Chronological Problems of the IIIrd Egyptian Dynasty: A Re-examination of the Archaeological Documents 9781407302386, 9781407333908

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
INDEX
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER I. THE ROYAL RELIEFS
CHAPTER II. BET KHALLAF NECROPOLIS
CHAPTER III. THE ROYAL SEAL IMPRESSIONS
CONCLUSIONS
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Citation preview

BAR S1882 2008 INCORDINO: CHRONOLOGICAL PROBLEMS OF THE IIIrd EGYPTIAN DYNASTY

B A R

Chronological Problems rd of the III Egyptian Dynasty A Re-examination of the Archaeological Documents

Ilaria Incordino

BAR International Series 1882 2008

Chronological Problems of the IIIrd Egyptian Dynasty

Chronological Problems rd of the III Egyptian Dynasty A Re-examination of the Archaeological Documents

Ilaria Incordino

BAR International Series 1882 2008

ISBN 9781407302386 paperback ISBN 9781407333908 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407302386 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

INDEX

Introduction

pp. 1-14 The chronological hypotheses Theory “A” Theory “B” Observation on Theory A Observation on Theory B Observation on historical sources The current thesis The research project

Chapter I. The royal reliefs

pp. 15-74

Paragraph 1.1 The royal reliefs of IIIrd dynasty Paragraph 1.2 Provenance of the reliefs 1.2.1 Underground galleries of Djoser complex 1.2.2 The Wadi Maghara (Sinai) Paragraph 1.3 Canon and proportions in royal figure 1.3.1 The guide lines 1.3.2 The grids Paragraph 1.4 Classification of iconographical elements 1.4.1 Crowns 1.4.2 Face details 1.4.3 Weapons and clothes 1.4.4 Standards and shrines Chapter II. Bet Khallaf necropolis

pp. 75-100

Paragraph 2.1 The site Paragraph 2.2 The necropolis 2.2.1 K1 mastaba 2.2.2 The other tombs Paragraph 2.3 Comparison between K1 and the other tombs 2.3.1 Comparison between K1 and the Bet Khallaf tombs 2.3.2 Comparison between K1 and Abido/Saqqara tombs Paragraph 2.4 K1 Theory

I

Chapter III. The royal seal impressions

pp. 101-149

Paragraph 3.1 The seal collection from Bet Khallaf Paragraph 3.2 Text supports Paragraph 3.3 Seal typology Paragraph 3.4 The mentioned institutions Paragraph 3.5 Principal administrative titles 3.5.1 The “Strong of voice” nxt xrw 3.5.2 The “Desert Governor” aD-mr smit

Conclusions

pp. 150-157

Bibliography

pp. 158-175

II

INTRODUCTION

This thesis collects the results of three years of research (2004-2007) for a PhD in Ancient Near East at the Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale”. The principal aim is to analyze some archaeological documents of the third Egyptian dynasty (2649-2575 b. Ch.)1, whose importance for the establishment of a potential chronological sequence of kings was noticed during a preliminary study for the writer’s graduation thesis in 2003. The essence of that text was a complete catalogue of all the royal archaeological remains (vessels, reliefs, statues, funerary monuments, jewels, coffins, stelae, ivory artefacts, rock inscriptions and seals) considered fundamental in order to establish a sequence of kings. In fact, although many studies2 have been carried out in the past on different aspects of the IIIrd dynasty history, there are still many gaps in our knowledge about this period, with the exception of the reign of Djoser (Horus Netjerykhet) and his funerary monument (Step Pyramid at Saqqara). The main problems concerning the third dynasty can be summed up as follows: ¾ the kings’ names mentioned in the historical sources [Palermo Stone Annals (Vth dynasty), King list of Saqqara and Abydos (New Kingdom), Turin Canon (New Kingdom), Manetho’s “Aegyptiaca”3 (IIIrd century b.Ch.)]4 are all different from those observed on the archaeological finds, which probably bear the Horus names while, from the beginning of the fourth dynasty, the sources contain the “nswt

bity” names;

¾ the historical sources also differ about the number of kings, their sequence and their names; ¾ only three royal funerary monuments of the IIIrd dynasty are known (Neterykhet’s Pyramid Complex at Saqqara, Sekhemkhet’s Unfinished Pyramid at 1

The date of the third dynasty is still under debate, as is the whole Thinite Period. The writer has adopted the hypothesis of Mark Lehner, The Complete Pyramids, London, 1997, p. 8. 2 See the most important: Lauer J.P., La pyramide a degres, III vol., Cairo, 1936-1939 ; Z.Goneim, The buried pyramid, London, 1956; C.M.Firth e J.E.Quibell, Step Pyramid, II vol., Cairo, 1936; J. Garstang, Mahashna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901; N.Swelim, Some problems on the history of the Third Egyptian Dynasty, Alexandria, 1983; N.Kloth e U.Zimmermann, Die inschriften der dritten Dynastie, AÄ n.56, 1996; M.Baud, Djoser et la IIIeme dynastie, Paris, 2002. 3 For Manetho’s text it is also necessary to take into consideration the possibly distortion of the ancient Egyptian names in the Greek translation. 4 Redford D.B., Pharaonic king-lists, annals and day-books, Ontario, 1986.

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Saqqara and Khaba’s Layer Pyramid at Zawiyet el-Aryan)5, while at least five Horus names (six if we consider Huni)6 are preserved on the archaeological finds. Only the two Saqqara monuments can be attributed with certainty to their royal occupant7; ¾ today it is not possible to undertake new archaeological excavations at the IIIrd dynasty sites because of military restrictions and political limitations imposed by the Supreme Council of Antiquities8; ¾ the excavation of the principal IIIrd dynasty sites were all conducted at the beginning of the XXth century, and never subsequently resumed9. The only exceptions are the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology10 mission and the National Museum of Scotland Saqqara Survey Project11.

Furthermore, it should be noted that early studies of the IIIrd dynasty focused almost exclusively on the funerary architecture and on the Djoser reign. Moreover, even the most recent historical researches12 have not fully analyzed the archaeological documents of that period. Consequently, a generally accepted sequence of kings has not yet been identified, nor

5

For the Djoser pyramid excavation see: Lauer J.P., La pyramide a degres, III vol., Cairo, 1936-1939. For the Sekhemkhet pyramid see: Z.Goneim, The buried pyramid, London, 1956; for the step pyramid at Zawyiet elAryan see: Barsanti A., Fouilles de Zaouiet el-Aryan (1904-1905-1906) Rapport, in: ASAE, 1907, n.8, pp.201210. 6 The writer has considered in this thesis only the six names of kings present in the archaeological finds of the IIIrd dynasty: Djoser, Sanakht, Sekhmekhet, Khaba, Qahedjet and Huni. 7 The attribution of the Layer Pyramid to Khaba is based only on the presence of this king’s name in the nearby cemetery (see: Arkell A.J., Stone bowls of Kha’ba (Third Dynasty), in: JEA n. 44, 1958, p. 120.). 8 Today the only archaeological mission active in a IIIrd dynasty site is that of the University of Toronto conducted by Dr. Mumford of Toronto University in Sinai (see Chapter I, 1.2.2). 9 There are worth noticing the Barsanti discover of the Layer Pyramid at Zawyiet el-Aryan (vedi Barsanti, op. cit.), the Garstang excavation at Bet Khallaf necropolis (J. Garstang, Mahâsna and Bêt Khallâf, London, 1901), the Wadi Maghara (Sinai) survey of Petrie (Petrie W. M. Fl., Researches in Sinai, London, 1906), the Saqqara Step Pyramid excavation (Lauer, op. cit.) and the discovery of the Sekhemkhet pyramid at Saqqara (Goneim, op. cit.). 10 Since 1987 this mission survey the area west to the Djoser pyramid, where has been found a pit grave necropolis datable to the IIIrd dynasty, according to the pottery findings. This material has not been included in the current project because is not linked with any particular reign of the IIIrd dynasty (see: A. Ćwiek, “The stratigraphy of West Saqqara, preliminary remarks”, in: PAM, 2000, n.11, pp.109-117). 11 Since 1990 this mission have excavated the Gisr el-Moudir enclosure, finding pottery dated to the first phases of the Old Kingdom (not later than the IVth dynasty, see: Mathieson I., “Preliminary report of the National Museums of Scotland Saqqara Survey Project, in: JEA n.79, 1993, pp.17-31). Recently the team of Mathieson has found two great tomb in the surrounding area of the Djoser Step Pyramid, of which one could be considered Imhotep burial place (see: www.archaeogate.it/egittologia). 12 N.Swelim, Some problems on the history of the Third Egyptian Dynasty, Alexandria, 1983; M.Baud, Djoser et la IIIeme dynastie, Paris, 2002.

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has the total length of the dynasty (between 50 and 100 years in the theories advanced so far) been defined13: •

C. Aldred

85 years

•

H. Breasted

80 years (with Sneferw)

•

J. Cerny

60 years (with Khasekhemwy)

•

F. Dumas

115 years

•

E. Drioton, J. Vandier 55 years

•

I. E. S. Edwards

73 years

•

R. Engelback

55 years (with Snofrw)

•

A. Fakhry

100 years

•

H. Frankfort

100 years

•

A. H. Gardiner

80 years

•

W. C. Hayes

100 years

•

W. Helck

74 years

•

H. Kees

•

A. Moret

•

R. Parker

•

A. Piankoff

73 years

•

W. S. Smith

100 years

•

A. P. Weigall

100 years

•

J. A. Wilson

50 years

•

N. Swelim

138 years

•

M. Baud

60 years

49 years 55 years 49 years

The chronological hypotheses The sequence of kings of the IIIrd dynasty is still a matter of debate, starting from the identification of the king’s names, which vary between five and nine in earlier theories14. In

13

For a summary of the suggested hypothesis see: N.Swelim, op. cit., pp. 1-18. Most of the suggested theories present only five or six kings: only Swelim identifies nine royal names (see N. Swelim, Rollsiegel, Pierre de taille and an update on a king and monument list of the Third dynasty, in: Studia Aegyptiaca n.14, 1992, pp. 541-554).

14

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this thesis only the six names of kings present in the IIIrd dynasty archaeological records have been taken into consideration: Netjerykhet (Djoser), Huni, Khaba, Qahedjet, Sanakht and Sekhemkhet. Many doubts still concern the chronological position of Sanakht, Qahedjet15 and Huni, whose names are present only on small finds; on the other hand, the succession Djoser – Sekhemkhet – Khaba, is considered absolutely valid for the first half of the dynasty, mainly because of the evident similarities of their funerary complexes16. Above all, the chronological position of Sanakht has been the subject of much debate which has given rise to two different hypotheses: the first (Theory A) places Sanakht in the second half of the dynasty (as the probable successor of Sekhemkhet or Khaba), and the second (Theory B) considers him to be the predecessor of Djoser and founder of the dynasty. This last theory is not widely accepted by the academic community.

Theory “A” The direct succession between Khasekhemuy (the last king of the IInd Dynasty) and Djoser has been historically proved according to many scholars17. Consequently, the Sanakht reign is placed after Khaba’s18, because the abovementioned architectural similarities of the Djoser, Sekhemkhet and Khaba complexes make this succession hard to deny. The Khasekhemuy – Djoser direct succession is based on three principal elements: ¾ some architectural similarities between the Djoser Step Pyramid Complex (Saqqara) and the Khasekemuy cult enclosure (Shunet el-Zebib, Abydos);

15

Some scholars do not consider his only archaeological document datable to the IIIrd dynasty (stele Louvre Museum E25982), suggesting a more probable datation to the IVth dynasty (see: J.P. Paetznick, L’Horus Qahedjet: un souverain de la 3edynastie?, in: Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, Grenoble, 6-12 Septembre 2004, Leuven – Paris – Dudley, 2007, pp. 1455-1472). 16 The Djoser and Sekhemkhet complexes present both a step pyramid centred in a rectangular enclosure (with a north-south orientation), a serekh decoration and a South Tomb; while the underground galleries of the Sekhemkhet and Khaba pyramids have the same T structure for the storage chambers (see: Lehner M., The Complete Pyramids, London, 1997, pp. 94-95). 17 Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I, in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, p. 165; Helck W., Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, in: ÄA band 45, Wiesbaden, 1987, p.107; Dreyer G., Der erste König der 3. Dynastie, in: H. Guksch, D. Polz (eds.), Stationen R. Stadelmann gewindmet, Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Ägyptens, Mainz, 1998, p.34. 18 Dreyer G., op. Cit., 1998, p. 34.

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¾ the presence of some Djoser seals in Khasekhemuy’s tomb (Tomb V, Umm el Qaab, Abydos); ¾ the

presence

of

the

name

Queen

Nymaathapi

(considered

to

be

Khasekhemuy’s wife and Djoser’s mother) in sites connected to both kings. Architectural similarities Some analogies have been noted between the plans of the funerary monuments of the two sovereigns: the presence of a building almost in the centre of a great rectangular enclosure oriented north-south; the entrance in the south-east corner, the ‘serekh’ decoration of the enclosure. According to supporters of Theory A, these elements prove the direct transition in funerary architecture from a tumulus grave with a cult enclosure to the first step pyramid. In fact the first building phase of the Djoser monument consisted of a quadrangular mastaba (M1)19 almost in the centre of a rectangular enclosure with a ‘serekh’ decoration. Seals During some excavations conducted by the German Institute of Archaeology in the Umm el Qaab necropolis at Abydos, about 20 complete seals and 23 fragments bearing the Horus name of Djoser were found in the underground section of Khasekhemuy’s tomb20. Other five Djoser seals have been found in the Khasekhemuy’s enclosure at Shunet elZebib21. These inscriptions, found in the nine northern chambers of Tomb V belonging to Khasekemuy, clearly indicate that Djoser was the direct successor of the last king of the IInd dynasty, as had also been claimed by Kaplony22. Nimaathapi This chronological sequence would be confirmed also by some seals bearing the name of Queen Nimaathapi, discovered in Khasekhemuy’s tomb (chambers no. 45-46) and in the K1 mastaba of Bet Khallaf (dated to the early IIIrd dynasty thanks to the Djoser serekh found

19

Lehner M., op. cit., p. 84. G. Dreyer, U. Hartung, T. Hikade, E. C. Köhler, V. Müller, F. Pumpenmeier, Umm el Qaab. Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königsfriedhof 9./10. Vorbeit, in: MDAIK n. 54, 1998, pp. 77 – 167. 21 Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, Wiesbaden, 1999, pp. 10-13. 22 Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I, in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, p. 165. 20

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there). Impressed on these seals are the titles: “Mother the king’s sons” (mwt and “Mother of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt” (mwt

msw nswt)

nswt bity) ; for this reason

Nymaathapi can be regarded as Khasekhemuy’s wife and the mother of his direct successor Djoser23. Theory “B” The following elements are evidence of the existence of at least one sovereign before Djoser, as suggested above all by Swelim24: ¾ the presence of the name ‘Nebka’ before Djoser in almost all the historical sources (except for Manetho’s list which refers to ‘Necherophes’); ¾ the many structural and symbolic differences between Khasekhemuy’s enclosure and the Djoser pyramid, an evolution which cannot be the result of a single generation; ¾ the existence of some great rectangular enclosures which may fill the gap in the development of royal funerary architecture between the late IInd and early IIIrd dynasty. The possibility of a reign preceding that of Djoser seems confirmed by the reference to a king named Nebka in almost all the historical sources, as his predecessor. In fact, Djoser could not have been the founder of the IIIrd dynasty, even though his name is written with red ink in the Turin Canon (a list of kings dating from the reign of Ramses II). This papyrus is not divided into dynasties, which were introduced by Manetho (a priest of the first half of the IIIrd century B.Ch.), but presents a long list of 40 kings of the first five dynasties, probably of common Memphite origin25. The red ink probably indicate how closely Djoser was connected to the ancient history of Egypt, not only for his Step Pyramid at Saqqara, but also because he was deified during the XIIth dynasty together with Imhotep, another important character of the period.

23

W. Helck, E. Otto, Lexikon der Ägyptologie, Wiesbaden, 1992, band IV, p. 508. N.Swelim, Some problems on the history of the Third Egyptian Dynasty, Alexandria, 1983. 25 M.Baud, Djoser et la IIIeme dynastie, Paris, 2002, p. 52. 24

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A hypothesis for the identification of Nebka with a Horus name identified in the archaeological documents of the IIIrd dynasty was suggested by Sethe26, after the analysis of a Sanakht seal found in the K2 mastaba of Bet Khallaf27. The seal impression shows a possible fragment of cartouche next to the Sanakht serekh, where Sethe read the name ‘Nebka’. This association has never been questioned, except for the fact that it would seem to prove that the cartouche was in use before the IVth dynasty, even if this is an isolated case28. Moreover, the supporters of Theory B believe that there must have been an transitional period between Khasekemuy’s reign and Djoser’s in order to allow the gradual development of the royal funerary architecture up to the creation of the first pyramid in Egyptian history. This idea is supported above all by Swelim, who believes that this preparation phase might have lasted for some decades, during which time he propose the presence of four reigns (Horus Khaba, Ba, Sa, and Sanakht)29. But Emery30, Maragioglio and Rinaldi31 and Lauer32 also found it hard to believe that the enormous architectural and symbolic differences between Khasekhemuy’s monument and Djoser’s were the result of a single generation. Swelim, in particular, tried to imagine some buildings that might fill this gap, and to demonstrate that they were constructed by the same generation of workers as the other IIIrd dynasty buildings33. These monuments are great rectangular enclosures (Hierakonpolis enclosure, Gisr elMoudir, Ptahhotep and ed-Deir enclosures) that do not yet have a precise chronological collocation in the history of the Old Kingdom, but which represent the missing link between the cult enclosures of Abydos and the Step Pyramid of Djoser, according to Swelim34.

26

J. Garstang, Mahashna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, pp.19-27. Seals today kept at the Oriental Institut of Liverpool (OI 5251), see: J. Garstang, op. cit., pl. XIX.7 and Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, Wiesbaden, 1999, pp.142-143. 28 According to Seidlmayer, instead, the presence of the cartouche splits the chronological position of Sanakht at the end of the IIIrd dynasty (S. J. Seidlmayer, Town and state in the Early Old Kingdom. A view from Elephantine, in: Aspects of early Egypt, ed. J.Spencer, British Museum Press, 1996, pp.120-121). 29 N. Swelim, Rollsiegel, Pierre de taille and an update on a king and monument list of the Third dynasty, in Studia Aegyptiaca n.14, Budapest, 1992, pp.549. 30 W.B. Emery, Archaic Egypt, Great Britain, 1963, p. 102. 31 Paper never published quoted by Swelim in: Swelim N., Some problems on the history of the Third Dynasty, Alexandria, 1983, pp. 14-15. 32 Lauer J.P., Evolution de la tombe royale egyptienne jusqu’à la Piramide à degrees, in: MDAIK n. 15, 1957, p. 165. 33 N. Swelim, Some problems on the history of the Third Dynasty, Alexandria, 1983, pp.19-41. 34 N. Swelim, Some remarks on the Great Rectangular Monuments of Middle Saqqara, in: MDAIK 1991, band 47, pp.389-402. As regards the cult enclosures, see also: D. O’Connor, New funerary enclosures (Talbezirke) of the Early Dynastic period at Abydos, in: JARCE n.26, 1989, pp.51-86. 27

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Some observations on Theory A

The elements supporting the direct succession between Khasekhemuy and Djoser are, in the opinion of the writer, liable to some observations. As regards the architectural elements that Khasekhemuy’s enclosure and the Step Pyramid of Djoser are said to have in common, it has to be proved that they have the same function within the two different complexes. In fact, although there is a still unidentified building inside Khasekhemuy’s enclosure, this did not represent the king’s burial place (as did Djoser’s pyramid), which was actually more than one kilometre away (Tomb V, Umm el Qaab necropolis). Furthermore Khasekhemuy’s tomb clearly adheres to the typical architectural pattern of the Thinite necropolis of Abydos, with a complex underground structure (1,72 m. deep) but with a simple tumulus and a reed structure above the ground (which is why only scanty remains have survived). On the other hand, the first building phase of Djoser’s pyramid already included a massive stone mastaba (63x63x8 m.) with underground galleries more than 28 m deep. Secondly, the presence of Djoser seals in the Khasekhemuy tomb doesn’t prove with any certainty a direct succession between the two kings35. Moreover, many elements indicate that Djoser had a strong desire to establish a tie with all his royal ancestors, and not only with his direct forerunner, as demonstrated for example by the presence of almost all the royal names of the first two dynasties and by the picture of baboons (royal predecessors 36) in the underground Djoser panels at Saqqara. In the seal impression analysis, however, no particular element was noted which supported the direct succession between Khasekhemuy and Djoser, because the inscriptions are rather fragmentary and show the usual offering formula dedicated by a king to his royal predecessor or court official37. In some instances, it is even doubtful whether the seals can be attributed to Djoser, because the royal name is not always clearly readable. Thirdly, the presence of the Queen Nymaathapi seals at sites connected to both sovereigns (Khasekhemuy’s tomb at Abydos and the K1 mastaba at Bet Khallaf) is not sufficient evidence to support their direct succession, mainly because the interpretation of the

35

An example could be the presence of Peribsen name in K1 mastaba at Bet Khallaf, in which also Djoser name have been found. 36 Friedman F.D., The underground relief panels of king Djoser at the Step Pyramid Complex, in: JARCE n. 32, 1995, p.25. 37 Seals with the name Djoser have also been found in some private mastabas of Saqqara (S2405 Hesy-Ra).

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queen titles is far from clear38, so it is not enough to indicate Nymaathapi’s role as Khasekhemuy’s wife and Djoser’s mother39. But even considering this hypothesis as valid, it seems unusual to find a reference to the ‘Mother of a King of Upper and Lower Egypt’ (mwt

nswt bity) only in a private tomb

(the K1 mastaba at Bet Khallaf) and not in the funerary complex of her alleged son (Step Pyramid of Djoser)40. Finally, the direct succession of Khasekhemuy and Djoser would establish the reign of Sanakht in the second half of the IIIrd dynasty, as the direct predecessor of Qahedjet. But this theory contradicts the clear similarity between the archaeological records of Sanakht and the tradition of the Archaic Period, above all in the patterns of royal representation and in the form and content of the seal impressions, which are very different from the material dating from Qahedjet or Huni41 and the IVth dynasty. Observations on Theory B This hypothesis is almost completely in agreement with the writer’s ideas, above all regarding the presence of Nebka in the historical sources as Djoser’s predecessor and the above-mentioned objections to the direct succession Khasekhemuy – Djoser. The only doubtful element in theory B is, in the writer’s opinion, the identification of four reigns (for a total length of 62 years) preceding Djoser, to which are attributed four rectangular enclosures as funerary monuments42. In fact, although this suggestion has been useful in focusing the attention of scholars on the still uncertain dating of these monuments, it is not supported by concrete evidence attributing these buildings to Khaba, Sa, Ba and Sanakht. Furthermore, for at least two enclosures there is no evidence of the presence of structures at their centre43, so it cannot be demonstrated with certainty that they are part of the

38

See Chapter III, 3.4. W. Helck W., Otto E., Lexikon der Ägyptologie, Wiesbaden, 1992, band IV, pp. 507. 40 The attribution to Nymaathapi of a statue basement found in the jubilee court of Djoser (see: Helck W., Ni – Maat- Hap in: LÄ , Wiesbaden, 1992, band IV, 1992, pp. 507-508) seems not to have been supported by concrete evidence. 41 See conclusion of Chapter I and III. 42 N. Swelim, Rollsiegel, Pierre de taille and an update on a king and monument list of the Third dynasty, in Studia Aegyptiaca n.14, Budapest, 1992, pp. 550-551. 43 The Gisr el-Moudir and Ptahhotep enclosures at Saqqara, in fact, do not show any traces of buildings at their centre (as regards the Gisr el-Moudir see: I. Mathieson, A. Tavares, The National Museums of Scotland Saqqara Survey Project, Earth Science 1990-1998, in: JEA n.85, 1999, pp.21-43; for the Ptahhotep enclosure see: N.Swelim, Some problems on the history of the Third Dynasty, Alexandria, 1983, pp. 33-35). 39

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royal architectural sequence leading from the Khasekhemuy enclosure to the Djoser Step Pyramid. Finally, a period of 62 years would seem to be too long for this architectural development, considering that the first Egyptian pyramid was designed during a single reign.

Some observations on the historical sources The traditional historical sources examined during this research, which bear different information connected to the IIIrd dynasty, are: Turin Canon, King List of Abydos, Manetho ‘Aegyptiaca’, King List of Saqqara, Westcar Papyrus and the Palermo Stone. The first three record the chronological sequence Nebka (Sanakht)-Djoser, while as regards the Palermo Stone, some interpretation doubts still concern the Vth register recto, which lists six regnal years of a sovereign not yet identified with certainty. According to Helck44, he could be Nebka, confirming the information derived from the other historical sources, while according to some supporters of the direct succession between Khasekhemwy and Djoser, the king could be Khasekhemwy, also because in this section the text records the creation of a statue called ‘High is Khasekhemwy’45. Notwithstanding the fact that this register is incomplete, the abandonment of the old dating system based on the periodic census (in favour of the recording of important reign events, such as the erection of a building called mn

nTr) could date the entire register to the

IIIrd dynasty46, and so confirm the sequence Nebka-Djoser. Instead, the King List of Saqqara, found in a private Ramesside tomb, doesn’t mention any sovereign between Khasekhemwy and Djoser, but it’s worth noticing that between the two names is present a lacuna. Finally, in the Westcar Papyrus are mentioned the reigns of Djoser, Nebka, Snefrw and Khufu in this order, as setting for the accounts collected, so this narrative sequence has been considered an evidence to support the chronological position of Sanakht as follower of

44

Helck W., Untersuchungen zu Manetho und den Ägyptischen Königlisten, Berlin, 1956, p. 80. Wilkinson T.A.H., Royal annals of ancient Egypt, London & New York, 2000, p. 130-139. 46 According to the majority of the scholars, in fact, the record of important regnal event would be in use only during the Ist and IIIrd dynasty, while in the IInd and from the IVth onwards the periodic census would be preferred as dating system (Wilkinson T., op. cit., p. 131). Notwithstanding this, the supporters of the direct succession between Khasekhemwy and Djoser suggest that already at the end of the IInd dynasty this new dating system connected to the important historical events could be used. 45

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Djoser. But Westcar Papyrus is a literary work without annalistic purpose47, so this sequence cannot be considered historically valid48. Consequently, almost all the quoted sources record the existence of Nebka reign before Djoser, although some scholars still support the position of Djoser as founder of the dynasty, not trusting the Ramesside sources, from which Manetho would derived wrong historical information49, and ignoring completely the evidence from the Palermo Stone, even with all its interpretation doubts. The current thesis The following chronological sequence, already suggested in the writer’ graduation thesis, represents the real core of the PhD research activity, and is characterized by the position of Sanakht at the beginning of the IIIrd dynasty and by the presence of six kings: •

Horus Sanakht

•

Horus Netjerykhet (Djoser)

•

Horus Sekhemkhet

•

Horus Khaba

•

Horus Qahedjet

•

(Horus?) Huni

This hypothesis derives from the above observations on Theories A and B, but also from other observations resulting from the preliminary analysis conducted on the archaeological records of the IIIrd dynasty. In particular, it is important to underline the strong chronological link between Sanakht and Djoser, demonstrated by the presence of both royal names, as the only examples of the IIIrd dynasty, in sites at Saqqara and Bet Khallaf. In this latter cemetery the occurrence of both names is particularly significant, considering the dating of the site to the early IIIrd dynasty for the other royal names found there (Peribsen, Nymaathapi) and for the architectural characteristics of the mastabas50.

47

As regards a complete analysis of the Westcar Papyrus, see: Barocas C., Les contes du papyrus Westcar, in: Akten des vierten internationalen Ägyptologischen Kongresses München, Hamburg, 1985, pp. 121-129. 48 Wildung D., Die Rolle agyptischen Konige im Bewusstisein ihren Nechwelt, Berlin, 1969, p. 56. 49 Baud M., Djeser et la IIIe dinastie, Paris, 2002, p. 69. 50 See Chapter II about the Bet Khallaf necropolis.

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Its proximity to the royal necropolis of Abydos and some similarity of the funerary equipment tend to mark other links between Sanakht, Djoser and the first two dynasty kings. In the same way, the Sanakht seal impressions found inside the Djoser funerary complex at Saqqara51 are important as a unique instance of a IIIrd dynasty king in the corpus of inscribed objects in the Step Pyramid. Although the seals were found in a deposit inside the funerary temple, (accessible even after Djoser’s death), it may be possible that Sanakht was one of Djoser’s royal predecessors, whose names are inscribed on offering vessels included in his funerary equipment. Moreover, the Sanakht and Djoser archaeological evidence from the mining region of Sinai seems to be very connected one another: on the slopes of Gebel Maghara the rock reliefs of the two kings (two for Sanakht and one for Djoser) are located a few metres away from each other, at a height of about 50 m. The other two rock reliefs at the site dating from the IIIrd dynasty (belonging to Sekhemkhet) are 75 m. higher52. Nonetheless, some scholars still consider Sanakht to be a successor of Djoser, even if ‘it would be logical to place him before’, as claimed by Swelim53.

The research project The PhD project was focused on the research for more evidence to support the chronological position of Sanakht as the predecessor of Djoser. Considering the earlier studies of the historical sources and the development of the royal funerary architecture, and in view of the impossibility of conducting new excavations at the most important historical sites of the IIIrd dynasty, the research has concentrated on the following archaeological finds: ¾ twelve royal reliefs (six panels, five rock reliefs and a stele); ¾ the seals collection from Bet Khallaf necropolis; ¾ K1 mastaba at Bet Khallaf.

51

See: Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, Wiesbaden, 1999, pp. 148-151 and C.M.Firth, J.E.Quibell, Step Pyramid, Cairo, 1936, vol.I, pp.141, fig. 18. 52 See Chapter I about the iconographical material, pp. 49-53. 53 N. Swelim, op. cit., pp. 545.

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A large part of this material is still unpublished today, nor is it the subject of close study. For this reason it has been chosen by the writer as the starting point of the research project, which includes methods of analysis already known to scholars. A year of research and a chapter in this thesis was devoted to each group, creating a complete database of all the technical data and digital reproductions resulting from the direct analysis of the archaeological records. The choice of the royal reliefs as the subject of the study was motivated above all by the fact that they show four of the six known kings of the dynasty (Sanakht, Djoser, Sekhemkhet and Qahedjet) and therefore are of great value in clarifying the chronological sequence of sovereigns. The methods of analysis used for the study of the reliefs are in part based on Gay Robins’ work on royal figures proportions54 and on Nadine Cherpion’s study of the dating criteria derived from the iconographical class elements55. The research by Gay Robins underlined that there was no set canon for the representation of the king56, but only some indications in order to draw the sovereign in proportion: these were the guide lines of the Old Kingdom and the grid of the Middle Kingdom57. Moreover, the scholar noted that these indications were not always present in the royal reliefs and that they underwent changes over the centuries, making it impossible to determine a single pattern for the representation of kings which is valid for the whole of Egyptian history. However, these indications were used by Gay Robins for the study of the Old Kingdom royal reliefs (and by the writer for those of the IIIrd dynasty) in order to verify at least the existence of some kind of standard for the king figures, indicative of the pharaoh ideology of that period. Cherpion’s work, on the other hand, was focused on some Old Kingdom mastabas that could not be dated with more precision. The funerary scenes of the tombs were divided into single iconographical elements, which were compared according to the various executions. In this way, the scholar was able to identify the development of the representation of each element, which was also useful in establishing the chronological sequence of the mastabas from which the scenes come.

54

Robins G., “Proportions and style in ancient Egyptian art” , London, 1994. N.Cherpion, “Mastabas et hypogees d’Ancien Empire. Le probleme de la datation”, Bruxelles, 1989. 56 This existence has been suggested, instead, by Erik Iversen (Canon and Proportions in Egyptian Art, Warminster, 1975). 57 Both systems have been found on the outer layer of painting of some funerary monuments. 55

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This method, which may recall the Petrie sequence dating, was applied in this research for the analysis of the reliefs, using the iconographical elements as clue to a possible sequence of kings. On the other hand, the IIIrd dynasty seals were the subject of a preliminary survey which involved both the inscriptions and the supports. Subsequently, the principal royal institutions and the most important religious and administrative titles were identified, of which every reference to the Old Kingdom was recorded, thus creating a complete database. After that some titles, probably introduced during the IIIrd dynasty, were selected and analyzed to determine their original administrative function. The seals collection from Bet Khallaf was chosen because it represents the richest textual corpus of the IIIrd dynasty and its analysis may help to establish not only the chronological sequence of kings but also the administrative organization for that period. In this research project a particular attention has been focused on the Bet Khallaf site, the importance of which for this study is connected above all to the fact that it dates from the early IIIrd dynasty, and this is fundamental in order to shed light on the kings’ succession. In 2007, the writer surveyed the site to check the state of preservation of the necropolis. This direct observation was conducted in particular at the K1 mastaba, the largest and best preserved tomb at the site, with the identification of the principal architectural characteristics. This PhD thesis has been divided into three chapters: the first dedicated to the iconographical analysis of the royal reliefs of the IIIrd dynasty; the second to the Bet Khallaf necropolis, with particular attention to the architectural analysis of the burial places, and the last chapter has been focused on the textual analysis of the seal impressions found in that necropolis.

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CHAPTER I. THE ROYAL RELIEFS

1.1

Royal reliefs of the IIIrd dynasty The royal iconographical material of the IIIrd dynasty consists of twelve reliefs,

representing four of the six kings of the period1: Sanakht, Djoser, Sekhemkhet and Qahedjet. The first phase of the research activity was focused on the acquisition of the digital reproduction and the technical data of the twelve reliefs, today kept in different museums and sites: ¾ Rock relief of Horus Sanakht from Wadi Maghara (Sinai) kept in Cairo Museum (CG57101); ¾ Rock relief of Horus Sanakht from Wadi Maghara (Sinai) kept in the British Museum (BM691); ¾ Six reliefs of Djoser still in situ in the underground galleries of his funerary complex at Saqqara; ¾ Squeeze of the Djoser rock relief from Wadi Maghara (Sinai ), kept in the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan of the British Museum; ¾ Two rock reliefs of Horus Sekhemkhet still in situ on the slopes of Gebel Maghara (Sinai); ¾ Stele of Horus Qahedjet of unknown provenance kept in the Louvre Museum (E25982).

1

There are no scene representing the other two IIIrd dynasty kings, Khaba ed Huni, which names are preserved in the archaeological documents.

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Relief 1: rock relief of Sanakht

Provenance: Wadi Maghara (Sinai) Modern location: Cairo Museum (CG57101) Technical data: Red sandstone, 85x76 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 150-151. • Gardiner A.G., Peet T.E., Inscriptions of Sinai second edition revised by J. Cerny, Oxford, 1955, vol.2, pp. 54-55. • Porter B., Moss R., Topographical bibliography of ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic test, reliefs and paintings, Vol. VII Nubia, the Deserts and Outside Egypt, 1974, pp. 340-341. • Smith W.S., A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp. 132-133. • Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II. Les epoques des formation, Paris, 1952, p. 955. The king is depicted standing in front of the Horus of Hierakonpolis shrine, on which the Horus falcon is perched. Between Sanakht and the shrine there is the Wpwawt standard, the hieroglyphic

aHa (‘stop’), and the king’s serekh. The sovereign is wearing a short tunic

with the bull’s tail, the White Crown, and is holding the mace in his right.

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mks staff in his left hand and the

The scene is inside a frame and in ancient times marked the entrance to the turquoise mine at a height of 50 m. on the slopes of Gebel Maghara (Sinai). The two long cracks running across the relief were probably caused by the transportation of the relief to the Cairo Museum2 and by the new mining activity at the end of the XIXth century3. From this direct observation some difference can be seen between the original and the drawings made at the beginning of the XXth century4.

Sanakht relief (Petrie, 1906)

Sanakht relief (Gardiner, 1954)

In particular, is clear the wrong rendering of the staff hold by the king in his right hand, which presents in the relief a protuberance at the centre, not marked in the XXth century drawings, characteristic of the mks staff.

2

Borchardt L., Ein Bildhauermodell aus dem frühen alten Reich, in ASAE n.28, 1928, pp. 49-50. Petrie W.M.Fl., “Researches in Sinai”, London, 1906, pp. 42-43. 4 See the IIIrd dynasty reliefs copies in : W. M. Fl. Petrie, op. cit., pl. 49 ed in: Gardiner A. e Peet T.E., Inscriptions of Sinai, second edition revised by J.Cerny, Oxford, 1955, vol. I, pl. 3. 3

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Relief 2: rock relief of Sanakht

Provenance: Wadi Maghara (Sinai) Modern location: British Museum Londra (BM691) Technical data: Red sandstone, 33x47 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 150-151. • Gardiner A.G., Peet T.E., Inscriptions of Sinai second edition revised by J. Cerny, Oxford,1955, vol.2, p. 56. • Porter B., Moss R., Topographical bibliography of ancient Egyptian hieroglyphictest, reliefs and Paintings. Vol. VII Nubia, the Deserts and Outside Egypt, 1974, pp. 340-341. • Smith W.S., A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp. 132-133. • Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II. Les époques des formation, Paris, 1952, p. 955. Fragment of a rock relief showing the scene of the king smiting the enemy, in which only the upper half of the king’s figure is visible. Sanakht is wearing the White Crown and is holding the enemy by the hair with his left hand, together with the mks staff. The sovereign’s serekh is present at the centre of the scene, and to the right there is the Wpwawet standard and part of the word mfkt ‘turquoise’. Probably this relief was close to the previous one attributed to Sanakht and fell from the slopes of Gebel Maghara as a result of the renewal of mining activity at the beginning of the

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XXth century5. Some differences between the original relief and the XXth century drawings were observed also in this second Sanakht scene, especially in the reproduction of the king’s face.

Drawing of the Sanakht relief (Gardiner 1954). In fact, after an accurate analysis it was noted that the king’s mouth is thinner (regrettably, the nose is chipped), the eye does not present the double outline but is only roughly drawn, the line connecting the base of the nose and the corner of the mouth is not present in the XXth drawings and the ear is only roughly drawn with a small hole in the centre, which is not shown in the drawings.

5

Petrie W. M. Fl.,op. Cit., p. 43.

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Relief 3: northern panel PU6 of Djoser

Provenance: Saqqara, Djoser complex Modern location: galleries east to the funerary pit Technical data: Limestone, 145x 55 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 52-53. • Friedman F.D., The underground relief panels of King Djoser at the Step Pyramid Complex, in: JARCE, n. 32, 1995, pp. 1-42. • Smith W.S., A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp. 132-133. • Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II. Les époques des formation, Paris, 1952, pp. 887-889, 917-919.

The pharaoh is standing in front of the

pr-wr

shrine of Behedety, preceded by the

Wpwawt and the royal placenta standards. Djoser is wearing the short tunic, the White Crown, the bull’s tail, the false beard and a dagger in his belt.

6

PU: Pyramid underground galleries. This naming follow the division of Djoser panels in two groups (PU: pyramid underground galleries and STU: South Tomb underground galleries) from: Friedman F.D., The underground relief panels of King Djoser at the Step Pyramid Complex, in: JARCE, n. 32, 1995, pp. 1-42.

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He is holding the mace in his left hand and the mks staff in the other. Above his head there is the Horus falcon with the Sn ring, symbol of protection, and an anx holding the fan which gives new life to the king.

wAs

In the lower right hand corner there is a cylindrical seals and

mdnb

symbols with

Sn

symbol holding a scorpion with two

rings, which probably symbolize the

boundaries of the sky.

The scene represents a royal jubilee ritual, during which the king symbolically visits the most important Egyptian shrines.

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Relief 4: middle panel PU of Djoser

Provenance: Saqqara, Djoser complex Modern location: galleries east to the funerary pit Technical data: Limestone, 155x 55 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 50-51. • Friedman F.D., The underground relief panels of King Djoser at the Step Pyramid Complex, in: JARCE n.32, 1995, pp-1-42. • Smith W.S., A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp. 132-133. • Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II. Les époques des formation, Paris, 1952, pp. 887-889, 917-919.

The pharaoh is depicted during the ritual jubilee running race wearing just a short kilt, the White Crown, the fake beard and the bull’s tail. In his right hand he is holding the flail and in the left a small object symbolizing, according to the Friedman, his right of possession to the country. Close to his foot there are the

dnbw

stone boundaries (also present in the

Great Court of the Step Pyramid), between which the king is symbolically running in order to claim his right to the possession of Egypt.

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To the left a wAs sceptre is holding the Wpwawt standard and there is also depicted the

@D-wrw shrine, a place in which the king receives power from his great royal ancestors, here represented by a baboon.

Above the king’s serekh there is a falcon with a

Sn ring, an anX and a wAs sceptre

holding the fans which give new life to the sovereign. Below these are depicted two symbols with Sn rings, that may represent the boundaries of the sky.

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mdnb

Relief 5: southern panel PU of Djoser

Provenance: Saqqara, Djoser complex Modern location: galleries east to the funerary pit Technical data: Limestone, 145x 55 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 50-51. • Friedman F.D., The underground relief panels of King Djoser at the Step Pyramid Complex, in: JARCE n.32, 1995, pp-1-42. • Smith W.S., A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp. 132-133. • Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II. Les époques des formation, Paris, 1952, pp. 887-889, 917-919.

Fragmentary panel in which the king is running during the jubilee ritual. Although the head is missing, it can be seen that he is wearing only the pelvic sheath and the false beard, while he is holding the flail and the deeds of ownership to Egypt. To one side of the central scene can be seen the dnbw stones, the Wpwawt standard and an unclear inscription: [mst]

Hr qnbt (?) rs imnt (‘to be born on the south-west corner of the wall’) in which there is a probable reference to the south-west corner of the Great Court.

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The representation of the Horus falcon, the

anX, the wAs sceptre and the two symbols

marking the boundaries of the sky, is similar to that of the preceding panels, but here the king’s serekh is missing because of the poor state of preservation of the panel.

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Relief 6: northern panel STU7 of Djoser

Provenance: Saqqara, Djoser complex Modern location: underground galleries of South Tomb Technical data: Limestone, 110x 55 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 50-51. • Friedman F.D., The underground relief panels of King Djoser at the Step Pyramid Complex, in: JARCE n.32, 1995, pp-1-42. • Smith W.S., A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp. 132-133. • Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II. Les époques des formation, Paris, 1952, pp. 887-889, 917-919.

Djoser is depicted during the jubilee ritual running race, wearing only the pelvic sheath, the false beard and the White Crown. He is holding the flail and the deeds of ownership to Egypt. The Behedety Horus falcon is above him and is holding the

anx symbol. The Horus

above the serekh is wearing the Double Crown, while the Wpwawt standard is lifted off the

7

STU: South Tomb Underground galleries.

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ground without any support. There are the stone

dnbw, the symbols probably showing the

boundaries of the sky, the anx and the wAs sceptre holding fans.

The inscription probably refers to a dedication or creation of a king statue for the royal jubilee: ms

Hr qnbt (?) imnt rs (‘to be born on the south-west corner of the wall’).

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Relief 7: middle panel STU of Djoser

Provenance: Saqqara, Djoser complex Modern location: South Tomb underground galleries Technical data: Limestone, 110x 55 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 50-51. • Friedman F.D., The underground relief panels of King Djoser at the Step Pyramid Complex, in: JARCE n.32, 1995, pp-1-42. • Smith W.S., A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp. 132-133. • Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II. Les époques des formation, Paris, 1952, pp. 887-889, 917-919. The king is standing in front of the Letopolis Horus shrine (12 km. north-west of Cairo), the only Lower Egypt building depicted in the Djoser panels. The pharaoh is wearing the short tunic, the Red Crown and the bull’s tail and he is holding the staff and the mace. In front of him there is the serekh, with a falcon wearing the White Crown, while the Wpwawt standard is stuck into the ground. To the right of the king the Horus falcon is holding the Sn

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ring, while the

anx and wAs symbols are holding

lotus sheet fans, to indicate the number

thousand, possibly used here to represent the coronation to infinity.

There is also a Sn symbol holding a scorpion and the symbols representing probably the sky’s boundaries, but the dnbw are missing.

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Relief 8: souther panel STU of Djoser

Provenance: Saqqara, Djoser complex Modern location: South Tomb underground galleries Technical data: Limestone, 110x 55 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 50-51. • Friedman F.D., The underground relief panels of King Djoser at the Step Pyramid Complex, in: JARCE n.32, 1995, pp-1-42. • Smith W.S., A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp. 132-133. • Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II. Les époques des formation, Paris, 1952, pp. 887-889, 917-919.

The king is standing in front of the Upper Egypt

pr-wr shrine (traditional coronation

site), with the short tunic, the White Crown, the bull’s tail and the false beard. He is holding the staff and the mace.

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The Wpwawt and the royal placenta standards are in the ground in front of him, while the falcon perched above the serekh is not wearing a crown.

To the right there is the Horus falcon holding an

anx, the wAs sceptre and the anx

with fans, and the two symbols which probably represent the sky boundary, while the dnbw are missing, as in all the Djoser panels in which the king is not running.

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Relief 9: squeeze of the rock relief of Djoser8

Provenance: Wadi Maghara (Sinai) Modern location: Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan (British Museum London) Technical data: squeeze n. 11, 49x 63 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 120-121. • Gardiner A.G., Peet T.E., Inscriptions of Sinai second edition revised by J. Cerny, Oxford, 1955, vol.2, pp.54-55. • Smith W.S., A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp. 132. • Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II. Les époques des formation, Paris, 1952, pp. 887-889, 917-919.

Unfortunately, the original Djoser rock relief is missing probably because of the mining activity in the XXth century, but it was maybe still in situ at the time of the Petrie expedition in Sinai9. Today the original scene is shown only by this squeeze, made in the first half of the XIXth century by the English explorer MacDonald, and kept today at the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan of the British Museum10.

8

For a greater clearness, here has been showed only the squeeze section depicting Djoser smiting his enemy, with a reconstruction of the scene. 9 Petrie W. M. Fl., op. cit., p. 44. 10 In the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan of the British Museum are kept also the other eight squeezes made by MacDonald, in which are represented all the royal rock reliefs of IIIrd dynasty from Wadi Maghara.

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The squeeze depicts only the right half of the original scene, in which the king is smiting the enemy, with his serekh and an inscription:

di wAs Dd anx Awt ib Dt

(‘endowed with power, stability, life and joy for ever’).

Drawing of the entire rock relief of Djoser (in black the section preserved on the squeeze).

The female figure standing on the left is not present in the squeeze, and nor are the expedition officers with their titles (of which here is reported the transliteration and translation of Zimmermann):

aD mr smit anx-n.t, imy-r mSa, wpwt nsw, [...Hat-

sp] t.f n.f m Dw pn [...] ms nbt pr [...] @ni(?) mDH nsw Mry-ib, […]; “Desert governor Ankhenity, king’s expedition general, […] in the year (?), what was given to him by this mountain in minerals (?) […] born of the lady of the house […], Heny, the king’s carpenter, Meryb […]”, located originally to the left of the scene where the king is smiting the enemy.

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Relief 10: rock relief of Sekhemkhet

Provenance: Wadi Maghara (Sinai) Modern location: Wadi Maghara (Sinai) Technical data: Red sandstone, 350x 62 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 136-137. • Gardiner A.G., Peet T.E., Inscriptions of Sinai second edition revised by J. Cerny, Oxford,1955, vol.2, p.52. • Smith W.S., A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp. 132. • Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II. Les époques des formation, Paris, 1952, pp. 887-889, 917-919.

This scene is located at a height of 133 m. on the slopes of Gebel Maghara, and shows three figures of the king depicted while smiting an enemy wearing the White Crown, and standing (twice) with the royal insignia first with the Red Crown and then with the White Crown.

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Originally there were two serekhs to the right of the first and third royal figure, but today they are missing and two large holes remain as evidence of their probably theft.

To the right there is depicted the expedition officer, holding an arrow in his left hand and surmounted by his titles: HAtya (i)m(y)-r

Xt nsw

mSa smr xtm(ty) nsw smsw ist sA

(“Prince, General, friend, King’s sealbearer, supervisor of the stores, son of the

king’s body”).

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Relief 11: rock relief of Sekhemkhet

Provenance: Wadi Maghara (Sinai) Modern location: Wadi Maghara (Sinai) Technical data: Red sandstone, 350x 62 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 136-137. • Gardiner A.G., Peet T.E., Inscriptions of Sinai second edition revised by J. Cerny, Oxford,1955, vol.2, pp. 52-53. • Smith W.S., A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp. 132-133. • Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II. Les époques des formation, Paris, 1952, p. 955. • Giveon R., A second relief of Sekhemkhet in Sinai, in Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research (BASOR) n.216, December 1974, pp.1720. Second rock relief of Sekhemkhet, situated 35 m. further north than the former, showing the same scene (three figures of the king, one smiting the enemy and two standing, and an officer). The principal difference between this relief and the preceding one is the collocation of figures at various heights, deriving probably from the existence of a deep crack in the rock. For this reason this second scene was considered to be a poor first attempt to depict the royal scene, later reproduced lower down on the slopes of Gebel Maghara. It is unlikely that this relief was ever finished because the surface is not smoothed down and the inscriptions (identical to those of the former relief) are only sketched.

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Relief 12: Stele of Qahedjet

Provenance: unknown Modern location: Louvre Museum (E25982) Technical data: Limestone, 50,5x31,3 cm. Bibliography: • Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56 ,1995, Wiesbaden, pp. 164-165. • Vandier J., Una stele egyptienne portant un nouveau nom royal de la troisieme dynastie in: CRAIBL 1968, pp.16-22. • Swelim N., Rollsiegel, Pierre de taille and an update on a king and monument list of the Third dynasty, in Studia Aegyptiaca n.14, 1992, pp. 541554. Stele portraying the god Horus embracing the king, who is wearing the White Crown, the short tunic, the belt with a dagger, the bull’s tail and holding the mks staff in his left hand and the mace in the right. Above him there is the serekh and some inscriptions in which there is a reference to the Heliopolis shrine: @r

m Hwt-aA.t (“Horus in the Heliopolis shrine”).

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The scene is set in a frame and represents one of the most ancient representations of the anthropomorphic god Horus and of him embracing the king11.

Not all scholars agree that the stele dates from the IIIrd dynasty, some believing it to be a relief of the IVth dynasty12.

11

J. Vandier, Une stele egyptienne portant un nouveau nom royal de la troisieme dinastie, in:CRAIBL 1968, pp. 19-20. 12 J.P. Pätznick, “L’Horus Qahedjet: souverain de la 3e Dynastie?”, in: Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists, Grenoble 6-12 Septembre 2004, Leuven-Paris-Dudley, 2007, pp. 1455-1472.

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1.2

Provenance of the reliefs The iconographical material of the IIIrd dynasty derives mainly from two sites: the

underground galleries of the Djoser Step Pyramid (six limestone panels) and the Wadi Maghara in Sinai (five rock reliefs). The Qahedjet stele, today kept at the Louvre Museum, is the only relief of unknown origin13. 1.2.1

Underground galleries of Djoser pyramid

The six Djoser panels representing the jubilee rituals are still in situ inside niches in the underground galleries of the Step Pyramid (three panels) and of the South Tomb (three panels). The two groups of reliefs are placed to the east of the two funerary chambers and oriented to the south, in a direct line with the ritual buildings inside the dell’ hb-sd court 14. The lower part of the panels presents a blank space 85 cm. high, with no inscriptions, which may be connected to ritual offerings15. According to some scholars, these panels could represent the king’s visit (as a statue) to the principal shrines of the country inside the jubilee court16. 1.2.2

The Wadi Maghara (Sinai)

Five of the twelve reliefs of the IIIrd dynasty were originally situated in a mining region of Sinai, today called the Wadi Maghara (‫“( )وادي ﻣﻐﺎرﻩ‬Valley of the Mines”), 60 km north-west of S. Caterine, in the south-western region of Sinai.

13

According to Vandier, it could be found at Dahshur, see: Vandier J., Una stele egyptienne portant un nouveau nom royal de la troisieme dynastie in: CRAIBL 1968, pp.16-22. 14 F.D. Friedman, The underground relief panels of King Djoser at the Step Pyramid Complex, in: JARCE n.32, 1995, pp. 13-14. 15 F.D. Friedman, op. cit., p. 12. 16 Friedman F.D., op. cit., p. 42.

- 39 -

The Wadi is 600 m. long and is surmounted by a 200 m. hill (Gebel Maghara), facing north-west, site of the ancient turquoise mines. Along the eastern slope of the hill were carved 16 rock reliefs dating to the III-IV-V-VI dynasty and 23 private inscriptions dating to the Middle and New Kingdom (the only royal inscription of the New Kingdom belongs to Tuthmosis III and Hatshepsut). The first explorers of the site were Setzen, Lepsius and Brugsch at the beginning of the XIX century, while the first archaeological expeditions were conducted in the second half of the XIX century, with the aim of making a topographical, geographical and geological survey17. It is worth mentioning the work carried on from 1845 to 1854 by MacDonald, who effected some squeezes of the Wadi Maghara rock reliefs, now kept at the Department of Ancient Egypt and Sudan of the British Museum. These documents are fundamental to the analysis of the Sinai reliefs, because they represent what remains today of the ancient rock scenes, destroyed by the mining activity at the beginning of the XX century. The Petrie archaeological expedition in Sinai (1904-1905)18 was focused on the survey of the mining district, and resulted in the identification of the ancient Egyptian seasonal settlement.

View of the ancient settlement above the hill situated at the centre of Wadi Maghara (Incordino picture, July 2005).

17

Chartier-Raymond M., Notes sur Maghara (Sinaï), in : Cahier de recherches de l’Institut de Papirologie et d’Egyptologie de Lille, n.10, 1988, pp.13-22. 18 Petrie W.M.Fl., Researches in Sinai, London, 1906.

- 40 -

In the 1960s and 1970s, some Israeli scholars studied the Egyptian occupation of Sinai at the beginning of the Bronze Age. Of particular interest is the work of Beith Arieh, Giveon (who discovered the second Sekhemkhet relief in the Wadi Maghara19) and Rothenberg. In 1987 this region was explored by the Dominique Valbelle mission which aimed to survey all the mining sites of the region20. The most recent archaeological mission in Sinai was conducted in 2002 by Dr. Mumford (Toronto University) with the aim of creating a topographical map of south Sinai21. In 2005 the writer has surveyed the Wadi Maghara, to verify the presence, position and state of preservation of the five IIIrd dynasty rock relief on the slopes of Gebel Maghara.

Eastern slope of Gebel Maghara (Incordino picture, July 2005)

According to the first reports of the Wadi Maghara exploration, the two Sanakht reliefs and the Djoser relief were situated at a height of 50 m. About 75 m. above these there was the first Sekhemkhet relief, while the second was 25 m. higher.

19

Giveon R.,“A second relief of Sekhemkhet in Sinai”, in Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research (BASOR) n.216, December 1974, pp.17-20. 20 Chartier-Raymond M., "Notes sur Maghara (Sinaï) ", in : Cahier de recherches de l’Institut de Papirologie et d’Egyptologie de Lille,1988, n.10, pp.13-22. 21 For more information see: www.deltasinai.com/sinai-01.htm

- 41 -

Position of the IIIrd dynasty reliefs on the slopes of Gebel Maghara.

During the 2005 survey it was possible to identify only the two Sekhemkhet reliefs still in situ, clearly visible on the smooth red sandstone surface. In fact, the two Sanakht reliefs were transferred to the Cairo and British Museum shortly after the Petrie expedition, while the Djoser relief, of which Petrie had already underlined the poor state of preservation, was completely destroyed.

1.3

Proportion and canon in the royal figure. The iconographical analysis of the IIIrd dynasty reliefs begins with the study of the

proportions of the figure of the king, elaborating a method already utilized by Gay Robins22. This scholar laid some hypothetical grids (employed from the Middle Kingdom onwards to draw the human figure) on some Old Kingdom reliefs (including some Djoser and Sekhemkhet scenes) in order to determine the actual existence of a canon of representation for the royal figure in the Egyptian art of the Old Kingdom.

22

G.Robins, “Proportions and style in ancient Egyptian art”, London, 1994.

- 42 -

Example of grids above the Narmer figure.

Even though the results of her analysis did not identify a constantly applied proportion canon, the measurements of the human figures seem to adhere to quite homogeneous proportions, respected by the Egyptian artists at least from the IVth dynasty onwards. The aim of the current analysis is twofold: first, to verify if it could be possible to apply the same measurement system to all the royal figures of the IIIrd dynasty (on a more conspicuous number of instances); second, to confirm if a comparison with royal representations of the preceding and following dynasties can add new information on a possible development of this proportion system, providing clues also to reconstruct a relative chronology of the IIIrd dynasty royal reliefs. With this purpose, the writer placed both the Middle Kingdom grids and the so called ‘guide lines’ of the Old Kingdom over all the IIIrd dynasty royal scenes.

1.3.1 Guide lines During the Old Kingdom, Egyptian artists used six horizontal guide lines and one vertical in order to draw a human figure with precision. The vertical line passed through the ear and divided the figure into two halves, while the horizontal lines passed through certain parts of the body (hairline, neck and shoulder joint, armpits, elbow, knee and beneath the buttocks) at fixed distances from one another.

- 43 -

Hair Line (H) Neck and Shoulders joint Line (NS) Armpits Line (A) Elbow Line (E) Buttocks Line (B)

Knee Line (K)

Guide lines used during the Old Kingdom to draw a standing figure.

In scenes from the Old Kingdom, these elements were not always present to guide the hand of the artist who, according to Gay Robins, was not helped a great deal by the guide lines23, having all the skills necessary to draw figures without them. The distances between the six principal guide lines, not always followed with precision during the Old Kingdom, has been identified as follows: ¾ The Knee Line (K) is half the height of the Elbow Line (E); ¾ The Neck and Shoulders joint Line (NS) is 8/9 the height of the Hair Line (H) ¾ The Armpits Line (A) is 4/5 the height of the Hair Line (H); ¾ The Buttocks Line (B) is half the height of the Hair Line (H).

In order to confirm the presence of these proportions in the IIIrd dynasty royal scenes, the clearest relief was chosen of each king under consideration (Sanakht, Sekhemkhet, Djoser, Qahedjet), thus obtaining the best possible results. Subsequently, the six horizontal guide lines were laid over the digital reproduction of the IIIrd dynasty reliefs, and all the distances between the lines and their proportions were recorded. In this manner, some values were obtained which, translated into percentages, permitted comparative tables to be compiled. The following images were reduced to a 1:3 scale for greater clearness, but the measurements in the tables respect the full size of the royal figures. 23

G. Robins, op. cit., p.66.

- 44 -

Guide lines of the rock relief of Sanakht (Cairo CG57101)

(H) (NS) (A)

(E) (B)

(K)

Real measurements (height of king figure24) = 46,2 cm.

24

For all the considered reliefs has been reported the height of the royal figure from the hairline to the ground line.

- 45 -

Guide lines of the Djoser panel (Saqqara, Step Pyramid)

(H) (NS) (A)

(E)

(B)

(K)

Real mesurements (height king figure) = 64, 2 cm.

- 46 -

Guide lines of the rock relief of Sekhemkhet (Wadi Maghara, Sinai)

(H) (NS) (A) (E)

(B)

(K)

Real measurements (height king figure) = 50 cm.

- 47 -

Guide lines of Qahedjet stele (Louvre E25982)

(H) (NS) (A) (E)

(B)

(K)

Real measurements (height king figure) = 33 cm.

- 48 -

(H)

(NS)

(A)

(E)

(B)

(K)

Sanakht

46,2

41,1

35,1

26,5

21,6

13,2

Djoser

64,2

57

51

42,3

30

19,8

Sekhemkhet

50

45

40,8

33,6

24,6

16,2

Qahedjet

33

29,7

26,4

22,5

17

9,9

Table 1: distances from guide lines of the royal reliefs of IIIrd dynasty25

The differences in excess or below the ideal measurements were recorded after calculating the proportions within the guide lines.

Sanakht Djoser Sekhemkhet Qahedjet

(K)=

(NS)=

(A)=

(B)=

1/2di (E)

8/9 di (H)

4/5 di (H)

1/2 di (H)

- 1%

- 1%

- 4%

- 3%

-

- 1%

-

- 3%

+ 2%

-

+1%

- 1%

-

-

-

+ 1%

Table 2: differences to the ideal proportion26

Compared to the other IIIrd dynasty scenes, the Sanakht one are the less adherent to the identified ‘canon’, even considering the two cracks running across the relief, which do not allow an absolutely clear analysis of the scene. The rendering of this sovereign is, moreover, not very accurate: the right arm is bigger than the left, the legs are quite short, making the royal figure look squat. In the other IIIrd dynasty reliefs, instead, a greater adherence to a proportion canon is more evident, with almost perfect proportions being reached in the Qahedjet stele. The analysis of proportions was continued by applying the ideal guide lines to some Thinite (Ist-IInd dynasties) and Old Kingdom (IVth-Vth dynasties) royal reliefs, and calculating the proportions in the same way in order to allow a comparison with the IIIrd dynasty results. For this comparison were chosen the Narmer Tablet, the ivory plaque of Den (Ist dynasty), a triad of Menkaura (IVth dynasty) and a Sahura relief (Vth dynasty) from his funerary temple at Abusir. All the scenes were reduced to a 1:3 scale for greater clearness,

25

The table measurements are in centimetres. The + and – sings indicate a difference in excess or below to the ideal measurements. Where there is no indication of difference, the original measurement adheres perfectly to the ideal proportion.

26

- 49 -

except for the Den plaque, too small for all the details to be distinguished, which was enlarged to a 3:1 scale. Guide lines of the Narmer Tablet

(H) (NS) (A) (E) (B)

(K)

Real measurements (height king figure) = 31, 5 cm

Guide lines of the ivory plaque of Den

(H) (NS) (A) (E) (B) (K)

Real measurements (height king figure) = 2,8 cm

- 50 -

Guide lines of Menkaura Triad27

(H)

(NS) (A)

(E)

(B)

(K)

Real measurements (height king figure) = 67,5 cm.

27

Since today there are no royal relief of the IVth dynasty preserved, this sculpture of Menkaura has been chosen for the proportion analysis. The data derived from this exam are similar to those resulted from the study of the private reliefs of the same period, in particular from Khafkhufu I tomb (Giza mastaba G7130-7140, vedi: W.K. Simpson, The mastabas of Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II, Boston, 1978).

- 51 -

Guide lines from Sahura Temple

(H)

(NS) (A)

(E)

(B)

(K)

Real measurements (height king figure) = 79,5 cm.

- 52 -

Narmer

(H)

(NS)

(A)

(E)

(B)

(K)

31,5

27,6

24,3

20,7

19,2

11,7

2,8

2,4

2,2

1,8

1,5

0,9

67,5

60,9

54

45

31,5

19,5

79,5

69,6

62,1

53,4

40,2

22,8

(Ist din.) Den (Ist din.) Menkaura (IVth din) Sahura (Vth din)

Table 3: distances of guide lines for royal reliefs of Ist-IInd-IVth-Vth dynasty

Narmer

(K)=

(NS)=

(A)=

(B)=

1/2di (E)

8/9 di (H)

4/5 di (H)

1/2 di (H)

+7%

-2%

-2%

+10%

+4%

- 4%

- 1%

+ 4%

- 1%

-

-

- 3%

- 1%

- 2%

- 1%

-

(I din.) Den (I din.) Menkaura (IV din) Sahura (V din) Table 4: differences to the ideal proportion

The average values for every guide line for all the dynasties taken into consideration were then calculated, in order to compare the results of the proportions throughout the Old Kingdom - 53 -

(K)

(NS)

(A)

(B)

0,25

0,5

0,4

0,2

Average IIIrd dynasty

0,9

0,1

0,2

0,3

Average Old Kingdom

1

0,3

0,2

0,3

Average Thinite Era (Ist-IInd dynasties)

(IVth-Vth dynasties) Thus, a gradual evolution of the proportion canon for the royal figures during the IIIrd dynasty was again noticed, demonstrating considerable development of the standards of representation also during the Archaic Period. 1.3.2 The grids From the Middle Kingdom onwards, Egyptian artists used grids of 18 squares (for standing figures) in order to draw the human figure with precision, from the hairline to the foot line28. Consequently, the horizontal lines crossing the human body become 18, numbered from the bottom to the top, each passing through particular body point:

line 18: hair line line 17: nose line 16: neck and shoulders joint line 14: nipple line 12: elbow line 11: navel line 10: belt line 9: buttocks

line 6: knee line 5: knee cap line 4: calf

line 1: ankle line 0: feet 28

Robins G., Proportions and style in ancient Egyptian art, London, 1994, pp. 73-76.

- 54 -

In order to build a grid, the height of the human figure was to be divided by the number of squares (18), thus obtaining a unit of measurement corresponding to the side of the square. Every part of the body was to be drawn inside a certain number of squares, in order to keep the figure in proportion. In particular: ¾

Width of the arm:

2 squares

¾

Widht of the shoulders:

6 squares

¾

Widht of the foot:

3 squares (each)

¾

Widht of the fist:

1 square

¾

Distance of the armpits:

4 squares

¾

Widht of the waist:

2 e ½ squares

In the second phase of this analysis, ideal grids of 18 squares were applied to the royal reliefs of the IIIrd dynasty. The digital reproduction was again reduced to a 1:3 scale for greater clearness, and for every IIIrd dynasty relief the exact position of the 18 grid lines was checked, as well as the exact width of the different body parts, using the unit of measurement of the ‘squares’

- 55 -

Grid of the rock relies of Sanakht (Cairo Museum CG57101)

18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0

Grid of 18 squares Square side (scale 1:3) = 0,85 cm.

- 56 -

Grid of the Djoser panel (Saqqara)

18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0

Grid of 18 squares Square side (scale 1:3) = 1,1 cm. - 57 -

Grid of Sekhemkhet rock relief (Sinai)

18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0

Grid of 18 squares Square side (scale 1:3) = 0,92 cm.

- 58 -

Grid of Qahedjet stele (Louvre E25982)

18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0

Grid of 18 squares Square side (scale 1:3) = 0,61 cm.

- 59 -

Unit square

Position of Lines

Grid position

Sanakht

2,55

Line 12

Fist + than

Line 6

one sqaure

Djoser

3,564

Line 17

-

Sekhemkhet

2, 781

Line 17

-

1,83

Line 17

-

Qahedjet

Table 5: proportions of IIIrd dynasty reliefs in grids of 18 squares29

In the table, the column ‘Position of Lines’ indicates the grid lines which do not match the exact position and, likewise, the column ‘Grid position’ shows the width of the body parts which are not in proportion. Where no measurements are recorded in the table, the proportions of the element under consideration are exact. The results obtained confirm once again that the Sanakht relief is less adherent to the ideal proportion, while the others IIIrd dynasty royal reliefs respect almost completely the grid standar. . The analysis of proportions was extended also to some Thinite and Old Kingdom royal scenes, in order to obtain a more complete view of the royal canon development

29

In the ‘Unit square’ column the measurements are in centimetres.

- 60 -

Grid of Narmer Tablet

18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 Grid of 18 squares; square side (scale 1:3) = 0,58 cm.

Grid of Den plaque

18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0

Grid of 18 squares, square side (scale 3:1) = 0,47 cm.

- 61 -

Grid of Menkhaura Triad

18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0

Grid of 18 squares Square side (scale 1:3) = 1,16 cm.

- 62 -

Grid of Sahura Temple 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 Grid of 18 squares Square side (scale 1:3) = 1,47 cm.

- 63 -

Narmer

Unit square

Position of lines

Grid position

0,58

Line 10-11

Waist – then 6 squares

Lines 6-5

(Ist dyn.) 0,47

Den (Ist dyn.)

Line 16

Shoulders – than 6 squares

Line 9

Armpits – than 4 squares; Waist – than 2 e ¾ squares

Menkaura

1,16

Lines 6

-

1,47

Lines 6-14-16

-

(IVth dyn.) Sahura (Vth dyn.)

Table 6: proportions in grids for the reliefs of Ist-IInd-IVth-Vth dynasties30.

The grid superimposition produced results which were compared for all the Old Kingdom dynasties, again with the calculation of a values average.

Average Ist-IInd dynasties Average IIIrd dynasty

Wrong position of

Squares unit not

lines

in the canon

5-6-9-10-11-16

2,6

1-6-11-12-17

0,5

6-14 -16

-

Average IVth-Vth dynasties

From the comparison of these data, emerged a decrease in the number of lines with an incorrect position inside the grid (from six to five) during the IIIrd dynasty compared to the Thinite Period, while in the IVth and Vth dynasty this number continues to diminish. Also for the width of different body parts (measured in ‘squares’ units) a greater observance of the proportion standard during the IIIrd dynasty can be underlined, demonstrating the clear establishment of the royal canon of representation.

30

In the ‘Unit square’ column the measurements are in centimetres. Where there are no indication, the relief adheres completely to the grid standard.

- 64 -

1.4

Classification of iconographical elements The accurate examination of the IIIrd dynasty royal scenes is partly based on a method

created by Nadine Cherpion31 for the dating of some Old Kingdom mastabas on the basis of a classification of iconographical elements (the king’s figure, his clothing, his enemies and their representation, inscriptions, architectural elements in the scene, religious symbols and the presence of gods, etc.), which were derived from the tomb decoration. Therefore, each IIIrd dynasty relief has been dismantled and classified according to the single iconographical elements (crowns, face details, weapons and clothes, standards and shrines), with a subsequent comparison of analogies or differences in their representation. 1.4.1

Crowns

The first result of the analysis of the IIIrd dynasty crowns is the identification of an important element of the king’s representation in this period: the significant presence of the White Crown in eight instances out of a total of twelve royal reliefs. In fact, the Red Crown occurs in only two scenes (Sanakht relief BM691 and Djoser middle panel of the South Tomb), while the ‘nemes’ is present only once (Sinai Djoser relief) and in one relief the king’s head is missing (Djoser south panel of the step Pyramid). The representation of the White Crown is standard in all eight instances, except for the Sanakht rock relief (BM 691), in which it looks squat with a flatter top.

The White Crown in the IIIrd dynasty reliefs (from left: Sanakht, Djoser, Sekhemkhet, Qahedjet)

31

N.Cherpion, “Mastabas et hypogees d’Ancien Empire. Le probleme de la datation”, Bruxelles, 1989.

- 65 -

As regards the Red Crown representation, the Sanakht one is also less accurate, with a shorter curly part, compared to that of Djoser, and completely missing all the curl details.

Red Crown of Sanakht

Red Crown of Djoser

Moreover, it should be noted that in two of the four IIIrd dynasty scenes showing the king smiting the enemy, the king is wearing the White Crown (Sekhmkhet rock reliefs)32. To verify a possible connection between the White Crown and the smiting enemies scenes, all similar representations found in the history of Egyptian art were compared33, confirming this hypothesis only for the Old Kingdom: ¾

Narmer

¾

Den

¾

Sanakht

Red Crown

¾

Djoser

‘nemes’

¾

Sekhemkhet

White Crown

¾

Snefrw

White Crown

¾

Khufu

Double Crown

¾

Sahura

White Crown

¾

Niuserra

White Crown

¾

Pepi I

White Crown

¾

Mentuhotep II

Double Crown

¾

Tuthmosis III

Red Crown

¾

Amenotep III

Double Crown

¾

Sethi I

Red Crown

¾

Ramses II

White Crown ‘nemes’

32

Double Crown

In the other two instances, the king wears the Red Crown (Sanakht, BM691) and the nemes (Djoser, squeeze n. 11 BM). 33 The catalogue of smiting enemies representation has been derived from Swan Hall (see: Swan Hall E., The Pharaoh smites his Enemies, in MÄS n. 44, 1986, Berlin).

- 66 -

Therefore, it seems possible that in this period the White Crown of Upper Egypt was still associated with the boundaries definition and the country expansion, considering that the incentive for the unification has started, during Naqada II period, from the ‘southern chiefdoms’. On the other hand, the royal insignia of Upper Egypt keep on be preferred, compared to that of the Lower Egypt, for all the pharaonic history, even when new crowns and regalia become part of the royal iconography.

1.4.2

Face details

The iconographical elements of this category are represented by all the different parts of the face: eyes, nose, mouth, ears and eyebrows. A common characteristic of the IIIrd dynasty kings is their nose and mouth: the former is often curved and quite protruding, while the latter is full. In many instances the line of the nostril is well marked, the ears protrude from the crowns and the eyes are drawn in various ways, while the make-up line above the eyes is present only in two reliefs (Djoser and Qahedjet).

Sanakht

Djoser

Sekhemkhet

Qahedjet

Particularly important is the false beard, symbol of divine power of the king, which occurs in ten instances out of a total amount of twelve reliefs. Moreover it is present in three of the four scenes of the IIIrd dynasty where the king is smiting the enemy in Sinai.

- 67 -

Therefore it would be possible to associate this royal element, like the White Crown, to the idea of the defeat of Egypt’s enemies. Consequently, the association between the smiting enemies scenes and the union of the White Crown with the false beard was verified for all the Sinai rock reliefs dating from the Old Kingdom34: ¾

Narmer

White Crown and false beard

¾

Den

‘nemes’

¾

Sanakht

Red Crown

¾

Djoser

‘nemes’ and false beard

¾

Sekhemkhet

White Crown and false beard

¾

Snefrw

White Crown

¾

Khufu

Double Crown and false beard

¾

Sahura

White Crown and false beard

¾

Niuserra

White Crown and false beard

¾

Pepi I

White Crown and false beard

Notwithstanding the few instances considered, it seems likely that this association was consolidated from the Vth dynasty onwards.

1.4.3 Weapons and clothes During this iconographical analysis a substantial uniformity in the representation of weapons and clothes was noticed for the reliefs of the IIIrd dynasty kings. In fact, the following elements are the most frequent in the twelve scenes under examination: ¾

Short tunic

in eight instances

¾

Bull’s tail

in nine instances

¾

Dagger

in five instances

¾

mks staff

in seven instances

¾

Mace

in eight instances

34

Only the Old Kingdom reliefs have been considered because the association between the White Crown and the smiting enemy scenes has been confirmed only for this period (see p. 77).

- 68 -

In addition, it should be noted that in three Djoser panels from Saqqara, in which the king is running, he is not wearing clothes or weapons, probably because in that ritual his clothing should be different compared to that of the fighting king. Moreover, even if the Sanakht relief BM691 shows only the upper part of the king’s figure, originally he was almost certainly wearing all the weapons and the regalia found in the other smiting enemies scene of the IIIrd dynasty.

Tunic of Sanakht

Tunic of Djoser

Tunic of Sekhemkhet

Tunic of Qahedjet

The mks staff in the IIIrd dynasty reliefs

- 69 -

The characteristic elements of this standard representation of the victorious king (short tunic, bull’s tail, dagger, mace and mks staff) occur also in the Thinite and Old Kingdom royal reliefs, confirming the great continuity of representational royal art in the first half of the IIIrd millennium B.C. 1.4.4 Standards and shrines In all the twelve royal reliefs of the IIIrd dynasty there appears only one standard, which is present in nine instances: the insignia of Wpwawt, the ancestral god of war, whose name means: “He who opens the ways”35. This standard is present not only in the scenes where the king is smiting the enemy36, but also in Djoser panels at Saqqara

Wpwawt Standard of Sanakht

Wpwawt Standard of Djoser

It is interesting to notice the orientation of the standard, which is usually in the same direction as the king, but in the Sanakht BM691 relief it does not seem to respect this rule. In fact the upper part of the standard (the only part still visible in the relief) seems to be facing in the opposite direction from the pharaoh.

35

Baud M., Djeser et la IIIe dynastie, Paris, 2002, pp. 264. In the smiting enemies scenes of the IIIrd dynasty, the Wpwawt standard is present only in the Sanakht reliefs, while for the Thinite Period it occurs in the Narmer and Den scenes, and during the Old Kingdom, in the Khufu and Sahura reliefs.

36

- 70 -

Considering the lack of the anterior part of the insignia, it is possible that this is not the Wpwawt standard, but the royal placenta one, which has been found in the Narmer Table and in the Djoser panels at Saqqara. Unfortunately, because of the fragmentary state of the scene, it is not possible to define if the characteristic hanging element of this standard is present.

Standard with royal placenta of Narmer (to the left) and Djoser (to the right)

This may suggest that the Sanakht BM691 scene actually continues to the right, with another king figure facing right, like the Wpwawt standard, as also appears in the Khufu relief from Sinai.

- 71 -

Rock relief of Khufu (Wadi Maghara, Sinai)

As far as the shrines are concerned, five different buildings are present in the royal IIIrd dynasty reliefs: ¾

Letopolis Strine

¾

Heliopolis Strine

¾

“Per-wr” Strine

¾

Horus of Behedet Strine

¾

Horus of Hierakonpolis Shrine

The first four shrines are represented in the Djoser panels at Saqqara, which means that they were directly connected to the royal jubilee rituals37.

37

As regards the shrines in the IIIrd dynasty reliefs, see: Incordino I., “Il significato dei santuari nei bassorilievi regali della III dinastia” in: Agyptus n. LXXV Gennaio-Dicembre 2005, pp. 185-197. Atti del X Convegno Nazionale di Egittologia e Papirologia, Roma 1-2 Febbraio 2006.

- 72 -

The Horus of Hierakonpolis shrine, on the other hand, represented in the Sanakht relief kept in the Cairo Museum (CG57101), is the only one included in a Sinai rock relief for the IIIrd dynasty (and for all the Wadi Maghara reliefs in general).

Horus of Hierakonpolis Shrine (in the low right corner)

Horus was the most important god of Hierakonpolis, known as “@r

Nxn “ (Horus of

Hierakonpolis) ever since the dawn of Egyptian history. The pattern of this shrine in the Sanakht relief seems quite similar to the so called “sH

nTr”, cult building for statues of the

king or of gods38.

sH-nTr structure and the one in the Sanakht relief

Many different “ sH-nTr” shrines are known: for example in the decoration of Solar Temple of Niuserra (Vth dynasty) and in some seal impressions of the Archaic Period. During the Old Kingdom, it could be traced also in the stela and false doors decoration. From the VIth dynasty onwards, it is frequent to find a Wpwawt jackal on this shrine and, from the New Kingdom onwards, the base of this shrine was used also as statue pedestal (see: “Schrein” in: Helck W., Otto E., Lexikon der Ägyptologie, Wiesbaden, 1992, pp. 711). 38

- 73 -

Hardly could it represent a small cult building built in Sinai after a royal expedition, as this would more probably be dedicated to the god Thot, ‘Lord of the mountain countries’39. In fact, in spite of the importance of the shrines in the royal jubilee scenes of the IIIrd dynasty (Djoser panels), it seems unlikely that Sanakht would celebrate this royal festival in a foreign land. Otherwise this scene could be interpreted as a visit by the king to the Hierakonpolis shrine before leaving Egypt for Sinai, to assure himself of the god’s favour and protection. The reference to Hierakonpolis is probably not random but chosen to underline the connection between the king (and his policy) and the dynastic god in the most important centre of his cult40, in a historical phase of state development. Therefore it is likely that Sanakht, after starting the Sinai exploration, ordered himself to be depicted in two different but equally important scenes: smiting his enemies, as a symbol of the pharaoh’s invincibility ever since the Predynastic Period, and establishing his royal power in front of one of the most ancient and important shrines in the country.

39

M.Baud, Djeser et la IIIe dynastie, Paris, 2002, pp.264. It’s worth noticing that all the shrines represented in the IIIrd dynasty scenes are dedicated to a form of Horus, which in the following dynasties will be depicted in Sinai only as falcon on the serekh (Snofrw) or will be replaced by other gods, as Thot (Khufu relief) or the solar disk of Ra (Niuserra and Pepi I reliefs).

40

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CHAPTER II. BET KHALLAF NECROPOLIS 2.1

The site Bet Khallaf is situated in the centre of the Thinite region, on the west bank of the Nile, a

few kilometres away from other important necropolises of the Old Kingdom, such as Reqaqna (3 km to the north), Mahashna (6 km to the south) and Naga ed-Deir (13 km to the north, east bank), which all contain IIIrd dynasty graves. The short distance from the first Egyptian capital, This (10km to the north-east), and from the first royal cemetery (Umm el-Qa’ab, Abydos, 20 km to the south) is another indication of the great historical importance of this site.

Satellite view of the Thinite region

The Bet Khallaf site is located in the desert zone bordering on the crop cultivations, 1,5 km from the modern village (‫) ﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻠّﺎف‬. In a five hectare area there are five mud brick mastabas dating from the beginning of the IIIrd dynasty.

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The largest tomb (K1) was built on a dune overlooking a small wadi. About 300 m away to the north-west is to be found the second largest mastaba (K2), while two other tombs (K3-K4) are located 400-500 m to the east of the other two. The last mastaba (K5) is the furthest to the east of all the necropolises: it is situated one kilometre away from the K1 and today is probably almost completely hidden by crop cultivations.

Satellite view of Bet Khallaf necropolis

Between the end of 1900 and the beginning of 1901 John Garstang conducted an excavation mission for the Egyptian Research Account in a ten mile area, extending from the northern boundary of the Abydos region to the Bet Khallaf necropolis Khallaf1, which was for the first and only time subjected to excavation.

Site map (Garstang J., Mahashna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, pl. II)

1

Garstang J., Mahashna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p.1.

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From a comparison of the 1901 site map and the modern aerial pictures it was noticed that the cultivation extends as far as 500 metres from the K1. In all probability, when Garstang conducted the excavation, the site was still entirely surrounded by desert. It is interesting to note the existence of a sixth tomb (K6) in the Garstang map, located a little further east than the K2, to which no other references are made in the excavation report2.

2.2

The necropolis The last time this site was studied was in 1901, even though it represents a fundamental

source of information for the history of the IIIrd dynasty and the Old Kingdom. In June 2007, the writer surveyed the site in order to verify in person its state of preservation and acquire technical data and digital reproductions. The writer tried to prove the accuracy of the excavation report by Garstang, the only archaeologist who has ever worked at this site, even if only for few months3. This scholar’s attention was attracted by the K1 mastaba which, standing out against the desert, was the first to be explored.

2.2.1 K1 mastaba This monument was already known to

XXth century archaeologists, who have

believed it to be an Old Kingdom fortress or a Greek building; while the local settlers identified it as a ‘sacred’ place, calling it Deir4. From the first observations Garstang considered the structure as a possible enclosure filled with rubble, but on a closer analysis he realized that the filling was not due to a random accumulation of material, but rather represented a mastaba core. Therefore the first K1 excavation began by cleaning the east side of the tomb, where an entrance with a stepped corridor was found near the northern end. This access, originally walled up to hide the underground entrance, is made up of 50 descending steps, reaching a depth of 9 metres from the top of the mastaba

2

See Paragraph 4 of this chapter. From the excavation report it can be deduced that the Bet Khallaf excavation lasted less than three months, from the end of January to the beginning of May 1901 (see: Garstang J., op. cit., p. 3). 4 Garstang J., op. cit, p. 3. 3

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Plain of K1 (Garstang J., Mahashna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, pl. VII)

Eastern side of K1 (Incordino picture, June 2007)

The first part of the steps presented two doorways on the north side: their function was not clearly identified by Garstang because nothing was found there5. During the 2007 survey, the writer recorded the state of preservation of the first part of the underground level, today open to the air. The two northern doorways are still clearly visible and may represent offering niches.

5

Garstang J., op. cit., p. 9.

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Niches on the northern side of the entrance passage (Incordino, picture, June 2007)

According to Garstang’s report, at 26 metres from the entrance the descending passage turns southwards at a right angle, proceeding under the desert surface parallel to the long side of the mastaba, 3-4 metres to the west of the building axis. Garstang recorded an arch, leading into the second part of the underground galleries, covered by a mud brick roof with a sloping angle of 30°. The descending passage was originally closed off at regular intervals by five big limestone portcullises, still present in Garstangs time, lowered from five vertical pits, today clearly visible on the top of the tomb. The excavation report describes the porticullis measurements, which increase the closer they are to the burial chamber, and range from 3 to 5 m in height and from 45 to 65 cm in thickness.

Aerial view of K1 shafts

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View of the top of K1 with vertical shafts (Incordino picture, June 2007)

At a depth of about 16 m. below the desert surface, the descending passage becomes flat, wide and dug completely out of the rock. Beside the last and the largest porticullis is situated the underground structure, made up of 18 chambers on both sides of the principal corridor. At the centre is located the burial chamber (5x5x3 m.), with regular squared walls lined with great stone slabs, smoothed down but without decoration. The majority of the funerary equipment was found in this chamber, including a great number of alabaster vessels (discovered in piles also on the entrance steps), flint blades, human bones, ceramics, a copper axe, alabaster offering tables, grain in sacks, diorite bowls and many long wine jars with clay inscribed stoppers.

Funerary equipment of K1 (Garstang J., op. cit., pls. XI, XV)

Garstang also completed the mastaba survey, recording the tomb measurements as 85x45x8 m. The structure axis is north-south oriented with a minimum difference of 12° to the west.

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The east and north side of the mastaba are completely hidden by tumuli of rubble, while all the walls slope, albeit not uniformly, towards the core.

Northern side of K1 (Incordino picture, June 2007)

The solid structure is built of mud bricks of regular size (28x12,5x9 cm.), but not always arranged according to a set pattern: in particular in the facing the bricks are positioned with the short side towards the outside, while internally there are short and long sides arranged alternately.

Western side of K1 (Incordino picture, June 2007)

Because the name Djoser was found in the inscriptions, Gastrang believed that this huge mastaba might represent his burial place6.

6

Garstang, op. cit., p. 4.

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2.2.2 The other tombs The Garstang excavation included the neighbouring K1 zone, where four more mastabas were found, forming the Bet Khallaf necropolis. At about 300 m. north-west of the K1 the badly ruined structure of the K2 mastaba was discovered, built above another dune, whose measurements were not recorded in the Garstang report, even if they can be deduced from the scale plan drawn: 53,43x16,15 m. In spite of the bad state of preservation of the structure, of which it was difficult to discern the outlines, Garstang hypothesized a stepped structure7 for this mastaba, a characteristic which does not seem to be confirmed by the pictures in his report, nor by the recent survey of the writer.

Step (?) structure of K2 (Garstang J., op. cit., pl. XVII)

Mastaba K2 (Incordino picture, June 2007)

The Garstang report describes a short base platform, a sort of small enclosure on the south side, and above all an underground plan quite different from the K1 one.

7

Garstang, op. cit., p. 11.

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The entrance is about half way down the east side, including a descending passage which, at a depth of 12 m. below the desert surface, becomes flat and gives access to the funerary structure. The passage is closed off by two great stone portcullises (5x2x0,65 m.), which block the way to the 8 underground chambers, the largest of which is the burial place (4,5x4 m.).

Plain of K2 (Garstang J., op. cit., pl. XVIII)

The principal difference compared to the K1 structure is the existence of a second entrance on the east side, about 20 m. to the north, giving access to another descending passage and to a new group of five underground chambers, as deep as the former ones, but with no funerary equipment. Inside the first group of chambers were found numerous alabaster vessels, ceramics and wine jars with inscribed stoppers. Because of the presence of the name Sanakht in the inscription, Garstang believed that the K2 mastaba might be his burial place8. Garstang did not describe in detail the K3 and K4 mastaba structures and underground galleries, situated 400 m. further east than the first two Bet Khallaf tombs, but the plans are present in the archaeological report.

8

Garstang, op. cit., p. 11

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They are quite small in size: 43,28x21,33 m. (K3) and 36,57x11,58 m. (K4) and their structures are difficult to identify probably because in Garstang’s time they had already been destroyed.

Aerial view of K3 and K4 (?)

In fact, the 2007 survey does not recognize these mastabas in the dune area to the east of K1.

K2, K3 e K4 from the top of K1 (Incordino picture, June 2007)

According to Garstang’s plan, the entrance is situated in both instances near the northeast corner, formed by a single descending linear passage with no bends, which leads directly to the funerary galleries of 3-4 chambers, at a depth of about 9-10 m. below the desert surface.

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Plans of K3 and K4 (Garstang J., op. cit. , pl. XXV)

The funerary equipment of the K3 and K4 mastabas is quite similar to that of the other Bet Khallaf tombs, including alabaster vessels, ceramics, some copper tools and seal impressions with Djoser’s name. Garstang did not record the exact number of each of these finds, but noted the presence of human bones in the K3 burial chamber. According to the scholar, these tombs were private burials belonging to the same period as K1 and K29. The last necropolis tomb, K5, is almost as large as K2 (60x27 m.) according to Garstang’s plan, and is situated at the boundary with the crop cultivations.

Plain of K5 (Garstang J., op. cit. , pl. XXV) 9

Garstang, op. cit., p. 14.

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In spite of the size of the structure, the underground galleries are formed simply by one linear descending passage, leading directly to the five underground chambers, at a depth of about 9 m. below the desert surface. The funerary equipment of this tomb is more complex compared to the K3 and K4 mastabas, including fine sienite vessels and seal impressions with Djoser’s name. During the 2007 survey it was impossible to identify the exact location of K5, probably because modern crop cultivations cover remains of the structure. In spite of this, it could be suggested from the analysis of some aerial pictures that K5 is in the centre of a desert area surrounded by crop cultivations, about one kilometre east of K1.

Possible location of K5 (Aerial view)

Garstang believed that K5 represented a double burial and belonged to a high official (perhaps a prince) and his wife10. But the writer is of the opinion that the double interment hypothesis may be valid only for the K2 tomb, because of its two entrances and two groups of underground chambers.

10

Garstang, op. cit., p. 16.

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2.3

Comparison between K1 and the other tombs The analysis of the Bet Khallaf necropolis shows the particular importance of the K1

mastaba, which seems to be quite different from the other tombs at the site. Subsequently, a phase of the current research was dedicated to this structure and to the identification of its more interesting characteristics. In the past the scholars have not always attributed to K1 this unique character; more often it has been considered as the site where the most important collection of seal impressions of the IIIrd dynasty was found11, or merely a private burial place belonging to a provincial Thinite governor12, like the other Bet Khallaf tombs. Only Swelim suggested a different hypothesis, interpreting K1 as the possible burial place of Djoser’s predecessor, but without entirely denying the most commonly accepted theory of a private burial place13. From the Garstang report, a first difference can be deduced between K1 (and K2), considered to be a royal tomb, and the other Bet Khallaf tombs, considered to be private mastabas14. The reason for this different interpretation by Garstang is based principally on the presence of the names Djoser and Sankht and on the size of the structures and their funerary equipment15.

2.3.1 Comparison between K1 and the other Bet Khallaf tombs The following table shows a comparison of the architectural characteristics of the five Bet Khallaf mastabas:

11

Helck W., Otto E., Lexikon der Ägyptologie, Wiesbaden, 1992, band I, p. 686. Baud M., Djeser et la IIIe dynastie, Paris, 2002, pp. 223-224. 13 Swelim N., Some problems on the history of the third dynasty, Archaelogical Society of Alexandria, Alexandria, 1983, pp. 91-95. 14 See Paragraphs 2 and 3 of this chapter. 15 Garstang, op. cit., p. 3. 12

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Mastaba

K1

K2

K3

K4

K5

85x45x8

53,43x16

43x21

36,57x

60x27

11,58

dimension Cult Area

Inside

Southern

Eastern

Eastern

---

Niches (?)

chapel(?)

chapel (?)

chapel(?)

No turns

No turns

No turns

K6 (?) Descending

Two turns Two turns

passage Underground

18

8+5

3

4

5

5x5x3

4,5x4

3x1,5

3x1,83

3x3

Stone

Rock

Rock

Rock

Rock

16

12

9

10

9

chambers Burial Chamber Chamber lining Chamber depth Table 1 (the measurements are in metres)

It can be deduced that K1 is the largest and also the one with the most complex inner structure. In fact, the descending passage shows two different direction changes before its alignment with the structure axis. In the other tombs, on the other hand, the descending passage is straight and linear, except for K2 in which there are two different entrances and groups of chambers. The complex inner structure of K1 is unique not only for the greater number of chambers present in it, but also for their greater depth in the desert rock. Moreover, the stone facing of the burial chamber is doubtless another important characteristic of K1, not present in any other Bet Khallaf tomb. Some observations can also be made about the cult structures, even if it is impossible to identify them with certainty because of the lack of finds indicating their purpose. For K1 two locations can be suggested: the inside niches in the northern wall and the structure designated as K6 in the Garstang plan. K6 mastaba, identified in 1901 and later never surveyed anymore, could correspond to a small depression in the desert at 200 – 300 m north-west of K2.

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Aerial view of the possible location of K6

This mastaba would thus be situated about 400 m. north of K1 and could represent a cult building connected to this latter tomb. Unfortunately Garstang did not carry out any excavations and during the 2007 survey it was not possible to identify its location. The second table shows a comparison of the five Bet Khallaf tombs through an analysis of their funerary equipment, with particular attention to the inscriptions.

Weapons Alabaster vessels Human bones Stoppers with seal impressions Royal names Istitutions

K1 Yes 800

K2 --Yes

K3 --Yes

K4 -----

K5 --Yes

Yes 150

Yes Less than 10

Yes Less than 10

--Less than10

--Less than 10

3 (5) Memphis, vineyards

2 (1) Granary

1 ---

1 ---

1 (3) Nort-west Districts, Gods

(3)

---

---

(3)

ist DfA, pr dSr pr nswt High rank titles

(6)

Hry wDA nxt xrw Hry sStA iry xt nswt sS smit Hry sStA sm Xry aw nxt xrw - 89 -

iry Nxn HAty-a iry pat

A first interesting result is the presence of weapons (a copper axe and two flint blades) exclusively among the K1 funerary equipment. Moreover, it is worth mentioning the great number of alabaster vessels (about 800) found in this mastaba. Unfortunately, an accurate comparison based on the number of vessels in the other Bet Khallaf tombs is not possible, because it was not recorded by Garstang. But a more exact analysis can be conducted on the seal impressions found on the wine jar stoppers. In fact, it should be noted that K1 contains not only a higher number of inscriptions, but also a great variety of texts, with references to many institutions, royal names and high rank administrative titles. On this subject, it is important to underline two titles probably connected to the royal expeditions in Sinai (sS

smit – nxt xrw)

which are

present only in K1 inscriptions, such as the frequent references to the capital Memphis and to the royal vineyards16. Finally, the state of preservation of K1 should also be considered compared to the other Bet Khallaf tombs: this mastaba is the only one whose original structure is still visible today, even if partially in ruins.

Internal structure of a K1 shaft (Incordino picture, June 2007)

In addition, the K1 funerary equipment is the richest and best preserved of the necropolis, probably because it was originally kept beside five great stone portcullises, blocking off the descending passage. On the other hand, the other four Bet Khallaf tombs had only one (K3-K4-K5) or two (K2) portcullises to prevent entrance to the burial chambers. 16

See Chapter III on the high rank titles.

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These observations confirm that K1 is without doubt a special and important burial place, probably the largest mastaba built after the beginning of the IIIrd dynasty17. Therefore the interpretation of K1 as a provincial elite burial place could be totally revised, also because it does not seem likely that the governors’ tombs were situated in their province of origin in the IIIrd dynasty.

2.3.2. Comparison between K1 and the Abido/Saqqara tombs The analysis proceeded with the aim of demonstrating the possible ‘royal’ character of the K1 mastaba, which has been compared with the royal burial places of Peribsen and Khasekhemuy (the last sovereigns of the IInd dynasty, 2650 B.C.)18 at Umm el-Qaab (Abydos) and the elite mastabas S3504 and S3506 at Saqqara, dated to the Den reign (fourth king of the Ist dynasty, 2800 B.C.). These tombs were chosen for the comparison with K1 because of the ongoing debate about the identification of the royal necropolis of the first two dynasties, which considers the Umm el-Qa’ab (Abydos) and Saqqara sites as possible cemeteries19. Subsequently, K1 was compared with two burial sites of both Thinite necropolises, which present different characteristics from each other. The Abydos tombs have a quadrangular plan, divided into some chambers excavated in the desert soil and reinforced by mud brick walls, and subsidiary chambers used for storage. Often in the neighbouring area there are situated two or three rows of subsidiary graves, used as courtiers’ burials places. Nothing has survived of the original structure, which was probably made of light material20. Some enclosures were built about two kilometres away from the tombs, and theses were also surrounded by subsidiary graves probably connected to the royal cult. The Saqqara tombs, on the other hand, are much larger than those of Abydos (if we do not consider the cult enclosures) and are characterized by elements not present at Abydos, such as the external ‘serekh’ decoration, the presence of a platform outside the mastaba

17

Baud, op. cit., pp. 223-224. For the chronology see: Lehner M., The Complete Pyramids, London, 1997, p. 8. 19 As regards this debate, see the annual reports of the German Institute of Archaeology in MDAIK of Kaiser W. e Dreyer G.; see also: Kemp B.J., Abydos and the royal tombs of the First Dynasty, in JEA n. 52, 1966, pp. 1322 and Emery W.B., Great Tombs of the First Dynasty, 3 vol., Cairo & London, 1949-1958. 20 M.Lehner, The Complete Pyramids, London, 1997, p.76. 18

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decorated with bulls’ heads (clay heads with real horns), and in some instances also steps on three sides of the tomb (for example in the 3038 tomb, reign of Adjib)21. The comparison was conducted on three different levels, starting from the architectural22.

Tomb

S3504

S3506

Tomb P

Tomb V

Den

Den

Peribsen

Kha-

Djoser

sekhemwy

Saqqara

50x20

48x20

21x18,5

69x10-17

dimension Orientation Access

K1

85x45

M1

63x63x8

x8 N-S

N-S

N-S

N-S

N-S

N-S

Central

East

West

North

North

North

11x4

7,30x3

5,35x3,25

5x5x3

3x1,65

pit Burial

7,10x6

x1,65

chamber Chamber

4

7

---

1,82

16

28

Wood

Wood

Bricks

Stone

Stone

Stone

depth Chamber lining Table 2 (the measurements are in metres)

K1 is the biggest tomb of those under consideration, both in size and in the depth of the underground chambers. This latter element is well integrated into the development of funerary monuments during the first two dynasties: in fact, the burial chambers were excavated to an ever deeper level in order to assure the safety of the burial place.

21

M.Lehner, op. cit., pp. 79-80. The first mastaba (M1) of the Djoser Step Pyramid at Saqqara has been included in the comparison only in order to mark the evolution of the royal funerary architecture during the first three dynasties.

22

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Plains of the Peribsen (to the left) and Khasekhemwy (to the right) tombs.

Plains of S3504 (up) and S3506 (down) mastabas.

Another important element is the entrance to the north side of the tomb23, a characteristic common to Khasekhemuy’s tomb, K1, and Djoser’s pyramid. This may represent a standard characteristic which was establishing itself in the royal funerary architecture, such as the stone facing of the burial chamber (which occurs only in Den’s tomb in the preceding period).

23

Actually, the entrance of K1 mastaba is in the north-eastern corner.

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The comparison indicates considerable similarity between the K1 funerary equipment and that of the Abydos royal tombs, both in number and in typology. In particular, the occurrence of hard stone vessels and weapons are key elements connecting the K1 funerary equipment both to the Thinite tombs and to the Djoser collection.

Seal impressions Ceramics Hard stone

S3504

S3506

Tomb P

Tomb V

K1

Den

Den

Peribsen

Khasekhemwy

236

186

235

281

150

(58 es.)

(50 es.)

(27 es.)

(26 es.)

(17 es.)

1500

760

Yes

Wheat and fruit

Wheat

fragments

428

Yes

more than 200

800

---

---

Yes

Yes

Yes

(in stores)

(in burial

vessels Bones

chamber) Weapons

Arrow

Arrow

Flint

Axes, scepter,

Axe,

points,

points,

crescents

Flint crescents

Flint

Lance (?)

Lance

blades

The presence of human bones in the K1 burial chamber alone is another important element, but the most useful comparison concerns the clay stopper inscriptions on the wine jars. As far as the seal impressions are concerned, the K1 examples are substantially similar to the canon of the first two dynasties, both in number and in content24:

24

See Chapter III paragraph 3.3.

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Royal names

Private names Vineyards Memphis

Gods

“nswt”

“ ist DfA pr nswt pr dSr“ Epiteths

High rank titles

S3504 Den (3) Den Qa’a Djet 1

S3504 Den 2 Den Djer

Tomb P Peribsen 1 (Peribsen)

Tomb V Khasekhemwy 2 (Nymaathapi Khasekemwy)

5

-

1

5

(6) same vineyard -

(20) same vineyard -

(3) same vineyard -

(2) same vineyard 1

(2) 2 different vineyards

(3?) Neith Anubis Lioness 1 -

(2?) Wpwawt Anubi

3 (scenes)

3 (scenes)

-

3

5

pr-HD ?(1)

pr-HD

ist DfA(5)

shrines? (6) -

2/3

(1) shrines? (2)

pr-HD (4)

pr nswt (3) pr dSr (4) ist DfA (6)

1

1

-

sxm Hry ib

Sxm Hry ib

5

5

3

aDmr/xrp Xry tp nswt Xtmty nswt Hry wDA sS smit

Xry tp nswt Hry wDA aD-mr

aDaDmr/xrp mr/xrp Xry Hry aw Hry sstA wDA iry-pat (?) sDAwty sDAwty bity bity HAty-a HAty-a

-

- 95 -

K1 Bet Khallaf

3 (Djoser Peribsen Nymaathapi)

3 2 seals 1 vessel 1 (scene) Wpwwawet 3

pr nswt(1) pr dSr (1) ist DfA (2) 3

mry nswt imy ib Hm sA Smaw 6

Hry wDA Hry sStA sS smit sm Xry aw nxt xrw

The presence of three royal names in the K1 inscription is without doubt significant, above all because these people could belong to the same dynastic branch, testifying the strong parental link with the K1 occupant. Equally important is the repeated occurrence of the word for king ‘nswt’, which is similar to the royal Abydos tomb references, especially in quantity. Moreover, it is worth mentioning the reference to the capital Memphis and to various royal domains, especially the vineyards, of which three different names are present in the K1 inscriptions25. The occurrence of the principal administrative institutions (pr

DfA)

nswt, pr dSr, ist

exclusively in K1 and in Khasekhemuy’s tomb is eloquent, while the Treasury (pr-

HD) is mentioned most frequently in the Saqqara tombs. Finally, the number of important administrative titles in the K1 inscriptions underlines the connection between the mastaba occupant and the Crown, confirmed also by the presence of many court epithets (mry

nswt,

imy ib, Hm sA Smaw). S3504

S3506

Peribsen

Khasekhemwy

K1

(58seals)

(50 seals)

(27 seals)

(26 seals)

(17seals)

Vineyards

10%

40%

11%

7%

12%

Memphis

---

---

---

4%

18%

Istitutions

1,7%

2%

33%

50%

23%

Titles

8%

42%

22%

15%

29%

Royal

22%

34%

81%

65%

65%

names

Subsequently, a calculation was made of the percentage of references to royal names, institutions and titles on the seal impressions found in the tombs examined. This showed that there was a more equal distribution in the textual documentation of K1. In fact, almost two thirds of these tomb inscriptions refer to royal names and 20-30% of all the texts mention administrative institutions, royal domains, the capital Memphis and the highest rank titles. In conclusion, every seal impression of the K1 mastaba presents references to a king or an institution connected with the central administration. 25

This seems to be an innovative element in comparison to the past tradition, in which to one king correspond only one vineyard. (see Chapter III on the textual material).

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To determine if K1 may be considered a royal tomb of the early IIIrd dynasty, a verification of the occurrence of ‘royal elements’26 in this burial place was conducted:

K1 (Bet Khallaf) Monumentality

√

Rich funerary equipment

√

Few tombs in the necropolis

√

Royal epigraphy and

√

iconography Presence of many private

√

names Northern cult area

√

Presence of subsidiary tombs

√

‘Palace facade’ decoration

Χ

Presence of decorative bull’s

Χ (?)

heads27

The first two elements (monumentality and rich funerary equipment) clearly belong to K1, as already demonstrated. According to Cervellò-Autuori, a royal necropolis should present a small number of tombs, corresponding to the number of kings buried there. If we consider the entire Bet Khallaf necropolis as ‘royal’, the small number of five tombs respects this canon. But if only K1 can be regarded as a ‘royal’ tomb, the other four mastabas may represent subsidiary burial places, another ‘royal element’ according to Cervellò-Autuori, and a more likely hypothesis according to the results of this research.

26

The ‘royal’ elements of an archaic mastaba has been derived from: Cervellò-Autuori J., Back to the mastaba tombs of the First Dynasty at Saqqara. Officials or Kings?, in: Egyptological Essays on State and Society, Serie Egittologica 2, Napoli, 2002, pp. 27-61. 27 This last element has not been considered exclusively ‘royal’ in this analysis because it seems to have been an exclusive characteristic of some Saqqara mastabas.

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The royal epigraphy is widely documented in the textual evidence already examined, such as the occurrence of many private names, which testify to offerings presented by courtiers to the king. On the contrary, in a private burial place only the name belonging to the occupant of the tomb should be repeated. Regarding the cult area, it is not possible to identify with certainty that belonging to K1, but some possible structures situated to the north of K1 have already been suggested. The only ‘royal element’ missing from K1 is the external ‘serekh’ decoration, undoubtedly a royal characteristic present in the IInd dynasty royal cult enclosures at Abydos and in the Djoser complex28. The analysis of the K1 mastaba has generated other elements which could be considered ‘royal’: ¾

Stone lining of the burial chamber

¾

Weapons (axes) in the funerary equipment

¾

Three royal names (Peribsen, Nymaathapi e Djoser)

¾

Reference to istitutions (Memphis, vineyards, royal palace)

¾

Titles connected to the Sinai expedition

¾

Inscription pattern similar to the Abydos royal texts

The stone facing of the burial chamber is certainly a characteristic of royal burial places, even before the IIIrd dynasty, occurring in the Den, Anedjib, Khasekhemuy and Djoser tombs, and also in the Old Kingdom pyramids. The presence of stone facing for private burial chambers, probably in imitation of the royal tomb, is very uncommon during the first dynastic period, and in any case the chamber is never entirely lined/faced as it has a wooden roof29. The weapons included in the funerary equipment are not an exclusively royal characteristic, but might be indicative of the king’s military activity (especially the axes, present also in the funerary equipment of Khasekhemuy).

28

The lack of a ‘palace facade’ decoration in K1 could be explained as a consequence of the possible sudden death of the king buried in K1 mastaba, which may have caused the interruption of building activity. Another possibility is that the ‘palace facade’ decoration may be present in the cult enclosure, which the 1901 excavation and the 2007 survey have not yet found. 29 Wood W., The Archaic stone tombs at Helwan, in: JEA n.73, 1987, pp. 59-70.

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The various references to the central institutions, to the capital, and to the royal domains have already been noted, as well as the occurrence of three royal names. The Peribsen name is particularly significant: it could be interpreted as the beginning of the later habit of including goods belonged to the royal precedessors in the royal funerary equipment, in order to legitimate royal power and establish direct descent from the reigning dynasty. The occurrence of the name Nymaathapi is important for the same reason: in fact Khasekhemuy’s wife and probably Djoser’s mother may also be related to the K1 occupant. The seal impressions typology is very similar to that of the royal Abydos necropolis30, which suggests they probably originated from the same royal workshop. Moreover, the references to the desert (sS

smit) and the presence of the nxt xrw

title may represent the mining activities in Sinai, most likely begun by the first sovereign of the IIIrd dynasty31. Finally, all these elements taken together could support the hypothesis that K1 was a royal burial place.

2.4

K1 Theory If the first research results support the hypothesis of a royal necropolis at Bet Khallaf, it

is necessary to identify which king might be the occupant of the K1 mastaba32. Considering the architectural typology and the occurrence of inscriptions with the names Djoser and Sanakht, the site can be dated with certainty to the beginning of the IIIrd dynasty, thus reducing the chronological period in which it is possible to collocate this sovereign. Therefore, the architectural characteristics of K1 seem to represent the missing link in the sequence of evolution from the royal tombs of Abydos (connected to the cult enclosures) to the Djoser pyramid complex at Saqqara33.

30

See Chapter III paragraph 3.3 See Chapter I paragraph 1.4 32 In fact the other Bet Khallaf tombs are to be considered as subsidiary and private burial places, for their different architectural elements and their dissimilar funerary equipment. 33 See: N., Some problems on the history of the third dynasty, Archaelogical Society of Alexandria, Alexandria, 1983, pp. 14-15. 31

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In fact, this massive mastaba34, in its high position, with an underground system excavated 16 m. below ground level, the entrance on the eastern side, the stepped descending passage closed off by five stone slabs, and 18 underground chambers, contains traditional and innovative elements. The mud brick structure, the funerary equipment typology and the stone burial chamber facing still connect it to the IInd dynasty; while the monumentality, the presence of hundreds of jars and stone vessels and the references to the royal precedessors (Peribsen) herald the Djoser reign. Even the choice of the Bet Khallaf site is very significant, just a few kilometres away from the royal necropolis of Abydos. It could represent the desire to maintain a bond with the Thinite dynasties (who built the Egyptian monarchy) in order to legitimate the royal power, but also the need to give importance to the new dynasty, choosing a new funerary site and developing new ideological trends, culminating with the building of the first pyramid during Djoser’s reign. Moreover, the references to the principal Egyptian institutions, to the desert activities (probably in Sinai) and to Queen Nymaathapi led to the search for a king who probably reigned before Djoser, a descendant of the Thinite dynasty through the queen. Therefore, taking into consideration also the observations deriving from the iconographical analysis, of all the known sovereigns of the IIIrd dynasty with uncertain burial places, the most

likely occupant of K1 seems to be Sanakht, to whose reign all the

abovementioned characteristics could well be attributed.

34

Its dimensions are unequalled until the building of Mastaba 17 at Meydum (105x50 m, in stone, beginning of the IVth dynasty) and of the Mastabat el-Faraun (99,6x74,4 m, in stone, IVth dynasty Shepseskaf) at South Saqqara.

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CHAPTER III.

THE ROYAL SEAL IMPRESSIONS

3.1 The seal collection from Bet Khallaf An important collection of seal impressions, found at the Bet Khallaf necropolis, is a fundamental source for the early IIIrd dynasty. In fact, only the serekh of Horus Sanakht and Netjerykhet (Djoser) are present in the inscriptions. Today this material is kept almost entirely1 at the Petrie Museum (University College London) and contains seals from the mastabas K1, K2 and K52. The collection includes about 46 clay stoppers inscribed with 16 different seal impressions and 20 stoppers in fragments or without inscriptions, for a total of 66 items3. After the discovery and publication of this material by Sethe in 1901, only Kahl, Kloth and Zimmermann4 have re-examined the inscriptions in 1995, without solving the interpretation doubts, nor publishing the digital reproductions. In 2006, the writer conducted a direct analysis of 26 pieces from this collection, including the 16 different seal impressions. As a result, a database was created of digital images and technical data for all the items. The following schedules include digital reproductions of the seal impressions (made by the writer5), of which has been published until now only some drawings made by Sethe after the 1901 discovery. The direct analysis of the text did not reveal substantial differences between the original and the Sethe drawings, which have been included in the catalogue schedules for a clearer reading of the inscriptions. In fact, the majority of the impressions are hard to read, so for the transliteration and translation the writer has trusted the Sethe drawings, indicating, however, the different interpretations6 and uncertainties of the examined texts.

1

Two seal impressions from K2 mastaba bearing the serekh of Sanakht are today kept at the Oriental Institute of Liverpool (OI 5249-5250-5251). 2 The inscriptions found in the other mastabas of the Bet Khallaf necropolis (K3-K4) are probably made up of only four seal impressions and seven ink inscriptions on vessels, of which the present location is unknown (see: Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die Inschriften der 3. Dynastie, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp. 26-33). 3 Notwithstanding this, according to Garstang there should be many more other copies of the different seals, for a total amount of 150 documents only for mastaba K1 (Garstang J., Mahashna and Bet Khallaf, Egyptian Research Account, Seventh Memoir, London, 1901, p. 11) . 4 Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die Inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995. 5 The writer would thank the Petrie Museum for the publishing permission obtained. 6 The Bet Khallaf inscriptions are never been object of study. Except for the Sethe work after their discovery (Sethe K. Remarks on the inscriptions in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, pp. 19-27, pl. VIII-IX-X-XXVI), only Kaplony (Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA, Band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963) and in part Weill (Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908) have suggested some translations, without, however, considering their overall meaning.

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The impossibility to make squeezes and the poor state of preservation of these seal impressions did not allow an accurate palaeographic study. Consequently, the analysis has been focused on the precise exam of the high rank titles present in the texts, with particular attention to the possible innovations introduced during the IIIrd dynasty.

Seal 1 Inscribed clay stopper

Provenance: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K2 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57834 Technical data: Clay; 9x9 cm. Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp.146-147. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 26, pl. XIX. 22. • Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, p. 140. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, p. 170. Small circular clay stopper, probably sealing a bowl or a small alabaster vessel. According to Sethe, other two fragments bear the same inscription, of which little survives today. At the time of the discovery the title

iry xt nswt

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(“Keeper of the king’s goods,

Chancellor”)7 was probably still legible, while today only the sings

and

, maybe part

of the official name (Mry-Hr-n-%xmt)8, are visible on the damaged surface.

The under side of the stopper is quite interesting because it still shows the impression of the bowl lip. The ceramic disk, usually present on the underside of the stoppers in order to hermetically close the wine jars, is missing here.

This small bowl was probably sealed using only a layer of some vegetable fibres, of which some impressions are still visible on the underside of the stopper. Most likely the content of the bowl did not need an airtight seal (which, on the other hand, was necessary for the wine jars). In fact, Garstang suggested that the alabaster vessels of the Bet Khallaf necropolis may have contained funerary offerings other than wine. On the other hand, it may be that the ceramic disk is simply missing, as in many other cases for wine jars.

7

As regards this title, see: Barta M. “The title during the Old Kingdom Egypt” in: ZÄS n. 126, 1999, pp. 79-89. 8 Sethe has suggested this interpretation on the presence of sings mry (in this fragment) and %xmt (in another fragment); see: Sethe K., op. cit., p. 26, pl. XIX. 23.

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Seal 2 Inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57769 Technical data: Clay; 12x13 cm., 12 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dinastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp. 16-17. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 23, pl. X. 12. • Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, p. 91. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 73 n. 272.

Large clay cone, made up of two fragments bearing a long (6x3 cm.) inscription. Originally, the seal impression showed the Djoser serekh repeated many times and the following text: sA

irp sT.t [ …?] (“Wine sT.t

[vineyard name ?] workmen)9.

9

Sethe did not suggest any translation of this text, nor he did consider clear the vineyard name in the oval and the possible preceding toponym (maybe referred to the Sehel island, see: Faulkner R.O., A concise dictionary of Middle Egyptian, 2nd edition, Oxford University Press, 1964, p. 255). The quoted translation and transliteration follow the hypothesis of Kloth and Zimmerman (op. cit., pp. 16-17).

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A general impression of confusion was noted on the surface of the cone, probably caused by the presence of many impressions. The Djoser serekh is clearly visible, but the lower part is missing, while the other symbols are entirely illegible, except for underneath the vineyard symbol, in its archaic form:

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.

and

Seal 3 Inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC38100 technical data: Clay; 15x9 cm., 7 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, p.18. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 26-27, p. 24, pl. X. 14. • Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, pp. 91-92. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 78 n. 293

Clay cone made up of two fragments, on which is inscribed an impression 10x3 cm long. The Horus falcon is missing from the top of the Djoser serekhs (while it is present in the Sethe’s drawings), most likely worn away by time. It is possible that the two seal fragments did not belong to the same cone, because the right half is less damaged than the left one and their ends do not perfectly match. Moreover the serekh on the right half has a different inclination compared to those on the left half, which suggests that they were not part of the same impression.

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The seal impression is quite clear and includes three Djoser serekhs (of which the clearest is the central one) at intervals with two different texts: (“[…] of whom the king says every day [?]”)10 and

[…] sA Dd nswt ra nb

n sSm wpt nswt […] sA Smaw

[?]. This last column has been considered by Sethe as part of an official name, to which belong the preceding titles11, while Kahl, Kloth and Zimmerman have suggested the translation: ”… phyle priest of Upper Egypt”12. In spite of the poor state of preservation and the different translations of the lower section of this column, it is possible a reference to the ‘royal mission’.

Drawing of the seal impression from Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U. (op. cit. p.18)

Drawing of the seal impression from Sethe (op. cit., pl. X.14)

10

According to Kahl, Kloth and Zimmermann, instead, the translation is: ”Workmen of which the king talks every day” (op. cit. p. 19). 11 Sethe K., op. cit., p. 24. 12 Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., op. cit., p. 19.

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Seal 4 Inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57897 Technical data: Clay; 17x12 cm., 9 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp.18-19. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 26-27, pp. 21-22, pl. IX. 4. • Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, pp. 76-77. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 80 n. 304, p.167. Large fragmentary clay cone, on which it is difficult to identify any sign of the original impression with the Djoser serekh. In fact the surface is very much damaged, presenting also some cracks, probably caused by the loss of the surface layer of clay with the original inscriptions. However, on the left it is possible to read part of the Djoser hours name (

sing). At

the Petrie Museum two other copies of this seal are kept: one in two fragments (UC57845) and the other perfectly preserved, albeit without legible inscriptions (UC57964).

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Cone UC57964 and fragments of cone UC57845 (Petrie Museum)

Originally, the text included three Djoser serekhs, two vineyard names in the characteristic indented oval (dwA and

sn dwA @r xnty pt

heaven”)13, followed by the title

@r xnty pt “Praised is Horus who is in front of heaven” “Brother/fellow of Praised is Horus who is in front of

Hry wDA

(“Overseer of the Storehouse”)14 and by the

anthropomorphic representation of the god Harakty (“Horus of the horizon”) with the falcon head15 and his name above him @r-iAxty. The god addresses to the king’s serekh, preceded by the usual formula:

di anx Dd wAs Dt

(“Endowed with life, stability, power for ever”).

According to Kaplony, the vineyard name is: @r-sbA-xnty-pt (“Horus is the star in the corner of the sky” (see: Kaplony P., op. cit., p. 164 e Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., op. cit., p. 19). 14 Often this title is connected to the vineyards administration (see: Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, pp. 76-81. 13

According to Kahl, Kloth and Zimmermann the signs above the god figure are: AS. It is worth mentioning the presence of anthropomorphic divine figures giving life to the king serekh also in the seals from royal tombs of Peribsen and Khasekhemuy at Abydos (see: Petrie W.M.Fl., The royal tombs of the First Dynasty. Part II, London, 1900, pl. XXII n. 178, 179, e pl. XXIII n. 192, 199, 200).

15

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Seal 5 Inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57962 Technical data: Clay; 20x10 cm., 8 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp.18-19. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 26-27, pp. 19-20, pl. VIII. 2. • Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, p. 76. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 74 n. 315

Large clay cone, on which it is difficult to make out any sign of the original impression, which presented three Djoser serekhs, alternated with the following inscriptions (starting from the right):

aw

wt Hry sStA (“Ut priest16, in charge of secrets17”), ”nrw tAwy” imy ib Xry

(“[The fortress] “The terror of the Two Lands”, favourite, assistant”),

mry nsw dwA

nTr ra nb (“Beloved of the king, he who praises the god every day”). 16

According to Sethe, “he of the Ut city” is an Anubis title and also a priest title (“Ut priest of Anubis”), see: Sethe K., op. cit., p. 19. It is important to note also that this title is written in an unusual opposite orientation from left to right, considering the rest of the inscription, which has to be read from right to left. 17 As regards this title see: Rydström K.T., @ry sStA In charge of secrets. The 3000 years evolution of a title, in: Discussion in Egyptology n.28, 1994, pp.53-94.

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The reference to the fortress (nrw

tAwy, “Terror of the Two Lands”) is present also in

a relief fragment of Djoser from Heliopolis, which indicates the particular importance of this institution during the king’s reign.

Relief fragment of Djoser from Heliopolis (Turin, Egyptian Museum, Inv.2671)

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Seal 6 Inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57896 Technical data: Clay; 23x14 cm., 16 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dinastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp. 20-21. • Sethe K. Remarks on the inscriptions in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 26-27, p. 22, pl. IX. 5a. • Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, p. 83. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 84 n. 316 Large clay cone in good condition, with a reasonably legible seal impression 11x3,5 cm long. The three Djoser serekhs are clearly visible on the damaged surface of the cone, accompanied by the following inscriptions: name18) and

kAnw

(“vineyards”),

Dr[?]

(possibly a place-

ist DfA (“The provisioning office”). The Djoser serekhs do not have the Horus

falcon on the top, of which only the lower part is still visible. Moreover, the position of the Djoser Horus name (Netjerykhet) symbols inside the serekh is different from the previous 18

According to Sethe, this toponym could represent the place in which the quoted vineyards are located, and should be read: Drt , “The WaIl”, a possible name of Memphis (Sethe K., op. cit., p. 22).

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cases, in which the three symbols are written in a column, while here the first sign is placed to one side of the other two symbols.

This particular way of writing Djoser’s name occurs only in one other instance (Seal 8 of this catalogue) and could be explained by the association with the

ist DfA (“Provisioning

Office”), which is also mentioned only in these two instances. Therefore, it is possible that these two seals came from a different workshop from that of other pieces of the Bet Khallaf collection, connected somehow to the ist

DfA19. It is also worth mentioning that the only two

references to this institution at the Bet Khallaf necropolis both come from the K1 mastaba.

19

Of all the inscription dated to the IIIrd dynasty, this institution occurs only in some Djoser texts, in which the serekh has the conventional writing of the king’s name in column. The only other known reference to the ist is in the rock relief of Sekhemkhet in Sinai, in which it forms the title: sms ist (“Overseer of the Storing Office”).

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Seal 7 Inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57892 Technical data: Clay; 22x12 cm., 11 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dinastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp. 20-21. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 26-27, p. 22, pl. IX. 6. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 84 n. 318.

Large clay cone with a rather damaged surface, on which it is not possible to make out the original seal impression, including three Djoser serekhs and the following text (reading from the right): […]

snpw (?)

(“Senpw [topomyn?])20,

pr nswt pr dSr kAnw

( “Residence of Upper Egypt, Red Residence, vineyards”).

According to Kahl J., Kloth N. and Zimmermann U., the text should be read: pi @r msnw “Residence of Horus of Harpooners” (Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., op. cit., p. 21), even though this reading is not supported by visible signs. 20

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According to Sethe,

snpw

could represent a place name, which occurs also in a

Khasekhemuy seal from Abydos21. This place may be situated in a western Egyptian province22, probably mentioned in the first right hand column of this seal impression, of

which only the lower part of the original sign is visible

Khasekhemwy seal from Abido with pi

.

@r msnw (first column from left).

It is also interesting to observe the reference to the

pr nswt e pr dSr, institutions

closely connected with the king because they probably represent his residences in the North and South of Egypt, exclusively in the K1 seals and in some texts found in the Khasekhemuy tomb at Umm el-Qa’ab (Abydos)23.

21

Petrie W.M.Fl., The royal tombs of the First Dynasty. Part II, London, 1900, pl. XXIV n. 202. This place is also present in a seal impression of Peribsen from Abydos (see: Petrie W.M.Fl., op. cit., pl. XXI n. 172). 23 Petrie W.M.Fl., op. cit. , pl. XXIII n. 191, 192, 196. 22

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Seal 8 Inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57895 Technical data: Clay; 21x14 cm., 12 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp.20-21. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 26-27, p. 22, pl. IX. 5b. • Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, p. 83. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 84 n. 317.

Large clay cone with a rather damaged surface, on which more than one seal impression seems to be present. Only part of the Djoser serekh is legible, as well as a reference to the ist

DfA (“Provisioning Office”).

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In the original inscription were also mentioned the vineyards Walls” inbw

kAnw

and the “White

HD (toponym of Memphis).

Two other copies of this seal are also kept at the Petrie Museum, UC57961 and UC57765: the latter represents the largest clay cone of the whole Bet Khallaf collection (24x24 cm., 13,5 cm. ø), which still preserves the ceramic disk for sealing the wine jar.

Inscribed clay cone UC57765 from Bet Khallaf (Petrie Museum)

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Seal 9 Inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57891 Technical data: Clay; 9 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp.22-23. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 26-27, p. 22-23, pl. X. 7. • Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, pp. 88-91. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 87 n. 326. Inscribed clay stopper with a rather damaged surface, on which it is possible to read only part of the original inscription, with the name of Queen Nymaathapi24 and her titles:

mwt nswt bity

(“Mother of king of upper and Lower Egypt”),

(“she, which is said that everything is done for her”),

xwt @r

Dd.t xt nbt ir.t n.s

(“follower of Horus”),

N-

MAat-@p (“The truth belongs to Hapi”).

24

As regards the queen titles and her court role in the passage between the IInd and IIIrd dynasty, see Chapter III paragraph 3.3.

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Only the last part of the Queen’s name is visible on the surface of the stopper, and the text: Dd.t

xt nb ir.t n.s. The stopper is a rounded cap, probably used to seal a small bowl

made of some fine material such as alabaster. Three other copies of this seal are kept at the Petrie Museum, all impressed on small rounded stoppers (UC57890, UC57889, UC57888), which are even less legible than the former one. All the surfaces are damaged to a certain extent, showing small holes and marks of multiple impressions, which make it difficult to make out the original text.

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Seal 10 Inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57982 Technical data: Clay; 12x7 cm., 8 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp.24-25. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 21, pl. VIII. 3b. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄAband 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 87 n. 327. Fragmentary clay cone, on which the lower part of a seal impression is quite visible, in which the name of an officer with his titles is repeated three times:

sS (?) nbw, insw

(?), Ra-xwf, sS smi.t, Ra-xwf, Dt […?], Ra-xwf (“[… ?], Rakhuf, Scribe of the desert, Rakhuf, […?], Rakhuf”).

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The inscriptions between the official names is not so legible nor is it easy to translate, even if it may be connected somehow with this regalia25:

.

The presence of the title “Scribe of the desert” in the seal impressions from Bet Khallaf is certainly very significant and could represent another reference (Seal 3 of this catalogue) to the mining activities in Sinai of the IIIrd dynasty sovereigns.

25

Sethe K., op. cit., p. 21.

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Seal 11 Inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57984 Technical data: Clay; 26x11 cm., 11 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp. 24-25. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 19, pl. VIII. 1. • Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, pp. 74-75. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 95 n. 369. Clay cone in very good condition, with a clear seal impression 20x3 cm long, in which the following inscription can be seen: Wp assistant”),

wAwt (“Wpwawet”), sm Xry-aw (“sem priest,

nswt bity nbty NTry-Xt nbw

(“King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Two

Ladies, Netjerykhet, Gold Horus [?]”)26.

According to Sethe, the nbw sign could represent a first reference to the Gold Horus name, present also on the serdab statue base of Djoser (ra nbw) and in a relief fragment from Heliopolis (Egyptian Museum, Turin, Inv. Suppl. 2671, see: W.S.Smith, A history of Egyptian sculpture and painting in the Old Kingdom, New York, 1978, pp.133-137).

26

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On the surface of the cone are clearly visible the upper part of the Wpwawt standard, the

wAwt

sings and part of the Djoser Horus name (Netjerykhet) written, not inside the

serekh, but preceded by nbty, probably to indicate the equivalence of the Horus and the Two Ladies name for the king. This clay cone still preserves a hole27 at the smaller end and a ceramic disk to hermetically seal the wine jar. Three other copies of this seal are kept at the Petrie Museum (UC 57985, UC57987, UC57847),

almost all in good condition, with part of the abovementioned text quite visible on the surface. The UC57985 copy is the only one which is intact, with a hole at the smaller end, while the other two are merely large fragments, corresponding to half of an entire cone.

27

See paragraph 3.2 of this chapter.

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Seal 12 Inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57980 Technical data: Clay; 24x7 cm., 5,5 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp. 26-27. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, pp. 20-21, pl. VIII.3a. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 96 n. 379.

Fragmentary clay cone with an erased surface on which little of the original inscription is visible, the translation of which is still doubtful:

nD-nTrw nfr anx […]

nfr anx nTr wD, rn nDm, nDi sS

(“Nefer-ankh-netjer-wdja, Renty, Nedj, Scribe, Nedjnetjerw,

Nefer-ankh […]”)28. According to Sethe, the only personal name is Nedjnetjerw, the official owner of the seal, while the rest of the inscription has to be translated as: “Good in life, a god in command, a pleasant teacher when asked for advice, scribe Nedjnetjerw”29.

28

According to Kahl, Kloth and Zimmermann, the only clear title is “Scribe”, while the other sections of the text are to be considered as parts of personal names, although transliterated with no differences comparing to the Sethe interpretation. (Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., op. cit., p. 27). 29 Sethe K., op. cit., p. 20.

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The group of four symbols

also occurs in a seal from the K2 mastaba at Bet

Khallaf30 and in another seal from Khasekhemuy’s tomb at Abydos31, and according to Sethe, it represents an epithet in which nfr refers to anx and nTr to wD .

The only visible signs are those identifying the scribe’s title and a horizontal line along the whole surface (9cm long and 3,5 cm high), which represents the rectangular impression of the cylindrical seal.

30 31

Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 25, pl. XIX n.11. Petrie W.M.Fl., The royal tombs of the First Dynasty. Part II, London, 1900, pl. XXIV n. 212.

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Seal 13 Fragments of an inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K1 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57768 Technical data: Clay; 8x4 cm., 7x4 cm. Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie,in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp. 12-13. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 24, pl. X. 15.

Two fragments of a clay cone, with a damaged surface on which are visible only a few signs of the original seal impression: nDm…[?] (“kind [?]”)32 and a possible indented oval identifying a vineyard.

32

According to Kahl, Kloth and Zimmermann, this word could represent a personal name (see: Kloth N., Zimmermann U., op. cit., p. 13).

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Seal 14 Fragments of an inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K5 Modrn location: Petrie Museum London, UC57797 Technical data: Clay; 16x10 cm., 6 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie,in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp. 36-37. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 26-27, pl. XXVI.7. • Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, p. 180. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 86 n. 324. Large fragment of a clay cone, on which are quite readable the original inscriptions of the seal impression:

nDm anx, Hry HAb mDH Ams[?], nDm anx, HAty-a iry Nxn,

nDm anx, sm iry pat,

(“Nedjemankh33, lector priest, […?], Nedjemankh, Prince and

Guardian of Hierakonpolis, Nedjemankh, sem priest and noble, Nedjemankh”).

According to Sethe and Weill, the name of the official is Nedjemankh (NDm-anx), very common during the Old Kingdom and present on two Archaic statues, today kept at the Louvre Museum and at the Leiden Museum (see: Vandier J., Manuel d’archeologie egyptienne. Tome II Les époques des formation, Paris, 1952, pp. 982985, fig. 660-661). According to Kaplony, Kahl, Kloth and Zimmermann, instead, the official name is Ankh (anx), to which could belong another statue with similar titles kept at the Leiden Museum (see : Vandier J., op. cit., p. 982, fig. 658). 33

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The upper part of the text is particularly clear, is characterized by a low relief erased by time. The surviving inscription is 13 cm long and 3 cm high, and covers almost the whole length of the cone.

Another copy of this seal is kept at the Petrie Museum (UC57766): a large clay cone on which the original inscriptions are not in such good condition as on the former cone.

In fact, although they cover 10x4 cm, they are in lower relief and almost impossible to read, but the style is the same.

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Seal 15 Fragments of an inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K5 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57798-UC57799 Technical data: Clay; 3x2 cm., 2,5x1,5 cm. Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp. 36-37. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 26-27, pl. XXVI.8. • Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, p. 94. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 85 n. 319. Two small fragments of a clay cone, on which can be read only part of the original inscription, which included three Djoser serekhs, a representation of an unknown goddess and the following titles:

[…] imntyw [?], xrp Smsw (“[…] western province [?], Overseer

of the followers” 34), still of doubtful translation.

34

According to Kahl, Kloth and Zimmermann, this title is to be translated as: “Overseer of the escort” (Kloth N., Zimmermann U., op. cit., p. 37).

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Seal 16 Fragments of an inscribed clay cone

Provenience: Bet Khallaf, mastaba K5 Modern location: Petrie Museum London, UC57858 Technical data: Clay; 6 cm. ø Bibliography: • Kahl J., Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, in: AÄ n. 56, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp. 36-37. • Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 26-27, pl. XXVI.6. • Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit. Band I in: ÄA band 8, Wiesbaden, 1963, pl. 91 n. 349. Small fragment of a clay cone, on which almost nothing is visible of the original seal impression, which included an official name repeated three times

(sS) title.

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(Mr-ib) and the “scribe”

3.2 Text supports The clay cones inscribed with the just above mentioned seal impressions were used to seal the tall wine jars of the Old Kingdom.

Wine jar from Abydos (Den tomb, Ist dynasty, British Museum E27737)

The sealing technique consisted in covering mouth of the jar with a ceramic disk, on which was later added a tall clay cone (or a small rounded stopper). Finally, the jar was embedded in a rope net and the clay surface of the cones was impressed with a cylindrical seal rolled on the still wet clay. Sometimes different seals were impressed on a cone: one crossing the other or the cone surface was covered by another clay layer, and impressed again with a seal. Between the clay cone and the ceramic disk was often included a straw (or other plant fibre) layer, which probably hermetically sealed the jars.

Pottery disk under the clay cone

Impression of vegetal layer

(Incordino pictures 2006, Petrie Museum UC57765 - UC57895)

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Since the IVth dynasty, the presence of wine jars with cone stoppers inside burial places seems to diminish noticeably, probably because of the great changes which occurred in the funerary ideology. In fact, from that period onwards the symbolic representation of the funerary offerings on the tomb walls seems to develop in strong opposition to the ancient custom of accumulating thousands of offerings (especially vessels) in the storage chambers of the royal and private tombs.

Representation of jars in Khufukhaf mastaba (Giza, G7130-7140)

Notwithstanding this, some examples of inscribed stoppers are still present among finds in non funerary contexts before the New Kingdom (for example in the collection from Malkata, West Thebes, XVIIIth dynasty). However, the production of wine jars was always present in the agricultural activities represented in the private burial places, as demonstrated by some scenes from West Thebes tombs35.

Inscribed cone from Buhen

Cone with hole UC57982 from Bet Khallaf

(IVth dynasty)

(Incordino picture 2006)

35

As, for instance, the representation in Neferhotep tomb at Thebes (see: Davies N. de Garis, The tomb of Neferhotep at Thebes, New York, 1973).

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In addition, it is interesting to observe the presence of small holes (2 cm ø) at the ends of some clay cones. In most instances, these holes are not very deep and the inner cavity does not seem to go right through the cone, because no other holes are visible at the opposite ends, only a ceramic disk. Their function is still uncertain, and it seems unlikely that their presence is connected with fermentation because these jars represented funerary offerings and were not intended for daily use.

3.3 Seal typology The seal impressions from Bet Khallaf were first measured, in order to identify the length of the inscriptions, which varied between 6 and 20 cm. Considering that the cylindrical seals were rolled on the clay surface of the stoppers impressing their inscription at least three times, an average length of about 7 cm. can be deduced. When comparing these data with those summarized by Petrie concerning the seals of the royal necropolis at Abydos36, it is worth mentioning the similarity in the reconstructed length of the cylindrical seals, which according to the English archaeologist, should vary from 4.06 to 8.36 cm. Unfortunately, Petrie did not record the size of the clay cones, and so it is not possible to compare these data, even if the typological similarity between the two seal collections is quite evident (average length of the Bet Khallaf cones is 20 cm.).

36

Clay cone from Abydos

Clay cone from Bet Khallaf

(Qa’a tomb, Ist dynasty)

(IIIrd dynasty, UC57765; Incordino picture 2006)

Petrie W. M. Fl., The royal tombs of the First Dynasty, vol. I, London, 1900, p.24.

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In the Bet Khallaf collection are present two different typology of inscriptions: the royal seals with king serekh and the reference to some institution, and the private seals with official name and titles. As regards the first typology, there are 10 different seal impressions, which bear Djoser and Nymaathapi names, the mention of the principal state insitution and the capital Memphis. As regards the second typology, there are 6 different seal impressions, with at least three clearly legible private names (Merib, Rakhuf, e Nedjemankh) and eight important administrative and religious titles. Also in the royal seals occur high rank titles, connected to the mentioned institutions, but never private names of officials37, characteristic that the Umm el-Qa’ab (Abydos) seal impressions share with the Bet Khallaf texts. It could means that the private name seals actually belonged to the mentioned officials38, while the serekh ones derived from the central administration. The importance of these seals is fundamental to understand the complex administrative organization of that time, specially if we consider the gap of administrative documents of the first two dynasties. Moreover, it is worth noticing the funerary context of these texts: gods, offering formula, reference to religious institutions and domains, connected of the royal funerary equipment, are all mentioned. The cult value of these seals is particularly clear in some instances of the first dynasty found in Qa’a tomb at Abydos39, which bear his royal name, but also those of his predecessors. During the textual support analysis it was observed that the layout of the Bet Khallaf inscriptions follows a ‘tripartite’ text arrangement: the king’s name inside the serekh (or the official name) is often repeated three times with administrative titles epithets, institutions, royal domains, gods in between. This characteristic is consistent with the content of the seal impressions of the first two dynasties, especially from the royal necropolis of Umm el-Qa’ab (Abydos).

37

Sethe K., op. cit., p. 19. Often private seals were used in the administration too, together with a royal seal which convalidated the former one. The sudden disapparence of private seals during the IVth dynasty could probably indicate the fact that in that period it was not allowed the officials to have their personal seals. (see: Perrucca S., I sigilli nell’Egitto protodinastico, in: L’ufficio ed il documento. I luoghi, i modi, gli strumenti dell’amministrazione in Egitto e Vicino Oriente Antico, Cisalpino Istituto Editoriale Universitario, Milano, 2006, pp. 81-86). 39 Baines J., Scrittura e società nel più antico Egitto, in: Sesh. Lingue e scritture nell’Antico Egitto, Milano, 1999, pp. 21-30. 38

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Example of tripartite inscription from Bet Khallaf (seal 6; Incordino picture 2006)

Example of tripartite inscription from Abydos (Peribsen seal, Petrie Museum UC36828) (Petrie W. M. Fl., The royal tombs of the First Dynasty, vol. I, London, 1900, pl. XXII)

3.4 The mentioned institutions The common elements of the Bet Khallaf and Abydos collections of texts are not limited to the formal aspect, but also include the content of the inscriptions. In particular, the Bet Khallaf seals contain almost the entire corpus of titles, institutions and topographical references mentioned in the Umm el Qa’ab texts. Reference

Pr nswt Pr dSr Ist DfA Hry wDA Xry sStA

Translation Residence (Upper Egypt) Red residence (Lower Egypt) Provisioning Office Overseer of the Storehouse In charge of secrets

Reference

iry xt nswt

Translation Chancellor

sS smit

Desert scribe

Inbw HD

White Walls (Memphis) Nymaathapi (queen)

Ny-mAat@p kAnw

vineyard

Titles and institutions present in the Bet Khallaf (IIIrd dynasty) and Umm el-Qa’ab seal collections (Abydos, Ist-IInd dynasty)

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The references to the most important administrative posts (pr

nswt, pr dSr) and to

the capital, Memphis, demonstrate an unbroken management of the country’s resources during the first three dynasties. The mention of the Provisioning Office (ist

DfA)

in the funerary inscription of Bet

Khallaf and Abydos is interesting because it could represent a possible common site of production of food offerings for the royal funerary cult.

ist DfA reference in seal UC57895 from Bet Khallaf (Incordino picture 2006).

Peribsen seal with ist DfA from his tomb at Abydos (Petrie W. M. Fl., The royal tombs of the First Dynasty, vol. II, London, 1900, pl. XXI)

Moreover, the repetition of the word

kAnw

‘vineyards’ (and their names within the

indented ovals) is significant in both necropolises. These domains were probably intended to supply wine (kept in tall jars) to the store chambers of both burial sites.

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It is possible that the Abydos province had a close connection with wine production during the first three dynasties, considering that no reference to vineyards occurs in the Saqqara textual material40.

Merneith store chamber (Ist dynasty, Abydos)

In addition, it is important to underline that the Bet Khallaf texts demonstrate the existence of at least three different vineyards connected to Djoser, of which one with has a name very similar to the Khasekhemuy vineyard. This element may represent an exception to the usual association, during the Thinite period, of only one vineyard to each king, perhaps considering the long and rich reign of Djoser41, but more probably because of the increase of royal funerary domains. To confirm the importance and stability of these institutions, it is worth mentioning the reference to one of these Djoser vineyards in the tomb of Pehernefer at Saqqara (a domain which he administrated at the beginning of the IVth dynasty) and in the wine list of the Sethi I Temple at Abydos (XIXth dynasty)42.

40

In the textual corpus of the underground galleries of Djoser Step Pyramid is present only one reference to the ist DfA on a diorite bowl with the name of Khasekhemwy (JdE 55293, Museo del Cairo), see: Lauer J.Ph., Lacau P., La pyramide a degres. Tome IV: Inscriptions a l’encre sur le vases, Le Caire (IFAO), 1961-65, pp. 4445. 41 Weill R., Le nom du sur les cylindres, in: Rec. de travaux n. 29, 1907, pp. 50-52. 42 Sethe K., Remarks on the inscriptions, in: Garstang J., Mahasna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, pp. 21-22.

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Three vineyards of Djoser (mastaba K1, IIIrd dynasty, Bet Khallaf)

Khaksekhemwy vineyard (IInd dynasty, Abydos ;Petrie W. M. Fl., op. cit., pl. XXIII)

Another indication of the now established link between the textual collections of Bet Khallaf and Umm el-Qa’ab (Abydos) is the presence of Queen Nymaathapi’s name at both necropolises. This important personage, who lived between the end of the IInd and the beginning of the IIIrd dynasty, is usually considered to be Khasekhemuy’s wife and Djoser’s mother. The identification of her court role depends on the interpretation of the inscriptions dedicated to her found on two seal impressions and a granite vessel43 from the Khasekhemuy tomb at Abydos and on nine seal impressions from the K1 mastaba at Bet Khallaf44.

Nymaathapi seal from Bet Khallaf (mastaba K1)

43

Kaplony P., Die inschriften der Ägyptischen Frühzeit, Wiesbaden, 1963, vol. III, pl. 150. An indirect reference to the queen has been found in the inscription of Metjen tomb at Saqqara, official connected to her cult (see: Borchardt L., Die Königsmutter N-MAat-@p, in ZÄS n.36, 1898, pp. 142-143).

44

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Nymaathapi seal from Abydos (Petrie, op. cit., vol. II, pl. XIV)

Nymaathapi’s titles (Hmt the king’s sons”,

nswt

mwt nswt bity

“Wife of the king”,

mwt msw nswt

“Mother of

“Mother of the king”) connect her strongly with the

succession to the throne, because nswt clearly indicates the ruling king. Notwithstanding this, however, the supporters of Theory B suggest that she could be Khasekhemuy’s daughter, possible wife of Sanakht45, heir to the throne before Djoser and mother of the latter.

Nymaathapi seals from K1at Bet Khallaf (Petrie Museum UC57890-57889) (Incordino picture 2006)

It is important to underline the presence of Nymaathapi’s name only in the K1 mastaba at Bet Khallaf, impressed on rounded mud stoppers (not on clay cones), which probably sealed alabaster vessels46, finer than the clay wine jars. The presence of a funerary offering with the name of an important queen of the late IInd dynasty only in the K1 mastaba suggests a new interpretation of this monument47.

45 46 47

Kaplony P., op. cit., vol. I, pp. 527-529. Garstang J., Mahashna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, p. 11. See paragraph 4 (K1 theory) in Chapter Two.

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3.5 Principal administrative titles From the analysis of the seal impressions of Bet Khallaf were subsequently identified 12 important administrative titles, indicating the bureaucratic organization at the beginning of the IIIrd dynasty. Traduzione

iry xt nswt

Keeper of king’s goods, Chancellor

Xry tp nswt

First under the king, Chamberlain

iry pat

Crown prince

nxt xrw

Strong of voice

aD-mr smit

Desert Governor

Hry sStA HAty-a

In charge of secrets Prince

Xtmty bity

Seal keeper of king

imy r mSa

General

Xry Hb Hry wDA

Lector priest Overseer of the Storehouse

mDH nswt

Royal carpenter

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Ortografia completa

These titles were also found in the seal impressions dating from the Ist-IInd-IVth-VthVIth dynasties, showing a strong continuity in the political and administrative organization. However, it is not likely that during the all Old Kingdom these titles still represented the actual function of the official to which they belonged: in fact probably only later (from the second half of the IVth dynasty onwards) they became a mere symbol of high rank within the royal court48.

IInd Dynasty

IIIrd Dynasty

iry xt nswt

Khasekhemwy

BK2 – Hesy - Sepa Djoser Pyramid

IVth-Vth-VIth Dynasty Kapi (Giza) Metjen

Xry tp nswt

Ninetjer Peribsen Khasekhemwy Den (S3506) Khasekhemwy -

Imhotep Djoser Pyramid

G2092A (Giza) Sahura

iry pat nxt xrw aD-mr smit Hry sStA

Peribsen (sS smit) Qa’a

HAty-a

Merneith

Xtmty bity

Den Peribsen

imy r mSa

-

BK5 – Imhotep Djoser Pyramid BK1 – BK2- Aakhety Djoser north temple BK1 Sinai (Djoser) BK1 - BK2 Aakhety BK5 Sinai (Sekhemkhet) Sanakht (Elefantine) Imhotep – Djoser Pyr. Sinai (Sekhemkhet) Sinai (Sekhemkhet)

Xry Hb

Khasekhemwy

BK5 -Djoser Pyr.

Hry wDA

Den – Qa’a Peribsen Khasekhemwy Den

BK1 – Djoser Pyr. Aakhety

mDH nswt

BK5 - Imhotep Djoser Pyr. - Sinai

Nefermaat – Kawab Mereruka Metjen -Pehernefer Wadi Hammamat Metjen -Pehernefer Khafkhufu (Giza) G2240 (Giza) Niuserra Giza (Kawab) Sahura -Herkhuf Herkhuf Rahotep Wadi Hammamat Nefermaat Kawab - Mereruka Khafkhufu (Giza)

mDH n pr aA/dpt

One example is the iry xt nswt title, which during the IIIrd dynasty belonged to Hesy-Ra, Aakhety and Metjen, while during the IVth and Vth dynasty it belonged also to less influent members of the court, such as king’s hairdressers or princes (Rahotep and Nefermaat) wives (see: Barta M., The title during the Old Kingdom Egypt” in: ZÄS n. 126, 1999, pp. 79-89). 48

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From this comparison can also be derived the probable introduction of two titles49 during the IIIrd dynasty:

nxt xrw and aD-mr smit, of which no previous references are

known to the writer50. Consequently, the research was focused on the identification of the administrative function of these two titles, and of the political meaning of their introduction, recorded for the IIIrd dynasty in four instances for the nxt

xrw and in one instance for the aD-mr smit.

nxt xrw from mastaba K2 of Bet Khallaf

aD-mr smit from rock relief of Djoser in Sinai

3.5.1 The “Strong of voice” (nxt

xrw)

At least 18 references to this title are known for the Old Kingdom, occurring mainly in the private burial places of the Vth dynasty at Saqqara51.

The lack of references to the imy-r mSa (‘General’) before the IIIrd dynasty is probably due to the scanty military textual evidence for the first two dynasties. In fact, it seems unlikely that the bureaucratic organization of the Thinite Period did not include the army overseer. Notwithstanding this, it is worth mentioning that this title was for the whole of the Old Kingdom connected also to quarrying and mining activities (Sinai, Wadi Hammamat), performed by conscripted troops under military control (see: Faulkner R.O., Egyptian military organization, in: JEA n. 39, 1953, pp. 32-47). 50 Regarding the aD-mr smit title, only one seal from the Peribsen royal tomb at Abydos mentions a sS smit (‘Scribe of the desert’, see: Petrie W.M.Fl, op. cit., vol. II, pl. XXII n.189); while for the nxt xrw title there may be two references of doubtful interpretation in a Den seal (Petrie, op. cit., vol. II pl. XVIII n.144) and in a Khasekhemuy seal, both from Abydos (Petrie, op. cit., vol. II pl. XXIV n.212). 51 For a more accurate comparison also eight instances of nxt xrw dated to the Middle Kingdom has been considered. 49

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Document

Provenience

Seal mastaba K1

Bet Khallaf

Seal mastaba K2 Seal from North Temple of Djoser Seal from Hetepka mastaba Relief Metjen tomb

Bet Khallaf Saqqara (Step Pyr.) Saqqara (S3518) Saqqara

Relief Aakhety tomb

Saqqara

Relief Pehernefer tomb Relief Sefetjwa tomb

Saqqara Giza (?)

Relief Rashepses tomb

Saqqara (LS16-S902) Saqqara (60-D22) Saqqara (N20-D41) Saqqara

Relief Ti tomb Relief tomb of Sekhemanhkptah Relief Nyankhkhum & Khnumhotep tomb

Bibliography Garstang J., Mahashna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, pl. X.10 Garstang J., op. cit. pl. XIX. 8 Firth C.M., Quibell J.E., Step Pyramid, vol. I, p.141 Emery W. B., in JEA n.56, 1970, pl. 17.1 Goedicke H., Die Laufbahn des MTn, in MDAIK n. 21, 1966, pp. 1-71. Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, pl. VI-VII. Junker H., in: ZÄS n.75, 1939, pp.63-73 C. Ziegler, Catalogue des steles, peintures et reliefs egyptiens de l’Ancien Empire et le Premiere Periode Intermediaire, Paris, 1990, pp. 212-214 Lepsius C. R Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien, Leipzig, 1897-1913, vol. II, pl. 62-63 Yoyotte J. in: RdE n. 9, 1952, p.144 Fischer H., in: Bullettin of the Detroit Institute of arts, n. 51, 1972, fig. 7 Moussa A. H., Altenmuller H., Das Grab des Nianchchnum und Chumhotep, Mainz am Rhein, 1977, pl. 28 Ziegler C., op. cit., p.293 Posener-Krieger P., in: RdE n. 32, 1980, pl. 6 fig. 1

Relief Louvre E17499 Cairo Papyrus JE52001A Relief Ptahhotep tomb

Saqqara (?) Saqqara (?)

Relief Kagemni tomb

Saqqara

Graffito Djedkare Isesi pyramid

Saqqara

Fischer H. G., The Inspector of the ^x of Horus, Nby, in Or., n. 30, 1961, p.172.

Basin Berlin Museum 7722

Unknown

Fischer H. G., Old Kingdom Inscriptions in the Yale Gallery, in: MIO n.7, 1960, p. 305.

Saqqara

Lepsius C. R., Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien, Leipzig, 1897-1913, vol. II, pl. 103a Bissing von F. W., Die Mastaba des Ge–min-kai, Leipzig, 1911, vol. II, pl. IX

The interpretation usually accepted by scholars suggests that the official bearing this title was connected to the control and counting activities of the grain harvest. The translation of the title (‘Strong of voice’) probably refers to the fact that this official shouted out the measured weights of the grain52.

52

According to another theory, the ‘Strong of voice’ was a high ranking official, who calculated the yield of the grain harvest and the consequent taxes, and its translation would indicate ‘He, whose word is decisive’ (see: Pirenne J., Histoire des institutions et du droit privè de l’ancienne Egypte. Vol I Des Origines a la fin de la IV dynastie, Bruxelles, 1932, p.167).

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nxt xrw from Ptahhotep tomb at Saqqara (Vth-VIth dyn.) On the other hand, according to other scholars, it is possible to identify the

nxt xrw

with the role of ‘rais’, or leader of gangs of labourers assigned to the construction of public buildings or mining activities53.

Rock inscription with nxt

xrw from Wadi Hammamat (XIIth dynasty)

In reality, it seems likely that this official had more than one administrative function: for example, after the end of the harvest season, he may have been involved in activities which included the control of the labour force. It is also worth mentioning the possible link between this title and the provincial administration54, documented, for example, by its presence in Aakhety titolature, official of the XXth province of Upper Egypt. The connection between

nxt xrw and the Granary institution is clearly demonstrated

by various scenes of agricultural activities in the private mastabas of the Vth dynasty at Saqqara. The Granary is usually represented or mentioned in the titles sequence of the officials, as, for example, in the case of the scribes (sS Granary (nxt

Snwt)

or the

nxt xrw

of the

xrw Snwt)55.

For example, a rock inscription from Wadi Hammamat datable to Sesostri I reign mentions three nxt xrw which could had this function. (see: Goyon G., Nouvelles Insriptions rupestres du Wadi Hammamat, Paris, 1957, pp. 17-18). 54 Helck W., Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, in ÄA n.45, Wiesbaden, 1987, p. 251. 55 Fischer H.G., Old Kingdom Inscriptions in the Yale Gallery, in MIO n.7, 1960, pp. 309-310. 53

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This title is often included as an explanation of the character represented and shown while performing his function next to a mound of grain, or controlling the harvesting work.

nxt xrw at the centre of the scene oversees the grain harvest. (Sekhemankhptah tomb, Saqqara, Vth dynasty, Boston MFA 04.1760)

A reference to the Granary also occurs in the Bet Khallaf seals from the K2 mastaba, and so could be connected to the role of nxt

xrw, which is mentioned in another seal from

the same mastaba.

Seal from mastaba K2 of Bet Khallaf with mention to the Granary (Snwt) (Oriental Institute Liverpool OI 5251)

It is important to notice that K2 is usually dated to the Sanakht reign, because of the occurrence of his name in four of the ten seals found in it, and also because in one particular seal both the Granary and nxt

xrw are situated beside this king’s serekh.

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3.5.2

The “Desert Governor” (aD-mr

smit)

There are about four references to this title in the Old Kingdom, not including the instances of

sS smit

(‘Scribe of the desert’, two instances), of

the desert’, one instance) and of

aD-mr/imy-r xAst

imy-r smit

(‘Overseer of

(’Governor/Overseer of the foreign

land’, five instances).

Document

Provenience

Bibliography

Rock relief of Djoser

Sinai (Wadi Maghara)

Relief Metjen tomb

Saqqara

Relief Pehernefer tomb Relief Nefer & Kahay tomb

Saqqara

Gardiner A. H., Peet T.E., Inscriptions of Sinai, second edition revised by J.Cerny, Oxford,1955, pp. 53-54 (taf.1.2) Goedicke H., Die Laufbahn des MTn, in MDAIK n. 21, 1966, pp. 1-71. Junker H., in: ZÄS n.75, 1939, pp.63-73 Lepsius C. R., Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien, Leipzig, 1897-1913., vol. II, pl. 100b

Saqqara

In the first three dynasties inscription it is difficult to distinguish the word

smit

(‘desert’) from the more general xAst (‘foreign land’) 56, which at times represented a desert, such as that of Sinai. In fact in the complete writing the two words differ only in the phonetic element ‘s’ ( ), but the main problem is to understand when the symbol

was used for the first time

as an ideogram to indicate a ‘foreign land’.

Complete writing of smit (‘desert’)

56

Complete writing of xAst (‘foreign land’)

Kaplony P., Die Rollsiegel des Alten Reichs, Monumenta aegyptiaca 3A, Bruxelles, 1981, vol. II, pp. 48-49.

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The interpretation of the administrative role of the

aD-mr smit

is commonly

identified by scholars as the overseer of some desert regions near the Nile Valley.

aD-mr smit from Metjen tomb at Saqqara. In fact it is possible that in this period the deserts were considered Egyptian ‘provinces’, administrated by local governors, such as Metjen (IVth dynasty), who was

aD-mr smit and

managed the XXIIth province of Upper Egypt57 (surroundings of Memphis) and that the charge of expedition leader did not exist yet, as instead documented for the following period. The only difference from the common governors is that probably the officials in charge of the desert regions also had military powers, confirmed by the title of

imy-r mSa,

generally connected to the aD-mr title, as in the case of the Djoser relief of Sinai58.

Djoser official and his titles: aD-mr 57 58

smit and imy-r mSa (Wadi Maghara, Sinai).

Goedicke H., Die Laufbahn des MTn, in MDAIK n. 21, 1966, pp. 1-71. Pirenne J., op. cit., p. 182.

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Thus, these governors had a civil function (which may have included tax collection)59 and a military one, focused in particular on the defence of these border regions. Although the association between the

aD-mr smit

title and that of

imy-r mSa was

already present during the IIIrd dynasty, the civil function of the army officials can be identified with certainty only for the Middle Kingdom (XIIth dynasty) 60. The different variants of the title prove its long and complex evolution, starting from the first examples of Thinite Period (sS forms of the Old Kingdom (imy-r

Seal with sS

smit from Peribsen tomb at Abydos) up to the standard

smit e aD-mr/imy-r xAst/xAswt).

smit

Rock relief with aD-mr

(Petrie W. M. FL., op.cit., vol II, pl. XXII n.189)

After a short phase of coexistence for the

xAst.

Sinai (IVth-Vth dynasty)

aD-mr smit

and the

imy-r smit

in the

title sequence of one official, he former was gradually substituted by the latter. From the IV-Vth dynasty onwards, this role was probably integrated into that of a higher ranking official, directly connected to the court: the imy-r But it is also possible that for this title the word

smit.

smit (‘desert’) become obsolete, in

favour of xAst (‘foreign land’).

59

Garcia Moreno J.C., Administration territoriale et organisation de l’espace en Egypte au troisieme millenaire avant J.-C. : grgt et le titre a(n)D-mr grgt, in: ZÄS n. 123, 1996, pp. 132-134. 60 Helck W., Untersuchungen zu den Beamtentiteln des Ägyptischen Alten Reiches, Ägyptologische Forschungen Heft 18, München, 1954, p. 90.

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Relief of an aD-mr

smit and imy-r smit (Lepsius C. R., op. cit., vol. II, pl.100b).

Form the results of the textual analysis, it is likely that at the beginning61 of the IIIrd dynasty two new administrative figures were created: one (aD-mr

smit) directly overseeing

some desert regions which were particularly important for the court, and the other (nxt

xrw)

overseeing the harvests and occasionally taking part in the mining expeditions.

61

of

All the references dated to the IIIrd dynasty of these two titles are in fact connected to Sanakht (two instances nxt xrw ) and Djoser name (two instances of nxt xrw and one of aD-mr smit ).

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CONCLUSIONS

The results of this research project have added new confirmation to the chronology proposed by the writer, which identifies in the king’s sequence of IIIrd dynasty a predecessor of Djoser, Sanakht, as founder of the new ruling dynasty. This chronological sequence has been considered the most valid starting point because it is based on many elements, such as the textual and archaeological documents, the architectural development and the geographical distribution of findings. A very meaningful data came, for example, from the localization of some archaeological materials, which seem to reveal a strong chronological link between Sanakht and Djoser, demonstrated by the exclusive presence of their names at Saqqara and Bet Khallaf. But even where these two royal names have been found in situ together with the other IIIrd dynasty royal names, their closeness seems to prove their deep connection: on the slopes of Gebel Maghara (Sinai), in particular, the rock reliefs of Sanakht and Djoser are located a few metres away from each other, at a height of about 50 m., slightly divided from the others. This connection could be explained only with a chronological closeness of the two sovereigns, of which is to be determined the chronological order. The presence of a king (Sanakht/Nebka) preceding Djoser di un sovrano (Sanakht/Nebka) is to be considered now more probabile because, as already mentioned, many architectural elements support the direct succession Djoser – Sekhemkhet – Khaba1, and all the historical sources clearly indicate Sekhemkhet (Djoserty) as direct follower of Djoser2. Moreover, the Sanakht-Djoser sequence is validated by four of the principal historiacal Egyptian sources (Turin Canon, King List of Abydos,

Palermo Stone and Manetho

“Aegyptiaca”), which record the Nebka (Sanakht3) – Djoser sequence. Notwithstanding this, some scholars still support the position of Djoser as founder of the dynasty, not trusting the Ramesside sources, from which Manetho would derived wrong

1

See the Introduction. This name has been found on an ivory claque in the underground galleries of Sekhemkhet pyramid at Saqqara (see: Kloth N., Zimmermann U., Die inschriften der 3. Dynastie, Wiesbaden, 1995, pp. 134-135; Goneim Z., The buried pyramid, London, 1956, pp. 143-145; J.P. Lauer, Au sujet du nom gravé sur la plaquette d’ivoire de la pyramide de l’Horus Sekhemkhet, in: BIFAO, 1962, n.61, pp. 25-28). 3 As regards the association of Nebka with the Horus name of Sanakht see Sethe interpretation in: Garstang J., Mahashna and Bet Khallaf, London, 1901, pp. 24-25. 2

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historical information4, and ignoring completely the evidence from the Palermo Stone, even with all its interpretation doubts5. On the other hand, since a rigorous research implies the accurate verification of the entire documentation to avoid the risk of eliminating important clues or evaluating other elements, in this project the writer has decided to re-examine all the archaeological finds which have never been object of a systematic analysis, and whose importance for the identification of a chronological sequence of IIIrd dynasty kings was already been recognized during the preliminary work for the writer graduation thesis. The royal reliefs

The results of the iconographical analysis conducted by the writer on the Sanakht rock reliefs clearly validate the chronological location of this sovereign in the first reigns of he IIIrd dynasty. The Sanakht scenes in Wadi Maghara, in fact, are the less adherent to the value averages of the proportionate representation of the royal figure identified for the IIIrd dynasty6, presenting, instead, substantial analogies with some royal reliefs of the Thinite Period, above all in the lack of accuracy in the anatomic details and in the presence of important symbolic elements. Moreover, has been noticed that the Djoser reliefs in Sinai show many similarities with the Sanakht scenes rather than the Sekhemkhet ones, which indicate, instead, a clear derivation from the Djoser panels in the underground galleries at Saqqara. These elements confirm the chronological proximity of Sanakht and Djoser, on one hand, and Djoser and Sekhemkhet, on the other. More observation on the Sanakht reliefs can define better the chronological position of the first two sovereigns. The presence in the Sanakht scenes of the Hierakonpolis shrine and the reference to the turquoise (mfkAt), only evidence of this kind in all the IIIrd dynasty scenes in the Sinai, tend to suggest that Sanakht would organized, for the first time ever, the Sinai mining expeditions, later become of essential political and economic importance for the IIIrd dynasty sovereigns. 4

See: Baud M., Djeser et la IIIe dinastie, Paris, 2002, p. 69. See the Introduction, pp. 15-16. 6 This analysis has confirmed the actual existence of a canon of royal representation in this period, having applied guide lines and grids on the examined scenes (see Chapter I paragraph 1.3.1 and 1.3.2.). 5

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In fact, if the reference to the turquoise can be a mere chance, the representation of the Hierakonpolis shrine, the only religious building showed in the rock reliefs in Sinai until the Serabit el-Khadim edification at the beginning of the XIIth dynasty, cannot be due to a circumstance, but, instead, to a precise will to dedicate the success of the royal enterprise to the dynastic god, in his most important Egyptian temple. The seal collection

The analysis of the seal collection from Bet Khallaf has proved the complete adhesion of these texts to the pattern of funerary royal inscriptions found in the Thinite necropolis of Umm el-Qa’ab (Abydos), both in structure than in content, in particular to those found in the tombs of the last two sovereigns of the IInd dynasty, Peribsen and Khasekhemwy. On the other hand, the occurrence of the Djoser, Nymaathapi and Peribsen names7 in these texts may not only date with certainty the necropolis to the beginning of the IIIrd dynasty, but also connect the site, and the people buried in it, to the descent of the IInd dynasty. In both collections, the seal impression structure is divided into three sections, and are mentioned the same institutions (pr

nswt, pr dSr, ist DfA, Snwt, inbw HD)

royal

vineyards (probably connected to the Abydos region) and administrative and religious offices (iry

xt nswt, iry pat, HAtya, Xtmty bity, Hry sStA, Xry tp nswt, Hry Hb, Hry

wDA, sm). Moreover, the analysis has also revealed the introduction of two new administrative functions during the IIIrd dynasty: one (aD-mr

smit)

directly overseeing some desert

regions which were particularly important for the court, and the other (nxt

xrw) overseeing

the harvests and occasionally taking part in the mining expeditions. As demonstrated also by later sources8, these two titles are connected to the administration of regions outside the Nile Valley, such as the Oriental Desert, which, together with Sinai, could be managed by these officials.

7

See Chapter III paragraph 3.3 See Metjen and Pehernefer titles (IIInd-IVth dynasty), in: Goedicke H., Die Laufbahn des MTn, in MDAIK n. 21, 1966, pp. 1-71; Junker H., PHrnfr, in: ZÄS n. 75, 1939, pp. 63-73.

8

- 152 -

The architectural analysis

The Bet Khallaf necropolis has been considered very important in this research project also for the architectural characteristics of its burial places and for the relationship between them. The comparison made between K1 mastaba and the other four tomb of the necropolis has clearly indicate the unique character of the former, both for its architectural elements, than for its funerary equipment and textual corpus. The subsequent comparison between K1 and some private mastabas of Saqqara (S3504 and S3506, dated to Den reign) and the royal tomb of Peribsen and Khasekhemuy (Umm elQa’ab, Abydos) has underlined the prominence of K1 for monumental dimensions, but also its substantial continuity with the royal tombs of Abydos, specially for the funerary equipment typology and for the seal impressions. Therefore, has been suggested by the writer the hypothesis that K1 mastaba could represent a royal tomb of the beginning of the IIIrd dynasty, since it owns the characteristics of a Thinite royal tomb9, such as the northern entrance and cult place, the stone lining of the burial chamber, a rich funerary equipment including weapons, the occurrence of royal and institutional seals and the presence of subsidiary tombs in the surrounding area. At the same time, some K1 elements are quite innovative: first, the more impressive dimensions, which give an impression of prominence, second, a greater stability of the tomb for the use of stone and third, a more complex structure and depth of the underground apartments, in which a greater number of funerary offerings have been stored. The reign of Sanakht

As a consequence of research results, the writer has tried to reconstruct of the reign of Sanakht, which now has a more concrete and defined outline, indicating him as probable first king of the IIIrd dynasty. More difficult is to determine his ascent to the throne, starting from his dynastic derivation from the IInd dynasty, which could be connected to a secondary branch of power,

9

Cervellò-Autuori J., Back to the mastaba tombs of the First Dynasty at Saqqara. Officials or Kings?, in: Egyptological Essays on State and Society, Serie Egittologica 2, Napoli, 2002, pp. 27-61. As regards the K1 theory, see Chapter II, paragraph 2.6.

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if we consider the royal name of Peribsen and Nymaathapi found in the K1 mastaba (his possible burial place) . The lack of Khasekhemuy seal impressions at Bet Khallaf, in fact, may not be a coincidence, such as the exclusive presence of the Djoser seal impressions (and not also the Sanakht ones) in the Khasekhemuy tomb at Umm el Qa’ab (Abydos). Consequently, Sanakht could have been son of Peribsen and brother of Nymaathapi, ascended to the throne for reason not clear to us, possibly connected to some political problems occurred at the end of the IInd dynasty10. A more likely hypothesis according to the results of this research may be represented by the presence of two heirs to throne of Egypt, Sanakht and Djoser, born from different queens. Sanakht could have ascended to the throne first maybe for political problems occurred at the end of the IInd dynasty, but the association of Sanakht and Djoser in many contexts, and the lack of any documented hostility between the two kings suggest that the reason for this succession could be accidental, connected, for example, to the young age of the legitimate heir Djoser.11 The length of Sanakht reign is uncertain too, because discordant elements in the historical sources do not allow a definite hypothesis. In fact, according to the Turin Canon, Nebka would have reigned for 19 years, as his follower Djoser. The Palermo Stone, instead, records for Nebka only 6 years of reign (preceded by a lacuna caused by the fragmentary state of preservation of the document), enough for Sekhemkhet to organize a Sinai expedition and built a step pyramid, even if incomplete12. The importance of Sanakht reign can also be supported by the fact that the Manetho “Aegyptiaca” records for the IIIrd dynasty particular historical events only for the Sanakht and Djoser reigns13. At the same way, the references to Nebka (Sanakht) cult after the IIrd dynasty show how much was still felt the importance of events occurred during his reign, at the beginning of the IVth and during the Vth dynasty14. 10

See: Dodson A., On the threshold of glory: the third dynasty, in: KMT n. 9, 1998, pp. 27-40. There are still many doubts about the kind of problem occurred at the end if the IInd dynasty, but the text on the base of a Khasekhemwy statue probably indicate a temporary lost of northern Egypt (Redford D.B., Egypt, Canaan and Israel in ancient times, American University in Cairo, 1993, p. 48). 11 Although in this case it would be possible to suggest a regency of the young heir mother, it is impossible to discern if this habit was in use in such an ancient period. 12 In fact, the underground section was probably never finished, as proved by the rough walls of the burial chamber, which almost certainly never hosted the king’s burial (see: Goneim Z., The buried pyramid , London, 1956). 13 See: Aegyptiaca Epitome Fr. 10, 11-12.

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As regards the most important historical event of Sanakht reign, it seems probable that it was the acquisition of control over the mining region of Wadi Maghara (Sinai), documented by his rock reliefs15. Already during the first two dynasties the contacts with the autochthonous inhabitants have been very intense, with the purpose of have access to rough materials as turquoise and copper16. But while in the Thinite period this exchanges were included in a more developed commercial relationship with Syria and Palestine, between the end of the IInd and the beginning of the IIIrd dynasty, the Egyptian interest probably turned into the Sinai costs, as direct consequence of the abandonment of the land routes connecting Delta with Negeb region. In this period, in fact, the Egyptian archaeological evidences in Syria and Palestine seem to diminish, while the contacts between Egypt and Byblos developed through sea routes17. Therefore, the reason for the first Sinai expeditions at the beginning of the IIIrd dynasty was probably the will to acquire a direct control of the mining region, without intermediary, to gain free access to minerals not available in Egypt18. This conquest project succeeded probably also because the IIIrd dynasty kings have affirmed their power above the entire Nile Valley, including eastern Delta region, which has been politically instable in the preceding dynasties19.

14

Aakhety, official who lived at the beginning of the IVth dynasty, was in charge of Nebka cult (Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, p. 270, pl. VI-VII), and references to Nebka cult place are present also in the funerary temple of Niuserra at Abusir (L. Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmaler des konigs Ne-user-re, Leipzig, 1907, p. 79). Moreover, the presence of an account set during the reign of Nebka in the Westcar Papyrus, such as for Djoser, Snofrw and Khufu, is a clear indication of the importance of this sovereign (see Introduction pp. 16-17). 15 See Chapter I, pp. 22-25. 16 In funerary equipments of Thinite tombs at Abydos and Saqqara, in fact, many copper objects have been found (for example in a tomb dated to Djer reign at Saqqara, in which were stored 121 copper knives, 68 vessels and 79 chisels (Lucas A., Ancient Egyptian materials and industries, London, 1962, p. 200) and also turquoise ones, as for example some bracelets from Djer tomb at Abydos (Valbelle D., Bonnet C., Le sanctuaire d’Hathor maitresse de la turquoise, Paris, 1996, p. 2). 17 Redford D.B., Egypt, Canaan and Israel in ancient times, American University in Cairo, 1993, pp. 33-37. 18 As, for example, the Egyptian expedition to Punt through the Red Sea, which were probably conducted to directly acquire exotic goods without intermediaries (see: Bard K.A., Fattovich R. ed., Harbor of the pharaohs to the land of Punt. Archaeological investigations at Mersa/Wadi Gawasis Egypt 2001-2005, Napoli, 2007). 19 This region, in fact, was not under complete Egyptian control until the second half of the IInd dynasty, as proved by the inscription of a Khasekhemwy statue, recording a victory over the ‘Northerns’ (Delta inhabitants?) ; see: Redford D.B., op. cit., p. 48.

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Although the Old Kingdom texts in Wadi Maghara refer only to turquoise, it is more likely that copper was the real focus of Egyptian interest in this area: it would be quite hard to believe that a complex and expensive royal enterprise has the only purpose to provide a semiprecious stone, rarely used in jewel production20, while it is more probable that turquoise would derive from the copper mining activity21. Unfortunately, there are no definitive evidence of copper mining and woking activity in the Wadi Maghara22, in which only an Amenemhat III inscription clearly associates turquoise and copper23. Moreover, considering our still poor information about the methods of ancient mining and working activity, it could be possible that the ancient exploited area was wider than Wadi Maghara, as seems proved by some later inscriptions (Sahura reign, Vth dynasty) found in Wadi Karig, showing the ancient knowledge of nearby areas rich of copper. The smiting enemies scenes, carved for Sanakht in the mining district, still connect this king to the royal Thinite ideology and its representation pattern24. On the other hand, they represent also a turning point, with the introduction of a new royal representation pattern, characterized by a greater monumentality, by the claim of the royal rights above Sinai and its goods, and by the location of the scenes, which can be considered as ‘border stela’25. The direct acquisition of rough materials increased also the productivity of the Egyptian state at the beginning of the IIIrd dynasty, with the introduction of two new administrative functions (aD-mr

smit, nxt xrw), probably connected to the management of the mining

region of Sinai26.

20

The use of turquoise as component of ancient painting or glazing has been refused by scholars (see: Lucas A., op. cit., p. 404). 21 Turquoise is a phosphate hydrate of copper and aluminium, often associated with copper minerals as manganese (see: Lucas A., op. cit., p. 209). 22 Petrie’s excavation of 1904 led to the discovery of an ancient settlement on the hill in front of the Gebel Maghara, on which a “great quantity of copper working activity debris” were found (see: Petrie W.M.Fl., Researches in Sinai, London, 1906, p. 51). According to Rothenberg, instead, the copper mining and working activities can be documented only in the Bir Hasb region (north-west of Serabit el-Khadim) and at Timna (from New kingdom onwards); see: Rothenberg B., An archaeological survey of South Sinai, in: Palestine Exploration Quarterly n. 102, 1970, p. 18. 23 Valbelle D., Bonnet C., op. cit., p. 2. 24 These scenes could also have the purpose to avoid the attempts of local population to stop the Egyptian free access to the mining region (Redford D.B., op. cit., p. 34). 25 The supports for the smiting enemies scenes of Thinite Period were, in fact, smaller and connected to ritual contexts, such as the Den ivory plaque and the Narmer Tablet. 26 The IIIrd dynasty reference to nxt xrw and aD-mr smit are all datable to Sanakht and Djoser reigns, except for Aakhety, official of the end of IIIrd dynasty (vedi: Weill R., Les origines de l’Egypte pharaonique. Premiere Partie. La IIe et la IIIe dynasties, Paris, 1908, pl. VI-VII).

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In addition, if mastaba K1 of Bet Khallaf can be considered a possible burial place of Sanakht, the effects of this new policy can be traced also in the royal funerary architecture. In other words, K1 could represent the conjunction link between the end of the IInd dynasty and the birth of the first pyramid, and the entire Bet Khallaf site can be seen as a new pattern of necropolis, in which the king’s tomb stands over his courtiers burials, clearly visible from far away. Finally, the results of this research seem to add new evidence to support the existence of a predecessor of Djoser, identified in Nebka/Sanakht. However, many doubts still concern above all the family ties of the first kings of IIIrd dynasty with their ancestors. To fill the gap of our knowledge of this period, new archaeological surveys of the necropolis of Saqqara27 and Bet Khallaf28 would be very useful, specially considering the modern technology which could be applied, and the importance of these sites in the reconstruction of the first phase of IIIrd dynasty history.

27

In particular would be interesting a complete survey of the northern area of Djoser complex, which has not been fully excavated, and whose function is still a matter of debate. 28 The entire Bek Khallaf site, and K1 mastaba in particular, should be totally re-excavated to complete the scanty data of the unique excavation conducted by Garstang in 1901.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbreviations ÄA

Ägyptologische Abhandlungen

AJA

American Journal of Archaeology

ASAE

Annales du Service des Antiquites de l’Egypte

BdE

Bibliotheque d’Etude

BIFAO

Bulletin de l’Institut française d’archeologie orientale

BMFA

Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts

CdE CRAIBL

Cronique d’Egypte Compte-Rendus de l’Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres

GM

Göttinger Miszellen

JARCE

Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt

JEA

Journal of Egyptian Archaeology

JNES

Journal of Near Eastern Studies

JSSEA

Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquites

MÄS

Münchner ägyptologische Studien

MDAIK

Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo

MIFAO

Memoires publies par les membres de l’Institut française d’archeologie orientale du Caire

Or.

Orientalia

PAM

Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean

RdE

Revue d’Egyptologie

SAK

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