It should be noted that all this docile prose was issued “by order of Mrs. C. M. Pritchard, Pres.”) The ladies of the North also found new roles to play and opportunities to exploit in modern ceremonies. Their forte was not the Civil War memorial but the charity benefit. By the 1870s the image of the benevolent woman was emblazoned all across the winter holidays and installed

in the rites of noblesse oblige performed at the public institutions. In San Francisco the presentations of the “little Sisters” objectified the recipients of female charity. In 1869 the Roman Catholic Sisters of Mercy

conducted the usually Protestant rite of feeding turkey to the needy. Their objects were the inmates of the Magdalen Society, numbering

The People in Ceremony 249 seventy-eight, who were treated to “lectures on religion” as they feasted. On New Years 1868 the Ladies of the Larkin Street Presbyterian Church

and Sunday school staged exercises for children whose behavior was “commendably orderly” Elsewhere, charity women decorated the “Orphan Christmas ‘Tree” and escorted Santa Claus to the poor and deserving. This editorial homage to the San Francisco Orphan Society sums up the philosophy of public welfare in a laissez-faire political economy: “This associated maternity that stands before us to-day with open arms, offering a shelter and a home to the orphaned life of this city, it 1s a fond maternity, gentle in winning, skilled in nursing, tender in cherishing, patient, affectionate, faithful and pious. ... This corporation has not only a

soul of intelligence, but a warm woman’s heart a most motherly charity?’ #?

The impersonators of benevolence presented themselves in especially ingenious ways and elegant costumes in New York. A Miss Huntington

made a winter ritual out of her method of instructing poor girls in housekeeping. Holiday season at the public institutions was an opportunity to display her “kitchen garden method” of domestic education, set

to music and performed by poor girls. Other women organized balls and soirees to benefit their favorite charity. During the depression years of the 1870s the custom of conspicuous display of dress, dance, and dining as a way of collecting alms for the poor offended many New Yorkers and prompted even the New York Tribune to rebuke the lady organizers of these ceremonies. The charitable rites at a girls’ industrial school in 1879 were considered 1n better taste. They featured 260 girls being fed 200 pounds of turkey. “The girls pick ciders and wood in the streets in the morning and attend school later in the day. They always have a substantial dinner and are given warm clothes to wear if they earn a certain number of credit marks. On Wednesday their parents and many of the other deserving poor persons in the neighborhood called at the school with baskets, which were filed with turkey, potatoes, pies, etc?’*? In such rituals as these women of the middle and upper classes spelled out an elaborate social and political theory: They honored free enterprise, self-help, class harmony, and female altruism all at once. Such extended metaphors of class and gender wove in and out of the neighborhoods of New York in the late 1870s. The Tribune's coverage of ceremonies of public and private charity for the winter of 1880 consumed two columns of small print and included rites such as these: Miss Huntington demonstrating her housekeeping method at the Wilson Mission for girls; a ritualized feeding of an orderly file of poor children at the

250 “The Huge Conglomerate Mass”

Howard Mission and Home for Little Wanderers; the provision of 6,535 pounds of turkey to children housed in state institutions; and a dinner at the Girls Lodging House No. 27 in St. Mark’s Place presided over by Mrs. John Jacob Astor. Clearly maternal charity could not mask an 1n-

creasingly condescending and cavernous gulf between the classes in modern America.**

These female rites of class were only one of the myriad projections of gender difference on the public calendar of industrial American cities. During the winter holidays images of nurturing femininity— mothers around the Christmas tree and the charitable matrons at the public inst1tutions— monitored the more private boundaries of urban culture and class privilege. When women approached closer to the public stage, it was usually in a gendered phalanx and trailing allusions of prtvacy—voluntary benevolence on Thanksgiving, domesticity on Christmas, abyectly mourning for a lost cause on Confederate Memorial Day. ‘This feminine construction of social welfare as somehow marginal to the public sphere was illustrated vividly by the Ladies Evangelical and Philanthropic Soctety of the First Congregational Church of San Francisco. On September

14, 1877, they appointed a “Flower committee? “The object being to | carry flowers to homes where they are seldom, if ever, seen.” After visiting families and assaying their needs, however, these ladies reconstituted themselves into an “Employment Committee,’ a mode of recruiting domestic servants. Completing this recessive, privatized picture of women’s place in the civic ceremonies of the late nineteenth century 1s the figure of the female allegory. The Goddess of Liberty or Maid of Erin did offer

some women a central place in a genuinely public ritual. But masked as a symbol of nationality or ethnicity, these living icons represented some transcendent femininity or served as the objects of voyeuristic desire. They did not represent themselves as active citizens.*°

Maids of Erin, Goddesses of Liberty, and the whole repertoire of feminine imagery served at least two symbolic functions. The first was to

transmit meaning beyond and above the field of social difference and political conflicts to a plane of spectacle and abstract civic unity. Second, and somewhat paradoxically, female symbols unified the separate ethnic groups by weaving cultural bonds around common national origins, b1ological descent, or class position. In neither case did women represent themselves. By appearing in public as transcendent symbol and a species of spectacle herself the female icon was a synecdoche of the innovations

| in cultural performance after the Civil War. She served to evade and obscure the fissures in the urban population—class interests, demands for

The People in Ceremony 251

Justice, the claims of participation for excluded minorities—even as she

gave symbolic shape to other identities such as Irish nationalism or whiteness. Female gender symbols represented civic order, not warfare, but order at a price. The ceremonial performance of gender operated by a dialectic all its own and peculiar to its time. Within the context of Victorian gender categorics, Women were admitted to civic ceremony carrying intimations of privacy and passivity that tended to disguise the interests specific to their gender position. Thus, the ceremonial apparition of femininity in public ironically turned in upon the women who impersonated it. The female historical actors behind the scenes of these ceremonies, the likes of Miss Donnelley, Mrs. Huntington, or even Mrs. Astor did not lead a female

assault on the public sphere. They may, in fact, have even diverted women from demanding full citizenship in their own right. The apparttion of femininity in public was not, for the moment, the beachhead for a mobilization of women’s rights or feminism. It would take more than another generation for women to assemble in significant numbers and

on their own behalf in city streets. Even the boldest advocates of women’s rights were still rather shy of public spaces. When Susan B. An-

thony scorned the gender exclusions of the centennial celebration of American Independence she called her sex to a rather secluded demonstration of their disapproval: “in meetings, in parlors, in kitchens wher-

ever they may be, unite with us in this declaration and protest?*° Women had hardly begun to imagine the suffrage parades of the next century, and not until the 1960s would they appear alongside and equal to men in a few Mardi Gras clubs. As long as women represented some transcendent other and projected ideals of domestic seclusion onto public ceremony their civic actions had the dialectical effect of affirming exclusion from the sphere of democratic participation.*’

The Articulation of Race and Class

Another construction of difference that came into sharper focus after the Civil War, the division connoted by the term vace, operated according to a different and equally complicated dialectic. First of all, racial differences resembled gender dimorphism in that they were readily adaptable to spectacular display. In fact the quintessential spectacle of Mardi Gras was one of the first and most elaborate public stages for the ractal theories that were becoming prominent at midcentury. Tableau 3 in Rex’s

procession was captioned “Delicate satire on the disposition of the

252 “The Huge Conglomerate Mass”

Aryan race.” The entry of His Majesty Rex into the city a few days before had in fact been advertised as “a compendium of the ‘Aryan Race?” ‘The oldest and most prestigious Carnival club, the Mystic Krewe of Comus, presented a vernacular enactment of a new language of race as the theme of its tableau in 1877. This eclectic text rattled on about the descent lines of Noah, “Aryan Anthropology,” and the etymology of the word Caucastan and prefigured the carnival representation of Radical Republicans as the missing link in evolution. New Orleans was neither alone nor particularly precocious in employing the new language of racial difference. The iconography of the Orange riots in New York had featured apelike depictions of the rioters, epitomized by Thomas Nast’s drawings of the

hairy visages and protruding jaws of Catholic rioters. Some Irish Catholic sympathizers took up the same symbolic weapon. A cartoon in the Ivish World pictured the parade of July 12, 1871, carrying banners like

“Orange-outans” and “APA-pes, Darwin’s missing link? *® | This racial scheme of classification led to a second parallel with the ceremonial attention to gender distinctions: It grounded social differences in biology. To shore up the biological bonds of human communities required attention to matters of marriage, bloodlines, and descent. Tellingly, carnival tableaux, from enactments of Spencer’s Faire Queen to an exegesis of Darwin, focused on parables of mating. One text that accompanied a parade entry told how “some of the Aryans became fossilized by isolation and corrupted their blood by constant intermingling of close relatives.” Another bemoaned, with tongue 1n cheek, “the Aryan tendency to seek alliances and admixtures which elevate, and hence an earnest and marked progression is visible in their morals and intelligence.’ In the spirit of carnival inversion the revelers from Rex’s club added some gender ideology into the spoof on Aryan anthropology in 1877 by posing the comic King of Carnival as a champion of women’s rights as well as the Aryan Race.*? A cartoonist for a California periodical even found materials for punning in the emerging language of race.

He pictured the progeny of an Irish man and Chinese woman in the same frame within equestrian competition and labeled his creation “Coming Races” (fig. 37).

Under the masks and disguises of Mardi Gras, New Orleanians played with serious, politically charged questions about human descent. In attempting to chart clear lines of what we now call “racial” differences

within the multiple and intermingled bloodlines of the New Orleans population, Mardi Gras pageants stumbled upon perplexing gender issues. Rex may not have been an Aryan feminist, but he did point out

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