Chu Hsi's Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century Chinese Manual for the Performance of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals, and Ancestral Rites [Course Book ed.] 9781400861958

Table of contents :
CONTENTS
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE
ABBREVIATIONS
INTRODUCTION
PREFACE
CHAPTER ONE: General Principles of Ritual
CHAPTER TWO: The Capping Ceremony
CHAPTER THREE: Weddings
CHAPTER FOUR: Funerals
CHAPTER FIVE: Sacrificial Rites
APPENDIX A: Editions of Chu Hsi’s
APPENDIX B: Chinese Text of Chu Hsi’s
GLOSSARY
SOURCES CITED
INDEX

Citation preview

CHU H S I ' S FAMILY

RITUALS

PRINCETON

LIBRARY

OF A S I A N

TRANSLATIONS

CHU HSFS FAMILY RITUALS A Twelfth-Century Chinese Manual for the Performance ofCappings, Weddings, Funerals, and Ancestral Rites

TRANSLATED, WITH ANNOTATION AND INTRODUCTION, BY

Patricia Buckley Ebrey

* PRINCETON

UNIVERSITY

PRINCETON,

NEW

PRESS

JERSEY

Copyright © 1991 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Oxford All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Chu, Hsi, 1130-1200. [Chia Ii. English] Chu Hsi's family rituals : a twelfth-century Chinese manual for the performance of cappings, weddings, funerals, and ancestral rites / translated, with annotation and introduction by Patricia Buckley Ebrey. p. cm.—(Princeton library of Asian translations) Includes original Chinese text. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-691-03149-5 1. Rites and ceremonies—China. 2. Manners and customs—China. 3. China—Social life and customs—960-1644. I. Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, 1947- . II. Chu, Hsi, 1130-1200. Chia Ii. English. III. Title. IV. Title: Family rituals. V. Series. GN635.C5C4813 1991 392'.0951—dc20 90-44943 The preparation of this volume was made possible by a grant from the Translation Program of the National Endowment for the Humanities, an independent federal agency. This book has been composed in Linotron Times Roman Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey 2 4 6 8

10

9 7 5 3 1

CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

vn

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

ix

ABBREVIATIONS

xi

xiii

INTRODUCTION PREFACE

3

CHAPTER O N E :

General Principles of Ritual

5

CHAPTER TWO: The Capping Ceremony

35

CHAPTER T H R E E : Weddings

48

CHAPTER FOUR: Funerals

65

CHAPTER FIVE:

Sacrificial Rites

153

APPENDIX

A: Editions of Chu Hsi's Family Rituals

179

APPENDIX

B: Chinese Text of Chu Hsi's Family Rituals

183

GLOSSARY

213

SOURCES C I T E D

221

INDEX

229

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Two Views of an Offering Hall

7

2. Layout of the Offering Hall for Visits

13

3. Men in Official Robes with Plaques and Scarf-caps

16

4. Scholar's Robe, Official Robe, and Woman's Jacket

18

5. Long Garment, Large Belt, Black Shoes, and Head-Wrap

22

6. Layout for the Capping Ceremony

41

7. Layout for Dressing the Body and the Soul Seat

75

8. Men in Untrimmed Sackcloth and Even Sackcloth Mourning Garments

87

9. Mourning Grades for Agnatic Kinsmen

90

10. Mourning for Relatives through Mother, Sister, Father's Sister, Wife, or Husband

93

11. Catafalque and Coffin Cover

III

12. Funeral Procession: Demon-Quellers, Incense Table, Grave Goods, Inscribed Banner, and Food Table

118

13. Funeral Procession: Soul Carriage, Shades, Streamers, and Coffin

119

14. Layout of Burial Ceremonies

120

15. Layout for the Sacrifice of Repose

127

16. Placement of Food Offerings Before Each Ancestor's and Ancestress's Seat at the Seasonal Sacrifice

161

vii

TRANSLATOR'S

PREFACE

IN imperial China four rites performed at home were classed as family rituals. Three were rites of passage of the sort common in many societies: initiations, weddings, and funerals. The fourth was service to ancestral spirits. Taken together, these rites constituted the cult of the ancestors, or perhaps the cult of the family. In these rituals the family in the person of its ritual head mediated the relations between the living and the dead. Just as the emperor mediated between his subjects and heaven and earth, and officials mediated between the local population and its local gods and nature spirits, so the ritual head of a family mediated between the family's members and their ancestors. Ancestors were, in a sense, created through family rites. Ancestors in turn validated the patterns of authority in the family. Participants in Chinese family rituals would come to take moral values such as filial piety and wifely submission as part of the cosmic order linking the living and the dead. In China, family rituals were considered Confucian rituals, and the authoritative sources for how they should be done were above all the Confucian ritual classics. From the thirteenth century on, however, people were more likely to turn to the more accessible liturgy compiled by Chu Hsi (1130-1200), the text translated here. The first chapter of this manual concerns setting up an ancestral altar, the more routine ways to serve the ancestors there, and other general points in family etiquette. The second chapter, the briefest, describes how to perform the ancient initiation ceremonies, capping for young men and pinning for young women. The third chapter describes wedding procedures from the time the family seniors decide a child is old enough to be betrothed, through engagement, exchange of gifts, the wedding day, and visits to the bride's natal family a few days after the wedding. The fourth and longest chapter—taking up almost half the book—concerns death rituals: mourning procedures, preparation of the body for burial, preparation of the grave and grave goods, and the funerary sacrifices through which the dead person is transformed into an ancestor. The fifth chapter gives the steps for several different types of ancestral rites, including both domestic rites and rites at graves. In compiling the Family Rituals, Chu Hsi drew on Confucian ritual scholarship going back to the classics but also incorporated many modifications and adjustments. His goal was to encourage performance of more authentically Confucian forms of the rituals and thus combat the popularity of customs he considered vulgar or superstitious. In preparing this translation of Chu Hsi's Family Rituals, I have incurred many debts. A translation grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities allowed me to devote 1986 to this project. A grant from the Committee IX

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

on Scholarly Exchange with the People's Republic of China for the summer of 1988 made it possible for me to examine more than a dozen revised versions of this text found only in China. Libraries in Japan, Taiwan, and the United States were generous in letting me see and often copy rare editions of these books. The library of the National Palace Museum in Taiwan provided the copy of the earliest surviving edition of the Family Rituals, which has been reproduced as Appendix B of this book. Chiu-yueh Lai assisted me in compiling the bibliography and comparing versions of the text. Professor Frederic Mote suggested including the Chinese text with the translation and prodded me into basing the translation on the earliest edition of the text. Professor Wing-tsit Chan performed the especially valuable service of checking the translation against the Chinese original. To all of these institutions and individuals I am grateful.

ABBREVIATIONS

ARCLIC CHWLHI CL CLCS CLHT CLIC

The anonymous revised CLIC, reprinted in 1770 Cheng-ho wu-li hsin-i Chu Tzu chia-li Chia-li chi-shuo Chia-li hui-t'ung Chia-li i-chieh (Ch'iu

Chun's) CTC CTCS CYTFSL ECC HLTC

Chang Tsai chi Chu Tzu ch'eng-shu Ch'ing-yiian t'iao-fa shihlei Erh Ch'eng chi Hsing-li ta-ch'uan, 1415 ed.

HLTCEV ICC KYL MLL SHT SKCS SLI SMSSI SS TCMHL TSCC THYIP WC YL

Hsing-li ta-ch'uan, expanded version 1-chien chih Ta-T'ang K'ai-yiian Ii Meng-liang Iu Sung hsing-t'ung Ssu-k'u ch'iian-shu Ssu-li i Ssu-ma-shih shu-i Sung shih Tung-ching meng-hua Iu Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng Ta-hsiieh yen-i pu Chu Wen-kung wen-chi Chu Tzu yu-lei

Citations of the classics generally give first an indication of the chapter or section, numbered in the Analects and Mencius but romanized in the other classics. After this is given a page reference to the Shih-san ching chu-shu edition. When available, translations are also cited. This citation, however, is for reference only; the translations given in this book are my own and sometimes differ in significant ways from the cited translations. For full bibliographic information, see Sources Cited.

INTRODUCTION

T H E Family Rituals, compiled by the great Neo-Confucian philosopher Chu Hsi (1130-1200), is a manual for the private performance of the standard Chinese family rituals: initiations, weddings, funerals, and sacrifices to ancestral spirits. It was among the best-known books of late imperial China. In the 1720s the French missionary Jean-Francois Foucquet (1665-1741) reported that the book was second in popularity only to the Analects, and that copies of it could be found in almost every home in China.1 In the 1880s Charles de Harlez said the Family Rituals was one of the best known of Chu Hsi's works and a great favorite of the Chinese literati.2 JJ.M. de Groot, a Dutch scholar who made a close study of religious life around Amoy in the late nineteenth century, referred to the Family Rituals as the ' 'chief vademecum of the people for their domestic rites and ceremonies."3 Chinese scholars also often used hyperbolic language, stating either that "everyone" or "all scholars" used the Family Rituals. Hsu San-li (1625-1691), for instance, said that Confucians living in rural areas all used the old text of the Family Rituals rather than the recently issued Ch'ing dynasty regulations.4 Indeed, its influence was not limited to China. "As Chu Hsi's learning spread to Vietnam, Korea, and Japan, Chu Hsi's Family Rituals came to be honored not only in China, but in all of these countries."5 As a book, Chu Hsi's Family Rituals went through many transformations. Almost from the time it first appeared, those scholars who saw in it a guide for their own self-cultivation thought that it needed to be supplemented. They wrote commentaries that explained the origins of ritual practices and the reasons for Chu Hsi's modifications of them. By contrast, those who saw in the Family Rituals a convenient manual for encouraging proper rituals among the less educated instead produced simplified and abbreviated versions that they believed better served Chu Hsi's true intentions. By the sixteenth century there were undoubtedly many more copies of revised versions of the book in circulation than of Chu Hsi's original text. From the sixteenth century on, the Chu Hsi's Family Rituals was a controversial book. Some scholars thought Chu Hsi had not gone far enough in making adjustments to the realities of their times. Others criticized him as too 1

Witek, Controversial Ideas in China and Europe, pp. 285-86 n.90. De Harlez, Kia-li, pp. 1, 7. These remarks were made in the introduction to his translation of an unidentified abbreviated version of the Family Rituals into French. 3 de Groot, The Religious System of China, 3:832. 4 Huang-ch'ao ching-shih wen-pien 62:16b. 5 Saeki, So no shinbunka, p. 377. On its influence in Japan and Korea, see Makino, Kinsei Chugoku sozoku kenkyU, pp. 28-39. 2

xiii

INTRODUCTION

original: He had been too free in departing from the classics to adjust to the practices of his day. Some of those who took a literal approach to using the book, undoubtedly always a small minority, found the mourning austerities beyond their endurance. In the eighteenth century, a great admirer of Chu Hsi's philosophy, Wang Mao-hung (1668-1741), finding the Family Rituals unsuited to kinship organization as he knew it, decided the book could not be by a person as intelligent as Chu Hsi. Wang wrote a highly polemical attack on the authenticity of the Family Rituals, opening with the declaration, "The Family Rituals is not Master Chu's book." 6 His conclusion had considerable influence in academic circles for the next two centuries, but it does not seem to have dampened the general enthusiasm for the text as a guide to practice. Even if his charges were true, which they were not, they would not diminish the historical significance of the Family Rituals in shaping ritual behavior.7 The Family Rituals deserves careful reading above all because of the importance of the rituals described in it. These rituals expressed and reproduced the key principles underlying the family system: the relationships between ancestors and descendants, men and women, parents and children, and families linked through marriage. As in most other societies, certain key transitions in people's lives required ritual elaboration, especially marriage and death. In addition, the links of the living and the dead needed to be renewed on a fixed schedule through offerings and sacrifices to ancestors. Chu Hsi's Family Rituals is admittedly not a perfect source for these rituals; it is a liturgical text, specifying the steps to be followed in the rites, not an ethnographic description of how anyone actually performed them. Nevertheless, much can be inferred from its contents, not only about the rules that came to be accepted as orthodox, but also about the ways these rules most widely diverged from contemporary customs at various social levels. The continuing encounter and mutual modification of ideas of classical origin and customs strongly rooted in social life can be seen in the history of the Family Rituals, both in the specific steps prescribed in it and in the way they were adapted or altered by later authors. The history of Chu Hsi's Family Rituals thus provides a lens through which to view the interaction of ideas, rituals, power, and social life in Chinese history. In a companion volume, Confucianism and Family Rituals in Imperial China: A Social History of Writing about Rites, I trace the history of the Family Rituals to bring out these interactions. The following brief discussion of the historical context in which the Family Rituals was written, used, and revised is based on that book, which may be consulted for fuller documentation. 6

Ssu-k'u ch'iian-shu tsung-mu 22:180. For refutations of his charges, see Ch'ien, Chu Tzu hsin hsiieh-an, 4:165-73, Ueyama, "Shushi no 'Karei' to 'Girei kyoden tsukai,' " and Ch'en Lai, "Chu Tzu 'Chia-li' chenwei k'ao-i." 7

xiv

INTRODUCTION

Social and Intellectual Background Any reader of Chu Hsi's Family Rituals will quickly recognize that it is a militantly Confucian book, designed to promote the practice of rituals modeled on revered Confucian sources and to combat the practice of Buddhist rites or other rites that could not be reinterpreted as Confucian. Its author, Chu Hsi, was committed to working for the strengthening of Confucian values and practices.8 Chu Hsi was an immensely learned man, fully conversant in the classics, histories, earlier ritual texts, and the writings of his predecessors in the Neo-Confucian movement in the Northern Sung (960-1126). In writing his Family Rituals, he drew particularly on two of these predecessors, Ch'eng I (1033-1107) and Ssu-ma Kuang (1019-1086). Kao Ming has recently stated that "the most important achievement of Chu Hsi's study of propriety [i.e., Ii, or ritual] lies in his association and synthesis of, on the one hand, principles with rufes, and on the other, theories with practice."9 By this he meant, I think, that Chu Hsi combined Ch'eng I's concern with the meaning of rites with Ssu-ma Kuang's respect for the established liturgies, while going further than either in his efforts to deal with the problem of how to get people to perform the rites. The mutual dependence of the living and the dead, of ancestors and their descendants, had been a central feature of Chinese culture from ancient times. Rituals that brought the living into communication with their ancestors conveyed understandings of social and cosmic realms and made these ideas compelling. Confucianism as a school of thought exalted the value of ritual and ritualized behavior in general. Confucius once identified his highest moral value of humanity (jeri) with overcoming oneself and returning to ritual.10 By the late Chou period (1032-256 B.C.), the Confucian tradition had come to be identified with punctilious performance of rites, especially funerals and ancestral rites. Early theorizing on the meaning of ritual by the Confucian thinker Hsun Tzu (ca. 310-ca. 220 B.C.) stressed how ritual served to express social differentiation. Variations by rank and station, such as the gradation of mourning obligations by kinship proximity or the gradation in the depth of ancestors worshipped by political rank, were to Hsun Tzu essential features of ritual. Even if one discounted all belief that rituals had an effect on spiritual beings, as Hsun Tzu tended to do, rituals had to be preserved and performed because of their social, political, and psychological uses. 8 Any history of Chinese philosophy will devote considerable space to Chu Hsi. For some recent studies of his work, see Chan, ed., Chu Hsi and Neo-Confucianism; Munro, Images of Human Nature; and de Bary and Chaffee, eds., Neo-Confucian Education. 9 Kao, "Chu Hsi's Discipline of Propriety," p. 319. 10 Analects 12:1a; Waley, p. 162. For a stimulating interpretation of Confucius's views on ritual, see Fingarette, Confucius—the Secular as Sacred. For some counterarguments, see Schwartz, The World of Thought in Ancient China, pp. 67-75.

xv

INTRODUCTION

The earliest surviving Confucian liturgy for family rituals is the classical IIi [Etiquette and ritual], reconstructed in the Han dynasty (206 B.C.-A.D. 220) but purporting to describe the rites of the Chou period. The /-// provides descriptions of the steps to be taken in various rituals, with little or no explanation of why these steps were the appropriate ones." The basic structure and symbolic content of the rites, however, can be discerned, especially when supplemented with relevant passages in the Li-chi [Record of ritual], another classic on ritual. The ancestors depended on their descendants for food; the living could benefit from the blessings of their ancestors. Those in charge of states, fiefs, and families were privileged and obliged to serve their ancestors in hierarchically appropriate ways, and those not so privileged were obliged to assist in whatever capacity was appropriate to them. In these texts, the living communicate with their ancestors through divination , reports, prayers, and offerings of wine and food. The head of the political unit (state, fief, and so on) officiated at the rites. The more important the occasion, the greater the necessity for the chief sacrificer to purify himself in advance through abstinence of varying duration. At the appointed time, he would enter a consecrated place, bow, prostrate himself, and make offerings of food and wine. He was assisted by a variety of attendants, including those who prepared the food, took charge of the utensils, performed divinations, and pronounced prayers. During major rituals, one boy or man, preferably a son of the chief sacrificer, would act as a vessel for the spirit of the ancestors. This impersonator also needed to undergo purification before the rite. He would drink the wine offered to the ancestors and in trance-like fashion passively allow the spirits to animate him. A ritual expert would interpret for those attending the ancestor's wishes, which in the standard liturgy of the I-Ii was to convey blessings. In the ritual classics, death and ancestors were in significant ways opposed categories. Those bereaved by a death could not be purified in order to communicate with their ancestors. For lengths of time determined by their kinship connection to the deceased, they abstained from comforts, devoting themselves to the care of the corpse and expressions of grief. Those in mourning had to be constantly mindful of their status; they had to alter almost all details of daily living to make their behavior distinct. Only after the dead were transformed into ancestors through burial and a series of sacrifices held over a period of more than two years were the living free of ritual restrictions. Cappings and weddings are presented in the ritual classics as primarily concerned with assuring continuation of ancestral rites. Cappings were performed in the ancestral shrine. A boy was transformed into a man capable of serving the ancestors by the act of dressing him in adult clothing. Weddings were needed to continue the family line. Each step involved in arranging a marriage 11

It is translated in full by John Steele as The I-li, or Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial. xvi

INTRODUCTION

had to be reported to the ancestors. The wedding culminated with the introduction of the bride herself to her husband's ancestors in their shrine three months after the wedding day. Besides conveying conceptions of the relationships of the living and the dead, the family rituals described in the classics clearly expressed principles of hierarchy and organization among the living. People of unequal rank did not perform rites the same way. For instance, the size of a coffin, the numbers and quality of the objects buried with it, even the date of burial varied according to the political rank of the deceased from the ruler, to nobles, to high officials, to low officials, to commoners. The number of generations of ancestors a man could worship, the number of times a year he would perform sacrifices, and the types of foods he could offer similarly varied by rank. Kinship position also mattered. Ancestral rites were the responsibility of the eldest son of the wife, and after his death they were to be taken over not by his brothers but by his own eldest son, and so on, indefinitely. It was assumed that political headship also passed along these lines, and the classics do not portray lords attending ancestral rites presided over by their uncles or elder brothers. Beyond these clearly specified principles of differentiation were others implicit in the structure of the rites. Only men, for instance, addressed the ancestors and ancestresses, though women could offer them food. As a guide to practice, the /-// is an incomplete book, containing liturgies for ordinary officers (shih), but not for rulers, nobles, or common people. From Han times on, ritual scholars in the employ of various dynasties formulated rituals for the imperial house by scaling up the rites in the /-//. Confucian scholars, believing that the rituals performed by the ruler affected the welfare of the entire cosmos, treated this work as one of their most important responsibilities.12 At the same time, the Confucian tradition recognized that men make rituals. Rituals were not seen as the creations of gods, conveyed to humans through revelation. Human sages who understood the social and psychological needs of people had designed them. Many scholars recognized that circumstances change and new forms might better achieve the true purposes of the rituals than old forms. Thus every step, procedure, and distinction in the liturgies in the I-li and later books could be questioned as a guideline for current performance and modified if need be.13 12 For ritual scholarship at court and the politics of ritual controversies, see, for the Han, Bilsky, The State Religion of Ancient China, pp. 287-330, and Loewe, Crisis and Conflict in Han China, pp. 164-92; and, for the T'ang, Wechsler, Offerings of Jade and Silk, and McMullen, State and Scholars in T'ang China, pp. 113-58. 13 The Confucian tradition seems to have been quite sophisticated in this regard. Anthropological work on ritual often stresses that ritual "banishes from consideration the basic questions raised by the made-upness of culture" and that the ultimate danger for rituals is the discovery that they are arbitrary inventions of mortals (Moore and Meyerhoff, Secular Ritual, pp. 16-18).

xvii

INTRODUCTION

The only imperial ritual guide to survive from the T'ang period (618-906) or earlier is the 150-chuan Ία-Tang K'ai-yuan Ii [Ritual of the K'ai-yuan period of the great T'ang], issued in 732. Besides describing the rituals per­ formed by the emperor and other members of the imperial family, this manual specified the steps in family rituals that officials should perform at home. For each rite three versions were provided: one for officials rank three and up, one for rank four and five officials, and one for officials rank six to nine. The prescriptions are clearly based on the relevant chapters in the /-// but are better organized and include relatively modest modernizations. The K'ai-yuan Ii largely reiterated the basic principles concerning the rela­ tions of the living and the dead conveyed in the /-// and Li-chi, with the excep­ tion that impersonators were eliminated from all ceremonies. Indeed, its con­ servatism was probably its greatest shortcoming. In a time when much of the population had privately accepted Buddhist or Taoist universahstic notions of afterlife and salvation, the K'ai-yuan Ii adhered to the view that the relations of the living and the dead depended on the social and political status of the living. This lopsided emphasis on the political side of rites was probably the result of the text being written as a scholastic exercise, detached from actual ritual performances, even of high officials. Rather than turn to the K'ai-yiian Ii, officials and educated families more generally turned to privately written liturgies. Meng Hsien, a high official in the late seventh and early eighth centuries, is said to have written three such books, a Chia-li [Family ritual], a Chi-li [Sacrificial ritual], and aSang-fuyao [Essentials of mourning garments]. He is known, for instance, to have sched­ uled seasonal ancestral rites at the spring and fall equinoxes and the summer and winter solstices, adopting what was by then the custom. Other T'ang eti­ quette books contained descriptions of popular customs at considerable odds from the classics, such as "ghost marriages" and tossing seeds and coins on the bed in the nuptial chamber. It seems that the authors of these books were concerned above all with what leading families actually did. Following a ca­ nonical practice that had not been seen for decades or centuries would have appeared unsophisticated; true refinement required understanding the subtle­ ties of the behavior then observed.14 To put this another way, following tra­ dition was important, but tradition was not confined to the classics; it encom­ passed practices that had gained acceptability among the social and political elite. The scholars active in the revival of Confucianism in the eleventh century took a narrower view of authoritative sources for family rituals. They were thus more troubled by the discrepancy between what people commonly did and what the /-// and Li-chi specified. Ou-yang Hsiu (1007-1072) urged thor­ ough reexamination of family rituals in his famous essay, "On Fundamen14

See Ebrey, "T'ang Guides to Verbal Etiquette." xviii

INTRODUCTION

tals." To loosen the hold of Buddhism on the general public, local officials needed to promote the practice of Confucian rituals, including weddings, funerals, and ancestral rites. It was only because of the decay of these rituals, he argued, that Buddhism had found an opening into the daily lives of the common people. Instructing people in these rituals "not only would prevent disorder but also would teach them to distinguish superior and inferior, old and young, and the ethics of social relations."15 Many Sung scholars tried to revive or revitalize truly Confucian rituals by writing new liturgies suited to their age. In the Northern Sung period, Tu Yen (978-1057), Han Ch'i (1008-1075), Ssu-ma Kuang (1019-1086), Chang Tsai (1020-1077), Ch'eng I (1033-1107), Fan Tsu-yu (1041-1098), and Lu Tafang (1027-1097) all wrote manuals or treatises on ancestral rites or family rituals more generally. Chang Tsai was particularly credited by his contemporaries with leading a revival of ancient ancestral and funerary rites. He had argued that the practice of correct rituals provided excellent discipline for the student intent on self-cultivation because it freed one from the entanglements of conventional social life. But Chang Tsai envisioned students progressing beyond mere submission to outward authority toward a selective evaluation of the rituals to follow: "Once a person understands the principles he can institute rituals."16 In terms of influence on Chu Hsi's Family Rituals, Ssu-ma Kuang and Ch'eng I are the most important of the Northern Sung scholars who wrote on ritual. Ssu-ma Kuang, best known today as a statesman and historian, wrote a full-length liturgy for family rituals, his Shu-i [Letters and etiquette].17 To prepare this book, he consulted T'ang etiquette books but preferred the authorized liturgies—the I-Ii and the K'ai-yiian Ii. He also systematically evaluated the acceptability of the practices people actually performed, something not generally done by his predecessors. He was willing to accept modifications of classical prescriptions to reduce the cost of rites but was strongly opposed to Buddhist practices and to customs he saw as vulgar, superstitious, or ignorant. Ch'eng I is known today as a philosopher, as an original thinker who developed new principles of metaphysics.18 He often discussed rituals, but his surviving works include no systematic treatises on the subject. His views on rites were closer to those of Chang Tsai than Ssu-ma Kuang in that he was more interested in the idea or principle behind rites than the details of what had been done in classical times. He warned of the dangers of sticking too closely to ancient forms and asserted that it was possible to create new ritual forms on the basis of moral principles. He evaluated practices of his day not 15 Ou-yang Hsiu ch'&an-chi, Chu-shih chi 17, p. 122; partially translated in de Bary et al., Sources of Chinese Tradition, pp. 441^15. 16 CTC, pp. 265, 326-27, 330. Cf. Kassoff, The Thought of Chang Tsai, pp. 81-82. 17 Ssu-ma-shih shu-i. 18 On Ch'eng I's philosophy, see Graham, Two Chinese Philosophers.

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INTRODUCTION

merely on the basis of their canonical roots, but also on how well they matched human feelings and whether or not they harmed morality. Both Ch'eng I and Ssu-ma Kuang saw much to condemn in common funeral and burial practices. Over the centuries, mortuary practices had drawn elements from divergent traditions, including Buddhist teachings about death, karma, transmigration, and heaven and hell, much of which had by Sung times also been adopted by Taoists; indigenous ideas about Yin-Yang, auspiciousness and inauspiciousness of times, places, and activities that were vaguely associated with shamans and geomancers; as well as indigenous ideas about ghosts of ancient origins that had been modified over time by Buddhist and Taoist conceptions of the fate of the dead. To Ch'eng I and Ssu-ma Kuang, almost all non-Confucian funerary practices were objectionable; especially reprehensible were lengthy delays in burial, often motivated by geomancy, and cremation, viewed as a desecration of the corpse. Ancestral rites posed different problems. People's practices were uncanonical, but not so clearly reprehensible, since they could be interpreted as an excess of filial piety. People largely ignored the classical distinctions concerning who could make sacrifices to whom and how often. They made offerings to an ancestor on the anniversary of his or her death and at popular festivals such as New Year, the Clear and Bright festival in the spring, the Buddhist ghost festival in the seventh month, and the Buddhist stove-lighting festival on the first of the tenth month. At home people commonly made offerings to two or three generations of ancestors, and at graves they would also make offerings to more distant ancestors. As the moral issues were unclear, how Confucians should sacrifice to their ancestors was widely debated in the Northern Sung. Officials sensed that they should have distinctly Confucian ancestral rites rather than follow the eclectic ways of commoners but were not sure how far they had to go in observing canonical status distinctions. Chang Tsai and Ch'eng I took particular interest in reviving the tsung or descent-line system, which meant limiting officiating at ancestral rites to eldest sons and the primary line of their descendants. On the other hand, neither Chang Tsai nor Ch'eng I insisted on retaining all canonical distinctions. To the contrary, they worked hard to relabel as Confucian much of what people actually did in their time, such as ancestral rites at home at New Year and on death-day anniversaries. Ch'eng I took the bold step of rejecting status distinctions altogether on the issue of how many ancestors could receive sacrifices; he asserted that everyone should be able to sacrifice to four generations of ancestors. These accommodations allowed the Neo-Confucian effort to reform ancestral rites to graft itself onto already well-developed religious sentiments and practices. But they were directly opposed to the K'ax-yuan Ii and other government manuals that emphasized the ways the graduated performance of ancestral rites represented the graduated political importance of those performing them. To Ch'eng I what mattered in ancestral rites was the XX

INTRODUCTION

personal connection all men had with their ancestors, not their differing political rank. Chu Hsi's Family Rituals is the culmination of these efforts to revive, purify, and expand Confucian family rituals. Chu Hsi began by revising Ssu-ma Kuang's Shu-i to incorporate Ch'eng I's proposals and to make the book accessible to wider audiences. Chu Hsi took a personal interest in the project but probably had students draft parts. Ssu-ma Kuang's discussions of classical precedents were excised and the text reorganized into five chapters, an introductory one on routine service to ancestors in the ancestral hall and general family etiquette, and one chapter on each of the family rites (cappings, weddings, funerals, and ancestral sacrifices). Much more of the detail, including words to be spoken, descriptions of objects to be used, and so on, was put in small characters where it could easily be skipped. Ch'eng I's proposals to do away with status distinctions in ancestral rites were incorporated, as were his accommodation of rites at graves and at death-day anniversaries. Moreover, the text was rewritten in terms of the descent-line system, so emphasized by Chang Tsai and Ch'eng I. Chu Hsi worried more than his Northern Sung predecessors about the problem of getting people to carry out reformed rites. In this regard he may have been influenced by a new government manual, the Cheng-ho wu-li hsin-i [New forms for the five categories of rites of the Cheng-ho period], issued in 1113. This manual included liturgies for common people's performances of cappings, weddings, and funerals, something no earlier government manual had done. After the book was issued, officials were appointed to give advice to both commoners and gentlemen on the new forms for rites, and the administrator of the capital was ordered to edit a version that would be suitable for common use and print it for general dissemination. When Chu Hsi served as an official a few decades later, he tried to revive use of the Cheng-ho wu-li hsin-i's liturgies for common people's rituals. Moreover, he repeatedly noted the need for guides to rituals easy enough for both rich and poor to follow. Unlike many of his predecessors, Chu Hsi explicitly commended compromise or balance as the basis on which to make choices about ritual practices. Despite his concern with making rituals easy to practice, Chu Hsi (or one of his students) did restructure Ssu-ma Kuang's liturgies in terms of the descent-line heir system. Sacrifices to any given ancestor were to be presided over by his eldest son, who would be succeeded by his own eldest son, who would then perform sacrifices to both his father and grandfather, and so on for up to four generations. In cases where a married couple did not leave an heir, offerings would be made to them by a collateral relative at the shrine to the man's grandfather. The depth of the rites performed would thus vary from one to four generations from household to household, and households headed by younger sons would not perform rites at all. The younger son whose father, grandfather, and great-grandfather had all been younger sons would have to xxi

INTRODUCTION

go to different households to participate in separate ceremonies for each of his own ancestors. The diagram below shows what would happen in the hypo­ thetical case of each man having two sons, with only the last generation (and their unlisted children) living. 1

I

I

I

I

1

5

3

6

η

A Y

2

I 7

4

I 8

ΓΊ η η η η ΓΊ ΓΊ E Y C Y F Y B Y G Y D Y H Y

1 = Primary line, ancestors whose sacrifices are presided over by the descent-line heir to four generations, A. 2 = Earliest collateral line, ancestors whose sacrifices are presided over by the de­ scent-line heir to three generations, B. 3 and 4 = Further collateral lines, ancestors whose sacrifices are presided over by a descent-line heir to two generations, C and D respectively. 5, 6, 7, and 8 = Shortest collateral lines, ancestors whose sacrifices are presided over by their respective eldest sons E, F, G, and H. Y = Younger brothers who participate as observers. In the Family Rituals, cappings and weddings were also recast in terms of the descent-line system. When a child of any of those on this diagram was to be capped or married, A was supposed to preside or, if unavailable, the next most senior descent-line heir. That is, if H's daughter was to be married, he would first ask A, then B, then D to preside, only taking on the task himself if none of them could. The Rites Described in the Family Rituals The Family Rituals specifies how to perform a set of rites that played important roles in Chinese culture. As a prescriptive, programmatic text, it reveals the patterns of distinction and elaboration underlying these rites. Although few people would have performed the rites exactly as prescribed, this logic still had much to do with what they actually did. The overall scheme of the rites in the Family Rituals can be described in terms of the shifting relations of the living and the dead. Once an adult man died, his descendants had to begin immediately to care for his needs. 19 They 19

The sequence would largely be the same for the wife of this man, with the exception

INTRODUCTION

first had to wash, dress, and encoffin him. From that point until his burial, he would be represented by a strip of cloth called a soul cloth set near his coffin. His descendants, led by his eldest son, the chief mourner, would change into mourning clothes and wail before this symbol. People other than his own descendants (servants or a liturgist) would set out meat, other food, and wine at least twice a day before the soul cloth. The mourners would deprive themselves of most comforts and limit themselves to coarse vegetarian food. They would cut themselves off from routine, auspicious rituals, especially from sacrifices to their earlier ancestors, weddings, and cappings. Before the burial took place, the family would have to prepare a wooden tablet inscribed with the dead man's name and the name of his descent-line heir. The soul cloth would be buried with the body, and from that point on the dead would be represented by the wooden tablet. After the burial, the mourners would all bathe and perform the first funerary sacrifice before this tablet. The chief mourner would invoke the spirit of the ancestor with a libation of wine, then with the help of attendants he would make three offerings of food. A liturgist and female attendant would handle the tablets, and the liturgist would read the prayer. The other mourners, arranged in rows by degree of mourning with the males on the east and the females on the west, would form the audience. During the next couple of weeks, four more similar sacrifices would be held, the last of which would be done in the ancestral hall in the presence of all the ancestors residing there (that is, the tablets for the recently deceased's father, grandfather, and so on, depending on how many were eldest sons). These tablets would be handled by a liturgist and female attendants, rather than the descendants still in mourning, with the descent-line heir of the most remote ancestor (not necessarily the chief mourner) presiding over the sacrifice, as he would from that point on. On the first anniversary of this man's death, a sacrifice would be held to mark a major transition in the obligations of the mourners. The mourners would bathe and change their garments and then, with the help of a liturgist, perform a sacrifice much like the preceding ones. On the second anniversary, a sacrifice would be held to change the status of the dead; on this occasion his tablet would be permanently installed. If he had been an eldest son, his tablet would be moved to the offering hall, possibly forcing the rearrangement of the old tablets and the retirement of his great-great-grandfather's tablet if it had been housed there. If he had been a younger son, his tablet would be installed in a newly created shrine. A couple of months after the second anniversary of the death, the final funerary sacrifice would be held, marking the end of mourning for the children and widow of the deceased. The descendants not that if she died before him she would not gain a regular place on the ancestral altar until after he died. Moreover, her tablet would be taken out for his death-day anniversary, but not his for her death-day anniversary. XXlH

INTRODUCTION

only washed and resumed normal clothing but were free to participate in auspicious rituals. In Chu Hsi's Family Rituals the ancestral shrine is called the offering hall, and it is described as a room in the house. Its size could vary, but it was to have an inner area that could be closed off by a door or curtain. Within the inner area would be room for an incense stand, a table or tables that could hold all the tablets, normally kept in boxes, plus cups for wine and tea and bowls of fruit. When the tablets were laid out, they would be arranged in order of seniority, the earliest ancestor at the extreme west, his wife next to him, then his son, and so on. The inner part of the offering hall would also have to be big enough for three people to stand. The outer area, ideally conceived as the courtyard in front of it, should be large enough for immediate family members to stand in rows. Some ceremonies were held inside the offering hall and some just outside its door. The more major ones, such as encoffining ceremonies, funeral sacrifices, and the seasonal sacrifices, however, were held in the largest room of the house. This main hall also had to have an inner and outer area. Preferably the inner area would be a raised hall and the outer one its adjacent courtyard so that those approaching the ancestral altar would walk up a few steps. They could make do, however, by drawing steps with chalk on the floor to divide a large space into an imagined inner/higher section and an outer/ lower section. Once his tablet was installed in the offering hall, the dead person had in a sense entered the phase of prime ancestorhood. As long as his eldest son lived, this son would preside over all regular service to him as his descent-line heir. During the course of a year, simple offerings would alternate with elaborate rites. Every day someone would look in; twice a month, wine and fruit or tea would be offered; and five or six times a year, special foods would be presented to mark holidays. Four times a year, once in each season, major ancestral rites would be performed. In the third month a sacrifice would be held at the ancestor's grave on a date chosen by divination. In addition, he would receive a special, individual sacrifice on the anniversary of his death. Also during this first generation of ancestorhood he would receive an individual sacrifice in the fall. Visits, reports, offerings, and sacrifices can be seen as more or less elaborated versions of a basic structure. All resembled in broad outline the visit of a junior to a senior: the junior would enter, greet the elder with a bow, conduct the business, and bow to take leave. All also resembled in similar broad terms the ways people approached gods: the person would bow, burn incense, make a report, query, or plea, sometimes accompanied by food and drink, and bow again. Additional elements were added as the service became less routine. For instance, when the presiding man expected to be away ten days or longer, before departing he was to open the outer door of the shrine, bow twice, burn incense, report his plan, and bow twice again. When he would be away a xxiv

INTRODUCTION

month or longer, he was to open the inner door, bow twice while still in the outer area, ascend the stairs, burn incense, report his plan, bow twice, go down the stairs, face the shrine again, and bow twice more. For the twicemonthly visits, this basic structure was elaborated with the addition of a preparatory stage involving abstinence and the cleaning of equipment, hand washings, the opening of the tablet cases, place settings, the presentation of food and drink in front of the tablets, and the attendance of all the men and women. Those attending would be ordered by gender, generation, and age, the men on the west, women on the east, the senior generations in more forward rows, each row with the eldest toward the center. Everyone attending would bow, those making the libation of wine would kneel, and the presiding man alone would prostrate himself. Full sacrifices involved further additions. Purification lasted three nights, not one as in visits. A dozen or more types of food, including rice, soup, meat, and vegetables, are presented at sacrifices, compared to one or two at visits and offerings. At visits a single joint libation was made to all the ancestors and ancestresses, but at sacrifices each pair was approached separately, lengthening the ceremony. Various people were needed to assist the presiding man in major ceremonies. For all ceremonies that required touching the ancestral tablets he had to be assisted by a woman, usually his wife, to handle the tablets for female ancestors. For any ceremony involving the reading of a prayer, a liturgist was required, who always read it from a kneeling position. For any ceremony involving the pouring of liquids (wine, water, or tea), attendants had to assist. The normal assumption seems to have been that servants filled this role best. Perhaps it was to the glory of the ancestors to have servants attend them, as it would be to the living. When his eldest son died, the ancestor would be promoted, passing from "father" to "grandfather" among the ancestors at this shrine. (That is, the man thought of as the great-grandfather of the family's new baby on his death becomes the ancestor in the father generation.) Although the emotional ties must always have been strongest to the more recent dead, the most senior generation of ancestors had to be treated with greatest deference and was always served first. Each time an ancestor was promoted, part of his tablet would have to be repainted, showing that he was no longer served by his son so-and-so, but by his grandson so-and-so. After his promotion to great-greatgrandfather among the ancestors he could be promoted only to the vague category of early ancestors who indefinitely received a common offering in the spring. This sacrifice to early ancestors bore many similarities to the seasonal sacrifices of prime ancestorhood but would involve uncooked offerings (blood, hair, heart, lungs, intestines) in addition to cooked ones and would not be followed by a family feast. Ancestors promoted to ' 'early ancestors'' could also continue to receive annual sacrifices at their graves in the third month. Cappings and weddings were of course more than occasions for reports to XXV

INTRODUCTION

ancestors. Both were typical rites of passage, rituals marking and creating changes in the status of individuals. As such they had many features common to such ceremonies elsewhere, such as a liminal phase when the person whose status is being changed wears distinctive clothing and is treated as though occupying a more exalted social position than he or she would before or after the ceremony. At the same time, cappings and weddings shared many features with ancestral rites. They all employed similar spatial arrangements, all were presided over by the descent-line heir, and all involved bowing and prostrations. Both weddings and cappings involved pledging the young (a senior giving the young person wine and instructing him or her) and introducing young members to the ancestors and to family seniors. Food and drink played roles in all the ceremonies and were used to indicate the importance of the occasion and the nature of the ritual act being performed. Food was offered both to people and to spirits. Wine was used to pledge initiants, brides, and grooms. Gifts of food between families signaled agreement to marriage proposals. Sharing wine and food marked the union of husband and wife. Gifts of food between parents-in-law and the new bride demonstrated her inclusion in the household. Offerings of food and drink were the central acts of ancestral rites. The kinds and quantities offered indicated not merely the importance of the occasion but also the distance between the ancestors and their descendants. None of the ceremonies described in Chu Hsi's Family Rituals departed very far from ordinary life. They involved no weird symbolisms or improbable juxtapositions, no dancing, trances, or violence. No one did anything that could not be done in nonritual contexts. The power of these rituals to convey basic principles of cosmic order that legitimated those in authority probably derived not so much from the power of individual ceremonies as from the power of the entire scheme of the rites, the ways even a simple "looking in" or "visit" to the ancestral altar reminded one of the more elaborate ceremonies. Influence of the Family Rituals after Its Publication As a guide to practice, Chu Hsi's Family Rituals was well received from the start. Demand for this sort of liturgy, much simpler than the classics or government manuals and attributed to a revered scholar, was apparently strong enough for it to be printed many times, in a variety of places. (See appendix A.) Ch'en Ch'un (1153-1217) wrote two colophons for an edition published between 1216 and 1223 in Yen-ling (Chekiang). The first asserted, "This book selectively brings the ancient into the present. Arranged with sections and titles, it is simple and clear. Because it is of the greatest significance for moral education, everyone ought to learn it, and every family ought to teach xxvi

INTRODUCTION

and practice it." 20 In the second colophon Ch'en discussed the limits of a literal approach even to this text. For instance, for burial Chu Hsi used lime, which was not available in some localities. In such cases, people should decide what to do by thinking about the main meaning of the whole text. If they did so the book would be of use in reforming the ritual and custom of the age.21 None of the thirteenth-century printings of the Family Rituals survives, though later editions were based on them. The earliest surviving complete text of the Family Rituals, the one used for this translation, was in a compendium of Chu Hsi's books, the Chu Tzu ch'eng-shu [Master Chu's completed books] first published in 1305 and reissued in 1341.22 It is reproduced here as Appendix B. Within a couple of decades of the first printing of the Family Rituals, commentators took to supplementing it. From the evidence of the commentaries by Chu Hsi's disciple Yang Fu and two later followers, Liu Kai-sun and Liu Chang, the major problem for Sung and Yuan scholars was adjusting to Chu Hsi's relatively simple and straightforward description of family rituals. Over and over again they cited the classical precedent for a step or quoted from Chu Hsi's conversations or writings to reveal his justification for a departure. The Family Rituals received political support in the Yuan (1215-1368) and early Ming (1368-1644), and was included in full in a widely circulated compendium of Neo-Confucian writings, the Hsing-li ta-ch'uan [Great compendium on nature and principle], issued in 1415. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, many people attempted to use it as a guide to their own family practices. To overcome the problems such people encountered, scholars began writing rearranged, simplified, elaborated, or otherwise altered versions of Chu Hsi's Family Rituals, presenting their books not as new liturgies, but as edited versions of Chu Hsi's text. The most important of the revised editions of the fifteenth century were those by Feng Shan, T'ang To, and Ch'iu Chun, published in 1434, 1450, and 1474. All of these books were easier to consult than Chu Hsi's original, making ample use of subheadings, diagrams, and illustrations. Chu Hsi's language in the large type was usually retained, but the small type was freely paraphrased, abridged, or even omitted, and numerous passages from other people's writings were added. Authors of revised versions generally paid close attention to Ming government ritual regulations, citing them at length. In the late Ming, many brief versions of the Family Rituals appeared, most of them especially accommodating to popular custom. The production of these books was probably stimulated by the growth in the segment of the population 20

Pei-hsi ta-ch'iian-chi 14:6a-b. Ibid. 14:5b-6a. 22 Surviving copies of the 1305 edition are missing parts of the Family Rituals. The 1341 edition, preserved in the rare-book collection of the National Palace Museum, Taipei, is the earliest surviving complete text I have found. 21

xxvii

INTRODUCTION

with enough education to read books of a general nature but who had not received the sort of classical education needed as preparation for the examinations. At the same time, such guides were useful to local officials and local teachers who wished to promote classical rituals. Such men often argued that it was more important to eliminate vile practices, such as leaving bodies unburied for years, than ones that were merely uncanonical, like burning mock money as offerings to the dead. Of the authors frequently cited in the notes to the translation, Sung Hsiin (d. 1559), Lu K'un (1536-1618), and Lu Wei-ch'i (1587-1641) are representative of this trend. All revised versions altered in some way how the rites were performed. Ch'iu Chun added masters of ceremony to call out the steps of the rites, and a large part of his book consists of a detailed script for the masters of ceremonies to use. Most of the lengthy revised versions written after his time reproduce these scripts or versions of them. Many revised versions altered Chu Hsi's arrangement of ancestral tablets, with the most senior generation on the west. Authors would either recommend the plan of the Cheng communal family, which added a tablet for the first ancestor in the center, then had ancestors on the west, the most senior toward the middle, and the ancestresses on the east, in similar order, or the plan given by Ch'iu Chun and adopted in the Ta-Ming hui-tien [Comprehensive institutions of the great Ming dynasty], in which the two more senior generations were in the center, flanked by the two more junior generations. Divining for the dates for seasonal sacrifices also proved unpopular. Several authors suggested holding these sacrifices on the solstices and equinoxes. T'ang To went so far as to suggest that the sacrifices could be held on popular festivals so long as there was one in each season. Ch'iu Chun, and most of those after him, curtailed the overlay of the descent-line system, allowing fathers who were not descent-line heirs to preside at their children's cappings, pinnings, and weddings. He also added a full description of procedures for reburials and for domestic rites to the stove god, drawing on the Ming chi-li [Collected rituals of the Ming dynasty]. Other common accommodations were introducing the bride to the ancestors on the second day of the wedding and allowing the bride and groom to travel together to visit her parents after the wedding. The wide circulation of revised versions of the Family Rituals shows that people wanted ritual manuals that were simultaneously orthodox, universal, and comfortable. Books that purported to be updated versions of Chu Hsi's Family Rituals dominated the market, undoubtedly because this text was the approved one. Even though family rituals were performed at home, in distinctly local contexts, people did not want local handbooks, explicitly presented as guides to the performance of rituals as done in Fukien or Shantung; rather, they wanted ones that presented rituals correct for everyone. Yet revised versions were preferred to the original text, probably because these books went further in labeling as orthodox what people commonly did. xxviii

INTRODUCTION

It should not be forgotten, however, that many features of Chu Hsi's Family Rituals were not changed by authors of revised versions. None of them allowed Buddhist ceremonies to be incorporated into the funeral sequence. The structure of sacrifices was not altered; that is, none of them omitted purification, invoking the spirits, pouring libations of wine to them, triple offerings, use of written prayers, or providing a varied meal including meat, grain, and vegetables. Nor did the revised versions alter the emphasis on differentiation among family members by gender, generation, and age in all ceremonies. In other words, no major alterations in the overall structure or symbolic content of these rites were made. The impact of the Family Rituals in its various versions on the culture of late imperial China lay above all in providing standardized liturgies that were considerably easier to follow than the I-li or government manuals.23 By the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Chinese in different parts of the country and of differing statuses performed weddings, funerals, and ancestral rites in remarkably similar ways.24 Some of this uniformity undoubtedly derives from the circulation of liturgies based on common sources, especially Chu Hsi's Family Rituals and through it the /-Z/.25 How people used Chu Hsi's liturgy naturally depended on their own circumstances and needs. Many people felt free to pick and choose from it, using it for particular rites, or even for rites placed in new contexts. The Ming government used it to provide a minimal definition of valid marriages. It also used it in formulating its own ritual guides, but without the overlay of the descentline system. Lineages often used its sacrificial liturgies, even when they held rites to much more distant ancestors than Chu Hsi had considered proper. The educated often used the Family Rituals as a means through which to assert literatus status, conforming to more conspicuous elements in order that their ritual conduct would be distinct. Local officials sometimes gave instruction in its provisions, believing that they were thereby raising the general cultural level and moral standards of the populace of the area. Local literati frequently used it as a reference book to give advice to friends and neighbors who inquired about the proper procedure to follow. Through these various uses the circulation of the Family Rituals facilitated the standardization of Chinese ritual behavior and thereby helped shape some key conceptions about cosmic and social order. 23

On the historical significance of the standardization of Chinese ritual behavior, see Watson and Rawski, eds., Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China. 24 See, for instance, Doolittle, Socio/ Life of the Chinese, 1:65-98, 168-235; de Groot, The Religious System of China; Gray, China; pp. 84-85, 189-212, 278-322. 25 Another source of uniformity was the family system itself, firmly rooted in property and criminal law and the political economy more generally. Family rituals helped reproduce this family system and make it seem natural, but they were not the only social or cultural element serving to reproduce the family system. xxix

INTRODUCTION

A Note on the Annotation and Illustration of the Translation Notes have been added to the translation to serve two main purposes. The first is to clarify what the text meant in Chu Hsi's time. Toward this end I have drawn attention to Chu Hsi's comments elsewhere and his selective use of earlier writings on ritual, especially those by Ssu-ma Kuang, Ch'eng I, and Chang Tsai. I have also introduced evidence of Sung customs when they help explain what Chu Hsi was doing, whether rejecting current practice or accommodating it. A second major goal has been to show how the text was used and interpreted after it was written. Thus I have cited seven commentaries to the Family Rituals to show which elements in the Family Rituals were felt to need explanation. The earliest of these commentaries is by Yang Fu, a disciple of Chu Hsi. His commentary to the Family Rituals was published in one of its first editions, already a standard text by 1245. The next three commentaries, by Liu Kai-sun (late Sung), Liu Chang (Yuan or early Ming), and Huang Jui-chieh (early Yuan) are less interesting.26 By contrast, the anonymous author of the Pu-chu commentary to the expanded edition of the Hsing-li ta-ch'uan, first printed in 1534 or earlier (here cited as "Ming commentator"), often included observations concerning contemporary practices. Of similar value are the notes inserted by five collaborators to their 1732 edition of the Family Rituals and the detailed scholarly commentary written by Li Wen-chao (1672-1735). In the notes I have also cited many revised versions of the Family Rituals, for these reveal where later writers thought ritual procedures ought to be altered or simplified. The most frequently cited are the following: Feng Shan (early fifteenth century), author of Chia-li chi-shuo, 1434. Wang Yuan (early fifteenth century), author of Chia-li i-lan, destroyed before 1450, but quoted in Chia-li hui-t'ung. T'ang To (fifteenth century), author of Chia-li hui-t'ung, 1450. Ch'iu Chun (1420-1495), author of Chia-li chi-chieh, 1474. Teng Yiian-hsi (1529-1593), author of Chia-li ch'uan-pu. 26

A small part of Yang's commentary was copied into the Chu Tzu ch'eng-shu edition of the CL, and all of it was copied into the Hsing-li ta-ch'iian (HLTC). It also survived in the ten-chiian Sung, Yuan, and Ming editions of Family Rituals. Most citations to Chu Hsi's conversations in HLTC seem to be based on Yang Fu's commentary. Liu Kai-sun's commentary was included in Yuan and early Ming editions of the Family Rituals along with Yang's, and some rare-book catalogues list Sung editions with these two commentaries. A few passages from it were copied into the Chu Tzu ch'eng-shu in 1305 and the full text into HLTC. Liu Chang's commentary is included with Yang's and Liu Kai-sun's in the tenchapter Ming edition of the Family Rituals, and also in HLTC. Citations to the Yang, Liu, and Liu commentaries here are to HLTC. Huang's occasional notes are in his Chu Tzu ch'eng-shu edition of the CL. xxx

INTRODUCTION

Sung Hsiin (d. 1559), author of Ssu-li ch'u-kao (1573). Lu K'un (1536-1618), author of Ssu-li i. Weng Cheng-ch'un (1553-1627), author of Weng Tai-shih pu-hsuan wen-kung chia-li. Lu Wei-ch'i (1587-1641), author of Ssu-li yueh-yen. Sun Ch'i-feng (1585-1675), author of Chia-li cho, 1671. Wu Hsien-shen, author of Chia-li chi-i, 1793. Ku Kuang-yu (1800-1867), author of Ssu-li ch'iieh-i. Li Yiian-ch'un (nineteenth century), author of Ssu-li pien-su. My notes by no means cover every point made by commentators and revisers. To have done so would have made the annotation many times longer than the translation. In particular, I have not followed their lead in tracing the classical origins of the elements in the Family Rituals. This can be done fairly easily by comparing the Family Rituals to the relevant chapters in the /-// and to Ssu-ma Kuang's Shu-i, which in its notes regularly identifies canonical sources, especially ones that are not from the I-Ii (such as those from the Tsochuan, Li-chi, and Chou-li). The commentaries in the Hsing-li ta-ch'uan are also useful in this regard, as is the Ssu-li ch'iieh-i by the Ch'ing author Ku Kuang-yu. The Tu-Ii t'ung-k'ao by Hsu Ch'ien-hsueh is exceptionally detailed on classical origins but only covers funeral rituals. The Wu-Ii t'ung-k'ao by Ch'in Hui-t'ien covers the other rites, though not in as great detail. A more minor purpose served by the notes is to indicate when I have not followed the reading of the 1341 Chu Tzu ch'eng-shu edition of the Family Rituals, the earliest surviving full text. To detect misprints and textual variants, each passage was checked in three other versions: the 1415 Hsing-li tach'uan, a 1732 edition whose editors compared several versions including at least one Sung one, and the 1781 Ssu-k'u ch'uan-shu edition, said to be based on a reprint of a Sung edition. (See Appendix A for the various editions of the Family Rituals.) Most of the variation among these editions is on the order of miscopied characters. There do not appear to be any surviving editions of Chu Hsi's Family Rituals that differ significantly in content or organization from the edition used here. Illustrations have been added to the translation to facilitate visualizing the objects and spatial arrangements described in the text. Most editions and revisions of the Family Rituals added from twenty to fifty illustrations. To give some sense of what these books looked like and the range in quality of their printing art, I have reproduced illustrations from several different ones. Diagrams, however, have been redrawn, generally after comparing several illustrations. To illustrate costumes, rather than use only the illustrations in the Family Rituals, designed to show how to construct them, I have also added illustrations from a Sung painting and a Ming pictorial encyclopedia showing costumes being worn. xxxi

CHU H S T S FAMILY

RITUALS

PREFACE

"has fundamental elements and elaborations."1 From the perspective of how ritual is carried out at home, the fundamental elements are to preserve status responsibilities and give concrete form to love and respect; the elaborations are the proprieties and specifications for capping, weddings, funerals, and ancestral rites. The fundamental elements are the daily courtesies of householders, the things they must not fail to perform even a single day. The elaborations serve further to regulate the beginning and ending of human affairs. Even though the elaborations are only performed at particular times and places, unless one discusses them clearly and practices them until they become familiar, when the need arises one will not be able to do what is right and fitting. Thus one must also daily discuss and practice the elaborations. During the three ancient dynasties2 the classical texts of the rituals were fully adequate. But in the texts that survive today, the regulations on dwellings, utensils, and clothes, and the instructions on matters like coming and going, rising and sitting are no longer suited to our age. Even when contemporary men of virtue (chun-tzu) accommodate the changes from antiquity to the present to formulate a temporary system for today, they still may not attain the proper balance, with some parts too detailed and some too sketchy. It can reach the point where they omit the fundamental elements and concentrate on the secondary ones, showing indifference to the substance but concern about the elaborations. Thus, committed scholars who are fond of ritual [because they are misled by them] may still fail to perform the essential parts. And those who suffer from poverty have the added worry that they will not have the means to fulfill the ritual. In my ignorance, I have suffered from both [lack of clear guidance and lack of funds], so I once took on the task of reviewing the ancient and recent texts [on ritual]. I started by identifying the major structures that cannot be changed and made minor emendations, my purpose being to put together a manual for one school of thought. In general I paid careful attention to status responsibilities and gave a high place to love and respect, considering them to be the fundamental elements. As for the situations in which these values are put into practice, I have been sketchy on the frivolous elaborations, concentrating on the fundamental substance. In writing this book, I presume to follow Confucius's idea of carrying on what came from our predecessors. I sincerely hope to be able to discuss these matters fully with some like-minded gentlemen and make every effort to put RITUAL

1 2

Allusion to Li-chi, "Li-ch'i" 23:2a; Legge, 1:394-95. That is, Hsia, Shang, and Chou, the period described in the classics. 3

PREFACE

them into practice. That way we might possibly again see the way the ancients "cultivated themselves and regulated their families"3 and the heart that is "attentive to deaths and remembers for a long time." 4 Moreover, this book might make a small contribution to the state's effort to transform and lead the people.5 3 4 5

Allusion to Li-chi, "Ta-hsiieh" 60:la-b; Legge, 2:411. Slight variant of a phrase in Lun-yii 1:9, 1:6b; Waley, p. 85. This preface is also found in WC 75:18a-b, with a few textual variants.

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General Principles of Ritual

ABSTRACT 2 1. The Offering Hall When a man of virtue builds a house his first task is always to set up an offering hall to the east of the main room of his house. For this hall four altars to hold the spirit tablets of the ancestors are made; collateral relatives who died without descendants may have associated offerings made to them there according to their generational seniority. Sacrificial fields should be established and sacrificial utensils prepared. Once the hall is completed, early each morning the master enters the outer gate to pay a visit. All comings and goings are reported there. On New Year's Day, the solstices, and each new and full moon, visits are made. On the customary festivals, seasonal foods are offered, and when an event occurs, reports are made. Should there be flood, fire, robbers, or bandits, the offering hall is the first thing to be saved. The spirit tablets, inherited manuscripts, and then the sacrificial utensils should be moved; only afterward may the family's valuables be taken. As one generation succeeds another, the spirit tablets are reinscribed and moved to their new places. 2. The Method of Fashioning the Long Garment Fine cloth is used for the material and the finger-based foot for the measurements. The bodice uses four pieces of cloth and extends from the chest down to where the skirt is attached. The skirt is constructed of twelve pieces of cloth. At the top it attaches to the bodice, and it extends to the ankles. The garment has round sleeves, a square-angled neckline, a curved overlap, and a black border. With it are worn a large belt, a black silk cap, a head wrap, and black shoes. 3. Miscellaneous Instructions on Family Life of Mr. Ssu-ma [No abstract provided.]

1 The CTCS edition does not divide the CL into chapters. Here I follow the most common division used in editions that circulated as independent works. 2 The abstracts in this and subsequent chapters are based on the "large type'' of the text, which in many reference books appeared without the small type and which, even with interspersed small type, could easily be read straight through. Some of the revised and simplified versions of the CL, such as CLHT, give the full text of the "large type" before giving details.

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The content of this chapter is devoted to the regular forms of the daily courtesies of families, the ones that cannot be neglected for even one day. •

1. T H E O F F E R I N G

HALL

This section originally was part of the chapter on sacrificial rites.3 Now I have purposely placed it here, making it the first subject, because its contents form the heart of "repaying one's roots and returning to the beginning,"4 the essence of "honoring ancestors and respecting agnatic kin," 5 the true means of preserving status responsibilities in the family, and the foundation for establishing a heritage and transmitting it to later generations. My arrangement will let the reader sense that what is placed first is the most important.6 This chapter provides the basis for understanding the fine points in the later chapters concerning movements and postures, for walking here and there, getting up and down, going in and out, and facing various directions. The ancient system of ancestral shrines (miao) does not appear in the classics.7 Moreover, there are elements of it not permitted to the lower ranks of today's gentlemen (shih) and commoners.8 Therefore, I have specially named the room the "offering hall" and extensively adapted customary rituals in formulating its procedures.9 3 In the SMSSI 10:120-21. Actually most of this section appears to be original to Chu Hsi and bears much less resemblance to Ssu-ma Kuang's text than other sections of CL. 4 Allusion to Li-chi, "Chiao t'e-hsing" 25:20b, 26:7a; Legge, 1:425-26,431. 5 Allusion to Li-chi, "Ta chuan" 34:10b, 13a; Legge, 2:65, 66-67. 6 In this chapter the more routine activities in the offering hall are described. Chu Hsi retains a chapter on sacrificial rites, however, that is largely devoted to the four seasonal sacrifices based on classical prescriptions. Most of the activities described in the present chapter have only loose classical precedents. 7 Why Chu Hsi would say this is not clear. See the "Wang-chih" and "Chi-fa" sections oftheLi-cAi 12:13b-21b;46:8a-b;Legge, 1:223-26, 2:204-206. Generally speaking, in the classics the number of ancestral shrines (miao) was governed by rank; for instance, great officers (ta-fu) could have three shrines at which they could make offerings to their three ascendant ancestors. The "Wang-chih" passage says that gentlemen (shih) could have one shrine and commoners none; the "Chi-fa" passage divides gentlemen into three levels, the highest of which could have two shrines, for offerings to their fathers and grandfathers, the middle with one shrine for their fathers, and the "commoner gentlemen" with no shrines. 8 In the Sung only high-ranking officials were permitted to construct chia miao (SS 109:2632). On legislation restricting the construction of miao by political rank, see Wenhsien t'ung-k'ao 104:945-48; 105:951-54. 9 Chu Hsi was the first one to use the term "offering hall" (tz'u-t'ang) for the place within a home where sacrifices to ancestors were offered. Ssu-ma Kuang had called it an "image hall" (ying-t'ang), a term Chu Hsi also used in referring to other people's halls (e.g., WC 90:13a). Ying-t'ang was also used by Ch'eng I, who, however, objected to the use of images (portraits) (ECC, i-shu 6:90; 22A:286). Chu Hsi probably adopted tz'u-t'ang, a term used earlier for temples dedicated to sages or worthies, to avoid the term image. Images, or portraits, however, never lost their popularity. T'ang To (CLHT 1:10a) said they should be brought out at major sacrifices, and Hsii Ch'ien-hsueh argued that they were no more uncanonical than many other accepted practices (Tu-Ii t'ung-k'ao 56:36-^46).

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• When a man of virtue {chun-tzu) plans to build a house, his first task is always to set up an offering hall to the east of the main room of his house. 10 In setting up the offering hall use a room three chien wide.'' In front of the altars is the inner door and in front of it the two staircases, each with three steps. The one on the east is called the ceremonial stairs, the one on the west the western stairs. Depending on how much space is available, below the steps should be a covered area, large enough for all the family members to stand in rows. On the east there should be a closet for books, clothes, and sacrificial vessels inherited from the ancestors, and a spirit pantry.12 Have the wall go around them and add an outer door, which should normally be kept bolted. If the family is poor and its space cramped, set up a one-c/j/en-wide offering hall, without the closet and pantry. As substitutes, cases may be put at the

1. Two Views of an Offering Hall, from CLHT 1:2b and CL (1602 ed.) 7:78a 10 In the seventeenth century Sun Ch'i-feng stressed that those whose resources were inadequate could simply sweep a room and set out the ancestral tablets there. A separate building was not necessary (Chia-li cho, 7a). 11 A chien was a unit used to measure the size of rooms, being the space between two pillars. 12 The commentator in the 1732 ed. said the spirit pantry held the dishes used for the spirits.

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base of the east and west walls. In the western one store the inherited books and clothes and in the eastern one the sacrificial vessels. The main room refers to the front hall. When space is limited [and there is no front hall], it is also acceptable to make the offering hall to the east of the reception room.13 As a general rule, the house with the offering hall should remain in the possession of the descent-line heir'4 generation after generation, and not be subject to partition.15 Here and throughout this book, in organizing the room, no matter which direction it actually faces, treat the front as south, the rear as north, the left as east, and the right as west.16 • Make four altars to hold the spirit tablets of the ancestors. 17 Inside the offering hall, near the north end, have a stand for the four altars. Inside each altar, put a table.18 In the case of a great line, or a lesser line that is heir to a great-great-grandfather,19 the great-great-grandfather is furthest to the west, with the great-grandfather next to him, the grandfather next, and the father last.20 A lesser-line succeeding to a great-grandfather does not presume 13

In YL 90:2304, Chu Hsi described a small family shrine (chia miao) he wished to construct, with four altars, large enough for minor sacrifices, but not for the major ones, which would be held in the hall. 14 The descent-line heir (tsung-tzu) is the eldest son, generally in a line of eldest sons. 15 That is, division among brothers when the family property is divided. 16 That is, as though one was in the room with one's back to the altars looking out toward the steps and courtyard. 17 Ssu-ma Kuang (SMSSI 10:116), Chang Tsai (CTC, p. 292), and Lu Tsu-ch'ien (Tunglai chi, pien 4:1a) each had tablets for only three ancestors. Here Chu Hsi is following Ch'eng I (ECC, i-shu 15:167). 18 ARCLIC (1:3b) rewrote this to mean that each altar is put on a table, which makes more sense than the original. Illustrations also make this assumption. 19 A great line (ta-tsung) is the line of eldest sons continuing indefinitely from a founding ancestor. A lesser line is the line of eldest sons going back no more than five generations. Great lines and lesser lines continually spin off new lesser lines, founded by younger sons. In the diagram given in the introduction, the lesser-line heir to a great-great-grandfather is headed by A. 20 In the classics, tablets were not arranged chronologically from the west; rather, the central position was for the ' 'first ancestor,'' then all the others were put to his right and left in alternate generations (chao-mu order). The Ming commentator (HLTCEV 19:5a) suggests that because commoners could not have an altar for a first ancestor, Chu Hsi thought a different arrangement would be preferable. In WC 58:26a Chu Hsi wrote that "public and private" ancestral halls in his day all were arranged with west as the highest-ranking position, so presumably he was conforming to what he saw as the established custom. Cf. WC 49:6a-b. See also YL 90:2314, in which he said that west was the most senior place for guests and so tablets are graded from the west. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC l:42b-43b) included a diagram of the rearrangement of the Cheng communal family (with the first ancestor in the middle) and one of his own that preserved chao-mu order (from west to east: father, great8

G E N E R A L P R I N C I P L E S OF R I T U A L

to sacrifice to a great-great-grandfather, and so leaves the westernmost of the altars empty. Likewise, a lesser-line heir to a grandfather does not presume to sacrifice to a great-grandfather, and so leaves the two western altars empty; and a lesser-line heir to a father does not presume to sacrifice to the grandfather, and so leaves the three western altars empty. If a great line has a gap in its generations, a western altar is also left empty, as in a lesser line.21 The spirit tablets are all stored in a case and placed on the table, the front to the south. Hang a short curtain in front of each altar. In front of these altars, set up an incense table in the center of the room, with incense burners and incense boxes on it.22 Set up another, similar incense table in the space between the staircases. Anyone who is not the eldest main-line son does not presume to sacrifice to his father.23 After a younger brother dies, his sons and grandsons, if they live with the eldest brother, will set up an offering hall for him in their private apartment, adding new altars each generation.24 When they leave and set up a separate residence, they will set up a full offering hall. If the younger son lives separately during his own lifetime, he can set up a study where he lives, on the model of an offering hall. After his death, his descendants can turn it into an offering hall.25 On the format of spirit tablets, see the section on ' 'preparing for the burial'' in the chapter on funerals [4, 10].26 grandfather, great-great-grandfather, and grandfather). On historical changes in the ordering of tablets, see Ku Kuang-yii, Ssu-li ch'ueh-i 7:3b-5b, and Tu-Ii t'ung-k'ao 120:la-34b. 21 The gaps in generations probably refer to cases where information about an ancestor had been lost, much more likely in a great line than a short lesser line. 22 Burning incense was not a part of classical rites but seems to have entered Chinese ancestral rites through imitation of Buddhist worship ceremonies (cf. YL 90:2315). Burning incense was a standard element of all worship activities by Sung times. 23 "Main-line" sons are sons of the legal wife. Thus, sons of concubines, even if older than sons of the wife, do not take charge of the sacrifices to their father. Nor do younger sons of the wife. Ssu-ma Kuang (SMSSI 10:113) defended allowing younger sons to perform sacrifices since through official service they often were scattered about the country. In a letter Chu Hsi wrote that in such cases they could perform a modified rite without tablets but with a paper list of ancestors (WC 62:24a-b). On the ritual restrictions on concubines and their children in the Sung, see Ebrey, "Concubines in Sung China," pp. 3-5. 24 Chu Hsi offered another solution to large complex families in YL 90:2316. The most senior descent-line heir would sacrifice to his ancestors the first day in the offering hall, then the second day the heir of the younger uncle (or younger great uncle) would offer sacrifices in the hall, and so on, all using the hall, but on different days. 25 Many later authors played down these strict rules of the descent-line system. Sun Ch'ifeng, for instance, in the seventeenth century, argued that the classical descent-line system was tied to the feudal system of antiquity and in their day compromises were needed, such as having the highest-ranking or wisest descendant take charge of the rites (CHa-Ii cho, 31b-32b). 26 This last sentence follows the reading in the SKCS edition of CL 1:2b. The CTCS and HLTC eds. have "see the chapter on funerals and the diagram above." 9

C H A P T E R ONE

• Collateral relatives who died without descendants may have associated offerings made to them there according to their generational seniority. 27 Associate a great uncle and his wife with the great-great-grandfather. Associate an uncle and his wife with the great-grandfather. Associate one's wife, a brother, or a brother's wife with one's grandfather. Associate one's son or nephew with one's father.28 All these tablets should face west. The tablet cases for them should be like the standard ones. If a nephew's father later sets up an offering hall, his tablet should be moved there. Master Ch'eng [I] said that when children die so young that there is no mourning for them, no sacrifices are made either. When they die in early youth, sacrifices are performed only during the lifetime of their parents.29 When they die in middle youth, mourning continues through the lifetime of their brothers. When they die in late youth, mourning continues through the lifetime of their fraternal nephews. When adults die without heirs, sacrifices are made through the lifetime of their brothers' grandsons.30 These rules were all created on the basis of moral principles.31 • Establish sacrificial fields. On first erecting an offering hall, calculate the size of the current fields and for each altar set aside one part in twenty as sacrificial fields. When "kinship is exhausted"32 for any ancestor, convert the specified land into grave fields.33 27 Ssu-ma Kuang said nothing of sacrifices to collateral relatives without heirs, but Chang Tsai (CTC, p. 292) and Ch'eng I (ECC, i-shu 18:240) had both advocated it. See also Ch'en Ch'un in Chan, trans., Neo-Confucian Terms Explained, pp. 150-52. 28 The pattern here is to associate each person with the main-line ancestor two generations senior to him or her. Cf. YL 90:2314. As implied here, there were separate tablets for wives [see chapter 4, 10], which were placed next to the tablets of their husbands. In the classics only the first wife had a tablet at the main altar next to her husband, and Ch'eng I retained the principle that only one wife's tablet could be matched to the husband's though he allowed that this could be a second wife (taken after the first wife died) if she were the mother of the heir. Chu Hsi held similar views in the 1170s (see WC 43:5b-6a) but later disagreed, preferring the T'ang practice of allowing the tablet of any full wife (i.e., still excluding concubines) (YL 90:2319-20). 29 The CTCS edition miscopies "father,"/«, as "person," yen. 30 From ECC, i-shu 18:245. Ch'eng I defined those too young for mourning as seven sui and younger, early youth as eight, middle youth as fourteen, and late youth as nineteen. Other sources give eight to eleven as early, twelve to fifteen as middle, and sixteen to nineteen as late. 31 I.e., they are not given in the classics. 32 That is, after four generations, when the ancestor is no closer than great-great-greatgrandfather to anyone still alive. 33 These fields are not grave sites, but crop fields whose income is dedicated to supporting the rituals performed at graves.

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Later on, do the same for each regular or associated ancestor. The descent-line heir manages the property to supply the expenses of the sacrifices. If earlier generations did not set aside any fields, then gather the descendants together at the grave site, calculate the size of their total land, and take a share.34 The descendants should write an agreement and inform the authorities. Neither mortgaging nor sale of the sacrificial fields is allowed.35 • Prepare sacrificial utensils. Suitable numbers of benches, mats, armrests, tables, wash basins, braziers, and dishes for wine and food should be prepared and stored in the closet. They should be kept locked up and not used for other purposes. In the absence of a closet they may be kept in a case. Those that cannot be stored may be lined up along the inside of the outer gate.36 • Early each morning the presiding man enters the outer gate to look in. 37 The presiding man here is the descent-line heir who is in charge of the sacrifices of this hall. When he looks in in the morning he wears the long garment, burns incense, and bows twice.38 • All comings and goings must be reported. When the presiding man and presiding woman are about to go some place, before departing they enter the outer door of the offering hall and perform the "respectful look." They do the same on returning. After they return from staying away overnight, they burn incense and bow twice. When they will go far or will stay away more than ten days, before leaving they bow twice, burn incense, and report, "So and so is about to go to such a place and presumes to report it," then repeat the double bow. They do the same on their return, except they say, "Today A returned from such a place and presumes to appear 34

Feng Shan (CLCS 8b) and T'ang To (CLHT 1:10a) propose that sacrifices be financed another way when family members do not have land, even, as each says, the poor contributing what they collect in the hills or catch in the water. Wang Mao-hung, Po-t'ien ts'aot'ang ts'un-kao 2:7b-8a, expressed great disbelief that anyone could get kinsmen to give shares of their property for ancestral rites. 35 Sacrificial fields modeled in part on this passage became a major feature of lineage organization from the Sung period on. On this development, see Ebrey, "Early Stages in the Development of Descent Group Organization," pp. 40-44, and Shimizu, Chugoku zokusan seido ko. 36 CLIC 1:2a-b gives a much fuller list of the utensils to prepare. 37 That is, he does not climb the steps or enter the inner doors. Chu Hsi is said to have made daily visits of this sort (Chu Tzu nien-p'u 4B:230). 38 Lu K'un (SLI 1:9b) thought it excessive to bow every day, since the living only bowed to their parents at the new and full moons. The long garment is described below. 11

C H A P T E R ONE

here." If they are gone for a month, they open the inner doors, bow twice at the bottom of the stairs, then ascend the ceremonial staircase and burn incense. When their report is completed, they bow twice, go down, resume their earlier places, and bow twice again. Other family members do the same but do not open the inner door. Here and elsewhere in this book the following conventions are followed. The presiding woman is the wife of the presiding man.39 Only the presiding man uses the ceremonial steps to go up and down; the presiding woman and other people, even seniors, use the western steps.40 For bowing, men bow two times and women four times, in either case called a double bow. This is also the practice when men and women bow to each other.41 • On New Year's Day, the solstice, and each new and full moon, make a visit. 42 A day before New Year, the solstice, and the new or full moons, wash, sweep, and practice purification for a night.43 The next morning get up at dawn, open the door [of the offering hall], roll up the curtains [in front of the altar], and set a large dish of fresh fruit on the table in front of each altar. Put a tea cup, a tray, and a wine cup and saucer by each place. In front of the box of spirit tablets, set a bundle of reeds. Pile some sand in front of the incense table. Place another table above the ceremonial steps. On it place a wine decanter, a cup and saucer, and a wine bottle to its west. Two wash basins and towels go at the southeast base of the ceremonial steps. The basin with a rack on the west is to be used by the presiding man and his relatives. The one without a rack on the east is for the attendants. The towels are all in the north.44 The participants, in full attire, from the presiding man on down, all enter the gate and take up their places. The presiding man faces north at the base of the ceremonial staircase. The presiding woman faces north at the base of the 39

Except for the funeral rituals, when she is the widow of the deceased, if surviving. There are exceptions in the wedding rites. 41 See also YL 91:2331-32. 42 The solstice in question was the winter solstice. The phrase "new and full moon" could also have been translated "first and fifteenth of each month" since the Chinese used true lunar months. 43 According to the Li-chi, "Chi-t'ung" 49:4b-5a; Legge, 2:239-40, the purification aimed at purifying one's thoughts to be ready to perform the sacrifice. In chapter 5, no. 1, where a three-day purification before the seasonal sacrifices is required, all the men sleep in the outer quarters while the women stay in the inner quarters. Each group would bathe and change their clothes, observe some restrictions on eating and drinking, and avoid contact with those in mourning. 44 These attendants are family servants or possibly younger brothers or sons of the presiding man. See how they are charged with the preparations for the seasonal sacrifices in chapter 5, no. 1. 40

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great- greatgreat- greatgrand- grandfather mother tea wine

grand­ grand­ father mother

father mother •Λ Ol

ffl

tea wine

tea wine

tea wine

Tl

«;

re

tea wine

tea wine

U O

fruit

fruit

fruit

W

re

fruit

Incense Table sand and reeds

table with cups, saucers, decanter

wash stands Incense Table mother aunts and uncles' wives elder sisters and sisters-in-law presiding woman younger sisters and sisters-in-law daughters and sons' wives granddaughters and grandsons' wives female attendants

uncles elder brothers presiding man younger brothers sons grandsons male attendants

outer door 2. Layout of the Offering Hall for Visits

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C H A P T E R ONE

western steps. When the presiding man's mother is alive, she assumes a spe­ cial place in front of the presiding woman. If the presiding man has uncles or 45 elder brothers, they stand to his right, slightly in front of him, in rows in order of rank with the most senior at the west end. When there are uncles' wives, aunts, wives of elder brothers, or elder sisters, they stand to the left and slightly in front of the presiding woman, in rows in order of rank with the most senior at the east end. The younger brothers are on the presiding man's right, slightly behind him. Sons, grandsons, and male attendants are in back of the presiding man in rows in order of rank with the most senior at the west­ ern end. The wives of the presiding man's younger brothers and his younger sisters are slightly behind the wife, to her left. The wives of sons and grand­ sons, daughters, and female attendants are to the rear of the presiding woman in rows with the most senior at the eastern end. 46 When everyone is in place, the presiding man washes his hands, dries them, goes up the stairs, and inserts his official plaque.47 He opens the tablet case, takes the spirit tablets of his ancestors, and puts them in front of the case. The presiding woman washes, dries, goes up the stairs, and takes the spirit tablets of the ancestresses and sets them to the east of the men's tablets. Next they take out the associated tablets in the same way. An order is given to the eldest son and his wife or the eldest daughter48 to wash, dry, and come up. Starting with the lowest-ranking ones, they set out the associated tablets one by one, in the way described above. When this is completed, everyone from the pre­ siding woman down returns to his or her place on the lower level. The presiding man proceeds to the front of the incense table where he in­ vokes the spirits, inserts his plaque, burns incense, bows twice, and steps back a little. The attendants then wash, dry, and come up. After taking the top off the wine jar and filling the decanter, one attendant carries the decanter to the right of the presiding man and another takes the cup and saucer to the left of the presiding man. The presiding man kneels, followed by both attendants. The presiding man takes the decanter, pours the wine, and hands the decanter back. Then he takes the cup and saucer, the saucer in his left hand, the cup in 45

Elder brothers would presumably be sons of concubines. Or the term might be loosely used for cousins older in age but whose father was younger than the presiding man's father. 46 To visualize this more simply, all the women are on the west and men on the east. Except for the presiding man and woman, they are all in rows by generation, the most senior generation closest to the altars. Within each row, the men and women are arranged according to age (or husband's age), the oldest closest to the center of the room. Chang Tsai (CTC, p. 295) said having the men on the east and women on the west was based on "human feel­ ings," so presumably it was the custom of the time. On changes in the meanings given left and right, see ChΊ-tung yeh-yii 10:172-73. 47 The SKCS ed. omits this and subsequent references here to the official plaque. 48 If the eldest son is not yet married. 14

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his right. After he pours the wine out in libation on top of the reeds, he then hands the cup and saucer to an attendant. After taking out his official plaque, he prostrates himself. On rising, he retreats slightly before bowing twice, then goes down the stairs and back to his place. At this point he greets the spirit by bowing twice with all those in line. Then the presiding man goes up the steps, inserts his official plaque, takes the decanter, and pours wine, first for the principal ancestor, then for the associated ones. Next he orders his eldest son to pour for all the lower-ranking associated ones. The presiding woman comes up and takes the tea whisk.49 An attendant follows her with the bottle of hot water. They pour the tea, following the steps given above. As in the prior case, she orders the senior daughter-in-law or the eldest daughter to continue. The sons, wives, and attendants leave first, returning to their places below. The presiding man takes out his official plaque. He and the presiding woman stand in front of the incense table on the east and west respectively.50 After bowing twice they go back down to their places. With all those in line they take their leave of the spirit with two bows.51 With that they leave the hall. At the winter solstice, make a sacrifice to the first ancestor, carrying out the ritual as given above.52 On the day of the full moon, everything is as in the previous ceremony except for these changes: wine is not set out, nor are the tablets taken out; the presiding man pours the tea, his eldest son assisting him; the son goes down first and the presiding man, standing to the south of the incense table, bows twice, then comes down. According to the Ritual, "when the father-in-law has died the mother-inlaw retires," 53 so the presiding man's mother does not take part in the sacrifice. It is also said, "A younger son does not make sacrifices."54 Therefore, today sacrifices are managed by the appropriate descent-line heir and his wife, who act as presiding man and presiding woman.55 When he has a mother, 49

For making whipped tea. T'ang To (CLHT 1:12b) incorporated the popular practice of burning paper money here. 51 The commentator in the 1732 edition of the CL noted that the text should add here that the tablets are put back in the case. 52 This ceremony is described in chapter 5, no. 2, where "earliest" (ch'u) is used instead of'' first'' (hsien). In Sung usage,'' first ancestor'' generally meant the first ancestor to move to a particular area, which differs from the meaning given "earliest ancestor" in chapter 5. 53 FromLi-chi, "Nei-tse" 27:11a (Legge,l:457). 54 From Li-c*i, "Ch'ii-li" 5:19b; 12:11a (Legge, 1:116-17, 223). 55 That is, if possible they are performed by the descent-line heir of a great-great-grandfather; if not possible, then by the descent-line heir of a great-grandfather, and so on. 50

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uncle, uncle's wife, elder brother, or elder brother's wife, then special places are reserved for them in the front, as described above. Here and elsewhere in this book, "in full attire" means that those in office wear a scarf-cap,56 official robes, a belt, boots, and hold official plaques.57 Chin-shih degree-holders wear scarf-caps, scholar's robes,58 and belts. Unemployed gentlemen wear scarf-caps, black robes, and belts. Those without official status all wear hats, robes, and belts. Those unable to manage all of this may wear the long garment or light robes.59 Those with office may also

3. Men in Official Robes with Plaques and Scarf-caps, from po-wu-kuan ts'ang-hua chi, p. 43

Liao-ning-sheng

56 "Scarf-caps" were standard male headgear, derived originally from scarfs wrapped around the head and tied at the back. By Sung times they were fully fashioned hats with two vestigial ties extending from the left and right sides. See figure 3. Chu Hsi discussed the history of scarf-caps in YL 91:2327-28. 57 These oblong plaques were a part of official insignia since ancient times. In the Sung they were to be made of wood or ivory, depending on rank (SS 153:3569). 58 This type of robe is described in SS 153:3579 as follows: "It is made of fine white cloth with a round collar and large sleeves. At the bottom it extends out to make a skirt. At the waist there are pleats. Chin-shih and students in the National Academy or local schools wear it." Chin-shih were those qualified for office by passing the civil service examination given once every three years in the capital. 59 The method of making the long garment is described in the following section. "Light

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wear hats and so on, but this is not full attire. Wives wear headdresses, large dresses, and long skirts. Unmarried daughters wear hats and jackets. Concubines wear headdresses and jackets. • On the customary festivals, make offerings of seasonal foods. The festivals are those locally observed, such as Clear and Bright, cold food, double five, Middle Origin, and double nine.60 The foods offered are the local specialties enjoyed at those festivals, like rice dumplings. They are presented on a large plate accompanied by vegetables and fruit, with the same sort of ceremony as at New Year, the solstice, and new moons.61 • When an event occurs, make a report. 62 Follow the same ceremonial as at New Year, the solstice, and new moons, but stop after presenting tea and wine and bowing twice. After the presiding woman goes back down to her place, the presiding man stands to the south of the incense table. The liturgist63 takes the board and stands to the left of the presiding man, where he kneels to read it. When finished, he rises. The presiding man bows twice, and goes back down to his place. The rest is the same. To report appointment to office, the prayer board reads: On the first day of this month of this year, year-cycle, your filial son A, of such office, presumes to announce clearly to his honor, his late such-type relative, of such office, title, and appellation and his late suchtype relative [wife of the former] of such title and family name, that on such day of such month he has had conferred on him such post. Due to the teachings of his ancestors, he now enjoys rank and salary. For the benefits he has received, he is overcome by gratitude and admiration. Earnestly, with wine and fruit, he extends this devout report.64 robes" are described in SS 153:3578 as similar to the purple robe, originally a military dress. When the purple robe was prohibited to nonmilitary men in 1156, shih-ta-fu took to wearing "light robes,'' which were white. Later, however, people objected that these looked too much like mourning garments, and wearing purple robes was again permitted. Chu Hsi referred to light robes as common shih clothing in YL 91:2325. 60 On these festivals, see Gernet, Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion, pp. 191-97. Their dates were in the third, fifth, seventh, and ninth months, respectively. 61 Cf. Nan-hsiian chi 20:2b-3b, WC 30:29a-30a, and YL 90:2314 on ancestral rites at customary festivals. 62 Making reports of these sorts in an offering hall does not seem to have been the common practice in Chu Hsi's time. He is quoted as saying that most people made reports at the ancestors' graves (HLTC 19:8a). 63 This would not be a professional priest, but a relative, such as a younger brother or son, who reads or chants prayers and reports to the ancestors. 64 This form gives the minimum that should be said, with the formal polite language to 17

4. Scholar's Robe, Official Robe, and Woman's Jacket, from San-ts'ai t'u-hui i-fu 2:1 lb, 3:3a, 4a

To report a dismissal or demotion, say one was "dismissed from such a post, that having discarded the ancestral teachings, one is in trepidation and uneasy. Earnestly, . . . ." If the person concerned is one's son or younger brother, then say, "A's such-type relative. . . . " To report a posthumous title, make the report only to the altar of the spirit receiving the honor.65 Set an incense table in front of the altar and another be used. The reports themselves could be longer and more informative, as can be seen from the ones Chu Hsi saved in his WC 86:15b-17a. 65 Officials could petition for posthumous titles for their deceased parents and grandparents, the rank of the title depending on their own official rank. See SS 170:4083-84. 18

G E N E R A L P R I N C I P L E S OF R I T U A L

table to the east. Set out clean water, powder, a cup, brush, inkstone, ink, and pen on it. The rest is the same, except the prayer board reads: On such day of such month we received an edict conferring on our late such-type relative such office and on our late such-type relative [his wife] such a title. A, due to the instruction he received from his ancestors, holds a position at court beyond what he deserves. Through the grace of the sovereign, this honor has been conferred. A's salary came too late to support his parent, which leaves him unable to choke back his tears. Earnestly, . . . . If the title was conferred because of a particular achievement, write a separate explanation of it. When the report is complete, bow twice. The presiding man advances to take the spirit tablet and put it on the table. The attendant scrubs off the old characters and smears over the tablet with the powder. After letting it dry, someone good at calligraphy is told to reinscribe the tablet with the newly conferred office and title. The recessed center is not changed.66 Use the wash water to wash the walls of the offering hall. The presiding man takes the tablet and puts it where it was, then returns to his place. The rest of the ceremony is the same as the others. When the first main-line son of the presiding man is born, he is presented when he is a full month old.67 The ceremony is like the one above, but no liturgist is used. The presiding man stands in front of the incense table and reports: A's wife, of B surname, on such day of such month, bore a son named C. We presume to present him. When the report is over, he stands to the southeast of the incense table and faces south. The presiding woman with the child in her arms comes forward to stand in the space between the steps and bow twice. The presiding man comes down to resume his place. The rest of the ceremony is the same. For the reports at cappings and weddings, see their respective chapters [2 and 3]. Here and elsewhere in this book, for the prayer board, use a board a foot long and five inches wide. Write the words on a piece of paper and paste it on the board. After it has been used, tear off [the paper] and burn it. The opening and closing of the prayers are all like the first example above, except that to address a late great-great-grandfather or grandmother, one refers to oneself as a filial great-great-grandson; to address a late great-grandfather or great-grand66

On the two types of inscriptions on spirit tablets, see chapter 4, no. 20. In this text, only the birth of the eldest son is reported. This son will one day be a descent-line heir, and so his birth is of particular interest to the ancestors since he will serve them. However, some ceremonial observance of the first-month birthday for all children was a common custom of the period (see TCMHL 5:32). T'ang To (CLHT 1:15a) allowed this ceremony for the birth of any son. 67

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mother, one refers to oneself as a filial great-grandson; to address a late grandfather or grandmother, one calls oneself a filial grandson; and to address a late father or mother, one calls oneself a filial son. One uses any offices, titles, and appellations the ancestor had. If he had none, one uses the number of his generational seniority while alive before the term "his honor."68 For an ancestress, one uses "madame of such family name." Generally, in referring to oneself, say "filial" only if one is the descent-line heir. For the prayers at reports of events, there should be a single board for all four generations. The terms of reference should be based on the earliest ancestor.69 Reports are addressed only to principal ancestors, not to associated ones. Set out both tea and wine. • Should there be flood, fire, robbers, or bandits, the first thing to save is the offering hall. Move the spirit tablets and inherited manuscripts, then the sacrificial utensils. 70 Only afterward take the family's valuables. As one generation succeeds another, reinscribe the spirit tablets and move them to their new places. For the ceremonies for reinscribing and moving the tablets, see the section on the second sacrifice of good fortune in the chapter on funerals [4, 20]. In the family of a great descent line, when the kinship of the first ancestor is exhausted, his tablet is stored at his grave, and the great descent line manages his grave field in order to offer the grave sacrifice, once each year leading the agnates to make a sacrifice there.71 This does not change though a hundred generations go by. When ancestors from the second generation on down have their kinship exhausted, or in ordinary lesser descent line families when the great-great-grandfather has his kinship exhausted, then the tablet is removed and buried. The ancestor's grave fields are managed in rotation by the various units, who once each year lead the descendants to make a sacrifice.72 This also does not change though a hundred generations go by.73 68

That is, if he was the twenty-third boy in the generation according to age, he would have been called " 2 3 " while alive and after death can be called "His honor 2 3 . " 69 I.e., whether one calls oneself a son, grandson, etc. 70 Some authors argue that these must have included genealogies, as Chu Hsi's plan for descent-line organization implies genealogical knowledge. See Chia-li cho, 7b-8a. 71 Yang Fu says that since this tablet is "stored," not "buried," great descent lines must have a second offering hall at the first ancestor's grave (HLTC 19:9a). Whether or not Yang Fu is reading Chu Hsi correctly, this belief conformed well to the practices of descent groups of the thirteenth century. 72 "Units" (wei) here is a vague term, which may refer to households or to collateral lines. The latter, however, is usually referred to as fang, branches of a descent group. Managing sacrificial fields by rotation was indeed a common custom. Note that earlier, under "Establish sacrificial fields," the descent-line heir was said to manage the sacrificial fields, and rotation was not mentioned. 73 Grave rites are described in chapter 5, no. 6. 20

G E N E R A L P R I N C I P L E S OF R I T U A L T H E M E T H O D OF FASHIONING THE LONG G A R M E N T . 7 4

• 2.

75

This section was originally at the end of the chapter on the capping ritual. Since the previous section has already referred to long garments, and because they are everyday clothes, I have placed the section here. • Use fine cloth for the material and the finger-based foot for the measurements. That is, the middle-section of the middle-finger equals an inch. 76 • The bodice uses four pieces of cloth. In length it extends from the chest down to where the skirt is attached. Use two pieces of cloth and fold them in the middle with the free ends hanging loose in front and back so that altogether there are four pieces, like the set-collar robes of today. But do not cut holes for the arms. Where the bodice will attach to the skirt is about seven feet two inches in circumference. Each piece of the bodice will have three pieces of the skirt attached to it. • The skirt is fashioned of twelve pieces of cloth. At the top it attaches to the bodice, and it is long enough to reach the ankles. Use six pieces of cloth, each of which should be cut to make two pieces, one end wide and the other narrow. The narrow end should be about half as wide as the wide end. Put the narrow ends toward the top, connect their seams, and sew them to the bodice. Where the two parts are joined should be about 74

In the Li-chi there is a brief chapter on the "long garment" (Li-chi, "Shen-i" 58:5b9b; Legge, 2:395-96), which describes it in general terms, stressing the symbolism of com­ bining circles, squares, straight lines, and symmetry. The construction of this garment is also described briefly in another chapter (Li-chi, "Υϋ-ts'ao" 29:19a-b; Legge 2:10). In ancient times this garment was considered casual wear and could be worn by men of any rank. By Sung times, several details of the ancient method of making this garment were poorly understood. Ssu-ma Kuang described a way to make one and is said to have made one he wore in retirement (Shao-shih wen-chien Iu 19:210). Chu Hsi is also said to have worn it at home (Mien-chai chi 36:41b). Ch'iu Chun (CLIC l:28a-29a) said that Chu Hsi and other Sung literati did not wear the long garment while in office, but only in retirement at home, which would also be appropriate in his time. According to SS 153:3578, shih-tafu wore the long garment for "capping, marriage, sacrifices, parties, and visiting." Chu Hsi did not follow Ssu-ma Kuang's method closely; instead, according to Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 1:24a), he adapted the method used in a treatise by Wang P'u written in the Shao-hsing period (1131-1162). Chu Hsi also described how to fashion the long garment in WC 68:8a10b in language very close to that used here. He discussed the problems in understanding the ancient texts on the long garment in WC 37:44a-b. Chu Hsi's distaste for the nonChinese origins of the "light robe" standard among the Sung elite is found in YL 91:2324— 28. 75

In SMSSI 2:25-28. This would yield a "foot'' tailored to each person's dimensions. Several commentators argue, however, that it is easier simply to measure the person's height. 76

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CHAPTER ONE

seven feet two inches in circumference. Three pieces of the skirt connect to one piece of the bodice. The circumference at the lower edge by the ankles is about fourteen feet four inches. • The garment has round sleeves. To make them, use two pieces of cloth, each folded in the middle, as long as the ones for the bodice. Attach them to the left and right edges of the bodice and sew the bottom edges together to make sleeves. Where they are attached

5. Long Garment, Large Belt, Black Shoes, and Head-Wrap, from Tsuan-t'u chi-chu wen-kung chia-li, 3a, 4a-b 22

G E N E R A L P R I N C I P L E S OF R I T U A L

they are as wide as the bodice is long, but the width is progressively reduced, curving up so that the opening of the sleeve is one foot two inches. • It has a square-angled neckline. This is made where the two lapels cross each other, going under the arms. Thus the neckline edges from either side make a square angle where they meet. • There is a curved overlap. 77 To make it use pieces of cloth as long as the skirt. Put them together and cut them as in the method for the skirt. Put the wide end at the top and the edge of the cloth at the outside. The left crosses over the right and hangs down like a swallow's tail in shape. Also trim the lower third of the inner edge to make it gradually like a fish's stomach and its end like a bird's beak. On the inside sew it to the right side of the skirt. • Make a black border. For the border use black silk. At the collar the inside and outside should each be two inches wide. At the opening of the sleeves and the hem the inside and outside should each be one-and-a-half inches wide. For the sleeve turn the edge of the cloth to the outside, as wide as the border. • Make a large belt. For the belt use white silk, four inches wide. Sew it doubled. It should be long enough to go around the waist, be tied in the front winding twice, and making two loops, the remaining portions forming sashes hanging to the bottom of the robe. Where the sashes are tied, they are decorated with black silk and colored ribbons about three-tenths of an inch wide and about as long as the sashes. • Make a black silk cap. 78 Paste paper to make it. The rolled brim is an inch or more high, three inches wide, and four inches long. At the top make five "bridges" as wide as the 77

This section puzzled most commentators (e.g., Yang Fu, HLTC 19:10a-b). The "curved overlap'' seems to take the place of a fastening device described in the Li-chi. My best guess is that the front and back of the skirt are not sewn together, and this ' 'overlap'' is sewn to one edge so that undergarments are not visible while walking. According to Ts'ai Yuan (1148-1236), Chu Hsi later made a new interpretation of the overlap that did not get incorporated into the Family Rituals (HLTC 19:10a). Yang Fu (HLTC 19:10a) said that the long garment Chu Hsi wore in his late years did not have the curved overlap. Feng Shan (CLCS 14b) gives none of the description of the curved overlap, quoting Ts'ai Yuan on Chu Hsi's later rejection of it. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 1:25a) simply omitted the entire description of the curved overlap. Illustrated editions of the CL do, however, provide diagrams of its dimensions, though some mark it "not to be used." 78 This cap is mentioned in Li-chi, "Yu-ts'ao" 29:17a; Legge,2:9, as one that could be 23

C H A P T E R ONE

brim's length and eight inches long, passing them over the peak in front and back down to the brim. Fold their two ends each a half inch under toward the inside and coat them with black lacquer above a half inch on both sides of the brim. Make a hole for the hatpin, which should be a white object, perhaps ivory or bone. • Make a head wrap. Use black silk six feet or a little longer. Fold it in the middle. At the place of the fold take the right edge to make a band at right angles to the fold. On the left side reverse fold from the left a space of four or five inches and sew on a slant toward the left in a curve and down. Then follow the left side to the two ends. Turn it inside out, and make the rest of the silk go on the inside. The band should be in the front of the forehead; from inside it extends to each temple, where ties two inches wide and two feet long are attached. From the outside of the cloth these ties pass behind the head, where they are fastened, the ends dangling. • Make black shoes. The shoes have white hooks and laces, rim, and straps. •

3 . M I S C E L L A N E O U S E T I Q U E T T E FOR F A M I L Y L I F E BY MR.

SSU-MA79

This section was originally at the end of the chapter on weddings.80 It concerns ordinary matters of living at home and deals with the basis for rectifying personal relationships and principles and deepening kindness and love. Indeed, their foundation is entirely here. Only someone who has mastered what is described here will have attractive ceremonial behavior. Otherwise, even if the details are fully provided for, the basic essence will be missed, something no man of virtue can respect. Therefore, I have also put this essay in the first chapter so that readers will recognize priorities. worn by everyone from feudal lords on down at the capping ceremony. Ch'iu Chun notes that even though this was not an everyday hat in ancient times, Ssu-ma Kuang and Chu Hsi wore it with the long garment (CLIC l:32a-b). 79 This is directly from SMSSI, though it is not identical to the corresponding part of SMSSI as it now survives. Because the main text is much longer than the annotation, only longer parts are put in smaller type. Shorter ones are in parentheses. The content of this essay is discussed in Ebrey, Family and Property in Sung China, pp. 31-51, as an example of classicists' views on family relations and family management. In general, Ssu-ma Kuang based himself on the "Domestic Regulations" (Nei-tse) chapter of the Li-chi, modernizing where he felt appropriate. See also Yamane Mitsuyoshi, "Shiba Ko no 'Kyoka zogi' ni tsuite," which traces the classical origins of many of the items. 80

In SMSSI 4 : 4 1 ^ 6 . 24

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• Heads of families should make every effort to adhere to correct manners so that they can discipline their children and other members of the family. To each of them the head assigns specific duties and responsibilities (such as managing the storerooms, stables, kitchen, house properties, fields, or gardens) and sees to it that the tasks are carried out successfully (including both routine and exceptional tasks). He should establish a budget for the household based on its income and resources in order to provide food and clothing for everyone in the family and the expenses of marriages and funerals. Outlays should be graded according to the recipient's rank, in an equitable way. Unnecessary expenses should be cut, extravagances prohibited, and some savings put aside for emergencies. Younger members of the family should always obtain permission from the family head for anything they do, large or small, and at no time act on their own. The Changes says, "Family members have a stern ruler."81 This is a reference to the parents. When there is a stern ruler above them, how could those below dare to act willfully and inconsiderately? Even when there is not a parent, permission should be obtained from whomever is at that time the family head. When that is done, orders will come from only one person, which is the prerequisite for family administration. • Sons and daughters-in-law must never keep private property. All income, whether from salary or landed property, should be handed over to their parents. When they have expenses, they ask the parents for money. At no time should they lend or give money to anyone without the knowledge of their parents. The "Domestic Regulations" says, "A daughter-in-law should have nothing of her own, neither personal savings, nor private belongings. She dare not make gifts or loans on her own. If she has received gifts from others of food, clothing, fabrics, ornaments, or accessories, she should offer them to her father-in-law and mother-in-law. If the parents-in-law accept the gifts, she should rejoice as if she herself had been given them again; if the parents-inlaw return the gifts to her, she should decline to accept. If, however, the parents-in-law insist that she take them, then she should keep the gifts and put them away, waiting for need." Cheng Kang-ch'eng [Hstian, 127-200] commented, "This means waiting for some need on the part of the parents-in-law. Not getting their order means not getting their permission."82 The "Domestic 81 82

FromChou-i, "Chiajen" 4:16a; Wilhelm, p. 144. Li-chi, "Nei-tse" 27:11b and commentary; Legge, 1:458. 25

C H A P T E R ONE

Regulations" continues, "If the daughter-in-law intends to give gifts to her own brothers, she should ask her parents-in-law for permission to give the things she herself once received as gifts."83 A person's body belongs to his parents; since a person does not even dare claim possession of his own body, how can he possess wealth? If father and son were each to own his own property and they borrowed from each other in times of need, then there would be cases where the son was rich while his parents were poor; or where the parents starved for food while their son ate his full—what Chia I [201-169 B.C.] called "feeling virtuous because you lend your father a hoe, or reprimanding your mother because she takes the dust pan and broom."84 What could be more unfilial or immoral than this?85 • Sons who serve their parents (or grandsons who serve their grandparents) and sons' wives who serve their parents-m-law (or grandsons' wives who serve their grandparents-in-law) should all get up before the sky brightens. 86 They wash their hands, rinse their mouths, comb their hair, and arrange their hats and belts (men wear hats, robes, and belts; women wear hats and jackets). Once it is daylight (that is, at the moment the sky brightens), they go to the parents' room and make inquiries. The men say, "At your service," and wives say, "Bless you." Then they ask the parents' attendants whether their night had been peaceful. When the attendants say it was peaceful, they leave. If it was not peaceful, the attendants explain what happened. This is the "morning inquiry" of thei?ifwa/.87 • When the parents get up, the son gives them their medicines. Medicines are crucial to protecting the body. A son should do the examination and diagnosis himself, as well as prepare and serve the medicines. He must not simply delegate these tasks to a servant. If the servant forgot to give the medicine or made a mistake, there could be a disaster of untold dimensions. • The daughter-in-law provides the morning nourishment. In the vernacular this is called "snacks." The Classic of Changes says, "Inside she prepares the food."88 The Classic of Poetry says, "All she dis83

Ibid. Han shu 48:2244. 85 Here Ssu-ma Kuang gave the pronunciation of two unusual characters. Here and elsewhere annotations of pronunciation are omitted in the translation. 86 The passage beginning with this paragraph and continuing through the next four paragraphs is not found in SMSSI. 87 SeeLi-chi, "Ch*u-li" 1:18a; Legge, 1:67. 88 Cftou-i, "Chia-jen" 4:17a; Wilhelm, p. 145. 84

26

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cusses is wine and food."89 In general, preparing drinks and meals are the duties of wives. In recent years women have become haughty and unwilling to enter the kitchen. Now, even if they do not personally hold the knife and spoon, they ought to supervise and watch, making sure the food is excellent and clean. • When the medicine and food have been offered, the sons and daughters-in-law leave, to take up their respective duties. Before a meal the daughter-in-law asks the family head what he would like. (This means the parents/parents-in-law, or whoever is then family head. No junior can willfully get whatever he wants.) She then leaves to prepare and present it. Once the seniors pick up their chopsticks, the sons and daughters-in-law leave. When it is their turn to eat, the sons and daughters-in-law set their places elsewhere, sitting in order of age. Their food and drink should all be the same. The children eat in yet another place, sitting on the ground in order of age, boys on the left and girls on the right. The evening meal follows the same pattern. When the parents are ready for bed, the sons and daughters-in-law comfort them and leave. (The men say, "At your service," the women, "Sleep well." This is the "evening wishes" of the Ritual.90) Whenever one has nothing to do, he or she should go to wherever the parents are to attend them. Expression and appearance must be respectful, handling of affairs must be careful, and statements and answers must be given in a low, pleasant voice. When the parents come or go, rise or sit, one must offer an arm to assist them. One never snivels, spits, or shouts in the presence of parents. One never sits or leaves unless they order it. When a son receives a command from his parents, he must write it down and put it in his belt, so that he can examine it from time to time and carry it out promptly. On completing the errand, he returns and reports. If some part of the errand could not be performed, then with a calm expression and a soft voice he fully explains why it is wrong or harmful. He waits for his parents' permission before making any changes. If they do not approve his suggested change, he goes ahead and performs their order somehow unless it would cause great harm. If, because he thinks his parents' command is wrong, he simply does what he considers right, then even though his actions were right, he is still a disobedient son. And how much worse if he was not right! 89 90

Shih-ching, poem 189, H B : 11a; Waley, p. 284. SeeLi-chi, "Ch'u-li" 1:18a; Legge, 1:67. 27

C H A P T E R ONE

Whenever parents make a mistake, the son must offer advice in a calm, pleasant, soft voice. Should the parents not take the advice, the son must be more respectful and filial toward them. If his parents are pleased with him, he may try again to advise them. If they are not pleased with him, to avoid offending the community, he should continue his attempts at persuasion. Should his parents get so angry that they whip him until he bleeds, he must not bear a grudge but be more respectful and filial. Younger members of the family may not act superior to senior relatives. (Acting superior means presuming on their rank or wealth to ignore the etiquette appropriate to a junior.) Sons must tell their parents when they go out and personally report their return. When they receive their own guests, they do not seat them in the main room. (If they have guests, the guests sit in the study. If they do not have a study they can use the side of the hall.) They do not tread the eastern steps to the main room to go up and down. They do not mount or dismount their horses in front of the main room. In nothing should they presume to place themselves on a par with their fathers. When their parents are indisposed, sons and daughters-in-law do not leave their side without good reason. They personally prepare, taste, and serve the medicine to them. When a parent is ill, the son should look upset; he should neither amuse himself nor go to parties. Disregarding all other affairs, he devotes himself solely to getting the best doctor, filling the prescription, and preparing the medicine. Only after his parent has recovered may he resume his normal way of life. The Family Instructions of Mr. Yen says that when a parent is ill, the son invites a doctor to get medicine.91 For the parents' survival depends on the doctor. How could he neglect this? • In his service to his parents, a son should like what his parents like and respect whomever his parents respect. This holds even for dogs and horses, so of course even more for people. In his service to his parents, a son should please them and never act against their will. He should entertain them, provide them with proper lodging, and nourish them with food and drink. The same rule holds whenever younger members of the family serve older ones or lowerranking ones serve higher ones. 91

Paraphrase of Yen-shih chia-hsiin 3:124; Teng, pp. 43-44. 28

G E N E R A L P R I N C I P L E S OF R I T U A L

Should their son or daughter-in-law not be respectful or filial, the parents should try not to take an immediate dislike. Instead they should teach him or her. If he or she remains intractable, they should try rebukes. If there is still no improvement, they should try flogging. If, after many floggings, he or she still cannot behave properly, then they should expel their son or have their daughter-in-law divorced. Nevertheless, they should not disclose the specific offense. Even if the son likes his wife very much, if his parents are displeased with her, he should divorce her. On the other hand, if the son dislikes his wife, yet his parents say she is good at serving them, then the son should fulfill his duty as husband for the rest of his life. In housing, there should be a strict demarcation between the inner and outer parts, with a door separating them. The two parts should share neither a well, a wash room, nor a privy. The men are in charge of all affairs on the outside; the women manage the inside affairs. During the day, without good reason the men do not stay in their private rooms nor the women go beyond the inner door. Men who walk around at night must hold a candle. A woman who has to leave the inner quarters must cover her face (for example, with a veil). Menservants do not enter the inner quarters unless to make house repairs or in cases of calamity (such as floods, fires, or robberies). If they must enter, the women should avoid them. If they cannot avoid being seen (as in floods, fires, and robberies), they must cover their faces with their sleeves. Maids should never cross the inner gate without good reason (young slave-girls also); if they must do so, they too should cover their faces. The doorman and old servants serve to pass messages and objects between the inner and outer quarters of the house, but they must not be allowed to enter rooms or kitchens at will. Juniors should all greet their seniors morning and evening. (Men say "At your service," women say "Bless you" and "Sleep well.") When a senior passes by, juniors who are seated should rise immediately. When they meet a senior on the road, they should dismount from their horses. In greetings, if they have not seen a senior member of the family in more than two days, they should bow to him two times; in more than five days, four times; in offering congratulations on New Year's day and at the winter solstice, six times; in greetings at the new and full moons, four times. However, if a senior specifically orders the junior to stop making bows, he should obey.92 92 Chu Hsi discusses bowing from the point of view of references in the classics in YL 91:2230-32.

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C H A P T E R ONE

In our family there are so many relatives living together that we have a mass ceremony in the hall for the winter solstice, New Year, and the new and full moons. (Here I assume that the hall faces south; if it does not, make appropriate adjustments.) The men ascend the main hall from the western steps and stand on the left; the women ascend from the eastern steps and stand on the right (left and right of the family head).93 Everyone faces north in line, in order of age (wives are ordered in accordance with their husband's age, not their own). Then all members of the family salute the head of the family together. Afterward, the eldest son goes to the left of the door, and the eldest daughter to the right of the door, both facing south, and all their brothers and sisters bow to them successively. Then each returns to where he or she was. All the husbands go up the western steps and wives go up the eastern steps, where they receive the bows of all the children. (This is because there are too many family members. If each couple were to be bowed to separately, it would become impossibly tiring.) When this salutation is completed, the elders leave the room and the children step up to the east and west sides of the door and receive bows from their younger brothers and sisters, just as their parents had done. If a young family member has returned from afar and meets more than three of his seniors at the same time, he first bows twice to them; then, after making polite inquiries into their health and comfort, he bows three more times and stops. (For greetings such as "at your service," "bless you" and "sleep well," it suffices to bow three times when more than three elders are present so that the etiquette does not become a nuisance.) To receive bows from a son-in-law or sister's son, one should stand and clasp his arm. To receive those of a daughter's son, however, standing up is sufficient. Whenever there is a seasonal celebration, a special family banquet, or the birthday of the family head, all the younger members of the family, in full attire, line up in order of rank, as in the ceremony used on the new and full moons of every month. First they bow twice. Then, the oldest of the sons or brothers advances to the front of the family head; a younger one, with his official plaque stuck in his belt and holding a wine cup, goes to his left side; another, also with his 93 This is the reverse of the positions taken by men and women during sacrificial rites, as described above.

30

G E N E R A L P R I N C I P L E S OF R I T U A L

official plaque stuck in the belt, but holding a wine decanter, goes to his right side. The eldest then sticks his official plaque in his belt, kneels down, pours the wine, and prays: Humbly, I wish that such official [the family head] be endowed with allfiveblessings,94 that he protect our kinsmen and benefit our family. After the seniors have all taken a drink, he gives the decanter and the cup back to the two younger ones, who return to where they were. The eldest takes out his official plaque, prostrates once, then rises. He steps back to where he was and bows twice together with all the other juniors. The family head then bids the juniors be seated; they all bow twice and seat themselves. Then the head orders the servants to pour wine for all the juniors. They stand up in order as before, bow twice to the master, then sit again. After the toast, the family head orders them to change their clothes; they leave to change into everyday clothing and return to their seats.95 If a wetnurse is sought for a newborn son, a woman from a respectable family of a gentle and modest nature should be chosen. (Not only would a bad wet nurse violate family regulations, but she would also influence the temperament and behavior of the child in her care.) Children old enough to eat should be given food and taught to use their right hands in eating. Those old enough to talk should be taught their names and greetings such as "at your service," "bless you," and "sleep well." As they gain some understanding, they should be taught to respect their seniors. Anytime they fail to behave properly toward them, they must be scolded and warned not to act that way again. In ancient times even prenatal instruction was practiced, not to mention postnatal education. From the time of a child's birth, even before he can understand, we familiarize him with the proprieties. How, then, can we ignore proper behavior when he is old enough to understand it? Confucius said that what is formed in childhood is like part of one's nature, what has been learned through practice becomes like instinct.96 The Family Instructions of Mr. Yen says, "Teach a bride when she first arrives; teach a child while it is still a 94

The five blessings were longevity, wealth, health, virtue, and a complete lifespan. Compare the more detailed description of family toasting under "eat the leftovers" in chapter 5, no. 1. 96 This saying is not in the classics, but it was attributed to Confucius by the Han scholar Chia I (Han shu 48:2248) and appears also in Yen-shih chia-hsun 1:15; Teng, p. 3. Ssu-ma Kuang's quotation is not quite exact. 95

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C H A P T E R ONE

baby."97 Therefore, from the time children begin to understand, they must be made to learn the distinctions of etiquette based on age and generation. In cases where they insult their parents or hit their elder brothers and sisters, if their parents laugh and praise them instead of scolding or punishing them, the children, not knowing right from wrong, will think such behavior is natural. By the time they are grown, their habits have been formed. Their parents now become angry and forbid them to do such things, but they find themselves unable to control them. As a result, the father will hate his son, and the son will resent his father. Cruelty and defiance of any sort can then occur, and all because the parents were short-sighted and failed to prevent the evil from the beginning; in other words, bad character is nourished by indulgence.98 • At the age of six, a child is taught the words for numbers (1, 10, 100, 1,000, 10,000) and directions (east, west, south, north). Boys should begin learning how to write, and girls should be taught simple women's work. At the age of seven, boys and girls no longer sit together or eat together. At this age boys recite the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects. It is a good idea for girls to recite them too. Before the seventh year, children are called youngsters; they can go to sleep early, get up late, and eat whenever they wish. Beginning with the eighth year, however, whenever they enter or exit through a doorway or whenever they sit down to eat, they must wait their turn, which will come after all those who are older. At this age they begin to learn modesty and yielding. Boys recite the Book of Documents and young girls no longer go past the door of the inner quarters. At nine years boys recite the Spring and Autumn Annals and other histories. The texts are now explained to them, so that they can understand moral principle. At this age girls have explained to them the Analects, the Classic of Filial Piety, and such books as Biographies of Admirable Women and Warnings for Women" so that they comprehend the main ideas. In ancient times all virtuous women read illustrated histories to educate themselves; some, such as Ts'ao Ta-ku [Pan Chao], became quite conversant in the classics and could discuss issues intelligently. Nowadays, some people 97

Yen-shih chia-hsiin 1:25; Teng, p. 3. This passage differs considerably from the corresponding passage in SMSSI. Compare also Yuan Ts'ai on child rearing, in Ebrey, Family and Property, pp. 188-95. 99 Biographies of Admirable Women was written in the Han period by Liu Hsiang. See O'Hara, The Position of Women in Early China. Warnings for Women by Pan Chao is one of the few books written in premodern China by a woman author. See Swann, Pan Chao. 98

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teach their daughters to write songs and poems and popular music; these are entirely inappropriate activities. • At the age of ten, boys ought to go out to study under a school master and should stay in the outer quarters or away from home. They should study the commentaries to the Classic of Poetry and the Record of Ritual, which will be explained to them by their teacher. They should also be taught the essence of benevolence, moral duty, etiquette, wisdom, and faithfulness. From this time on, they can study Meng Tzu, Hsun Tzu, Yang Tzu,100 and read widely in other works. The essential ones, however, should be recited. (These include the Record of Ritual's "Record of Learning," "Great Learning," "Centrality and Commonality," and "Record of Music") At the same time heretical books not written by sages ought to be prohibited so that the student will not become confused. Not until boys understand all of these books should they begin composition. For girls, at this age instruction in compliance and obedience and the principal household tasks should begin. Household tasks such as breeding silkworms, weaving, sewing, and cooking are the proper duties of a woman. In addition, instruction in them lets a girl learn the hardships through which food and clothing are obtained so that she will not dare to be extravagant. Concerning delicate crafts, however, no instruction is needed. • Before they are capped or pinned,101 young boys and girls should rise at daybreak, comb their hair into top-knots, wash their faces, and then call on their elders. When assisting their elders at meals or ancestral rites, they should help by holding the food and wine. After the capping or pinning ceremonies, however, they will be expected to behave with the proper manners of adults and can no longer be regarded as children. The servants of the inner and outer quarters and the concubines all rise at the first crow of the cock. After combing their hair, washing, and getting dressed, the male servants should sweep the halls and front courtyard; the doorman and older servants should sweep the middle courtyard, while the maids sweep the living quarters, arrange the tables and chairs, and prepare for the toilet of the master and mistress. When the master and mistress have risen, the maids should 100 These are major works by the early Confucian masters Mencius, Hsiin Tzu, and Yang Hsiung. 101 On these ceremonies, see chapter 2.

33

C H A P T E R ONE

make their beds, fold their clothes, and wait for orders during their toilet. Afterward they retire to prepare the food. If they have time, they should wash and sew clothes, always tending to the business of their master's household first, their own affairs last. When night falls, they should again make the beds and prepare the night-wear for the master and mistress. During the day each of the servants and concubines performs the task assigned to him or her by the master, so that all the work gets done. The maids call their older counterparts "older sister" when they are of the same rank (servants of several brothers, for instance); lower-ranking servants (those of sons, for instance) call higherranking ones "auntie." The "Domestic Regulations" says, "Even the clothes, food, and drink of maids and concubines should vary by seniority." Cheng Kang-ch'eng [Hsuan] commented, "People must observeritualregardless of rank; this is the reason the maids and concubines are ranked by seniority."102 • All servants are expected to get along harmoniously. The master and mistress should scold any who quarrel as soon as they hear of it. If the quarreling does not stop, they should beat them with a staff, the one who is in the wrong being beaten more severely. If one is willing to end the quarrel and the other refuses, only the one who refuses should be beaten. Loyal and trustworthy menservants should receive the highest pay; next should be those who are talented at managing family business. Those who are treacherous and selfish, habitual thieves, or disrespectful should be expelled. Female servants should be let go when their contract is up if they do not wish to stay. One should provide a dowry and arrange a marriage for those who are diligent and have made few mistakes. But any who are two-faced, gossipy, or instigate quarrels among relatives, as well as any who are habitual thieves, who are dissolute in behavior, or who are disloyal to the family, must be expelled.103 102

Li-chi, "Nei-tse" 28:10b; Legge, 1:471. On management of servants, compare Yuan Ts'ai in Ebrey, Family and Property, pp. 134-44, 289-93. 103

34

C H A P T E R TWO

The Capping Ceremony

ABSTRACT 1. Capping Any young man from fifteen to twenty years of age may be capped, provided that his parents are not in mourning for a period of a year or longer. Three days before the event, the presiding man makes a report at the offering hall, then personally invites the sponsor. The day before, he invites the sponsor again and has the equipment arranged. At dawn on the day of the event, the caps and robes are set out. The participants line up, in order, from the presiding man on down. When the sponsor arrives, the presiding man invites him to enter the hall. The sponsor, with a salute, beckons the initiant to go to the mat, then puts the head-cloth on him. The initiant returns to the side room where he puts on the long garment and shoes before reappearing. The second capping entails a hat, black robe, leather belt, and tie shoes. The third capping entails the scarf-cap, official robes, great belt, boots, and official plaque, or alternatively the ordinary robe and boots. After the pledge, the sponsor gives an adult name to the initiant. The participants leave in order, after which the presiding man presents the initiant in the offering hall and then to the elders. The sponsor is then entertained. Afterward, the initiant goes out to be presented to local elders and his father's friends. 2. Pinning Girls are pinned when they get engaged. The mother acts as presiding woman. Three days before the event the sponsor is invited. One day before, an announcement is sent to the sponsor and the equipment set out. At dawn on the day of the event the clothes are laid out. Everyone gets in line. When the sponsor arrives, the presiding woman invites her to come up into the hall. The sponsor places the cap and hairpin on the initiant, who goes to the side room to put on the jacket. This is followed by the pledge and the giving of the adult name. Finally, the sponsor is entertained just as in the capping ritual.

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C H A P T E R TWO

• 1. C A P P I N G

• Any young man from fifteen to twenty years of age may be capped.' The venerable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "The ancients performed capping at twenty as a ritual through which a youth was charged with acting as an adult. That is, 'one then expected of the young man the conduct of a son, a younger brother, a subject, and a junior.'2 Therefore the ceremony had to be treated seriously. In recent times, people are flippant in their attitude toward it. 3 Very few boys are still wearing 'hair horns' beyond ten. 4 What can such boys know about expectations of the four kinds of conduct? All too often they are uni­ formly foolish from childhood to maturity, for they know nothing of adult ways. Today, although instant change is not feasible, it should be all right to delay capping the young man until he is fifteen or older and can understand the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects, and has a rough knowledge of ritual and moral principles." 5 • The ceremony may not be performed if the young man's parents are in mourning for a period of a year or longer. 6 It also may not be performed if they are in "greater processed cloth" [ninemonth] mourning and the burial has not yet taken place.7 1 Here and elsewhere, ages are in sui, which are at least one and sometimes almost two years higher than the age would be if given in chronological years. 2 FromLi-chi, "Kuan-i" 61:2a; Legge, 2:427. 3 According to Chu Hsi (YL 89:2271), Chang Shih (1133-1180) omitted the capping ceremony from a compilation he made of rituals on the grounds that it could not be practiced. Chu Hsi countered that it was by far the easiest of the family rituals to practice, since it did not involve other families, like marriage, did not have to be performed while in grief, like funerals, and did not take much time or trouble, like sacrifices. See also Nan-hsuan chi 24:3b-^a. 4 "Hair horns" was a hair style for children, with hair drawn up into two knots. 5 This is abbreviated from SMSSI 2:19. Ssu-ma Kuang notes further that the only people he ever heard of carrying out this ceremony were rural villagers, and says that some of his contemporaries even put hats on babies. He recommended waiting until fifteen for capping but set his lower limit at twelve, on the basis of a precedent in the Tso-chuan. In Chu Hsi's own case, he received an informal name from his teacher (a key part of the capping cere­ mony) at about fourteen (Chu Tzu nien-p'u 1Α:3-4). In the nineteenth century, Li Yiianch'un saw no harm in holding the capping the day before a young man's wedding, as was the current custom (Ssu-lipien-su, 4a). 6 On the mourning grades, see chapter 4, no. 6. Relatives whose deaths would interfere would include, on the father's side, his parents, his wife, grandparents, brothers and sisters, father's brothers and their wives, brothers' children, father's sisters, and his sons and daugh­ ters, and on the mother's side, her parents or husband. 7 These relatives include first cousins through father's brothers, and the wives of younger sons and brothers' sons.

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THE C A P P I N G C E R E M O N Y

• Three days before the event, the presiding man makes a report at the offering hall. In the ancient ritual, one chose the day by divination. Today that is not practical, but one may select a day in the first month.8 The term "presiding man" refers to the father or grandfather of the initiant when either of them is the descent-line heir of the great-great-grandfather. Otherwise, the descentline heir of the great-great-grandfather must act as presiding man. If circumstances prevent this, then one of the successive descent-line heirs may act as presiding man.9 For the ceremony of the report when the father acts as presiding man himself, see the section on the offering hall [chapter 1, no. I]. The prayer board begins like the ones described there, then has: A's son B, or A's such-relative C s son B, who now has grown older and reached maturity, will have a cap placed on his head on such day of such month. Earnestly, . . . . When someone caps his own son on orders of the descent-line heir, it should still be the descent-line heir who takes charge of the prayer board, saying that a lesser son, C, has been ordered to carry out the ceremony. If the descent-line heir's father and grandfather are both dead and he caps himself, then he also acts as presiding man. The prayer board begins the same, but says, "A will, on such day of such month, place a cap on his own head. Earnestly, . . . ." • Personally invite the sponsor. In the ancient ritual, one divined to select the sponsor. Today that is impractical, but one may select a friend who is wise and versed in ritual.10 On that day the presiding man in the long garment goes in person to the gate of the friend he is inviting, who comes out to meet him, as in ordinary etiquette. When they finish their tea, the caller rises and says, "A has a son B (or A's such-relative C has a son B) who will have a cap placed on his head. We would like to have you, sir, instruct him." 11 He answers, "I am not quick and fear that, being inadequate to the task, I will cause you trouble, sir. I presume to decline." 8 SMSSI 2:19 kept the divination but said it would be acceptable to toss divining blocks or coins. Chu T'ien-ch'iu, Chia-li i-chien pien, 31a and some other authors of revised versions said one could choose a day by consulting a calendar for a suitable day. 9 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 2:2a) returned to Ssu-ma Kuang's rule that the presiding man was the family head, whether a parent or grandparent, granting, however, the exception of the orphaned descent-line heir who acts as his own presiding man. 10 SMSSI 2:20 kept the divination. 11 SMSSI 2:20 said that if the messenger could not memorize the words, he could bring notes or deliver the message as a letter.

37

C H A P T E R TWO

The caller responds, "We still would like you, sir, to instruct him." He replies, "As you, sir, have repeated your command, I dare not disobey." 12 If the sponsor lives far away, then write a letter expressing the initial request and send a younger relative to deliver it. When the recipient declines, the messenger insists, at which point he consents. He also writes a reply, saying, "As you, sir, have ordered it, I, X, dare not disobey." If the descent-line heir is capping himself, then the phrases of the invitation are "A will be placing a cap on his own head. . . . " • The day before the event, invite the sponsor again. Send a younger relative with a letter reading: Tomorrow A shall place a cap on the head of his son B (or his suchrelative C s son B's head), and he hopes that you, sir, will attend. He dares to inform you. A writes to X. The reply reads: I shall rise early. X sends to A.13 If the descent-line heir is capping himself, then the phrasing should be altered, as in the first invitation to the sponsor. • Arrange the equipment. Put the wash basin and wash cloth in the reception room in the same position they occupy during ceremonies in the offering hall. Use screens to make a side room in the northeast corner of the hall. If the hall does not have two staircases, use chalk to draw them.14 These procedures apply for subsequent ceremonies as well. • Rise as soon as the sun is up and set out the cap and robes. Those with government offices use official robes, belts, boots, and official plaques, for which those without offices substitute graduates' robes, belts, and boots. Everyone also uses the black robe, the long garment, the great belt, shoes, comb, and a top-knot string. All of these items are set out on a table in the side room with collars toward the east, arranged from the north on down.15 12

From ibid., in turn based on/-//, "Shihkuan-li" 3:7a-b; Steele, 1:13. Adapted from /-//, "Shihkuan-li" 3:7b; Steele, 1:13. 14 This ceremony is not held in the offering hall, but in the front main room of the house. As Ssu-ma Kuang noted, most people's image halls (his term for offering halls) were too small for ceremonies like cappings, so even though in the classics these were done in the ancestral temples, ordinary rooms would have to be used. 15 Ch'eng I said, "If today in carrying out a capping we use ancient style clothes and caps, these are not regular clothes but artificial ones. One must use the clothes of one's period" (ECC, i-shu 17:180). Official robes, graduates' robes, and black robes were indeed 13

38

THE C A P P I N G C E R E M O N Y

The wine decanter and the cup and saucer are also arranged on the table to the north of the clothes. The scarf-cap, hat, cap, and cloth are each placed on a separate tray and covered with towels. These are set out on a table at the base of the western steps. An attendant looks after them.I6 If the initiant is an eldest son, then the mat is placed above the ceremonial stairs, to the east and slightly north, facing west.n If he is a younger son, then it is placed slightly west, facing south. When the descent-line heir caps himself, the mat is like that for an eldest son, but placed further south. • The participants line up, in order, from the presiding man on down. From the presiding man on down, they take their places in full attire. The presiding man is at the base of the ceremonial steps, a little to the east, facing west. His sons and younger brothers and relatives and menservants, arranged from north to south, are behind him in rows, like him facing west.18 Select a younger relative versed in ritual to act as usher. He should stand outside the gate facing west. The initiant, wearing two hair-knots, pantaloons, leggings, and colored wooden shoes, waits standing in the middle of the side room, facing south.19 The initiant's father (unless he is himself the descent-line heir) stands to the right of the presiding man. If older than the presiding man, he stands a little in front of him; if junior, slightly behind. When the descent-line heir caps himself, he dresses like an initiant but takes the position of the presiding man. • When the sponsor arrives, the presiding man invites him to come into the hall. The sponsor selects for himself a younger relative versed inritualto act as his assistant in the capping. They both arrive at the gate in full attire and stand facing east, the assistant to therightand slightly behind the sponsor. The usher all common shih-ta-fu clothes of the Sung, more common than the ones listed in SMSSI 2:21. 16 SMSSI 2:20 says the attendant can be either a younger relative or a servant. 17 This ceremony, unlike the others described in this book, unambiguously follows the ancient practice of kneeling on mats on the floor. Whether anyone actually did this in the Sung is unclear. The archaic flavor of this and other details in the capping ritual may reflect the lack of a "living tradition" that Ssu-ma Kuang and Chu Hsi had to take into consideration in formulating their models for the other life-cycle rites. Chang Tsai (CTC, p. 265) said the ancients sat on mats not because they lacked the intelligence to invent chairs, but because it was easier to bow or prostrate oneself while on the floor. Lu K'un (SLI 2:3a) saw no reason not to use chairs for capping ceremonies. 18 SMSSI 2:21 says only male relatives take part in the ceremony. Capping and pinning are the only family rituals segregated by sex in this way. 19 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 2:7b-8a) says these were Sung-period children's clothes, already unintelligible in the Ming. The translation "pantaloons" is speculative. 39

C H A P T E R TWO

brings them in and informs the presiding man. The presiding man goes out to the gate and, standing on its left, turns to face them and bows twice. The sponsor bows in reply. The presiding man salutes the assistant, who salutes in reply. After the presiding man salutes again, he proceeds, with the sponsor and assistant following him through the gate. They cross the courtyard on different sides and, deferring to each other with salutes, reach the steps. After further deferring with salutes they ascend the stairs. The presiding man goes up the ceremonial steps and takes a place slightly to the east where he turns to face south. The sponsor goes next, taking the west steps and placing himself a little to the west of them. He faces east. The assistant, with the wash basin and wash cloth, ascends the western steps and stands in the middle of the side room facing west. The usher places a mat on the eastern side, slightly to the north, facing west. The initiant comes out of the side room and faces the south. The father of the initiant (unless he is himself the descent-line heir) accompanies the descent-line heir to welcome the sponsor, and in returning comes up after the sponsor. He stands to the right of the sponsor as before. • The sponsor, with a salute, beckons the initiant to go to the mat. He puts the head-cloth on him. The initiant goes to the side room, puts on the long garment and shoes, and reappears. The sponsor, with a salute, beckons the initiant to come out of the side room and stand to the right of the mat, facing it. The assistant takes the comb and top-knot string and puts them to the left of the mat. When he rises, he stands at the initiant's left. The sponsor, with a salute, beckons the initiant to proceed to the mat, turn west, and kneel. The assistant proceeds to the mat, and without changing direction he kneels and combs the initiant's hair into a knot, releasing the old ones. The sponsor then comes down the stairs, followed by the presiding man. The sponsor washes his hands, after which the presiding man with a salute beckons him to go back up to his place. The attendant comes forward with the tray containing the head-cloth. The sponsor goes down one step to take the cap and hat pin. With a solemn expression he slowly proceeds to the front of the initiant. Facing him he prays: On an excellent day of an auspicious month, you wear head gear for the first time. Set aside your childish ideas and comply with the virtues of manhood. Then your years will be blessed, and your fortune will be great.20 20 Words from I-li, "Shih kuan-li" 3:7b; Steele, 1:14. In YL 89:2272, Chu Hsi said it would be better if the instructions given at cappings and weddings were in the colloquial language so that the recipients could understand them. He did not follow his own advice either here or in the next chapter. Some revised versions of the CL supply colloquial versions

40

THE CAPPING CEREMONY

6. Layout for the Capping Ceremony

41

C H A P T E R TWO

Then, kneeling, he places the cap on the initiant. The assistant, kneeling, passes the cloth forward, which the sponsor also puts on the initiant. After he gets up and returns to his place, the sponsor, with a salute, beckons the initiant to go back to the side room. There he takes off his pantaloons and puts on the long garment, adding the large belt and shoes. When he exits the side room, he solemnly stands facing south for some time. If the descent-line heir is capping himself, everything is the same except that the sponsor, with a salute, beckons him to go to the mat, and the presiding man does not go down when the sponsor goes down to wash his hands. • The second capping entails the hat, black robe, leather belt, and tie shoes. 21 The sponsor, with a salute, beckons the initiant to go to the mat and kneel. An attendant brings the hat on a tray. The sponsor comes down two steps to take it, then carries it to the front of the initiant and prays: At this excellent hour of this auspicious day, we add to your garments. Be careful in your demeanor; be pure in your virtue. Then your years will be everlasting and you will be blessed with good fortune.22 Then the sponsor kneels and puts the hat on the initiant. On rising, he resumes his place. With a salute, he beckons the initiant to return to the side room, where he takes off the long garment and puts on the black robe, leather belt, and tie shoes. Coming out of the side room, he stands. • The third capping entails the scarf-cap, official robes, a leather belt, and boots, and official plaques, or alternatively the scholars' robe and boots. 23 The ritual is the same as in the second capping, with these exceptions. When the attendant brings the scarf-cap tray, the sponsor comes all the way down the steps to accept it, and the prayer is: In this excellent month of this proper year, we complete your clothing. Your brothers are all here to complete your virtue. May you live forever of these speeches. Li Yuan-ch'un in the nineteenth century advised first reciting the statements in the ancient language and afterward elaborating in the vernacular (Ssu-li pien-su 2a, 5b). 21 From Ch'iu Chun's comments, (CLIC 2:7b-8a) it seems these clothes were no longer in use by the mid-Ming, and he thought they need not be copied. 22 From I-li, "Shih kuan-li" 3:7b-8a; Steele, 1:14, with slight changes. 23 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 2:13a) notes that no one in his day would hold office before being capped and therefore wear official clothes. This was certainly also true in Sung times. CHWLHI 183:6a specified, that however, the sons and grandsons of officials as well as students in the academy could use the clothes and hats listed for officials in this rite. These are given in CHWLHI 183:2b-3a. 42

THE C A P P I N G C E R E M O N Y

until your hair turns from white to yellow; may you receive Heaven's favor.24 The assistant removes the hat and the sponsor puts on the scarf-cap. The assistant takes the hat, removes the comb, and enters the side room. • Perform the pledge. In the case of an eldest son, the usher moves the mat to a point just west of the middle of the hall, facing south. For younger sons the mat is kept where it was. The assistant pours the wine in the side room. He comes out and stands to the left of the initiant. The sponsor, with a salute, beckons the initiant to go to the right of the mat and face south. Then, taking the wine, the sponsor goes to the front of the mat, turns north, and prays: The fine wine is pure. The excellent offerings have superior flavors. Receive them with a bow and offer them in sacrifice to affirm your good fortune. May you receive Heaven's blessings and longevity.25 The initiant bows twice and steps onto the mat, turning south. He accepts the wine cup. The sponsor returns to his place and turns to face the east, where he returns the bow.26 The initiant moves to the front of the mat and kneels. After he offers the wine in sacrifice, he stands up and moves to the end of the mat, where he kneels. He sips the wine, rises, and steps off the mat, handing the cup to the assistant. Facing south, he bows twice. The sponsor, still facing east, bows in reply. The initiant then bows to the assistant, who is to the left and slightly behind the sponsor, also facing east. The assistant returns the bow. • The sponsor gives an adult name (tzu) to the initiant. 27 The sponsor comes down the steps and turns east, followed by the presiding man who comes down the steps and turns west to face him. The initiant comes down the western steps, moves slightly toward the east [to place himself between them], and faces south. The sponsor gives him an adult name, saying: The ceremony is now completed. On this auspicious day of this excellent month, I pronounce your adult name. May this name be greatly honored, may you be a gentleman and gain eminence, act correctly, and achieve greatness. Preserve forever what you are receiving.28 Then he calls him elder, middle, young, or youngest son so-and-so, as appropriate. The initiant replies: 24

I-li, "Shih kuan-li" 3:8a; Steele 1:14. From ibid., with slight changes. 26 The commentator of the 1732 edition of the CL explained that he bows to him because he is now an adult. 27 This is the name the young man would be commonly called from then on, replacing his childhood name. His formal name (ming) was not normally a term of address. 28 From/-«, "Shih kuan-li" 3:9a; Steele, 1:15. 25

43

C H A P T E R TWO

Although I, so-and-so, am not quick, I dare but reverently obey your instructions morning and evening. The sponsor may say something further to explain the meaning of the name.29 • The participants leave in order. The sponsor requests permission to withdraw, at which point the presiding man asks to be allowed to entertain him. The sponsor exits and the others follow, in order of rank. • The presiding man presents the initiant in the offering hall. The procedure is the same as in the ceremony for presenting an infant described in the section on the offering hall [in chapter 1, no. 1], with these changes: Alter the report to "A's son B (or A's such-relative C s son B) today has had his capping and we presume to present him here" and have the initiant come forward to stand between the two staircases and bow twice. When a descent-line heir is capping himself, the ceremony is identical except that the wording is changed to "The capping of A was completed today, and I presume to present myself." Then he bows twice, goes down the steps, and retakes his place. If the initiant's home has an offering hall for a great-grandfather, grandfather, or father, then he should be presented there by the appropriate descentline heir. When he is the descent-line heir of any of these ancestors, he presents himself. • The initiant is presented to the elders. His parents sit in the hall, facing south. His younger uncles and elder brothers are on the eastern side, the younger uncles facing south, the elder brothers west. Their wives and daughters are on the western side, the wives of the younger uncles and the aunts facing south, the elder sisters and the wives of elder brothers facing east. The initiant faces north toward his parents and bows to them. They rise for him.30 If anyone of a senior generation lives with them, then the parents bring the initiant to the senior person's room to bow to him or her. The senior person 29

Some of the only indications of something resembling the capping ceremony among Sung literati are the explanations of adult names included in many collected works. Several are in ch. 75 and 76 of Chu Hsi's WC. 30 Ssu-ma Kuang (SMSSI 2:23) notes that in the "Meaning of the Capping Ceremony" (Li-chi 61), the mother is supposed to bow to her son in response to his bow. Since he thought this would be "difficult to practice" in his day, he suggested rising as the response for any senior relative. CHWLHI 183:5a, 185:2b-3a also had the father and mother rise in response to the bow. In YL 85:2196 Chu Hsi urged retaining the classical bow here even though it did not match normal practice. Here, however, he follows Ssu-ma Kuang. 44

THE C A P P I N G C E R E M O N Y

rises for him. After he returns, he goes to the east and west sides, bowing twice for each status category. Those who should return the bow do so.31 When the initiant is not a son of the descent-line heir, he is presented first to the descent-line heir, then to those who are senior to his father in the hall, then to his parents in a private room, and then to the remaining relatives.32 When a descent-line heir caps himself, if his mother is alive he is presented to her, as in the ceremonial described here. Other kinsmen ritually subordinate to him all come to see him be presented in the hall.33 The descent-line heir bows facing west. Each rank of his seniors bows twice. He also accepts the bows of his juniors. • Next entertain the sponsor. The presiding man invites the sponsor, usher, and assistant to take wine and food. He also presents them with a gratuity, and thanks them with a bow. The size of the gratuity can vary according to circumstances, but the sponsor and his assistant should receive different amounts.34 • Afterward, the initiant goes out to be presented to local elders and his father's friends. When presented, the initiant bows and the elders and friends all return the bow. Should any of them have advice to offer him, the initiant responds as he responded to the sponsor and bows to him. The elder or friend does not return this bow.35 • 2.

PINNING

• Girls are pinned when they get engaged. 36 If they are not yet engaged by age fifteen, they may be pinned then. 31

In general, those of equal or lower rank return bows. Wang Mao-hung in the eighteenth century very much objected to having the son presented to the descent-line heir before his own parents (Po-t'ien ts'ao-t'ang ts'un-kao 2:12b). 33 These would be all those descended from the ancestor he is heir to, including some senior to him in age and generation, such as his father's younger brothers. 34 SMSSI 2:23 specifies a piece of cloth of variable length, but also says that if the presiding man is really poor, the recipient should decline to receive it. 35 The commentator of the 1732 edition explained that this bow is one accepting the advice. 36 Pinning is frequently mentioned in Sung epitaphs for women, usually in the phrase, "she married as soon as she was pinned." However, whether pinning was performed as described here or merged with the betrothal process (as it has been in recent times) is unclear. In the sixteenth century Ko Yin-sheng moved the pinning ceremony to the day before a girl's wedding and had her father's sister play a major role (Chia-li chai-yao 3:4a). In the nineteenth century, Lu T'ung-shen reported that while capping was defunct, custom in his area captured the spirit of pinning, with girls changing their hairdos when engaged and having special hairpins inserted the night before their weddings (Ssu-li i i-lun, 1). See also 32

45

CHAPTER TWO

• The mother acts as presiding woman. Should she be the wife of the descent-line heir, the ceremony is performed in the central hall. If she is not his wife but lives in his household, the ceremony should be conducted in her private room. If she lives elsewhere, the central hall of her home is used. The procedures are the same as those used in capping. • Three days before, personally invite the sponsor. One day before, invite the sponsor again. Select a female relative who is wise and decorous to serve as a sponsor. Use ordinary stationery to write the invitation, and send someone to deliver it. The phrasing is the same as in the capping ceremony, but write ' 'daughter'' instead of "son," "pinning" instead of "capping," and "such-and-such relative" or "such title" instead of "you, sir." In general, a woman refers to herself when addressing seniors of her own family as "child" and juniors by her relationship;37 when addressing seniors of her husband's family as ' 'bride'' and juniors as ' 'old wife." When addressing friends who are not related, she uses her relationship. This form should be followed in subsequent sections also. • Set out the equipment. The items and procedures are the same as in the capping ritual, but lay out the mat in the central hall in the place used for younger sons. • At dawn lay out the clothes. The procedure is the same as in the capping ritual, but use a jacket, cap, and hairpin. • Everyone lines up in order. The presiding woman takes the presiding man's place. The initiant wears two hair-knots and a gown and faces south in the middle of the side room. • When the sponsor arrives, the presiding woman invites her to come up into the hall. The procedure is the same as in the capping ceremony, but there is no assistant. The presiding woman uses the ceremonial stairs. • The sponsor places the cap and hairpin on the initiant, who goes to the side room to put on the jacket. Ku Kuang-yii, Ssu-li ch'iieh-i 2:8a-b, which says girls generally changed their hairdos at thirteen or fourteen. 37 Ssu-ma Kuang (SMSSI 2:24) annotates this as "aunt," "elder sister," etc. 46

THE C A P P I N G C E R E M O N Y

The procedure is approximately like the capping ritual. However, if one cannot use the phrase "for thefirsttime put on" in the prayer, then omit it. This is followed by the pledge. It is the same as in the cappingritual,with identical wording. Next give the adult name. The procedure is the same as in the capping ritual, but change the phrase "gentleman" to "lady." Finally entertain the sponsor just as in the capping ritual.

47

CHAPTER

THREE

Weddings

ABSTRACT 1. Negotiating the Marriage Men from sixteen to thirty and women from fourteen to twenty are permitted to marry unless they or those presiding at their marriage are in mourning graded at a year or longer. The first requirement is to have an intermediary go back and forth between the families to carry out the negotiations. Once the girl's family has agreed to the wedding, the betrothal gift may be presented. 2. Presenting the Betrothal Gift The presiding man prepares the betrothal document and at dawn takes it to make a report at the offering hall. Next he sends a son or younger brother to take a message to the girl's family. The presiding man of the girl's family comes out to meet the messenger. He takes the betrothal document and reports its content at his offering hall. On exiting the hall, he gives the messenger the document of reply, then entertains him. When the messenger returns with the reply, the presiding man of the groom's family makes another report at the offering hall. 3. Presenting the Valuables A document listing the valuables is prepared and a messenger is sent with it to the girl's family. The girl's family receives the document and prepares a reply. After they entertain the messenger, he returns with the reply as in presenting the betrothal gift. 4. Welcoming in Person On the day before the wedding, the bride's family sends people to lay out the dowry furnishings in the groom's chamber. At dawn the groom's family sets places in the chamber. Meanwhile, the bride's family sets up places outside. As the sun goes down, the groom puts on full attire. After the presiding man makes a report at the offering hall, he pledges the groom and orders him to go to fetch the bride. The groom goes out and mounts his horse. When he gets to the bride's home he waits at his place. The presiding man of the bride's family makes a report at the offering hall, after which he pledges the bride and instructs her. Then he goes out to greet the groom. When the groom enters, he presents a goose. The duenna takes the girl out to climb into the conveyance. The groom mounts his horse and leads the way for the bridal vehicle. When they arrive at his house he leads the bride in and they take their seats. After the eating and drinking are done, the groom leaves the chamber. On reentering, he takes off his clothes and the candles are removed. 48

WEDDINGS 5. The Bride Is Presented

to Her

Parents-in-law

The next day, having risen at dawn, the bride meets her parents-in-law, w h o entertain her. Then the bride is presented to the elders. If she is the wife of the eldest son, she serves food to her parents-in-law. Then the parents-in-law feast the bride. 6. Presentation

at the Family

Shrine

O n the third day the presiding man takes the bride to be presented at the offering hall. 7. The Groom Is Presented

to the Wife's

Parents

The day after that the groom goes to see his wife's parents. Afterward he is presented to his wife's relatives. The bride's family entertains the groom, as in ordinary etiquette.

•

1. NEGOTIATING THE MARRIAGE

• Men from sixteen to thirty and women from fourteen to twenty are permitted to marry, so long as neither the principals nor those presiding at the marriage are in mourning graded at a year or longer. The venerable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "In antiquity men married at thirty and women at twenty. In our current law the minimum permissible age for marriage is fifteen for men and thirteen for women.1 In setting the ages as I have here, I examined both ancient and recent moral principles, considered the middle ground of the rituals and laws, and tried to accord with natural principles and human feelings."2 One cannot be the presiding man if in mourning graded at "greater processed cloth" until after the burial.3 1 For antiquity, see Li-chi, "Nei-tse" 28:20b-21b; Legge, 2:478-79; Chou-li, "Meishih" 14:13b. The minimum legal age at marriage had been set at fifteen and thirteen since the mid-T'ang (T'ang hui-yao 83:1529). For a review of legislation of age at marriage, see Niida, Shina mibunho shi, pp. 548-51. 2 SMSSI 3:29, abridged. Lu K'un (SLI 3:1b) argued that waiting to twenty and thirty was unreasonable because it might lead to the young people dying without heirs. 3 For a list of those relatives whose deaths would interrupt a marriage because they were graded at a year or nine months, see below, chapter 4, no. 6. The law code also enforced the ritual rule against marrying while in mourning for parents, husband, or other relatives graded at a year (SHT 13:16a-b). According to Su Shih (1036-1101), however, in 1090 this rule was relaxed so that old parents or grandparents who needed to get a spouse for their child or grandchild to help take care of them could arrange a marriage even though the child was in mourning for a parent (Su Shih wen-chi 35:1009). Because of the ban on marriage while in mourning, parents and grandparents who anticipated dying would sometimes speed up the marriage of a descendant. See, for instance, Hung-ch'ing chii-shih wen-chi 40:9b.

49

CHAPTER THREE

The man presiding at a wedding is selected on the same principle as a man presiding at a capping, except that if the descent-line heir is the one being married, he should have a senior patrilineal kinsman serve as presiding man.4 • The first requirement is to have an intermediary go back and forth between the families to carry out the negotiations. 5 Once the girl's family has agreed to the wedding, the betrothal gift may be presented. The venerable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "In negotiating marriages, one ought first to look into the character, behavior, and family traditions of the bride and groom. Do not unreasonably covet wealth and rank. If the groom is worthy, even if he is at present poor and of low rank he may well become rich and high ranking later. But if he is unworthy, even if he is rich and successful now, there is no guarantee that he will not later lose his wealth and rank. Whether a family thrives or declines depends on the wife. A bride chosen because of greediness for transient wealth and rank will seldom fail to presume upon them and treat her husband with contempt and her parents-in-law with disdain. High-handed and jealous streaks of her personality will be fostered, leading one day to disaster. Where will it end? How could a man of spirit retain his pride if he got rich by using his wife's assets or gained high station by relying on her influence?6 "The current custom favors engagements entered into lightly while the principals are young, sometimes while they are still in diapers. There are even 'pointing to the belly,' prenatal engagements.7 Sometimes the engagement is repudiated because after the betrothed grow up, one or the other turns out to be unworthy or unreliable or develops a loathsome disease. Other reasons could be that his or her family is so poor that they are cold and hungry, or successive deaths keep them in mourning, or official service takes them far off. Many such broken engagements lead to lawsuits. For these reasons, my late grandfather, the Grand Commandment, once said, 'In my family the boys and girls must be full grown before their marriage is discussed. Within a few 4

Instead of presiding himself, as he would for a capping, he asks a senior relative such as an uncle to do so. By custom, someone had to preside over each side of a marriage, and the law code recognized that this person was more responsible for an illegal marriage than the principals (SHT 14:11b). T'ang To (CLHT 3:6b) had the father or mother preside at weddings and Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 3:1b) the grandfather, father, or whoever was family head, a formulation followed by many other authors of revised editions (e.g., Chia-li i-chien pien, 6a). The important point, one author stressed, was that neither women nor the groom himself serve as presiding man (Ssu-lipien-su, 5b). 5 Lu Wei-ch'i in the Ming urged getting a respectable, responsible person as an intermediary, not a lower-class matchmaker (Ssu-liyiieh-yen 3:3a). 6 Cf. Yuan Ts'ai in Ebrey, Family and Property, pp. 221-25. 7 Such engagements are arranged between two men whose wives are both pregnant, contingent on the one bearing a boy and the other a girl. This type of engagement is often mentioned in Sung sources and was even given a separate category in a late-Sung guide to forms used in marriage (Hsin-pien hun-li pei-yung yiieh-lao hsin-shu, ch. 8). 50

WEDDINGS

months after the betrothal documents are exchanged, the wedding must take place. This way, they will be spared a lifetime of disappointment. This is the procedure my descendants should follow.' " 8 • 2. PRESENTING THE BETROTHAL G I F T 9

This is the ritual for accepting the selection, known today, in the vernacular, as the engagement. • The presiding man prepares the betrothal document. The presiding man is the one presiding over the wedding. For the document use the type of formal stationery customarily used.10 If the groom is the son of someone in a secondary descent-line, his father fills out the document and informs the descent-line heir. • At dawn he takes it to make a report in the offering hall. n The procedure is the same as in the report in the capping ceremony. The prayer board begins the same way, then reads: A's son B (or A's such-type relative Cs son B), of so-many years, is full grown but does not have a mate. We have now made plans to take in marriage the daughter of X, of such office, such prefecture. Today we 8

SMSSI 3:29-30, abridged. His grandfather was Ssu-ma Hsiian. The title given is an honorary, posthumous one. Wang Yuan (CLHT 3:6a) in the early Ming added a further complaint about contemporary engagement practices: people used Yin-Yang specialists to make the choice of spouses, thinking that was the way to prosper. Such specialists presumably compared date and hour of birth, a common custom in later times. 9 No reference is made here to what sort of gift this was. TCMHL 5.30 mentions foodstuffs such as wine and lamb. MLL 20:304 also mentioning jewelry and clothing. These sources also mention counter (or return) gifts, not referred to here. 10 Marriage documents were not used in ancient times but had become common by the T'ang. Examples of the format used in marriage documents are found in Tun-huang documents and in several Sung and Yuan encyclopedias. Hsin-pien shih-wen lei-yao ch'i-cha ch'ing-ch'ien, pp. 489-92, has models for the intermediary's letters; engagement letters listing the three generations of patrilineal ancestors, plus mother's name and all titles; letters that list dowry and engagement gifts; and so on. Ssu-ma Kuang objected to marriage documents that listed more than dates and the name and office of the presiding man and relegated their exchange to an afterthought in the ritual, not making it the center of the rite as Chu Hsi did (SMSSI 3:31). TCMHL 5:30 and MLL 20:304, however, refer to the use of letters much like those in the encyclopedias as the standard practice. Feng Shan (CLCS, 33a, 35a, 36b) included sample documents in his version of the CL, citing the Yuan reference book, Hanmo ta-ch'&an. CLHT (3, passim) and CLIC (3, passim) also include many sample documents. Chu T'ien-ch'iu, in the Ming, said people often turned to others to compose the letters, seeking greater literary style (Chia-li i-chienpien, 6a). Wu Hsien-shen, in the eighteenth century, said only the educated sent letters, others preparing cards accompanied by food, a practice he considered acceptable (Chia-li chi-i, 9a-b). 11 CHWLHI 179:1b and passim for commoners has all of the reports made only to the deceased father. 51

CHAPTER THREE

present the betrothal gift. Unable to overcome our pious feelings, earnestly. . . ." If the descent-line heir is the one being married, he makes the report in person. • Next the presiding man sends a younger relative to take a message to the girl's family.12 The presiding man of the girl's family comes out to meet the messenger. The messenger is in full attire when he goes to the girl's family. For the girl's family, it is also the descent-line heir who serves as presiding man. He meets the messenger in full attire. The father of the girl (unless he is himself the descent-line heir) sits to therightof the presiding man. If he is of a senior generation, then he sits forward a little; if of a lower one, then he sits slightly behind. After tea has been served, the messenger stands up and says: Your honor is kindly giving a wife to B. My such-type relative A, of such office, following the ancestralrituals,has sent me to ask your acceptance of the betrothal gift. '3 One of those accompanying him hands him the document, which he gives to the presiding man. The presiding man answers: My child (or younger sister, niece, grandchild) is stupid and we have not been able to teach her. If his honor orders it, I dare not decline.14 He turns north and bows twice. The messenger steps aside and does not return the bow.15 He asks permission to leave, and on receiving it he takes his appropriate place to wait. If the engaged girl is an aunt or elder sister of the presiding man, then he should not say she is stupid and untaught, but the other phrases should be the same. • Next the presiding man of the girl's family takes the betrothal document and reports its content in his offering hall. The ceremony is the same as the one followed by the groom's family. The prayer board begins the same, then reads: 12

Ibid., in the rites for commoners, has the intermediary or matchmaker (mei-shih) act as messenger. Feng Shan (CLCS, 34a) says ' 'in current custom people use the matchmaker to take the letter and lamb, wine, and fruit," and other authors of revised versions also accepted the substitution of the matchmaker here (e.g., Chia-li i-chien pien, 6a). Ch'iuChiin (CLIC 3:5a) said a younger relative would not have proper standing, complicating etiquette, and so recommended following the current practice of using a marriage guarantor (pao-ch'in che). 13 From I-li, "Shihhun-li" 6:8b; Steele, 1:36. 14 Ibid. 15 Because the bow is not really directed to the messenger, but to the groom's father (SMSSI 3:31). 52

WEDDINGS

X's number so-many daughter (or such-type relative Y's number somany daughter)16 has grown up and is now promised in marriage to B, the son (or such-type relative) of A, of such office, such prefecture. Today the presentation of the betrothal gift has taken place. Unable to overcome our pious feelings, earnestly. . . . • He goes out and gives the messenger the document of reply. Then he entertains him. When the presiding man goes out, he invites the messenger to come up into the hall, where he gives him the document of reply. The messenger takes it and asks permission to leave. The presiding man invites him to stay as a guest and then brings wine and food to serve to him. From this point on, the messenger exchanges bows and salutes with the presiding man, as in everyday guest-host etiquette. Those accompanying him also are entertained, but in a separate room. They are given gratuities. • The messenger returns with the reply. The presiding man of the groom's family makes another report at the offering hall. No prayer is used on this occasion. • 3. P R E S E N T I N G THE VALUABLES

The ancient ritual included the rites of "asking the name" and "presenting the lucky divination." These cannot be fully performed today. To keep things simple and convenient only "presenting the betrothal gift" and "presenting the valuables" are performed.17 • Prepare the valuables to be presented. For the valuables, use between two and ten lengths of colored silk, depending on how rich the family is. Today people use hairpins, bracelets, lamb, wine, fruit, nuts, or the like, which are acceptable alternatives.18 16

Amending the CTCS edition to accord with the HLTC and SKCS ed. Ssu-ma Kuang (SMSSI 3) and Ch'eng I (ECC, wen-chi 10:620-21) retained all six of the classical rites of marriage, that is, "presenting the betrothal gift" (na-ts'ai), "askingthe name" (wen-ming), "presenting the lucky divination" (na-chi), "presenting the evidence" (na-cheng), "requesting the date" (ch'ing-ch'i), and "welcoming in person" (ch'in-ying). Chu Hsi may have found a precedent in CHWLHI 179, which reduced the six rites to four, combining rites one and two and rites three and four. As Yang Fu (HLTC 19:24a) noted, Chu Hsi omitted another of the six rites that he did not mention: "requesting the date." Yang considered this rite essential and offered a set of rules for it, imitating Chu Hsi's style. Feng Shan (CLCS, 36a) disagreed with Yang on the grounds that the matchmaker would have set the date during earlier negotiations, making a special rite unnecessary. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 3:13b) concurred with Yang. 18 SMSSI 3:32 retained the classical deer skin in addition to silk. See TCMHL 5:30-31 and MLL 20:304-305 for more detailed accounts of the successive exchanges of wine, meat, fish, clothing, jewelry, and money. The limitation at ten lengths of silk is probably based 17

53

CHAPTER THREE

• Prepare the document and send a messenger with the list to the girl's family. 19 The girl's family receives the document and prepares a reply. They entertain the guest. The messenger returns with the reply, as in presenting the betrothal gift. The etiquette is like that followed in presenting the betrothal gift, with these exceptions. Do not make a report at the ancestral hall. In the speech of the messenger, change "betrothal gift" to "valuables." A follower hands the document listing the valuables to the messenger, who gives it to the presiding man. The presiding man replies: His honor, following the ancestral regulations, is conferring on me these precious valuables, which I do not dare decline. Dare I refuse his commands? Then he accepts the document and his attendants receive the valuables. The presiding man bows twice, and the messenger steps aside to avoid accepting the honor. The messenger again comes forward and asks for his instructions. The presiding man hands him a written reply.20 • 4. W E L C O M I N G IN P E R S O N 2 1

" On the day before the wedding, the bride's family sends people to lay out the dowry furnishings in the groom's chamber. 22 on the phrase in Chou-li, "Mei-shih" 14:16b, that not more than five pairs of cloth lengths should be given for betrothal gifts. The minimum number was two because everything associated with marriage comes in pairs. That a few lengths of colored silk was considered a rather slight gift among Sung shih-ta-fu is also indicated by the question to this effect posed by a student of Chu Hsi in YL 89:2273. 19 Weng Tai-shih pu-hsiian wen-kung chia-li 3:4a gives a sample gift list document. 20 Feng Shan (CLCS, 35b-37a) and Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 3:11a) thought a report at the offering hall should be made when the valuables are presented. Feng Shan also said it was customary to send out invitations to invite neighbors, relatives, and friends to a party to celebrate the engagement. 21 ARCLIC (3:9b) added before "welcoming in person" the rite of "hastening the dowry," since it was given in the Ta-Ming hui-tien. This popular rite, also common in the Sung, was done two or three days before the wedding itself; the groom's family would prepare a list of the presents and send a messenger and the matchmaker to take it to the girl's family to encourage them to move quickly with dowry preparations (TCMHL 5:30-31, MLL 20:305). 22 In WC 69:31b-32b, Chu Hsi described the ritual used when a son-in-law surnamed Chao came to get his bride. Largely it follows the prescription given here, but there is no mention of a goose or reports to the offering hall. There is also a reference to the groom raising the bride's veil, not found in CL. The son-in-law surnamed Chao could have been either Chao Shih-hsia or Chao Shih-jo, each of whom married one of Chu Hsi's granddaughters (Mien-chai chi 36:48a). Chu Hsi said in YL 89:2273-74 that he preferred Ch'eng I's instructions for welcoming in person to Ssu-ma Kuang's because Ssu-ma Kuang had the bride immediately introduced to the image hall. Ch'eng I's are found in ECC wen-chi 10:621-22. Much of the description given here, however, is based closely on SMSSI 3:33-37. 54

WEDDINGS

In the vernacular this is called "making up the room." The only things that should be displayed are objects of ordinary use such as blankets, coverlets, curtains, and screens. Clothes should be locked in cases and not displayed.23 The honorable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "Wen-chung Tzu [Wang T'ung] said, 'To consider finances in arranging a marriage is the way of the barbarians.'24 'Marriage is for the good relations of two surnames that are joined. Above, it allows one to serve the ancestral temple; below, it provides for the continuation of the line of descendants.'25 Nowadays, it is the custom for covetous and vulgar people first to ask about the value of the dowry when selecting a bride and the amount of the wedding present when marrying a daughter. Some even draw up a contract saying "such goods, in such numbers, such goods, in such numbers," thereby treating their daughters as an item in a sales transaction.26 There are also cases where people go back on their agreements after the wedding is over. These are the methods used by brokers dealing in male and female bondservants. How can such a transaction be called a gentleman-official (shih-ta-fu) marriage? "When the parents-in-law have been deceived, they will maltreat the daughter-in-law as a way to vent their fury. Fearing this, those who love their daughter put together generous dowries in the hope of pleasing her parents-inlaw, not realizing that such covetous, vulgar people are insatiable. When the dowry is depleted, what use will the bride be to these parents-in-law? They will then 'pawn' her to get further payment from her family. Her family's wealth has a limit, but their demands will never stop. Therefore, families linked by marriage often end up enemies. "For all these reasons, it is the custom for people to be pleased when sons are born and sorry when daughters are born, so sorry that sometimes they do 23

Ssu-ma Kuang added that in current custom all items of furniture (beds, benches, tables, chairs) were the responsibility of the groom's family, while all the bedding, curtains, and so on were supplied by the girl's family. He criticized the custom of displaying the dowry clothes as vulgar boastfulness, more understandable among maidservants than people of refinement (SMSSI 3:33). Lu T'ung-shen in the nineteenth century reported that in his region (I-hsing, Kiangsu), the groom's family totally cleaned out the room except for the bed, the bride's family supplying everything else (Ssu-li i i-lun, 3). 24 Wang T'ung (5847-617) was a Confucian philosopher admired by Ssu-ma Kuang and other Northern Sung scholars. See Wechsler, "The Confucian Teacher Wang T'ung," pp. 225-72. This passage is found in Chung-shuo 1:11. 25 From Li-chi, "Shin hun-li" 61:4b; Legge, 2:428. 26 MLL 20:304 said that the marriage document a girl's family returned on agreeing to an engagement routinely listed furnishings, jewelry, bedding, land, houses, gardens, and so on. For a sample of such a document, see Hsin-pien shih-wen lei-chii han-mo ta-ch'iian, i 18:6b-7a. The author of this work, Liu Ying-li (d. 1311), mentioned that considering finances in marriage negotiations had been condemned as barbarian. He therefore put the contract at the very end of the eighteen chapters on marriage to underline its vulgarity. He noted, however, that before an engagement was settled it was customary to have a document fully listing the dowry and engagement gifts, including the exact quantity of land, maidservants, lengths of silk, items of jewelry, and so on. 55

CHAPTER THREE

not raise them.27 Thus, if in negotiating a marriage the other side brings up finances, proceed no further."28 • At dawn the groom's family lays out place settings in the groom's chamber. Set tables and armrests for two places, facing each other east and west.29 Put out vegetables, fruit, cups and saucers, spoons, and chopsticks, as one would to entertain a guest. The wine jug goes at the rear of the east setting. On the south side of the table place the ' 'joined nuptial cup," and place a wash pan and ladle on both the north and south. In the east corner of the room set another wine jug. In the hall or in another room put cups and a decanter, which will be used to entertain the followers. The "nuptial cup" is made by splitting a gourd in two.30 • The bride's family sets up places outside. As the sun goes down, the groom puts on full attire.31 The current custom is for the new groom to wear aflowercrown that obscures his face. This makes him appear very unmasculine and should not be practiced.32 • The presiding man makes a report in the offering hall. The procedure is the same as used in presenting the betrothal gift except that the prayer board, after opening the same way, has "A's son B, or A's suchtype relative Cs son B, will today personally welcome the daughter of X family, of such office, such prefecture. Unable to overcome my pious feelings, earnestly. . . . " When the descent-line heir is the one marrying, he makes the report himself. • Then he pledges the groom and orders him to go to welcome the bride. First the wine, decanter, and cups and saucers are set out on a table in the hall. The presiding man, in full attire, sits on the eastern side of the hall, facing 27

A euphemistic phrase for infanticide. On infanticide in the Sung, see Eichorn, "Some Notes on Population Control During the Sung Dynasty." 28 SMSSI 3:33. In the seventeenth century Sun Ch'i-feng complained that people would spend a thousand pieces of gold for a daughter's dowry but be unwilling to spend a few pieces for a son's education. See Chia-li cho, 10b. 29 SMSSI 3:33 has chairs instead of arm rests. 30 TCMHL 5:31 and MLL 20:306 refer instead to ordinary cups tied together with a ribbon. 31 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 3:38b) noted that many people did not realize that weddings had to take place at dusk and asked astrologers (Yin-Yang experts) to select the hour for the ceremony. 32 SMSSI 3:34 adds that wearing one or two flowers would be acceptable. The flower crown is described as standard in TCMHL 5:31. 56

WEDDINGS

west. He sets the mat for the groom to the northwest, facing south. The groom goes up the western steps and stands to the west of the mat and faces south. The assistant takes the cup, pours the wine, and brings it to the front of the groom's mat.33 The groom bows twice, goes onto the mat, still facing south, and accepts the cup. Kneeling, he offers it in sacrifice. He thenrisesand goes to the end of the mat where he kneels and sips the wine. After rising, he gets off the mat to the west, hands the cup to the assistant, bows again twice, and goes to the front of his father's seat. Turning to the east to face him, he kneels. His father instructs him: Go to welcome your helpmate, so that I may fulfill my duties to my ancestors. Do your best to lead her, with due respect, for you then will gain steadiness.34 The groom replies: I will. My only fear is that I am not equal to the task. I will not dare to forget your command.35 He prostrates himself, thenrisesand leaves. When the groom is not the descent-line heir's son, it is the descent-line heir who makes the report in the offering hall, but the groom's father who pledges him, using his private room, and changing the term "duties to ancestors" to "family duties." When the descent-line heir is orphaned and conducts his own marriage, the pledgingritualis omitted. • The groom leaves the house and mounts his horse. The road ahead is illuminated by two candles. • When he gets to the bride's home he waits at his place. At the gate to her house he dismounts his horse, then enters to wait at his place. • The presiding man of the bride's family makes a report in his offering hall. The procedure is the same as in presenting the betrothal gift, except that the prayer board, after the same opening, reads: X's number so-many daughter (or X's relative Y's number so-many daughter) will on this day go in marriage to B of such office, such prefecture. Unable to overcome my pious feelings, earnestly. . . . 33 SMSSI 3:34 says that each of the families selects a female relative through marriage who is familiar with ritual to act as "assistant" and guide the bride and groom through the rites. 34 Based on/-K, "Shih hun-li" 6:lla-b; Steele, 1:38. 35 Ibid.

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• Then he pledges the bride and instructs her. The bride is fully dressed up. After her duenna inspects her, they stand outside the room, facing south.36 Her father sits on the east side, facing west, her mother across the way on the west side, facing east. The girl's mat is set to the northeast of the mother, facing south. The assistant offers her wine, as in the rite for the groom. The duenna leads the girl to the left of the mother. Her father rises and instructs her with these words: Be respectful, be cautious. Morning to night, never deviate from the commands of your parents-in-law.37 Her mother walks her to the top of the western steps, straightens her cap, and arranges her cape. She instructs her with these words: Be diligent. Be respectful. Morning to night, never deviate from the proprieties of the women's quarters.38 Her uncles' wives, her aunts, her elder brothers' wives, and her elder sisters walk her to the inner door. They arrange her skirt and gown and elaborate on the instructions of her father and mother: Pay careful attention to your parents' words. From morning to night never err.39 When the bride is not the descent-line heir's daughter, it is the descent-line heir who makes the report in the offering hall, but her father who pledges her, using his private room, following the ceremony given here.40 " The presiding man goes out to greet the groom. When the groom enters, he makes an offering of a wild goose. The presiding man greets the groom outside the gate. Saluting and deferring, he brings him inside. The groom follows with the goose in his hands. When they get to the reception hall, the presiding man goes up via the ceremonial steps and stands facing west, and the groom goes up the western steps and turns north. Kneeling, he places the goose on the floor. The presiding man's servants receive it. The groom prostrates himself, rises, then bows twice. The presiding man does not return this bow.4' 36

SMSSI 3:34 says the duenna should be the girl's nurse or an old female servant. Based on/-//, "Shihhun-li" 6:11b; Steele, 1:39. Note that the bride is pledged by her own father while the groom was pledged by the descent-line heir. 38 Based on/-//, "Shih hun-li" 6:12a; Steele I, 1:39. 39 Ibid. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 3:19b-20a) offers colloquial alternatives for all of these instructions. 40 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 3:20a-b) considered it unnatural for the daughter not to say goodbye to her parents, and so added farewells here. Ku Kuang-yu (Ssu-li ch'ueh-i 3:6a) objected to this addition on the grounds that farewells were implicit in the whole pledging ceremony. 41 Ch'eng I (ECC, wen-chi 10:621) has the groom at this point presented to the bride's ancestors, then her relatives. Chu Hsi, in YL 89:2273, disapproved of this procedure. Sun 37

58

WEDDINGS

If the bride is from a secondary descent-line, her father follows the presiding man to do the greeting, standing to the presiding man's right, slightly forward if he is senior, slightly behind if he is junior. For the token, use of a live wild goose, with its head to the left, decorated with bright colored silk ribbons. If a live one is unavailable, use one carved from wood.42 The significance of the goose comes from their traveling in YinYang order, though Master Ch'eng said the significance was that geese do not take a second mate.43 • The duenna takes the girl out to climb into the conveyance. The duenna takes the girl through the inner door, where the groom salutes her.44 They come down the western steps, the presiding man staying above. The groom then leads and the bride follows. He raises the curtain of the sedan chair to await her.45 The duenna says, "She has not been taught and is unable to participate in ceremonies."46 The bride then gets in the conveyance. • The groom mounts his horse and leads the way for the bridal conveyance. The bridal conveyance is also preceded by two candles.47 • When they arrive at his house he leads the bride in. The groom first goes to the reception hall, where he waits for the bride to get down from her conveyance. He salutes her, then leads her in.48 Ch'i-feng in the seventeenth century thought the bride's father should return the bow (ChiaIi cho, l l a - b ) . 42 The Ming commentator thought this last phrase must be an error since a wooden goose would resemble a token of dead meat, considered unlucky. He proposed substituting a domestic goose if a wild one could not be had (HLTCEV 19:24b), a substitution that had also been recommended by Wang Yuan (CLHT 3:17a) and Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 3:20b). CHWLHI 179:2a says commoners can substitute a chicken or other foul for the goose, an idea repeated through the nineteenth century (e.g., Ssu-lipien-su, 5a-b). 43 ECC, i-shu 24:315. In YL 85:2197, Chu Hsi said the real significance of the goose was that in weddings one used the trappings of those a rank higher, and so shih brought a wild goose, which was the token normally brought by ta-fu (great officers). Feng Shan (CLCS, 47a) argued that two geese should be presented tied together on the principle of using pairs in the marriage rituals. 44 T'ang To (CLHT 3:15b) said families without duennas could choose a married woman relative versed in ritual to take her place, accompanied by a maid. ARCLIC (3:14a) has her face veiled, a common custom also in Sung times. On this custom, see also Ku Kuang-yii (Ssu-li ch'ueh-i 3:1Ob-I la). 45 As SMSSI 3:35 notes, the groom here is acting the part of a servant. Ssu-ma Kuang disapproved of the custom of using sedan chairs instead of carriages and argued that only those who got car sick in carriages should use them. 46 From/-//, "Shih hun-li" 6:12b; Steele, 1:39. 47 Ch'eng I (ECC, wen-chi 10:621) recommended torches bright enough to light the road. 48 Feng Shan (CLCS, 48a) disapproved of this salute, noting that even the men marrying imperial princesses did not salute them, according to the Ming ritual code. 59

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• The bride and groom bow to each other. The bride's followers spread out the groom's mat on the east side. The groom's followers spread out the bride's mat on the west side. The groom's wash basin is on the south. The bride's followers pour water into it and hand him a towel. The bride's wash basin is on the north. The groom's followers pour water into it and hand her a towel.49 The groom, with a salute, beckons the bride to go to her mat. She bows, and he returns her bow.50 • They take their seats. When the eating and drinking is done, the groom leaves. The groom, with a salute, beckons the bride to take her seat. The groom is on the east, the bride on the west.51 The followers pour wine and set out dishes of food. The groom and bride sacrifice the wine and the food.52 The wine is refilled, and the groom, with a salute, beckons the bride to take and drink it. This time they do not sacrifice it or take food. Next the two parts of the joined nuptial cup are put in front of the bride and groom. Wine is poured into them. The groom, with a salute, beckons the bride to raise her cup to drink it, not sacrificing or eating. Afterward, the groom goes out to another room, while the duenna and the bride stay behind in the chamber. The remainder of the food is put outside the chamber, where the groom's followers eat what the bride left, and the bride's followers eat what the groom left.53 • When the groom reenters the chamber, he takes off his clothes. The candles are removed. When the groom takes off his clothes, the bride's followers receive them. When the bride takes off her clothes, the groom's followers receive them.54 49

SMSSI 3:36 says the followers lead the bride and groom through these steps to help them overcome their embarrassment in each other's presence. T'ang To (CLHT 3:15a) has a married female relative guide them. Feng Shan (CLCS, 48b) has the groom raise the bride's veil. 50 SMSSI 3:36 notes that this exchange of bows is based on contemporary custom, not classical prescriptions. In YL 89:2274 someone asked Chu Hsi who was right, Ssu-ma Kuang, who had the wife first bow to the husband, or Ch'eng I, who had the husband first bow to the wife. Chu Hsi said the wife should start with two bows and the husband respond with one bow, after which they both repeat themselves. Ch'eng I's description of the bowing is in ECC, wen-chi 10:622. 51 The late Ming Chia-li t'ung-hsing provides a diagram showing all the women in the family lined up on either side of the room, each in specific places according to kinship position, and the men in the outer courtyard. 52 Wine is sacrificed by being poured on the ground. 53 SMSSI 3:36 says that family maids should serve as the "followers." This description of what happens when the bride and groom are in the room bears little resemblance to contemporary descriptions of wedding customs, which were much more boisterous. See Chi-le pien 1:7; TCMHL 5:30-31; MLL 20:306-307. 54 Feng Shan (CLCS, 49b) said eminent families might be able to carry out this ritual, but 60

WEDDINGS

The venerable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "The Old Poem says, 'They tied up their hair and became husband and wife.'55 This means that they had been husband and wife since their youth when they first bound their hair.56 The usage is the same as Li Kuang saying he had bound his hair when he fought the Hsiung-nu.57 Today at weddings there is the ceremony of 'binding the hair.'58 What a silly error!"59 It should not be practiced. • Meanwhile, the presiding man entertains the guests. The male guests are in the outer quarters, the female guests in the inner hall.60 • 5. T H E BRIDE IS PRESENTED TO HER

PARENTS-IN-LAW

• The next day, having risen at dawn, the bride is presented to her parents-in-law.61 The bride gets up at dawn and in full attire waits to be presented. The fatherand mother-in-law sit in the hall, facing each other on the east and west sides. A table is set in front of each of them. Everyone in the family junior to the parents-in-law is lined up, the men and boys on one side, the women and girls on the other, in the order used in the capping ceremony.62 The bride comes forward and stands at the base of the ceremonial steps. Facing north, she bows to her father-in-law. She ascends the stairs and lays a token of silk on the table. The father-in-law feels it, and his servants take it inside. The bride goes down the steps, bows, then goes to the base of the western steps, where she faces the families of gentlemen (shih) and commoners would have to follow the custom of having the bride and groom join the assembled guests after their wine and food in the chamber. 55 Wen hsiian 29:638. 56 The CTCS edition has a misprint of mu, "eye," for tzu, "since." 57 Han shu 54:2447. In other words, it referred to the age at which one first became an adult. 58 This ceremony is described in TCMHL 5:31 as taking hair from the bride and groom and forming a single top-knot out of it. It seems to be a case of a rite developing from a misunderstanding of a literary allusion. 59 SMSSI 3:37. Cf. ECC, i-shu 10:113, where Ch'eng I condemns the ceremony of binding the hair in much the same terms. 60 SMSSI 3:37 adds the classical prohibition on music at weddings, which Ssu-ma Kuang noted was widely violated in his day. Although Ch'eng I (ECC, i-shu 18:244) also repeated this prohibition, Chu Hsi for some reason did not. In TCMHL 5:31 and MLL 20:306 musicians accompany the groom to the wife's family and play to urge her to get ready. Some later writers thought people went too far in entertaining guests at weddings. Lu Wei-ch'i urged inviting only five or six and definitely not more than twenty, noting that many people invited up to a hundred (Ssu-li yueh-yen 2:2a). Others, however, said simply to follow local custom (e.g., Chia-li i-chienpien, 10a) or be moderate in entertaining (Ssu-lipien-su, 7a). 61 ARCLIC (3:17b) eliminated the words "the next day, having risen at dawn," so that this ceremony came directly after the joined nuptial cups and bows. 62 I.e., in rows by generation, and in each row by age, the oldest toward the center of the room. 61

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north and bows to her mother-in-law. She ascends the stairs and lays down a token of silk.63 The mother-in-law picks it up and gives it to a servant. After the bride goes down the stairs, she bows again.64 If the groom lives with the descent-line heir but is not his son, then this ceremony is performed in the private room of the parents-in-law. When he does not live with the descent-line heir, the above procedures may be followed. • The parents-in-law entertain her. The procedures are like those used when the parents pledged their daughter. • The bride is presented to the family elders. Once the bride has been entertained, she leaves via the western steps. If there are any relatives senior to the parents-in-law living in the same house with them, then they take the bride to be presented to them in their rooms, following the etiquette used when she was presented to the parents-in-law. When they return she bows to her seniors lined up on both sides, as in the capping ritual. No token is used. Younger brothers and sisters of her husband bow back to her. When the groom lives with the descent-line heir but is not his son, then once the bride has been entertained, she goes to the descent-line heir's room and bows to him, as she did to the parents-in-law. On her return she is presented to the two ranks. When the descent-line heir and the elders do not live together, then she is presented in the ancestral altar before she goes to see them.65 • If she is the wife of the eldest son, she serves food to her parents-inlaw. 66 63

Instead of silk, SMSSI 4:39 retains the classical gifts of food. The commentator of the 1732 ed. suggests the bride can give fruit, handkerchiefs, shoes, or whatever is the common custom. 64 Wang Yuan (CLHT 3:20a), Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 3:24a), the Ming commentator (HLTCEV 19:25b), and others revise this to have the groom also participate, as in current custom. The commentators of the 1732 ed. of the CL disagreed. 65 In popular practice, brides seem also to have been presented to the household gods, such as the well, stove, and gate gods. See Shih-lin kuang-chi,"ch'ien-chi" 10:6a. 66 SMSSI 4:40 had all wives perform this ceremony, the only distinction being that the wife of the eldest son used the ceremonial steps in coming down after the meal. Ssu-ma Kuang recognized that in ancient times this rite was reserved for the eldest son's wife but argued that serving food was something appropriate to all wives. ARCLIC (3:2a) made much the same argument, also adding that the current regulations for the weddings of princes made no distinctions among daughters-in-law by seniority, something also true in the Sung (see CHWLHI 174:1 lb-12b). 62

WEDDINGS

On this day, at meal time, the bride's family supplies a full meal and wine jars.67 The bride's followers set out a table with vegetables and fruit in the hall in front of the parents-in-law. They place the wash basin to the southeast of the ceremonial steps and the towel rack to the east. Once the parents-in-law have taken their seats, the bride washes her hands and goes up via the western steps. She washes the cups, pours the wine, and puts a cup of it on her fatherin-law's table. She goes back down, waiting for him to finish drinking. Then, bowing again, she serves her mother-in-law. She brings the wine, and her mother-in-law receives it. After she finishes drinking, the bride goes down. She bows, then takes the meal up and offers it to her parents-in-law. She waits in attendance behind her mother-in-law. When they are finished eating, the bride removes the rice. Servants take away the remainder of the meal and distribute it to the other rooms. The bride eats what the mother-in-law left, her followers eat what the father-in-law left, and the groom's followers also eat what the bride left. When the groom is not the son of the descent-line heir, this ceremony is performed in a private room. • The parents-in-law feast the bride. The procedure is the same as when they entertained the bride. When completed, the parents-in-law leave first, using the western steps while the bride follows, using the ceremonial steps.68 • 6. P R E S E N T A T I O N AT T H E F A M I L Y S H R I N E 6 9

• On the third day the presiding man takes the bride to be presented at the offering hall. 70 Men of ancient times conducted the presentation at the temple after three months. Today, because that is so long, it has been changed to the third day.71 67

MLL 20:307 describes a variant of this practice, but on the third day. This is of course a reversal of the usual precedence. 69 Chu Hsi uses the term "family shrine" (chia miao) presumably to conform to the classical ritual texts. As he himself noted at the beginning of chapter 1, most people were not eligible to erect family shrines. The subsequent instructions refer to the offering hall. 70 SMSSI 3:36 says that this ceremony was commonly called "bowing to the ancestral spirits" and was performed as soon as the bride entered the groom's home. CHWLHI 179:4a-b also has the bride introduced to the ancestors on arriving at the house. Feng Shan (CLCS, 48b) admitted that Chu Hsi rejected introducing the bride to the ancestors immediately but thought it did no harm and could be practiced. ARCLIC (3:16b) also has the bride introduced immediately, citing the fact that the Ta-Ming hui-tien had empresses and consorts of princes introduced immediately. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 3:29a) and the Ming commentator (HLTCEV 19:26a) suggested that the groom accompany the bride for the presentation, as in the common custom, a suggestion followed by some revised versions (e.g., Chia-li i-chien pien, 11a). 71 Cf. YL 89:2273-74. 68

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The procedure is like that used when a capped son is presented, except the phrases of the report are changed to: "My son B's bride of X surname presumes to appear. . . . " • 7. T H E GROOM IS PRESENTED TO THE W I F E ' S PARENTS

• The next day the groom goes to see his wife's parents.72 The bride's father, in welcoming him and sending him off and in saluting and deferring, follows the ordinary etiquette for guests. The groom bows, then kneels, then takes his hand. They enter, and he is presented to his wife's mother. She is standing inside the left door to the inner quarters. The groom bows outside the door. AU parties give gifts of silk. When the bride's father is not the descent-line heir, the groom is first presented to the descent-line heir and his wife. The procedure is the same except no presents of silk are made. Only afterward is he presented to his wife's parents.73 • Next he is presented to his wife's relatives. No gifts of silk are made. The women are seen as in the previous ceremony. • The bride's family entertains the groom, as in ordinary etiquette. On the evening when he comes to welcome the bride, the groom should not be presented to the bride's mother or other relatives or be served wine or food. The reason is that the bride has not yet been presented to her parents-in-law. 72 Presumably this is the fourth day after the wedding, the day after the presentation to the ancestors. SMSSI 4:41 had it the day after the wedding, probably reflecting current practice. Ch'eng I also had the visit the day after the wedding, even though the bride was not presented to the ancestors until the third month. This rite is not mentioned in the classics but seems to have become common practice well before the Sung. The date it took place varied by region and period. This meeting could take place on the 1st, 3d, 7th, or 9th day (MLL 20:307; TCMHL 5:31-32). One Ch'ing author reported that in his area this return visit occurred after one or two months (Ssu-li i i-lun, 3). The Ming commentator (HLTCEV 19:26a) recommended following the Cheng-shih chia-li and having the bride accompany her husband to visit her family, a suggestion followed by some revised versions (e.g., Chia-li ichienpien, l l a - b ) . 73 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 3:30b) here added presentation of the groom at the wife's family's offering hall. ARCLIC (3:21a-b) explained that the wife had been presented to the groom's temple, so he should be to hers, for "men and women both have ancestors."

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FOUR

Funerals

ABSTRACT J. The Beginning of the End When the illness becomes acute, the dying person is moved to the main room. Once he has expired, the mourners wail, then perform the calling-back ceremony. The presiding mourner, the presiding female mourner, the funeral director, the letter recorder, and the gift recorder are all identified. Everyone alters his or her clothes and ceases eating. The coffin is prepared, and announcements of the death are sent to relatives, colleagues, and friends. 2. The Washing and Dressing of the Body, the Oblation, the Places, and the Rice in the Mouth Attendants set up curtains by the bed, move the body, and dig a hole. They lay out the burial clothes and the utensils for washing the body and putting rice in the mouth. Next they do the washing, dress the body, and move the bier with the body on it to the center of the hall. An oblation is then set out. All the mourners from the presiding mourner on down take their places to wail. Rice is then put in the mouth of the body. A servant finishes dressing the body and covers it with a shroud. 3. The Soul Seat, the Soul Cloth, and the Inscribed Banner The soul seat, soul cloth, and inscribed banner are made. Buddhist services should not be performed. At this point, close and personal friends may enter to wail. 4. The Preliminary Laying Out The next morning the attendants lay out the clothes and shrouds for the preliminary laying out. An oblation is set out. Hemp hair binding, hair bands, and hemp hair ties are prepared. Next an oblation for the dressing of the body is made. Afterward the preliminary laying out is performed. The presiding male and female mourners embrace the body, wail, and beat their breasts. Then they bare their shoulders and put on the hemp hair binding, hair bands, and hemp hair ties in another chamber. The bier is moved to the middle of the room and another oblation is made. All those from the presiding mourner on down wail to the full extent of their grief, then wail by turns so that the sound never stops. 5. The Final Laying Out The following morning the attendants lay out the clothes and shrouds for the final laying out and the utensils for the oblation. The coffin is raised, brought into the hall, and placed a little to the west of the center. Then the final laying out is per65

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formed. The soul seat is set to the east of the coffin and an oblation is set out. All the mourners from the presiding mourner on down take up their mourning places. At this point the wailing by turns is ended. 6. Putting on the Mourning Garments The next morning those in the five mourning grades put on the mourning garments appropriate to them, then enter and take up their places. From then on in the morning they wail and condole with each other according to etiquette. In the system of mourning garments the first is called "untrimmed sackcloth" and involves obligations for three years. The second grade is called "even sackcloth" and is worn for three years, for a year with the staff, a year without the staff, five months, or three months. The third is called "greater processed cloth" and is worn for nine months. The fourth is called "lesser processed cloth" and is worn for five months. The fifth is called "fine hemp" and is worn for three months. Generally, mourning obligations are reduced one degree for those who die young. Men who have been adopted out and daughters who have been married out reduce the mourning to the relatives of their natal families by one degree, and these relatives do the same toward them. On the day for putting on mourning garments the presiding mourner and his brothers begin to eat gruel. Those who suffer a loss that deserves light mourning while still wearing heavy mourning for someone else change into the light mourning clothes and wail for the deceased. At each new moon they set up a place, put on the light mourning garment, and wail, reverting to the heavy mourning clothes afterward. When it is time to take off the heavy mourning clothes, they revert to the light mourning garments. If at this time the light mourning period is not over, then they wear light mourning to the end of the period. 7. Wailing, Presenting Oblations Each Morning and Evening, and Offering Meals Every morning an oblation is made, at meals food is offered, and in the evening another oblation is made. Wailing may be done at any time. On the day of the new moon, dishes of food are set out during the morning oblation, and fresh foods are offered when they become available. 8. Condoling and Offering Gifts and Contributions Those who condole should all wear plain clothes. For presents they use incense, tea, candles, wine, or fruit. For contributions they use money or silk. A calling card is prepared to inform the mourners of the condoler's name. After entering, the visitor wails and makes an oblation, then condoles and leaves. 9. Receiving Information of a Death and Hurrying to the Funeral On first learning of a parent's death, one wails, then changes clothes and departs. On the road, the bereaved wails whenever grief is felt and also on catching sight of the prefectural boundary, the county boundary, the city, and the home. On entering the gate, he goes to the front of the coffin, bows twice, then changes his clothes twice, and takes up his place for wailing. After four days he puts on the mourning garments. When there is a delay before departing, the bereaved sets up 66

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a place and changes clothes but does not offer oblations. The procedures on the road and at the home are as given above. If the deceased has already been buried when he arrives, the bereaved first goes to the grave, wails, and bows. Those who owe untrimmed sackcloth or lighter mourning should set up a station where they are and wail on learning of the death. Those of them who go to the funeral proceed to the home of the deceased to put on mourning garments. Those who do not go to the funeral put on the mourning garments on the fourth day. 10. Preparing for the Burial After three months the body is buried. Prior to that a suitable site and day for the burial are selected. After the grave is opened, the god of the earth is worshipped. The vault is dug and the cement liner laid down. The inscription stone, funerary objects, underworld furnishings, tray, baskets, earthenware jars, catafalque, shades, and tablet are all prepared. 11. Moving the Coffin, Visiting the Ancestors, Offering the Contributions, Setting Out the Utensils, and Making Offerings to the Ancestors The day before the departure, the moving of the coffin is reported at the morning oblation. The coffin is lifted and presented to the ancestors, after which it is moved to the reception hall. As the mourners wail by turns, relatives and friends present gifts and contributions. The equipment is arranged, and in the late afternoon an oblation to the ancestors is set out. 12. The Sending-Away Oblation The next morning at dawn the coffin is moved to the catafalque. At that point the sending-away oblation is set out. The liturgist carries the soul cloth onto the carriage and burns incense. 13. The Procession When the coffin travels, the male and female mourners, from the presiding ones on down, walk behind it, wailing. The seniors come after the other mourners, followed by relatives without mourning obligations, then guests. Relatives and friends set up a tent beyond the city wall on the side of the road as a resting place for the coffin; they make an oblation there. On the road, the mourners wail whenever grief is felt. 14. Arriving at the Grave Site, Lowering the Coffin, Worshipping the God of the Earth, Inscribing the Wooden Tablet, and Forming the Mound Before the arrival attendants erect the soul tent. Friends and relatives take their stations. The women's tent is also made. The demon-quellers arrive, then the funerary objects and so on, then the soul carriage. [The liturgist] sets out the oblation and withdraws. When the coffin arrives, the principal male and female mourners take up their stations to wail. The guests bow, take their leave, and return home. Next the coffin is lowered into the grave. The presiding mourner presents gifts. Covers for the inside and outside cement liners are added, and the grave pit filled 67

CHAPTER FOUR with cement. The soil is gradually pounded to make it solid. The god of the earth is worshipped to the left of the grave. The funerary objects and other things are placed in the grave, and the inscription stone is lowered into it. Again more soil is put in and pounded until hard. After the tablet is inscribed, the liturgist takes it onto the carriage. Once the attendants clear away the soul seat, the procession begins. The mound is four feet tall. In front of it is erected a small stone stele, which is also four feet tall with a base about a foot high. 15. Returning to Wail Wailing, the mourners from the presiding mourner on down carry the soul carriage and walk slowly down the road. They wail on arriving at the house. The liturgist brings the spirit tablet in and puts it on the soul seat. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, wail in the reception room, then go before the soul seat and wail. Those who come to condole are greeted as before. From this point on, those with one year or nine months of mourning can drink wine and eat meat but not go to parties. Those in lesser processed cloth or lower mourning, along with those in greater processed cloth who live separately, may all return home. 16. The Sacrifices of Repose While the mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, all bathe, attendants arrange the utensils and prepare the dishes of food. The liturgist takes out the spirit tablet and puts it on the seat. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, all come in, wailing. The spirits are invoked, then the liturgist brings the dishes of food forward. The first, second, and final offerings are made. The spirits are urged to eat. Then the mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, all leave, and the liturgist closes the door. When he reopens it, the mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, enter, wail, and take leave of the spirits. The liturgist buries the soul cloth. From this point on, the morning and evening oblations are no longer performed. On the next "weak" day the second sacrifice of repose is made, and on the next "strong" day after that, the third sacrifice. 17. The Cessation of Wailing Sacrifice On the next strong day after the three sacrifices of repose, the cessation of wailing is performed. The day before, the utensils are arranged and the dishes of food prepared. When it is fully bright, the liturgist takes out the tablets. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, all enter, wailing. After the spirits are invoked, the presiding mourner and the presiding female mourner bring the dishes of food. The first, second, and final offerings are made. The spirits are urged to eat, and the door is closed. When it is opened, the mourners take leave of the spirits. From this point on, the mourners do not wail when they feel grief during the middle of the day. Also, from this time on, the presiding mourner and his brothers eat coarse vegetables and drink water, refraining from finer vegetables or fruit. They sleep on finer mats and use pillows of wood. 18. The Sacrifice for Associating the Tablet The day after the cessation of wailing, the association sacrifice is performed. Once the sacrifice of the cessation of wailing is cleared away, the utensils are arranged 68

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and the dishes of food prepared. The mourners rise at dawn and set out the vegetables, fruit, wine, and dishes of food. When it is fully bright, the mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, wail in front of the soul seat, then go to the offering hall, take the spirit tablets out, and put them on the seat. They then make a circuit, carrying the new tablet into the offering hall and putting it on the seat. The mourners stand in order to greet the spirits. After the spirits are invoked, the liturgist brings in the dishes of food. The first, second, and final offerings are made. The spirits are urged to eat and the door is closed. When it is reopened, the mourners take leave of the spirits. The liturgist puts each of the tablets back in its former place. 19. The First Sacrifice for Good Fortune When a year has passed, the first good fortune sacrifice is performed. The day before, the mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, bathe, arrange the utensils, and prepare the dishes of food. They mark out places and prepare the refined garments. The next day they rise at dawn and set out the coarse vegetables, fruit, wine, and dishes of food. When it is fully bright, the liturgist takes out the tablets. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, all enter, wailing. Next they go out back to their places where they change their clothes. On their return, they wail. The spirits are invoked, and the three offerings made. After the spirits are urged to eat, the door is closed. When it is opened, the mourners take leave of the spirits. From this point on, they no longer perform the morning and evening wailing, and they may eat fruits and fine vegetables. 20. The Second Sacrifice for Good Fortune After two years, the second good fortune sacrifice is performed. The day before, the mourners bathe, arrange the utensils, and prepare the food. Places are set and the postmourning garments arranged. The move is reported at the offering hall. The next morning the service is performed, following the same steps as in the lesser fortune sacrifice. When the ceremony is completed, the liturgist takes the spirit tablets into the offering hall. The soul seat is removed, and the staffs are broken and discarded in the screened-off area. The tablet that was removed is buried by the side of the grave. From this point on, the former mourners can drink wine, eat meat, and sleep in bedrooms. 21. The Peace Sacrifice In the second month after the greater fortune sacrifice, the peace sacrifice is performed. In the last ten-day period of the month before, a date is chosen by divination. The day before, the former mourners bathe, set out places, arrange the utensils, and prepare the dishes of food. The next morning the service is performed, using the same procedures as in the greater fortune sacrifice. 22. Miscellaneous Etiquette for Those in Mourning [Passages from the Li-chi selected by Ssu-ma Kuang. No abstract provided.] Letter sending gifts and contributions. Letter of acknowledgment. Missive to console someone on the loss of a father or mother. Missive of reply when a father or mother 69

C H A P T E R FOUR has died. Letter to console someone on the loss of a grandfather or grandmother. Letter of reply when a grandfather or grandmother has died.

• 1. T H E B E G I N N I N G OF THE E N D

• When the illness is acute, move the dying person to the main room. Whenever an illness gets acute, move the person to the main room.1 Those within and without should be calm, waiting for the breath to stop.2 A man should not expire in the hands of a woman, nor a woman in the hands of a man.3 • Once the person has expired, wail, then perform the calling-back ceremony. A servant takes an outer garment that the deceased has worn, the collar in his left hand and the waist in his right, and climbs up onto the front eaves of the house.4 He faces north and uses the clothes to call, shouting three times, "So-and-so, come back." When finished, he rolls up the garment and comes down. The garment is placed over the body. Men and women wail and beat their breasts any number of times. The outer garment is the official robe of an official; for a man with no office it is a scholar's robe, black robe, or long garment, and for a woman, the largesleeve jacket. In calling the person's name, use the term used while he or she was alive. 1

Feng Shan (CLCS, 53b) amends this to recommend calling in a doctor and offering prayers, citing Ch'eng I and the Analects. On 54a he also responds to a hypothetical question about the possible harm caused by moving a sick person by saying that in the classics lowerranking people did not have to be moved. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 4:lb-2a), following the KYL and CHWLHI, said that one should copy down any final words of the dying person and move the dying person to the ground. Li Wen-chao argued against prayers on the grounds that people would call in shamans to perform them (Chia-li sang-chi shih-i, la). 2 Ssu-ma Kuang, SMSSI 5:47, explained that crying or wailing would disturb the sick person and might hasten his or her death. 3 CHWLHI 215:2a-b, 218:2a, said that people sitting beside the dying person should hold each hand and foot. 4 SMSSI 5:47—48 has the servant go to the south side of the courtyard rather than the roof, on the grounds that observers would be startled to see someone yelling from the roof. From this it would seem that the "calling back" was not a common custom of the time. However, Kao K'ang (HLTC 20:1b) said that in the Huai-nan area a similar ceremony was performed in cases of violent deaths. In the Ming, Chu T'ien-ch'iu (Chia-li i-chien pien, 13a) said that the "calling back" was not commonly done and could be treated as optional. In the nineteenth century, however, Li Yiian-ch'un urged calling back the hurt soul on the grounds that people often were revived this way (Ssu-lipien-su, 7b). 70

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• Determine the presiding mourner. The presiding mourner is always the eldest son. If he does not survive, then the eldest main-line grandson can, as a double heir, make the offerings of food and wine, with a senior relative who lives with the heir managing the entertainment of guests.5 • Determine the presiding female mourner. This refers to the wife of the deceased, or, if she does not survive, it is the wife of the presiding mourner. • Determine the funeral director. Choose a younger male relative who knows ritual and is a competent manager.6 All the business of the funeral will be delegated to him.7 • Establish the letter recorder and gift recorder. Choose a younger relative or a clerk or servant.8 • Those tasks done, alter one's clothes and cease eating. The wife, children, daughters-in-law, and concubines all take off their caps and outer garments and let their hair down.9 The men also tuck their skirts into their belts and go barefoot. Everyone else with mourning obligations takes off any fancy clothes. Sons adopted out to another family and daughters who have married out, however, do not let their hair down or go barefoot. All the sons and daughters refrain from eating for three days. Those who owe the deceased one year or nine months mourning skip three meals, and those who owe five 5

Ssu-ma Kuang (SMSSI 5:48) noted that there must be a presiding mourner, even if there are no descendants; a brother, cousin, more distant kinsman, or even a neighbor can act in this capacity if need be. He also said that the presiding mourner for a wife should never be one of her natal relatives unless all other possibilities, including neighbors, had been exhausted. Legally, if the eldest son died leaving both a son and a younger brother, the younger brother would serve as chief mourner to his father rather than the main-line grandson (CYTFSL 77:18a-b; p. 554). In YL 89:2280, Chu Hsi also said to follow this law rather than the defunct descent-line heir system. 6 SMSSI 5:48 gave the family head (chia-chang) as first choice for funeral director. 7 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 4:4a) added two further posts: a supervisor of guests, who should be the senior relative in the home or another senior relative, and the manager of ritual, who should be chosen from among relatives, friends, or neighbors on the basis of his knowledge of ritual. 8 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 4:4b) described the two account books the gift recorder should keep: one listing all the items needed for the funeral and the expenditure of money, the other recording gifts received from relatives and friends. 9 SMSSI 5:49 notes that the current custom, based on superstition, was to let down only part of the hair, the left for a father, the right for a mother, the back left for a father-in-law, and the back right for a mother-in-law. Ssu-ma Kuang urged sticking to the ritual and letting all the hair down for all of them. 71

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or three months mourning skip two meals. Relatives and neighbors feed them rice gruel. When their seniors insist that they eat, they should eat a little.10 To tuck in the skirt means to take the front flap of the garment and insert it in the belt. Fancy clothes refer to ones with embroidery, red or purple colors, gold, jade, pearls, or feathers. • Prepare the coffin. The funeral director orders a carpenter to select wood for the coffin.11 Oily pine is the best, cedar next, and local pine the least desirable. The coffin should be made straight and with square angles, the head large and the foot small, just spacious enough to hold the body. Do not make it high or large or with empty eaves or a high foot. Inside and out use ash lacquer; inside also use pitch poured over it a half inch or more thick.12 Refine the ashes from cooking millet or rice and spread them on the base about four inches thick. Put a board with seven stars over it.13 At the base of the four corners nail on large iron rings, so that when the coffin is moved, it can be lifted by inserting a large rope through these rings. The venerable Mr. Ssu-ma [Kuang] said: "Thickness is desirable in coffins, but not excessive thickness, which would make it heavy and difficult to move far. Also, it need not be tall or take up much space.14 Wide vaults are easily broken, so carefully guard against this. As for outer coffins, although the sages made them and they have been used since antiquity, as the years go by the boards inevitably rot; they merely make the vault wider and larger; they cannot make it stronger. It is better by far to dispense with them.15 When Confucius 10 Feng Shan (CLCS, 57a) quoted classical sources allowing the sick and sickly to eat, even meat if necessary. 11 Feng Shan (CLCS, 57b-58a) recommended preparing the coffin in advance for elderly people, not informing them if there was any fear the action would disturb them. The elderly might also prepare the equipment needed for burial themselves (e.g., P'an-chou wen-chi 77:1 lb; Fan Wen-cheng kung chi 12:168). 12 A few coffins have survived from Sung times. One for a seventeen-™/ bride who died in 1243, found near Fu-chou (Fukien), had curved sides, 2 m long, with the head 70 cm tall and the foot 60 cm tall, about 60 cm wide. It was made of boards 6 to 9 cm thick, covered first with raw lacquer, then with many layers of red lacquer (Fu-chien-sheng po-wu-kuan, Fu-chou Nan-Sung Huang Sheng mu, p. 7). Another for a man who died in 1261 was slightly larger in all dimensions. The boards were of fir, joined with wooden joints, reinforced with iron nails. It also was sealed with raw lacquer, but covered with many coats of black lacquer. On the inside of the lid was painted a star map ("Chin-t'an Nan-Sung Chou YU mu," p. 106). These were undoubtedly especially strong coffins. Sung Ch'i (998-1061), in urging economy on his sons, said three layers of lacquer would be sufficient for his coffin (Chingwenchi 48:619). 13 This was a board with seven small holes like stars. 14 In the tenth century it was reported that people liked to make coffins so large that those standing on either side could not see each other (Ch'ing-i Iu 4:42b). 15 Chu Hsi assumed the use of outer coffins in YL 89:2286-87. Feng Shan (CLCS, 98a99a) argued for their usefulness.

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buried Li he had a coffin but not an outer coffin.16 He also permitted the poor to bury without an outer coffin.17 Today the reason I do not wish to use outer coffins is due to not poverty but simply to a desire to preserve and give peace to the deceased."18 Master Ch'eng [I] said, "In the miscellaneous records there is the story about putting pine resin into the ground, and after a thousand years it becomes the fu-ling fungus, and after ten thousand years it becomes amber.''19 For nothing lasts longer than these. Therefore, coffins are painted with them. Some people were already doing this in ancient times.20 • Send announcements of the death to relatives, colleagues, and friends. The funeral director and letter recorder send the letters for the bereaved.21 If there is no one serving in either of these capacities, then the presiding mourner personally notifies relatives but does not notify colleagues and friends. All other types of correspondence are suspended. Letters of condolence that are received should not be answered until after the "cessation of wailing" [chapter 4, no. 17].22 • 2. T H E W A S H I N G A N D D R E S S I N G O F T H E B O D Y , THE O B L A T I O N , THE P L A C E S , AND THE R I C E IN T H E M O U T H

• Attendants set curtains by the bed, move the body, and dig a hole. Attendants screen off the sleeping area with a curtain. Servants set the bier in front of the bed with the body on it, at right angles to it. On it is laid out a sleeping mat without a mattress but with a mat cover and pillow. The body is 16

Lun-yii 11.7; 113a; Waley, p. 154. Li was Confucius's son. Probably an allusion toLi-chi, "T'an Kung" 8:13b; Legge, 1:153-54. 18 This passage is not in the current edition of the SMSSI, which is missing the section on coffins. 19 ECC, wen-chi 10:626. Ch'eng I mentioned this in the context of his search for the most durable material for the coffins for his recent ancestors. The fu-ling fungus was mentioned in the Shih-chi as found under special circumstances under thousand-year-old pine trees. Those who ate it would not die (Shih-chi 128:3226). 20 A note by Chu Hsi's disciple Hu Yung said pine resin was suitable to the north, but not to Chiang-nan, where it encouraged ants (HLTC 20:2b). In YL 89:2287, Chu Hsi said he had only read about pine resin in books and had not actually seen it used. Pine resin could also be applied to the vault between bricks and stone slabs. See Fu-chien-sheng po-wu-kuan, Fu-chou Nan-Sung Huang Sheng mu, pp. 3-5. 21 Ssu-ma Kuang (SMSSI 9:103) said these announcements should be on coarse paper and should state the facts directly without literary embellishments. 22 Lu K'un (SLI 4:5b-6a) approved of the custom in some areas of posting announcements of the death outside the house in place of sending notices, at least for those living nearby. 17

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moved onto it, with its head to the south. It is covered with a shroud. The attendants dig a hole in a clean spot in the screened-off area. • Lay out the burial clothes. Set them out on a table by the east wall at the front of the hall. The collars go to the west, and the clothes are laid out starting from the south. There is one head wrap; two ear plugs made of white silk floss the size of date pits to stop up the ears; a silk cloth for covering the eyes, one foot two inches square, which goes over the face; hand restrainers made of silk, one foot two inches long23 and five inches wide, with which the hands will be wrapped; a long garment; a large belt; a pair of shoes; and a robe. In addition, there are suitable quantities of undergarments, trousers, socks, ties, stomach wraps, and so on.24 • Lay out the utensils for washing and putting rice in the mouth. Lay them out on a table by the front west wall of the hall, starting from the south. There should be three coins in a small box, two pints of rice washed in fresh water until pure then poured into a bowl, a comb, a wash cloth, and two towels, one each for the upper and lower parts of the body. • Do the washing. A servant comes in with the hot water. Everyone from the presiding mourner on down goes outside the screened area and faces north.25 Servants wash the hair, comb it, dry it with a towel, and pull it up into a topknot. They lift the shroud and wash the body, wiping it dry with a towel.26 They cut the fingernails and toenails. The waste water from the washing, along with the towel and the comb, are all discarded in the hole and buried. • Dress the body. Servants set a separate bier for the dressing outside the screen. On it they lay a mattress, mat cover, cushion, and pillow. Ahead of time, they put the large belt, long garment, robe, undergarment, trousers, socks, tie, stomach wrap, and other clothes on it, then lift it to bring it in, where it is put to the west of the bier used for the washing. The body is moved onto it. All of the clothes worn while the deceased was sick, as well as the garment used for 23

"Foot" is omitted in the CTCS edition but is found in the others, such as HLTC. Liu Chang (HLTC 20:3a-b) explained that normal hats, such as the scarf-cap, are not used because they are stiff, and all burial clothes should be soft against the flesh. Feng Shan (CLCS, 59a-b) suggested suitable substitutes when the deceased was a woman. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 4:5b-6a) said all of these clothes should be new ones, probably also the preference in Sung times (see Shih-wu chi-yiian 9:338-39). 25 SMSSI 5:51 says children and grandchildren of the deceased should not see the body naked. 26 One nineteenth-century author noted that people in his day would try to do the washing before the person died (Ssu-li pien-su, 7b). 24

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other female mourners of same surname or married to same surname, by grade

other women in 3-yr. mourning

other men in 3-yr. mourning

presiding woman

presiding man

other male mourners of same surname, by grade

screen female mourners of other surnames, by grade

male mourners of other surnames, by grade

table for incense, libations

01

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calling the soul, are discarded, and fresh clothes are put on. But do not yet put on the head wrap, long garment, or shoes. • Move the bier with the body on it to the center of the hall. If the deceased is a junior, the bier should go in a private room instead of the hall. This applies as well to all other references to the hall. • Next set out the oblation. Attendants take a table with dried meat set out on it up via the ceremonial steps. The liturgist washes his hands, cleans a cup, and pours wine. He pours it out in libation to the east of the body, then covers it with a cloth.27 The liturgist should be a relative.28 • The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, take up their places to wail. The presiding mourner sits to the east of the bier and pours a libation to the north. The other sons who owe the deceased three years' mourning sit below him on straw mats. Other men of the same surname who owe a year or less of mourning sit behind in order of the degree of mourning they owe, facing west, the most senior to the south. Those senior to the deceased sit in order of age to the east of the bier, by the north wall, facing south, ranked from the west, on covered mats.29 The presiding female mourner and the other women and girls sit to the west of the bier on straw mats; those of the same surname are in order according to the degree of mourning and sit behind her, facing east graded from the south. Those senior to the deceased sit in order of age to the west of the bier, by the north wall, facing south, graded from the east, sitting on covered mats. Concubines and maids stand behind the women and girls. Set up a partition screen to separate the men's and women's areas. Male relatives of other surnames sit outside the partition on its east, facing north, graded from the west. The women sit outside the partition on its west, facing north, graded from the east.30 They all sit on covered mats, in rows by degree of mourning. Those with no mourning go in the rear. 27

SMSSI 5:51 says the purpose of covering it is to keep out dirt and flies. Because the mourners could not drink wine or eat meat, they were not to consume the things offered to the ancestors, as they would if they were not in mourning. In YX 89:2280-81 Chu Hsi suggests that the food and wine be given to relatives not in mourning or to servants. 28 Including relatives of other surnames, related through one's mother, wife, sister, and so on. Presumably the liturgist would not be someone in mourning himself. 29 Throughout the description of funeral rites, "seniors" and "juniors" refer to those senior or junior to the deceased by generation, then age. That is, an uncle younger in age is still a senior, but whether a cousin is a senior depends on his age. 30 In other words, men and women mourners should only be visible to each other if they are of the same surname or married to someone of that surname. Men of other surnames must not see the female mourners of the household, nor should women of other surnames who come (such as daughters' daughters) be seen by the male mourners of the household. 76

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If the deceased is a woman, then the male mourners of the same surname, whether senior or junior, sit outside the partition on the east, facing north, graded from the west, the males of other surnames sit outside the partition to the west, facing north, graded from the east.31 Those who owe three years' mourning sleep by the side of the body at night on mattresses of straw with clod pillows. Those who are weak or ill may use grass mattresses. Those with one year or less of mourning obligations sleep in nearby rooms, different ones for men and women. Relatives through marriage may return home to sleep. • Next put rice in the mouth. The presiding mourner wails to the full extent of his grief. He bares his left shoulder, tucking his robe from the front into his waist on the right. After washing his hands, he takes the box in. An attendant, after inserting a spoon in the rice bowl, carries it in after him and puts it to the west of the body. He removes the pillow and covers the face with the covering cloth. The presiding mourner goes to the east side of the body, proceeding west from the feet, and sits at the top of the bier, facing east. He raises the cloth that had been covering the face, lifts up the rice with the spoon, and places some into the right side of the mouth of the corpse, also placing a coin there. He does the same thing on the left side and the middle. When done, the presiding mourner puts his clothes back the way they were and returns to his place. • A servant finishes dressing the body and covering it with a shroud. He adds the head wrap, ear plugs, and the eye cover. He puts on the shoes, then the long garment, ties the large belt, attaches the hand restrainers, then covers the body with a shroud. • 3. T H E SOUL SEAT, the SOUL C L O T H , AND THE INSCRIBED BANNER

• Set up a soul seat and make a soul cloth. 32 Put a clothes rack to the south of the body and cover it with a kerchief. Put an armrest and a table in front of it.33 Tie white silk to make a soul cloth and 31

In other words, only women are next to a woman's body. Two different Chinese terms are here both translated as "soul." The "soul" in "soul seat" is ling, a general term implying something that has spiritual power. In the funeral ceremonies, several different objects that are resting places for the soul are called ling. The "soul" in "soul cloth" is hun, which more specifically refers to the heavenly soul that leaves the body at death as opposed to the earthly p'o that stays with it. On Chu Hsi's conceptions oihun ana p'o, see YL 87:2258-60. 33 HLTC 20:5a has "chair" instead of "armrest." In the ancient classics, chairs are not mentioned because they were not yet in use, but one often used armrests while sitting on mats. The characters for "armrest" and "chair" are similar, so this change may be a simple typographical error. Illustrations, however, generally show chairs. 32

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put it on the armrest. Set an incense burner, incense box, cups, decanter, wine, and fruit on the table.34 A servant, morning and evening, sets on it the utensils needed for washing, combing, and eating, just like those used while the deceased was alive.35 The venerable Mr. Ssu-ma [Kuang] said that men in ancient times chiseled wood to make chung to be the focus of the spirits and in our current legal specifications, there are descriptions of these objects.36 "But the families of gentlemen and commoners know nothing of this. Therefore, I have used tied up silk as something for the spirits to rely on, calling it a soul cloth.37 It preserves something of the idea of the ancient ritual. In the current custom everyone draws an image on the back of the soul cloth. This is all right for men who had portraits made while alive. But what about women who during their lifetimes lived deep in the women's quarters and never went out except in a closed carriage with a veil over their faces! How can one have a painter, after their deaths, go right into the secluded room, uncover their faces, take up a brush, and copy their likeness? This is a gross violation of ritual! Furthermore, it is the custom for some people to use caps, hats, clothes, and shoes, to embellish the portrait to look like the person. This is particularly vulgar and should not be practiced."38 • Set up an inscribed banner. Use deep red silk to make the inscribed banner, a full width wide. Officials of rank three and up can have one nine feet long, rank five and up eight feet, rank six and down seven feet.39 The text should read: "The coffin of Mr. A of such office."40 If the deceased had no office, use the term by which he was 34 The SKCS edition adds divining blocks. SMSSI 5:54 adds here: "This is the soul seat." 35 The point of this is to make the spirit feel at home and keep it from leaving. 36 CHWLHI 215:5a gives dimensions by official rank. 37 CLIC 4:14b-15a said this may be tied in a large bow, as in the current custom. 38 Abridged from SMSSI 5:54. In a letter (WC 63:12a-b) Chu Hsi responded to a question about the ancient chung by noting that there were pictures of it in the Diagrams of the Three Rituals (San-li t'u) (see San-U t'u chi-chu 17:26a-28b), but Ssu-ma Kuang's approach was more suited to the current age. The practice of laying out the deceased's clothes seems to have been well entrenched, as the Ming commentator (HLTCEV 20:5a) proposed putting them on a chair in front of the clothes rack and behind the table with offerings. The use of portraits was also well established and continued into modern times. Many later authors defended the use of portraits. Cheng Pi-cho argued that it was all right to use a portrait of a woman so long as it was kept behind a curtain and only those who would have seen her, like her sons and daughters-in-law, would look at it (Chia-li huo-wen hsii-chih, 6b). Hsu Ch'ienhsiieh argued that using a cloth to represent the soul was no more canonical than using a portrait (Tu-Ii t'ung-k'ao 56:3b-4b, 45b-46a). See also Lu T'ung-shen (Ssu-li i i-lun 1:2b3a). 39 Cf. CYTFSL 77:35a (p. 563), which divides the ranks four and up, six and up, and nine and up. The CL text says "rank five and down," which does not make sense in the context and has been amended here. 40 CHWLHI 215:5a adds appropriate ways to refer to wives of officials.

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called during his lifetime. Make a pole of bamboo as long as the banner to hold it, and lean the banner to the right of the soul seat. • Do not perform Buddhist services. The venerable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said: "It is the current custom to believe the falsehoods of the Buddhists. At the moment of death, at each of the seventh days until the seventh seventh day, at the hundredth day, the full year, the second full year, and the removal of mourning clothes, they feed monks and hold ceremonies.41 Some perform the great assembly of water and land, copy sutras, make statues, and build stupas and temples.42 They say that they are obliterating the sins of the dead before heaven, so that they will surely be born in heaven's palace and receive all kinds of pleasures; and that if they do not do this for them, they will just as surely enter hell, be sliced, roasted, pounded, and ground, receiving unlimited waves of suffering. They do not realize that when a human being is filled with blood and breath he feels pain; but should he trim his nails or shave his hair and then roast or slice them, he suffers nothing. How much more true is this for the dead, where the body and spirit are separated from each other. The body has entered the yellow regions where it rots and disappears like the trees and stones. On the other hand, the spirit whirls like the wind and fire, going who knows where. Even if the body were to be sliced, roasted, pounded, and ground, how would the spirit know anything about it? "Furthermore, what the Buddhists call heaven's palace and hell are calculated to encourage goodness and warn against evil. Unless these [rewards and punishments] were administered in the most impartial ways, could even ghosts be governed? Using this reasoning, the prefect of Lu-chou in the T'ang dynasty, Li Tan, wrote the following to his younger sister:43 If heaven's palace does not exist, then that's that. If it does, then men of virtue will ascend there. If hell does not exist, then that's that; if it does, then inferior men will enter it. Contemporaries, when a parent dies, 41

Cf. Kenneth Ch'en, The Chinese Transformation of Buddhism, pp. 53—55. The water and land ceremony was a Buddhist ceremony held to aid the deceased gain a speedy rebirth, said to have been created in the early sixth century. It was commonly performed in the Sung either for the recently deceased or for ghosts that had not settled satisfactorily. In the late Sung a monk named Chih-p'an wrote a six-chiian text detailing the steps of the ritual that still survives (see Ono, Bussho kaisetsu daijiten 10:9). This ceremony frequently figures in ICC; see, for instance, ping 7:422-23; 11:457, 461; 12:465; 15:497. Some Sung reference books include sample prayers for these ceremonies. For instance, the Hsin-pien t'ung-yung ch'i-cha chieh-chiang kang 5:7b-8a includes a prayer for a water and land ceremony to be held on the third seventh after a mother's death. It begs for cancellation of any of the ten evils, five violations, three poisons, or seven passions of her fifty-four years. For Buddhist and Taoist funeral practices in general, see Matsumoto, "Sorei, sairei ni mini Sodai shOkyoshi no ichi keiko." 43 This piece does not survive in the Ch'iian T'ang wen, though two other pieces by Li Tan (mid-8th century) do (404:8b-9b). 42

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pray to the Buddha. This is assuming one's parent was not a person of virtue but an inferior person who had accumulated bad deeds and sins. Could there be a less kind way to treat one's parents? And if in fact one's parents had accumulated bad deeds and sins, how could they escape the consequences by your bribing the Buddha? This is something anyone of middling intelligence can understand. So why is the whole world rushing to believe these Buddhist theories? The reason is that it is easy to become deluded but difficult to gain understanding. Those who are the worst end up by ruining their households and bankrupting their property. Compared to this, why not sell fields early to build tombs and bury them?44 If heaven's palace and hell in fact exist, they should have existed as long as heaven and earth. Yet before Buddhism came to China, there were also cases of people dying and being reborn. Why is it, then, that there is not one person who mistakenly entered hell and saw Yama and the other ten kings?45 It is not worthwhile discussing this subject with those who do not study. Those who have read and know antiquity should also wake up a little." 46 • At this point, close and personal friends may enter to wail. If the presiding mourner has not yet put on mourning clothes, those who come to wail should wear the long garment. After they go to the side of the body and wail to the full extent of their grief, they go out and bow to the soul 44 A common criticism of burial practices, especially in the Han, was that they bankrupted families, causing them to sell their fields. See Yang Shu-ta, Han-tai hun-sang li-su k'ao, pp. 124-32. 45 On the ten kings, see Teiser, " 'Having Once Died and Returned to Life.' " 46 From SMSSI 5:54-55. Criticisms of the prevalence of Buddhist funeral practices were common in the Sung. Yen-i i-mou Iu 3:24 noted the ineffectiveness of government efforts to prohibit the use of Buddhist clergy and music in funerals. Ch'eng I remarked on the rarity of those in Loyang who did not practice Buddhist funeral rites (ECC, i-shu 10:114). In YL 89:2278, Chu Hsi said that one of the most crucial features of funeral rites was not to follow Buddhist practices. Elsewhere (YL 89:2281) he admitted that this could be a significant problem if the parents had made an explicit request that Buddhist rites be performed. See also WC 63:1a. According to Ch'ui-chien ssu-lu, p. 125, despite Ssu-ma Kuang's strong disbelief in Buddhism he had monks chant surras for his grandfather at the tenth month. This book also gives other examples of literati observing Buddhist funeral and memorial practices. The rarity of even shih-ta-fu avoiding all Buddhist services can be seen in the comment in Ch'ing-po tsa-chih 10:91 that three men had in fact succeeded in getting their descendants to refrain from these ceremonies. See also THYIP 51:7b-8a, CLHT 4:12a-b, and Ssu-li yiieh-yen 3: lb for the continued prevalence of Buddhist ceremonies among shih-ta-fu in the early Ming. Lu Wei-ch'i noted that the Ming hui-tien had special rites for the seven sevens for the emperor, empress, princes, and nobles, but without Buddhist participation, and thought other people could also follow this model and offer more elaborate oblations on those days. Weng T'ai-shih pu-hsiian wen-kung chia-li 6:2b—4a gives descriptions of how to perform these rites on the same grounds. See also Brook, "Funeral, Ritual and the Building of Lineages in Late Imperial China."

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seat, offer incense, and bow twice. Then they condole with the presiding mourner face-to-face, wailing to the full extent of their grief. The presiding mourner wails in reply, without saying anything.47 • 4. T H E PRELIMINARY LAYING O U T

Bearing the shoulder. Hemp hair binding. Hair bands. Hemp hair ties. Oblations. Wailing by turns. • The next morning (i.e., the day after the death) the attendants lay out the clothes and shrouds for the preliminary laying out. They put a table by the east wall of the hall and put on it the clothes needed from the deceased's wardrobe. If he had a lot of clothes, they need not all be used.48 Use a double-thickness shroud. The binding strips should be long enough to go three times around the width of the body and once around the length, and should be made of fine cloth. Alternatively, one can use a bolt of cloth and cut it into three pieces. For the crosswise pieces, encircle the body from the foot. For the lengthwise one, start at the foot, cover the head, return to the foot, and tie it at the middle of the body. • Set out the oblation. Place a table at the southeast of the ceremonial steps. Put on it the oblation foods and the cup and decanter. Set out two wash basins and two towels to the east of the food. The easternmost one, which the liturgist will use, should have 47

Further details on how to behave during condolence visits are given below. CHWLHI 215:5b specified that for officials the clothes should include one set of court robes (ch'ao fit), one of official robes (kung fu), and the others ordinary clothes. Some women were laid out in the clothes they brought as part of their dowries, even many years after their marriages (e.g., Ou-yang Hsiu ch'iian-chi 36:25). Ssu-ma Kuang (SMSSI 5:58) said that in his day people dressed the corpse but skipped the first and second laying out described below. He wished to keep all three but proposed a drastic reduction in the amount of clothes used. Yang Fu (HLTC 20:5a) says that Mr. Kao's ritual used more clothes, and that when Chu Hsi started work on the Family Rituals he based himself on SMSSI, but that later, in discussing ritual with other scholars, he came to feel that Kao was better on funeral rituals and closer to the I-li. Mr. Kao's ritual is presumably the one-chuan Ritual for Seeing Them Off at the End (Sung-chung Ii) of Kao K'ang (c.s. 1131). See Chih-chai shu-lu chieht'i 6:181. Chu Hsi refers to this book by name in WC 43:5b. In Ta-hsileh yen-i pu 51:2a, Ch'hi Chun comments that the preliminary and final laying out were not practiced in his day as people did not like to tie up the body. There is archaeological evidence, however, that in Sung and later at least some people tied up the body and used many sets of clothes. A few coffins that have survived m good condition were packed tightly with clothes. One woman was dressed in seven pairs of trousers, two skirts, six blouses, and two long gowns, then wrapped in four shrouds and tied with cords. A man's coffin contained seven pairs of trousers, fourteen robes, and one shroud. See Fu-chien-sheng po-wu-kuan, Fu-chou NanSung Huang Sheng mu, pp. 7-8, 81;Chen-chiang-shihpo-wukuan, etal., "Chin-t'an NanSung Chou Yu mu," pp. 106-110. 48

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a rack. The more westerly one, which the attendants will use, does not have a rack. Set another table with a wash pan and fresh wiping towel to its east; it will be used for washing and drying the cup. These instructions apply from here to the "sending away" ceremony [chapter 4, no. 12]. • Prepare the hemp hair binding, hair bands, and hemp hair ties. To bind with hemp means to use a hemp cord to pull up the hair into a topknot, or to use cloth to make a headdress. The hair bands refer to ripped strips of cloth, or sewn silk an inch wide, that goes from the neck forward and is tied at the top of the forehead, then circles the hair piece, like wearing a top knot. The tie with hemp also uses a hemp cord to pull up the hair into a top knot, but has a bamboo or wooden hairpin. Dressing the hair these ways will be done in other chambers. • Set out the bier for the preliminary laying out, and arrange the binding strips, shroud, and clothes. Set out the bier for the minor laying out, with the rush mat and cushion to the west of the western steps. When the binding strips, shroud, and clothes are arranged on it, raise it to bring it up via the western steps and put it to the south of the body. Beforehand place the three crosswise binding strips on the bottom to be ready to go around the body and be tied. Then place the lengthwise one on top of them to be ready to cover the head and foot. The clothes may be right side up or upside down, but they should be straight. Only the outer garments should not be upside down. • Next move the oblation for the dressing of the body. Attendants move the old oblation to the southwest of the soul seat. After they set out the new oblation, they remove the old one. AU the oblations below are handled this way. " Afterward perform the preliminary laying out. Servants, after washing their hands, lift the body. The sons and daughters assist and move it to the bier for the minor laying out. First take the pillow away and loosen the silk. Pile clothes to support the head. Roll up two pieces to put in the hollow places under the shoulders. Also roll up a garment to go between the two lower legs so that they will be straight. Afterward use the remaining clothes to cover the body. Have the overlap on the left.49 Do not tie the binding strips. Wrap the body with a shroud. Until it is tied with the binding do not cover the face, for the bereaved children still wait for the deceased 49

Normally garments had their overlap on the right. 82

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to come back to life and wish from time to time to look at the face.50 When the laying out is complete, cover the body with a shroud.51 • The presiding male and female mourners embrace the body, wail, and beat their breasts. The presiding mourner faces west, embraces the body, wails, and beats his breast.52 The presiding female mourner does the same facing east. In general, a child embraces his parents, but parents take hold of their children, as a husband does to his wife. A daughter-in-law takes her parents-inlaw in both hands, and they stroke her. For brothers, one takes hold. In the rite of embracing the body, the parents go first, the wife and children afterward. • Bare the shoulders and put on the hemp hair binding, hair bands, and hemp hair ties in another chamber. In a different chamber, men who owe three years' untrimmed sackcloth bare their shoulders and set the hemp binding, and men who owe any lesser degree of mourning, up to those who are related through a common ancestor five generations back, bear their shoulders and set their hair bands. Women put on their hemp hair ties in a further chamber. • Move the bier to the middle of the room. Attendants remove the bier used in dressing the body and move the body to this place. The wailers resume their places. The seniors sit but the juniors stand. • Next perform the oblation. The liturgist leads the attendants to wash their hands and take the prepared foods up via the ceremonial steps to the front of the soul seat. The liturgist burns incense, washes the cup, pours the wine, and offers it. The juniors all bow twice. A servant covers it with a cloth. • All those from the presiding mourner on down wail to the full extent of their grief, then wail by turns so that the sound never stops. 53 50

Ch'iu ChUn (CLIC 4:19a) argued that if the body was cold, it would not return to life and should be fully covered. 51 Following the SKCS edition, which has tse, "then," instead oipieh, "separate." 52 The "embracing" is described as pressing the body with one's breast. 53 Feng Shan (CLCS, 66b-7a) said it was not necessary to carry this out literally as it could violate the principle of not letting death harm life. Following one's emotions would be sufficient. Lu K'un (SLI 4:18b-19a) objected to all of the prescriptions concerning when and how to show grief, saying that they distorted the natural feelings. Li Wen-chao (Chia-li sang-chi shih-i, 6a) remarked that people without enough relatives to keep the wailing going would hire people to wail for them. 83

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• 5. T H E FINAL LAYING O U T

• This is done the next morning. This is the day after the preliminary laying out, that is, the third day after the death. The venerable Mr. Ssu-ma [Kuang] said: ' "The remark in the Ritual that one lays out on the third day is based on waiting for a return to life. If in three days the body has not revived, it never will. Therefore, three days was made the ritual norm. Today those who are poor may not have prepared the funeral equipment, or the lacquer on the coffin may not be dry. In such cases there is no harm if the three days are exceeded.54 The current custom is to follow taboos based on Yin-Yang to select a day for the laying out. During the hottest periods it can reach a point where secretions and maggots come out of the body. Isn't this perverse!"55 • The attendants lay out the clothes and shrouds for the final laying out. Place the table by the east wall of the room. There is no fixed number for the clothes. The shroud should be one padded with silk floss. • Set out the utensils for the oblation. The procedure is the same as in the minor laying out. • Raise the coffin and bring it into the hall, placing it a little to the west of the center. Ahead of time, attendants move the soul seat and the oblation used at the preliminary laying out to the side. Workers lift the coffin and bring it in, putting it to the west of the bier, on two benches. If the deceased is a junior, then this is done in a separate chamber. After the workers leave, a servant puts a shroud over the center of the coffin, with its ends hanging over the outside on four sides. The venerable Mr. Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "The men in the Chou dynasty encoffined the body at the top of the western steps. Rooms today are designed differently and may be too small, therefore simply put it a little west of the center of the hall. The current custom today often involves leaving the coffin at a Buddhist temple, where there is no one to keep watch over the coffin. Frequently the months and years go by without an auspicious day, even decades passing without the burial. Sometimes the coffin is opened by robbers 54

Later authors often stressed that it was not necessary to wait three days when the weather was hot; Ssu-li pien-su, 7b, for instance, noted that in the summer a body could begin decaying in one day, something the ancients could not bear to mention. 55 This passage is missing in the current edition of the SMSSI, which lacks the beginning of the "final laying out." 84

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or abandoned by the monks. Of the sins of unfilialty, is any greater than this?" 56 • Next perform the final laying out. The servants and the sons, grandsons, wives, and daughters all wash their hands, then cover the head and tie the binding strips. Together they lift the body and put it into the coffin. They add teeth, hair, and nails that had been lost or cut off during the deceased's lifetime to the corners of the coffin. They also estimate the empty space remaining and roll clothes to stuff into it, working hard to get it full so that the body cannot move.57 Be careful not to put into the coffin gold, jade, or other precious things that would tempt robbers.58 Take the shroud and first cover the feet, then the head, then the left side, then the right. Be sure the contents of the coffin are level and full. The presiding mourner and the presiding female mourner embrace the body, wailing to the full extent of their grief. At this point the women retreat to behind the curtain and the carpenter is summoned to put the cover on the coffin and nail it closed. Then the bier is removed and the coffin is covered with clothes. The liturgist takes the inscribed banner and sets it next to the east side of the coffin and returns the soul seat to where it had been. Two women are left to keep watch over it. The venerable Mr. Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "Generally, when moving the body or lifting the coffin, one wails and beats the breast without counting the number of times. But during the laying out and encoffining, one should stop wailing to look at the body and make sure it is comfortable and secure. Do not simply wail." 59 Note: The ancients did the encoffining at the final laying out. Once this was done, they piled clay over it. Today, sometimes the lacquer on the coffin is not dry, and in the south the soil often has lots of ants, so one cannot plaster over the coffin. Therefore, I have followed what is convenient here.60 • Set the soul bed to the east of the coffin. The bed, curtain, mattress, mat, screen, pillow, clothes, quilts, and so on should all be like those used during life. 56 Missing in current editions of SMSSI. The practice of leaving coffins in Buddhist temples was indeed quite common in the Sung. 57 Feng Shan (CLCS, 65a) answered a hypothetical question about the purpose of stuffing the coffin with clothes, showing that not everyone saw this custom as reasonable. Nevertheless, archaeological evidence suggests that it was the common custom. 58 It was particularly common to place a bronze mirror in the coffin. See Kuei-hsin tsachih, hsu 2, p. 202. 59 Modified from SMSSI 5:60. The CTCS edition miscopies erh, "and,"as kao, "high." 60 I.e., he did not follow SMSSI, which had instructions for covering the coffin in clay, a practice that was probably limited to North China, as Chu Hsi implied.

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• Next set out the oblation. The procedure is that used at the preliminary laying out. • Everyone from the presiding mourner on down takes up his or her mourning station. Somewhere beyond the inner doors choose a plain chamber for the men's mourning station. Those who owe untrimmed sackcloth [three years] should sleep on coarse straw mats with clod pillows, without removing their hemp belts. They do not sit down with others.61 Unless on periodic visits to their mother, they do not go past the inner doors. Those who owe even sackcloth [usually one year] sleep on mats. Those who owe greater processed cloth [nine months] or lower mourning and live elsewhere go home once the encoffining is accomplished and spend their nights in the outer quarters. After three months they return to their bedrooms. The women have their mourning stations in a separate room on the other side of the inner doors or stay by the side of the coffin. They remove any decorated curtains, quilts, or cushions from the rooms.62 They do not go to the men's mourning stations without warning. • At this point end the wailing by turns. • 6. P U T T I N G ON T H E M O U R N I N G

GARMENTS

• The next morning (the day after the final laying out, which is the fourth day after the death), those in the five mourning grades put on the mourning garments appropriate to them, enter, and take up their places. 63 From then on in the morning they wail and condole with each other according to etiquette. 64 61 These mourning stations seem to be an imitation of the spirit of the ancient mourning sheds erected as sleeping quarters for mourners. 62 But they do not use the coarse mats of the men. 63 T'ang To (CLHT 4:20b) added a prayer before putting on the mourning garments from the Yuan reference book, Han-mo ta-ch'Uan, as a substitute for the prayers read by geomancers or Buddhists in popular practice. A nineteenth-century author reported that the custom in his area (T'ung-ch'eng, Anhwei) was for people to select days to put on mourning garments, sometimes taking up to a month (Su Tun-yuan, Ssu-li ts'ung-i 3:4a). 64 There is a variety of evidence that Sung custom was much more limited in the use of mourning garments than the prescriptions given below might imply. In SMSSI 6:68-69 Ssuma Kuang said that "In the T'ang and Five dynasties the families of shih-ta-fu followed the ancient rituals for mourning garments, but the recent custom is very affected by superstition and no one wears hemp except a child for parents, a wife for parents-in-law, a wife for her husband, or a concubine for her master. Those who try to wear it would be ordered not to by their seniors, and ridiculed by others, so it cannot be insisted on." He also said that everyone should prepare their own mourning garments and not expect the family of the presiding mourner to provide them as the "superstitious" did in his day (pp. 67-68). Chang Tsai (CTC, p. 291) also said when he first wore the lower grades of mourning he was afraid

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In the system of mourning garments the first is called "untrimmed sackcloth" and involves obligations for three years. Untrimmed means unhemmed. Both the shirt and the skirt use extremely coarse unprocessed hemp cloth.65 The sides and the lower edge are unhemmed. The skirt is made of three pieces in the front and four in the back, with the seams toward the inside. The front and back are not connected. On each segment make three pleats, meaning bend the two sides together and make the middle empty. The shirt is long enough to go past the waist and cover

8. Men in Untrimmed Sackcloth and Even Sackcloth Mourning Garments, from San-ts'ai t'u-hui i-fu3:13a-16a people would make fun of him. Yeh Meng-te (1077-1148) wrote that the badge, back panel, and piled collar had not been worn since Han times (Shih-lin yen-yii 5:70). After the Sung, mourning dress was not necessarily any less variable. Lu Wei-ch'i (Ssu-li yiieh-yen 3:3a) said rural custom was to wear ordinary clothes, with a white head cloth, for the lower grades of mourning. 65 If the following descriptions are somewhat opaque, it may be comforting to know that Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 4:53a) also found them so complicated, "deep," and "ancient" that scholars would not be able to interpret them in a consistent way. 87

C H A P T E R FOUR

the top of the skirt. Its seams go on the outside. On the back is a back panel of hemp cloth one foot eight inches square, basted to the bottom of the collar and hanging loose. On the front over the heart is a badge made of hemp cloth six inches long and four wide, basted to the front of the left overlap. On both the right and left are "piled collars" made of hemp cloth eight inches square with the two ends folded together to make it four inches wide and basted to the base of the collar on either side of the back panel, covering it one inch. Beneath either armpit are the two flaps, each cut from cloth three feet five inches. On both the top and bottom leave the first foot perfectly square, then on the top cut in six inches toward the left, and on the bottom cut in six inches toward the right. Then cut on a slant so that they come together, in a symmetrical way. Baste the two pieces to either side of the shirt and let them hang down like swallow tails to cover the sides of the skirt. For the cap, use hemp cloth a little finer than that used for the shirt and skirt. Paste paper for a backing, three inches broad and long enough to go around the head. Wrap it in hemp cloth. Make three pleats all toward the right. Sew it crosswise. Use a hemp cord and from the top of the forehead wind it to the back of the head and across to the front, tying it at the ears. Make this the brim. Bend the two peaks of the cap under the brim, folding them again toward the outside, then sewing them to the brim. Let the remaining cord from the brim dangle as a hat string to be tied under the chin. Make the head band of a rope of female hemp, nine inches in circumference.66 The hemp root is at the left and goes across the forehead toward the right to circle it, passing the back of the head so that the end is attached to the root. A piece of cord can be used as a hat string to secure it, as with regular caps. The waist band should be of the same material, seven inches in size. Bring the two legs together and tie the two ends. Each should have the hemp root still attached and hang down loosely three feet. Where they are tied, fine cord should be basted on at either end and tied. For the belt use a cord of female hemp more than half as long as the waist band. Fold it in the middle to make two legs, each over a foot in length, then join them, their size like that of the band, and bring them around the waist from the left, going behind to the front, then take the right end and pass it through the two legs and turn it around to insert it into the right below the cord.67 66 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 4:56a) says the rope should be one foot seven or eight inches long. No commentators seem to have been bothered by the large circumferences given here and below for the bands. 67 All of the diagrams of the head and waist band and belt appear much simpler than these instructions. In YL 85:2199 Chu Hsi said the waist band resembled the great belt and the mourning belt resembled a leather belt. Evidence that constructing mourning garments ac-

88

FUNERALS

For the staff use bamboo the height of one's heart, with the root at the base. Sandals should be of crude hemp. Women use extremely crude unprocessed hemp cloth to make a largesleeved garment with a long skirt. They have a head cover. None of this is hemmed. Their headdress uses a bamboo hairpin. They have hemp sandals. Concubines wear jackets in place of the large-sleeved garment. Women never use the staff.68 As standard mourning garments, this grade is worn by children for their fathers.69 As supplemented mourning, it is worn by the main-line grandson for his grandfather when his father is already dead and he is a double heir, or similarly as a double heir for a great-grandfather or great-great-grandfather; by a father for the main-line son who is his successor.70 As duty mourning it is worn by women for their fathers-in-law or for their husband's grandfather when he is a double heir; by an adoptee for his adoptive father or when he is a double heir his adoptive grandfather; by a wife for her husband's adoptive father or grandfather; by a wife for her husband; by a concubine for her master.71 • The second grade is called "even sackcloth." [In some cases] it is worn for three years. 72 cording to descriptions like those given here could be difficult is seen in a letter written to ChuHsiinWC63:3b-6b. 68 Yang Fu had a long note explaining all the departures from the classics in this description of the mourning garments. He complained that Chu Hsi followed Ssu-ma Kuang too closely here rather than giving what was "correct" (HLTC 20:10a-12a). 69 The specification of relatives into each of the mourning grades given here is much closer to CYTFSL 77:3b-13a (pp. 547-53) than it is to SMSSI, which gives a simpler list (ignoring complications of adoption, remarriage, double heirs, and so on). Most editions of the CL include diagrams of the mourning obligations that are easier to consult than the lists given here. Diagrams based on those in the CTCS and HLTC editions are provided in figures 9 and 10. Note, however, that the text of the CL covers many cases that do not fit in these charts. 70 In a letter (WC 63:13b-14a) someone asked Chu Hsi if it was still appropriate for a father to wear longer mourning for his eldest son than his other sons since the ancient descent-line system was no longer in existence. Chu Hsi replied that the rules on mourning clothes should conform to antiquity as much as possible. According to Huang Jui-chieh, Chu Hsi wore untrimmed sackcloth for his eldest son Shu, which was called in the vernacular "paying back" (pao) mourning (CL 29a). Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 4:43b—44a) cited the ' 'current regulation" reducing mourning for the eldest main-line son to one year without the staff, like that worn for other sons. 71 Generally, standard mourning refers to mourning for blood relatives, and duty mourning to mourning for relatives through marriage. Reduced and supplemented mourning are for special cases, such as mothers who have been divorced or a child who is appointed heir. 72 T'ang To (CLHT 5:15a-b) following Ming regulations, moved those owing three years of "even sackcloth" to three years of "untrimmed sackcloth." This is also what Feng Shan 89

C H A P T E R FOUR

Even means hemmed. The shirt, skirt, and cap are all fashioned like the untrimmed sackcloth ones, except one uses the next finer grade of coarse un­ processed hemp cloth and hems the sides and the bottom edge. 73 The cap uses hemp cloth for the brim and strings. The head band is made of female hemp rope, seven or more inches in size with the root at the right and the end tied to the root at the base and with cloth strings. The waist band uses a hemp rope five or more inches. The belt is made of cloth with the right end folded over a foot. The staff is made of t'ung wood, with a round top and a square bottom. Women's "even sackcloth" is like their "untrimmed sackcloth" except it is made of the next grade of hemp cloth. All the subsequent grades follow this pattern. FFFFA=.FFFM 2e 2e

F = Father M = Mother e = eldest s = son A • = I —

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male female married descent siblings

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Grades of mourning 1 = u n t r i m m e d , 3 years 2a = even, 3 years 2b = even, 1 year with staff 2c = even, 1 year without staff 2d = even, 5 months 2e = even, 3 months 3 = greater processed cloth, 9 months 4 = lesser processed cloth, 5 months 5 = fine hemp, 3 months

9. Mourning Grades for Agnatic Kinsmen (CLCS, 80b) showed in his diagrams. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 4:40b) added this under "current regulations," also retaining Chu Hsi's original text. 73 In YL 85:2198, Chu Hsi complained that people used toofinea grade of cloth for "even sackcloth." 90

FUNERALS

As standard mourning this garment is worn by children for their mothers,74 including gentlemen's sons of secondary women for their mothers (though they reduce it if they are their father's heir).75 As supplemented mourning it is worn by main-line grandsons who are double heirs for their grandmothers when their fathers are dead or similarly for their great-grandmothers or great-great-grandmothers; by mothers for the main-line son who will be the heir. As duty mourning it is worn by wives for their mothers-in-law; by wives for anyone their husbands wear it for as a double heir; by children for stepmothers or foster-mothers (when a child of a concubine is without a mother and the father orders another concubine without a child to nurture it, she is called a foster-mother); by a step-mother for the eldest son of her husband; by a concubine for the eldest son of her master. • [In some cases] it is worn a year with the staff. The garments are the same as the previous case, but one uses the next grade of unprocessed hemp cloth.76 As standard mourning it is worn by main-line grandsons for their grandmother when their father is dead but their grandfather survives. As reduced mourning it is worn by children for their mother if she has remarried or been divorced. As duty mourning it is worn by children for a step-mother who when widowed remarried and took them with her; by husbands for their wives.77 Sons 74 In the ancient ritual, sons wore only one year of mourning for their mothers if their fathers were still alive. This distinction was officially discarded in the T'ang (see T'ung-tien 89:487 A-^t88 A). Chang Tsai (CTC, p. 300), however, preferred the old rule as showing that the family had only one most honored person. 75 The restriction to gentlemen (shih) is based on the classics where this was the lowest rank for which mourning obligations were described. Since there is no separate entry for sons of secondary women in non-shih households, they presumably also would mourn their mothers as full mothers. The reduction in mourning when the son is his father's heir (which Chu Hsi took to be the one who would carry on the ancestral rights, though other scholars sometimes took it to mean anyone inheriting property) is also from the classics and is based on the idea that such a person cannot put his "private kinship" above the formal kinship he is charged with maintaining. Thus, he must act as though he is the son of the wife. Chang Tsai (CTC, p. 301) said a son wears only the lower grade of "fine hemp" for his birth mother if his legal mother is still alive. On the ritual status of concubines and their sons, see Ebrey, "Concubines in Sung China." 76 Feng Shan (CLCS, 76a-b) eliminated the back panel, piled collar, and badge in this grade, explaining that they were really only appropriate for children mourning their parents, and he argued that the CL was poorly edited in this regard. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 4:60a) argued for keeping Chu Hsi's text. 77 In WC 51:40a-41b, Chu Hsi refuted the argument of some authorities that husbands should mourn their wives for three years.

91

C H A P T E R FOUR

who are their father's heirs wear no mourning for remarried or divorced mothers, or for step-mothers who are divorced. • [In some cases] it is worn a year without the staff. The garments are the same as above, but there is no staff and the next grade of unprocessed hemp cloth is used. As standard mourning it is worn for grandparents, even by granddaughters who have married; by the children of sons of concubines for the mother of their father, unless they are the heir of the grandfather; for father's elder and younger brothers; for elder and younger brothers; for sons and daughters other than the heir; for brothers' children; for father's sisters, one's own sisters, and one's daughters who are not yet married or who, though married, have neither husbands or sons; women without husbands or sons wear it for their brothers and sisters and the sons of their brothers; concubines wear it for their children. As supplemented mourning, it is worn for a main-line grandson or greatgrandson or great-great-grandson who is one's heir; by married women for the brother who is their father's heir. As reduced mourning it is worn by remarried or divorced mothers for their children, even sons who are the father's heir; by concubines for their own parents. As duty mourning it is worn by step-mothers and remarried mothers for children of their former husband who have followed them; for the wives of father's brothers; for the children of a husband's brothers; for a step-father when he has no relatives with mourning obligations of greater processed cloth or greater living with him; by a concubine for her mistress; by a concubine for the younger sons of her master; by parents-in-law for their eldest son's wife. • [In some cases] it is worn for five months. The garments are the same as the preceding. As regular mourning this grade is worn for great-grandparents, even by married women. • [In some cases] it is worn for three months. The garments are the same as the preceding. This grade is worn as standard mourning for great-great-grandparents, even by married women. As duty mourning it is worn for step-fathers with whom one no longer lives, or with whom one lives but who have sons and already have relatives with greater processed cloth [nine month] or heavier obligations; no mourning is worn for step-fathers with whom one never lived. • The third is called "greater processed cloth" and is worn for nine months. 92

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10. Mourning for Relatives through Mother, Sister, Father's Sister, Wife, or Husband

The garments are the same as before except one uses slightly coarse pro­ cessed cloth,78 and there is no back panel, front badge, or piled collar. The head band is five or more inches and the waist band four or more inches. As standard mourning it is worn for male or female first cousins through father's brothers; for grandchildren other than the heir.79 78 SMSSI 6:67-69 uses raw white silk for these three lowest grades, citing the strength of custom. 79 Yang Fu (HLTC 20:14a) said some people thought maternal grandparents should be mourned in this grade rather than in the next, lower one.

93

C H A P T E R FOUR

As duty mourning it is worn for the wives of younger sons and the wives of brothers' sons; for a husband's grandparents, his paternal uncles and their wives and the wives of his fraternal nephews;80 by a wife of an adoptee for her husband's natural parents. • The fourth is called "lesser processed cloth" and is worn for five months. The garments are as above, except slightly fine processed cloth is used and the cap has a left seam. The head band is four inches and the waist band three inches. As standard mourning it is worn for a grandfather's brothers and sisters; for the grandchildren of brothers; for the sons and daughters of grandfather's brothers; for the children of male first cousins through father's brothers; for male and female second cousins through grandfather's brothers; for maternal grandparents; for mother's brothers; for sisters' sons; for mother's sisters; for half-brothers and sisters with different fathers but the same mother. As duty mourning it is worn for the wives of grandfather's brothers; for the grandsons of husband's brothers; for the wives of grandfather's brother's sons; for the children of a husband's first cousins through his father's brothers; for a husband's paternal aunts or sisters even if they are married; a woman wears it for the wives of her brother's sons, even if she is married; sisters-in-law (wives of brothers) wear it for each other; sons of concubines wear it for the parents, brothers, and sisters of their legal mother unless she is already dead; sons of a divorced mother wear it for their step-mother's parents and brothers and sisters; for a concubine who had children and who was one's wetnurse; for the wife of a main-line grandson or great-grandson or great-great-grandson who is the heir unless her mother-in-law survives; for the wives of brothers; for a husband's brothers. • The fifth is called "fine h e m p " and is worn for three months. The garments are the same as above except one uses very fine processed cloth. The head band is three inches, the waist band two inches, and both use processed hemp. The ties are similar. As standard mourning it is worn for the brothers and sisters of great-grandfather; for the great-grandchildren of brothers; for the children of the brothers of great-grandfather; for the grandchildren of male first cousins through father's brothers; for the sons and daughters of the sons of great-grandfather's brothers [second cousins of father]; for the children of second cousins through grandfather's brothers; for male and female third cousins through great-grand80 In this set of rules for mourning obligations, wives generally mourn their husband's relatives at one degree lower than he does, with the exception of his parents. As Chang Tsai noted (CTC, p. 300), it had already become common in the Sung for wives to mourn thenhusband's relatives at the same level he did.

94

FUNERALS

father's brothers; for great-grandchildren and great-great-grandchildren; for daughter's children; for male and female first cousins through mother's sisters; for male first cousins through father's sister; for male first cousins through mother's brother. As reduced mourning it is worn by the son of a concubine who is his father's heir for his mother (he wears no mourning for her parents or brothers or sisters). As duty mourning it is worn for the wife of great-grandfather's brother; for the great-grandson of one's husband's brothers; for the wife of great-grandfather's brother's son; for the grandson of husband's malefirstcousins through his grandfather; for the wife of great-grandfather's brother's grandson; for the son of one's husband's second cousin through his grandfather; for the wife of a secondary grandson; by a gentleman for his father's concubine who has borne children;81 for one's wetnurse; for a son-in-law; for one's wife's parents, even if the wife has died and one has remarried and even if the wife's mother has remarried or been divorced; for a husband's great-grandfather and greatgreat-grandfather; for a husband's grandfather's brothers and their wives; for the wives of brothers' grandsons; for the wives of husband's brother's grandsons; for a husband's grandfather's brothers' sons and their wives; for the wives of malefirstcousins through father's brothers; for the wives of the sons of husband's first cousins through father's brothers; for the wives of husband's first cousins through father's brothers; for husband's female first cousins through father's brothers even if they have married; for husband's maternal grandparents; for husband's mother's sister and mother's brother; for the wives of the sons of daughters; by women for the wives of the sons of their sisters; for the wife of a sister's son.82 • As a rule, mourning is reduced one degree for those who die young. Those aged from sixteen to nineteen are classed as upper early deaths, those from twelve to fifteen middle early deaths, and those from eight to eleven lower early deaths. In cases where they would otherwise have been mourned 81 Lu K'un (SLI 4:25a-b) argued strongly for heavier mourning for father's concubines, whether or not they had children. He said children should mourn them at the same degree the concubine mourned the children (i.e., one year). 82 In YL 87:2233-34, Chu Hsi was asked why there was no mourning for the husband of a mother's sister or the wife of a mother's brother. He replied that on the father's side the key number was four, on the mother's three, and the wife's two. Thus, one mourned the sons of paternal aunts, sisters, and daughters because they were related through one's father, but on the mother's side one only mourned mother's mother, father, and siblings. In actuality, the use of the numbers four and three greatly understates the disparity between the mourning obligations to father's and mother's relatives. Feng Shan (CLCS, 84a) also pointed out that Chu Hsi's formula did not explain why a mother's sister's son would be mourned but not a mother's sister's husband, and he noted that ritual is a matter of duty, not always fully intelligible.

95

C H A P T E R FOUR

for a year, for upper early death, it is reduced to greater processed cloth for nine months; for middle early death, to seven months; for lower early death, to lesser processed cloth for five months. In cases where they would otherwise have been mourned at the level of''greater processed cloth'' [nine months] or lower, it is reduced one degree. Anyone who dies before a full eight years does not have mourning garments worn for him or her. One wails for them for a limited period, converting months into days.83 Those who do not live three months are not wept over. A man who has married or a daughter who is engaged is not classed as an early death. • Men who have been adopted out and daughters who have been married out reduce the mourning to relatives of the natal family by one degree, and the members of that family do the same toward them. When daughters who have married have not yet finished their reduced mourning when they are divorced, they switch to the basic mourning; if they have already finished it, they do not start again. If a wife is divorced in the middle of wearing mourning for one of her husband's relatives, she takes it off. A concubine wears mourning for her natal relatives just like an ordinary person.84 • On the day for putting on mourning garments the presiding mourner and his brothers begin to eat gruel. The children of the deceased eat gruel; the wife and concubines and those with a year or nine months of mourning eat coarse vegetables and drink water, not eating other vegetables or fruit; those with five or three months of mourning can drink wine and eat meat but do not go to parties and do not go out without reason.85 If because of funeral business they have no choice but to go 83

That is, if one would have mourned nine months, wail nine days. I.e., not like a married women, who has reduced obligations. This, however, seems to contradict the statement above that they wear even sackcloth for a year without the staff for their parents, classed as "reduced" mourning and even lower than a married woman wears for her parents. 85 Several commentators complained that this rule was frequently violated. SMSSI 6:6465 has a long note lamenting the fact that even as recently as the Five Dynasties (907-960) it had been disreputable to be seen publicly eating meat or drinking wine while in mourning. Chou Hui (Ch'ing-po tsa-chih 10:96) also complained about parties during mourning for parents, saying they were much more common than fifty years earlier, when those in mourning who wished to entertain did so at Buddhist or Taoist temples where vegetarian food was served. There were also complaints of officials who quickly resumed their duties, without refraining from parties (e.g., Tieh-wei shan ts'ung t'an 4:16a-b). In the Ming, Lu K'un (SLI 4:17a-b) suggested that guests who came from afar for the funeral could be modestly entertained if there were no relatives or kinsmen able to take care of them, giving them the wine, meat, and other food regularly put out for the deceased's soul. 84

96

FUNERALS

out, then they use a plain horse with a cloth saddle or a simple sedan chair with cloth curtains.86 • Generally, those who suffer a loss that deserves light mourning while they are wearing heavy mourning change into the light mourning clothes and wail for the deceased. At each new moon they set up a place, put on the light mourning, and wail, reverting to the heavy mourning clothes afterward. When it is time to take off the heavy mourning clothes, they resume the light mourning garments. If at this time the light mourning period is not over, then they wear light mourning to the end of the period. 87 • 7. W A I L I N G , P R E S E N T I N G O B L A T I O N S E A C H M O R N I N G AND E V E N I N G , AND OFFERING M E A L S

• Every morning make an oblation. Every day get up at dawn. Everyone from the presiding mourner on down puts on his appropriate mourning garment and enters to take up his place. The seniors wail sitting, the juniors standing. Servants set the utensils for the toilet at the side of the soul bed and take the soul cloth out to the soul seat. After that the morning oblation is made. Attendants set out vegetables, fruit, and dried meat. The liturgist washes his hands, burns incense, and pours wine. The mourners from the presiding mourner on down bow twice and wail to the full extent of their grief. • At meals offer food. Follow the procedure used at the morning oblation. • In the evening make an oblation. Follow the procedure used at the morning oblation. When it is over, the mourners from the presiding mourner on down carry the soul cloth to the soul bed, then wail to the full extent of their grief. 86 The Ming commentator (HLTCEV 20:15a) said the horse is for men and the sedan chair for women. 87 Yang Fu (HLTC 20:16b-17a) notes that Chu Hsi omitted reference to "mourning in the heart'' (hsin sang) used in the Sung and referred to in law codes for cases where mourning was reduced. That is, a man who reduced his mourning for his natural parents after he was adopted practiced "mourning in the heart" for three years, meaning he observed the restrictions placed on mourners without wearing mourning clothes. A son whose mourning for his mother was reduced because she was divorced or remarried did the same. Yang Fu also noted that Chu Hsi said nothing of the current regulation limiting the time period of the four lower grades of mourning to between thirty days and one day, depending on grade and whether or not one was in office. Chu Hsi did discuss "mourning in the heart" in YL 89:2283 and WC 46:8b-9a.

97

C H A P T E R FOUR

• Wail at unspecified times. Any time during the day when grief is felt, wail at the mourning station. • On the day of the new moon, set out dishes of food during the morning oblation. For the dishes use one bowl each of meat, fish, foods made of wheat or rice flour, soup, and cooked rice. The etiquette is like that used for the morning oblation.88 • When fresh foods become available, offer them. Follow the procedure used in offering meals.89 • 8. CONDOLING AND OFFERING GIFTS AND CONTRIBUTIONS

• Those who condole should all wear plain clothes. 90 Their scarf-caps, robes, and belts should all be made of raw white silk. • For gifts use incense, tea, candles, wine, or fruit. There should be a list. If foods are included, they should be noted separately. • For contributions use money or silk. There should be a list. Only relatives or close friends should do this.91 88

In a letter (WC 43:5a) Chu Hsi was asked whether a son acts as the presiding man for the sacrifice on the new moon during his mother's funeral rites. Chu Hsi said that he did not if his father was still alive, citing the classical principle that "in funeral matters if the father is alive, the father is the persiding person. When his father is alive a son cannot be a presiding mourner." Yang Fu (HLTC 20:18a) tried to reconcile this with the statement at the beginning of this chapter that the eldest son is the presiding person by proposing that the father/husband only presided at the new moon sacrifice and possibly the sacrifice of repose and cessation of wailing. 89 ARCLIC (6:2b) suggested making special sacrifices on the seven seventh day and the hundredth day, since Buddhist rites on these dates had become so well established. The Ming hui-tien's rules for the funerals of emperors, empresses, and princes were cited as a precedent for this practice. 90 In practice, it seems to have been common in Sung times for the bereaved to set dates for condolers to visit. See, for instance, Wu-wen kao 9:24a. 91 In SMSSI 5:55-56, Ssu-ma Kuang said everyone in his day sent imitation paper money for their contribution, which would be burnt. He thought this was of no use to the family in mourning who would be better off receiving things they would need. His contemporary Shao Yung found nothing objectionable in burning paper money, to Ch'eng I's surprise (Shaoshih wen-chien Iu, p. 215). In YL 90:2315 it is said Chu Hsi did not bum paper money in sacrifices. The burning of paper money for the dead is often mentioned in ICC (e.g., ping 19, pp. 522-23; chih-chia 8, p. 775). Feng Shan (CLCS, 156a-157a), T'ang To (CLHT 98

FUNERALS

• Prepare a calling card to inform the mourners of one's name. If both the visitor and the host are officials, then the visitor prepares a ' 'gate card''; otherwise use a name card, inscribed on the reverse.92 First have someone bring it in, then enter with the gifts and contributions. • After entering, wail and make an oblation, then condole and leave. Once the name has been announced, the family in mourning, candles burning and seated on cloth mats, waits wailing. The funeral director goes out to invite in the guest and brings him into the reception room. The visitor advances, salutes, and says: I have heard that A has collapsed and abandoned [us]. I am overcome with surprise and fear. I presume to ask permission to come in to pour a libation and convey my sympathy. The funeral director leads the visitor to the soul seat, where he wails to the full extent of his grief. Then he bows twice, burns incense, kneels, pours a libation of tea and wine, prostrates himself, and rises. The funeral director stops the wailers. The liturgist kneels to the right of the visitor and reads the elegy [sacrificial text] and the list of gifts and contributions. When done he rises. The visitor and the host both cry to the full extent of their grief. After the visitor bows twice, the presiding mourner wails and goes away from the soul seat. Facing west he kowtows, then bows twice. The visitor also wails, faces east, and bows in response.93 He comes forward and says: I did not anticipate this tragedy. A's relative of such office suddenly collapsed and abandoned [us]. How can I endure my sorrowful longings? The presiding mourner responds: My sins are deep and heavy, and the disastrous consequences have reached to my such-type relative. I humbly receive your offerings and your expressions of sympathy. I am overcome with sorrowful feelings. He again bows twice and the visitor returns the bows, then they face each other and wail to the full extent of their grief. The visitor stops first and comforts the presiding mourner, saying: 6:2a, 9:7b-8a), Lu K'un (SLI 5:1b) and ARCLIC (4:13b) all allow the use of paper money, most of them arguing for its innocuousness. One writer argued that many Confucian scholars avoided burning paper money, thinking it Buddhist, but really it was only a funerary model, like grave goods (Weng Tai-shihpu-hsiian wen-kung chia-li 4:13b). 92 SMSSI 9:104—105 specifies what to write on these cards. 93 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 5:6b) noted that in the Li-chi the mourner did not bow to the one paying a condolence visit, but he thought it would be all right to accept Chu Hsi's change in this regard. 99

C H A P T E R FOUR

Whether a life span is long or short is set. How are you to deal with your pain? I hope you will restrain your filial thoughts and stoop to follow the ritual system. Then he salutes and leaves. The presiding mourner wails and goes back in. The funeral director accompanies the visitor to the reception room, where he takes tea and then leaves.94 All those from the presiding mourner on down stop wailing. If the deceased had a high office, say he "transpired." If he had a slightly high one, then say he "renouncedhis temporary abode." If the survivor has a high office, then say, "he rejected his eminent care." If neither the survivor nor the deceased are officials, then say, "care with excellent demeanor."95 When a senior greets a visitor, the etiquette is the same as given here, but the phrases are all changed as they are in letters. See the end of this chapter.96 • 9. R E C E I V I N G I N F O R M A T I O N O F A D E A T H A N D H U R R Y I N G TO THE F U N E R A L 9 7

• Wail when first learning of a parent's death. Parent means father or mother. Respond to the messenger by wailing. After wailing to the full extent of one's grief, ask the cause of death. • Change clothes. Cut the cloth to make four' 'legs'' [on one's scarf-cap] .98 Wear a white cloth robe, rope belt, and hemp sandals. • Proceed expeditiously. Go a hundred Ii a day, but do not travel at night. Although one is in sorrow, still act prudently. 94 It seems to have been a common custom, frequently criticized from Sung through Ch'ing times, for those who came to condole to be entertained, either the bereaved organizing the entertainment or the visitors supplying it. For a description of the situation in the Ming, see Lu Wei-ch'i, Ssu-liyiieh-yen 3:4a-5a. 95 An allusion XoLun-yii 2.8; Waley, p. 89: "Tzu Hsia asked about filial piety. The Master said, 'It is the demeanor that is difficult.' " 96 Ssu-ma Kuang (SMSSI 5:57) noted that one did not come in to condole the wife of the deceased unless one was a close friend of her son and had already been introduced to her. Kao K'ang (HLTC 20:19a) cited Hu Yiian's (993-1059) Shu-i for differentiation in the etiquette of condoling depending on the relative rank of the visitor and the one receiving him. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 5:6b-7b) added the burning of an elegy by the condoler. Such elegies survive in great quantity in Sung literati's collected works. 97 This section presents the way to act soon after a death when one is not present where the death occurs. The CTCS and HLTC editions combine this section with the next. Here the SKCS edition is followed for greater clarity. 98 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 5:8b) said this was no longer done in his day.

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• On the road, wail whenever grief is felt. In wailing, avoid cities or busy places. The venerable Mr. Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "Today when people hurry to the funeral or follow the coffin, they cry when they get to the city and stop when they pass it. This is mere show."99 • Wail on catching sight of the prefectural boundary, the county boundary, the city, and the home. If the home is not in a city, wail on catching sight of the village. • On entering the gate, go in front of the coffin, bow twice, change clothes twice, then take up the place for wailing. The first change of clothes is like the beginning of mourning. Sit facing west at the east of the coffin and wail to the full extent of the grief. The second change of clothes is like that at the preliminary laying out and is performed the same way. • On the fourth day after arriving, put on mourning garments. Condole with family members. When visitors arrive, bow to them as described earlier. • If departure is delayed, make a place but do not offer oblations. Set up a single chair as a substitute for the body and coffin. Set places to its left and right, front and rear, and wail as in the procedure given earlier. Do not set out oblations unless there are no sons or grandsons of the deceased by the side of the body, in which case set out oblations at this place according to the procedure given earlier. • Change clothes. This is done on the fourth day after learning of the death. • The procedures on the road and at the home are as given above. If there are no sons or grandsons by the side of the coffin, then each morning and evening while traveling make a place and set out oblations. On arriving at the home, the procedures for condoling and greeting visitors are the same as those given above, except do not change clothes. • If the burial has already taken place when one arrives, go first to the grave, wail, and bow. Whoever goes to the grave should wail on seeing the grave and wail again on arriving at it. He should bow as he would at home. Those who have not yet 99

SMSSI 6:61. The CTCS edition miswrites cha, "false," as hsii, "permit." 101

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put on mourning garments should change their clothes at the grave. When arriving at the home of the mourners they should go before the soul seat, wail, and bow. On the fourth day, they put on the mourning garments as in the previous procedure. Anyone who has already put on mourning garments does not change clothes but does everything else. • Those with untrimmed sackcloth or lighter mourning should set up places and wail on learning of the death. If the deceased is a senior, do this in the main rear room, if a junior in a separate apartment. The venerable Mr. Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "Today people all select a day to start the grieving. In general, sorrow starts as soon as one learns of the death, and one ought to wail immediately. How can one wait to select the day?" 100 However, the law code has the item prohibiting grieving in a prefectural or county office, so those in office should wail in a Buddhist temple. Others all should wail in the home.101 • If they go to the funeral, they put on mourning garments at the mourners' home. Those who hurry to a funeral leave once they have taken off any ornamented clothes and packed. When they arrive, those with even sackcloth [usually one year] wail on seeing the village, those with greater processed cloth [nine months] wail on seeing the gate, and those with lesser processed cloth [five months] or lower wail on arriving at the gate. Once inside the gate they go to the front of the coffin and wail, then bow twice. After putting on their mourning garments they take up their places, wail, and condole, as in the procedures already described. • If they do not go to the funeral, they put on the mourning garments on the fourth day. 102 Of those who do not go to the funeral, the ones who owe untrimmed sackcloth [three years] make a place and get together each morning and evening to 100 SMSSI 6:62-63. Probably he meant selecting by consulting a manual listing lucky days for various purposes. A Sung manual for this purpose is included in Chii-chia pi-yung shih-lei, ch'iian-chi ping 5:14a-56b. 101 SMSSI 6:63, adds that the reason contemporaries not in county or prefectural offices go to Buddhist temples is that they are superstitious. The law prohibiting officials from grieving in their offices is given in CYTFSL 77:26a, p. 558. Presumably it was based on the desire to keep auspicious and ill-omened events separate. Officials normally only left their posts for the death of a parent. At the death of a grandparent, uncle, brother, wife, and so on, they would stay in office, but they should separate their mourning activities from their official duties. 102 In general, going to the funeral from a considerable distance was only required of sons or, in their absence, a grandson who was the double heir.

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wail for three days. On the morning of the fourth day they put on mourning garments as already described. Those who owe greater processed cloth [nine months] or lower make a place and get together to wail as soon as they learn of the death. On the fourth day they put on mourning garments in the same way. Both categories of mourners make places and get together to wail at each new moon. When the mourning period is over, they make a place and get together to wail on the next new moon, then take off their mourning garments. During this period, they should wail whenever they feel grief.103 •

10.

P R E P A R I N G FOR T H E B U R I A L

• After three months bury the body. 104 Prior to that select a suitable place for the burial. The honorable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "In ancient times, the Son of Heaven was buried after seven months, feudal lords after five months, great officers after three months, and gentlemen after a month. Now in the legal stipulation of the length of the five grades of mourning everyone from kings and dukes on down buries after three months. However, the current custom is to place credence in the theories of burial specialists who select a year, month, day, and hour, and select a site by the configuration of mountains and waters. People believe that the wealth, rank, wisdom, and longevity of the descendants entirely depend on these choices. Yet those who practice these arts usually disagree; with their confusing arguments they can never settle on an answer. Sometimes it reaches the point where a lifetime or even several generations go by without the burial taking place. Or perhaps when the descendants get old and decline they may forget the location of the coffin and abandon it without burying it. If one really supposed that burial was able to affect human fortunes, how could those who are sons and grandsons bear to cause their parents to rot and suffer exposure so that they could seek profit for themselves? There are no perverse rituals that hurt moral principles more than these.105 103

Li Wen-chao (Chia-li sang-chi shih-i, 17b) added here a description of what to do when the deceased died away from home, strongly criticizing people's refusal to allow the encoffined body into the house, even in the case of their parents, because of their feelings that it was ill-omened. 104 Ch'iu Chun (Ta-hsueh yen-i pu 51:5a) said three months should be a maximum, and that commoners (not mentioned in the classics in this regard) could bury after a few days if preparations were ready. From the dates given for deaths and burials in epitaphs, it is clear that among shih-ta-fu in the Sung, burial was indeed often delayed three months to a year or more. 105 In his critique of geomancy, Ssu-ma Kuang also pointed out the contradiction between the Yin-Yang specialists' theory that fortune and life expectancy are determined by the date and time of birth and their theory that burial location determines them. Ssu-ma Kuang wrote a more detailed condemnation of geomancy in Ssu-ma wen-cheng kung ch'uan-chia chi 65:809—11. There he described how when his grandfather died his relatives insisted on hav103

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"Be that as it may, the heart of a filial son is filled with deep and long-range worries. He fears that if the burial is shallow people will break in, and that if it is deep, moisture will speed decay.106 Therefore he must search for a place where the dirt is rich and the water level deep to bury the body, and so cannot avoid selecting the spot.I07 Someone asked, 'My family is poor and my home town far, so I cannot return the body for burial. What can I do?' I answered,108 'Tzu Yu asked about funeral equipment.109 The Master [Confucius] said, "Evaluate how much the family has." Tzu Yu said, "How can those with means and those without do things the same way." The Master said, "Those with enough do not exceed the rituals. Those who lack resources wrap the body from head to foot and bury it, lowering it into the ground. How can anyone criticize this."' 10 Formerly, Lien Fan brought a body back a thousand /i';111 Kuo [Yiian-]p'ing hired himself out in order to make a grave.112 How does burying one's parents depend on being rich?' "According to ritual, before the burial one does not change garments, one eats gruel, lives in a hut, and sleeps on a straw mat with a clod for a pillow. The reason is that one is saddened that one's parent does not yet have a place to settle. Therefore one is not comfortable while eating or sleeping. How could one leave the coffin and travel, eat rice, and dress in brocades? I cannot comprehend such feelings. ing a Yin-Yang specialist consulted. His elder brother hired the local village geomancer, who normally got less than 1,000 cash for his work, and offered him 20,000 if he would say the spot they had chosen was auspicious. Chang Tsai (CTC, p. 299) also criticized some contemporary geomantic practices, such as burying a piece of cloth and seeing if its color changed, or burying a fish bowl and seeing if the fish died. Burial specialists (or geomancers) of these sorts frequently appear in ICC. See, for instance, ICC, san-jen 1:1475; chihting 4:993-94; chih-hsu 2:1065; ping 19:522. In the Ming, Chiu Ch'iin (Ta-hsueh yen-i pu 51.Sb-Oa) said that geomancy was particularly a problem in the provinces of Chekiang, Fukien, and Kwangtung. T'ang To (CLHT 6:12a-24b) quoted several condemnations of geomancy and provided a diagram of an alternative way of selecting burial sites by genealogical position, all agnatic kinsmen in one graveyard. This diagram appears in most subsequent revised versions of the Family Rituals. 106 Fear of grave robbers was probably strong. Chi-le pien 1:20 mentions some graves known to have been robbed. The punishments for grave robbing were given in SHT 19:6b7b. Fear of water penetrating the coffin also seems to have been common. In one case a widow had her husband reburied because he repeatedly came to her in a dream reporting that water had invaded his grave (Fan Tai-shih chi 39:lb-2a). 107 In YL 89:2286-87, Chu Hsi noted that deep burial was not suited to all parts of the country since in some places there was too much groundwater. 108 Following SMSSI 7:76; CL has "he answered." 109 Tzu Yu was a major disciple of Confucius. 110 This quotation is not from the Analects but from Li-chi, "T'an Kung" 8:13b; Legge, 1:153-54. The CL has "wrap the hands and feet" rather than "head to foot," repeating Ssu-ma Kuang's wording, which differs from the Li-chi text. 111 Hou-Han shu 31:1101. Lien Fan was fifteen at the time. 112 Sung shu 91:2244. SMSSI 7:76 has the correct name; the character " Y u a n " apparently was dropped in error in CL. 104

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"Among contemporaries, sometimes when traveling officials die in distant parts their sons or grandsons burn the coffin and bring the ashes back for burial. Now, a filial son loves his parents' flesh and bones; therefore he arranges them and buries them. To desecrate a stranger's corpse is treated seriously in the law code.113 How much worse is it for a descendant to make a perverse error like this! Probably this began as a custom of the western barbarians that gradually contaminated China. Since it has now been practiced for a long time, it has been accepted as ordinary."4 Those who observe it remain calm, and never object to it. Isn't this lamentable? When Yen-ling Chitzu went to Ch'i, his son died and he buried him in the region of Ying and Po. Confucius considered that this conformed to ritual.115 When one definitely cannot return a body for burial it is acceptable to bury it in the local place. Isn't this better than burning it?" 116 Master Ch'eng [I] said, "Divining for a tomb site is aimed at discovering the excellence of the land, not what the Yin-Yang specialists call fortune or misfortune. When the land is excellent, the spirits will be comfortable and the descendants will flourish; the principle is the same as the branches and leaves of a plant flourishing when dirt is banked around the roots. When the land is bad, the contrary occurs. But what is meant by the excellence of land? It is land that is bright and moist; a flourishing growth of plants and trees is the evidence. "Father and grandfather, son and grandson, all share the same material force (ch'i). According to this principle, when the one is at peace the other will be at peace; when the one is endangered the other will be endangered. Adherents of superstitions are deluded into selecting the direction of the land and choosing days for their auspiciousness. Isn't this ignorant! The worst do not think in terms of serving the deceased but worry solely about their own future benefits. This is not at all what a filial son should be concentrating on in arranging a burial place. "Nevertheless, there are five problems one must give attention to in picking a burial site. One must see that the spot will never be made into a road, a city wall, or a ditch; that it will not be seized by the high-ranking or powerful; and that it will never be cultivated. Another text says that the five problems to be avoided are ditches, roads, villages, wells, and pits." 117 I note: the ancients decided on grave sites and burial dates by divining with 113 See SHT 18:8a-9a, where desecrating a corpse, including by burning it, is treated as one degree less serious than killing a person in a fight. 114 See Ebrey, "Cremation in Sung China." 115 Based on Li-chi, "T'an Kung" 10:18b; Legge, 1:192-93. 116 Abridged from SMSSI 7:75-76. 117 ECC, wen-chi 10:623. The main thrust of Ch'eng I's essay is against geomancy, which might not be evident from Chu Hsi's selective quotation. Ch'eng I himself urged burying in chao-mu order, an old idea also taken up by other Sung scholars.

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stalks. People today do not know these methods, so it is all right to follow the customary way of selecting these.'18 • Select a day, open the grave, and worship the god of the earth. 119 The presiding mourner, after the morning wailing, leads the attendants to the chosen plot of land. They dig the four corners of the grave, placing the soil outside. They then dig the middle, placing the soil to the south. At each corner set up a marker, and set two markers facing the south entrance. Select a distant relative or a guest to act as intercessor to the god of the earth. 12° The Iiturgist leads the attendants to set a place to the left of the middle marker, facing south. They set a cup, decanter, wine, fruit, and dried meat in front of it. They also lay out two sets of wash basins and wash cloths, one on the east and one on the south. The one on the east, with a rack, is to be used by the intercessor. The western one has no rack and is used by the attendants. The intercessor enters in auspicious clothes121 and stands in front of the spirit's place, facing north. The attendants are behind him, the most senior to the east. After they all bow twice, the intercessor and the attendants all wash and dry their hands. One attendant takes the wine decanter, faces west, and kneels. Another takes the cup, faces east, and kneels. The intercessor pours the wine 118 Chu Hsi has just quoted two condemnations of the customary use of Yin-Yang specialists but ends by allowing customary means. Indeed, there is even evidence that Chu Hsi accepted the accuracy of the cosmological principles some of the geomancers used. One of his good friends, Ts'ai Yuan-ting, was well known for his geomantic theories, and Chu Hsi cited similar ideas in a memorial on the location of an emperor's tomb (WC 15:34a-37b). See also Ebrey, "Sung Neo-Confucian Attitudes Toward Geomancy." Later commentators were divided on the issue of geomancy. Teng Yuan-hsi, who in his revision of the CL tended to stick to the classics, explicitly recommended the techniques of the burial classics by Kuo or Yang, two of the main books used by geomancers (Chia-li ch'iian-pu 7:1a). A 1599 revised version quoted from Chu Hsi's memorial advocating geomancy (Chia-li cheng-heng 6:10b). Another revised version of approximately the same period, Wen-kung chia-li huich'eng, ch. 6, included a long series of discussions of the pitfalls of geomancy attributed to various authors under twelve subheadings, such as "the ancients did not select the year, month, day, and hour for burial," "it is not necessary to choose high hills," "experts mistakenly discuss the location of the 'great year,'" and "the differential success of brothers has no connection to burial sites." For other Yuan, Ming, and Ch'ing critiques of geomancy, see Tu-Ii fung-k'ao 83: 22b-41a. 119 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 5:20a) added that once the day was chosen, all relatives, colleagues, and friends who were expected to participate in the burial should be informed. 120 Such a person would not wear mourning clothes, and no one in mourning garments may perform "auspicious" rites like communicating with gods. The god of the earth (Hout' u shih) was a deity of ancient origins, frequently mentioned in the classics. As Ch' iu Chun pointed out (CLIC 5:22a), worshipping this deity during burials was not an ancient rite, the KYL being the first ritual manual to include it. Ch'iu thought it presumptuous for gentlemen and commoners to sacrifice to Hou-t'u shih and suggested substituting a sacrifice to the spirit of the earth (t'u-ti sheri). Probably geomancers often were the ones to perform this ceremony. See the instructions in the geomantic manual, Ti-Ii hsin-shu 14:12b-13b. 121 That is, not in mourning garments.

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and returns the decanter. Then he takes the cup and pours it out in libation in front of the spirit's place. He prostrates himself, rises, and steps slightly back. The liturgist takes the board, stands to the left of the intercessor, faces east, kneels, and reads it: On the day of the new moon of such month of such year, such yearcycle, the child of such office, A, presumes to report to the god of the earth. Now we are constructing a tomb for B, of such office. May the god protect it and see to it that no difficulties occur in the future. We earnestly make these respectful offerings of pure wine and dried meat to the god. May you enjoy it!122 When finished, he resumes his place, and the intercessor bows twice. The liturgist and the attendants all bow twice, then clear away the remains and leave. If the presiding mourner returns home at this point, he wails in front of the soul seat and bows twice. The same procedure is followed later also. • Next excavate the vault. The venerable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "Today there are two methods of burial. One is to dig straight down into the ground to make a grave and lower the coffin into it. The other is to carve out an underground passage to the grave like a room and to bring the coffin into it from the side. Now, among the ancients only the Son of Heaven was allowed to make a passage to the grave; everyone else lowered the coffin directly down into a grave. This is the method that should be used today. The hole dug should be narrow but deep, narrow so it will not cave in, deep so it is difficult for robbers to reach."123 • Make the cement liner. After the grave is dug, spread out charcoal fragments on the bottom of it and pound them down, making a layer about two or three inches thick. Next spread out cement made of a mixture of lime, fine sand, and yellow earth on top of it. The proportions should be three parts lime and one part each of the other two.124 Ram it down hard so it is two or three feet thick.125 Add a thin board to separate the cement, the shape of the coffin, coated with pine resin 122

From SMSSI 7:77, which in turn appears to have been based on KYL 143:1 la. Abridged and rearranged from SMSSI 7:78-79. Ssu-ma Kuang noted that "among the people today, many make passages to the grave, which goes against ritual." Early government-issued ritual guides, the KYL and CHWLHI, did not give any details on how to prepare tombs. Ssu-ma Kuang and Chu Hsi probably were drawing on their own experience in these descriptions. There is extensive archaeological evidence of both vertical shaft tombs (the ones recommended here) and the often more elaborate ones with sloping passageways. 124 Such a mixture will form a very hard cement. Archaeologists report that graves prepared with these sorts of mixtures are very difficult to break open, even with picks, and even after the passage of centuries. 125 The SKCS ed. says two or three inches thick. 123

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on the inside, about three inches thick. In the middle take an empty coffin with walls over four inches higher than the coffin and put it on top of the cement. Then on the four sides go around and put down the cement, again separating it with a thin board, the charcoal remnants on the outside, the cement on the inside, as thick as it is at the bottom. Pound it until it is solid, then pull out the boards. Near the top, again put down charcoal and the cement and pound them until level with the walls. The reason for this method is that it is the only way to put in the pine resin if one does not use an outer coffin. Also, charcoal protects against tree roots, water, and ants. Lime mixed with sand becomes solid, and mixed with dirt it becomes sticky. As the years go, by this cement becomes as strong as metal or stone.126 Neither ants nor robbers will be able to enter.127 Master Ch'eng [I] said, "Men in ancient times tried to delay decay in their burials. They did not let dirt get close to the skin. Nowadays even curiosities are carefully packed tight to prevent injury. Don't the bones of one's parents deserve the same treatment? The current customary ideas are shallow. People merely wish not to see [the body]. There are even some who hold to the theory that one should try to speed up decay.128 Do such people understand the principle that one must be sincere and trustworthy? It is not that one seeks no decay [of the body]. But until it has decayed it should be carefully packed in this way." 129 • Carve the inscription stone. Use two slabs of stone. One is the cover and should have carved on it "the grave of the honorable A, of such office." If he had no office, use his adult name, saying, "Mr. A, named C." The other is the bottom, which should be inscribed, "Such official the honorable A, with B name and C adult name, of such prefecture, such county. His father was named D, of such office. His mother was of such name, such title. On such a year, month, day, he was born." Then detail his succession of offices. "On such year, month, day, he died. On such year, month, day, he was buried at such place in such canton of such village. He married Miss E, the daughter of F, and had a son G, of such office, and a daughter H, who married I, of such office."130 126

The CTCS and HLTC eds. have misprints of "complete" for "metal." In YL 89:2287, Chu Hsi described the rationale for this method of lining the grave, saying it is as strong as rock and keeps out water. The burial Chu Hsi arranged for his eldest son, using a similar concrete, is described in YL 89:2286. Lu K'un (SLI 4:19b) explicitly said that concrete is only needed where it is necessary to keep out moisture. Teng Yiian-hsi (Chia-li ch'iian-pu 7) argued for a different formula (one part lime, one earth, two parts sand with ground rice in it) and also for letting the pit dry before applying this concrete. He also said the tomb should be made ten days before burial to let it dry completely. 128 One of Ch'eng I's contemporaries, the scholar Hsii Chi (1028-1103), held such views. See Chieh-hsiao chi 31:38b-39a. 129 From ECC, wen-chi 10:626. 130 In WC 63:9a the author of a letter to Chu Hsi brought up the fact that in the CHWLHI 127

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In the case of a woman whose husband survives, the cover should say, "The grave of A, the wife of B, of such office." If she has no title then just say " wife." If her husband had no office, then write his surname and personal name. If the husband is dead, then say, "A, the wife of the honorable B, of such office." If he had no office, say "A, the wife of Mr. B, adult name C." On the bottom slab say how old she was when she married into such family and list any titles she received due to her husband or son. On the day of the burial, put the inscribed sides of the two stones toward each other and bind them with wire. Bury these stones in front of the grave in a nearby spot three or four feet in area.131 The reason for these measures is fear that at some future time the shape of the landscape might change and the grave might be mistakenly disturbed by someone. If they first see this stone then they would know the name of the deceased and be able to cover it over again.132 • Make grave goods. Carve wood to make carts and horses, male and female servants, and all the things needed to care for the deceased. The objects should resemble those used in real life but be smaller. According to the law, those with rank five or six offices can have thirty objects; those with rank seven or eight offices, twenty objects; and those who have not reached court posts, fifteen objects.I33 the lowest-rank officials and commoners were not allowed inscription stones. Chu Hsi replied that so long as the inscription was abbreviated, its use was not presumptuous. The inscription stones Chu Hsi prepared for the burial of his eldest son are described in YL 89:2286 as four feet by two feet and listing only the minimal information of name, date, and place. The texts of thousands of funerary inscriptions for officials and their relatives survive in Sung collected works. From archaeological evidence it seems that many commoners substituted mock deeds (mai-ti ch'iian) for inscription stones. Such deeds, written on bricks or stones, would give the name of the deceased and assert that he had a right to be buried where he was, having purchased it from the appropriate deities. On these deeds, see Ch'en, "Chiang-hsi ch'u-t'u ti-ch'iian tsung-shu," and Ikeda, "Chugoku rekidai boken ryakuko." Deeds were not strictly objects used by people with little education, as they were sometimes found in officials' graves and were among the objects the state supplied for the burials of important officials (SS 124:2910). 131 This step was often delayed. Many epitaphs record that a son asked the writer to compose the epitaph many years after the death. 132 Lu K'un (SLI 4:20b-21a) argued that this makes no sense. People who got deep enough to find the slabs would also find the coffin, and they would not be able to read the inscription if the inscribed sides were on the inside, bound together. He proposed instead an inscribed tombstone set above ground where all could see it. 133 In a letter to Ch'en Ch'un (WC 57:44a), Chu Hsi answered a question about grave goods by saying that they had never been used in his family. See also YL 89:2286. The legal specifications of the number of objects is given in CYTFSL 77:32b-33a, which, however, gives those without office (shu-jeri) as entitled to ten objects. From archaeological excavations it is clear that many people in Sung times made grave goods not simply of wood, but of more durable ceramics and less commonly stone, though this varied by region and period. In Kiangsu and Chekiang ceramic models were relatively rare, whereas in Kiangsi 109

C H A P T E R FOUR

• Prepare the lower-world furnishings. This refers to the bed curtains, cushions, armrests, tables, and the like. These should also resemble those used in life but be smaller.134 • Prepare a container. There should be one with a bamboo cover, to hold the offerings of wine and meat. • Prepare baskets. There should be five of bamboo to hold the five grains. • Prepare earthenware jars. There should be three made of pottery to hold the wine and dried meat.135 The honorable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "For everything from the funerary objects on, wait until the earth has been filled up halfway, then make side rooms to store them." 136 I note: Although this expresses the ancients' idea of not being able to bear the thought that the parent is dead, in fact these are useless things. Moreover, dried meat will spoil and produce insects and attract ants, which is most unsuitable. Thus it is better not to do these things.137 • Prepare the catafalque. The ancients had the "multiple" cart, which was very complicated and cannot be made today.138 So simply follow the current custom in making the catafalque, but strive for nothing beyond strength and stability. The method is to use two long poles and add to them the axle frame. Where the poles are atand Fukien they were relatively common and were sometimes of stone. In Szechwan they were rare in the Northern Sung, but more common in the Southern Sung (Hsii, "Sung-tai mu-tsang," pp. 599-600). For an example of a richly furnished grave, for a prefect who died in 1198, see Ch'en and Hsii, "Chiang-hsi Lin-ch'uan-hsien Sung-mu." Besides figurines representing servants, entertainers, and other people of use to the dead, many tombs had figurines of deities or nonhuman forces such as the twelve animals used to represent years of birth and various guardian gods. See, for instance, Chen-chiang-shih po-wu-kuan, "Chiang-su Li-yang Chu-tse Pei-Sung Li Pin fu-fu mu," and Ch'en and Hsii, "Chiang-hsi Lin-ch'uan-hsien Sung-mu." 134 The CTCS edition miswrote "small." 135 Sung Ch'i, wanting a simple burial, asked for only two bowls of water, two jars of wine, and two boxes of rice and flour. Ching-wen chi 48:619. J36 SMSSI 7:79. In excavated tombs, objects seem usually to have been placed around the coffin in the vault. 137 Cf. YL 89:2286. Apparently Chu Hsi listed them because the classical precedent for their use was too strong for him to omit mention of them. Ch'hi Chun (CLIC 5:24a) suggested keeping a token amount as a gesture of preserving ancient practices. 138 For a Sung conception of what this ancient catafalque looked like, see San-li t'u chichu 19:2a-b. Probably many people rented catafalques rather than construct them. TCMHL 4:25 mentions shops that provided this service in K'ai-feng. 110

FUNERALS

11. Catafalque and Coffin Cover, from CLHT 6:31b

tached, make round holes. Separately make a small square platform for carrying the coffin. The feet should be two inches tall. On the side erect two posts, and beyond the posts extend round handles, allowing them to be inserted into the holes, but long enough to extend beyond them. As the handles in the holes must slip easily, grease them, so that whenever the catafalque is moved up or down the coffin will remain level. Near the top of the two posts make square holes and add a crossbar, the two ends of which should extend past the posts. Then add a smaller crossbar. At the ends of the two poles put a crosswise pole, and on it a short pole, and perhaps a small pole on top of the short pole. Prepare a lot of new large hemp rope for the tie.139 139

The size of catafalques was regulated by sumptuary law. Those without office could have one carried by 16 men, those of rank nine, 20 men, rank five and up, 76 men, rank one, 110 men (CYTFSL 77:31b-32a; p. 561). Ill

C H A P T E R FOUR

These elements of the catafalque all are essential and cannot be skipped. However, having done this, one can cover the coffin with drapery, just enough to improve its appearance on the road. If one wishes to decorate it further, then simply make a frame of bamboo and cover it with colored cloth. At the top the frame should be shaped like a banana-bunch pavilion with curtains. At the four corners simply hang tassels.I40 Still do not make it too tall, for fear that it will run into too many obstacles. Nor should it be too fancy in a useless effort to gain admiration. If the route is far, definitely do not make this empty show, but simply use oil cloth to wrap the coffin to keep out rain water.141 • Prepare the shades. Make boxes of wood shaped like fans but square, with the two corners tall. They should be two feet wide and two feet four inches tall. Cover them in white cloth, and add handles five feet long. The black and white one has a design painted in black and white; the black and blue one has a design painted in black and blue; the cloud one has clouds painted and a border of clouds painted in purple. These should be according to regulations.I42 • Make the tablets. Master Ch'eng [I] said, "Make the tablets out of chestnut wood. The base is 4 inches square and 1.2 inches thick. Carve a recess in it to hold the body of the tablet. The body is 1 foot 2 inches tall, 3 inches across, and 1.2 inches thick. The top .5 inch is pared to make a round head. An inch below this ingrave a 'jaw.' Then split the slab so that the front is .4 inch thick, the back .8. Below the 'jaw' make a recessed center 6 inches long, 1 inch wide, and .4 deep. Join the two pieces and put them in the base. On the side make a hole into the center .4 inch in circumference, 3.6 inches down from the top, which is 7.2 inches from the bottom. Paint the front."143 140

See figure 11. In HLTC 20:24a, Chu Hsi is quoted as complaining that the current ritual texts had too elaborate a decoration of coffins and suggesting that some "later age" should simplify it so people could practice it. 142 On the number of "shades" allowed officials of various ranks, see CYTFSL 77:30b31a, pp. 560-61. 143 Abridged from ECC, wen-chi 10:627-28. Ch'eng I explains all the symbolism of the numbers (four seasons, twelve months, thirty days, and so on). He also gives the wording to be used on both sides of the tablet. In the recessed area a permanent inscription is made with the name and title of the deceased. On the other side a changing one is given in terms of the relationship between the deceased and the one presiding at his rites (i.e., he is called father, grandfather, and so on). These inscriptions are described here under 4, 14. Ch'eng I elsewhere (ECC, i-shu 22:286) said that neither shih nor commoners could have tablets (chu), only slabs (p'ai). Chu Hsi in three separate passages in YL 90:2311-12, discussed tablets for shih. He thought that it was all right for shih in his day to use tablets, as it was cumbersome to have to alter the object used depending on whether anyone in the family was in office. However, shih should not follow Ch'eng I's rules exactly, because they were based 141

112

FUNERALS

The venerable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "For a gentleman and his wife make one case." 144 1 humbly note that in ancient times for the tablets at the sacrifice of repose one used mulberry wood, but that after the change to refined clothes, the tablets were exchanged for ones of chestnut wood. Now for the sake of simplicity at this point make chestnut tablets. If chestnut wood is not available, simply use another durable wood. For the case use black lacquer, large enough to hold a tablet. When a husband and wife are both entered into an offering hall, make the case for both the tablets according to the venerable Ssu-ma's method.145 •

11. M O V I N G THE C O F F I N , G R E E T I N G THE A N C E S T O R S , O F F E R I N G THE C O N T R I B U T I O N S , S E T T I N G OUT T H E U T E N S I L S , AND M A K I N G O F F E R I N G S TO THE ANCESTORS

• The day before the departure at the morning oblation report the moving of the coffin. Set out the dishes of food as in a morning oblation.I46 The liturgist pours the wine, then kneels facing north and reports: "Now we presume to report that on this auspicious morning we will move the coffin." He prostrates himself, then rises. Everyone from the presiding mourner on down wails to the full extent of his grief, then bows twice. The ancients had the oblation for uncovering the coffin, which is not performed today since the coffins are not plastered over.147 However, since moving the coffin cannot be totally without elaboration, this rite has been added. • Raise the coffin and present it to the ancestors. 148 Before the coffin is moved, the workmen enter and the women withdraw. The presiding mourner and the other mourners stand and watch, holding staffs on the rules for feudal lords. They should not make the recessed center, split the tablet in two, or drill a hole. 144 Perhaps from SMSSI 7:81. 145 T'ang To (CLHT 1:5a) said people in his day made cases with sides of cloth. 146 Following the reading in the HLTC and SKCS edition. 147 Ssu-ma Kuang kept the classical description for plastering over the coffin and later uncovering it. Omitting it was one of Chu Hsi's major revisions, based in part on the inappropriateness of covering the coffin with mud in the South, where ants were too common. See YL 89:2284—85 for a discussion of his rationale for changing this and other aspects of burial rituals. In the late Ming, Teng Yuan-hsi argued for a modified form of covering the coffin using bricks (Chia-li ch'iian-pu 6:13a-b). 148 Feng Shan (CLCS, 107a-b) noted that in his day people brought the soul cloth instead of the coffin to the ancestors because of the difficulty of moving the coffin. He thought those with an offering hall should move the coffin, but those whose space was cramped could follow this custom. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 5:25b) concurred, as did most other authors of revised versions. 113

C H A P T E R FOUR

in front of their chests. The liturgist, carrying the soul cloth in a basket, leads the way to the front of the offering hall. The attendants take the offerings and the armrest and table and follow him. The inscribed banner is brought next, followed by the workers carrying the coffin. Everyone from the presiding mourner on down follows, wailing. The men line up on the left, the women on the right; those in deep mourning gofirst,those in light mourning behind, a separate file for each grade. The servants are at the rear. Relatives without mourning garments, the men to therightof the other men, the women to the left of the other women, are all in order behind the presiding male and female mourners. The women all have their heads covered.149 When they arrive in front of the offering hall, the attendants first lay out a mat and the workers put the coffin on it, the head to the north. Then they leave, allowing the women to take off their head coverings. The liturgist leads the attendants to set up the soul seat and the offerings to the west of the coffin, facing east. Everyone from the presiding mourner on down takes up his place, stands, and wails to the full extent of his grief, then stops. This rite resembles the way, in lifetime, one must take leave of seniors before departing.150 • Next move to the reception hall. The attendants set up a screen in the reception hall. When the workers enter, the women withdraw. The liturgist takes the soul cloth and makes a circuit to therightaround the coffin. As they did before, the male and female mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, follow, wailing, to the reception hall. The attendants set out a mat. The workers put the coffin on it, its head to the south. Then they leave. The liturgist sets up the soul seat and the oblation in front of the coffin, facing south.151 The mourners all take up their places to wail, sitting down on mats. • Then wail by turns. The procedure is the same as the one followed before the laying out. Continue the wailing until the departure. • Relatives and friends present gifts and contributions. The procedure is like that used at the beginning of mourning.152 • Arrange the equipment. First will come the demon-quellers; mad men can serve in this capacity. With hats and caps like Taoist priests, they hold axes and shields. Officials of 149 150 151 152

Because the workmen might see them. In other words, the deceased is saying good-bye to his ancestors. The CTCS ed. miscopies chi, "and," as fan, "return." Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 5:28a-b) also has sacrificial texts read and burned here. 114

FUNERALS

rank four or higher can have these demon-quellers with four eyes; those of lower rank can have "masks" that have two eyes.153 Next are the grave goods, the lower-world furnishings, the container, and the jars, all of which are on a platform. Then comes the inscribed banner, which is held with the base taken off; then the soul carriage, which will be used to carry the soul cloth and incense; then the catafalque, with the shades on its sides. Have people hold these objects.154 • In the late afternoon, set out the oblation to the ancestors. The dishes should be like those for the morning oblation. The liturgist pours the wine, then faces north, kneels, and reports: The rite of the permanent journey will be tomorrow morning and we will not tarry. Now we present the coffin carriage, modeled on the way of the revered ancestors.155 He prostrates himself, then rises, the rest of the procedure like the morning and evening oblations. The venerable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "If the coffin is being returned for burial from some other place, then on the day of the journey simply set out the morning oblation, wail, and depart. After arriving at the burial ground, set out all of these objects and make this oblation."156 •

12.

THE SENDING-AWAY

OBLATION

• The next morning at dawn move the coffin to the catafalque. The bearers bring the catafalque into the central courtyard and remove the top crossbar from the posts. The attendants clear away the oblation to the ancestors. The liturgist faces north, kneels, and reports, "I presume to report 153 CYTFSL 77:36a, p. 563, says officials rank five or higher could have square faces and those rank eight and up could have "masks." It also says they wear a garment with a green bodice and red skirt. When officials died, demon-quellers were among the things the government would supply (SS 124:2910). Demon-quellers could be hired in K'ai-feng (TCMHL 4:25). Feng Shan (CLCS, 108b-109a) posed a hypothetical question: Why rid the funeral of all traces of Buddhism and Taoism but keep demon-quellers? He replied that although the use of these demon-quellers superficially appears equally meaningless, it was sanctioned in the classics, and even Confucius was careful about disturbing the various gods. He also said the current custom of making a bamboo and paper "god that clears the road" was based on the same idea. 154 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 5:31b) added that it was acceptable to follow the current custom and also add a food table and an incense table to the objects carried to the grave. See figures 12 and 13. 155 From SMSSI 8:88, which was in turn modeled on KYL 143:4b-5a. 156 SMSSI 8:89. 115

C H A P T E R FOUR

that today we move the coffin to the catafalque."157 Then he moves the soul seat to the side and the women withdraw. He summons the workers to put the coffin on the catafalque, add the crossbar, and insert a wedge. Then they tie it with a rope so that it is very tight. The presiding mourner follows the coffin, wailing. He comes down to watch the loading. The women wail from behind the screen. When the loading is finished, the liturgist leads the attendants to place the soul seat to the front of the coffin, facing south. • Next set out the sending-away oblation. The dishes of food are like the morning oblation, with dried meat, but the women are not present. When the oblation is completed, the attendants remove the dried meat to a tray and place that on the carrying platform. They then clear away the rest of the oblation. • The liturgist takes the soul cloth onto the carriage and burns incense. He places the tablets in a separate basket and puts them behind the cloth. At this point the women cover their heads and come out from behind the screen. They go down the steps and stand, wailing. Those who will stay behind wail their farewells to the full extent of their grief, then bow twice and go back. Seniors do not bow in reply. •

13.

T H E PROCESSION

• The coffin is moved. The way is led by the demon-quellers and the others, in the order that the utensils were arranged.158 • The male and female mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, walk behind it, wailing. 157

In a letter (WC 50:28a), Chu Hsi discussed the prayer given in Kao K'ang's guide for this oblation. 158 SMSSI 8:88 notes that the law code allowed specified numbers of dirge singers to accompany the catafalque, depending on official rank, but Ssu-ma Kuang thought one should never sing in the presence of a coffin. Such songs, however, must have been common, as they are preserved in many Sung poets' collections. Chu Hsi strongly condemned the use of music at funerals in YL 89:2278. Ssu-ma Kuang (SMSSI 6:64-65) criticized those who ' 'play music to amuse the corpse'' at the first stage after the death, and who at the burial play music to lead the procession. Further evidence of the prevalence of music at funerals comes from the memorial written by Li Fang (925-996) criticizing elaborate funerals that blocked roads and entailed music. In 984 the court declared that those who employed musicians or entertainers at the funeral would be classed as "unfilial," a very serious offense (SS 125:2917-18). Condemnation of the use of music continued through the Ming and Ch'ing. Feng Shan (CLCS 108a) rejected the common custom of using drummers in the procession. Elsewhere (CLCS 11 Ia-112a), however, he seemed to approve of dirge singers by citing precedents for them going back to the Chou period and stressing the relationship between dirges and wailing. 116

FUNERALS

The order is the same as that used in greeting the ancestors. As they cross the threshhold, white sheeting screens them on either side. • The seniors come after the other mourners; they are followed by relatives without mourning obligations, who are in turn followed by guests. 159 They all ride in carriages or on horses. Guests may go ahead to the grave to wait there, or they may go to the city wall, wail and bow [to the coffin when it passes], then take leave and return home. • Relatives and friends set up a tent beyond the city wall on the side of the road as a resting place for the coffin. They make an oblation there. The procedure is the same as at home. 16° • On the road, wail whenever grief is felt. If the grave site is far away, then at each overnight stop set up the soul seat in front of the coffin. In the morning and evening, wail and make an oblation; at meals, offer food. At night the presiding mourner and his brothers all sleep by the sides of the coffin, and other relatives keep guard. •

14.

A R R I V I N G AT T H E G R A V E S I T E ,

LOWERING

T H E C O F F I N , W O R S H I P P I N G THE G O D OF THE E A R T H , INSCRIBING THE W O O D E N T A B L E T , AND FORMING THE M O U N D

• Before the arrival, attendants erect the soul tent. It goes to the west of the grave path and faces south. In it are an armrest and table. • Friends and relatives take their stations. They do this ten-odd paces in front of the soul tent, men on the east, women on the west. The northern end of the women's stations line up with the soul tent. Everyone faces south. 159 This statement seems to imply that the phrase "from the presiding mourner on down'' did not refer only to mourning grades but also to seniority by age. Thus a deceased's elder brother or mother would only be involved in a few of the rituals so far, the bulk of them devolving on his children and others junior to him. 160 SMSSI 7:85 says that these "tents" could become very extravagant, not only very large but filled with paper models. The whole thing would be burned when the coffin passed. The cost could be several hundred strings of cash, which Ssu-ma Kuang thought wasteful, proposing that the sum be contributed to the bereaved for their expenses instead. See also Marco Polo's description of such displays in Yule, trans., The Book of Ser Marco Polo, 1:204-205.

117

12. Funeral Procession: Demon-Quellers, Incense Table, Grave Goods, Inscribed Banner, and Food Table, from CLIC 5 t'u 54a-b

13. Funeral Procession: Soul Carriage, Shades, Streamers, and Coffin, from CLIC 5 t'u 53a-b

CHAPTER FOUR

women's tent male relatives and guests

spirit tent

presiding woman and other female mourners

grave pit

funerary objects

hole for inscription stone

sacrifice to the god of the earth here

presiding man and other male mourners

mat with coffin

spirit tablet inscribed here

14. Layout of Burial Ceremonies

• The women's tent is erected. It is behind the soul tent, to the west of the grave. • The demon-quellers arrive. They strike the four corners of the grave pit with their axes.161 • The grave goods and so on arrive. They are laid out to the southeast of the grave pit, starting from the north. 161

This is to drive away unwanted spirits. 120

FUNERALS

• The soul carriage arrives. The liturgist takes the soul cloth to the tent seat. The tablet basket is again put behind the cloth. • Next [the liturgist] sets out the oblation and withdraws. Wine, fruit, and dried meat are used. • The coffin arrives. Attendants first lay a mat to the south of the grave pit. When the coffin arrives, they take it off the cart and put it on the mat, the head to the north. The attendants take the inscribed banner, remove the pole, and put it on top of the coffin. • The principal male and female mourners take up their stations to wail. The presiding mourner and the men and boys stand to the east of the grave pit, facing west. The presiding female mourner and the women and girls stand to the west of the grave pit, facing east behind a screen. Both are in order of rank, from the north down, as in the procedure on the road. • The guests bow, take their leave, and return home. The presiding mourner bows to them, and the guests bow in reply. • Next the coffin is lowered into the grave. Beforehand put wooden poles crosswise on top of the cement liner, then take four ropes and loop them through the rings on the base of the coffin. Without tying them, lower the coffin to the poles, then pull the ropes out. In addition, fold fine hemp cloth or raw silk to wrap under the coffin and lower it. Do not pull this out; merely cut off the surplus and discard it. If the coffin does not have any metal rings, use rope to wrap under the coffin and lower it from the two ends to the top of the poles, then take out the rope, still using cloth as before. The most important thing in lowering the coffin is to take pains that it will not be tilted or shaken by mistake. The presiding mourner and his brothers should stop wailing to watch this personally. Once the coffin has been lowered, rearrange the drapery and inscribed banner on the coffin so that they are flat and straight.162 • The presiding mourner presents gifts. He gives six pieces of black cloth and four of crimson, each eighteen feet long. The presiding mourner carries them to the side of the coffin, bows twice, and hits his forehead to the ground. Those in their places all wail to the full extent of their grief. If the family is poor and cannot manage all of this, then one piece each of black and crimson cloth will do. Other things like precious 162

The CTCS edition miswrites cheng, "straight," as chih, "stop." 121

C H A P T E R FOUR

objects of gold or jade should not be put into the grave pit for they will be a burden to the deceased.163 • Add the inner and outer covers for the cement liner. Beforehand measure the size of the cement liner to cut a thin board. It should reach the four walls on the sides, and make it join them. Put it on top of the coffin, then pile oiled particles on it. Whirling this around, pour a little pine resin on it, so that it quickly stiffens and does not come through the board. When it is about three inches thick add the outer cover. • Fill it with cement. The cement mixture goes on the bottom. Charcoal bits go on the top. Each is twice as thick as it was at the bottom of the grave. Where it is thick on the sides, sprinkle on some wine and press on it to make it solid. For fear of moving the coffin, one does not dare pound the cement. Instead repeat this over and over until it becomes solid. • Then fill in the soil and gradually pound it. After every foot or so of soil that is put down, lightly pound it with the hands, so as not to shake the contents of the coffin. • Worship the god of the earth to the left of the grave. The procedure is the same as before. The prayer board begins the same, then says,' 'Today, we lower such official, of such title and posthumous name, into this mysterious dwelling. May the spirits. . . . " • Store the grave goods and other things. When the soil is filled halfway up, store the grave goods, the lower-world furnishings, the container, the basket, and the jars in the side niches. Block their entrances with boards. • Lower the inscription stones. If the grave is in a flat place, then ahead of time lay out a layer of bricks at the south end of the grave pit. Put the stones on top of it, then surround it with bricks on four sides, and cover it over. If the grave is on the side of a mountain or other steep place, then several feet to the south of the grave pit dig down four or five feet and bury the inscription stones using the same method.I64 163

Li Wen-chao (Chia-li sang-chi shih-i, 23a-b) inserted here a discussion of the common practice of presenting paper money, which he took as meant for use in the underworld, where the various kings could be bribed into favoring the dead one. 164 Inscription stones were often buried in the same vault as the coffin, and they have often been discovered in excavations. 122

FUNERALS

• Fill the pit with more soil and pound it until hard. Again, do this every time about a foot of soil is laid down, but use a fine pestle to ram it hard. • Inscribe the tablet. Attendants set a table to the southeast of the soul seat, facing west, and put an ink stone, brush, and ink on it. Across from the table they put a wash basin and towel, as before. The presiding mourner stands in front of the table, facing north. The liturgist washes his hands, takes the tablet out [of the basket], and lays it on the table. He has a good calligrapher wash his hands and stand facing west. The calligrapher first inscribes the recessed side. For a father the inscription reads: "The spirit tablet of the honorable A, named B, adult name C, number so-many, of such office." On the painted side it says, "The spirit tablet of his honor, our deceased father, of such office, title, and posthumous name." 165 Below this on the left side it says: "The filial son D makes offerings." 166 For a mother the recessed side says, "The spirit tablet of the former Lady named A, adult name B, number so-many." On the painted face it says: "The spirit tablet of A, our deceased mother, of such title." The inscription on the side is like that for the father. For those without office or title, use the terms by which they were called in their lifetime.167 When the inscribing is done, the liturgist carries the tablet to the soul seat. He puts the soul cloth in a box and puts it behind the tablet.168 After lighting incense and pouring wine, he takes the board and stands to the right of the presiding mourner. Kneeling, he reads the prayer. After giving the day as before, it says: Orphan A presumes to report clearly to his deceased father, of such office, title, and posthumous name: Your body has returned to the earth; your spirit should return to the hall. The spirit tablet is now ready. I humbly request that your revered soul (ling) will give up the old and take up the new. Rely on this; depend on this.169 165 Lu K'un (SLI 1: la-b) thought it was presumptuous for commoners to call their ancestors "his honor" (fu-chiin) or "lady" (ju-jen). 166 Lu K'un (SLI l:4b-5a) said it was more in tune with human feelings also to add the names of younger brothers. Moreover, he said (SLI, yii-yen 5a) that if the primary person listed was a double heir and he had a paternal uncle who was not the heir because he was the son of a concubine, he should also be listed. 167 Feng Shan (CLCS, 103b) said people in his day also inscribed on the tablet the date of birth, number of years lived, the date of death, and the place of burial. CLHT 1:4b is similar. 168 ARCLIC (6:23b) said people often buried the soul cloth in the grave, which was acceptable since the spirit was now transferred to the tablet. 169 From SMSSI 8:92.

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When finished he embraces the prayer board, then rises and resumes his place. The presiding mourner bows twice, wails to the full extent of his grief, then stops. Here and below for the funeral of a mother, say ' 'grieving son,'' and in all cases use any titles and posthumous names the deceased had. • The liturgist carries the spirit tablet onto the carriage. The box with the soul cloth is behind it. • Once attendants remove the soul seat, the procession begins. The mourners follow, wailing, as they did on the way there. When they exit the gate of the graveyard, seniors mount carriages or horses. The juniors, after they have gone about a hundred paces from the graveyard, also mount carriages and horses. One son or younger brother is left behind to supervise the filling in of dirt and construction of the mound. • The mound should be four feet tall. Erect a small stone stele in front of it, which is also four feet tall with a base of about a foot. The venerable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said that although in the legal specification there are sizes and quantities given for the mound, stele, and stone animals by political rank, those conducting burials should not do everything allowed.170 Otherwise, those in later eras who see these objects will think that the tomb contains gold and jade. These things are of no use to the dead, but, to the contrary, do them harm. Therefore, in the legal specification there is the phrase that "those with high rank may do the same as those with low rank, but those with low rank may not do the same as those with high rank." Thus, it is by far the best not to do these things. m Now I note that Confucius protected a grave with a hill four feet high at the peak.172 Therefore, take this as the model.173 Following the venerable Ssuma's views, erect a small stele separate from it, but the stone must be over a foot wide and two-thirds as thick, with a top shaped like a kuei tablet.174 It should be inscribed like the cover to the funerary inscription, then have a brief 170

See CYTFSL 77:33a, p. 562. Several other Sung men asked not to have such stone animals erected (e.g., Sung Ch'i [Ching-wen chi 48:620] and Lu Yu [Fang-weng chia-hstin, P- 4]). 171 A loose paraphrase of SMSSI 7:80-81. The phrase "those in high rank" is found in Wu-tai hui-yao 8:102, but not in CYTFSL, which expresses the same idea in different words (77:26b, p. 558). 172 Li-chi, ' 'T'an Kung'' 6:7a; Legge, 1:123. The grave was that of his parents. 173 In the law, considerably higher mounds were allowed, from eighteen feet for rank one officials down to six feet for commoners (CYTFSL 77:37a-38a, p. 564). 174 Cf. CYTFSL 77:38b, p. 564. A kuei tablet was round on the top, with lines incised in it. 124

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resum£ of ancestry, name, and career. It is inscribed on the left, going around the back to the right to make a circle. For wives, it is erected after the husband is buried, and inscribed like the cover for a husband's inscription.175 •

15.

R E T U R N I N G TO W A I L

• Wailing, the mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, carry the soul carriage and walk slowly down the road. They return as though doubtful that their relative is at the other place. If grief is felt, they wail. • They wail on arriving at the house. They wail on catching sight of the gate. • The liturgist brings the spirit tablet in and puts it on the soul seat. Attendants first set the soul seat in its old place. The liturgist takes the spirit tablet to its place and puts it in the case. He also takes out the soul cloth box and puts it behind the tablet. • The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, wail in the reception room. When the mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, reach the gate they wail. They go in, then go up via the western steps and wail in the reception room. The women go beforehand to wail in the hall. • Next they go before the soul seat and wail. They do this to the full extent of their grief, then stop. • Those who come to condole are greeted as before. This refers to close friends. After returning from the burial, they wait until the mourners have returned to wail, then pay a second condolence visit. The "T'an Kung" [chapter of the Li-chi] says, "One condoles after the mourners return for wailing because this is when their grief is greatest. When they return and the deceased is not there, they feel that they have lost him or her, intensifying their feelings."176 • From this point on, those with one year or nine months of mourning may drink wine and eat meat but not go to parties. Those with lesser processed cloth [five months] or lower mourning, and those with 175 176

The CTCS and HLTC eds., miscopy the possessive chih as wang, "disappear." Li-chi, "T'an Kung" 9:16a; Legge, 1:170. 125

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greater processed cloth [nine months] who live separately, may all return home. •

16.

T H E SACRIFICES OF R E P O S E

[The first] should be performed in the middle of the day of the burial. When the grave is far away, any time that day is acceptable. If the journey entails staying away a night or more, then perform the first sacrifice of repose at the inn.177 Mr. Cheng [Hsiian] said, "The bones and flesh return to the earth; the material force of the hurt soul goes everywhere. The filial son is agitated and uncertain because of this and so makes three sacrifices to calm the soul." 178 • The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, all bathe. If it is already late and there is not enough time, a quick wash is satisfactory. " Attendants arrange the utensils and prepare the dishes of food. Wash basins and towels go to the west of the western steps, arranged from the south. The east one has a stand for the basin and a rack for the towel, but the west one does not. All of the other funerary rituals to be described below follow this pattern. A wine bottle and rack are to the southeast of the soul seat. Put a table to the east of it, and set a decanter and cup and saucer on it. A brazier and hot water bottle go to the southwest of the soul seat. Put a table to its west with the prayer board on it. Set vegetables, fruit, and cups and saucers on the table in front of the soul seat. Spoons and chopsticks go on the inside in the middle, wine cups on the west, vinegar plates on the east, fruit on the outside, and vegetables in from the fruit. Pour wine into the bottle. Set an incense table in the middle of the hall. Light a fire in the incense burner. There should be a bundle of reeds and a pile of sand in front of the incense table. Prepare dishes of food like in the morning oblation and lay them out outside of the door to the hall on the east. • The liturgist takes out the spirit tablet and puts it on the [soul] seat. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, all come in, wailing. 177

Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 6:1a) pointed out that most people would be afraid to have people in mourning in their house. He suggested making a tent-like structure for the ceremony if one could not get back in time. 178 The first sentence of this quotation is found in the main text of Li-chi, "T'an Kung" 10:19b. I have not located Cheng Hsiian's commentary. Until this point, offerings to the deceased are called oblations (tien). From this point on they are termed sacrifices (chi), marking the shift to auspicious rituals. See WC 50:28a-b. From this point on, mourners could also participate in some rites to their ancestors (except the seasonal sacrifices) (WC 63:3a-b). 126

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15. Layout for the Sacrifice of Repose

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The presiding mourner and his brothers wait leaning on their staffs outside the room. Then, with the other participants in the sacrifice, they come in, wailing, and go to the front of the soul seat. The mourners all face north, in rows by grade of mourning, the heaviest grades in the front, the lightest in the rear. The seniors sit, the juniors stand. The men stay on the east, with the most senior position on the west; the women stay on the west, the most senior positions on the east.179 While walking, they are lined up in order of age. The servants are in the rear. • Invoke the spirit. The liturgist stops the wailers. The presiding mourner comes down the western steps, washes and dries his hands, and goes [back up] before the soul seat where he burns incense and bows twice. Both attendants wash and dry. One opens the wine and pours it into the decanter. Facing west, he kneels to hand the decanter to the presiding mourner. The presiding mourner kneels to receive it. The other attendant takes the cup and saucer from the table and kneels facing east on the left side of the presiding mourner. The presiding mourner pours wine into the cup and hands the decanter to the attendant. With his left hand he takes the saucer, and with his right hand he takes the cup. He pours the wine on the reeds, and hands the cup and saucer to the attendant. He prostrates himself, rises, steps back a little, bows twice, then returns to his place. • The liturgist brings the dishes of food forward. The attendants help him. They are placed in the same order used in the morning oblation. • Make the first offering. The presiding mourner comes forward to the front of the table with the decanter on it. He takes the decanter and stands facing north. An attendant takes the cup and saucer that was in front of the soul seat and stands to the left of the presiding mourner. The presiding mourner pours the wine and puts the decanter back on the table. He and the attendants all go to the front of the soul seat and stand facing north. The presiding mourner kneels, then the attendants do likewise. An attendant passes the cup and saucer, and the presiding mourner takes the cup. Three times he sacrifices it on the bundle of reeds. He prostrates himself, thenrises.The attendant takes the cup and goes to the front of the soul seat and makes an oblation in the old place. The liturgist takes out the prayer board to the right of the presiding mourner. He kneels facing west and reads it. It begins the same, then reads: 179

The CTCS edition, miswrites chang-fu and ta-fu. 128

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The days and months have not stood still, and before long we reached the time for the first sacrifice of repose. In the morning on rising, at night on retiring, our sad longings are not peaceful. Earnestly, with this pure offering of soft-haired meat, vessels of millet, and measures of sweet wine, we make this appending service in grief. May you enjoy it!180 The liturgist rises. The presiding mourner wails, bows twice, then resumes his place. The wailing stops. If for the sacrificial meat one uses pork, then say "hard-bristled." If no meat is used, then say, "pure wine and miscellaneous delicacies." The meaning of "appending" is joining; one wishes that the deceased will join the ancestors. • Make the second offering. The presiding female mourner performs it. The ritual is like the previous one, but no prayer is read, and she bows four times. • Make the final offering. A close friend or son or daughter performs it. The ritual is like the second offering. • Urge the spirit to eat. An attendant takes the decanter to fill the cups with wine. • The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, all leave. The liturgist closes the door. The presiding mourner stands to the east of the door facing west with the younger men behind him in rows, graded from the north. The presiding female mourner stands to the west of the door, facing east, with the younger women arranged like the younger men. Any seniors take a rest in another place. They wait about the length of a meal. • The liturgist opens the door. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, enter, wail, and take leave of the spirits. The liturgist goes right up to the door, facing north, and makes a coughing sound. Three times he announces that he is going to open the door, after which he opens it. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, take up their 180

From SMSSI 8:94, which in turn drew from I-li, "Shih yii-li" 43:4b-5a; Steele, 2:120-21, and KYL 147:13a. "Soft-haired meat" refers to lamb, in contrast to pork. Much the same sorts of prayers are used in the seasonal sacrifices to ancestors described in chapter 5. 129

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places. An attendant pours tea. The liturgist stands to the right of the presiding mourner, facing west, and reports that the service is completed. He arranges the tablet and puts it in a box, then returns it to its old place. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, wail and bow twice, stopping when their grief is exhausted. They leave and take up their stations. Attendants clear away the remains. • The liturgist buries the soul cloth. The liturgist takes the soul cloth and supervises the attendants in burying it in a clean place in the area marked by the screen. • Stop performing the morning and evening oblations. One still wails morning and evening or when grief is felt as before. • On the n e x t ' 'weak'' day, perform the second sacrifice of repose. I, ting, ssu, hsin, and kuei are weak days.181 The ritual is like the first sacrifice of repose, with these exceptions. The day before, arrange the utensils and prepare the foods. Get up the next day at dawn to set out the vegetables, fruit, wine, and dishes of food. When it is fully bright, perform the service. The liturgist takes the spirit tablet to the seat. In the text of the prayer, change "first sacrifice of repose" to "second sacrifice of repose," and "appending service" to "repose service." If the situation is different, for instance, if the grave is far away and one is on the road on the first weak day, then carry out this sacrifice at the inn. • On the n e x t ' 'strong'' day make the third sacrifice of repose. Chia, ping, wu, keng, and jen are strong days.182 The ritual is like that for the second sacrifice of repose, but change the words "second sacrifice of repose" to "third sacrifice of repose" and "repose service" to "final service." If the grave is far away and a strong day is encountered on the road, pass it by. The sacrifice should be performed after arriving home. •

17.

T H E CESSATION OF W A I L I N G SACRIFICE

The "T'an Kung" [chapter of the Li-chi] says, "When one ceases wailing, one says, 'The service is completed.' On this day auspicious sacrifices replace the funerary sacrifices."183 Therefore, from this point on, the sacrifices more and more follow the auspicious rituals. 181

I.e., every even day, by "ten stems" counting. 1 . e., every odd day by "ten stems" counting. 183 Li-chi, "T'an Kung" 9:17a-b; Legge, 1:171. 182

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• On the first strong day after the three sacrifices of repose, perform the cessation of wailing. The day before, arrange the utensils and prepare the dishes of food. 184 These both are done the way they were in the sacrifices of repose, but also set out a bottle of water to the west of the bottle of wine. • At dawn, rise and set out the vegetables, fruit, wine, and dishes of food. These are all like those used in the sacrifice of repose, but add water that was the first drawn from the well to the water. • When it is fully bright, the liturgist takes out the tablet. This is the same as in the second sacrifice of repose. • The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, all enter, wailing, and invoke the spirit. 185 These steps are the same as in the sacrifice of repose. • The presiding mourner and the presiding female mourner bring the dishes of food. The presiding mourner carries the fish and meat. The presiding female mourner washes and dries her hands, then carries the food made of wheat and rice flour. The presiding mourner carries in the soup, the presiding female mourner the cooked rice. They are placed where they were for the sacrifice of repose. • Make the first offering. The steps are all like the sacrifice of repose. There is a difference, however, in that the liturgist takes the board to stand to the left of the presiding mourner and kneels facing east to read it. The phrases are all the same as in the sacrifice of repose except one changes '' third sacrifice of repose " to " cessation of wailing," and after "sadly present this final affair," one says, "In the future you will be given further associated offerings with his honor, grandfather, of such office. May you enjoy it!" Note: "Grandfather" refers to the grandfather of the deceased. 184 In letters (WC 60:20b-21a, 62:13a-b, 63:17a), Chu Hsi condemned the current practice of holding this ceremony on the hundredth day after the death, whether or not the burial had taken place, attributing this practice to the K'ai-yiian Ii. ARCLIC (7:4b-5a) said that when the burial was done before three months pass, one should wait until three months after death for the "cessation of wailing." LinCh'iian, in the nineteenth century, simply followed the practice of performing this rite on the hundredth day (Ssu-li ts'ung-i 3:25b-26a). 185 "All enter" is omitted in the CTCS edition, but found in the HLTC edition.

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• Make the second and final offerings, urge the spirits to eat, close the door, open the door, and take leave of the spirits. The steps are all like in the sacrifice of repose, except that the liturgist goes up the western steps and faces east to report that the service is completed. • From this point on, if grief is felt during the middle of the day, do not wail. 186 Still wail in the morning and evening. • The presiding mourner and his brothers eat coarse vegetables and drink water, but refrain from finer vegetables or fruit. They sleep on finer mats and use a pillow of wood. 187 •

18.

T H E S A C R I F I C E FOR ASSOCIATING T H E TABLET

The "T'an Kung" [chapter of the Li-chi] says, "In the Yin dynasty, the tablet was associated with its ancestors once the first year of mourning was over. In the Chou, it was associated at the cessation of wailing. Confucius approved of the Yin custom." The commentary says, "It is human feelings to wait to make it a spirit."188 The rituals of the Yin are already gone, however, and the details cannot be studied. Now the three sacrifices of repose and the cessation of wailing all use the steps of the Chou ritual, so it is not possible to have this alone follow the Yin ritual.189 • The day after the cessation of wailing, perform the association of the tablet. Once the sacrifice of the cessation of wailing is cleared away, immediately arrange the utensils and prepare the dishes of food. 186

Feng Shan (CLCS, 129a) objected that it was not always possible to avoid wailing if one felt grief, just as earlier it was not always possible to sustain wailing simply because the ritual texts called for it. Lu K'un (SLI 4:22b-23a) also objected to the unnaturalness of stopping wailing on a specified day. 187 In HLTC 21:8a, Chu Hsi is quoted as saying that in his day, once the cessation of weeping was passed, people would blacken their mourning clothes and go about their activities just as in ordinary times, even eating and drinking as always. See also YL 89:2280. 188 Based onLi-chi, "T'an Kung" 9:18b; Legge, 1:172. 189 Cf. WC 36:la-3a, 63:16a-17a. The term "associating" is the same one used in chapter 1 with reference to the tablets of collateral relatives who died without heirs. Here, however, it is also used for fathers and mothers whose tablets are temporarily associated with those of ancestors two generations earlier before they receive regular places in the offering hall at the end of the mourning period (when a wife dies before her husband, this is delayed until her husband's death and the end of the mourning for him). Ch'eng I took the opposite view as Chu Hsi, saying that the tablet should be kept in the main room for the remainder of the mourning period to give a focus for the morning and evening wailing. Without this, he said, there would be nothing to do for the remainder of the mourning period (ECC, i-shu 17:180). Chang Tsai (CTC, pp. 297-98) agreed with Ch'eng I. These issues continued to be debated in Ming and Ch'ing times. See Tu-Ii t'ung-k'ao 49:15a—44b. 132

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The utensils are like those used at the cessation of wailing, but arrange them in the offering hall. When the offering hall is too small, use the reception room, if convenient. Set out the places for the ancestors and ancestresses of the deceased in the middle, facing south, with the most senior to the west. Set the deceased's place to the southeast, facing west. If the deceased is the mother, then do not set out the ancestors' places. The wine bottle and water bottle go at the top of the ceremonial stairs. The brazier and hot water bottle go at the top of the western stairs. Prepare the same food used for the cessation of wailing but make only three-tenths as much (two-tenths if the deceased was a mother). Take the closest of those from the grandparents or earlier. The "Miscellaneous Records" [in the Li-chi] says, "Boys have their tablets associated with their grandfathers; girls with their grandmothers, but in the latter case they do not have joint sacrifices." The commentary says, "When one is serving the senior one can include the junior, but when one is serving the junior, one does not presume to bring in the senior."190 • The next day, rise at dawn and set out the vegetables, fruit, wine, and dishes of food. The steps are all like the cessation of wailing. • When it is fully bright, the mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, wail in front of the soul seat. The presiding mourner and his brothers all lean on staffs at the base of the steps. They enter, wailing to the full extent of their grief, then stop. Note: This refers to the death of the descent-line heir of the grandfather. When his main-line descendant, as his successor, is the presiding mourner, this ritual is used. If the presiding mourner is not the descent-line heir, then the descent-line heir of the grandfather of the deceased manages this association sacrifice.191 The commentary to the Ritual says that when associating a tablet in the grandfather's altar, one ought to have a senior preside. • Go to the offering hall, take the spirit tablets out, and put them on the [soul] seat. The liturgist rolls up the curtain and opens the cases. He takes the tablet of the grandfather with whom the deceased will be associated and puts it on the seat. A woman attendant takes the tablet of the grandmother and puts it on the seat. These are graded from the west. If they were in another place, first put 190 Li-chi, "Tsa chi" 40:16a-b and commentary; Legge, 2:137. The point is that the grandmother's tablet is always brought out with the grandfather's, but if only the grandmother's is needed, the grandfather (being more senior) is not disturbed. 191 Since other ancestors besides the one who most recently died are being served in this rite, the distinction between descent-line heir and others becomes relevant, as it will remain from this point on.

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them on the table at the top of the western steps, then open the case. If the presiding mourner is not the descent-line heir and lives apart from the heir of the grandfather, then the descent-line heir makes the report to the grandfather for him and sets up an empty place for the sacrifice. When the sacrifice is over, he burns it. • Make a circuit carrying the new tablet into the offering hall and putting it on the seat. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, make the circuit and go to the soul seat. They wail. The liturgist takes the tablet case to the table at the top of the western steps of the offering hall. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, follow, wailing, in the order used when they followed the coffin. When they get to the door they stop wailing. The liturgist opens the case and removes the tablets, as in the earlier procedure. If the presiding mourner is not the descent-line heir, then only the presiding mourner and presiding female mourner and the other mourners junior to them make the circuit. • Stand in order. When the descent-line heir is himself the presiding mourner, the order for standing is that used in the sacrifice of repose. Otherwise, the descent-line heir and his wife stand separately at the base of the two staircases. The presiding mourner is to the right of the descent-line heir; the presiding female mourner is to the left of the descent-line heir's wife. When they are older they stand a little forward; when younger, behind.192 Everything else is as in the sacrifice of repose. • Greet the spirits. Those in their places all bow twice and greet their ancestors and ancestresses. • Invoke the spirits. The descent-line heir does this, whether he is himself the presiding mourner or not. The steps are all the same as at the cessation of wailing. • The liturgist brings the dishes of food. The steps are all the same as in the sacrifice of repose. • Make the first offering. The descent-line heir performs this, whether or not he himself is the presiding mourner. The steps are all the same as in the cessation of wailing, but 192 SMSSI 8:97 points out that even seniors should not sit because they are in the presence of their seniors, the ancestors.

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before making the offering, he goes to the front of the ancestor and ancestress. The reference to the day is the same as in the prayer board for the cessation of wailing, but then it says: Filial son A earnestly takes these pure soft-haired sacrificial meats, vessels of millet, and measures of sweet wine to his honor, his deceased such-type relative, of such office, and his associated grandson, of such office. May you enjoy them!193 No one wails. When the deceased is a woman, then say, "Deceased such-type relative, of such title, such surname, and her associated grandson's wife, of such title, such surname." Next go in front of the tablet for the deceased. When the descent-line heir is himself the presiding mourner, the prayer board is as given above except it says: We make this associated service to our forebear, his honor of such office, and extend it to the late such-type relative, his honor of such office. May you enjoy it! When the presiding mourner is someone other than the descent-line heir, he repeats what the descent-line heir says. When the deceased is junior to the descent-line heir, the descent-line heir does not bow. • Make the second and final offerings. When the descent-line heir is himself the presiding mourner, then the presiding female mourner makes the second offering and a relative or friend makes the final offering. Otherwise, the presiding mourner makes the second offering and the presiding female mourner makes the final offering. The steps are all the same as in the cessation of wailing and the first offering, except no prayer is read. • Urge the spirits to eat, close the door, open the door, and take leave of the spirits. The steps are all the same as in the cessation of wailing, but do not wail. • The liturgist takes each of the tablets back to its former place. The liturgist first puts the spirit tablets of the grandfather and grandmother into their altars and closes their cases. Then he places the spirit tablet for the deceased on the table at the top of the western steps, boxes it, and carries it back to the soul seat. He goes out through the door with the mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, following, wailing, as in the procedure they used on coming. They wail to the full extent of their grief. When the presiding mourner is not the descent-line heir, he leads the way, wailing, and the de193

Close to ibid., p. 98. 135

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scent-line heir accompanies him, wailing, both stopping when their grief is over. If the sacrifice is done somewhere other than the offering hall, then the tablets for the grandfather and grandmother should be packed up like the new tablet. • 19. T H E FIRST SACRIFICE FOR GOOD FORTUNE

Mr. Cheng [Hsiian] says that fortune means auspiciousness.194 • When a year has passed, conduct the first sacrifice of good fortune. Not counting intercalary months, this is the thirteenth month since the death. The ancients divined a day before performing this sacrifice.195 Today, for the sake of simplicity, we use thefirstanniversary of the death. The same holds true for the second sacrifice of good fortune [held at the second anniversary]. • The day before, the mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, bathe, arrange the utensils, and prepare the dishes of food. The presiding mourner leads the men to dust, sweep, and wash. The presiding female mourner leads the women to clean the vessels and prepare the sacrificial foods. Everything else is as in theritualof the cessation of wailing. • Mark out places and prepare the refined garments. Places are set for men and women in different areas. Put the refined garments in the middle. Men, for their refined garments, wear a cap and remove their head band, back panel, piled collar, and badge from their mourning clothes. Women cut the long skirt so it does not drag on the ground.196 Those who owe one year of mourning at this point change to auspicious clothes, but until the end of the month they do not wear gold, pearls, brocade, embroidery, or red or purple. Those who are in mourning as wives continue to wear postmourning garments, taking them off at the end offifteenmonths. • The next day, rise at dawn and set out the coarse vegetables, fruit, wine, and dishes of food. The steps are all the same as in the cessation of wailing. 194

/-//, "Shin yu-li" 43:13b commentary. In a letter (WC 59:15a), Chu Hsi said that in the case of a deceased woman, if her husband is living he should preside at this sacrifice and the subsequent ones instead of her son. As he pointed out, the husband will already be out of mourning clothes when the greater fortune sacrifice for those in three-year mourning is held. See also WC 43:5a. 195 So did Ssu-ma Kuang; see SMSSI 9:99. 196 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 6:16b-17b) thought one should follow the ancient practice of making a new set of mourning clothes out of more refined hemp cloth rather than merely modifying the old mourning clothes. 136

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• When it is fully bright, the liturgist takes out the tablets. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, all enter, wailing. The steps are all like in the cessation of wailing except the presiding mourner leans on his staff outside the door and comes in with all the relatives owing a year's mourning, everyone in mourning garments. Any already out of mourning who come to participate in the sacrifice take off any fancy clothes. Everyone wails to the full extent of his or her grief, then stops. • Next they go out back to their places where they change their clothes. On returning, they wail. The liturgist tells them to stop wailing. • Invoke the spirits. The procedure is that used in the cessation of wailing. • Make the three offerings. The procedure is that used in the cessation of wailing. The prayer board begins the same but says: The days and months have not stood still; quickly we have reached the first sacrifice of good fortune. At dawn when we rise, at night when we stay home, our little hearts have been fearful. Unless we let our bodies be lazy our sad longings are not peaceful. We presume to use these pure sacrificial soft-haired meats, vessels of millet, and sweet wine, to make this routine service. May you enjoy it!197 • Urge the spirits to eat, close the door, open the door, and take leave of the spirits. The procedures are all as in the cessation of wailing.198 • Put an end to the morning and evening wailing. On the new and full moons, however, those who are still in mourning clothes assemble to wail. Also, any relatives who have not met since the death occurred, even if they have removed their mourning garments, still wail to the full extent of their grief when they meet. Thereafter they bow in accordance with order. • Begin to eat fruits and finer vegetables. 197

Close to SMSSI 9:101. The Ming commentator said all three of these rites were done in front of the soul seat (HLTCEV 21:4b). 198

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• 20. T H E SECOND SACRIFICE FOR GOOD FORTUNE

• After two years perform the second sacrifice of good fortune. This is the twenty-fifth month since the death, not counting intercalary months. Simply use the second anniversary of the death for the sacrifice.199 • The day before bathe, arrange the utensils, and prepare the food. The steps are all the same as for the first sacrifice of good fortune. • Set places and arrange the postmourning garments. The venerable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "Men wear 'hanging-legs' gray gauze scarf-caps, gray cloth robes, cloth wrappers, and horn belts. This is also what they wear if before the second sacrifice of good fortune they have the time to go out to make calls. Women wear caps, combs, and headdresses. Their clothes and shoes can be yellow, blue, black, or white, but they should not use gold, pearls, red, or embroidery.200 • Report the move at the offering hall. Make the report with wine and fruit, using the procedure followed at new moons. If there is no ancestor whose kinship is now exhausted, the prayer board says that.201 After the report, change the titles on the spirit tablets. Follow the procedure used for adding posthumous titles [given in chapter 1, no. I]. Move all of the tablets to the west to make an empty altar on the east for the new tablet. When there is an ancestor whose kinship is now exhausted, if he was the founder of this descent-line, the prayer board says that.202 When the report is over, the tablet is moved to the site of his grave but not buried.203 When the ancestor was a lesser son, if there is a kinsman whose kinship with this ancestor is not exhausted, then the prayer board should say that. When the report is over, move the tablet to the private room of the most senior person whose kinship is not yet exhausted so that he can take charge of the sacrifices.204 Change the titles and move the other tablets as in the earlier case. If 199

Li Yuan-ch'un in the nineteenth century indicated that it was common in his day to invite guests to this and the next (the last) funeral sacrifices (Ssu-lipien-su, 18a). 200 Abridged from SMSSI 9:101. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 6:19b) said "hanging leg" scarfcaps no longer existed in his day. 201 For instance, if the deceased's father was a younger son, his tablet would be there, but not the deceased's grandfather's or great-grandfather's tablets. Thus, the addition of his tablet would not necessitate removing any earlier ones. 202 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 6:24b) gave the wording for this prayer. 203 Yang Fu said that the greater descent lines must have offering halls at their graves to house these tablets (HLTC 19:9a). 204 That is, an uncle or brother of the deceased may still survive, and for him the most remote ancestor in the offering hall would be a great-great-grandfather or great-grandfather, still deserving his offerings. Wang Mao-hung (Po-t'ien ts'ao-t'ang ts'un-kao 2:17b-18b) 138

FUNERALS

there is no one surviving with kinship ties to the earliest tablet, then the prayer board should say that. When the report is over, bury the tablet in the area between the two staircases. The other tablets should be retitled and moved as in the earlier case. • The next morning perform the service, following the same steps as in the first sacrifice of good fortune. However, in the prayer board change "first" to "second" and change "regular service" to "service of good fortune."205 • When the ceremony is done, the liturgist takes the spirit tablets into the offering hall. Everyone from the presiding man on down follows wailing in the order used at the association sacrifice. When they arrive in front of the offering hall the wailing stops. • Clear away the soul seat, break the staffs, and discard them in the screened off area. 206 Take the tablet that was removed and bury it by the side of the grave. 207 From this point on, one can drink wine, eat meat, and sleep in the bedrooms. 208 • 21.

T H E PEACE SACRIFICE

Mr. Cheng [Hsiian] said, "The meaning is placid or peaceful."209 • In the second month after the second sacrifice of good fortune, perform the peace sacrifice.210 disapproved of having someone other than the descent-line heir perform sacrifices as without classical authority. 205 Yang Fu (HLTC 21:6b) quoted Kao K'ang's text for this prayer. 206 Some people also would burn the mourning garments. Cheng Pi-cho in the late Ming accepted the custom of bringing these garments to the home of the bereaved to have them burned (Chia-li huo-wen hsu-chih, 4a). 207 Chu Hsi discussed the problem of disposing of outdated tablets in YL 90:2306 and concluded that burying them by the grave of the first ancestor was best. 208 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 6:27b) argued that these activities should be postponed until the end of the peace sacrifice, another two months away. 209 I-li, "Shih yii-li" 43:14a commentary. 210 In the exegetical literature, there were two theories about when this sacrifice should be performed. Cheng Hsiian said in the second month after the second sacrifice of good fortune, making the total mourning period twenty-seven months. Wang Su said in the same month as the second good fortune sacrifice, making the total period twenty-five months. Chu Hsi, in YL 89, p. 2283, said Wang Su's interpretation made sense, but he followed Cheng Hsiian's to err on the side of doing too much instead of too little. 139

C H A P T E R FOUR

Skip one month, which makes this the twenty-seventh month since the death, not counting intercalary months. • In the last ten-day period of the month before, choose the date by divination. At the beginning of the last ten-day period, pick a day in each of the three ten-day periods of the coming month, in each case either a ting or a hai day.211 Set a table outside the door to the offering hall and place on it an incense burner, an incense box, divining blocks, and a plate.212 These face west. The presiding man in postmourning clothes faces west; all the other principle mourners are after him, a little back, with the most senior to the north. The younger generations are in the rear in rows, also with the most senior to the north. The attendants are facing north, with the most senior at the east end. The presiding man burns the incense and holds the divining blocks in the smoke. He informs them of the day in the first ten-day period, saying: I, A, will on such a day of next month respectfully offer the peace service to my late father, his honor of such office. May he enjoy it! Then he immediately throws the blocks on the plate. One facing up and one facing down is deemed auspicious. If it is not auspicious, announce a day in the second ten-day period. If that is also inauspicious, use the day in the last ten-day period. The presiding man then enters the offering hall and goes to the front of the relevant altar. He bows twice, and those in place all bow twice. The presiding man burns incense. The liturgist takes the text, stands to the left of him, kneels, and reports: The filial son A will on such day of the coming month respectfully offer the peace service to his late father, his honor of such office. We have obtained an auspicious date by divining and presume to report it. The presiding man bows twice and comes down. With all those in place, he bows twice again. The liturgist closes the door and withdraws. If one did not get an indication of auspiciousness, then do not use the phrase "We have obtained an auspicious date by divining." 211

That is, the cyclical terms used to number the days should contain the characters ting or hai. Since ting was one of ten such "stems," any ten-day period would have a ting day, and most would also have a hai day {hai is one of the twelve "branches"). These were the preferred days mentioned inl-li, "Hsiao-lao k'uei-shih" 47:la-5a; Steele, 2:158-60. 212 Divining blocks were not used in the classics, but had been in use for centuries before the Sung. They were commonly used in Buddhist and Taoist temples to learn the wishes of the gods (e.g., ICC, ting 2:547). One Ming author of a revised version complained that they did not feel "Confucian" (/«). DUt allowed that as they were in the text they could be used (Chia-li huo-wen hsii-chih, 30a-39a). 140

FUNERALS

• The day before bathe, set out places, arrange the utensils, and prepare the dishes of food. Set the spirits' places where the soul seat used to be. Everything else is like in the second sacrifice of good fortune. • The next morning perform the service, using the same procedures as the second sacrifice of good fortune. These are the exceptions: Everyone, from the presiding man on down, goes to the offering hall. The liturgist takes the tablet case and puts it on the table at the top of the western steps. He takes out the tablets and puts them on the seat. The mourners, from the presiding mourner on down, all wail to the full extent of their grief. During the three offerings there is no wailing. On the prayer board change "second sacrifice of good fortune" to "peace sacrifice" and "good fortune service" to "peace service." When it comes to taking leave of the spirits, wail to the full extent of one's grief. When sending the spirit tablets back to the offering hall do not wail.213 • 22.

M I S C E L L A N E O U S E T I Q U E T T E FOR T H O S E IN

MOURNING214

The "T'an Kung" [chapter of the Li-chi] says, "A person who has just been bereaved is overcome, as though at wits' end. After the encoffining, he looks around anxiously as though unable to find something he is seeking. After the burial, he is restless, as though watching for something that does not come. When the refined clothes are put on, he is melancholy. At the fortune sacrifice, his mind is open and unobstructed."215 It also says, "Yen Ting deported himself well while in mourning. Right after the death, he looked around restlessly as though seeking something he was not able to get. After the encoffining, he seemed anxious, as though pursuing something he could not reach. After the burial, he seemed melancholy, as though waiting for the dead one to return and rest." 216 The "Miscellaneous Records" [chapter of the Li-chi] says: "Confucius said, 'Shao-lien and Ta-lien deported themselves well in mourning. For the first three days, they did not slacken. For the first three months, they did not 213

Ch'iu Chiin (CLIC 6:31a-40b) and most later revised versions of the CL add funerary ceremonies Chu Hsi omitted, such as reburial, joint (associated) burial of husbands and wives (fit), returning bodies for burial, and so on. Weng Cheng-ch'un (Weng T'ai-shih puhsiian wen-kung chia-li 7:8b-9b) added ceremonies for offerings to the recent dead at the summer ghost festival, New Year's Eve, and on one's own birthday. 214 This section is directly from SMSSI 9:102-103. 215 FromLi-cAi, "T'an Kung" 6:19a; Legge, 1:129. 216 Li-chi, "T'an Kung" 9:29a; Legge, 1:179. 141

C H A P T E R FOUR

grow weary. For the first year, they were sorrowful. For the three years they were mournful.'"217 The "Four Regulations on Mourning Garments" [chapter of the Li-chi] says: "The benevolent can see the love [in the mourning rites]. The wise can see the principles in them. The strong can see the resolve required by them. The propriety through which they are governed, the morality through which they are made correct can be examined by filial sons, fraternal younger brothers, and chaste women."218 The "Summary of Ritual" [chapter of the Li-chi] says: "When in mourning, read the funerary ritual texts before the burial, the sacrificial ritual texts thereafter. When mourning is over and usual ways resumed, read musical pieces." 219 The "T'an Kung" [chapter of the Li-chi] says: "While in the greater processed cloth mourning [nine months] set aside studies. Some say that it is all right to recite while in greater processed cloth mourning."220 Today while in mourning it is all right to skip reading music pieces. The "Miscellaneous Records" [chapter of the Li-chi] says: "During the three years' mourning one speaks but does not hold discussions; one answers questions but does not ask them." 221 To speak means to speak of one's own things. To explain things to others is to discuss. The ' 'Great Record on Mourning'' [chapter of the Li-chi] says:' 'During the mourning for a parent, one does not speak of anything except things relating to the funeral and mourning. After the burial, one could join others' discussions. A ruler speaks only of the affairs of the king, not of his own state's affairs. Great officers and shih spoke only of public affairs, not of the affairs of their own families."222 217

Li-chi, "Tsa-chi" 43:6a; Legge, 2:153-54. Li-chi, "Sang-ru ssu chih" 63:16b; Legge, 2:469-70. 219 Li-chi, "Ch'u-li" 4:9a; Legge, 1:102-103. 220 Li-chi, "T'an Kung" 7:4a; Legge, 1:132. Lu K'un (SLI 4:1 la-12a) argued strongly that only those gentlemen in comfortable conditions could set aside all work. Farmers, artisans, and merchants could not, in part at least because doing so would cause grief to the deceased parent. Gentlemen should avoid frivolous activities, music, and auspicious rituals, but not necessarily other activities. Most scholars, however, did not interpret this passage in the Li-chi to mean that all work should be given up, and therefore did not see any problems of this sort. Cf. YL 89:2279-80, in which Chu Hsi implied that one only had to set aside music and could read texts like the Analects and Mencius. 221 Li-chi, "Tsa-chi" 42:6b; Legge, 2:154. 222 Abridged from Li-chi, "Sang ta-chi" 45:9a-b; Legge, 2:191. Li Wen-chao (Chia-li sang-chi shih-i, 34b) pointed out that both Ch'eng I and Chu Hsi, while in mourning, discussed a great many matters with their students. 218

142

FUNERALS

The " T a n Kung" [chapter of the Li-chi] says: "Kao Tzu-kao, when conducting the mourning for his parent, never let anyone see his teeth."223 This means he smiled so little. The "Miscellaneous Records" [chapter of the Li-chi] says: "Those in full mourning may accept invitations once the burial has taken place but may not invite others for visits. Those with lesser processed cloth [five-month] mourning obligations may invite others."224 The work also says: "Those with lesser processed cloth or heavier mourning obligations do not bathe except at the sacrifice of repose, the association sacrifice, the refined clothes, and the sacrifice of good fortune."225 The "Summary of Ritual" [chapter of the Li-chi] says: "If one's head has a scab, it may be washed; if the body has a wound, it may be bathed."226 The "Four Regulations of Mourning Garments" [chapter of the Li-chi] says: "When the array of officers is complete and all the things are provided, if the mourner cannot speak up but the service must proceed, he is helped to rise. If he can speak and the service proceeds, he gets up with his staff. When the mourner can take charge of the service himself, he has his face grimed."227 These are all ancient rituals. Among today's wise and filial men of virtue there are surely some who can do all of them. The others should do what they can, evaluating their time and strength. •

A. L E T T E R SENDING GIFTS AND C O N T R I B U T I O N S 2 2 8

• Full title, surname, so-and-so. Such objects, in such numbers. 223

Abridged from Li-chi, "T'an Kung" 7:9b; Legge, 1:136. Li-chi, "Tsa-chi" 42:15b; Legge, 2:160. 225 Ibid. 226 Li-chi, "Ch'ii-li" 3:3b; Legge, 1:87. Li Wen-chao (Chia-li sang-chi shih-i 35a) argued that in the south during summer, people must bathe frequently, and the ancient kings would not have wanted them to do otherwise. 227 Li-chi, "Sang-fu ssu chih" 63:14a; Legge, 2:467-68. The griming was presumably to make him look more distraught. 228 The text of the CTCS edition for these letters has more discrepancies from other editions than any other part of the CL. It would seem that someone updated these forms, as other editions are closer to Ssu-ma Kuang's original. The letters themselves are a selection from SMSSI 9:103-111, which includes altogether twenty forms. Besides the situations covered here, Ssu-ma Kuang's forms include the words to be put on calling cards when making condolence visits and forms for letters unrelated to condolence to be used while in mourning or to people in mourning. Ssu-ma Kuang also noted that he was leaving out letters of condolence for such relatives as maternal grandparents, maternal aunts and uncles, wives' parents, sisters, children, monks and nuns, and so on, which had been included in T'ang guides to letter writing. On these earlier guides, see Ebrey, "T'ang Guides to Verbal Etiquette." 224

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C H A P T E R FOUR

• I, the person named above, earnestly send up to the soul mat of A these casually prepared contributions. If it is incense, tea, wine, or food, say "gifts." • I humbly request that you accept them. Earnestly I write to you. Year, month, day, full title, surname, so-and-so writes. If to someone of lower rank, do not give the year. (For the envelope) A letter for the soul mat of such official, • Earnestly sealed by full title, surname, so-and-so. To someone of lower rank write on the front "to A's soul mat, written and earnestly sealed by full title, surname, so-and-so." • B . L E T T E R OF A C K N O W L E D G M E N T

Those in three-year mourning who have not ceased wailing have a son or nephew send the acknowledgment letters.229 • Surname, personal name, of such prefecture. Such goods, in such numbers. • I, the person named above, have humbly received your honorable compassion. To someone of lower rank say "kind partiality." • Because my such-type relative departed this world If he was a high official, say "passed away." • you have particularly conferred on me If writing to an equal, say "given." • a contribution. If gifts, say gifts. • My lowly feelings of sincerity To an equal skip this phrase. • are unequal to this sorrow. I earnestly prepare this To an equal say "offer." 229

Above (chap. 4, no. 1) a letter recorder was appointed to do this. 144

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• writing to send up To equals say "tell." • my acknowledgment. Earnestly I write. The rest is the same as the previous letter, but on the envelope do not use the phrase "soul mat." " C A

MISSIVE TO CONSOLE SOMEONE ON THE LOSS OF A

FATHER

• The same form is used for consoling a main-line grandson who is a double heir. • A lowers his head, bows twice, and says To someone of lower rank, just say "lowers his head." • I did not anticipate this tragedy. If the deceased was an official and senior then say, ' 'The state has had a misfortune." Below use this also. • The late B, of such post If he had no office, then say "his late honor." If one had a close tie to him, then add "elder so-many" before saying "such post" or "his honor." For mothers, say "the late lady of such title," or if she had no title then say "the late lady." For a double succession, then say "honored grandfather of such title'' or "honored grandmother of such title,'' with everything else the same. • so early abandoned your eminent care. If the deceased was an official and senior, say "so early renounced his temporary abode," or "so quickly passed away." For a mother with a title of lady or higher, also say "passed away." If the survivor has no office, then say "so early abandoned your care with excellent demeanor." • On receiving the death notice, my shock and distress could not be controlled. I humbly comment: To an equal say "reverently comment," to an inferior, "recall." • Your filial heart is pure to the utmost. In your longing, your wails are cut off. How can you bear to survive? The days and months move on; suddenly a fortnight has gone by. If a season has passed, then say, "a season has already quickly passed." If the deceased has already been buried, then say, "suddenly we have passed the 145

C H A P T E R FOUR

final service." Use the appropriate phrase if the funeral cycle has reached the cessation of wailing, the lesser or second sacrifice of good fortunes, the peace sacrifice, or the removal of mourning garments. • The grief and pain, how do you deal with it? So boundless [was your parent's love], what do you do now? I do not know the pain you are suffering If the father survives and it is the mother who died, say "bitterness" instead of "pain." • and how your strength is holding up. To an equal say "seems." • I humbly beg To an equal say "humbly wish," to an inferior, "only ask." • that you force yourself to take more gruel If the burial has already taken place, say "vegetable food." • and stoop to follow the ritual regulations. I, A, have been tied up by work Those in office should say, "have had to stay at my post." • and have not been able to hurry to console you on your bereavement. I am unable to express my lowly sincere feelings. To an equal or lower, simply say, "I have not yet been able to convey my consolations, making my sorrow even deeper." • I earnestly present this missive To an equal say "letter." • and humbly request your inspection. To an equal or lower, omit this phrase. • Without giving a complete presentation of my thoughts, I earnestly write this missive. To an equal, say, "Without expressing all of my thoughts I earnestly write." • The month, day, full title, To someone of lower rank, use the conventional prefecture before the name. 146

FUNERALS

• Surname, so-and-so sends this missive. To an equal say "letter." • To the very filial, of such office (indented: before his mourning mat). If it is the mother who died, then say "the utterly filial." To an equal or lower, say "at his mourning mat." • (On the envelope) A missive to the very filial of such office (indented: to present before his mourning mat.) Earnestly sealed by full title, surname, so-and-so. To an inferior write on the front, "to present at the mourning mat of the very filial of such office. Surname, name, of such place, writes and earnestly seals." To console someone on the loss of a mother, say "utterly filial." • (On the outer envelope) A missive to To an equal say "letter." • such official. Earnestly sealed by full title, surname, name. • D . A MISSIVE OF REPLY TO A LETTER CONDOLING THE LOSS OF A FATHER OR MOTHER

The same form is used by a main-line grandson when he is a double heir. • I, A, hit my forehead to the ground, bow twice, and say, To someone of lower rank say "strike my head" and omit the word "say." • my sins and offenses were so deep and heavy that rather than dying myself the disaster affected my late father. If it was the mother, say "late mother.'' A double heir says ''late grandfather'' or "late grandmother," as the case may be. • I grab and wail, beat my breast, and stamp my feet. My five inner organs are rended. I beseech the earth, I shout to heaven, but cannot reach them. The days and months do not stand still. Quickly a fortnight has gone by. Vary the time as appropriate. • It is a cruel punishment for sins that are bitter. If the father survives but the mother died, then say, ' 'An unequal punishment for sins that are deep." When the father has died first, the mother and father are treated the same. 147

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• I have no hope of continuing to live. Today I have received your kindness. To an equal or lower omit this last sentence. • I respectfully tend to the deceased, 230 thereby roughly preserving my sight and breath. I humbly accept your honorable compassion; you have conferred on me your inquiries of consolation. With feelings of utter sorrow, I am unable to express my lowly sincere thoughts. To an equal, say, "I received your benevolent kindness; you have extended your inquiries of consolation. How feelings of grief penetrate my bosom!" To someone of lower rank, say, "I have been singled out by receiving your inquiries of consolation. My feelings of grief are very deep." The venerable Ssu-ma [Kuang] said, "In general, for old friends to fail to write a letter of condolence when you have lost a father or mother reveals a lack of sympathy on their part. According to ritual you should not write to them before receiving a letter first. If there is no alternative but to write first, omit the last four phrases."231 • I have not been able to wail and shout. I am overcome by the sense of falling and being cut off. Earnestly I present this missive. To inferiors say "letter." • Remiss, I have not been able to present this in an orderly way. Earnestly I send this missive. To inferiors say "letter." " On this month, day, the orphaned son If the mother died, say "grieved son." If both are dead, say "orphan in grief." A double heir calls himself "an orphaned grandson," "a grieved grandson," or "an orphaned grandson in grief." • Surname, name, sends this missive to such title. The phrase "Your honor" may be left empty. To an equal or lower omit these two words. • The envelope and outer envelope are like the previous one. But change the term of self-reference to "orphan." 230

Literally, "serve the bench and mat," which refers to making libations to the soul seat and so on. 231 SMSSI 9:107. That is, omit from " I humbly accept" to "sincere thoughts." 148

FUNERALS • E . LETTER TO CONSOLE SOMEONE ON THE LOSS OF A GRANDFATHER OR GRANDMOTHER

This is not for double heirs. Use this form also for the loss of paternal uncles and their wives, paternal aunts, brothers, sisters, wives, children, brothers' children, and grandchildren. • A indites: I did not anticipate this tragedy. Do not use this sentence for children or grandchildren. • Your esteemed grandfather of such position suddenly abandoned this world. For a grandmother, say "your esteemed grandmother of such title." For those without office or title, do as given above when there is a close tie. For a paternal uncle or his wife or paternal aunt use the word "esteemed"; for a brother or sister, the word "excellent"; for lower ranks, the word "worthy." If the recipient has several relatives in that category, add the seniority number before the office, or if without office, before "his honor." If there was a close tie, add "elder so-many" or "elder brother so-many" before the title or "his honor." For paternal aunts or sisters use the husband's surname, as in "esteemed paternal aunt or excellent sister of B house." For a wife say, "worthy inside one" of such title. If she had no title then simply say "worthy inside one." For a child say, "excellent son number so-many, of such post." For a nephew or grandson, the form is the same. For lower ranks say "worthy." Those without office should be called "flourishing talents." • On receiving the notice of his death, my shock and distress could not be controlled. For a wife, change "distress" to "alarm." For a child or grandchild, simply say, "I could not get over my shock and distress." • I humbly comment: Or "respectfully," or "recall," as described before. • Your filial heart is pure to the utmost. The grief cuts into you; how can you bear it? For a paternal uncle, his wife, or a paternal aunt, say, "Your love is amply abundant. The grief and pain, how can you endure it?" For a brother or sister say, "Your friendship and love is amply abundant." For a wife say, "As a pair, your moral principles were great. The sadness is deeply painful." For a child, brother's child, or grandchild, say, "Your kind love was abundant and deep. Your sadness is deeply painful." In all cases finish as for uncles and aunts. 149

CHAPTER FOUR

• In the first month of spring it is still cold. Vary according to the season. • I do not know how your esteemed person is. To lower ranks say "what you are doing." • I humbly beg you To an equal or lower, do as before. • to deeply allay your despondency in order to console your parents. If the person has neither a father or mother then simply say "sincerity at a distance" and write straight down without starting another line. • I, so-and-so, have been tied up by work Those in office use the phrases given above. • and have not had the means to hurry to console you on your loss. I am unable to express my lowly feelings of sincerity. For equals use the words given above. • Earnestly I send this letter, humbly for your examination. To an equal use the phrases given earlier. • Without giving a complete presentation to my thoughts, To an equal use the phrases given earlier. • earnestly I write. Month, day, full title, surname, name writes to present before such post's mourning garments. To an equal say "at his mourning garments." • The envelope and outer envelope are as before. • F. LETTER OF REPLY W H E N A GRANDFATHER OR GRANDMOTHER HAS DIED

This is not for double heirs. The same form is used for paternal uncles and their wives, paternal aunts, brothers and sisters, wives, children, brothers' children, and grandchildren. • A indites: Our house has suffered a disaster. For paternal uncles, their wives, paternal aunts, and brothers and sisters, say, "Our house has suffered a misfortune." For a wife say, "My private family 150

FUNERALS

has suffered a misfortune." For a child, brother's child, or grandchild, say, "My private house has suffered a misfortune." • My late grandfather For a grandmother say "late grandmother." For a paternal uncle or his wife say "Number so-many uncle or aunt." For a paternal aunt say "Our family's number so-many aunt." For an elder brother or sister, say "Our family's number so-many elder brother or number so-many elder sister." For a younger brother or sister, say ' Our cottage's number so-many younger brother or number so-many younger sister." For a wife say the "Woman of the chamber." For a child say "Small child so-and-so." For a brother's child say "Related son so-and-so." For a grandchild say "Young grandchild so-and-so." • quickly has left us. For brothers or lower say, "has died and gone." For a child, brother's child, or grandchild, say, "unexpectedly died early." • The pain pierces, and I am unable to bear it. For paternal uncles, their wives, paternal aunts, and brothers and sisters, say, "The pain is bitter; I cannot endure it." For a wife change "pain" to "sorrow." For a child, brother's child, or grandchild, change "sorrow" to "sadness." • Humbly I accept your honorable kindness. You have specially conferred on me your inquiries of consolation. In my utter grief, I am unable to express my lowly feelings of sincerity. Alter this for equals, as given earlier. • In the first month of spring it is still cold. Vary according to the season. • I humbly comment: Or "respectfully" or "recall," as before. • May such title's honored person have a myriad blessings in all that you do. To an equal do not say "in all that you do." To lower ranks just say, "myriad blessings in your activities." • I, so-and-so, today am in attendance. Do no use this sentence if your parents are not living. 151

C H A P T E R FOUR

• Fortunately I have escaped other hardships. Being unable to report to you in person has merely choked me up even more. I earnestly offer this letter To an equal say "send." • to convey my acknowledgment. I have not been complete in presenting my thoughts. For an equal alter as before. • Earnestly written. Month, day, such prefecture, surname, name writes to such title. The term "your honor" may be left out. • The envelope and outer envelope are as before.

152

CHAPTER

FIVE

Sacrificial Rites

ABSTRACT I. Sacrifices for the Four Seasons For the seasonal sacrifices, the second month of the season is used. During the preceding ten-day period, a day is chosen by divination. Three days before the event purification is practiced, and one day before, the place settings are laid out and the utensils arranged. Then the animal offerings are inspected, the utensils cleaned, and the food prepared. The next day the celebrants get up at dawn and set out the dishes of vegetables, fruit, and wine. When the sun is fully out, the spirit tablets are taken to their places. The spirits are greeted and invoked. After the food is presented, the first, second, and final offerings are made. The spirits are urged to eat, then the door is closed. After the door is opened, the sacrificed meat is taken away. Then the spirits are bid farewell and the remains of the food and wine are cleared away. The leftovers are eaten. The essential part of sacrifices is to fulfill sincere feelings of love and respect. Therefore, before performing the rites the poor should evaluate their resources and the ill their energy. Naturally, those with the wealth and strength to conform to the rites should do so. 2. Rites to the Earliest Ancestor At the winter solstice sacrifices are made to first ancestors. Three days before, purification is performed, and the day before, the places and utensils are set out and the food prepared. The next day the celebrants rise at daybreak and set out vegetables, fruit, wine, and cooked food. When it is fully bright, they dress in full attire and take up their places. After the spirits are invoked and greeted, the food is brought forward. The first, second, and final offerings are made. The spirits are invited to eat and the door is closed. After it is reopened, the celebrants receive the sacrificed foods, take leave of the spirits, and clear away the remains. 3. Sacrifices to Early Ancestors Sacrifices to the early ancestors are made on the first day of spring. Three days before, purification is performed, and the day before, place settings and utensils are laid out and the food prepared. The next day the celebrants get up at daybreak to set out the vegetables, fruit, wine, and cooked food. When it is fully bright, they go to their places wearing full attire, then invoke and greet the spirits. The food is brought forward. The first, second, and final offerings are made. The spirits 153

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are urged to eat and the door is closed. When the door is opened, the sacrificed food is received and the celebrants take leave of the spirits. The remains are cleared away. 4. Sacrifices to Fathers Sacrifices to deceased fathers are made in the last month of autumn. The day is selected by divination during the last ten-day period of the preceding month. Three days before, purification is performed, and one day before, place settings and utensils are laid out and food prepared. The next day the celebrants get up at daybreak and set out the vegetables, fruit, wine, and food. When it is fully bright, they go to the offering hall in full attire and take the spirit tablet to the main room. The spirits are invoked and greeted. The food is brought, then the first, second, and final offerings are made. The spirits are urged to eat and the door is closed. When it is opened, the sacrificed foods are removed and the spirits are bid farewell. Then the spirit tablets are put back and the remains of the offerings cleared away. 5. Sacrifices for Taboo Days Purification is performed the day before the event. A place setting is laid out, the utensils arranged, and the food prepared. The next day the celebrants rise at daybreak and set out the vegetables, fruit, wine, and prepared food. When it is fully bright, everyone from the presiding man on down changes his or her clothes. They go to the offering hall to get the spirit tablets and bring them to the main room. The spirits are greeted and invoked. The prepared food is brought forward and the first, second, and final offerings made. The spirits are urged to eat and the door closed. After the door is reopened, the celebrants take leave of the spirits and put away the spirit tablets. The remains are cleared away. 6. Sacrifices at Graves A day is selected in the first ten-day period of the third month. One day before, purification is performed and the food prepared. The next morning the celebrants sprinkle and sweep the grave area, spread out a mat, and lay out the prepared foods. The spirits are greeted and invoked, and the first, second, and final offerings are made. The celebrants take leave of the spirits, then clear away the food. Afterward, a sacrifice is made to the god of trie earth. A mat is spread out and prepared foods laid out on it. The god is invoked, greeted, and three offerings made. After the god is bid farewell, the celebrants clean up and go back.

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1. S A C R I F I C E S FOR T H E F O U R S E A S O N S 1

• For the seasonal sacrifices, use the second month of the season. 2 During the preceding ten-day period, divine to choose the day. 3 At the beginning of the last ten-day period of the first month of spring select a ting or a hai day in each of the three ten-day periods of the second month.4 The presiding man, in full attire, stands outside the inner door of the offering hall, facing west, his brothers to the south and a little behind him, the most senior to the north; his sons and grandsons behind him in rows, facing north, in order of rank with the most senior to the west. Put a table in front of the presiding man with an incense burner, incense box, divining blocks, and a dish on it.5 The presiding man inserts his official plaque into his belt, lights the incense, and lets the smoke infuse the blocks. He then announces the day in the first ten-day period, saying: I wish to be advised about using such day of next month for the seasonal service to comfort my ancestors. May you accept my offering.6 1 Wang Yuan (CLHT 9: la-2b) complained that the rules for sacrifices in the CL were too complex and should have been simplified as the wedding rites were. He proposed following the plan developed by a Ming magistrate and promoted by the government as a way of improving customs. In this text (according to CLHT 9:5b-6a), rites go back only three generations, no meat or fish is used, and there is no need for an offering hall, spirit tablets, liturgists, or attendants. 2 Imperial ancestral rites were performed in the first month of each season, so this month was not used by private families (SMSSI 10:113). 3 One did not perform these sacrifices while in mourning. In YL 89:2281-82, Chu Hsi discussed the contradiction in current practice: most people returned to ordinary activities soon after the burial but did not perform ancestral sacrifices for the full mourning period. Basing himself on this remark of Chu Hsi's, Feng Shan (CLCS 146b) said to begin seasonal sacrifices after the "cessation of wailing," a recommendation followed by others as well (e.g., Ssu-li yiieh-yen 4:2b). Lii K'un (SLI 4:15b-16a) went so far as to assert that ancestors were more important than parents, so even if the descent-line heir was in mourning for his parents, he should not neglect the sacrifices in the offering hall. He should perform the rites in a reduced manner with blackened mourning garments and refrain from feasting. 4 On ting and hai days, seechapter4, note211. SMSSI 10:113 said it was also all right to follow the practice mentioned in a T'ang guide to sacrificial rites of using the solstices and equinoxes. In YL 90:2313, Chu Hsi concurred with Ssu-ma Kuang in this regard. In a letter to Chang Shih (WC 30:29a-30a), he explained that he had decided to divine for the day rather than take the winter solstice, to avoid conflicts with other sacrifices scheduled then (see below). Chang Tsai (CTC pp. 289, 290) also said to use the solstices and equinoxes because they divide the seasons evenly. In the famous family altar erected by Wen Yen-po (1006-1097), the seasonal sacrifices were offered at the solstices and the autumn equinox, but in the spring at "Cold Food" (Shih-lin yen-yii 1:9). One Ming revised version (Chia-li i-chienpien, 33a) said to consult a calendar for a day suitable for sacrifices. 5 Ssu-ma Kuang (SMSSI 10:113) retains the milfoil stalks of the classics instead of divining blocks. Li Wen-chao in the eighteenth century thought divining blocks were too vulgar and suggested using the I-ching or coins {Chia-li sang-chi shih-i, 39a). 6 Based on SMSSI 10:113.

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Then he quickly tosses the blocks onto the plate. One facing up and the other down is considered auspicious. If it is not auspicious, divine for a day in the second ten-day period. But if that also is not auspicious, do not divine again, simply use a day in the last ten-day period. Once a day has been obtained, the liturgist opens the inner doors of the offering hall and everyone, from the presiding man on down, stands facing north, in the places they use at the new and full moons.7 After they all bow twice, the presiding man goes up, lights the incense, and bows twice. The liturgist takes the text and kneels to the left of the presiding man. He reads it: Your filial grandson A on such day of next month will respectfully perform the seasonal service to his ancestors. As the divination was auspicious, he presumes to report it.8 If one is using a day in the last ten-day period, do not say the divination was auspicious.9 The presiding man bows twice, then comes down and resumes his place. He then bows twice with all those in line. After the liturgist closes the door, all those, from the presiding man on down, again face west in their places. The attendants all stand to the west of the door, facing east, in order of rank, the most senior at the north.10 The liturgist stands to the right of the presiding man, and instructs the attendants: Filial grandson A, on such day of next month, will respectfully perform the seasonal service to his ancestors. Those in charge should have everything prepared. The attendants reply, "We will," then leave." • Three days before the event, practice purification.12 Three days before, the presiding man leads all the men to perform purification in the outer quarters,13 while the presiding woman leads the women to do the same in the inner quarters. They bathe and change their clothes. If they 7

I.e., in rows by generation, the women on the west and the men on the east. Based on SMSSI10:114. 9 This last sentence is at the end of this passage of small type in the CTCS ed. 10 I.e., the descendants and the attendants turn to face each other, both groups no longer facing the ancestors. 11 Lu K'un (SLI 5:2b-3a) complained that the seasonal rites in the CL required so many people that only rich shih-ta-fu could manage them. He said one needed ten male servants to serve as assistants and attendants and several sons and younger relatives to assist in bringing food forward, taking out the tablets, and reading prayers. In his own family the rites were done on a much smaller scale, with assistance by only two or three sons. 12 T'ang To (CLHT 9:9a) noted that Han Ch'i's manual called for only a one day purification. 13 SMSSI 10:114 said this applied to boys ten sui or older. 8

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drink wine, they must not reach the point of disorder; if they eat meat, they must not use strong-smelling condiments (garlic, onions, scallions, and so on). During this period, they should not pay condolence visits to those in mourning, listen to music, or participate in anything inauspicious or unclean. • One day before the event, set the places and arrange the utensils. The men wear the long garment. The presiding man directs them and the attendants to dust and sweep the main room14 and wash the tables and armrests, making an effort to get everything sparkling clean. Places are set for the great-great-grandparents by the northwest corner of the room, facing south, the grandfather to the west and the grandmother to the east.15 Each has a table and armrest, but they are adjacent. The great-grandparents, the grandparents, and the parents are lined up in order going east, with places just like the greatgreat-grandparents. Each generation has a separate place setting; do not connect them. The places for the associated ancestors are all on the east side facing west, with the most senior at the north end. Alternatively, they can be on either side facing across to each other, the most senior on the west side.16 The women, from the wife down, set the incense stand below the steps in the middle of the room. On it are put an incense burner and incense box. A bundle of reeds and pile of sand go in front of the incense table and on the ground in front of each of the ancestors' places. Set a wine rack at the top of the eastern steps and also set a table to the east of it, on which place a wine decanter, a cup for making the libation of wine, a plate, another plate for holding the meat offerings, a spoon, a cloth, a box of tea, a tea whisk, a tea cup, a salt saucer, and a bottle of vinegar. The brazier, hot-water pitcher, incense spoon, and tongs go at the top of the western steps. Put a table to the west of them and set the prayer board on it. Set wash basins and towels on the east side of the base of the ceremonial steps, the western one with a rack. To the east also set up a large bench for laying out the cooked food. • Inspect the animal offerings, clean the utensils, and prepare the food. The presiding man leads the men, dressed in the long garment, to inspect the animal offerings and oversee their slaughter. The presiding woman leads the women, wearing jackets, to clean the sacrificial vessels and prepare the foods for the sacrifice.17 At each place should be six kinds of fruit, three kinds 14

This is the room where the rites will be held; the offering hall is presumed to be too small for everyone to assemble. 15 SMSSI 10:116 only had sacrifices back three generations, to great-grandparents. Ch'eng I (ECC, i-shu 15:167) argued that since mourning was worn for great-great-grandparents, they should also receive sacrificial offerings. 16 Neither Ssu-ma Kuang nor the I-li describes sacrifices for associated ancestors. Chang Tsai and Ch'eng I, however, had called for them (CTC, p. 292; ECC, i-shu 18:240). 17 SMSSI 10:114 complained that women in shih-ta-fu families no longer were willing to 157

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each of vegetables and dried meat, a plate each of meat, fish, steamed buns, and cakes, a bowl each of soup and rice, a skewer each of liver, and two skewers each of meat.18 Work to ensure that they are pure and do not let anyone eat them or let cats, dogs, insects, or rodents defile them before the sacrifice takes place.19 • The next day get up at daybreak and set out the dishes of vegetables, fruit, wine, and meat. The men, from the presiding man on down, wear the long garment. Along with the attendants, they all go to the place where the sacrifice will be held. They wash their hands and set platters on the south end of the tables at each place, followed by the vegetables, then the dried meat. They set cups and saucers and plates for vinegar and salt at the north end, the cups to the west and the plates to the east. Spoons and chopsticks go in the middle. They set one bottle each of water and wine on the stand. The water first drawn from the well that day should be added to the water, and it goes west of the wine. Light the charcoal in the brazier, and fill the bottle with water. The presiding woman, in a jacket, warms up all the food for the sacrifice till it is very hot, then puts it into boxes and places them on the large bench at the base of the eastern steps.20 • When the sun is fully out, take the spirit tablets to their places. Everyone, from the presiding man on down, in full attire, washes and dries his or her hands and goes to the front of the offering hall. The men all stand in order, as they did at the rite for reporting the day. The presiding woman stands at the base of the western steps facing north. If the presiding man's mother is alive, she has a special place in front of the presiding woman. Any uncles' wives or aunts come after her. Sisters-in-law and sisters are to the left of the presiding woman. Any of them senior to the presiding man's mother or enter the kitchen to prepare sacrificial foods themselves or even personally supervise, which he thought they should do as a form of filial piety. Ssu-ma Kuang also said it was not necessary to have the types of sacrificial vessels mentioned in the classics: ordinary bowls, saucers, and so on would do, but they should be set aside solely for sacrificial purposes. 18 In the late Ming, Lu K'un (SLI 5:3b) said it was acceptable to reduce the numbers and kinds of offerings. 19 Yang Fu's commentary in HLTC 21:15a quotes a letter from Chu Hsi to his eldest son saying that, aware of his failure to serve his parents to the fullest, he was always attentive to the seasonal offerings and that they also should be particularly careful about the freshness of the sacrificial meat. This letter is not preserved in Chu Hsi's WC, but it may well have circulated in some other way in Yang Fu's time. 20 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 7:5a-b) noted that Chu Hsi was not using ancient foods but ones used in his day, so Ch'iu's readers could also use the types of food and dishes they would use for a banquet. 158

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the presiding woman stands a little forward. Daughters, granddaughters, the wives of sons and grandsons, and female attendants are behind the presiding woman in rows, facing north, in order with the most senior toward the east. When everyone is standing in place, the presiding man goes up via the ceremonial steps. He puts his official plaque in his belt, lights the incense, then takes out his plaque and reports: Your filial grandson A, in the second month of spring, now serves your honor, our late great-great-grandfather, of such office, and our late greatgreat-grandmother, of such title and surname; your honor, our late greatgrandfather, of such office, and our late great-grandmother, of such title and surname; your honor, our late grandfather, of such office, and our late grandmother, of such title and surname; your honor, our late father, of such office, and our late mother, of such title and surname. I am making associated offerings to our such-type relative, of such office, and the latter's wife, of such title, surname. I presume to ask the spirit tablets to go to the main room. I reverently extend to them these offerings. (Original note: In the report use the phrase second month of summer, fall, or winter as appropriate. When ancestors have no offices or titles, address them as described for titling the tablets [in chapter 4, no. 14]. The associated offerings refer to collateral relatives without heirs and juniors who died before their parents. If there are no associated offerings, omit this sentence.)21 When the report is finished, the presiding man puts his plaque in this belt. He arranges the cases and puts the regular and associated tablets in separate baskets, each basket carried by a different attendant. The presiding man, taking out his plaque, leads the way, with the presiding woman following, and the juniors in the rear. When they get to the main room, they put the baskets on the table by the western steps. The presiding man inserts his plaque, opens each case, and takes out the tablets of the ancestors and puts them by their places. The presiding woman washes, dries, and comes up. She takes the tablets for the ancestresses and does the same with them. For the associated spirits, a son or younger brother takes the tablets. When done, everyone, from the presiding man on down, comes down and returns to his or her place. • Greet the spirits. 22 21 The CTCS ed. places this note below the next paragraph. Here I am following the HLTC, 1732, and SKCS eds. 22 In many of the sacrifices described in this book the spirits are invoked before they are greeted, the opposite of the order given here. Ch'en Ch'un (Pei-hsi ta-ch'iian-chi 14:2b-3a) explained that when tablets are used, once the tablets are put in their place, the celebrants should bow to them. If no tablets are used, the spirits must first be summoned (invoked) before they are greeted.

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Everyone, from the presiding man on down, stands in order, as in the rites at the offering hall. Once in place, they bow twice.23 Any of the seniors who is too old or ill can rest elsewhere. • Invoke the spirits. The presiding man goes up and inserts his plaque while he lights incense. He then takes out his plaque, steps back a little, and stands there. One attendant opens the wine and takes a cloth to wipe the mouth of the wine bottle, then fills the decanter with it. Another attendant takes the cup and saucer on the table at the eastern steps and stands to the presiding man's left. A third attendant takes the decanter and stands to the presiding man's right. The presiding man inserts the plaque and kneels. The one holding the cup and saucer also kneels and hands them to the presiding man. Then the one with the decanter also kneels and pours wine into the cup. The presiding man, taking the saucer in his left hand and the cup in his right, pours the wine onto the reeds.24 He passes the cup and saucer to the attendant, then takes out his plaque. After he prostrates himself, he rises, bows twice, comes down the steps, and resumes his place. • Present the food. The presiding man goes up and the presiding woman follows. One attendant carries a tray of the meat and fish, another a tray of the grain and wheat-flour dishes, another a tray of the soup and rice.25 When they get to the front of the great-great-grandfather's place setting, the presiding man inserts his plaque and proffers the meat to the south of the cup and saucer while the presiding woman proffers the wheat-flour food to the west of the meat. He then proffers the fish to the south of the vinegar plate while she proffers the grain dishes to the east of the fish.26 He proffers the soup to the east of the vinegar saucer and she proffers the rice to the west of the cup and saucer. The presiding man then takes out his plaque and proceeds to lay out each of the other regular ancestors' places, but delegates a younger man and woman to lay out the food for the associated ancestors. Once all this is done, everyone, from the presiding man on down, goes down and back to his or her place. 23

SMSSI 10:116 notes that bowing to the spirits is based on popular practices, not the classics or the revisions (omitting the impersonator) in the KYL. 24 Ssu-ma Kuang (ibid.) had eliminated pouring wine on the reeds as impractical in the homes of shih or commoners. Ch'eng I, however, had argued that pouring wine made sense as a way to invoke the spirits, because it represented a place where Yin and Yang did and did not exist (ECC, i-shu 18:241). Cf. Chia-li sang-chi shih-i, 41a-b. 25 The CTCS edition has a misprint of "rice." 26 SMSSI10:115 defines the grain dishes to include rice or millet or cakes made from rice or millet flour. 160

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spirit tablet

16. Placement of Food Offerings Before Each Ancestor's and Ancestress's Seat at the Seasonal Sacrifice

• Make the first offering. The presiding man goes up to stand in front of the great-great-grandfather's place. An attendant takes the wine decanter to stand to hisright.27The presiding man inserts his plaque, takes the cup and saucer for the great-great-grandfather, and stands in front of his place facing east. The attendant, facing west, 27

The HLTC, 1732, and SRCS eds. add here: "in winter first warm it." 161

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pours the wine into the cup. The presiding man proffers it in the place used before. Next he takes the cup and saucer for the great-great-grandmother and does the same. Taking out his plaque, he stands facing north in front of the place setting. Two attendants, holding the cups and saucers for the great-greatgrandfather and grandmother, stand on his left and right. The presiding man inserts his plaque and kneels, at which point the attendants also kneel. The presiding man accepts the cup and saucer for his great-great-grandfather. In his right hand he takes the cup and pours it in sacrifice onto the reeds, then passes the cup and saucer to the attendant, who puts them back where they were. He handles the cup and saucer of the great-great-grandmother in the same way. He takes out his plaque, prostrates himself, rises, and steps back a little. Meanwhile, the attendant grills the liver on the brazier and serves it up on a platter. The eldest of the brothers of the presiding man proffers it to the great-great-grandfather and grandmother to the south of the spoon and chopsticks. The liturgist takes the board and stands to the left of the presiding man. He kneels and reads: On the day of the new moon28 of this month of this year, such year cycle, I, filial great-great-grandson A, of such office, presume to report clearly to your honor, our late great-great-grandfather, of such office, and our late great-great-grandmother, of such title, such surname: The succession of atmospheric forces flows and changes. The time now is the middle of spring. When we think back with gratitude on the seasonal service, we cannot overcome our long-term longings. We presume to take this pure offering of a soft-haired animal,29 a vessel of millet, and sweet wine, and respectfully present them as our seasonal service. Please enjoy them along with the associated spirits, such-type relative, of such office, and such-type relative, of such title, such surname. When finished, he rises. (Original note: In front of the great-grandfather he says "filial great-grandson," and in front of the father, "filial son." In these cases substitute "the vast heavens are boundless"30 for "unable to overcome our long-term longings." Here and elsewhere in this book, great uncles are associated with the great-great-grandfather, uncles with the great-grandfather, brothers with the grandfather, and sons and nephews with the father, any others following this pattern.31 If there is no occupant of a particular seat, do not 28 Earlier it was said that the day was chosen by divination, so it would not normally be the day of the new moon. 29 This refers to lamb. Ssu-ma Kuang noted that if pork was used one said ' 'hard-haired." SMSSI 10:117. 30 An allusion to parental love. 31 I.e., they are associated with the main-line ancestor two generations earlier.

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use the words "in association with such-type relative." When ancestors did not hold office, or the season is different, make changes as described earlier.)32 The presiding man bows twice, steps back, and goes to each of the place settings to offer a prayer like this one.33 When a prayer has been read at each place setting, a younger male who is not making the second or third offerings goes to the associated seat and makes the same offerings but without reading a prayer. When these young men have finished they go back down to their places. The attendants, using separate utensils, clear away the wine and liver, putting the cups back where they were. • Make the second offering. The presiding woman performs it. The women carry the grilled meat to the separate place settings as in the rite of the first offering, but they do not read prayers.34 • Make the final offering. It is performed by the eldest of the presiding man's brothers, his eldest son, or a relative or guest. The younger men carry the grilled meat to the separate place settings, as in the second offering. • Urge the spirits to eat. The presiding man goes up, inserts his plaque, takes the decanter, and pours wine for all of the place settings. When the cups are all full, he stands to the southeast of the incense table. At this point the presiding woman comes up. She sticks spoons into the cooked rice, their handles to the west, and straightens the chopsticks. Then she stands to the southwest of the incense table, where she and the presiding man both face north and bow twice, then go back down to their places. • Close the door. Everyone, from the presiding man on down, exits. The liturgist closes the door. If there is no space for a door, lower a curtain. The presiding man stands to the east of the door facing west, the other men behind him. The presiding woman stands across from him, on the west of the door, facing east, with the other women behind her. If there are any relatives senior to the presiding man 32 The CTCS and HLTC editions move this note to below the next paragraph. Here I follow the 1732 and SKCS editions. 33 Feng Shan (CLCS, 154b-55a) and Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 7:12b-13b) simplified this procedure so that there was one prayer to all of the ancestors rather than four separate ones, a change most later authors also accepted. 34 In HLTC 21:18a Chu Hsi is quoted as saying that if the presiding man did not have a wife, his younger brother could make the second offering and that brother's wife the third.

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or presiding woman they take a short rest elsewhere. This is called "eating to repletion."35 • Open the door. The liturgist coughs three times, then opens the door. Everyone, from the presiding man on down, enters, including the seniors who had been resting elsewhere. When they have taken their places, the presiding man and woman offer tea before each of the ancestors and ancestresses. They have a younger man and woman do the same for the associated spirits. • Receive the sacrificed foods. The attendants set a mat in front of the incense table. The presiding man goes to the mat and faces north. The liturgist goes to the front of the greatgreat-grandfather's place, takes his wine cup and saucer, and brings them to the right of the presiding man. The presiding man and the liturgist kneel. The presiding man inserts his plaque and accepts the cup and saucer. He sacrifices the wine, then tastes it. The liturgist takes the spoon and plate, dishes out a little of the rice from each place setting, and takes it to the left of the presiding man. He blesses the presiding man, saying: The ancestors instruct me, the liturgist, to pass on abundant good luck to you filial descendants and calls you, filial descendants, to approach and receive riches from Heaven, have good harvests from the fields, and live a long life forever, without interruption.36 The presiding man sets the wine in front of the mat, takes out his plaque, and prostrates himself. After rising, he bows twice, inserts his plaque, and kneels to receive the rice. He tastes it, then puts it in his left sleeve, [keeping it from spilling by] hanging it on his little finger. He takes the wine and drinks it down. From his right an attendant takes the cup and puts it beside the decanter; from his left an attendant takes the rice and does the same with it. The presiding man, holding his tablet, prostrates himself. After rising he stands at the top of the eastern steps facing west. The liturgist stands at the top of the western steps, facing east, and announces that the nourishment of the spirits is over. He then goes back down to his place, and with those in line he bows twice. The presiding man does not bow, but goes back down to his place. 35

Ssu-ma Kuang added here that those in line should wait the length of a meal (SMSSI 10:117-18). 36 Words from ibid., p. 118, in turn modeled on /-//, "Hsiao-lao k'uei-shih" 48:9b; Steele, 2.172-73. In the I-li, millet is used instead of rice, and the implication seems to be that the descendants should use it for seed, that its use will insure that the ancestors will have never-ending descendants. The language used in the blessing is that of a family senior to a junior, befitting the ancestor addressing his descendants. 164

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• Take leave of the spirits. Everyone, from the presiding man on down, bows twice. • Put the tablets back. The presiding man and presiding woman both go up and take each tablet and place it in its case. The presiding man arranges the cases in the basket and has them carried back to the offering hall, following the procedure used for bringing them out. • Clear away the remains. The presiding woman returns to supervise the clean-up. All the wine that is in cups, decanters, or other vessels is poured into the bottle, then sealed. This is called "good luck wine." The fruit, vegetables, meat, and grain foods are all transferred to banquet dishes. The presiding woman supervises the cleaning and storage of the sacrificial vessels. • Eat the leftovers. This day the presiding man supervises the division of the sacrificial foods. A small amount of each type is put in boxes, which are sealed along with wine. He sends a servant with letters to take these boxes to relatives and friends.37 Next, feasts are laid out for the men and women in separate areas. For the men, the senior generation forms a single line, facing south, with the most honored place in the middle of the room and lower ones to the east and west. If there is only one man in the senior generation, he sits in the middle. Everyone else, in order, is across from each other, half facing east, the others west. The most senior man takes his seat, then all the other men stand in order, each generation in a separate row, with the most senior of that generation to the east. These men all bow twice. A representative of the sons and younger brothers, the most senior of them, steps slightly forward. One attendant takes a decanter and stands on his right while another takes a cup and saucer and stands on his left. The representative inserts his plaque and kneels.38 He accepts the decanter, pours the wine, returns the decanter, and takes the cup. The liturgist says: The worship service is over. The ancestors had an excellent repast. I would wish such-type relative to receive fully the five blessings, preserve his agnates, and benefit his family.39 37 Ssu-ma Kuang provided models of what to say in these letters, depending on the relationship to the recipient, and what the recipient should write in reply (SMSSI 10:121-22). 38 The HLTC and SKCS editions add a note: "If the representative is a younger brother, the senior rises; if a son or nephew, then he remains seated." 39 Words modeled on SMSSI 10:119. The five blessings were long life, wealth, health, virtue, and a complete life span.

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The one holding the cup sets it in front of the elder. The representative takes out his plaque. When the elder is finished with the wine, the representative prostrates himself, rises, steps back, then returns to his place, where he bows twice with all the other men. The most senior man instructs the attendant to take the decanter and the representative's cup to the latter's place and pour for him. The liturgist says: The worship service is over. The good fortune of the five blessings will be shared with all of you.40 He instructs the attendants to go to each place and pour wine for everyone. The representative comes forward and kneels to receive it. When he has drunk it all he prostrates himself. On rising, he steps back. The other men come forward and salute. After they step back they drink the wine. Then the representative and the other men all bow twice. The women make an offering to the most senior woman in the inner room following the same procedures as the men but without kneeling.41 When these toasts are over, everyone sits and the meat and grain are brought forward. The women then go to the front of the hall to wish long life to the senior man; the senior toasts them in the same way he did the junior men. The men then go to the inner room to wish the senior woman long life; the senior woman toasts them in return in the same way. When everyone is again seated, the food made of wheat flour is presented. This time, the male and female attendants all make a toast to the long life of the male and female seniors. The same procedure used before is followed, but they are not toasted back. Then they pour for all those sitting down, and when everyone has lifted his or her glass, they bow twice and step back. Next the food made of grain is presented. From this point on wine is liberally served. For the feast, start with the sacrificed foods and wine. If they are insufficient, supplement them with other food and wine. When the end of the feast approaches, the presiding man distributes the remaining sacrificed food to the male servants, the presiding woman to the female attendants, in each case reaching to the very most lowly. Everything should be consumed that day. The recipients all bow twice, then clear away the feast. • In sacrifices, the emphasis is on fulfilling sincere feelings of love and respect. Before performing the rites, the poor should evaluate their resources and the ill their energy. Naturally, those with the wealth and strength to conform to the rites should do so. 40

Words modeled on ibid. On the origins of the practice of women not kneeling, see Ku Kuang-yii, Ssu-li ch'iiehi l:10a-13a. 41

166

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ANCESTOR 4 2

Only those who are successors of the descent line of a first ancestor may perform this sacrifice.43 • At the winter solstice sacrifice to the first ancestor. Master Ch'eng [I] said that this is the ancestor who was the first to have descendants. The winter solstice is the beginning of the Yang force; therefore, because of the similarity, one sacrifices then.44 • Three days before the event, perform purification. Follow the procedure used at the seasonal sacrifices.45 • The day before the event, set out places. The presiding man and the other men, wearing the long garment, lead the attendants to dust and sweep the offering hall and wash the utensils. They then lay out places for the spirits at the base of the middle section of the north wall of the hall. They set a screen behind them and a bench for the food in front.46 • Set out the utensils. Set a brazier in the middle of the hall. Set cooking utensils at the base of the eastern steps, the wash basin to the east, the grilling utensils to the south. Everything, from the bundle of reeds on, is as at the seasonal sacrifices. The 42 SMSSI does not include any of the following sacrifices, but Ch'eng I provided brief instructions for them, in ECC, i-shu 18:240 and wen-chi 10:628-29. Ch'eng I also wrote a one-cfciian guide to sacrificial rites, no longer surviving, that Chu Hsi probably used, as this book was still extant in the early thirteenth century (Chih-chai shu-lu chieh-t'i 6:181). On Chu Hsi's general acceptance of Ch'eng I's ideas on sacrifices, see WC 30:29a-30a. Chu T'ien-ch'iu in the Ming was unwilling to include the next three sacrifices, even though Ch'iu Ch'iin included them, because they were not in the Ming chi-li (Chia-li i-chien pien 35b). 43 This qualification, effectively limiting this rite to a very small number of people, probably reflects Chu Hsi's later view that the common practice of this rite was presumptuous, usurping the privileges of political superiors. See YL 87:2229; 90:2313, 2318. Earlier in his life Chu Hsi seems to have been more willing to follow Ch'eng I in this regard, as he included Ch'eng I's schedule for rites to earliest and early ancestors in both the Hsiao hsiieh 5:106 and Chin-ssu Iu 9:255-56. (Cf. Chan, trans., Reflections on Things at Hand, pp. 22930.) Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 5:15a) omitted a detailed script for this sacrifice because of Chu Hsi's qualms about it in the YL. Several later authors of revised editions, however, made the opposite argument, that bringing together relatives once or twice a year for joint sacrifices was valuable and should be retained. See Chia-li cho, 31a. See also the more textually based arguments of Ch'in Hui-t'ien, Wu-Ii t'ung-k'ao 109:34a-35a. 44 Similar to ECC, i-shu 18:240. 45 The CTCS edition mis writes "procedure." 46 The Ming commentator (HLTCEV 21:17a) suggested that only the male ancestor, not his wife, has a place set. This may well reflect the practices of Ming descent groups. However, from the prayer given below, Chu Hsi also included the first ancestress.

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presiding woman and the other women, wearing jackets, lead the attendants to wash the sacrificial vessels, scour the caldrons, and prepare six fruit platters, three plates, six bowls, three small plates, two each of cups and saucers, spoons, and chopsticks, a fat plate, a wine decanter, a cup and saucer for making libations of wine, and a plate and spoon for receiving the sacrificial foods. Note: Originally ancient sacrificial utensils were used here.47 Here, for fear that private families may not all be able to manage this, I have simplified by using contemporary utensils. For the spirit tablets, use a rush mat with a grass mat covering and a decorated border, or use a purple cushion. Either should be five feet long and two and a half feet wide. The screen is constructed like a bed screen and should be big enough to surround the mat on three sides. For the food bench, make the top out of a board five feet long and over three feet wide. The four sides should also be made of boards one foot two inches high. Below attach another flat board. The whole thing should be coated in black lacquer. • Prepare the foods. In the late afternoon slaughter the sacrificial animals. The presiding man personally divides them up. The hair and blood make one dish, the head, heart, liver, and lungs make another dish.48 The fat and various scraps make another plate. The intestines should be removed.49 Do not use the left side of the carcass. The front leg of the right carcass is divided into three sections, as are the back, the ribs, and the hind leg. Discard the body openings. One of the pieces should not be used, so that altogether there should be eleven pieces. Also prepare one bowl for rice placed on a tray, six each of vegetables and fruit, a small plate of sliced liver, and another of sliced meat. • The next day rise at daybreak and set out the vegetables, fruit, wine, and cooked food. The presiding man, in the long garment, organizes the attendants to set out a bottle of water and another of wine on the stand. A wine decanter, a cup and saucer for the libation of wine, and a plate and spoon for receiving the sacrificed food all go on the table at the eastern steps. The prayer board and the fat plate go on the table at the western steps. A spoon and set of chopsticks go on the east and west of the north end of the food bench, two feet five inches apart. A cup and saucer go to the west of the chopsticks. The fruit goes at the south 47

Presumably in Ch'eng Fs text. SMSSI used modern utensils throughout. According to Kuo-yii 18:205, the hair showed that it was an animal and the blood that it was sacrificed. The foods used for this sacrifice and their preparation are much closer to those described in the /-// than the ones given for the seasonal sacrifices. Probably the difference is based on Chu Hsi's relying on SMSSI for the seasonal sacrifices and Ch'eng I's more classically based text for this rite. 49 This last sentence is based on the emendation in ARCLIC 8:15a. 48

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end of the food bench, the vegetables north of it. The plates of hair, blood, and intestines and the sliced liver and meat all are laid on the food bench at the base of the steps. Rice is put into the cook pot at the base of the steps. The eleven pieces of meat are put into the steamer. Light the stove and cook them. One plate and six bowls are put on the food bench. • When it is fully bright, dress in full attire and take up the places. Follow the procedure used at the seasonal sacrifices.50 • Invoke and greet the spirits. The presiding man washes his hands, then goes up. He carries the plate of fat to the front of the brazier in the middle of the room. He kneels and reports: I, filial grandson A, because today is the winter solstice, am serving our departed first ancestor and first ancestress. I presume to request the honored souls to come down to occupy the spirit seats. I reverently extend these offerings. Then he burns the fat on the brazier coals. He prostrates himself, rises, steps a little back, and bows twice. An attendant opens the wine, and the presiding man kneels to offer it in libation, as in the seasonal sacrifices. • Bring the food. The presiding man goes up to the front of the spirits' seats. An attendant brings the hair, blood, intestines, and meat forward. The presiding man takes them and sets them to the north of the vegetables, arranged from the west on down. An attendant removes the meat from the steamer and puts it on a plate, then brings it forward. The presiding man takes it and puts it to the east of the plate of intestines. An attendant takes two bowls filled with rice, two bowls filled with meat broth with nothing mixed in, and two bowls with meat broth with vegetables and brings them forward. The presiding man takes them and places them, the rice to the west of the soup, the great soup to the east of the cup, and the tureen soup to the east of the great soup.51 The two men then come down and resume their places. • Make the first offering. The procedure is as in the seasonal sacrifices, but once the presiding man has prostrated himself and risen, his brothers follow by grilling the liver, adding salt, and serving it onto a small plate. The prayer reads: 50 The Ming commentator (HLTCEV 21:17b), assuming all the descendants of the first ancestor will assemble, says too many people will be present to include women also. He is presumably reading descent-group practices into these rites. Chu Hsi seems only to have imagined the normal lesser line assembling, as it did at the seasonal rites. 51 The soup with nothing in it is the great soup, the other the tureen soup (J-Ii, "Kung shih ta-fu Ii" 25:10a, Steele 1:248).

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On the first day of this month, such year, such year cycle, your filial descendant, B, dares to report clearly to our departed first ancestor and first ancestress:' 'Now in the middle of winter the Yang force is beginning to rise. We think back on repaying our roots, and do not dare forget the rituals. Earnestly we respectfully offer our seasonal service of pure sacrificial beasts with soft hair, vessels of millet, and sweet wine. May you enjoy them." 52 • Make the second offering. . The procedure is as in the seasonal sacrifice, except the women follow by grilling the meat and adding salt. • Make the final offering. The procedure is like the seasonal sacrifice and the preceding one. • Urge the spirits to eat, close the door, open the door, receive the sacrificed foods, take leave of the spirits, and clear away the remnants. These procedures are all like the ones used at the seasonal sacrifices.53 • 3. SACRIFICES TO EARLY ANCESTORS

Only the descent line of a first ancestor or a great-great-grandfather may perform this sacrifice. The descent line of a first ancestor sacrifices to all those from the first ancestor on down. The descent line of a great-great-grandfather sacrifices to the early ancestors on down.54 • On the first day of spring, sacrifice to the early ancestors. Master Ch'eng [I] said that these are the ancestors between the first ancestor and the great-great-grandfather. The first day of spring marks the beginning of growth, therefore, based on the resemblance, we make sacrifices to them.55 • Three days before, perform purification. The procedure is that used in sacrificing to the first ancestor. • The day before, set places and lay out the utensils. The procedure is that used at sacrificing to the first ancestor, except that the ancestors' spirit tablets are set to the west of the center of the hall and the 52

Similar to ECC, wen-chi 10:628. The Ming commentator (HLTCEV 21:18b), again reflecting descent-group customs, suggested a feast for all the kinsmen at this point. 54 I.e., the latter does not sacrifice to the first ancestor. 55 Similar to ECC, i-sku 18:240. 53

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ancestresses' to the east, and twelve platters of fruits and vegetables, six large plates and six small plates, are set out.56 • Prepare the food. The procedure is as in the sacrifice to the first ancestor, except there should be one plate of hair and blood, one plate of head and heart, one plate of liver and lungs, one plate of fat and scraps, two small plates of sliced liver, and four small plates of sliced meat. • The next day, get up at daybreak and set out the vegetables, fruit, wine, and food. 57 The procedure is that used in the sacrifices to the first ancestor, except there is a spoon and a set of chopsticks at each place and two cups and saucers, which are put on the food bench at the base of the steps. • When it is fully bright, wearing full attire go to the places, then invoke and greet the spirits. The procedure is that used in sacrificing to the first ancestor, with the exception that in the report the word "first" is changed to "early." • Bring the food forward. The procedure is that used in sacrificing to the first ancestor, except first go to the place-setting of the ancestors carrying the hair, blood, head, heart, two pieces of the front leg, three pieces of the back, and one piece of the top of the hind leg.58 Then go to the ancestresses' place setting, carrying liver, lungs, one piece of the front leg, three pieces of ribs, and one piece of the bottom of the hind leg. • Make the first offering. The procedure is that used in sacrificing to the first ancestor, with these exceptions. After making the offering to each pair of place settings, prostrate 56 The Ming commentator (HLTCEV 21:18a), reflecting descent- group customs, says the hall here is the offering hall for the first ancestor at his grave. It should be noted that normally spirit tablets were destroyed after four generations, the only exception being those for the main line of a great descent-line (see chapter 4, 20). Thus, the tablets used here are presumably general ones saying "early ancestors" and "early ancestresses" or the like. Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 7:19b) said to make tablets of paper and write the names and titles of the five ascending generations and as much about earlier generations as was known. Alternatively, he said, a tablet could be made for the first ancestor to migrate to the area or to establish the family, with only paper strips for other ancestors. 57 This passage, and the small type below, are omitted in the CTCS ed., probably inadvertently. They are in HLTC and other editions. 58 The CTCS edition omits "hair and blood," which is found in the HLTC and other editions.

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oneself, then rise and stand in the middle a little while. The brothers follow by grilling the liver and serving it on two small plates. In the text of the prayer "first" is changed to "early," and "in the middle of winter the Yang force rises" to "the beginning of spring gives birth to things." " Make the second and third offerings. The procedure is the same as for sacrificing to the first ancestor, but one follows with two small plates each of grilled meat. • Urge the spirits to eat, close the door, open the door, receive the sacrificed food, take leave of the spirits, and clear away the remains. These all are according to the procedures used in sacrificing to the first ancestor.59 • 4. SACRIFICING TO FATHERS

Any descent line that is heir to a father or higher may make this sacrifice. Only younger sons do not perform it.60 • In the last month of autumn sacrifice to deceased fathers. 61 Master Ch'eng [I] said that, as the last month of autumn is the beginning of ripening, from this resemblance, one sacrifices then.62 • During the last ten-day period of the preceding month, divine for a day. The procedure is like that used at the seasonal sacrifices except for changes in phraseology. Change "filial grandson" to "filial son"; change "ancestor" and "ancestress" to "late father" and "late mother"; if one's mother is still alive, just say "late father," and make the report in front of his altar. 59

Li Wen-chao in the eighteenth century added here a way to look on these last two rites as broadly acceptable on the grounds that if commoners could erect shrines to prominent officials and scholars, there could not be any harm in their own descendants having such shrines, and moreover, so long as the rites did not go back to high antiquity they were not infringing on the royal ti sacrifice, and so long as all of the tablets were not displayed, they did not infringe on the royal hsia sacrifice (Chia-li sang-chi shih-i, 45a-b). 60 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 7:29b) said that although younger sons could not make this autumn sacrifice, they should be allowed to make offerings at popular festivals when they live apart from their eldest brothers. 61 In HLTC 21:22a, Chu Hsi is quoted as saying that his family had formerly performed sacrifices at the winter solstice, beginning of spring, and last month of autumn in addition to the regular seasonal sacrifices, but the only one he retained was the autumn one since the others seemed presumptuous. Cf. WC 63:19a-20a, YL 87:2313. 62 Similar to ECC, i-shu 18:240. 172

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• Three days before, perform purification; one day before, set places and lay out the utensils. The procedure is that used in the seasonal sacrifices, except stay in the main room and set two places in the middle of the hall, with the west the senior position. Everything else, from the incense stand on down, is the same as before. • Prepare the food. Make 20 percent as much as was used at the seasonal sacrifices. • The next day, get up at daybreak and set out the vegetables, fruit, wine, and food. The procedure is that used at the seasonal sacrifices. • When it is fully bright, wearing full attire go to the offering hall and take the spirit tablets out to the main room. The procedure is that used for the seasonal sacrifices in the main room, but the words of the report are: Filial son A, because now is the end of autumn when things begin to ripen, performs this service to your honor, our late father, of such office, and our late mother, of such title and surname. • Invoke the spirits, greet the spirits, bring the food, and make the first offering. These all follow the procedure used at the seasonal sacrifice, except the text of the prayer reads: Your filial son, A, of such office, presumes to report to his late father, his honor B, of such office, and his late mother, of such title and surname: Now because it is the end of autumn when things begin to ripen, we feel the passage of time and think back with longing. Vast Heaven is limitless. • Make the second offering, the final offering, urge the spirits to eat, close the door, open the door, receive the sacrificed foods, take leave of the spirits, put away the spirit tablets, and clear away the remains. These are all like the procedures at the seasonal sacrifices. • 5. S A C R I F I C E S FOR T A B O O D A Y S 6 3

" The day before the event, perform purification. The procedure is that used in sacrificing to fathers. 63

These were anniversaries of deaths. They were not an ancient rite, as Chu Hsi noted in 173

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• Set a place. The procedure is that used in sacrificing to fathers except set only one place.64 • Lay out the utensils. The procedure is that used in sacrificing to fathers. • Prepare the food. The procedure is that used in sacrificing to fathers, using one-tenth.65 • The next day, rise at daybreak and set out the vegetables, fruit, wine, and prepared food. The procedure is that used in sacrificing to fathers. • When it is fully bright, everyone, from the presiding man on down, changes his or her clothes. On the anniversary of the death of the father, the presiding man and his brothers wear gray gauze scarf-caps, gray cloth gowns, cloth wraps, and belts made of horn. If the deceased is a grandfather or earlier ancestor, they wear gray gauze gowns. If he is a collateral relative, then they wear black gauze gowns. The presiding woman wears a special headdress with the ornaments removed, a long white dress, and a light yellow vest-cloak. The others all remove any fancy clothes. • Go to the offering hall to get the spirit tablet and bring it to the main room. The procedure is that used at sacrificing to fathers, but the wording of the report is: Today, because it is the taboo day of his honor, our such-type relative of such office, we presume to ask the spirit tablet to go to the main room. We reverently extend out remembered longings. . . . • Greet the spirit, invoke the spirit, bring the prepared food, and make the first offering. YL 90:2322. It also seems to have been common to perform Buddhist ceremonies on these dates, as mentioned in another passage on the same page in YL. The clothes to be worn on these anniversaries are discussed in YL 87:2257 and CTC, p. 292. The eighteenth-century Ssu-li ho-ts'an (15:3b) said one only made sacrifices on the death date of ancestors one had served; that is, one did not offer them to ancestors who had died before one was born. 64 I.e., do not set places for the ancestor's wife. She receives offerings on her own death day (HLTCEV 21:19a). Chang Tsai (CTC, p. 289) said to set all the places. 65 That is, one-tenth of the food used at the seasonal sacrifices, as opposed to two-tenths used at the sacrifice to deceased fathers. 174

SACRIFICIAL RITES

The procedures are those used at sacrificing to fathers, but the wording of the report is: The sequence of seasons moves on. The taboo day is again at hand. Thinking back, we are aware of the passage of time. Unable to overcome our long-term longings. . . . For a deceased father or mother, change "unable to overcome our long-term longing" to "vast Heaven is limitless." For collateral relatives say, "The taboo day is again at hand.66 Unable to overcome our pious feelings. . . . " I n the case of a deceased father or mother, the liturgist rises and everyone from, the presiding man on down, weeps to the full extent of his or her grief. Everything else is the same. • Make the second and final offerings, urge the spirit to eat, close the door, and open the door. The procedures are those used in sacrificing to fathers, but do not receive the sacrificed food. • Take leave of the spirit, put away the spirit tablet, and clear away the food. The procedures are all the same as those used in sacrificing to fathers except do not eat the food.67 • During this day do not drink wine or eat meat or listen to music. Wear plain gray clothes and a plain belt and spend that night in the outer quarters. 68 • 6. S A C R I F I C E S AT G R A V E S

• Select a day in the first ten-day period in the third month. One day before, perform purification. 69 The procedures are those used in household sacrifices. 66

The CTCS edition miswrites "collateral." The CTCS and HLTC editions have "do not wail" instead of "do not eat the food," which does not make much sense since wailing is not mentioned in the other rites. Here I am following the 1732 and SKCS editions. 68 Feng Shan (CLCS 159a-160a) and T'ang To (CLHT 10:6a) added another sacrifice on the birth date of deceased parents on the grounds that this was a day when one's thoughts naturally go back to them. See also Wu Hsien-shen (Chia-li chi-i, 54b-55b) for a discussion of the prevalence of this practice. 69 Liu Chang (HLTC 21:23b) defended the popular custom of performing this sacrifice at the Clear and Bright festival, and many authors of revised versions accepted this date and common fall dates (fifteenth of seventh month and first of tenth month). See, for instance, Sung Hsiin, Ssu-li ch'u-kao 4:8b. On this practice see Ebrey, "Early Stages," pp. 20-29; 67

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• Prepare the food. Each grave area should have articles like those used in the seasonal sacrifices. In addition, prepare a large plate each of fish, meat, and food made from grain and wheat rice flour for the service to the god of the earth. • The next morning clean and sweep. The presiding man, in the long garment, leads the attendants to the grave site. They bow twice, then make three circuits around the inner and outerareas of the tombs, inspecting them with grief. Using a hatchet or hoe, they remove any weeds or brambles. When the cleaning is completed, they return to their places and bow twice. They also clear a place to the left of the graves for sacrifices to the god of the earth. • Spread out a mat and lay out the prepared foods. Use a new clean mat and spread it in front of the grave. Set out the prepared foods as in the household sacrifices. • Greet the spirits, invoke the spirits, and make the first offering. The procedure is that used in the household sacrifices, but the prayer is worded: The grave of your honor, our such-type relative of such office: "The sequence of seasons continuously moves on. The rain has fallen and already moistened the ground. We have respectfully swept and built up the tomb. Unable to overcome our pious longings. . . . " • Make the second and third offerings. The second should be done by a son or younger brother and the third by a relative or friend.70 • Take leave of the spirits and clear away the food.71 Afterward, make a sacrifice to the god of the earth, spreading out a mat and laying out the prepared foods. Four plates go on the south end of the mat. Set a cup and saucer and spoon and chopsticks to their north. The rest is the same as above. • Invoke the god, greet the god, and make the three offerings. The procedure is the same as above, except the prayer is worded: P'ang, Sung-tai liang-ching shih-min sheng-huo, pp. 413-16; Chi-lepien 1:19-20. Chu Hsi discussed grave rites in YL 90:2321-22 and WC 30:29a-30a. 70 The CTCS and HLTC editions miswrite wei, "to d o , " as chien, "present." 71 It was the common custom to eat the food offerings, often at the grave sites. 176

SACRIFICIAL RITES

A, of such office, presumes to report clearly to the god of the earth. We have reverently prepared the seasonal service at the grave of our suchtype relative of such office. For the seasonal protection, we fully rely on the god's blessing. We presume respectfully to make these offerings of wine and food. May you enjoy them! • Take leave of the god, then clean up and go back.72 72 Ch'iu Chun (CLIC 7:34b-37a) added directions for making reports to ancestors, called "burning yellow [prayers]," to inform them of events or honors. He admitted that these reports were redundant with the reports in the offering hall described in chapter 1, but felt that the abbreviated ceremonies given there were not impressive enough. Such burnt prayers, especially at graves, were already common in Sung times, and Ch'iu was probably accommodating current custom. Teng Yuan-hsi added directions for three other sacrificial ceremonies for special circumstances: sacrifices for divorced mothers, for distant kinsmen who had no heirs who were continuing their sacrifices, and for maternal grandparents (ChiaIi ch'iian-pu, 10). Many authors added a description of the sacrifice to the kitchen god, some noting that this was the only type of sacrifice besides ancestral sacrifices that the government did not consider illegitimate for commoners to perform. Weng Cheng-ch'un also added prayers to ancestors for help in overcoming illness, to thank them for such health, and on one's own birthday (Weng Tai-shihpu-hsiian Wen-kung chia-li 8:32b-33a).

177

APPENDIX A

Editions of Chu Hsi's Family Rituals

of the Family Rituals used for this translation is that in the Chu Tzu ch'eng-shu ifc^p$clt [Master Chu's completed books], a compilation of Chu Hsi's book-length writings, edited by Huang Jui-chieh in 1305. A 1341 copy held by the National Palace Museum, Taipei, was used. This is the earliest surviving full text of the Family Rituals, although a copy of the 1305 printing of this book has a part of the Family Rituals. A full copy of the text used is included as Appendix B. Many other editions of the Family Rituals were published over the centuries. Those that have survived or are clearly referred to in other writings are listed below in chronological order. Probably only a small proportion of the editions published are listed here, not only because I have not been able to consult all library catalogs, but also because, in printed sources, authors often referred vaguely to editions without giving enough information to identify them clearly. Moreover, it is possible that a single book may be listed twice, as references are not always full enough to know if two books are identical, and a book may use different versions of its title in different places in the book. The books listed here should not be confused with revised versions of the Family Rituals, which were written in large numbers during the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties. Although many simply bore the title Wen-kung (or Chu Tzu) Chia-li, in fact they often freely altered Chu Hsi's text to make it better serve the needs of a particular audience.* The extant books listed here, by contrast, all clearly derive from a common source and are remarkably uniform in their basic text. Most textual discrepancies can easily be interpreted as miscopied characters. Where they do differ significantly is in the inclusion of illustrations and commentaries and the division into chapters. The following abbreviations are used in the table: THE EDITION

ASL Academy of Sciences Library, Peking Jimbun Jimbun kagaku kenkyujo, Kyoto NCL National Central Library, Taipei 1 A list of such revised versions is included as an appendix in Ebrey, Confucianism and Family Rituals in Imperial China.

179

APPENDIX A

NPM PL SL

National Palace Musuem, Taipei Peking Library Shanghai Library Identifying Characteristics

Date ca. 1211 1216

ca. 1216- 1223 ca. 1211- 1240 ca. 1230 ca. 1240 1242 1245

ca. 1250- 1280

ca. 1250- 1300

Published by Liao Te-ming Jp^® Efl in Kuang-chou 2 Published by Chao Shih-shu gjgfijg in Yu-hang with a postface by Huang Kan Published in Yen-ling with two postfaces by Ch'en Ch'un One-chuan edition5 Edition with Yang Fu's fUfS. commentary 6 Ch'ao-chou (Kwangtung) edition7 Edition with Fang Ta-tsung's Jj preface and Yang Fu's commentary 8 Five chiian plus appendix edition by Chou Fu )f| U , who removed Yang Fu's commentary but put some of it in an appendix. No illustrations Edition printed by Yao Shu Five chiian plus appendix Pai-lu tung S f f i P edition. 10 Based on Chou Fu edition. After preface has diagrams of spirit tablets and 1213 note by P'an Shihchii ^li'ffyi. No other illustrations Ma-sha-fang M'i'PW edition 12 Ten-chiian edition with commentaries by Yang Fu and Liu Kai-sun gljigjfc, titled Wen-kung chia-li chi-chu

2

Extant? no no

no no no no no Ming and Ch'ing reprints

no Ming and Ch'ing reprints 11

no PL 1 3

Pei-hsi ta-chüan-chi 14:2b; Fang Ta-tsung's preface in CL (Ming edition). Mien-chai chi 22: 7b-9a. 4 Pei-hsi ta-ch'iian-chi 14:5b-6b. 5 Cited in Chih-chai shu-lu chieh-t'i 6:182. 6 Date from Fang Ta-tsung's preface in Ming edition of CL. I Referred to by Yang Fu in HLTC 21:18a. 8 According to the reprint of this preface in a Ming edition of the CL. 9 Mu-an chi 15:175. 10 Referred to in 1732 edition of CL, 1844 Ssu-li ts'ung-i. II Ming reprint described in Tieh-ch'in t'ung-chien lou ts'ang-shu mu-lu 4:18b, but not referred to as Pai-lu tung edition. That term is used in the 1732 edition of CL (fan-li 2b) and in the Ch'ing reprint (see below). 12 Referred to in Ch'ien Tsun-wang tu-shu min-chiu chi chiao-cheng 1B: la. 13 The Shanghai Municipal Library has an incomplete edition, containing only chapter 5. 3

180

E D I T I O N S OF T H E FAMILY

RITUALS

Date

Identifying Characteristics

1305

Tv/o-chiian edition included in the Chu Tzu ch'eng-shu. Includes some of Yang Fu's and Liu Kai-sun's commentaries, plus notes by editor Huang Jui-chieh ^ ¾ gj. The second chapter consists of twentynine illustrations Ten-chtian edition with commentaries by Yang Fu, Liu Kai-sun, and Liu Chang, titled Tsuan-t'u chi-chu Wen-kung chia-li ^mW&^C&MBNo prefaces. Illustrations form the first chapter Ten-chuan Chien 2§ edition with commentaries by Yang, Liu, and Liu 14 Ten-chuan edition published in the Nanking Kuo-tzu chien S T I m with Yang, Liu, and Liu commentaries and with preface in Chu Hsi's handwriting 15 Four chiian Hsing-li ta-ch'iian edition, the first chiian illustrations identical to those in the Chu Tzu ch'eng-shu edition, with Yang, Liu, and Liu commentaries Expanded edition of Hsing-li ta-ch'iian with two new commentaries to the Family Rituals16 Five chiian plus appendix edition with Yang Fu's commentary Ywt-chiian edition with Yang, Liu, and Liu commentaries, plus one chiian of illustrations and one chiian on the long garment. Reprints preface by Fang Ta-tsung 17 Reprint of a Sung edition, issued by Teng

ca. 1300-1400

ca. 1368-1400

1415

1534 or earlier

Ming

ca. 1700 1701 1732 ed.

Chung-yiieh SE β S 1 8

Edition published by Mr. Wang £ΕΚ 1 9 Five-chiian edition of Cho-hsiu chai of Shou-ch'ang chiang-t'ang

14

Extant? 1341 and 1450 reprints in NPM and NCL

SL

no

NCL plus many later reprints

Princeton, University of Chicago, Library of Congress, elsewhere ASL PL

no no Fudan

CLHT fan-li 7a. Referred to in Wen-lu fang fang-shu chi, p. 10, as a Sung edition. CLHT fan-li 7a. This book copies the handwritten preface. 16 On the date see Ch'ii, P'u-lin-ssu-tun ta-hsiieh Ke-ssu-te Tung-fang fu-shu-kuan Chung-wen shan-pen shu-chih, p. 222. On the commentaries, see Wang, Chung-kuo shan-pen shu fi-yao, p. 227. 17 Described in Tieh-ch'in fung-chien lou ts'ang-shu mu-lu 4:18a as a Yuan edition, but now labeled Ming. 18 Tseng-ting ssu-k'u chien-ming mu-lu piao-chu, p. 98. •«Ibid. 15

181

APPENDIX A Identifying Characteristics

Date

1781 ed.

ca. 1800-1900

1865

1880

1884 1891

20

W f i s i S , ed. by Shih Hsiieh-ch'eng 'Jl^r- hX* e t a '- Appendix to each chapter. No illustrations Five chiian plus appendix edition in the Ssu-k'u ch'uan-shu, based on Teng Chung-yueh's reprint of a Sung edition 20 Five chüan plus appendix Pao-kao t'ang t i e d i t i o n of Mr. Lü Yü-erh S M fS • Reprint of Pai-lu tung edition Fwe-chiian edition of Wang-san-i chai H S H i f . Substitutes a new appendix, parts of which reproduce Ku Kuangyii's writings Five chiian plus appendix Kung-shan t'ang edition of Mr. Hung Ju-k'uei • Reprint of a Sung edition Five-chiian edition Five-chiian edition by Kuo Sung-t'ao % M M. •, published by the Ssu-hsien chiang-she g g l ^

Ibid.

182

Extant?

reprinted

Princeton

Fudan

NPM, Princeton, ASL, Jimbun ASL ASL

APPENDIX B

Chinese Text of Chu Hsi's Family Rituals

pages reproduce the text of the Family Rituals from the 1341 edition of the Chu Tzu ch'eng-shu held by the National Palace Museum, Taipei. This text includes everything translated here and also includes occasional notes by the editor, Huang Jui-chieh. Most of these notes are borrowed directly from Yang Fu's commentary (but represent only a small part of Yang Fu's much longer commentary). One comes from Liu Kai-sun's commentary, a couple are from an unidentified Mr. Wang, and a dozen or so are by Huang Jui-chieh himself. These notes are not translated here, though the annotation given to the translation owes much to the many commentaries and revised versions consulted. T H E FOLLOWING

183

184

185

186

187

189

190

191

192

193

194

195

196

197

198

199

200

201

202

203

204

205

206

207

208

209

210

211

212

GLOSSARY

CHINESE

ENGLISH

full attire sheng-fu funeral director hu-sang gentlemen shih gentlemen-officials shih-ta-fu gift recorder ssu-huo god of the earth hou-t'u (shih) god that clears the road k'ai-lu shen grave goods ming-ch'i great descent line ta-tsung greater processed cloth ta-kung greet spirits ts'an-shen hair bands wen hall fang hand restrainers wo-shou head band shou-tieh head cloth kuan-chin head wrap fu-chin Heaven's palace t'ien-t'ang hemp hair binding kua-fa hemp hair ties cha his honor fu-chiin initiant chiang-kuan che or chiang-chi che inscribed banner ming-ching inscription stone chih-shih intercessor kao-che invoke spirits chiang-shen jacket pei-tzu joined nuptial cup ho-chin lesser processed cloth hsiao-kung letter recorder ssu-shu liturgist chu long garment shen-i main-line son shih-tzu main room cheng-ch'in man of virtue chiin-tzu marriage guarantor pao-ch'in che material force cKi Middle Origin Chung-yuan mound fen

adult name tzu altar Kan asking the name wen-ming assistant t.san association sacrifice fu attendants chih-shih che back panel fu-pan badge ts'ui betrothal gift ts'ai bier shih-ch'uang binding strips chiao calling-back ceremony fu capping ceremony kuan catafalque ta-yii ceremonial steps/staircase tso-chieh cessation of wailing tsu-Ku Clear and Bright Ch'ing-ming cold food han-shih concrete liner hui-ko demon-quellers fang-hsiang descent line tsung descent-line heir tsung-tzu double five cKung-wu double heir ch'eng-chung double nine ch'ung-yang dowry tzu-chuang dressing the body hsi duenna mu ear plugs cKung-erh earliest ancestor ch'u-tsu early ancestors hsien-tsu elegy chi-wen even sackcloth tzu-ts'ui eye cover ming-mu final laying out ta-lien fine hemp ssu-ma first ancestor shih-tsu first sacrifice of good fortune hsiao-hsiang follower tsung-che 2

GLOSSARY

mourning station sang-tz'u oblation tien offering hall tz'u-t'ang official plaque hu official robes kung-fu outer coffin kuo peace sacrifice fan piled collar pi-ling pinning ceremony chi pledge chiao

scholar's robe lan-shan second sacrifice of good fortune ta-hsiang sending-away libation ch'ien-tien servants shih-che shades sha shroud elfin side room fang soul bed Hng-ch'uang soul cloth hun-po soul seat ling-tso soul tent ling-wu spirit tablet shen-chu sponsor pin tablet chu taboo day chi-jih take leave of spirits tz'u-shen token chih

postmourning garments fan pour a libation lei or tien prayer board chu-pan preliminary laying out hsiao-lien presenting the betrothal gift na-ts'ai presenting the lucky divination na-chi presenting the valuables na-pi presiding man chu-jen presiding mourner sang-chu presiding woman chu-fu purification chai reception room fing-shih refined garments lien-fu rice in the mouth fan-han sacrifice of repose yii sacrificial fields chi-fien scarf-cap p'u-fou scholar shih

underworld furnishings hsia-chang untrimmed sackcloth chan-ts'ui urge spirits to eat yu-shih valuables pi wail k'u wail by turns tai-k'u waist band yao-tieh water and land ceremony shui-lu hui wedding present p'in-ts'ai welcoming in person ch'in-ying younger sons chung-tzu

CHINESE TO E N G L I S H

cha M hemp hair ties (worn by women in mourning) chai If purification (abstinence observed before ancestral sacrifices) untrimmed sackcloth (highest grade of mourning, worn for a chan-ts'ui |ft S nominal three years) chao-mu BSiS alternate generations (the arrangement of spirit tablets) cheng-ch'in IE ^ main room (the site of all of the major family ceremonies) ch'eng-chung $, ff double heir (grandson who succeeds to his grandfather be­ cause his father is not alive) chi W hairpin, the pinning ceremony chi-jih ,S B taboo day (anniversary of the death of a parent) chi-fien %k H sacrificial fields (fields set aside as an endowment for ancestral rites) elegy (essay addressed to the deceased and read at condolence chi-wen ^ ί visits) ch'i *t material force 214

GLOSSARY chiang-chi che %$ ^f ^ initiant (in the pinning ceremony) chiang-kuan che 1¾¾¾ initiant (in the capping ceremony) chiang-shen 1¾ # invoke spirits (a step in ancestral rites) chiao Si pledge (of parent to child, in cappings, pinnings, and weddings) chiao β binding strips (used in wrapping a body) cKien-tien i t Jt sending-away oblation (presented shortly before the coffin or the body is moved out of the house for burial) chih ^ token (gift brought by the groom when coming to get bride) chih-shih U JS inscription stone (buried in the grave) chih-shihche $ ^ ¾ attendants (relatives or servants) chin-shih j j t ± (left romanized here) man qualified for office by passing the metropolitan civil service examinations cWin ^ shroud chln-ying MM welcoming in person (the step in the wedding rites in which the groom goes to the bride's home to get her and bring her back to his home) cKing-cKi mWi requesting the date (step in the classical wedding rites omitted in the Family Rituals) CKing-ming ft H^ Clear and Bright (a spring festival) chu jjift (1) prayer (2) liturgist (one who reads prayers and performs libations) chu ± tablet (short for spirit tablet) chu-fu ± 4 § presiding woman (wife of the presiding man except in funeral rituals, when widow of the deceased, if surviving) chu-jen ± Λ presiding man (man in charge of the ceremony; in this book the senior descent-line heir except in funeral rituals) chu-pan |fi JK prayer board (wooden board on which paper payers were pasted, used by the liturgist during reports to ancestors) ch'u-tsu Wig. earliest ancestor chiin-tzu ft f man of virtue chung #; (left romanized) a locus for the soul used in the early stages of the funeral in ancient times chung-tzu j$ ψ younger sons (as distinguished from the eldest main-line son) Chung-yuan Φ Ht Middle Origin (a fall festival in the seventh month) cHung-erh 3¾^ ear plugs (used in laying out the body) ch'ung-wu JS ψ double five (a summer festival) cKung-yang MM double nine (a fall festival) fan-han IK Hr rice in the mouth (a ceremony performed before a body is encoffined) fang Jf side room (used in capping, where the initiant changes his clothes); collateral line fang-hsiang ^ t I demon-quellers (members of a funeral procession who exorcize spirits at the grave) fen tg mound (built over the grave) fu U calling-back ceremony (performed immediately after a death) fu Wi (1) association sacrifice (performed a few days after a burial, when the new spirit tablet is temporarily placed with other tablets in the offering hall) 215

GLOSSARY

(2) to associate one spirit tablet with another in the offering hall because it does not have its own place (3) to bury a body in the same or adjoining vault with one already buried (not in the Family Rituals) fu-chin |g if] head wrap (head gear made of black silk, worn with long garment) fu-chiin Jft ff his honor (honorific term of reference) fu-kao f h § (written) announcement of death fu-ling {£3? fu-ling fungus fu-pan ^ fig back panel (part of mourning garment) han-shih ^ j£ cold food (a spring festival) ho-chin ft 11 joined nuptial cup (used in wedding ceremony) hou t'u (shih) fa HS:) god of the earth (who receives sacrifices at a newly created grave) hsi j | dress a body hsia f£ a royal sacrifice to ancestors (not in the Family Rituals) hsia-chang T ft underworld furnishings (models of bedding and furniture placed in a tomb for the use of the dead) hsiao-hsiang φ ρ first sacrifice of good fortune (performed one year after a death) hsiao-kung ' ^ ¾ lesser processed cloth (grade of mourning garments entailing five months of obligations) hsiao-lien ' J ^ preliminary laying out (wrapping the body performed the day after the death) hsiao-tsung ' J N ^ lesser descent line (the line of eldest sons descended from an ancestor no earlier than great-great-grandfather) hsien-tsu 5fcii early ancestors (ancestors between the first or earliest ancestor and the great-great-grandfather) hu ^ official plaque (a small oblong tablet that was part of the insignia of officials, generally inserted in their belts) hu-sang H J l funeral director (a relative of the deceased who takes on the practical duties involved in the funeral) hui-ko MM cement liner (boards used with a cement made of sand, lime, and soil to protect the coffin) hun-po ifa $, soul cloth (site for the soul during funeral rites before the creation of a spirit tablet) ju-jen M A Lady (honorific title used on ancestral tablets) k'ai-lu shen 1¾ £& ϊρφ god that clears the road (figure carried in funeral procession; not in the Family Rituals) k'an H altar (site in an offering hall for a particular ancestor's tablet) kao-che § ^ intercessor (addresses god of earth during burial rites) k'u 5? to wail (loud lamentations during funeral rituals, often with words) kua-fa J§ § | hemp hair binding (worn by men in untrimmed sackcloth) kuan 53 cap, the capping ceremony kuan-chin 5g rf] head cloth (a kind of head scarf used in the capping ceremony) kung-fu £ flg official robes (worn by officials, specified by rank) kung £ Sir, Venerable kuo 1$ outer coffin 216

GLOSSARY

lan-shan scholar's robe lei to pour a libation list of presents (not in the Family Rituals) li-wu chuang lien-fu refined garmets (mourning garments worn after the completion of a year of mourning by those who owe three years of mourning) ling-ch'uang soul bed (one of the sites for the soul cloth before the burial and creation of a spirit tablet) ling-tso soul seat (one of the sites for the soul cloth before the burial and creation of a spirit tablet) ling-wo soul tent (used at the grave) mai-ti ch'iian mock deeds (buried with the dead; not in the Family Rituals) miao shrine, ancestral shrine ming-ch'igrave goods (models of household objects buried in graves) ming-ching inscribed banner (streamer inscribed with name and title of the deceased, used from death until burial) ming-mu eye cover (used in laying out body) mu duenna (accompanies bride to groom's home) na-cheng presenting the evidence (step in the classical wedding rites, called "presenting the valuables" in the Family Rituals) na-chi presenting the lucky divination (step in the classical wedding rites omitted in the Family Rituals) na-pi presenting the valuables (step in the wedding rites) na-ts'ai presenting the betrothal gift (step in the wedding rites) pao-cliin che marriage guarantor (not in the Family Rituals) pei-tzu jacket (worn by women) pi valuables (gifts from groom's family to bride's) pi-ling piled collar (part of mourning garment) pin sponsor (at capping or pinning ceremonies) p'in-ts'aiwedding present (given by groom's family to bride) p'u-t'ouscarf-cap (common male headgear) sang-chupresiding mourner (generally the eldest son) sang-tz'u mourning station (where mourners sleep) sha shades (decorated boards mounted on poles and carried in funeral processions) shen-chu spirit tablet (locus of ancestral spirits during sacrificial rites) shen-i long garment (male robe, worn for several ceremonies) sheng-fu full attire (varies by status, see chapter 1, no. 1) shih gentleman, scholar, or left romanized shih-che servants shih-cKuang bier shih-ta-fu gentlemen-officials (general term for the men of the educated class, here usually left romanized) shih-tsu first ancestor shou-tieh head band (part of mourning garment) shui-lu hui water and land ceremony (Buddhist ceremony held to aid the souls of the deceased) 217

GLOSSARY

ssu-huo w] % gift recorder (job for someone at a funeral) ssu-ma | g ft fine hemp (lowest grade of mourning, involving obligations for three months) ssu-shu B] ^ letter recorder (job for someone at a funeral) ta-hsiang )ς#£ second sacrifice of good fortune (performed two years after a death) ta-kung X ijj greater processed cloth (grade of mourning garments involving nine months of obligations) ta-lien ^ «& final laying out (wrapping of the body performed two days after the death) ta-tsung kip. greater descent line (the line of eldest sons going back indefinitely to a founding ancestor; in classical theory, the founding ancestor was a younger son of a feudal lord) ta-yii Λ' H catafalque (wooden framework constructed to transport the coffin) tai-k'u ft 3ξ wail by turns fan if (1) peace sacrifice (performed in the twenty-seventh month after the death) (2) postmourning garments (worn after the completion of two years of mourning by those who owe three years) fang Ί : hall ti j$ a royal sacrifice to early ancestors (not in the Family Rituals) ti-tzu 1¾ -ξ- main-line son (son of the wife, not of a concubine) tieh H band (worn by mourners at waist and head) tien ft (1) oblation (food and drink offered by mourners to the deceased) (2) gifts (presented by condolers) (3) pour a libation of wine (pouring it onto the ground) fien-fang ^¾ Heaven's palace (Buddhist paradise) fing-shih ¢, % reception room ts'ai $j5 betrothal gift (presented by groom's family to bride's) tsan