Citizens' Preferences about Police Work : An Argument for Racial Variations [1 ed.] 9781593326821, 9781593324391

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Criminal Justice Recent Scholarship

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Edited by Marilyn McShane and Frank P. Williams III

A Series from LFB Scholarly

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Citizens' Preferences About Police Work An Argument for Racial Variations

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Denise Deon Nation

LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC El Paso 2011

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Nation, Denise Deon, 1972Citizens' preferences about police work : an argument for racial variations / Denise Deon Nation. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-59332-439-1 (hbk. : alk. paper) 1. Police-community relations. 2. Police--Public opinion. 3. Minorities. 4. Cultural relations. I. Title. HV7936.P8N35 2011 363.2'3089--dc23 2011017856

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Table of Contents

List of Tables ................................................................... vii Acknowledgements .......................................................... ix CHAPTER 1 ...................................................................... 1 Is it Citizens’ Attitude or Is It Citizens’ Preferences: Theoretical Links .............................................................. 1 Explaining Assessment of the Police.............................. 3 Conceptual Framework Expectancy Disconfirmation Theory and Organizational Theory................................. 6 Conclusion .................................................................... 15 CHAPTER 2 .................................................................... 17 Explaining Citizens’ Preferences for Police work and Citizens’ Attitude Toward the Police ............................ 17

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Prior Research on Citizens’ Preferences....................... 18 Prior Research on Citizens’ Attitudes Towards the Police....................................................................... 30 Conclusion .................................................................... 57 CHAPTER 3 ................................................................... 61 Analyzing Racial Variations for Citizens’ Preferences 61 Research Questions....................................................... 61 Sample........................................................................... 64 v

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Table of Contents Development of the Survey Questionnaire ................... 65 Hypotheses.................................................................... 67 Analytical Strategy........................................................ 76 Conclusion .................................................................... 77

CHAPTER 4 .................................................................... 79 The Relationship Between Race and Citizens’ Preferences for Police Work .......................................... 79 Characteristics of Respondents and Distribution of the Contact Influences ........................................................ 80 Respondents’ Demographic Characteristics by Race ... 83 Citizens’ Preferences for Police Activities ................... 86 Summary of Findings.................................................. 123 CHAPTER 5 .................................................................. 125 The Broader Context of Race and Citizens’ Preferences ......................................................................................... 125 Summary of Findings.................................................. 127 Discussion of Findings and Policy Implications......... 137 Future Research .......................................................... 143 References...................................................................... 149

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Index............................................................................... 167

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List of Tables

Table 4.1 Distribution of Respondents’ Demographic Characteristics............................................................. 81 Table 4.1A Distribution for Contact Variable .................. 83 Table 4.2 Distribution of Respondents’ Demographic Characteristics by Race............................................... 84 Table 4.3 Overall Responses of Citizens’ Preferences for Police Work........................................................... 94 Table 4.4 Service Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables........................... 105 Table 4.5 Law Enforcement Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables .... 108 Table 4.6 Order Maintenance Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables .... 109 Table 4.7 Due Process Protection Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables .... 111 Table 4.8 Levels of Force Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables .... 114 Table 4.9 Levels of Respect Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables .... 115 Table 4.10 Service, Order Maintenance & Law Enforcement Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic and Contact Variables (N=271) ......... 118 Table 4.11 Due Process Protection, Levels of Force & Levels of Respect Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic and Contact Variables (N=271) ......... 119 vii

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Acknowledgements

This work was not an individual effort. This has been a lifelong journey that has resulted in immense intellectual growth on my part and has culminated in a document that I am very proud of. First and foremost, Dr. Lawrence Travis III played an integral role in the conceptualization and completion of this work. This work would not be what it is without him. I thank him for his brilliant insights and above all his patience. I am also indebted to Dr. Helen Taylor Greene, her mentorship has been priceless. Dr. Taylor Greene was instrumental in me taking this path. I would also like to recognize the advice of and support of Drs. James Frank , Sandra Browning and Dr. Edward Latessa. I would also like to thank my family for all the emotional support and being so proud of me. Thank you all for always highlighting the importance of what I was doing. Particularly, my sister Roxann and my aunt Olivia. I would like to thank my parents, Valrie and Vivian, my sister Ingrid and my nephews, Roshown and Justin for all the laughs. Thank you all. Copyright © 2011. LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC. All rights reserved.

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CHAPTER 1

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Is it Citizens’ Attitude or Is It Citizens’ Preferences: Theoretical Links

Do Black and White citizens have different attitudes toward the police? Does degree of satisfaction with the police vary between these two groups? Prior research reveals disparities between whites and minority group members in their attitudes towards the police, with minorities holding less favorable attitudes and being less satisfied with the police (Bayley & Mendelsohn, 1969; Brown & Benedict, 2002; Carter, 1985; Decker, 1981; Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Smith, 2005; Tuch & Weitzer, 1997). The narrow understanding of the relationship between race and citizens’ attitudes and satisfaction is a troubling dilemma in the literature. The findings of differences with no apparent explanation continue to characterize this area of the policing research. An important question that must be explored in the research to move the research further is, why Blacks and Whites have different assessments of the police, that is, why would race explain attitudinal differences? The current body of policing research on citizens’ attitudes and satisfaction with the police has yet to 1

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Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

propose additional correlates that may provide more insight into the racial differences observed. There are reasons to argue that fundamental differences may exist across social groups (Jackson & Sunshine, 2007; Scaglion & Condon, 1980; Sullivan, Dunham & Alpert, 1987) and these differences are impacting attitudes. The research has identified many correlates of attitudes but has not investigated the impact of differential preferences for police work. There is reason to believe that different audiences served by the police hold differing preferences as to what they want the police to do or how they would like the police to handle situations. This study seeks to determine if race is a factor affecting citizens’ preferences for police work—that is, do black and white citizens differ in terms of their preference for police work—what the police do (functions) and how the police carry out their functions (behavior)? In the context of this study, citizens’ preferences refer to citizens’ predisposition in favor of certain police functions over others. Citizens’ preferences also deal with favoring certain police behaviors over others and the level of importance citizens’ place on certain police functions and behaviors. It is possible that there could be racial variation in preferences for police work—functions and behavior, and it is the differences in preferences that explain attitudes toward the police and rankings of police satisfaction. It could also be argued that when citizens’ expectations, based on their preferences are not met—that is, when groups’ preferences are not minimally satisfied then they will be dissatisfied with the police. A question that has yet to be explored is whether African Americans and whites hold differing preferences for police behavior. This is an important additional element that should be explored in the

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policing literature as it adds to current discussions on citizens’ attitudes toward the police. This study seeks to determine if race is a factor affecting citizens’ preferences for police work—that is, do Black and White citizens differ in terms of their preference for police work. The contention of this study is that citizens’ preferences can partly explain the racial variations in citizens’ attitudes that have been consistently documented in the literature. For the purposes of this study police work was operationalized using the following policing functions: order maintenance, law enforcement, service, and due process protection and the following police behavior: levels of respect and levels of force will be examined. Finding racial differences in preferences for police work—functions and behavior—may better explain the observed variance in public attitudes toward the police the field can explain, and would represent an important contribution to understanding and improving citizens’ attitudes toward the police. This study addresses the following questions: 1. Do Blacks and Whites hold different preferences for police work: do they differ in terms of their preferences for police work? 2. If yes, how do these preferences differ?

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EXPLAINING ASSESSMENT OF THE POLICE During the past four decades a considerable amount of research has revealed disparity between Whites and minority group members in their assessments of the police. One of the most consistent findings is that African Americans hold less favorable opinions of the police than do Whites. Although the literature has consistently demonstrated that degree of satisfaction with the police

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Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

varies between these two groups—Blacks and Whites— sources of racial variations are not well understood. Researchers have specified several variables, both at the individual and contextual levels, which have contributed to the understanding of both citizens’ attitudes and assessments of the police. Explanatory variables such as sex, age, socioeconomic status, personal experience with the police, likelihood of victimization, neighborhood effects and crime rates have been important in understanding citizens’ attitudes (Alpert & Dunham, 1988; Brown & Benedict, 2002; Dai & Johnson, 2009; Decker, 1981; Gau, 2010; Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Lord, Kuhns & Friday, 2009; O’Connor, 2008; Reisig & Parks, 2000; Sampson & Bartusch, 1998; Vidales, Day & Powe, 2009; Weitzer & Tuch, 1999; Weitzer, 2000). Although important and explaining some variation, these variables individually or in combination have not generated strong explanatory power. An examination of numerous studies consistently shows that most models that include several combinations of predictors usually account for a small percentage of the variance (Reisig & Chandek, 2001; Reitzel, Rice & Piquero, 2004; Sims, Hooper & Peterson, 2002; Smith, 2005; Weitzer & Tuch, 2005). A central question then is why Blacks and Whites have different assessments of the police when several of these other explanatory variables are held constant. That is, why would race explain attitudinal differences? Race is often one of the strongest predictors of citizens’ attitudes toward the police (Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Hurst & Frank, 2000; Sampson & Bartusch, 1998). Even in cities where Blacks are the majority in the city and also have political influence, White residents were still more satisfied with the police than Blacks (Smith, 2005; Weitzer, Tuch, & Skogan,

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2008). To date the research has paid less attention to the notion that fundamental differences may exist across social groups (Jackson & Sunshine, 2007; Scaglion & Condon, 1980; Sullivan, Dunham & Alpert, 1987; Webb & Marshall, 1995). In fact, Sullivan et al. (1987) concluded that with the exception of age, ethnicity is the only other variable that is primarily responsible for variations in the satisfaction and attitude structure. Although researchers have used differing combinations of variables, there is still no consensus on which combinations explain the greatest variance in assessments of the police. Weitzer & Tuch (2005) pointed to this arguing that “…most of this literature does little to explain why these differences exist”, and also pointing out that the studies that go beyond just individual-level demographic variables “…are not sufficient to reach definitive conclusions” (pg. 279-80). Brown & Benedict (2002) argued that “…all the confounding variables have yet to be identified” (pg. 565). It could be that models are underspecified and consequently do not explain a high proportion of the variance with regards to citizens’ satisfaction. One place to begin would be further research on the effects of additional social factors. Indeed, it is likely that demographic group preferences are not monolithic and that sizeable segments of the society may hold divergent perspectives on the police mission. The differences in assessment of the police that are evident in the literature may be related to racial differences in preferences for police work—both what the police do and how the police carry out these functions. The police receive inputs from a number of different groups or constituencies, each of these groups may have their own expectations of how the police should perform its functions (Gaines & Brown, 1983) and how police officers should

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behave. Faced with these different and conflicting preferences, the police may elect to act or not to act because satisfying all preferences may be impossible. Consequently, some segment’s preferences may not be met. It is possible that when preferences of a segment of the society are not met there may be the potential for disenchantment with the police. Jackson and Sushine (2007) provide support for this line of argument noting that, certain communities that are “structurally excluded” tend to have strained and troubled relations with the police.

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CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: EXPECTANCY DISCONFIRMATION THEORY AND ORGANIZATIONAL THEORY Although the present study is not a test of these theories, the theories help to frame the arguments presented in the study. Expectancy disconfirmation theory and organization theory point to the importance of variation in attitudes based on audience members being served and the service they receive. These theories provide the basis for the argument that differences, demographic or otherwise, are important in structuring perceptions. This area—citizens’ attitudes and satisfaction with the police—has been criticized for weak and/or lack of theoretical guidance (Reisig & Chandek, 2001). Current research has placed very little emphasis on studying citizens’ attitudes toward and satisfaction with the police within a larger theoretical realm. The following theories provide sound theoretical support for understanding the basis and importance of citizens’ preferences in the formation to citizens’ attitudes toward and satisfaction with the police. The study of this social phenomenon must be guided by cogent theoretical foundation.

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Expectancy Disconfirmation Theory Theories borrowed from other disciplines have shown to be useful in providing legitimate guidance in policing research (Jackson & Sunshine, 2007). This study relies upon expectancy disconfirmation theory as a theoretical framework that supports the relevance of citizens’ preferences and the relationship to citizens’ attitudes and satisfaction. The hypothesis that when group preferences are not met group members will be dissatisfied and this may be related to unfavorable evaluations of the police is guided by expectancy disconfirmation theory. Although this study is not specifically testing this theory, it provides the conceptual framework for the argument that when preferences are not met, citizens will express dissatisfaction. Having roots in both social psychology (Weaver & Brickman, 1974) and organizational behavior (Ilgen, 1971), expectancy-disconfirmation are two processes consisting of the formation of expectations and the disconfirmation of those expectations through performance comparisons. Expectancy disconfirmation theory holds that consumers form expectations of performance prior to encounters. Subsequent encounters will reveal actual performance levels that are then compared to expectation levels using a better-than, worsethan label. The judgment that results from this comparison will be negative disconfirmation if the encounter or performance is worse than expected, positive disconfirmation if better than expected and simple confirmation if as expected (Cadotte, Woodruff & Jenkins, 1987; Churchill & Suprenant, 1982; Oliver, 1977, 1980; Oliver & DeSarbo, 1988). In the consumer behavior literature, the discrepancy between prior expectations and actual performance is

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Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

“expectancy disconfirmation” (Oliver, 1997; Yi, 1990). It is important to note that performance can be either positive disconfirmation (exceed expectations) or negative disconfirmation (fall short of expectations). This theory suggests the process of disconfirmation is a determinant of customer satisfaction in both experimental and field studies in the consumer behavior literature (Bearden & Teel, 1983; Cardoza, 1965; Oliver, 1980; Tse & Wilton, 1988). Basically, negative disconfirmation results from consumers’ expectations not being met by a product or service. Again, disconfirmation is the gap between the anticipated quality of the service or good and the quality that was actually experienced or received (Van Ryzin, 2006). Citizen’s satisfaction is related to their judgment about a product, or in the case of the police, a service. When consumers experience a negative gap between what they expect and what they actually receive, they will be dissatisfied. That is, negative disconfirmation is associated with lower satisfaction, while positive disconfirmation is associated with higher satisfaction (Van Ryzin, 2006). Basically, negative disconfirmation leads to dissatisfaction. Taking this a step further, beyond what one expects, if one prefers or hopes for something and does not get it, one will be unhappy. If blacks and whites prefer different police functions and they do not get them, this may lead to one or both groups being dissatisfied. The expectancy disconfirmation theory is not only useful in explaining satisfaction with product performance, but also service provided by the police (Oliver & DeSarbo, 1988; Tse & Wilton, 1988). To date only a few studies have applied the model to police behavior (Chandek, 1999; Reisig & Chandek, 2001; Robinson & Stroshine, 2005). Research in other areas of policing, such as domestic

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violence, shows that much dissatisfaction with police is grounded in the police failure to act within the frame of what citizens want (Martin, 1997; Robinson & Stroshine, 2005). Thus, there exists some support to argue that beyond expectations, preferences may be influential in affecting citizens’ satisfaction level. Expectations are citizens’ predictions or anticipation of performance (Oliver, 1980), while preferences refer to selection of, or desiring, certain things over others. Beyond citizens’ expectation about police performance, citizens do have preferences for police functions and how they execute these functions—behaviors. These preferences may be different for Blacks and whites, and when these preferences are not met—that is—when citizens demands for certain functions and behaviors—police work—are not met, they will be dissatisfied. Chandek (1999) argued that different expectations significantly influence evaluations of the police and different groups may have different expectations of the police. It is reasonable to think that preferences may also differ among groups in society, as different groups may well have different needs. If these needs are not met these groups may be unhappy. The adequacy of police work may be based not only on citizens’ expectations but also on citizens’ preferences. Some studies have found expectation fulfillment to be the strongest predictor of citizens’ satisfaction (Martin, 1997; Robinson & Stroshine, 2005). When citizens’ expectations are not fulfilled, they will be dissatisfied. It is logical to also infer that when citizens’ preferences are not met they also will be dissatisfied.

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Organizational Theory It is posited that beyond expectations, it is reasonable to think that citizens’ racial characteristics might also impact their preferences. There are some data to suggest that citizens’ expectations of police behavior and performance are culturally determined (Carter, 1985; Chandek, 1999). Organizational theory suggests that police have multiple audiences with different preferences. Organizational theorists maintain that organizations have different audiences or constituents, which they must satisfy (Blau & Scott, 1962). Blau & Scott (1962) have identified four audiences, which they argue are present in any formal organization. These are: (1) The members or the rank-andfile ;( 2) the owners or managers; (3) the clients, or more generally, the “public in contact,” which means the people who are technically outside “the organization yet have regular direct contact with it” and (4) the public-at-large (pg. 42). Police scholars also argued that the organizations have to minimally satisfy their different audiences to be seen as legitimate (Langworthy & Travis, 2002). Other organizational theorists argue that organizations cannot fulfill all their constituencies’ desires because of the diversity of constituents’ varied needs. Keeley (1984), stated that individuals within constituencies will have diverse and conflicting purposes. He noted that goal consensus is not a characteristic of organizational membership stating that“…no matter how narrow the set of members, their interests may not be impartially served by attainment of a shared goal…” (pg. 2). Keeley (1984) pointed out that attempting to examine evaluation of social systems or organizations by “…assuming uniformity of ends or lack of conflict among ends, or both” (pg. 13) is not

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logical, “in order to develop a practical and impartial measure of organizational value, it is necessary to recognize that the ends of participants will vary and conflict” (pg. 13). Organizational theorists further emphasize that multiple constituents’ concerns vary depending on a multiplicity of factors, including demographics. Tsui (1990) highlighted this argument stating that “employees of different age, race or gender may have different needs that require satisfaction…” (pg. 463). Zammuto (1982) further strengthened this argument, stating that different constituents with different needs will conceivably have different preferences of organizations. He argues that preferences will vary across constituencies and within the same constituency (Zammuto, 1982). Within the framework of Blau & Scott’s typologies, one can imagine a myriad of expectations of the organization’s multiple audiences. For example, the preferences of owners, and the preferences of members, may be similar to each other and different from the preferences of clients and maybe the public-at-large. Simon (1964) pointed to this stating that “In a multiperson situation, one man’s goals may be another man’s constraints” (pg. 8). Thus, the owners, the members, the clients and the public-at-large have concerns that may conceivably be more different than similar, and even within-groups differences may also exist. To deal with this dilemma Keeley (1984) noted that goal based organizations will misrepresent the values of some constituents, but more importantly, such organizations will also view some constituents as more important than others. That is, some constituents’ value preferences will count more than others and these are the preferences that the organization will address (Keeley,

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1984). By ignoring or misrepresenting the preferences of some constituents, the organization will experience conflicts with its environment and will also be the subject of conflicting and diverse evaluation among its audiences (Keeley, 1984). This research contends that when citizens’ preferences are ignored or not met, this will impact their degree of satisfaction with the police and consequently their attitudes toward the police.

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Police Work: Importance of Majority Preferences Police scholars argue that particular police behaviors “…will take the form they do because of prevailing values and beliefs that have become institutionalized” (Crank, 1994; pg. 327). Police tend to meet majority expectations more than minority expectations (Black, 1980). Scholars argue that organizations have many tasks and functions with priority given to certain functions over others. However, they agree that regardless of which functions it values the most, the organization must minimally satisfy all functions to be considered successful (Langworthy & Travis, 2002). Discretion is an inescapable element of police work and police operate within the framework to minimally satisfy. The nature of the police mission and the structure of police organizations almost dictate that the police operate in this way to ensure organizational survival. The social organization of policing places emphasis on predominant concerns. Institutional theorists indicate that the police departments’ fundamental interest is survival, and this leads departments to “accede to the demands of … actors on whom departments depend for legitimacy, and with the receipt of legitimacy, the continued flow of resources for organizational survival” (Crank & Langworthy, 1992; pg. 339). Crank & Langworthy (1992)

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stated that, police personnel conform to the broad expectations of their institutional environment. They emphasize the importance of broad institutional environment expectations and the importance of the police department and its personnel conforming to the expected institutional norms, as their audience expect them to behave a certain way (Crank & Langworthy, 1992). Black (1980) also noted the importance of the majority. He argued that contemporary police forces are based primarily on a reactive style of policing, organized around citizen calls for service. Reactive policing reflects an “entrepreneurial” model of law in which the public plays a determinant role in the nature and scope of police practices. The majority of cases that the police handle are brought to their attention by citizens (Black, 1980). He noted that the police complying with the majority requests should not be surprising because they are expected to act within the confines of what the majority of citizens want. According to Black, police ideology and enforcement practices will be reflective of the majority—people who call. These calls will be awarded priority by the police. Being largely reactive, the police operate at the surface of social life and when they do intrude it is at the behest of the majority— citizens who support their intervention. It makes sense that the police would fulfill these citizens’ expectations. The reactive style of policing allows the police to see how citizens think the police should be used. The reactive nature of policing seems to relate directly to citizens’ preferences, that is, it gives the police clues as to what they expect of the police. Citizens identify problems for police attention and it makes sense that the police will be more attentive to the requests of the majority, as citizens’ requests give the police clear reasons and permission for intervention.

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Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

Within the context of a reactive police strategy, the police satisfy the problems that the majority identifies. The question is, what shapes police decisions and why argue that the police will meet majority groups’ expectations more than those of minority groups? Wilson (1968) referred to political culture as “…those widely shared expectations as to how issues will be raised, governmental objectives determined, and power for their attainment assembled…” (pg. 233). He argued that the political culture of a community gives the police a “zone of indifference” in which “the police are free to act as they see fit” (pg. 233). The political culture of a community according to Wilson, “…suggest that most people expect things to be done a certain way although everyone in the community might not approve of the way things are handled” (pg. 233). He stated that even within communities where there exists no consensus, some individuals may want or value different police behavior. When these conflicts arise, he argued that police work must be administered based on what “most people would expect…” (Wilson, 1968; pg. 233). The political culture dictates the community’s desires to the police; usually what most people would expect the police to do. This is especially evident in communities employing the legalistic style of policing, in which the population is socially heterogeneous. For example, he points out that some residents may dislike certain police strategies but the police must do what groups who use the city demand, such as, businessmen, shoppers, theatre goers, students and public officials (Wilson, 1968). Wilson suggested that the police do what the majority wants and where there are differences in preferences then the minority preferences will not be met. Westley (1970) also supports

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this view. He noted that the political structure of the community is important with regard to what areas of law enforcement are emphasized by the police department. He argued that the public make up part of the police organization “…and their expectations and demands are the voice of its morality…” (Westley, 1970; pg. 16), the police function to support and enforce the interests of the majority. Thus, an essential question: how detrimental are these approaches to the delicate and often troublesome relationship between the police and minority group members? If minority group members’ preferences are constantly ignored, how satisfied will they be with the police?

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CONCLUSION The overall goal of this study is to add another component and explanatory factor to the citizens’ attitude literature. Race is a critical category of human experience, which may shape citizens’ preferences for police work—functions and behavior. It is reasonable to think that one’s race might impact their preferences. Indeed, most of the research assumes that racial antagonism between the police and minority groups is the primary cause of lower evaluations of the police by minorities. There exists little research examining the impact of race on preferences for police work and what role race might play in this interaction. This study explores whether or not Blacks and Whites have different preferences for police work. If groups in society have different and competing preferences of the police organization, and to the extent that the police fail to satisfy or meet these preferences, levels of dissatisfaction with the police may continue to increase.

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If this argument is correct then the differences seen in perceptions of the police by Blacks and Whites may be attributable to the fact that the two groups have different starting preferences. This has not been examined in the literature, and this study examines this argument to see if the two groups differ in terms of preferences for police work, both functions and behavior. If this is confirmed by the study, then future research needs to determine the degree to which preferences influence attitudes toward, and assessments of the police.

CHAPTER 2

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Explaining Citizens’ Preferences for Police work and Citizens’ Attitude Toward the Police

The attitudinal literature shows strong racial differentiation in opinions toward the police—with minorities being more likely to be more negative towards and less satisfied with the police than Whites. Researchers have argued that governments are judged on how well they satisfy citizens’ preferences for public services (Donohue & Miller, 2005). As outlined in Chapter 1, this study explores the link between citizens’ race and preferences for police work. Alderson (1982) argued that differing cultural and social traditions will produce different concepts of what policing should look like and also different public attitudes toward both the police and their functions. Expanding this argument, it is conceivable that different audiences of the police hold differing views of the police and what their proper functions and behaviors are in the society. This research is intended to expand the scope of causal influences in the analysis of the racial variations observed in the attitudinal literature. The police research has pointed to the varying nature of police work. Accordingly, the varying cultural and social traditions of the publics the police serve may impact 17

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preferences, and perhaps citizens’ preferences are markedly varied with respect to police work. While there is a voluminous body of literature on citizens’ satisfaction with and attitudes toward the police, little attention has been paid to differences in citizens’ preferences for police work and how the police execute their work. Further, less is known about racial differences in preferences for specific police behavior. To this end, this study examines racial variation in preferences with regard to four policing functions: order maintenance, law enforcement, service, and due process protections. Additionally, the study examines racial preferences for how these functions are carried out (behaviors)—that is, levels of respect and levels of force. Due to the limited available literature on citizens’ preferences for police work, the discussion will primarily revolve around three demographic characteristics race, age and gender—as these were the most commonly studied correlates in the broader preferences literature. The discussion will also highlight the gaps in knowledge with regard to citizens’ preferences for police functions and the execution of these functions—behavior. In addition, the chapter also examines the attitudinal research. The attitudinal research has identified several factors that might explain citizens’ attitudes. The factors identified in the attitudinal research could be related to citizens’ preferences and thus will be controlled in this study’s analyses. PRIOR RESEARCH ON CITIZENS’ PREFERENCES The literature is limited with regard to the variables that have been examined in the past. The literature has not examined the fundamental police functions with regard to citizens’ preferences, and only a small body of the literature

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as examined citizens’ preferences for police behavior. However, this literature is important as a guide to the present research study. It is important to examine fully the research on citizens’ preferences.

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Race As noted before, only rarely have citizens’ preferences for police behavior been studied empirically in the policing literature, with most studies examining citizens’ perception of patrol strategies or other operational strategies. In one of the earliest studies that looked at citizens’ preferences, Flanagan (1985) utilized data from a nationwide telephone survey of public opinion on crime that included a wide range of criminal justice issues to examine, “public preferences for alternate police operational strategies in relation to demographic characteristics…”(pg. 13). The author noted that Black respondents were significantly more likely to prefer “full service” policing. That is, a majority of Black respondents in the study indicated that the police should respond to all calls for service, while 60 percent of White and other respondents preferred the police to restrict their interventions to crime calls. Further, neighborhood racial characteristics were similar to respondent’s racial characteristics with “nearly two-thirds of citizens in racially mixed neighborhood preferring police role be restricted to crime calls while ‘mostly or all black neighborhoods “…were least favorably disposed toward narrowing police responsibility…” (pg. 13). Additionally, those who agreed that Blacks were more likely to engage in criminal behavior than Whites were significantly more likely to embrace a crime fighting strategy for the police. Flanagan (1985) acknowledged that in order to understand the extent of these racial differences, more studies

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examining citizens’ judgments about strategy preferences in the context of specific situations must be done. Decades after Flanagan’s study, there is still a dearth of literature in this area. The relationship between race and preferences for various police duties and activities has been operationalized in different manners across the limited studies that have examined the issue. Some studies have used patrol as the primary indicator (Chermak, McGarrell & Weiss, 2001; Dunham & Alpert, 1988; Webb & Marshall, 1995), while others have attempted to use various police approaches (Jiao, 1998; 2001; Webb & Katz, 1997). These studies have provided mixed findings and although the literature is not extensive enough to conclude that the varied operationalization is the cause of these varied findings, this is of particular importance in the current study, as the study proposes a more extensive and in-depth manner of operationalization of police work by using both police functions and behaviors as primary indicators. Several studies have used patrol as an indicator of police work with varying results. Dunham & Alpert (1988) randomly sampled five neighborhoods in Dade County, Florida, to assess if variations exist from one type of neighborhood to another with regards to various police duties. The study did not directly measure race, instead using racial make-up of the neighborhood as a proxy for race, the logic being the five neighborhoods were not only culturally and economically distinct, but, also racially distinct. Respondents were questioned based on five attitudinal scales that tapped into: officers’ demeanor, officers’ responsibility to control crime, officers’ discretion, officers’ suspicion toward certain ethnic groups and approval of active patrol strategies, defined as,

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stopping and questioning people on the street and stopping cars for random checks. The most variation appeared on the “Active Patrol” strategies scale, which specifically tapped into police functions. The results indicated that different neighborhood preferences do exist with regard to police practices based on racial/ethnic make-up. The results seem to illustrate racial consistency as the two Black neighborhoods had “…the same general values toward specific police practices…” (Dunham & Alpert, 1988; pg. 521). The study found variation in preferences across neighborhoods and these were associated with variation in terms of racial composition (Dunham & Alpert, 1988), leading to the possibility that race is linked to preferences. The authors argued that residents of culturally distinct neighborhoods have values that dictate the policing styles that the residents deemed appropriate. They further stated that, “these preferences and dislikes may be interwoven into the fabric of the culture, the attitudes toward general authority, and more specifically toward police authority…” and thus expectations of the police will vary considerably across communities (Dunham & Alpert, 1988; pg. 506). However, a major concern is the use of neighborhood racial/ethnic composition as a proxy for race which could have had confounding effects on the results creating the risk of an ecological fallacy. Chermak et al. (2001) also operationalizationed police work using traffic enforcement crackdown as the indicator, and using a traditional operationalization of race, reporting that “…both whites and African Americans supported the directed patrol strategy and the police” (pg. 384). The authors concluded that generally the public seems to strongly support traffic enforcement crackdowns as a specific response to crime. However, they were quick to

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Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

caution that when not directed at specific places and crimes, these strategies may have harmful effects which may be “…exacerbated among groups whose relationships with the police historically have been strained, such as minority groups and young adults” (Chermak et al. 2001; pg. 383). Webb & Katz (1997) in an effort to gauge citizens’ preferences for specific community policing activities utilized multivariate analyses to estimate separate models for eleven separate police activities. These activities were rated on a 5 point Likert scale ranging from 1 strongly agree to 5 strongly disagree. Of the eleven separate models that were estimated for each community policing activity, “trash clean up” was the only variable that had significant effects with regards to ethnicity. Specifically, non-white respondents rated “trash clean up” as more important than white respondents, leading the authors to argue that “there do not appear to be major differences between non-whites and whites, in the ratings of the importance of community policing activities” (Webb & Katz, 1997; pg. 20). Notably, the study found no significant racial effects with regards to more proactive enforcement activities, such as, drug enforcement and gang investigation. Citizens may perceive community policing as what Flanagan earlier referred to as “full service”, which encompasses not only enforcement activities or enforcing the law, but also preventive activities such as maintaining order in the community, providing community services and preventing crime. However, this result must be interpreted cautiously, because although the authors employed OLS regression, the analysis utilized single-item measures to represent the dependent variable. Single items provide less reliable measures than multiple item scales and limit confidence in a study’s result as such

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single item scales or responses are particularly prone to construct validity and test and re-test reliability problems. Employing an analytic technique, such as factor analysis, that would refine the constructs and create meaningful scales may have been a more robust methodological approach. A later study by Jiao (2001) used multi-item scales to measure the construct of police approaches and found a race effect when examining the effect of degrees of urbanism on variations in citizens’ preferences for different policing approaches: law enforcement, problem-oriented policing and community policing. He observed that urban respondents, especially African Americans, had a stronger preference for community policing and community oriented policing activities. On the other hand, suburban respondents, defined as middle class and a majority White, displayed a strong preference for police professionalism and professional activities. He argued the importance of race in structuring preferences, pointing out that based on the study’s findings, preferences for police orientation vary significantly between suburban and urban residents, not only because of differences in their neighborhood context, but also because of the race and social class makeup of urban residents. Jiao (2001) also hypothesized that the makeup of urban communities will influence preferences for different policing approaches and the preferences of urban residents will look different from suburban and rural residents. This hypothesis was grounded in the notion that urban respondents in the study would primarily be residents of racially mixed communities—that is—predominantly minority groups. The study’s result confirmed this, but Jiao did not specifically test for racial differences in preferences for police work. This research proposes this

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approach for explaining the racial differences observed in the citizens’ attitude literature. Minorities’ aversion to a more law enforcement or professional approach was also highlighted in an earlier study (Jiao, 1998). The study’s main focus was the extent of agreement about policing approaches by both police and the community. Among other issues, the study was focused on what police orientation the community considered appropriate. Jiao (1998) was interested in matching policecommunity expectations and also trying to determine the policing models that were appropriate to the local police and also to the community. Four policing approaches were central to the analyses: police professionalism, community policing, problem-oriented policing and the security approach. Professional orientation was defined within the context of law enforcement and efficient crime control, while the other approaches represented neighborhood or community activities. The results indicated that Whites were significantly more likely to prefer the police to employ a more professional orientation with minorities viewing professional policing negatively. This suggests racial variations with regard to citizens’ preferences for policing activities.

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Police Behaviors As previously stated, the literature is limited with regard to empirical studies examining actual preferences for how police execute their functions (Johnson, 2004; Seron, Pereira & Kovath, 2004; Warren, 2008; Weitzer & Tuch, 2004). Weitzer & Tuch (2004) argued that race structures citizens’ preferences for reforming the police—with Hispanics and African Americans agreeing on reform preference and differing from Whites. The study examined

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among other issues, police sensitivity and responsiveness to the public, and noted that both Blacks and Hispanics were more likely to endorse police reforms that favored sensitivity training for police, police-community meeting, more police programs for school children and officers working in Hispanic areas learning Spanish. Both groups agreed that these policies would improve policing. Johnson (2004) also highlighted some racial differences. Utilizing a sample of college students, he examined citizens’ preferences for police behaviors during traffic stops and found most respondents “share fairly consistent preferences for what they expect in police officer behavior during traffic stops” (Johnson, 2004; pg. 494). Although the study did not directly examine preferences for operational strategy, it assessed citizens’ preferences for how they would like to be treated in a traffic stop. He reported significant differences in preferences between Whites and Non-whites, with Non-whites preferring to be addressed more formally than Whites. The author noted that most respondents clearly perceived being addressed by their first name as either being disrespectful or unprofessional; however, minority group members demonstrated a stronger aversion to this police behavior than Whites. Warren (2008) also pointed to the importance of officer’s being respectful in encounters with minority citizens. She noted the importance of vicarious experience and distrust in social institutions impacting minority citizens’ perceptions of police disrespect. Finally, Seron et al. (2004) also illustrated some racial differences as it pertains to police behavior. Employing a factorial survey design technique, and using vignettes to demonstrate police misconduct, respondents were asked to rate certain actions of the police in the scenarios or

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vignettes to ascertain citizens’ perceptions of serious police misconduct including: unnecessary force, abusing authority, speaking discourteously and using offensive language. The findings suggested that race makes a difference, showing respondents’ race/ethnicity to be “…a significant driver in differential levels of judgment” (pg. 701). The authors commented that minorities, especially Blacks “…were significantly more likely to give higher seriousness ratings” (pg. 701), compared to White respondents on all four indicators of police misconduct. Blacks were less likely to endorse aggressive policing, “even when a civilian plays a confrontational role” (pg. 704). The findings from the study indicated differential preferences between Whites and Blacks, especially with regards to aggressive policing and police performance, leading the authors to conclude that “the space granted to legitimate policing by whites is greater than it is by blacks” (pg. 704).

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Gender The studies examining citizens’ preferences note some differences between males and females (Johnson, 2004; Salmi, Voeten & Keskinen, 2005). Females consistently exhibited a greater interest in how the police execute their functions. Johnson (2004) noted that 84 percent of women compared to 52 percent of males in his sample preferred officers to carry out their duty in an empathetic manner. Additionally, females were also more likely to prefer the officer’s demeanor to be more emotional, compared to males, 23 percent and 13 percent respectively (Johnson, 2004). With regards to preferences for an introduction, gender differences seem to exist, with females more likely

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to indicate a preference for an officer to introduce himself at the beginning of an encounter (Johnson, 2004). Other studies have noted that females tend to want more frequent policing activities compared to males (Salmi et al. 2005; Webb & Katz, 1997). Indeed, the limited extant research indicates that females seem to have a preference for a full range of police services and activities compared to males. Webb & Katz (1997) noted that females rated a combination of “prevention and enforcement” policing activities as important: remove cars, youth programs, investigate gangs, drug sweeps and road blocks. The fact that females wanted the police to concentrate on all activities, whether prevention or enforcement may well reflect females’ greater awareness and willingness to be involved in crime prevention and crime reduction activities (Webb & Katz, 1997). A later study examining several police orientations: professionalism, community-based policing, problem-oriented policing and security orientation, seems to challenge this view as sex did not generate any significant effects (Jiao, 1998). The empirical literature examining citizens’ preferences for specific police work is growing, but more research is needed to assess the impact of sex on citizens’ preferences. The lack of research in this area makes it difficult to assess the importance of gender preferences on police work.

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Age A review of the empirical literature shows that age seems to affect citizens’ preferences in two ways. Specifically, younger people want less police intervention compared to older citizens. Salmi et al. (2005) in their study reported that older respondents had a higher “wished for” frequency than younger respondents. That is, on average older citizens

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Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

wished the police would engage in more policing activities, notably activities that characterize community policing and not traditional policing orientation. Flanagan (1985) also reported a similar trend in his early study, stating that older respondents showed a preference for “full service” policing compared to younger respondents. That is, younger respondents were significantly more likely to indicate that they preferred a narrow role for the police compared to older respondents. He concluded that “preference for fullservice policing may spring from a perceived lack of alternative resources…narrowing the scope of police services to crime-related calls would represent diminution of access to noncrime public services” (pg. 15). Another explanation points to the fact that support for a more narrow police role is “…shaped more directly on the basis of personal ramifications (what would it mean to me?)” (Flanagan, 1985; pg.18). Indeed, the criminological literature has shown that younger people are more likely to be engaged in the criminal justice system and thus their preference in part may be due to their higher risks (Hurst, 2007). This would also explain younger citizens’ opposition to any aggressive police strategies (Webb & Marshall, 1995). It is argued that younger citizens’ lack of preference for aggressive patrol strategies “…may be some artifact of the fact that the younger person will more frequently fall victim to the carrying out of these police strategies” (Webb & Marshall, 1995; pg. 55). On the other hand, a study looking at citizens’ preferences concerning police pursuits, found no correlation with any of the demographic variables—age, gender or education (Homant & Kennedy, 1994).

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Summary and Other Issues Assessing the current tenor of citizens’ preferences for police work is a complicated task due to the lack of empirical data. It is hard to explore in depth the demographic or contextual correlates of citizens’ preferences for police work, due to the limited empirical studies directly measuring citizens’ preferences, both the functions and how the police carry out these functions— behaviors. Findings as those described above suggest that public agreement on the function of the police may vary significantly depending on demographic characteristics. However, the level of methodological rigor in previous studies is a concern—as differences observed in the above findings may well be attributed to various methodological issues, such as, differences in policing issues that were examined and differences in operationalization of those variables. Previous studies have primarily focused on patrol strategies or policing approaches, although informative, it may be helpful to expand the research to examine more activities that define police work. Additional research needs to address broad functions such as order maintenance, law enforcement, service and due process protections and how these functions are carried out—that is, levels of respect and levels of force—behaviors. Future research should provide additional information about citizens’ preferences with regard to the particular police functions and execution of these functions. This is the aim of the current study. The literature has pointed to the fact that police are expected to perform multiple functions, not just patrolling (Burton, Frank, Langworthy & Barker, 1993; President’s Commission, 1967). Consequently, research should try and incorporate the multidimensionality of police work in

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future studies. To this end, the current study intends to operationalize police work base on functions that have been identified in the literature on police work. Additionally, the few studies that paid particular attention to racial variations in preference for certain police styles or police strategies are almost two decades old, requiring an update of the research. On the other hand, there have been numerous prior research studies which have examined public attitudes toward and satisfaction with the police. Several determinants of public attitudes have been identified in the attitudinal literature, these correlates will be reviewed as these may be important control variables in the present study. The following section examines these determinants.

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PRIOR RESEARCH ON CITIZENS’ ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE POLICE This study is base on an argument for racial differences in preferences for police work—both what the police do and how the police carry out their functions. To date, research has not systematically tested whether these preferences vary by race. It is likely that the racial differences in assessment of the police that are evident in the attitudinal literature may be related to variation in racial preferences for police work. The question address in this study is, whether Blacks and Whites have different preferences for police functions and behavior? If reported satisfaction with police or attitudes toward the police is likely to be a product of preferences, then the correlates of citizens’ attitudes can be expected to also influence or be associated with citizens’ preferences regarding police work. A review of the research on citizens’ attitudes toward the police is important because it identifies an important array of factors

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that could be related to differences in citizens’ preferences, such as, race, age, gender, neighborhood, contact with the police, and socio-economic status, which then must be controlled in any effort to isolate racial differences in citizens’ preferences for police work. The method used to collect the requisite data to understand the mood of the public has primarily been surveys (Brown & Benedict, 2002; Dai & Johnson, 2009; Decker, 1981; Gau, 2010; Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Weitzer & Tuch, 2004). There have been two substantial literature reviews that have explored the findings of research into citizens’ attitudes toward the police (Brown & Benedict, 2002; Decker, 1981). Both have identified consistent correlates across studies over several decades. This body of research has clearly documented that race remains an important factor in structuring attitudes (Brown & Benedict, 2002; Brunson & Miller, 2008; Dowler & Sparks, 2008; Huang & Vaughn,1996; Frank, Smith & Novak, 2005; Frank, Brandl, Cullen & Stichman, 1996; MacDonald, Stokes, Ridgeway & Riley, 2007; Rice & Piquero, 2005; Schuck, Rosenbaum & Hawkins, 2008; Solis, Portillos & Brunson, 2009; Weitzer, 2000; Weitzer & Tuch, 2004; Weitzer, Tuch & Skogan, 2008). It has also documented the effects of other factors such as; gender (Dunham & Alpert, 1988), age (Brunson & Miller, 2008; Hurst, 2007; Sullivan et al. 1987), socioeconomic status (Schuck et al. 2008; Weitzer & Tuch, 1999), neighborhood (Dowler & Sparks, 2008; Schuck & Rosenbaum, 2005; Schuck, et al. 2008; Weitzer & Tuch, 2005), and police contact (Gau; 2010; Brown & Benedict, 2002). Each of these variables are more fully examined below.

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Race For decades research has shown minorities view the police less favorably than do Whites (Bayley & Mendelsohn, 1969; Boggs & Galliher, 1975; Bordua & Tifft, 1971; Cao, Frank & Cullen 1996; Carter, 1985; Correia, Reisig & Lovrich, 1996; Hagan & Albonetti, 1982; Hahn, 1971; Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Jacob, 1971; Jeffries, Kaminski, Holmes, & Hanley, 1997; Peek, Alston & Lowe, 1981; Reisig & Parks, 2000; Rice & Piquero, 2005; Sampson & Bartusch, 1998; Smith, Graham & Adams,1991; Walker, 1997; Webb & Marshall, 1995; Weitzer & Tuch, 2005; Weitzer & Tuch, 1999; Weitzer, 1999; Wiley, 2001; Worrall, 1999). Specifically, there is some research which reported that Blacks are resentful and distrustful of the police (Dowler & Sparks, 2008; Boggs & Galliher, 1975; Jacob, 1971; Schuck et al., 2008; Weitzer et. al., 2008). Some very early studies conducted by Hahn (1971) and Jacob (1971) noted that Blacks tend to hold deep resentments toward the police. Jacob (1971) using expectations and perceptions of police and judges as indicators of the distribution of justice argued that the climate of distrust evident between police and Blacks is primarily due to frequent negative contacts between the two groups. Further, there is a body of research which reports that Blacks are more likely to perceive racial profiling and racism (Gabbidon & Higgins, 2009; Reitzel & Piquero, 2006; Shaw & Brannan, 2009; Weitzer, 2000). Additionally, race of the citizen may influence perceptions of police misconduct and perceptions of fairness on the part of the police (MacDonald et al. 2007; Shaw & Brannan, 2009; Weitzer, 1999). Early findings were based on samples that were local in character and were largely exploratory and descriptive. For

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example, Hahn (1971), examining 270 black residents in a small area of Detroit, with no comparison group. Boggs & Galliher (1975) employing a more sophisticated sampling strategy—systematic random sampling in a single police district in a Midwestern city —than most earlier studies, argued that based on their findings, it seems previous studies had grossly underestimated the extent of the negative evaluations of the police by Blacks, specifically, young, lower-class black males. Later studies seem to prove that earlier studies’ findings were more empirical reality than methodological artifact, as these findings seem to have remained stable during the intervening decades. Weitzer (2000) in one of the few studies to incorporate both closed and open-ended questions in a survey, conducted in depth interviews with residents of several Washington D.C. neighborhoods and remarked that, “residents of the two black neighborhoods were more likely than residents of Cloverdale (the white neighborhood) to invoke racism as an explanation…” (pg. 151). Using a multi-stage cluster sampling procedure, Lasley (1994) surveyed residents of several neighborhoods in South Central Los Angeles, with the primary objective being to assess the impact of the Rodney King incident on citizens’ attitudes. He reported that of all three racial/ethnic groups included in the analysis, opinions of police officers were lowest among black residents, followed by Hispanics, leading the author to conclude that “…race may be a critical factor in determining the nature and extent of ATP…” (pg. 252). More sophisticated methodological studies continue to validate the results of earlier findings (MacDonald et al., 2007; Schuck & Rosenbaum, 2005; Schuck et al., 2008; Sparks & Raymond, 2008; Sampson & Bartuch, 1998; Weitzer et. al., 2008).

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Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

Although results on the racial effect of attitudes toward the police seem real versus methodological artifact, there are still concerns. Most of these research efforts assessing the public’s mood towards the police have utilized largescale surveys to tap generally into attitudes and satisfaction. Almost all surveys used items or measures which are general in character versus identifying specific police functions and behavior. For example, consistent questions that are used to measure attitude are “In general, how satisfied or dissatisfied are you with the police department in your city” and “Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinions of your local police?” (Frank et al., 2005; Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Hurst & Frank, 2000; Weitzer & Tuch, 2005). It is a legitimate research task to ask about levels of general attitudes or support, but most studies then are eliciting evaluations of a general nature. Although limited, several recent studies have moved to examine citizens’ attitudes on more specific police behaviors, such as perceptions of police misconduct, discrimination, racial profiling and justice, and these studies also point to the differential impact of race on attitudes (Higgins, Gabbidon & Jordan, 2008; Shaw & Brannan, 2009; Reitzel & Piquero, 2006; Rice and Piquero, 2005; Weitzer & Tuch, 2005; 2004; 2002). Reitzel & Piquero (2006) conducted one of the few studies examining citizens’ perceptions of specific police behavior. Respondents were asked “Have you ever felt you were stopped by the police just because of your race or ethnic background, with response categories being yes/no and “Do you believe that this practice is justified for police officers or not” with response categories on a range of “justified” to “not at all justified”. Utilizing a series of logistic regression analysis, the study’s results showed race to be significant

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and positive factor with regards to perceptions of racial profiling. Specifically, the authors reported that “nonWhites were more likely to believe that they were racially profiled than were Whites” (pg. 177). Indeed, Rice and Piquero (2005) concluded that “the “black effect” operates independently of income and education” (pg. 98). MacDonald et al. (2007) noted similar results in their study conducted in Cincinnati. With regard to Black’s perceptions of injustice, the authors concluded that, the relationship between perceived injustices and racial consciousness transcends conditions of personal or structural disadvantage (MacDonald et al., 2007). While the research on other ethnic minorities is limited in the literature, some early studies conducted in Texas by Carter (1983; 1985) show that Mexican-Americans and Hispanics overall held less favorable views of the police than the general public. Carter (1985) argued that Hispanics seem more fearful of the police and believed that police officers had a more negative attitude towards them and discriminated against them more than they do other groups (Carter, 1985). However, some studies have challenged these findings by suggesting that Hispanics tend to hold a middle ground between Whites and African Americans with regards to perceptions of and attitudes toward the police (Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Lasley, 1994). More recent studies tend to support Carter’s earlier assessments (Garcia & Cao, 2005; Solis, 2009; Vidales et al. 2009). These studies reported that Hispanics respondents tend to feel less accepted, see police as less helpful and generally perceive the police is a negative manner. Specifically, Garcia & Cao (2005), noted that of three racial/ethnic groups—Blacks, Hispanics and Whites—in their study, Hispanics was the least satisfied of all three groups.

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Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

Hispanics also had the lowest global satisfaction with the police while Caucasians exhibited the highest. Garcia & Cao (2005) point to the fact that race and ethnicity are different and separable. They argued that methodological problems with the operationalization of race in previous studies. They noted that large-scale studies conducted in large cities, have often failed to differentiate Hispanics and African Americans and recommended this strategy for future research studies, to get a better picture of the relative position of Hispanics with regard to attitudes and the police (Garcia & Cao, 2005; Vidales et al. 2009). A few studies have countered the claim that minorities hold less positive attitudes toward the police than Whites (Dai & Johnson, 2009; Frank et al. 1996; Jesilow, Meyer & Namazzi, 1995). Most notably, Frank et al. (1996) study is an interesting exception to these findings. Using survey data from 516 Detroit residents to examine this relationship, the study’s findings indicated Blacks held more positive attitudes toward the police than Whites. Based on the fact that Blacks comprised the majority of the city’s population, the authors hypothesized that “Because whites are now a minority in the city, it is quite possible that they hold attitudes previously reserved for “minority” group member” (pg. 332). In another study, Jesilow et al. (1995) noted a similar trend. The results of this study are interesting, as the authors used a strategy hardly employed in attitudinal research at that time, a combination of closed-ended and open-ended survey questions. Although an ambitious endeavor to incorporate more diverse methods in studying this issue, the authors report that “it was difficult to standardize answers…results in a concern about the

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reliability of answers” (Jesilow et al. 1995; pg. 72). It is important to note that more recent studies done in similar or same cities fail to replicate these findings (MacDonald et al. 2007; Smith, 2005; Weitzer et al., 2008), leading one to question the validity of earlier works. Indeed, Brandl, Frank, Woolredge & Watkins (1997) argued for a more loosely structured form of survey interviews which would allow deeper insights into the form and structure of citizens’ assessment of the police, as the use of unstructured answers control the imposition of predetermined belief structures upon respondents. Ongoing citizen attitudinal surveys that include various social groups continue to provide information about the basis of citizens’ attitudes, which can be helpful to police administrators. However, the literature should also move toward asking citizens explicitly about specific police functions and behavior. Indeed, some studies have looked at some police behavior, primarily misconduct (Weitzer, 1999), racial profiling (Higgins et al. 2009; Reitzel & Piquero, 2006; Weitzer & Tuch, 2005) and racial injustice (MacDonald et al., 2007; Shaw & Brannan, 2009). Assessing racial groups’ preferences as to police work has not been a consistent question in the attitude literature, and this may at a minimum provide more information on citizens’ perceptions on various aspects of police performance. Use of force is the only other police behavior that has received attention in the attitude literature. Other research has examined the incidence of force, not in the context of citizens’ attitudes, but as a policing strategy in police-suspect encounters. The research on this particular police behavior has focused primarily on understanding how and why officers exercise their coercive power in their encounters with citizens.

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Most of the studies on citizens’ attitudes toward police use of force report Blacks are more likely to hold unfavorable views compared to Caucasians (Cullen, Cao, Frank, Langworthy, Browning, Kopache & Stevenson, 1996; Flanagan & Vaughn, 1995; Gamson & Envoy, 1970; Holmes, 1998; Holmes & Smith, 2008; Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Jeffries et al. 1997; Thompson & Lee, 2004). Thompson and Lee (2004) utilized data from the 1998 General Social Survey to test attitudes toward police use of force. Race was shown to be the most important predictor with regards to attitudes toward police violence. The authors pointed to a continuing issue with the research—the limitations of the data from a survey, which was not focused on police use of force and thus the “…inability to use more sophisticated measures of concepts” (pg.403). Despite this limitation, they concluded that the “…study reinforces that race plays a very important role in determining attitudes toward police violence…” (Thompson & Lee, 2004; pg. 404). Flanagan and Vaughn (1995) also utilized data from the General Social Survey and found similar results. Examining the period 1973 to 1999, the study results show certain constants—that is—educated, conservative, Caucasian males showed the highest support for police use of force. In fact, Caucasians approved of police striking a suspect in any situation 80.5 percent of the time versus 55.8 percent of non Caucasians (Flanagan & Vaughn, 1995). Jeffries et al. (1997), using data from the Greater Cincinnati Survey over a ten year period—from the years 1984 to 1995—found that reactions to highly publicized videotaped arrests also cut across racial lines. This is similar to research by Huang and Vaughn (1996), who reported that a majority of Whites did not think the police use too much

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force and Whites did not view excessive force as a problem. This was in direct contrast to African Americans who were much more likely to view excessive force as a problem (Huang & Vaughn, 1996). Cullen et al. (1996) remarked that “...these attitudinal differences may be the basis of the racial cleavages…especially when the justification for using force is ambiguous…” (Cullen et al. 1996; pg. 458). In short it seems race may affect citizens’ attitudes towards the police, as the extant research surrounding the impact of citizens’ race on attitudes toward the police has been generally consistent. However, more research on racial differences in attitudes toward other police behavior and functions is needed if we are to understand other possible determinants of racial differences. Indeed, future research studies should embrace Thompson & Lee’s suggestion that “Rather than utilizing secondary data, it may be necessary for social scientists to collect data…that includes more dimensions” (Thompson & Lee, 2004; pg. 404) and also vary the context of questions.

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Age Age is another common variable of interest when examining public attitudes toward the police. In fact, Wilson (1985) argued that age may have the strongest correlation with regards to attitudes toward the police than any other demographic variables. The literature has consistently found that younger citizens are more likely to view the police less favorably than older citizens (Boggs & Galliher, 1975; Brunson & Miller, 2006; Brunson, 2007; Brunson & Weitzer, 2009; Cao et al. 1996; Chermak et al. 2001; Hadar & Snortum, 1975; Hagan, Shedd & Payne, 2005; Hurst, 2007; Hurst & Frank, 2000; Jesilow et al.

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1995; Jeffries et al. 1997; Lasley, 1994; Peek et al. 1981; Reisig & Parks, 2000; Smith & Hawkins, 1973; Solis et al. 2009; Sullivan et al. 1987; Taylor, Turner, Esbensen & Winfree, 2001; Walker, Richardson, Denyer, Williams & McGaughey, 1972; Webb & Marshall, 1995). Early studies conducted by both, Boggs and Galliher (1975) and Smith and Hawkins (1973), highlighted this trend. Attempting to assess respondents’ views of the fairness of the police, Smith & Hawkins (1973) used questions to tap into “attitudes about discrimination, selective enforcement and general feelings about police impartiality” (pg. 136). The findings show that White youths tend to be more negative in their attitudes than their adult counterparts. On the other hand, negative views of the police were constant among nonwhites regardless of age, leading the authors to conclude that “…there appears to be a sub-cultural anti-police view among non-whites of all ages” (pg. 138). Using this logic, the importance of the intersection of race and age has received some attention in the literature. Sullivan et al. (1987) argued that age and ethnicity play important roles in structuring attitudes toward the police. In this early study, the authors conducted a study in five neighborhoods in Dade County, Florida; and the results showed variations across racial groups. The authors concluded that cultural and group differences seem to be more important than previous research findings have noted with regards to age, race and attitudes. Recent studies continue to document this trend (Brunson, 2007; Brunson & Weitzer, 2009; Hagan, Shedd & Payne, 2005; Hurst, 2007; Solis et al., 2009; Taylor et al., 2001). More recent studies have point to the vulnerability of minority youths for excessive negative contact with the police and this

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impact their attitudes toward the police (Brunson, 2007; Hagan et al. 2005; Solis et al. 2009). Indeed, one of the largest studies ever conducted on juveniles’ attitude validates this phenomenon (Taylor et al., 2001). Taylor et al. (2001) using a large sample of (5,477) 8th grade students from eleven U.S. cities, and using a seven-item Likert-Type scale which included such statements as “police officers are honest”, “police officers are hard working”, most police officers are usually rude” and “police officers are prejudiced against minority persons”, to represent the dependent variable, the authors report significant racial differences, noting that Hispanics and Native Americans occupied a middle ground with regards to attitudes toward the police. That is, Hispanics and Native American juveniles held more favorable attitudes toward the police than African-American juveniles, but less favorable than White and Asian teens (Taylor et al. 2001). The literature also highlights the fact that young respondents tend to be significantly less satisfied with how they are treated by the police than older citizens (Brunson, 2007; Brunson & Weitzer, 2009; Brunson & Miller, 2006; Walker et al. 1972; Weitzer, 1999). For example, Weitzer (1999) reported that younger individuals were more likely to agree that police “rough up or use excessive force against residents” (pg. 836). Younger residents were also more likely to view the police as being too aggressive and engage the use of force role more than necessary (Hindelang, 1974; Jeffries et al. 1997; Langan, Greenfield, Smith, Durose & Levin, 2001). Using three categorizations of force—too much, too little, or reasonable—one study noted that respondents under the age of 65 were less likely

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to believe the police use too little force compared to respondents in the 65+ age category (Jeffries et al. 1997). The extant research has also examined the views of young adults, comparing them with the general public, and also finding more negative evaluations of police by this group Cordner, Marenin & Murphy, 1986; White & Menke, 1982). Cordner et al. (1986) using a college sample to assess attitudes toward campus police, compared the perspectives of students, faculty and staff, and report that students held less favorable attitudes toward campus police than did either staff or faculty. White & Menke (1982) also examined the attitudes of citizens across four sub-samples of university students, university faculty and staff, farmers and other long-term residents of a college community of about 23,000 residents. Using questionnaire items drawn from previous studies of public perceptions of the police, which included such general questions as “do you perceive police officers as, unquestionably honest, usually honest, sometimes honest or most are dishonest?” (pg. 217), they noted that students were the most critical of the police, followed by the university faculty, with the farmers and long-term residents being the least critical. Thus, it seems even in the limited college sample, the observations are similar to the general public, in which, most of the studies show that younger people are more critical or view the police less favorable than their elder counterparts. However, the research has not established if it is age or police role or function effecting young people’s attitude. There are exceptions, however, which may be due to imperfect operationalization. Specifically, two empirical studies found no relationship between age and attitudes toward the police (Correira et al. 1996; Parker, Onyekwuluje & Murty, 1995). The categorization or the

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intervals used tend to mix high risk age group with low risk group and this may mask the effects of attitudes. For example, both Parker et al. (1995) 15-18; 19-25; 26-64; 65+ and Correira et al. (1996) 18-35; 36-50; 51-64; 65+, had large age categories that may have masked certain effects. The majority of studies which included age as a predictor, found it to be a factor structuring attitudes toward the police—with younger people viewing the police less favorably than older persons.

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Gender Gender is a variable where more research is warranted in order to decipher attitudes concerning the police. The extant research on attitudes toward the police has produced mixed results with regards to gender. Some studies have found that females are more likely to view the police more favorably (Cao et al. 1996; Cheurprakobkit, 2000; Jeffries et al. 1997; Hadar & Snortum, 1975; Reisig & Giacomazzi, 1998; Taylor et al. 2001; Wilson, 1985). Some have argued that the more negative attitudes exhibited by males toward the police could be attributed to their “disproportionate involvement in delinquent and criminal behavior” (Taylor et al. 2001; pg. 302) and thus their disproportionate negative contact with the police. The hypothesis is based on the idea that the differences observed between the sexes, lie in the gender-gap phenomenon: differences in rates of offending for males and females. Some extant research has countered this assertion finding that males hold more favorable opinions of the police than females (Brown & Coulter, 1983; Correia et al. 1996; Hurst & Frank, 2000). Several explanations have been forwarded in an effort to understand females’ attitudes toward the police. Hurst & Frank (2000) in their sample of 852, 9th through 12th

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graders, reported that females were more likely to express less favorable attitudes than males. The authors stated that girls were more likely to hear of police misconduct and hypothesized that possibly “vicarious misconduct” has a substantial influence on the attitudes of females toward the police” (pg. 200). Brunson & Miller (2006) document another relating trend in their study. Teenage African American females feared sexual misconduct by the police. This is related to “vicarious misconduct” as most of the respondents have never experienced this type of misconduct in their contact with the police. Additionally, Correia et al. (1996) examined citizens’ perceptions of the state police in Washington State and concluded that the low perceptions of the police held by women “…are connected to the larger political structure and the broader social forces surrounding the government” (Correia et al. 1996; pg. 26)—an argument similar to one forwarded by Tyler & Huo (2002). However, much of the literature has documented little or no effect of gender on attitudes toward the police (Campbell & Schuman, 1972; Chermak et al. 2001; Davis, 1990; Decker, 1981; Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Jesilow et al. 1995; Reisig & Correia, 1997; Sampson & Bartusch, 1998; Smith & Hawkins, 1973; Winfree & Griffiths, 1977)—strengthening Decker’s (1981) assertion that gender seems to be an unimportant predictor of attitudes toward the police.

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Socio-economic Status The consensus of researchers at this point in time with regard to the findings on social class and attitudes toward the police is that the effect of social class on citizens’ attitudes toward the police, is unclear and more research is needed (Brown & Benedict, 2002; Schuck et al., 2009;

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Weitzer, 1999). The results of several studies have noted a significant relationship between negative attitudes toward the police and lower income (Brown & Coulter, 1983; Cao et al. 1996; Huang & Vaughn, 1996; MacDonald et al. 2007; Sampson & Bartusch 1998). Other studies have found the opposite—individuals in the upper socioeconomic tiers hold more negative attitudes toward the police (Gamson & McEvoy, 1970; Hagan & Albonetti, 1982; Murphy & Worrall, 1999; Schuck et al., 2009; Weitzer & Tuch, 1999). Still, others have found no class effects (Alpert & Dunham, 1988; Correira et al. 1996). Perhaps the most difficult relationship to disentangle is the impact of race and class in shaping attitudes. Researchers argue that extricating the effects of race on social class and attitudes is difficult (Bayley & Mendelsohn, 1969; Hawkins, 1987; Schuck et al. 2009; Weitzer, 1999). In fact, early research has addressed the intersection of race and class, and its implications for attitudes toward the police, as minorities tend to reside in more disadvantaged neighborhoods and this effect cannot be discounted. These studies report that people within similar racial/ethnic groups, hold attitudes toward the police more similar than people within similar socioeconomic groups (Bayley & Mendelsohn, 1969). This argument seems to have support in more recent studies (Schuck et al. 2009; Rosenbaum, Schuck, Costello, Hawkins, & Ring, 2005). Schuck et al. (2009) noted that middle-class minority group members who reside in more affluent areas attitudes tend to be different from their counterparts who reside in less affluent areas. This observation led the authors to highlight the importance of interaction of social class and neighborhood socioeconomic composition.

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Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

Other researchers have argued that race is of declining importance in structuring Black’s perception of the police (Wilson, 1978). Wilson (1978) argued that class divisions are more important as institutionalized racism is no longer standard practice in society, thus resulting in less negative impact on Blacks’ lives and experiences—consequently affecting Blacks’ perceptions of and attitudes toward the police in a more positive manner. However, Hagan & Albonnetti (1982) contradicted this hypothesis, highlighting the fact that although both lower class Blacks and Whites held negative views of the police, as Whites move up the socioeconomic tier their views of the police became more positive, this was not the case for Blacks. Indeed, some research has pointed to the impact of race regardless of socioeconomic status (Boggs & Galliher, 1975; Dunham & Alpert, 1988; Hagan & Albonetti, 1982; Weitzer and Tuch, 1999; Weitzer, 1999; 2000). Weitzer & Tuch (1999) noted a complex picture regarding the relationship between race, class, and attitudes toward the police, noting that unlike Whites, Blacks see the world in a “color fashion irrespective of income and education, Blacks tend to lack confidence that the police treat individuals impartially in their communities” (pg. 13). In fact, they concluded that middle class Blacks are at times more critical of the police and the criminal justice system than are lower class Blacks (Weitzer & Tuch, 1999). It seems on certain issues, such as racial bias and brutality, middle class Blacks tend to be more critical in their views than lower-class Blacks (Hagan & Albonnetti, 1982; Weitzer & Tuch, 2002). Weitzer (1999) argued that middle class Blacks may feel more hostile toward the police than lower class Blacks, because greater mobility among middle class people makes them more vulnerable to police stops. Indeed,

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MacDonald & Stokes (2006), recently offered similar explanations. This perception is especially evident in the racial profiling and attitude literature. For example, Weitzer & Tuch (2002) using both education and income as a composite proxy for social class, noted that African Americans of higher educational attainment tend to be more critical of the practice of racial profiling than their less educated counterparts. An early study examining use of force reported a similar impact. Gamson & McEvoy (1970), in one of the earliest studies to examine citizens’ perceptions of how police work should be carried out— reported that wealthy Blacks were more opposed than lower income Blacks to police use of excessive force. A logical explanation points to the fact that regardless of class, Blacks are not insulated from discriminatory police practices and this helps explain their greater resentment and distrust of the police (Boggs & Galliher, 1975; Weitzer et al. 2008). There is a lack of consensus in the literature regarding the effect of socioeconomic status on attitudes toward the police as it relates to the intersection of class and race (Sampson & Bartusch, 1998; Webb & Marshall, 1995; Weitzer & Tuch, 2002). Some have argued that within American society there is a clear connection between race and social class (Schafer, Huebner & Bynum, 2003). Indeed, Weitzer (2000) commented on “…the continuing significance of race for African Americans irrespective of class standing” (pg. 151). In sum, it seems a large proportion of the research indicated the impact of socioeconomic status on attitudes toward the police is influenced by race. However, one problem that researchers have pointed to is the difficulty of disentangling that

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relationship. Another potential problem in findings across studies may be related to the operationalization of the concept of socioeconomic status. There is obvious inconsistency with regard to operationalization of socioeconomic status. For example, some studies use income as the indicator of socioeconomic status (Dunham & Alpert, 1988; Huang & Vaughn, 1996); with others using education (Correira et al. 1996) and still others have used some combination of education, income and occupational prestige (Schuck et al. 2008; Sampson & Bartusch, 1998; Webb & Marshall, 1995; Weitzer & Tuch, 2002). It is reasonable to assume that the inconsistencies across studies in the conceptualization of socioeconomic status may be a contributing factor in some of the diverse findings noted in the review. An early study pointed to this problem that still persists in the literature. Hagan & Albonnetti (1982) argued that researchers have not “operationalized the concept of class in a meaningful way or developed a clear understanding of the relationship between class and race in the determination of…perceptions of criminal injustice” (pg. 332); decades later this may still be an issue.

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Neighborhood Researchers have argued that different communities have different needs of the police (Cordner et al., 1986; O’Brien, 1978). There is a body of evidence suggesting that neighborhood context influences citizens’ attitudes toward the police (Alpert & Dunham, 1988; Dai & Johnson, 2009; Cao et al., 1996; Dunham & Alpert, 1988; Jacob, 1971; Jesilow & Meyer, 2001; Jesilow et al. 1995; MacDonald et al., 2007; Reisig & Parks, 2000; Sampson & Bartusch, 1998; Schuman & Gruenberg, 1970; Schuck et al. 2008;

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Smith, 2005; Walker et al. 1972; Weitzer & Tuch, 2005; Weitzer, 1999; Weitzer, 2000). The extant literature has examined the impact of several neighborhood factors on attitude, including, economic conditions, demographic composition and patterns of policing (Alpert & Dunham, 1988; Sampson & Bartusch, 1998; Schuman & Gruenberg, 1970). A problem that is evident in the extant literature is deciphering the relative importance of these interrelated factors on citizens’ attitudes. Brown & Benedict (2002) commented on this fact stating “…that potentially infinite combinations of variables…affect neighborhood differences in perceptions of the police” (pg. 556). The debate has primarily surrounded the impact of both neighborhood class level and racial/ethnic make-up of neighborhoods, and their individual effects. The results so far have been mixed, as the literature has not established which is more strongly associated with citizens’ attitudes. MacDonald and his colleagues note the importance of race regardless of neighborhood context and ecological structure (MacDonald et al. 2007). Dai & Johnson (2010) research in the same city note the opposite. They argued that perceptions of quality of life and neighborhood context become more salient factors than race when these variables were examined simultaneously (Dai & Johnson, 2010). Other more methodologically sophisticated studies support the idea that citizens residing in low-income areas usually exhibit the highest level of dissatisfaction with the police (Alpert & Dunham, 1988; Murty, Roebuck & Smith, 1990; Sampson & Bartusch, 1998; Schuman & Gruenberg, 1970). For example, Sampson & Bartusch (1998) using data from several Chicago areas and creating a complex operationalization of neighborhoods—report that inner-

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city, low income ghetto area residents, displayed elevated levels of dissatisfaction with the police compared to other neighborhoods. They concluded that the variables of race and neighborhoods are often confounded in the literature, and dissatisfaction is often rooted more in experiential differences associated with neighborhood context than race (Sampson & Bartusch, 1998). Other studies also point to the lesser importance of race, noting the importance of class structure and experiential factors. These studies found neighborhood class level to be a stronger predictor of residents’ attitudes toward the police than racial make-up, with lower class communities holding more negative attitudes toward the police (Krivo & Petersen, 1996; Peeples & Loeber, 1994; Reisig & Parks, 2000; Smith et al. 1991; Thomas & Hyman, 1977; Weitzer, 1999). It has been hypothesized in the literature that the fact that lower-class areas tend to have greater law enforcement needs that will inevitably result in more police contact and the possibility of those contacts becoming negative will be higher. This frequent rate of contacts, usually negative, will be most influential on residents’ perceptions of the police (Brunson & Miller, 2006; Thomas & Hyman, 1977). An additional explanation found in the literature counteracting the racial make-up hypothesis argues that both Black and White middle-class neighborhoods should have more in common with each other than they would with Black and White lower-class neighborhoods. Thus, both Black and White neighborhoods should have more positive attitudes toward the police than their lower-class counterparts (Weitzer, 2000). The relationship between negative attitudes toward the police and neighborhood disorder some argue transcends race (Kusow, Wilson &

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Martin, 1997; Sprott & Doob, 2009). Kusow et al. (1997) study highlighted some support for this thesis, noting that perception of the police, “…is more a function of residential location than racial attributes” (pg. 663). However, the questions used to measure neighborhood perceptions could be argued to be general and leading in nature. Specifically, the study’s use of such questions as, “Do blacks who live in the suburbs equally rate their police performance as those in the inner-city neighborhoods” and “Do both whites in the suburbs and the inner-city maintain similar attitudes toward the police?” (pg. 663), highlight the problem of demand. White & Menke (1978) stated that the large-scale survey has the problem of demand—that is, the instrument contains certain measures that “may call forth responses which the respondent believes are desirable, appropriate, and so on” (pg. 205). One could argue that there could be a problem in the format of the questions used as measures, not only in this study, but many of the studies that have been conducted on citizens’ attitudes toward and satisfaction with the police. However, both Dai & Johnson (2010) and Schuck et al. (2008) studies tend to support this position. The intersection of race and neighborhood has been troubling in the literature. Although some studies have pointed to the confounding effects of race and neighborhood (Dai & Johnson, 2010; Sampson & Bartusch, 1998; Schuck et al. 2008; Weitzer, 2000), other studies note that the neighborhood racial composition has important conditioning effects on citizens’ attitudes toward the police (Dowler & Sparks, 2008; Dunham & Alpert, 1988; MacDonald et. al. 2007; Reisig & Parks, 2000; Smith et al. 1991). There is a complicated dynamics between neighborhood characteristics and race. The literature has

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not conclusively established which is more strongly associated with citizens’ attitudes, either neighborhood class level or racial/ethnic make-up of a neighborhood, more research is needed to untangle this relationship. Several studies have noted that neighborhoods with a majority black population tend to evaluate the police more negatively because minority neighborhoods will not only receive inferior police services but will also receive harsher treatment and this will in turn affect minority residents’ perception of the police negatively and this tend to be more important than the neighborhood itself (Dunham & Alpert, 1988; Schuman & Gruenberg, 1970; Walker et al. 1972; Weitzer, 2000; Weitzer et al. 2008). The problems of model specification contributing to the differences observed across studies arguing class or racial make-up effects have also been noted (Reisig & Parks, 2000). Reisig & Parks (2000) stated that when they employed simple citizen level specification “…our results are similar to those of Sampson and Jeglum-Bartusch (1998)”; in that neighborhood context reduces the negative effect of African-American status on satisfaction with police “(Reisig & Parks, 2000; pg.624). They pointed out that when citizen-level hierarchical models that include neighborhood-level determinants, such as, concentrated disadvantage are used, “…racial variation in satisfaction with police persist” (pg. 625), indicating the importance of model specification on studies results, and, thus the reliability of the findings in the literature. Indeed, Weitzer (2000) has criticized the content of questions used on surveys to assess attitudes, arguing that studies that limit questions only to police performance in controlling crime in poor and high crime neighborhoods will always elicit negative evaluations of the police. He argued that studies

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should gear questions toward specific aspects of policing, such as, misconduct or racial bias, arguing that this approach would provide a better picture of neighborhoodclass influence on attitudes. These concerns have influenced the current study’s methodology, which is discussed at the end of the chapter. In contrast to the ongoing debate of whether it is class composition or racial-make-up, some studies reveal null findings when neighborhood is included as a variable (Davis, 1990; Webb & Marshall, 1995). These null findings could be related to operationalization of the neighborhood variable, as Webb & Marshall (1995) argued the fact that “…neighborhood composition variables…are constrained by measuring these through using zip code information that is simply not the same as a ‘neighborhood’”(pg. 58). Webb and Marshall (1995) suggested that more studies should continue to incorporate neighborhood variables, stating that “…neighborhoods are meaningful units and must be considered “…when making generalizations about the importance of neighborhoods in the development and transmission of attitudes toward the police” (pg. 59). In summary, neighborhood characteristics should continue to be addressed as a potential correlate of citizens’ attitudes. There may be a positive relationship between racial makeup of a neighborhood and citizens’ attitudes because of the disproportionate number of minorities residing in lower income neighborhoods. This hypothesis has not been confirmed by empirical research and should continue to be examined in the literature. Contact with the Police Another contextual variable that has received attention in the attitude literature is contact with the police. Decker

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(1981) stated in his review of the attitudinal literature that contact with the police is nearly as convincing and as important as race and age. Some research has shown that contact with the police tends to impact citizens’ larger views of the police (Tyler & Huo, 2002). Essentially, the effects of race, class and other variables on citizens’ attitudes toward the police may be mediated by citizens’ contacts with police (Weitzer & Tuch, 2002). The extant research shows that unfavorable experiences as well as involuntary contacts with the police tend to affect citizens’ attitudes in a negative manner (Cheurprakobkit, 2000; Cox & White, 1988; Dai & Johnson, 2010; Hagan et al. 2005; Reisig & Correira, 1997; Schuck & Rosenbaum, 2005; Schuck et al. 2008; Skogan, 2005; Solis et al. 2009; Warren, 2008). Several studies point to the effects of negative contacts—whether voluntary or involuntary— which tend to result in negative impacts on attitudes toward the police (Dean, 1980; Furstenberg & Wellford, 1973; Jacob, 1971; Murty et al., 1990; Scaglion & Condon, 1980; Zevitz & Retammel, 1990). In one of the few studies to examine citizens’ evaluation of the police across three levels—city, county and state, Reisig & Correira (1997), noted that receiving less than favorable treatment by police officers resulted in negative evaluation because citizens have a greater expectation of public agents. They hypothesized that citizens expect the public agency they support with their tax money to treat them in a favorable manner, and when this does not occur citizens tend to be less favorable in their evaluations (Reisig & Correia, 1997). Indeed, a study of college students points to this logic. Cox & White (1988) stated that respondents’ attitudes were impacted more by police behavior than the sanction imposed. The results

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indicated that it was not the ticketing that effects the negative attitudes, but perceptions of police behavior, which was seen as abusive, brutal and unfair (Cox & White, 1988). The empirical research is mixed with regard to positive contacts with the police (Cheurprakobkit, 2000; Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Smith et al. 1991; Walker et al. 1972; Worrall, 1999). The literature has shown that individual’s positive contact with the police did not usually result in more favorable attitudes toward the police (Leiber, Nalla & Farnsworth, 1998; Smith & Hawkins, 1973). However, there have also been suggestions that police contact that was a result of the service aspect of police work versus crime-fighting function, not only yielded positive attitudes toward the police, but neutralized negative attitudes of citizens (Cheurprakobkit, 2000). Indeed, Cheurprakobkit (2000) stated that it appears that positive experience with the police might produce the highest ratings toward the police. Conversely, some studies highlight the fact that even individuals who have had no contact with the police evaluate the police negatively (Dean, 1980; Harris, 1999; 2002; Jacob, 1971; Rosenbaum et al. 2005; Thomas & Hyman, 1977; Warren, 2008). The evidence also suggests that “…individuals’ knowledge of other person’s encounters with the police…may be communicated…with a possible multiplier effect” (Weitzer & Tuch, 2004; pg. 308). Indeed, encounters with the police may be influenced by preexisting opinions garnered vicariously and thus individuals probably will be predisposed to assess the encounter negatively. Brandl, Frank, Worden & Bynum (1994) examined global (general) and specific attitudes toward the police and found that “…citizens’ global

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attitudes toward the police affect their assessments of specific contacts with the police…” (pg. 131). Incidentally, Brandl et al. (1994) also noted that citizens usually were more satisfied with their individual contact with the police than with the police institution in general. Finally, it seems “vicarious experience” tends to have a more lasting effect for minority group members compared to Whites (Bordua & Tifft, 1971; Tyler & Huo, 2002; Schuck et al. 2008; Tuch & Weitzer, 1997). Lasley (1994) in one of the few studies to examine immediate or longterm effects on controversial incidents on citizens attitude (also see Flanagan & Longmire, 1996; Weitzer, 1995), employing a multi-stage cluster sampling technique to analyze the short-term effect of the 1991 Rodney King incident on the attitudes of residents of South Central, Los Angeles. The results suggested that that negative perceptions of police fairness were significantly lower for African-Americans, than any other groups. Additionally, these feelings were longer-term for African Americans than the other respondent groups that were examined (Lasley, 1994). A later study by Tuch and Weitzer (1997) lends support to this finding. The authors, using pre and post 1991 survey questions from several Los Angeles Times polls, attempted to assess the “staying power” of incidents of brutality with regards to public perceptions of the police. They concluded that although the general public had an overall negative perception of the police after the Rodney King beating, the longevity of dissatisfaction was not considerable with Whites, but was the direct opposite was true for minorities (Tuch & Weitzer, 1997). Hence, it has been suggested that racial differences observed in attitudes toward the police could be explained by minorities higher reports of “…vicarious experience with police” (Weitzer &

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Tuch, 2004; pg. 320). A study by Browning, Cullen, Cao, Kopache & Stevenson (1994) lends support to this argument. The authors reported that being African American increased the likelihood of hearing about an incident of being hassled or harassed, noting that 66 percent of Blacks knew of someone who was hassled by the police compared to only 12 percent of Whites (Browning et al. 1994).

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CONCLUSION This chapter has presented an overview of the theoretical and empirical research conducted surrounding citizens’ preferences for police work and citizens’ attitudes toward the police. The chapter reviewed the key literature findings on the predictors namely: race, age, gender, contact with the police, socioeconomic status and neighborhoods, as these factors could be related to citizens’ preferences and must be controlled in the present study. The literature has not adequately addressed citizens’ preferences for police work, thus the literature has also not adequately addressed specific functions and behaviors that receive the public’s support and if and how this differs by race. The research on citizens’ attitudes toward the police is quite rich; although there are areas that still need further study. Specifically, untangling the complex relationships between race and neighborhood context on citizens’ attitudes toward the police must be addressed. Assessing the current extent of racial variation in preferences for police work and the execution of the various police functions is needed in the research literature. There is a dearth of knowledge about citizens’ preferences for police work. There is a need for improvement in the study of this issue. This study’s methodological approach improves on

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prior research. The current study has developed improved survey measures of police work by using multiple concepts to represent the dependent variable—police work. Police work is defined by four police functions—order maintenance, law enforcement, service and due process protection and two police behavior items—levels of respect and levels of force. Most prior studies have used a simple one-question poll, which doesn’t allow for ranking and comparison. It seems clear that multiple measures of the key constructs are warranted. The complexity of police work requires multiple dimensions conceptualization. It is likely that both attitudes toward the police and citizens’ preferences are multidimensional. Using multiple measures provide information about different functions because unlike approaches that are common in the studies reviewed above, this approach allows for both ranking and relative comparisons that identify the strength of preferences and the influence of types of police activity. Essentially, this study provides a relative ranking of racial preferences for specific functions and behaviors and the magnitude of the differences. This is a different approach to studying policing and operationalizing police work, as most of the above literature concentrated more on police activities, such as patrolling, without addressing preferences for these four functions—order maintenance, law enforcement, service and due process protection and the manner of execution (behaviors)—levels of respect and level of force. With the exception of a few studies that examined attitudes toward use of force and race (Cullen et al. 1996; Flanagan & Vaughn, 1995; Huang & Vaughn, 1996; Jeffries et al. 1997; Thompson & Lee, 2004), the literature on these functions is limited or almost nonexistent. Indeed, Chermak et al.

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(2001) called for additional information on citizens’ perceptions of different types of police work. Other researchers have also called for more research on specific police practices and citizens’ attitudes (Dunham & Alpert, 1988). It is important to note that some research has been conducted on other police issues with regards to citizens’ attitude, for example, police misconduct (Weitzer, 1999), racial profiling (Reitzel & Piquero, 2006; Shaw & Brannan, 2009; Weitzer & Tuch, 2002) and perceptions of fairness (MacDonald et al. 2007; Shaw & Brannan, 2009; Weitzer, 1999), but more research on police work and other police issue is warranted. Further, Thompson & Lee (2004) identified another deficiency in the literature, calling for less reliance on secondary data and encouraged collecting data that deals with the varying context of police work. The current study presents a more extensive analysis of citizens’ preferences for police work and how police carry out their work. It is the hope that the findings from this research will contribute to a clearer understanding of the literature on citizens’ perceptions of police work and attitudes toward the police.

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CHAPTER 3

Analyzing Racial Variations for Citizens’ Preferences

This chapter has several purposes. First, the chapter presents the research questions that guide the analysis of racial variation in preferences for police work and how it is carried out. Second, the chapter describes the data collection procedure, including the sample used, the development of the questionnaire and the distribution of the questionnaire, along with a discussion of the limitations and the appropriateness of the data used. Next, the chapter describes the variables used to measure the theoretical constructs. Finally, the statistical methods used in the analysis are discussed.

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RESEARCH QUESTIONS This study explores the link between citizens’ race and preferences for police work. The study examines whether Blacks and Whites have different preferences with regard to police work and how these preferences differ. As discussed in chapter 2, there is empirical literature which documents a race difference in attitudes toward and satisfaction with the police, however, the sources of racial differences with regard to attitude toward the police remain to be determined (Webb & Marshall, 1995; pg.59). As 61

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discussed in chapter 1, citizens’ preferences for police work is defined as citizens’ predisposition in favor of certain police functions and behaviors over others. According to the literature reviewed, compared to Whites, minorities seem to exhibit less satisfaction in evaluations and assessments of the police. To this end, the study explores if racial preferences for police work and behavior exist. In this study two research questions regarding preferences for police work were tested. As discussed in chapter 2, only rarely have racial preferences for police work been examined empirically, despite the potential importance this may hold for understanding attitude towards the police in American society. The aim of this study is to explore whether Blacks and Whites have different preferences for police work and behavior, and to further provide ideas for future research on the impact of racial preferences in the citizens’ attitude and satisfaction literature. This research addresses the following research questions: 1. Do blacks and whites hold different preferences for police work: do they differ in terms of their preferences for police work? 2. If yes, how do these preferences differ?

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The Use of Non-Probability Sampling in Research The study utilizes a convenience sample as the main purpose is to identify any relationship between race and preference for police work. No secondary data exist for either measuring citizens’ preferences for police work or assessing which police functions and behaviors are favored by the public. Ideally, a sample should represent the larger population, thus the conclusions from the study are then applicable to the entire population. The obvious

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disadvantage of using a non-probability sample is that not everyone has a known chance of being included in the study, limiting the ability to generalize findings with confidence (Kane & O’Reilly de Brum, 2001). While the ideal analytic strategy might be to randomly assign race, that is not possible. An alternate methodological approach is to control for non-race factors that the research has shown to be correlated with evaluations of the police, as the project’s main purpose is to isolate the relationship between race and preferences. Thus, controlling for several non-race factors that have been shown in the literature to affect citizens’ attitude towards and satisfaction with the police such as age, gender, education and socioeconomic status, would be the most ideal strategy in this particular study. Using a student sample may be a strength of this project because although students differ from the general population they have little variation in the non-race factors that should be controlled. Thus, the normal “limit” of a student sample is an advantage in this particular research condition. Further, in understanding cultural patterns it is not always necessary to have a probability sample (Kane & O’Reilly de Brum, 2001). Kane & O’Reilly de Brum (2001) argue that “because some ideas and patterns are culturally shared, you can reach the point of diminishing returns in terms of information, fairly quickly: 10 people may be able to tell you what 10,000 would” (pg. 102). This study uses a convenience sample in an effort to fill a gap in the literature and to get baseline information about an issue that is relatively understudied. The major question of how representative or typical the sample used in the study could be a concern. The extent to which the sample represents the entire population cannot be known. However, the research questions do not require the

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generalization of the findings to the general population at this time. A student sample enables us to address the basic research question, that is, do Blacks and Whites have different preferences for police work? A student sample also gives the added advantage of minimizing variations in some predictors such as age and socioeconomic status. Consequently, the study will give a picture of citizens’ preferences for both the functions and how the police execute those functions—behaviors.

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SAMPLE The data for this study were obtained from a nonrandom sample of several college classes at a large mid-western university. The study utilized a self-administered questionnaire survey method during the summer session of 2007. Undergraduates who were present in class that day were asked to participate in the study by voluntarily completing the survey during class time. Students were given a brief introduction on the purpose of the survey and informed that participation is voluntary and their responses anonymous (the strategy is discussed in more depth below). A power analysis indicated that to provide an adequate testing of the research questions, (using an alpha of .05, a medium effect size (.075) and a power of .80) the minimum power specification is a sample of 255.55. Four hundred surveys were returned, due to missing information some surveys had to be excluded, resulting in a final sample of 336. This number should ensure adequate statistical power to analyze the influence of the options given in the 7 point Likert scale response categories.

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DEVELOPMENT OF THE SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE The lack of previous systematic research on citizens’ preferences for police work meant that no survey instruments were available or even questions tapping the constructs and themes of police work. The development of the survey questionnaire consisted of several stages. First, the relevant literature on formation of citizens’ preferences as they relate to police activities and public attitudes toward and assessment of the police were reviewed to look for the major themes and issues. Then the issues and themes were operationalized into general statements about police activities for use in the survey. Carmines and Zeller (1979) outline this procedure as a reliable method for developing valid measures of constructs. The first section of the survey taps into citizens’ preferences for police work. Survey items were developed to tap into six police work domains. Initially, 84 items were created to obtain a balanced representation of the six hypothesized functions and behaviors. These items selected represent activities associated with each function and behavior. An instrument was developed and distributed to an Advisory board (committee). The suggestions (additions, deletions, modifications) concerning the construction of the questionnaire and the questions contained within it were then incorporated into an initial instrument. The initial instrument was pre-tested to enhance the validity and reliability of the items selected to represent each police function and behavior. The initial instrument had 84 items and was pre-tested at several college campuses in a Midwestern state. For the pre-test a convenience sample of 100 respondents were surveyed. All 100 surveys were returned, of those, 96 were usable. The

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aim of the pre-test was to assess the instrument for clarity and organization. Further, the pilot study helped to identify the reliability of the items that made up four police function measures and two police behavior measures. To assess respondents’ preference for police work, factor analysis was performed to assign weights to the items. However, first, a correlation analysis was used to examine interrelationships among the initial 84 items used on the Likert scale survey. Confirmatory factor analysis was used to identify the items that best represent the hypothesized underlying factors. Results from the factor analysis suggested that six factors represent distinct latent constructs. The factor loadings indicated that the observed constructs loaded sufficiently on specified factors. This approach was effective at identifying the best items that represented what citizens think the police should be doing or the importance citizens place on the various police activities. Survey items that did not load on any factor were not included in the constructed indexes. Using factor analysis to create the indicators allows for the assumption that the observed variables are linear combinations of some underlying factors and thus meet the statistical requirements when using ordinary least squares, that error terms be uncorrelated. The initial 84 items were reduced to 58 after the pretest and the initial analysis. Changes were made to improve the items focus and understandability on the final instrument based on the information garnered from the pilot study. The final data collection effort was conducted during the summer of 2007 using a nonrandom sample of several college classes across a Midwestern college campus. Courses were chosen based on the time they were offered so that students taking multiple classes would not be

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included in the sample twice. Almost 400 questionnaires were returned. The final sample consisted of 336, as some questionnaires were incomplete and could not be included. The resulting response rate (84 percent) is considered more than adequate. Table 4.1 presents the distribution of the respondents’ demographic characteristics. The final survey instrument consists of four main sections: the first section is designed to ascertain citizens’ preferences for police work. The second section contains questions on attitudes, confidence in and respect for the police and the final section contains questions to measure demographic characteristics of the sample. HYPOTHESES Based on the research questions, the following hypotheses are examined in the current study: H1: Black citizens will be more likely than White citizens to have a preference for the service policing function.

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H2: Black citizens will be less likely than White citizens to have a preference for the law enforcement policing function. H3: Black citizens will be more likely than White citizens to have a preference for the order maintenance policing function. H4: Black citizens will be more likely than White citizens to have a preference for the due process protection policing function.

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Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work H5: Black citizens will be less likely than White citizens to have a preference for the police behavior— use of force. H6: Black citizens will be more likely than White citizens to have a preference for the police behavior— respect.

Measures

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Dependent Variable The purpose of this study is to examine whether Whites and Blacks hold different preferences for police work. Regarding citizens’ preferences, this research explores if groups in society hold different and competing preferences with regard to four police functions and how these functions are carried out. In the past, investigators have identified several roles of the police in a democratic society, such as maintenance of order (Bittner, 1967; Wilson, 1968); service (Wilson, 1968); law enforcement (Bittner, 1970; Klockars, 1980; Skolnick, 1968); crime prevention (Kenney, 1972; Reiner, 1992); use of force (Bittner, 1974); and protection of due process and individual rights (Alderson, 1984). For the purposes of this study only four of these functions were used as indicators for police work: law enforcement, order maintenance, service and due process protection. In order to tap into citizens’ preferences for police work, several items representing police activities were used to elicit response about the importance of these functions and the manner in which they are executed—levels of force and levels of respect. The response format for all items was designed on a seven-point Likert scale and these options were formatted

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to assess the normative inclination of citizens as to their preference for police work. Conceptualization of Police Work Empirical research on citizens’ preferences is evolving, thus operationalization of police work is difficult. An existing scale of police work as it relates to specific police functions does not exist, so an original measure was developed for the present study. In this study, police work is operationalized by four police functions—order maintenance, law enforcement, service and due process protection and two police behavior items—levels of respect and levels of force. In order to gauge citizens’ preferences for police work, respondents were asked to rate a series of phrases or statements on a seven- point Likert scale with options ranging from very important to very unimportant, to ascertain the level of importance citizen attach to various policing activities. These statements provide measures for the main dependent variable, police work.

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Operationalization of Police Work All items used in this analysis to construct the dependent variable, police work, are multidimensional scales developed from Likert scales used in the survey. Factor analysis was selected for data reduction, and items forming factors were used to form scales. Scales so formed were subject to confirmatory factor analysis to ensure scale unity. Alpha reliabilities were also calculated to ensure the strength of the scales. The factor score used in the construction of the dependent variable represents a portion of the many indicators representing the many functions, roles and behavior associated with police work. These

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measures were not intended to encompass all aspects of police work, but rather to reflect the most salient dimensions of the concept—police work. The following indicators of police work were developed for the analysis. Police work A 58-item inventory represents the six indicators representing police work. Respondents were asked to rate the importance of each item based on the following 7 point Likert scales; 1= very important, 2= important, 3= somewhat important, 4= neither important or unimportant, 5= somewhat unimportant, 6= unimportant, and 7= very unimportant. (1) Order maintenance was operationalized using five items (alpha=0.596), this is titled as it is because the items capture different disorder-related phenomena, and problematic situations that are not necessarily illegal. (2) Law enforcement was operationalized using twelve items (alpha=.796), all of which tap into situations which involve a violation of the law in which police needs to assess guilt.

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(3) Service was operationalized using eight items (alpha=.810), with items measuring and dealing with service delivery issues that may or may not involve violations of the law. (4) Due process protection was operationalized using thirteen items (alpha=.687), with items tapping various aspects of a person’s legal rights when in police custody or presence.

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(5) Level of force was constructed with nine items (alpha=.792), these items provide situations in which police may use force. (6) Level of respect was constructed from eleven items (alpha=.868), all of which assess expectations of interactional behavior with police. The alpha reliabilities for most indicators were very strong. The order maintenance measure was minimally satisfactory; however, this is not a concern because of the greater range of the additive scale over a seven point Likert scale. The items making up each indicator are included in Appendix A.

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Independent Variables Respondents’ Characteristics Testing the above hypotheses required collection of data on several respondents’ demographic characteristics. Some measures were used for descriptive purposes and others were included in the regression analyses. The measures used for each characteristic are described below. Age. Each respondent’s age is measured directly by asking: what is your current age? This variable was only presented in the descriptive statistics (see table 4.1) Race. This measurement is straightforward asking respondents, which of the following best describes your racial or ethnic group? With the following response categories: White, Hispanic, African-American or Black, Asian, Other, Don’t know & Refused. In the final analysis only the racial groups of interest, Blacks and Whites, were included. This variable was

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coded “1=black” and “0=white” in the analyses, with white being the reference category. Sex. This measure is also straightforward asking, What is your sex? With two response categories: male or female. This variable was coded “1=male” and “0=female” in the analyses, with female being the reference category. Education. Education previously has been operationalized several ways by researchers, including asking for the number of years of education the respondents has received and asking the respondents to assign himself or herself to a particular category of educational attainment. For this particular study since the sample is college students, the respondents were asked about their class/year that is, freshman sophomore, junior, senior and graduate student. This variable was used for descriptive purposes only (see table 4.1). Major. The respondents were asked about their major to try and differentiate between social science majors and non social science majors. Respondents were asked to specify their major and the responses were recoded into social science and non social science for descriptive purposes only (see table 4.1). Income. In instances where income is a major variable of interest, this issue has sometimes been assessed with numerous questions dealing with multiple aspects of wage earning. This study is interested in examining each respondent’s approximate household income. Past research has used two approaches; researchers have asked respondents either to report the actual dollar amount of their salaries or to indicate their income by selecting one of a set of categories. Sudman and Broadburn (1982) observe that although some information is lost with the second method, citizens are more likely to provide their income as

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a broad category than as a specific amount. Additionally, questions pertaining to respondents’ own employment and personal income are included to allow for more statistical control. Thus, three items tap into income. The categories that are provided to the respondents are identical to those reported by the National Public Opinion Survey on Crime and Justice (1996); Please tell me the annual income in your household: less than $15,000, between $15,000 and $30,000, between $30,000 and $60,000, over $60,000 and don’t know. A dummy variable was created with annual income of over $60,000 as the reference category. This variable was coded “1=less than $60,000” and “0= over $60,000” in the analyses. In which of these groups does your total personal income for the last year fall? With response categories being: less than $10,000, between $10,000 and $14,999, between $15,000 and $19,999, between $20,000 and $24,999, and $ 25,000 or more. This variable was also recoded into a dummy variable with personal income over $20,000 as the reference category. This variable was coded “1=less than $20,000” and “0= over $20,000” in the analyses. Are you currently working fulltime, part time, going to school or what? With response categories being working fulltime, working part time, temporarily not working, student and other. For the analysis, these responses were recoded into a dummy variable, work status, with working fulltime and part time coded as employed and the other response category coded as unemployed and used as the reference category. This variable was coded “1=employed” and “0= unemployed” in the analyses. Financial Aid. The nature of the sample makes it a possibility that receiving governmental aid may impact

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preferences, thus controlling for this variable in the overall analysis was necessary. Respondents were asked “Are you receiving any type of financial aid?”, with response categories being “yes, no and don’t know”. A dummy variable was created with “1=yes” and “0=no”. Living Arrangement. A single question tried to ascertain respondents living arrangement. It is a reasonable assumption that there may be fundamental differences between respondents who are dependents and those who are not. “Do you own your home, pay rent or what?” with response categories being own, is buying, pays rent, live at home and other. This variable was also recoded with two categories respondents who live at home and respondents who owns, is buying or pays rent. For the analysis these responses were recoded into a dummy variable, residence, with respondents who live at home coded as “1” and the other categories combined and used as the reference category in the analyses. Community Type. The research on the effects of neighborhoods/residence notes that different community tends to have different expectations of the police especially with regard to their needs (Brown & Benedict, 2002). Researchers have noted differences in attitude towards the police between neighborhoods, but there exists no consensus in the literature as to why variations in attitude and satisfaction exist by neighborhoods (Schuck et al. 2008). This study asks several neighborhood questions to measure and to assess the impact of both where one grew up and where one now lives. For the two questions that deal with neighborhood type the same options are given: “Which term best describes the community you grew up in?” and “Which term best describes the community in which you now live?” with response options being “rural,

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small town, small city, suburb, urban and don’t know”. For the final analysis only the second question was included, due to small numbers of the other community types, the categories were transformed into a dummy variable, community. Small city was coded as suburban, and both rural and small town were left out of the analyses as there were very few respondents to these items. This variable (community) was coded “1=urban” and “0= suburban” in the analyses. Contact Influences. Previous research established the importance of accounting for citizens’ experiences with the police. Specifically, researchers indicated that the nature and circumstances of the contact can have a strong influence on citizens’ perceptions of the police. Several questions were used to account for the nature of the police experience. Six questions were used to represent various nature of contact and citizens’ perceived outcome of the encounter: citizens initiated—“Have you ever asked a police officer for help with a problem other than something involving a crime?” police initiated –“Have you ever been stopped by the police while you were driving a car?” and neutral—“Have you ever been stopped by the police while you were riding in a car?”, with response categories being: 1= yes, 2=no. Respondents were then asked to rank the contact, “If yes, how would you say the police treated you and others in the car?”, with response categories being: 1=very good, 2=good, 3=poorly, and 4=very poorly. Contact assessment was dichotomized with those respondents that perceived the contact as very good or good and those that classified the contact as very poorly or poorly (reference category). So, the analyses included only respondents who had had some contact with the police.

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ANALYTICAL STRATEGY The focus of this study is to examine whether Blacks and Whites have different preferences for police work—that is, the functions and the manner in which the functions are carried out—police behavior. The analysis proceeded in the following manner. Descriptive statistics was generated for the variables used in this study. The analyses examined such factors as sample characteristics, the distribution of the demographic characteristics by race and the distribution of the contact variable. A series of chi-square analyses were performed to examine the level of citizens’ preferences for the various indicators of police work. The chi-square procedure compared the frequencies between Black and White respondents on each of the policing activities statement that were used as indicators of police work. Bivariate models and correlation matrices were also estimated for each police work measure and each of the independent variables, as well as between combinations of other variables. Several partial models were estimated for each income and contact independent variables to ascertain the impact of each variable separately on the dependent indicators. Citizens’ preference for police work may be related to several factors, thus ordinary least squares regression was utilized to explore the effects of race, if any, for preferences for police work. Davison & Sharma (1990) note that the debate over “the appropriateness of parametric statistics for ordinal data has ensued for nearly four decades” (pg. 394). However, Bollen & Barb (1981) have shown that when as few as five categories are used to represent a continuous variable, very little distortion and error are introduced. The current study used a seven (7) point response category which will work to increase variation across the measures,

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and would likely cause miniscule distortion of the standard deviations and of the correlation coefficients among the variables in a multivariate analysis. Additionally, using factor analysis to create the scales allows for the assumption that the observed variables are linear combinations of some underlying factors. This means that factor analysis transformed the data to meet the statistical requirement that error terms be uncorrelated with the determinants of dependent variables when using ordinary least squares estimators. To this end, a series of multiple regression analyses was employed to analyze differences across groups (Black & White), while controlling for all other factors that might affect respondents’ preferences for police work.

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CONCLUSION This study aims to explore a broad range of citizens’ preferences with regard to police work. Although the results generated from a midwestern college sample are not empirically generalizable to the U.S., they may be suggestive of what might be expected nationally. Additionally, the study is exploratory in nature, as little is known about racial variation in citizens’ preferences for police work. Thus, this study may provide a new and possibly promising explanation of the relationship between citizens’ attitude and citizens’ evaluation of the police. Few research studies exist that even provide partial answers to this question. The data do have limitations; however, the study is unique in that it provides the first systematic examination of racial variations in citizens’ preferences for police work—examining both preferences for functions and how those functions are carried out— levels of force and levels of respect—behaviors.

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CHAPTER 4

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The Relationship Between Race and Citizens’ Preferences for Police Work

Regarding citizens’ preferences, this research explores if groups in society, hold different and varied preferences with regard to police work—police functions and how these functions are carried out—police behavior. This chapter examines this relationship. This discussion is divided into several sections. The first section provides descriptive statistics for the variables used in this study. The second section presents an examination of the level of citizens’ preferences for these various indicators using chi-square procedure to compare the frequencies between Black and White respondents on each of the policing activities statement. In the third section, separate models were estimated for each income and contact independent variables and the results are presented. Following the separate examination of each indicator of the dependent variable, comprehensive models, which include all the independent variables, were estimated for all six indicators. Tests for multicollinearity were also conducted for each indicator of the dependent variable; no tolerance scores or variance inflation scores were high enough to suggest the presence of multicollinearity. At this point, I also discuss 79

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whether these findings support or fail to support the proposed research hypotheses.

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CHARACTERISTICS OF RESPONDENTS AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE CONTACT INFLUENCES Table 4.1 presents the descriptive statistics of respondents’ demographic characteristics. The racial breakdown of participants included 66.4 percent Whites, 24.5 percent Blacks, with other racial/ethnic groups accounting for the other 9.1 percent. Females comprised almost 55 percent of the sample, with males comprising the other 45 percent. The largest proportion of respondents (83 percent) was between the age of 18 and 24 years old and almost 72 percent of the respondents were juniors and seniors. Most of the respondents were non-social science majors (70.5 percent), with 64 percent of the sample receiving financial aid. Household income was varied, with almost 23 percent of households earning less than $15,000, 15 percent of the sample living in households earning between $15,000 and $30,000, 14 percent of households earning between $30,000 and $60,000 and almost 31 percent of the sample making over $60,000. Personal income was less varied, with almost 80 percent of the sample earning less than $20,000. Specifically, 49 percent of the sample earned less than $10,000 and another 30 percent made between $10,000 and $19,999. One-third of the sample did not work (33.4), with another 64 percent working either fulltime (20.6 percent) or part-time (43.6 percent). Most respondents resided in urban neighborhoods (46 percent), with another 32 percent (31.6 percent) living in suburban neighborhoods. Finally, the majority of the respondents rented (59.2 percent); with only 22.6 percent of those responding stating that they lived at home.

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Table 4.1 Distribution of Respondents’ Demographic Characteristics

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Variable Characteristics Sex (n=335 ) Female Male

Sample 54.9% 45.1%

Race (n=335) Black White Other

24.5% 66.4% 9.1%

Age(n=335) 18-24 24 and older

83.3% 16.7%

Class Standing (n=326) Senior Junior Sophomore Freshman

40.8% 32.1% 17.9% 6.3%

Major (n=336) Social Science Non-social Science

29.5% 70.5%

Household Income (n=330) Less than $15,000 Between $15,000-$30,000 Between $30,000-$60,000 Over $60,000 Unknown

22.9% 15.2% 14.0% 30.7% 15.5%

Personal Income (n=321) Less than $10,000 $10,000-14,999 $15,000-19,999 $20,000-24,999 $25,000 or more

49.1% 19.0% 11.9% 6.5% 8.9%

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Table 4.1 (Continued) Distribution of Respondents’ Demographic Characteristics

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Variable Characteristics Financial Aid (n=336) Yes No

Sample 64.0% 35.1%

Residence (n=329) Live at home Own Renting Other

22.6% 10.4% 59.2% 19.0%

Working (n=286) Fulltime Part-time Student

20.6% 43.6% 33.4%

Neighborhood (332) Rural Small town Small city Suburb Urban

4.8% 4.5% 10.2% 31.6% 46.1%

Next, table 4.1A presents the frequency distribution for the contact variable. Exhibiting the distribution of citizens varied contacts with the police is important in understanding the findings in the study. As highlighted by the table, most individuals in the sample had had some contact with the police. All three categories show that about eighty percent (80%) of respondents had had contact with the police.

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Table 4.1A Distribution for Contact Variable Stop by Police When Driving a Car (Police Initiated) Yes 78.2 % (266) NO 20.8% (70) Stop by Police When Riding in a Car (Neutral) Yes 80.7 % (271) NO 19.3% (65) Ask Police for Help with a Problem other than Crime (Citizen Initiated) Yes 80.4 % (270) NO 19.6% (66)

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RESPONDENTS’ DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS BY RACE Table 4.2 presents a comparison of the descriptive statistics for both Black and White respondents. The respondents were similar on most of the demographic variables. The most obvious differences were related to household income and employment status. Whites were more likely to be in the highest household income category (over $60,000). Almost 40 percent of White respondents fell in this category compared to only 16 percent of Black respondents. Further, Black respondents were more likely to fall in the lowest household income category and least likely to fall in the highest household income category. Employment status also exhibited notable differences between the groups. Black respondents were more likely to be working full-time compared to White respondents who were more likely to be only employed part-time. With regard to personal income, although Blacks were more likely to have a full-time job, the groups did not differ on personal income earnings. Both Black and White respondents were just as likely to be in the lowest personal income category (less than $10,000). They also were just as likely to be renting or living at home. However, White

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respondents were more likely to indicate owning a home. This option was the third most frequent choice of Whites and the last choice for Blacks. In terms of neighborhood, both groups were more likely to be residing in urban or suburban neighborhoods. However, Black respondents were more likely to be living in an urban community (56.8%) than a suburban community (22.2%). On the other hand, Whites were almost 13 percent more likely than Blacks to be living in a suburban community (35.7%) and almost 12 percent less likely than Blacks to be living in an urban community (45.2%).

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Table 4.2 Distribution of Respondents’ Demographic Characteristics by Race Variable Characteristics Sex (n=335) Female Male

Black

White

56.1% 43.7%

56.3% 43.7%

Age (n=335) 18-24 24 and older

80.5% 19.5%

90.6% 9.4%

Household Income (n=330) Less than $15,000 Between $15,000-$30,000 Between $30,000-$60,000 Over $60,000 Don’t Know

27.2% 23.5% 18.5% 16.0% 14.8%

22.4% 12.3% 12.8% 38.8% 13.7%

Personal Income (n=321) Less than $10,000 $10,000-$14,999 $15,000-$19,999 $20,000-$24,999 $25,000 or over

51.3% 11.8% 17.1% 7.9% 11.8%

50.0% 22.9% 11.9% 6.4% 8.7%

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Table 4.2 (Continued) Distribution of Respondents’ Demographic Characteristics by Race

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Variable Characteristics

Black

White

Working (n=286) Fulltime Part-time Student

34.7% 33.3% 32.0%

15.8% 48.9% 35.4%

Financial Aid (n=336) Yes No

79.3% 20.7%

60.1% 39.9%

Neighborhood (n=332) Rural Small town Small city Suburb Urban

9.9% 1.2% 9.9% 22.2% 56.8%

3.6% 5.4% 10.0% 35.7% 45.2%

Class Standing (n=326) Senior Junior Sophomore Freshman

38.8% 36.3% 12.5% 12.5%

43.3% 33.5% 20.9% 2.3%

Major (n=336) Social Science Non social science

30.5% 69.5%

30.9% 69.1%

Residence (n=329) Live at home Own Renting Other

23.8% 6.2% 60.0% 10.0%

24.5% 12.7% 60.1% 2.7%

In terms of age, Whites were more likely to fall in the 1824 age group range, 90.6 percent compared to 80.5 percent

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of Blacks. The groups were similar with regard to sex, as females were more prevalent in the sample for both Black and White respondents. Finally, both groups were just as likely to be upper classman—that is—seniors and juniors.

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CITIZENS’ PREFERENCES FOR POLICE ACTIVITIES The following section reports the results for the item-byitem chi-square analysis. This analysis was conducted in an attempt to identify any statistically significant differences between the two groups on the various policing activities and also to present a distribution of the items by race. Table 4.3 reports the level of support for each statement representing the various indicators of police work. The table shows the percentage of people providing responses to each item. In this way we are able to examine the approximate average level of support for various policing activities by race, and also identify any statistically significant differences between the two groups on the various items. The table highlights the fifty-eight (58) items that make up the six indicators of police work. As shown in the table, the first five statements represent order maintenance. Notably, with the exception of the models examining “assist in the removal of graffiti from public areas” and “assist in neighborhood trash cleanups”, all the chi-square coefficients were significant. Of the three items that produced significant differences in the analyses, “monitor loiterers, peddlers or soliticitors”, “maintain contact with people in the neighborhood” and “meet with neighborhood watch groups”, item 3, produced the greatest differences. White respondents were more likely than Black respondents to indicate that monitoring loiterers, peddlers

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or solicitors was very important, important or somewhat important, 70.9 percent compared to 54.8 percent. The next twelve statements measured the function of law enforcement. The results indicated that five items produced significant differences between the groups. Specifically, White respondents were more likely to view “strict enforcement of quality of life violations” as very important, 41.7 percent compared to 32 percent of Black respondents. Item 12, “performing regular sweeps of high crime areas” also highlighted significant differences. The results indicated that 48.4 percent of Whites compared to 39 percent of Blacks perceived this item as very important. The item “use speed traps for speeders” also revealed a statistically significant race difference. Black respondents were more likely to prefer this activity than Whites, with Blacks viewing this activity as important in some form 61 percent, compared to 47.1 percent of White respondents. Almost 21 percent of Black respondents (20.7%) viewed police using speed traps for speeders as important compared to only 10 percent of White respondents. The activity “enforce youth crime, such as, underage drinking”, also showed statistically significant race differences, with 77.8 percent of Black and 73 percent of White respondents, noting that this activity was important in some manner— very important, important or somewhat important. Items such as “stop and frisk any civilian who fits the description of a crime suspect” and “cite drivers who have gone 10 miles over the speed limit”, although not indicating any statistically significance, highlighted interesting respondents’ preferences with regard to policing activities. For these items respondents were more likely to choose one of the three unimportant response categories or the category of neither important or unimportant. For example, item 10,

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88

Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

57.4 percent of Black respondents viewed this policing activity as not important in some form—that is—neither important or unimportant, somewhat unimportant, unimportant or very unimportant. In response to item 11, 69 percent of White respondents and 68.4 percent of Black respondents ranked this activity as not important in some manner. On the other hand, 77.1 percent of White respondents and 81.7 percent of Black respondents prefer the police to “warn drivers who have gone 10 miles over the speed limit.” Items 18 through 25 represent the service function. Of the eight items none indicated any statistically significant differences between the two racial groups. Although the chi-square test did not generate any significant differences in any of the models some interesting trends were observed. For example, items 19 and 21, “assist in after school youth programs” and “search for lost animals”, generated interesting results compared to the other items. The results indicated that Black respondents were more likely to view these policing activities as important. Black respondents were 10 percent more likely than White respondents to view police officers assisting in after-school youth programs as very important compared to White respondents, 25.6 and 14.5 percent respectively. With regard to the policing activity “search for lost animals”, a majority of Black respondents, 61 percent, viewed this activity as unimportant in some form, compared to less than half of White respondents (48.3%). In fact, only about 7 percent of Black respondents viewed this activity as somewhat important compared to 20 percent of White respondents who selected that response category. Items 23, 24 and 25, highlighted some consensus between the two groups. Examining the activities, “provide

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The Relationship Between Race and Citizens

89

information on crime prevention” and activity “be responsible for funeral processions”, both Whites and Blacks ranked these activities as equally important. For example, item 23, almost 87 percent (86.5%) of both Black and White respondents ranked this policing activity as important in some manner—that is— very important, important, important or somewhat important. Further, item 25, the respondents were evenly split on the importance or unimportance of this activity to policing. Almost 50 percent of White respondents and 55 percent of Black respondents chose one of the three important categories in response to this item. The same trend was observed for responses to item 24, as both Black and White respondents ranked the activity as important in some manner to the policing service function, 82.9 and 85.7 percent, respectively. The policing function due process protection is represented by the next thirteen statements, items 26 through 38. None of the thirteen items indicated any statistically significant differences between the groups across these items. Several differences in the distribution of responses were observed. For instance, both items 27, “arrest known offenders to gain information when there is little chance the arrest will be prosecuted” and item 29, “arrest known offenders to gain information when there is not enough evidence to convict” had the greatest percentage differences between the two groups. For example, item 27, only about 30 percent (30.5%) of Black respondents selected any one of the three important response categories, compared to 45 percent of White respondents. Interestingly, only 7.3 percent of Black respondents ranked this policing activity as “important,”

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90

Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

while 20 percent of White respondents selected that particular category. Black respondents were also more likely than White respondents to rate item 29 as unimportant in some form, 53 percent and 40 percent respectively. As highlighted by the table, almost 36 percent of White respondents ranked this policing activity as important in some form compared to only 25 percent of Black respondents. Further, almost a quarter of White respondents (24.5%) chose the response category “somewhat important” compared to only 13.6 percent of Black respondents. Items 26 and 36 highlighted some important differences between the two groups. For example, item 26 “stop and frisk individual if the officer believes he/she possess incriminating evidence (e.g. stolen goods)”, almost 63 percent of White respondents chose one of the three important response categories in response to this item compared to 51 percent of Black respondents. Black respondents were 10 percent more likely than White respondents to rank this activity as unimportant in some manner, 34 percent compared to 24 percent. The same trend is also evident when examining item 36, “frisk individuals if the officer suspects criminal activity”. White respondents were more likely to rate this policing activity as important in some form, 54.5 percent, compared to 43.9 percent of Black respondents. Interestingly, for items 32 and 34, both groups were equally as likely to rate these as important policing activities. The results indicated that about 90 percent of both Black and White respondents selected one of the three important categories—very important, important, important or somewhat important—in response to these items. Three of the nine items making up the level of force index exhibited statistically significant differences between

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The Relationship Between Race and Citizens

91

the two groups. Item 40, “be able to use force if a suspect resists arrest”, showed White respondents were 10 percent more likely than Black respondents to select one of the three important categories—very important, important, important or somewhat important—in response to this behavior, 87.2 percent compared to 76.8 percent. Most notably, 36.1 percent of White respondents compared to only 17.1 percent of Black respondents ranked this behavior as very important. Similarly, item 45, “tase (electric shock) a citizen if he/she resists being handcuff”, indicated statistically differences between the two groups, with only 45 percent of Black respondents ranking this item as important in some form compared to almost 67 percent of White respondents. Further, 36.3 percent of Black respondents ranked this item as unimportant, with only 20.8 percent of White respondents choosing any one of the three unimportant response categories. Item 46, “handcuff citizens while conducting an interrogation”, also indicated significant differences. White respondents were almost 20 percent more likely than Black respondents to choose one of the three important categories, 46.2 percent and 28.8 percent respectively. White respondents were also more likely to indicate that they thought this item was very important or important, 26 percent compared to only 7.5 percent of Black respondents. Although the other chi-square analyses indicated no statistically significant differences between Black and White respondents, several items displayed interesting percentage differences. For example, item 44, “use deadly force to stop a fleeing felon”, almost 51 percent of White respondents indicated that they viewed this police behavior as important in some form compared to 33 percent of Black respondents. Further, item 44, “be able to use physical

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92

Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

force with known offenders”, also exhibited some interesting differences, with 17.1 percent of Black respondents ranking it as very unimportant compared to only 8.2 percent of White respondents. Additionally, the respondents showed some differences with regard to their ranking of the three important response categories, with White respondents more than 10 percent more likely than Black respondents to select one of these categories, 47.7 and 36.6 percent respectively. Interestingly, 28.8 percent of Black respondents ranked item 47, “be able to use minimal or minor force (e.g. pushing/shoving) with suspects”, as very important compared to only 16.7 percent of White respondents choosing that response category. The following items, 48 to 58 make up the level of respect index, which is the final indicator of the dependent variable—police work. Several of the chi-square models exhibited statistically significant differences between the two groups. The chi-square results for item 48, “be empathetic during encounter with citizens”, indicated that White respondents were 10 percent more likely than Black respondents to select one of the three important response categories, 81.3 percent and 72 percent respectively. Item 51, “speak in a friendly tone”, also exhibited significant differences, with the results indicating that Black respondents were less likely than White respondents to view this police behavior as important. Specifically, 15 percent of Black respondents and 27.7 percent of White respondents indicated that this behavior was important. Further, 50 percent of Black respondents compared to 41.8 percent of White respondents reported that they viewed this police behavior as very important. Item 53, “avoid speaking in an emotional tone”, also was significant within the chi-square analyses. Sixty-two

The Relationship Between Race and Citizens

93

percent (62.6%) of Black respondents compared to 53.6 percent of White respondents indicated that they viewed this police behavior as important in some form. Finally, item 54, “avoid speaking in an angry tone during interaction with citizens”, results indicated a twenty percentage point difference between the two groups. Fifty-two percent (52.6%) of Black respondents compared to 32 percent of White respondents reported that they viewed this police behavior as very important. Examination of the remaining items suggested that the majority of the respondents’ views of the other police behavior and activities were relatively similar.

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Correlates of Preferences for Police Work The following item-by-item chi-square analysis highlighted that the sample expressed varied views with regard to some of the policing activities. Even so, citizens’ preferences for police work may be more or less favorable based on other variables discussed in Chapter 2. Although the above analysis seems to imply differences consistent with the research questions, the chi-square analysis of the aggregate responses with no controls serves only to give a general idea of the differences between the two groups in regard to the activities that make-up the various indicators of police work. This section seeks to specify the conditions under which preferences for police work may vary, and the test of the various hypotheses requires multiple regression analysis. Most of the following analyses were conducted through ordinary least squares (OLS). OLS is an appropriate technique for several reasons. First, as we have seen above, sufficient variation exists in the items that make up the indices used for the dependent variable to warrant OLS.

8. Control cruising in neighborhoods

7. Patrol neighborhoods

1. Meet with neighborhood watch groups 2. Assist in the removal of graffiti from public areas 3. Monitor loiterers, peddlers or solicitors 4. Assist in neighborhood trash clean ups 5. Maintain contact with people in the neighborhood 6. Strictly enforce quality of life violations, such as spitting or drinking in public

Variables

28 12 9 7 57 25 13 4

100 33 27 11

White Black White Black White Black White Black

White Black White Black

44.8 40.2 12.3 13.6

5.8 4.9

12.6 14.6 4.1 8.6 25.6 30.5

6.8 9.9

68 26 54 20

18 3

63 11 24 12 86 21

23 10

15 8

White Black

30.5 31.7 24.7 24.7

8.2 3.7

28.3 13.4 10.8 14.8 38.6 25.6

10.4 12.3

% 34.7 34.1

N 77 28

N 29 22

White Black

% 13.0 26.8

Important

Very Important

40 13 62 16

67 19

67 22 53 18 45 22

45 20

N 70 19

17.9 15.9 28.3 19.8

30.0 23.5

30.0 26.8 23.9 22.2 20.2 26.8

20.4 24.7

% 31.5 23.2

Somewhat Important

4 4 36 16

39 22

28 16 37 13 18 5

58 10

1.8 4.9 16.4 19.8

17.5 27.2

12.5 19.5 16.7 16.0 8.0 6.1

26.2 12.3

Neither Important or Unimportant N % 16 7.2 7 8.5

4 4 19 11

44 7

22 14 31 4 6 6

26 13

N 25 4

1.8 4.9 8.7 13.6

19.7 8.6

9.9 17.1 14.0 4.9 2.7 7.3

11.8 16.1

% 11.3 4.9

Somewhat Unimportant

Table 4.3 Overall Responses of Citizens’ Preferences for Police Work

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4 1 12 4

25 14

10 2 39 12 10 1

24 5

N 5 2

1.8 1.2 5.5 4.9

11.2 17.3

4.5 2.4 17.6 14.8 4.5 1.2

10.9 6.2

% 2.3 2.4

Unimportant

3 1 9 3

17 12

5 5 29 15 1 2

30.0 15

N 0 0

1.3 1.2 4.1 3.7

7.6 14.8

2.2 6.2 13.1 18.5 0.4 2.5

13.5 18.5

% 0 0

Very Unimportant

.643

.551

.023

.054

.178

.031

.137

P .053

9. Deal with public disturbances (e.g. loud music) 10. Stop and frisk any civilian who fits the description of a crime suspect 11. Cite drivers who have gone 10 miles over the speed limit 12. Perform regular sweeps of high crime areas 13. Use roadblocks for drunk driving 14. Use speed traps for speeders 15. Increase enforcement of laws 16. Enforce youth crime, such as underage drinking

Variables

7 4 108 32 46 25 8 8 32 11 43 22

White Black White Black White Black White Black White Black White Black

20.7 30.5 3.6 9.8 14.5 13.4 19.4 27.2

48.4 39.0

3.1 4.9

10.4 4.9

77 28 22 17 59 23 44 21

67 18

14 7

33 10

23 4

White Black

34.7 34.1 10.0 20.7 26.7 28.0 19.8 25.9

30.0 22.0

6.3 8.5

14.9 12.2

% 21.2 17.1

N 47 14

N 16 10

White Black

% 7.2 12.2

Important

Very Important

65 18 74 25 72 26 75 20

36 21

48 15

58 21

N 79 24

29.3 22.0 33.5 30.5 32.6 31.7 33.8 24.7

16.1 25.6

21.5 18.3

26.2 25.6

% 35.6 29.3

Somewhat Important

9 9 36 18 31 12 21 12

3 5

37 14

31 19

4.1 11.0 16.3 22.0 14.0 14.6 9.5 14.8

1.3 6.1

16.6 17.1

14.0 23.2

Neither Important or Unimportant N % 36 16.2 17 20.7

9 1 32 7 17 6 21 2

0 4

40 15

29 10

N 30 7

4.1 1.2 14.5 8.5 7.7 7.3 9.5 2.5

0.0 4.9

17.9 18.3

13.1 12.2

% 13.5 8.5

Somewhat Unimportant

12 1 27 3 7 3 6 3

5 1

38 14

22 7

N 8 5

5.4 1.2 12.2 3.7 3.2 3.7 2.7 3.7

2.2 1.2

17.0 17.1

10.0 8.5

% 3.6 6.1

Unimportant

Table 4.3 (Continued) Overall Responses of Citizens’ Preferences for Police Work

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4 0 22 3 3 1 12 1

4 1

39 13

25 11

N 6 5

1.8 0.0 10.0 3.7 1.4 1.2 5.4 1.2

1.8 1.2

17.5 15.9

11.3 13.4

% 2.7 6.1

Very Unimportant

.056

1.000

.002

.031

.001

.968

.447

P .265

30 16

10 1 24 7 57 25 63 22

White Black

White Black 22. Give citizens information White e.g. directions Black 23. Provide information on White crime prevention Black White 24. Assist stranded motorists Black

21. Search for lost animals

4.5 1.2 11.0 8.6 25.7 30.9 28.3 26.8

13.7 19.5

21.5 26.8 14.5 25.6

9 3 41 17 76 23 64 25

53 20

77 28 56 23

48 22 32 21

White Black White Black

4.1 3.7 18.7 21.0 34.2 28.4 28.7 30.5

24.2 24.4

34.5 34.1 25.3 28.0

% 26.9 20.7

N 60 17

% 17.0 23.2

N 38 19

White Black

17. Warn drivers who have gone 10 miles over the speed limit 18. Educate the public about police services 19. Assist in after-school youth programs by providing security 20. Assist residents by providing information for social service agencies or government agencies

Variables

Important

Very Important

45 6 72 23 59 22 64 21

63 19

60 16 73 21

N 74 31

20.3 7.3 32.9 28.4 26.6 27.2 28.7 25.6

28.8 23.2

26.9 19.5 33.0 25.6

% 33.2 37.8

Somewhat Important

51 22 42 21 21 7 20 10

45 20

23 8 34 13

23.0 26.8 19.2 25.9 9.5 8.6 9.0 12.2

20.5 24.4

10.3 9.8 15.4 15.9

Neither Important or Unimportant N % 21 9.4 8 9.8

29 16 15 2 4 3 5 1

9 3

6 5 16 1

N 9 1

13.1 19.5 6.8 2.5 1.8 3.7 2.2 1.2

4.1 3.7

2.7 6.1 7.2 1.2

% 4.0 1.2

Somewhat Unimportant

37 14 16 5 4 1 6 0

11 0

4 2 5 0

N 10 3

16.7 17.1 7.3 6.2 1.8 1.2 2.7 0.0

5.0 0.0

1.8 2.4 2.3 0.0

% 4.5 3.7

Unimportant

Table 4.3 (Continued) Overall Responses of Citizens’ Preferences for Police Work

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41 20 9 6 1 0 1 3

8 4

5 1 5 3

N 11 3

18.5 24.4 4.1 7.4 0.5 0.0 0.5 3.7

3.7 4.9

2.2 1.2 2.3 3.7

% 4.9 3.7

Very Unimportant

.225

.849

.434

.091

.341

.071

.616

P .643

25. Be responsible for funeral processions 26. Stop and frisk individual if the officer believes he/she possess incriminating evidence (e.g. stolen goods) 27. Arrest known offenders to gain information when there is little chance the arrest will be prosecuted 28. Threaten citizens with arrest to encourage them to provide information 29. Arrest known offenders to gain information when there is not enough evidence to convict 30. Withhold aid unless victims make a criminal complaint

Variables

4 4 7 5 5 2

White Black White Black White Black

2.3 2.5

3.2 6.2

1.8 4.9

5.9 4.9

10 4

18 4

10 4

44 6

13 4

White Black

4.5 4.9

8.2 4.9

4.5 4.9

19.8 7.3

% 12.6 12.2 21.3 12.2

N 28 10 47 10

N 22 14 21 11

White Black White Black

% 9.9 17.1 9.5 13.4

Important

Very Important

23 9

54 11

34 11

43 15

N 61 21 71 21

10.5 11.1

24.5 13.6

15.3 13.4

19.4 18.3

% 27.4 25.6 32.1 25.6

Somewhat Important

44 16

53 18

41 17

45 17

20.0 19.8

24.1 22.2

18.5 20.7

20.3 20.7

Neither Important or Unimportant N % 49 22.0 15 18.3 28 12.7 11 13.4

41 9

36 13

32 8

37 15

N 26 11 18 14

18.6 11.1

16.4 16.0

14.4 9.8

16.7 18.3

% 11.7 13.4 8.1 17.1

Somewhat Unimportant

36 19

23 16

39 7

21 11

N 21 5 20 10

16.4 23.5

10.5 19.8

17.6 8.5

9.5 13.4

% 9.4 6.1 9.0 12.2

Unimportant

Table 4.3 (Continued) Overall Responses of Citizens’ Preferences for Police Work

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61 22

29 14

61 31

19 14

N 16 6 16 4

27.7 27.2

13.2 17.3

27.5 37.8

8.6 17.1

% 7.2 7.3 7.2 4.9

Very Unimportant

.716

.116

.240

.094

.081

P .673

31. Lie to suspects to encourage them to confess 32. Inform arrested suspects of their right to counsel 33. Stop and question individuals standing on neighborhood street corners 34. Effectively warn suspects of their constitutional right to remain silent 35. Be able to interrogate an offender without his/her lawyer to gain information on crimes 36. Frisk individuals if the officer suspects criminal activity

Variables

18 7

20 8

White Black

White Black

9.1 9.9

8.1 8.5

53.2 61.7

32 7

17 7

53 10

118 50

White Black

14.5 8.5

7.7 8.5

23.9 12.3

% 5.4 4.9 23.0 16.0 8.1 11.1

N 12 4 51 13 18 9

N 9 3 121 51 8 5

White Black White Black White Black

% 4.0 3.7 54.5 63.0 3.6 6.2

Important

Very Important

68 21

22 7

33 13

N 24 10 30 9 57 15

30.9 25.6

10.0 8.5

14.9 16.0

% 10.8 12.3 13.5 11.1 25.8 18.5

Somewhat Important

38 17

36 14

7 3.2

17.3 20.7

16.3 17.1

3 3.7

Neither Important or Unimportant N % 32 14.3 12 14.8 8 3.6 6 7.4 51 23.1 22 27.2

28 8

32 7

4 1

N 30 9 6 0 26 10

12.7 9.9

14.5 8.5

1.8 1.2

% 13.5 11.1 2.7 0.0 11.8 12.3

Somewhat Unimportant

17 10

34 17

1 0

N 31 11 2 0 31 8

7.7 12.2

15.4 20.7

0.5 0.0

% 13.9 13.6 0.9 0.0 14.0 9.9

Unimportant

Table 4.3 (Continued) Overall Responses of Citizens’ Preferences for Police Work

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17 11

62 23

5 4

N 85 32 4 2 30 12

7.7 13.4

28.1 28.0

2.3 4.9

% 38.1 39.5 1.8 2.5 13.6 14.8

Very Unimportant

.367

.825

.431

.666

121

P 4.0

40. Be able to use force if a suspect resists arrest 41. Threaten suspects with force if the officer is provoked 42. Use pepper spray on a civilian if that civilian curses at the officer 43. Be able to use physical force with known offenders 44. Use deadly force to stop a fleeing felon

37. Use special methods (e.g. wire taps) to detect serious criminal acts 38. Not be allowed to use force to encourage citizens to confess to crimes 39. Arrest panhandlers

Variables

8 5 79 14 42 8 5 2 21 7 26 7

White Black White Black White Black White Black White Black White Black

9.5 8.5 11.8 8.9

2.3 2.4

3.6 6.2 36.1 17.1 19.1 9.9

29.4 30.5

27 4 34 6

5 3

24 5 66 22 53 17

44 14

65 25

White Black

12.3 4.9 15.4 7.6

2.3 3.7

10.9 6.2 30.1 26.8 24.1 20.7

19.9 17.1

% 25.5 15.9

N 56 13

N 47 17

White Black

% 21.4 20.7

Important

Very Important

57 19 52 13

14 4

46 20 46 27 50 24

29 10

N 46 23

25.9 23.2 23.5 16.5

6.4 4.9

20.9 24.7 21.0 32.9 22.7 29.3

13.1 12.2

% 20.9 28.0

Somewhat Important

45 16 29 8

29 9

76 25 14 12 24 13

29 12

20.5 19.5 13.1 9.9

13.2 11.3

34.5 30.9 6.4 14.6 10.9 15.9

13.1 14.6

Neither Important or Unimportant N % 39 17.7 12 14.6

28 11 21 10

41 4

24 8 4 5 22 5

17 7

N 16 7

12.7 13.4 9.5 12.7

18.6 4.9

10.9 9.9 1.8 6.1 10.0 6.1

7.7 8.5

% 7.3 8.5

Somewhat Unimportant

24 11 20 14

39 15

20 10 6 1 12 6

13 7

N 3 4

10.9 13.4 9.0 17.7

17.7 18.3

9.1 12.3 2.7 1.2 5.5 7.3

5.9 8.5

% 1.4 4.9

Unimportant

Table 4.3 (Continued) Overall Responses of Citizens’ Preferences for Police Work

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18 14 39 21

87 45

22 8 4 1 17 9

24 7

N 13 6

8.2 17.1 17.6 26.6

39.5 54.9

10.0 9.9 1.8 1.2 7.7 11.3

10.9 8.5

% 5.9 7.3

Very Unimportant

.071

.220

.069

.256

.003

.734

.964

P .276

45. Tase (electric shock) a citizen if he/she resists being handcuffed 46. Handcuff citizens while conducting an interrogation 47. Be able to use minimal or minor force (e.g. pushing/shoving) with suspects 48. Be empathetic during encounter with citizens 49. Introduce him/herself to a citizen in an encounter 50. Address citizens in a formal manner (e.g. use last name vs. first name—Ms. /Mr. etc…) 51. Speak in a friendly tone

Variables

66 20 79 32 72 35

92 40

White Black White Black White Black

White Black

41.8 50.0

30.0 24.4 35.7 40.5 32.6 43.8

7.2 2.5 16.7 28.8

61 12

59 14 67 17 56 17

41 4 44 14

16 2 37 23

White Black White Black

27.7 15.0

26.8 17.1 30.3 21.5 25.3 21.3

18.6 5.0 19.9 17.5

% 21.7 11.3

N 48 9

N 31 8

White Black

% 14.0 9.9

Important

Very Important

35 15

54 25 34 14 42 10

45 17 48 17

N 68 19

15.9 18.8

24.5 30.5 15.4 17.7 19.0 12.7

20.4 21.3 21.7 21.3

% 30.8 23.8

Somewhat Important

24 8

31 14 25 11 36 10

45 21 43 10

10.9 9.9

14.1 17.1 11.3 13.9 16.3 12.7

20.4 26.3 19.5 12.7

Neither Important or Unimportant N % 28 12.7 15 18.8

1 4

5 1 3 0 4 4

36 19 20 3

N 13 14

0.5 4.9

2.3 1.2 1.4 0.0 1.8 4.9

16.3 23.8 9.0 3.8

% 5.9 17.5

Somewhat Unimportant

4 0

2 2 7 2 5 1

20 7 14 6

N 19 8

1.8 0.0

0.9 2.4 3.2 2.5 2.3 1.2

9.0 8.9 6.3 7.5

% 8.6 9.9

Unimportant

Table 4.3 (Continued) Overall Responses of Citizens’ Preferences for Police Work

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3 1

3 6 6 3 6 3

18 10 15 7

N 14 7

1.4 1.2

1.4 7.3 2.7 3.8 2.7 3.8

8.1 12.7 6.8 8.9

% 6.3 8.9

Very Unimportant

.031

.301

.694

.049

.195

.038

P .013

52. Explain the process or what a citizen can expect regarding an incident 53. Avoid speaking in an unemotional tone 54. Avoid speaking in an angry tone during interaction with citizens 55. Allow citizen to explain reason for violation (traffic) 56. Avoid appearing disinterested in interaction with citizens 57. Be sympathetic to citizen’s excuses for violation (traffic) 58. Avoid raising his/her voice during interaction with citizens

Variables

81 29 75 30 45 11 64 35

White Black White Black White Black White Black

29.0 43.8

20.4 13.8

34.2 37.5

36.7 36.3

19.1 30.0 32.0 52.6

61 14

34 15

51 16

62 18

43 11 56 14

42 24 70 41

White Black White Black

27.6 17.5

15.4 18.8

23.3 20.0

28.1 22.5

19.5 13.8 25.6 17.9

% 29.4 28.8

N 65 23

N 106 36

White Black

% 48.0 45.0

Important

Very Important

48 13

52 23

44 13

47 18

33 15 40 9

N 36 13

21.7 16.3

23.5 28.8

20.1 16.3

21.3 22.5

15.0 18.8 18.3 11.3

% 16.3 16.3

Somewhat Important

27 11

54 18

33 12

21 9

67 19 30 10

12.2 13.8

24.4 22.5

15.1 15.0

9.5 11.3

30.5 23.8 13.7 12.7

Neither Important or Unimportant N % 10 4.5 4 4.9

10 5

20 9

4 3

3 2

10 8 9 2

N 1 2

4.5 6.3

9.0 11.3

1.8 3.8

1.4 2.5

4.5 9.9 4.1 2.5

% 0.5 2.5

Somewhat Unimportant

8 1

11 1

5 2

4 1

10 0 7 1

N 2 1

3.6 1.2

5.0 1.2

2.3 2.5

1.8 1.2

4.5 0.0 3.2 1.2

% 0.9 1.2

Unimportant

Table 4.3 (Continued) Overall Responses of Citizens’ Preferences for Police Work

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3 1

5 3

7 4

3 3

15 3 7 1

N 1 1

1.4 1.2

2.3 3.8

3.2 4.9

1.4 3.8

6.8 3.8 3.2 1.2

% 0.5 1.2

Very Unimportant

.188

.499

.883

.788

.074

.040

P .777

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102

Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

Second, OLS assumes a continuous dependent variable and these indices were created using factor analysis, which makes many of the same assumptions as multiple regression (Jaccard & Wan, 1996). Further, Likert scales are very commonly used with interval procedures, provided the scale item has at least 5 and preferably 7 categories, which these items do. In support of this argument, Davison & Sharma (1990) have shown that ordinal level data produce valid hypothesis tests in multiple regression analysis as long as the remaining assumptions of OLS are met. The discussion presented in Chapter 2 noted that several correlates of citizens’ attitudes could be expected to influence or be associated with citizens’ preferences regarding police work. The research questions posed in this study is whether Blacks and Whites have different preferences for police work—both functions and behavior—and how do these preferences differ. The determinants of public attitudes that have been identified in the attitudinal literature were used as control variables to test for differences across the indicators between the two racial groups. To explore racial differences for preferences, partial regression models were estimated to compare each income and contact variable effect independently on each of the dependent variable indices. The literature has highlighted the impact of income and contact influences as they relate to citizens’ attitude toward the police. It is possible that the independent variables could obscure each other’s effect in the “full” or comprehensive models. Consequently, to “factor out” that effect and get a clearer picture of the relationship between the variables, several restricted models were estimated to evaluate the effect of one set of

The Relationship Between Race and Citizens

103

independent variables. Additionally, comprehensive or “full” models were estimated, regressing each dependent index on all the independent variables; race, gender, neighborhood, socioeconomic status (income & work status) and contact with the police. Since the sample is of college respondents, the financial aid, and residence variables were also included as controls in the comprehensive models. Partial Models Several partial models were estimated for each of the indicators using respondents’ characteristics, the neighborhood variable and all the contact variables. The various partial models “factored out” certain variables to see the varying effect across different variation across all the models.

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Service The results of regressing the service index measure on demographic characteristics, and contact variables are reported in Table 4.4. To explore the separate effects of certain independent variables on the dependent variable, certain variables were “factored out”, thus six models are presented in Table 4.4. Although the coding of the variables is likely to be clear, one variable may require explanation beyond what was provided in Chapter 3. There are three contact influence variables—police initiated (police stopping citizens), citizen initiated (citizens asking police for help), and neutral (being a passenger in a vehicle). Respondents perception of their interaction with the police was coded as “1” positive (thought they were treated well) and “0” negative (thought they were not

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104

Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

treated well), with negative perception as the reference category. As was mentioned in Chapter 3, the analysis included only respondents who had had some contact with the police. Models 1, 2 and 3 included household income and each of the contact variables, while Models 4, 5 and 6 included personal income. As shown in the table respondents’ race was statistically significant in both Models 1 and 2. The regression analyses indicated that Black respondents were less likely to have a preference for this police function. This was consistent with models that included both the citizen initiated and neutral contact variables, but was not for the police initiated contact model (Model 3). In Model 1, household income was the only other variable that was significantly related to the service index. The results indicated a negative relationship, that is, households making less than $60,000 were less likely to have a preference for this police function. Model 1 explained about 8 percent of the variation in the service index, and the overall model was statistically significant. In Model 2 race and gender were the only two significant predictors. Again, race exhibited a negative relationship with the service function and males were also less likely to have a preference for this police function. The model was significant explaining about 8 percent of the variation in the service index. Again in Model 3, female respondents were significantly more likely to have a preference for the service function than male respondents. Again, household income had a negative significant relationship with the service function. There were no other significant predictors in the model. Models 4, 5 & 6 include personal income (factoring out household income in the analysis), demographic and all the

Model 1

B Std.Error Demographic Race -3.291* 1.489 (1=Black) Sex (1=Male) 1.884 1.324 Socio-economic Status Household -3.363* 1.482 Income Personal Income Work Status 0.509 1.392 Neighborhood Urban -0.628 1.318 Contact Citizen 1.105 0.794 Initiated Neutral Police Initiated R² .099 Overall Sig. .050 Model N 270

Independent Variables

1.169 1.329 1.329 1.219 -

-3.188* -2.015 -0.627 4.327 0.659 -

1.381

-2.824*

-1.008 .080 .050 271

Std.Error

B

Model 2

-0.621 .040 .226 266

-

-0.231

-5.893

-

-2.172*

-2.262*

-1.207

B

1.388

-

1.061

1.128

-

1.136

1.049

1.212

Std.Error

Model 3

.100 .077 270

1.515*

-0.202

0.892

-1.375

-

1.451

-1.644

B

-

0.739

1.226

1.325

1.289

-

1.229

1.383

Std.Error

Model 4

-1.116 .110 .063 271

-

0.736

-0.657

-1.419

-

-2.569*

-1.301

B

5.453 -

-

1.139

1.200

1.160

-

1.125

1.276

Std.Error

Model 5

Table 4.4 Service Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables

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-1.050 .026 .439 266

-

0.266

-0.283

1.219

-

-2.057*

0.223

B

1.353

-

1.001

1.066

1.363

-

1.001

1.137

Std.Error

Model 6

106

Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

contact variables. As indicated by the table, race was not significantly related to the service index in these partial models. Across these models two variables, gender (Model 5 & 6) and citizen initiated contact (Model 4) produced significant relationships in the analyses. Males were less likely to have a preference for this police function. As indicated by the results in Model 4, respondents who asked for help from the police and perceived that they were treated well were more likely to have a preference for the service function. Notably, the citizen initiated contact variable, was the only contact variable that exhibited significance with the service index across all six models.

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Law Enforcement Table 4.5 reports the variations in citizens’ preferences for the law enforcement function. Models 1, 2, and 3 report the results of regressing the law enforcement index on the various demographic and contact variables. The analysis “factored out” the effects of personal income and ran statistical test to compare each contact variable effects on the law enforcement index. Notably, race was not significantly related to the law enforcement index in any of the three models that included the household income variable. Within the model, citizen initiated police contact was the only significant predictor. The overall model was statistically significant, explaining about 9 percent of the variation in the law enforcement index. The same general pattern persisted in Model 2. Again, neutral police contact was the only predictor that was significantly related to the law enforcement index, exhibiting a negative relationship. Specifically, respondents who were treated well by an officer while a passenger in a

The Relationship Between Race and Citizens

107

vehicle, were less likely to have a preference for this particular police function. Within Models 1, 2, and 3, the results indicated that the contact variables were the most influential within the models, with most of the independent variables exhibiting insignificant relationship. Models 4, 5 & 6 report the results with the personal income variable included in the model. Again, race was not significant in any of the models. Across all the models, only two variables were statistically significant. As shown in Model 5, the personal income and neutral police contact predictors were significantly related to the law enforcement index. Respondents making less than $20,000 were significantly more likely to have a preference for the police law enforcement function. Further, respondents who were stopped by the police while a passenger in a vehicle and who thought they were treated well by the police while being a passenger, were more likely to have a preference for this police function. This is an interesting directional change from what was observed in Model 2. Overall, Model 5 was the only model that exhibited overall significance, explaining 9 percent of the variation in the law enforcement index.

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Order Maintenance Table 4.6 reports the results for the order maintenance index. Most significant was the fact that race was insignificant across all six models. The findings in Model 1 revealed household income as the only significant predictor. The same general pattern is evident in both Models 2 and 3, as most of the predictors were insignificant, with one exception. In Model 2, the neutral police contact variable exhibited a negative statistically significant relationship with the order maintenance function.

Demographic Race Sex Socioeconomic Status Household Income Personal Income Work Status Neighborhood Urban Contact Citizen Initiated Neutral Police Initiated R² Overall Sig. Model N

Independent Variables

1.820 1.714 1.634 0.991 -

-3.014 1.814 -0.157 1.811* .094 .050 270

1.845 1.630

Std.Error

-1.298 0.360

B

Model 1

0.894

-

1.656

1.690

-

1.789

1.879 1.591

Std.Error

.078 .071 271

-2.892*

-

-1.879

0.888

-

-2.262

-.433 1.057

B

Model 2

0.556 .022 .624 266

-

-1.375

1.849

-

-2.423

1.472 0.763

B

1.955

-

1.484

1.567

-

1.587

1.702 1.477

Std.Error

Model 3

.031 .684 270

3.346

0.458

-.0323

1.149

-

-.746 0.267

B

-

3.050

1.570

1.674

1.649

-

1.761 1.565

Std.Error

Model 4

2.809* .090 .018 271

-

-0.734

-1.534

2.662*

-

0.230 1.196

B

0.801 -

-

1.451

1.513

1.473

-

1.627 1.425

Std.Error

B

-

1.338

1.418

1.818

-

1.520 1.341

Std.Error

Model 6

-1.077 1.821 .015 .762 266

-

0.120

-0.233

3.041

-

0.842 0.507

Model 5

Table 4.5 Law Enforcement Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables

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B Demographic Race -0.304 Sex -0.280 Socio-economic Status Household 1.430* Income Personal Income Work Status -0.807 Neighborhood Urban -0.204 Contact Citizen 0.188 Initiated Neutral Police Initiated R² Overall Sig. Model N

Independent Variables

-0.503 -0.141 -

0.704 0.691 0.404

.049 .448 270

0.653

0.708

-

0.646

0.638

-

0.654

0.696 0.595

Std.Error

Model 2

-.648* 0.340 .045 .370 271

-0.663 -0.474

0.743 0.665

-

B

Std.Error

Model 1

-0.729 .017 .749 266

-

-0.136

-0.258

-

0.524

-0.172 -0.496

B

0.716

-

0.561

0.580

-

0.566

0.615 0.542

Std.Error

Model 3

.014 .948 270

-0.545

-0.683

-0.331

-0.134

-

-0.287 2.182

B

-

1.244

0.633

0.678

0.666

-

0.715 0.632

Std.Error

Model 4

-.667* .038 .414 271

-

-0.243

-0.473

3.058

-

-0.664 -0.328

B

0.321 -

-

0.572

0.597

0.583

-

0.644 0.564

Std.Error

B

-

0.512

0.551

0.537

-

0.585 0.523

Std.Error

Model 6

-0.948 0.697 .012 .822 266

-

-5.808

-0.197

2.326

-

-6.511 -0.435

Model 5

Table 4.6 Order Maintenance Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables

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110

Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

Models 4, 5 and 6 reveal the results with personal income included in the models. Model 5 was the only model that produced significant predictors. Again, similar to Model 3, neutral police contact, exhibited a negative significant relationship with the order maintenance index. Respondents who were stopped by the police while a passenger and perceived they were treated well, were significantly less likely to have a preference for this function. These models were weak, explaining about one percent of the variation in the order maintenance index with the exception of Model 5, which explained about 4 percent of the variation in the index.

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Due Process Protection Table 4.7 reports the results of regressions of the due process protection index on the various demographic and contact variables. Again, Models 1, 2, and 3 report the results of examining household income separately, along with each contact variable. The results indicated that several predictors were significantly related to the due process protection index. For all three models, race was significantly related to the dependent variable, with Black respondents more likely to have a preference for the due process protection police function than Whites. The citizen initiated contact was significantly related to this police function. The work status predictor was also significant. Those respondents who were employed, were significantly more likely to have a preference for this police function. In Model 1, the independent variables were able to explain 14 percent of the variation in the due process protection index, and the overall model was significant. Model 2 exhibited similar results as Model 1. Notably, race influenced respondents’ preference for this function.

B Demographic Race 4.102* Sex -2.745 Socio-economic Status Household 1.145 Income Personal Income Work Status 6.302* Neighborhood Urban 0.116 Contact Citizen 3.281* Initiated Neutral Police Initiated R² Overall Sig. Model N

Independent Variables

4.394* 1.129 -

2.022 1.954 1.197

.142 .006 270

-0.326

2.153

-

1.808

1.776

-

1.825

1.966 1.776

Std.Error

Model 2

-2.809* 0.953 .141 .001 271

4.286* -1.367

2.227 1.942

-

B

Std.Error

Model 1

-1.675 .083 .009 266

-

0.785

4.851*

-

-0.983

4.336* -2.029

B

1.992

-

1.542

1.618

-

1.626

1.774 1.520

Std.Error

Model 3

.101 .030 270

-2.294*

0.711

4.631*

3.375

-

2.325 -1.941

B

1.127

1.876

1.939

2.459

-

2.117 1.847

Std.Error

Model 4

-2.630* .115 .003 271

-

2.286

3.485*

2.790

-

2.366 -1.252

B

0.928 -

-

1.669

1.700

2.244

-

1.882 1.605

Std.Error

B

-

1.464

1.536

1.985

-

1.667 1.457

Std.Error

Model 6

-1.393 1.953 .063 .028 266

-

1.862

3.629*

2.798

-

2.555 -1.639

Model 5

Table 4.7 Due Process Protection Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables

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112

Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

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Black respondents exhibited a significant positive relationship with this police function. Again, respondents who were employed, were significantly more likely to have a preference for this police function. Additionally, neutral police contact was again significant, and negatively related to the due process protection index. The model is statistically significant with the predictor variables explaining 14 percent of the variation in the due process protection index. Two predictor variables were significant in Model 3. Notably, race was shown as a positive significant predictor of citizens’ preference for this police function. Again, individual’s work status has a significant positive relationship relationship with the due process protection function. The overall model was statistically significant, explaining 8 percent of the variation in the due process protection index.Interestingly, Models 4, 5 and 6 which examined the independent effects of personal income, revealed some different results. Most notable, was the fact that race was not significant in any of these models. Within Models 4 and 5, both the citizen initiated contact and neutral police contact predictors were significant, exhibiting a negative relationship with this police function. Citizens’ work status was also significant across all three models, exhibiting a positive relationship with the due process protection index. Overall, all the models were significant with the predictors explaining 10, 11 and 6 percent in the due process index respectively. Level of Force As shown in Table 4.8, race was significantly related to the level of force index in all the household and personal income models. Specifically, the results indicated that

The Relationship Between Race and Citizens

113

Black respondents were less likely to express preference for the police to use force. Other findings indicated that sex was significant in two models (1 and 3). Male respondents were less likely to have a preference for this police behavior, than were female respondents. Further, work status was also significantly related to the level of force index in several models, with individuals who were employed being more likely to express a preference for police use of force compared to individuals who were students and not employed (Models 1, 3 and 4). Again, several contact variables exhibited significant relationship with the level of force index. All the contact variables exhibited negative significant relationship with the dependent variable (Models 1, 2, 4 & 5). Interestingly, the neighborhood variable was also significantly related to the level of force index, with individuals residing in urban neighborhoods more likely to have a preference for this police behavior. The overall models were all significant, explaining 8 or more percent of the variation in the level of force index, with Model 4 explaining almost 14 percent.

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Level of Respect The result of the final dependent variable index, level of respect, is displayed in Table 4.9. Models 1, 2 and 3 show the results with household income as the only included income variable in the model, along with each contact variable. As highlighted in Model 1, only citizen initiated contact was significant. Individuals who asked the police for help with a problem other than something involving a crime and perceived the encounter was positive were more likely to have a preference for this particular police behavior. Model 2 exhibited similar results with only the neutral contact predictor being significantly (negative)

2.180 2.134 -

1.336 1.282 1.000

-

1.442

1.477

-

1.558

-1.890* 0.784 .129 .002 271

-

-

.133 .007 270

-1.086

1.637 1.377

Std.Error

Model 2

-3.524* -1.284

B

1.376

1.471 1.257

Std.Error

Model 1

B Demographic Race -3.581* Sex -2.314* Socio-economic Status Household -1.103 Income Personal Income Work Status 2.460* Neighborhood Urban 1.680 Contact Citizen -2.617* Initiated Neutral Police Initiated R² Overall Sig. Model N

Independent Variables

0.279 .084 .007 266

-

1.599

2.408*

-

-1.194

-3.571* -2.360*

B

1.703

-

1.284

1.361

-

1.366

1.476 1.266

Std.Error

Model 3

.139 .002 270

-2.430*

1.915

3.306*

2.800

-

-3.187* -2.206

B

-

0.916

1.491

1.577

1.935

-

1.699 1.474

Std.Error

Model 4

-1.485* .105 .005 271

-

2.398*

1.712

1.737

-

-3.399* 0.914

B

0.744 -

-

1.338

1.381

1.759

-

1.499 1.285

Std.Error

-

-3.416* -1.712

B

-

1.197

1.270

1.587

-

1.363 1.190

Std.Error

Model 6

0.439 1.630 .078 .005 266

-

1.845

1.873

2.268

Model 5

Table 4.8 Levels of Force Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables

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.074 .169 270

-1.415* .066 .133 271

-0.891

1.783

-

-0.348

1.867

-

-

-

0.824 -

-

1.521

1.551

-

1.631

1.748 1.452

Std.Error

Model 2

3.846

-0.284

-1.196 1.790

B

1.974

2.039 1.774

Std.Error

Model 1

B Demographic Race -0.946 Sex 1.629 Socio-economic Status Household -2.590 Income Personal Income Work Status 0.688 Neighborhood Urban -2.848 Contact Citizen 7.882* Initiated Neutral Police Initiated R² Overall Sig. Model N

Independent Variables

-0.673 .021 .650 266

-

-1.819

-0.234

-

-0.569

-1.710 1.136

B

1.824

-

1.384

1.458

-

1.461

1.592 1.365

Std.Error

Model 3

.075 .111 270

8.089*

-2.475

0.913

1.536

-

0.756 1.087

B

-

3.356

1.666

1.742

2.194

-

1.903 1.641

Std.Error

Model 4

-1.688* .053 .195 271

-

-0.637

-0.972

1.660

-

0.674 0.892

B

0.833 -

-

1.508

1.544

2.002

-

1.709 1.443

Std.Error

-

0.241 0.515

B

Model 6

1.844

-

1.369

1.444

1.839

-

1.569 1.360

Std.Error

-1.382 .013 .826 266

-

-1.225

-0.257

2.391

Model 5

Table 4.9 Levels of Respect Index Regressed on Respondents’ Demographic & Contact Variables

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116

Citizens’ Preferences about Police Work

related to the respect index. None of the three models were statistically significant. The results of regressing the level of respect index on the demographic and contact variables, with personal income as the included income variable, are displayed in Models 4, 5 and 6. The results were similar to those produced in Models 1, 2, &3, with only the citizen initiated contact and neutral contact predictors being significantly related to the level of respect index. Overall, none of the models were statistically significant Comprehensive Models A grand model, which included all of the variables— respondents’ demographic characteristics, the neighborhood variable and all the contact variables—was estimated for each of the indicators. Tables 4.10 and 4.11 report the results for the six indicators.

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Service Notably, for the service index, the results were relatively similar to those that were produced by the separate models. Most notably, race maintained its significance in the comprehensive model. Race exhibited a significant negative relationship with the service index, and this was consistent with what was consistant with what was observed in the partial estimates. This finding is inconsistent with hypothesis 1. Household income did not exhibit a significant relationship with the service index in this comprehensive model. Opposite to what was observed in the partial models, in which household income influenced citizens’ preference for this function. Specifically, household income

The Relationship Between Race and Citizens’

117

exhibited a significant negative relationship with the service index in both Models 1 and 3. A few more exceptions must be noted. Specifically, when all the variables were include in the model, gender retained its significance but with a directional change. Gender exhibited a negative significant relationship with the service index—this is opposite to what was observed in the partial models (Models 2, 3, 5 & 6). While two models were significant in the partial regression analyses, this comprehensive model was not.

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Law Enforcement This model revealed several important findings. Most importantly, race was not significantly related to the law enforcement index. This is inconsistent with hypothesis 2, as the expectation was there would be a race effect. Within this comprehensive model, three variables were significantly related to the law enforcement index. Household and personal income exhibited statistically significant relationship with the index. Specifically, individuals living in household making less than $60,000 were less likely to have a preference for the law enforcement function. On the other hand, consistent with what was observed in the partial models, individuals with personal income of less than $20,000 were more likely to have a preference for this policing function. The result with regard to personal income is consistent with the results exhibited in the partial model, as the models examining the impact of personal income, exhibited significance in Model 5. The third variable that exhibited a significant relationship with this police function in the comprehensive model was the neutral contact predictor. As was the case in the partial regression estimates, respondents who said they

Significance Notes:*p