Child and Family Welfare [1 ed.] 9781443857369, 9781443855785

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Child and Family Welfare

Child and Family Welfare

Edited by

Patricia-Luciana Runcan, Georgeta RaĠă and Mihai-Bogdan Iovu

Child and Family Welfare, Edited by Patricia-Luciana Runcan, Georgeta RaĠă and Mihai-Bogdan Iovu This book first published 2014 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2014 by Patricia-Luciana Runcan, Georgeta RaĠă, Mihai-Bogdan Iovu and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-5578-2, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-5578-5

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables .............................................................................................. ix List of Illustrations ..................................................................................... xi Foreword .................................................................................................. xiii

Chapter One: Social Work and Welfare Recent Debates in Social Work Doru Buzducea ............................................................................................ 3 The Changes in Family Protection Legislation and the Difficulties in Transposing Them in Practice Răducu-Răzvan Dobre............................................................................... 15 Social Assistance of the Family: Prospects and Challenges Cristina Ispas ............................................................................................. 23

Chapter Two: Social and Emotional Welfare Child Abuse and Neglect in the Family Gabriela-Felicia Georgevici ...................................................................... 35 Dysfunctions in the Families of Workaholics Loredana-Marcela Trancă.......................................................................... 41 Domestic Violence: Causes and Consequences Elena-Mirela Samfira, Alina-Lidia Marghitan, and Diana Brânzei ........... 51 Violence against Children at Risk and Children without Parental Care Sofija Arnaudova ....................................................................................... 61

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Table of Contents

Music and Social Stability for Disadvantaged Groups Felician Ro‫܈‬ca ........................................................................................... 73 Social Influences on Student Creativity Vesna Buljubašiü-Kuzmanoviü ................................................................. 81

Chapter Three: Positive Functioning Voices of Youth from Romanian Residential Care Homes on Rights and Participation Anca Bejenaru and Stanley Tucker ........................................................... 95 Adoption of Children with Exclusion Risk in Romania Aurora Lupaú ........................................................................................... 113 The Jiu Valley Children between Equal Opportunities and Positive Discrimination Valentin-Ioan Fulger and Ion Hirghidu‫܈‬.................................................. 127 Gender Equality and Work from a Biblical Perspective Corneliu Constantineanu and Patricia-Luciana Runcan .......................... 137

Chapter Four: Life Satisfaction Aspects of Children’s Education in the Jiu Valley, Romania Ion Hirghiduú and Valentin-Ioan Fulger.................................................. 147 Children’s Psychosomatic Symptoms as Metaphors of the Family: A Systemic, Family-Therapeutic Approach of Psychosomatic Symptoms Andreea Müller-Fabian............................................................................ 155 Endowment with Durable Goods: Welfare Indicator of Romanian Family Manuela-Rozalia Gabor and Lia-Codrina Con‫܊‬iu .................................... 163 Family Life in Roman Dacia Mihaela Martin ........................................................................................ 173

Foreword

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Chapter Five: Theological Perspective on Welfare Welcoming Children: Biblical Perspectives on Children`s Welfare Corneliu Constantineanu ......................................................................... 183 Christian Faith and Social Work from a Theological Perspective Corneliu Constantineanu ......................................................................... 191 The Philanthropic Work of Timisoara’s Confessions (1867-1918) Alin-Cristian Scridon............................................................................... 199 Altruistic Living in a Consumerist Culture Emil Bartoú .............................................................................................. 211 Rethinking Durkheim’s Theory on Suicide: Do Protestants Kill Themselves More Often than Catholics? Emanuel-Adrian Sârbu ............................................................................ 219 Contributors ............................................................................................. 231

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2-1. Cases of violence recorded by different service providers ....... 66 Table 2-2. Number of recorded cases of violence that are referred to police or other service providers ...................................................... 68 Table 2-3. Criteria used as a basis for actions taken in cases of violence against children .................................................................................... 69 Table 2-4. Creativity encouragement on traditional (individual) and cooperative bases .......................................................................... 87 Table 2-5. Students’ self-evaluations (N = 289) of the quality of encouragement and liberation of creativity in the teaching process and the significance of differences between the traditional and cooperative approach .................................................................... 88 Table 2-6. The results of variance analysis of creative teaching with regard to the students’ age, i.e. their grade, N = 289 ................... 89 Table 3-1. The distribution of young people across residential settings .... 98 Table 3-2. Words and expressions of neutral affective tones .................. 120 Table 3-3. Words and expressions of medium affective tones ................ 121 Table 3-4. Words and expressions of high affective tones ...................... 121 Table 3-5. Reasons why few Rroma children are adopted ...................... 123 Table 4-1. The distribution of sample...................................................... 164 Table 4-2. Distribution of households on various characteristics (%) ..... 165 Table 4-3. Distribution of households on various characteristics (%) ..... 165 Table 4-4. Results for the U Mann-Whitney testb.................................... 167 Table 4-5. Results of the Kolmogorov-Smirnov test ............................... 168 Table 4-6. Results for bivariate Ȥ2 test ..................................................... 169 Table 4-7. Results of the binominal test .................................................. 170 Table 5-1. Population dynamics between 1869 and 1910 (M. St. K. 1902: 340-371; 1912: 342-372) ................................................................... 200 Table 5-2. Population by mother tongue (M. K. O. 1882: 149-159; 286-295; 302-309; M. St. K. 1902: 340-371; 1912: 342-372) ........... 200 Table 5-3. Dynamic structure of the religious diversity in Timisoara between 1868 and 1913 (A.E.R.C.T. 1868: 38, 39, 46; 1875: 48, 49, 56; 1886: 59-68; 1896: 65-74; 1913: 120-123) ............................ 200 Table 5-4. Suicides per 100,000 inhabitants ............................................ 223

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 1-1. Stages of case management (Cojocaru & Cojocaru, 2008: 28) ........................................................................................................ 28 Figure 2-1. Awareness of institutions that record cases of violence by type of respondent ........................................................................... 66 Figure 2-2. Educational values of music ................................................... 75 Figure 2-3. Self-evaluation of the quality of creativity encouragement, traditional and cooperative environment .............................................. 89 Figure 3-1. Weight of word or expression types used in characterizing Roma children (Source: Lupaú, 2010: 29) ......................................... 122 Figure 3-2. Reasons why few Rroma children are adopted (Source: Lupaú, 2010: 62) ................................................................................ 123 Figure 3-3. The extent to which some goods and services have been provided for the children in the last year ........................................... 129 Figure 3-4. In case your child is ill, you could afford….......................... 132 Figure 3-5. The financial strength of the parents and the fulfilment of the children’s wishes ..................................................................... 133 Figure 3-6. Reproaches from the children ............................................... 134 Figure 4-1. Diagram of family evolution ................................................. 174

FOREWORD

Welfare is a multidimensional concept characterizing the inner and outer state of an individual or a group of persons. Objective welfare refers to the optimal state of living while subjective dimension is defined by the affective and cognitive individual experiences. Child and family welfare is a distinct area of interest of social work. The concept has evolved over time from a charitable and need-based model to a rights-based approach. This new perspective of social work emphasizes the idea of responsibility of duty-bearers to fulfill their obligations. It is a holistic approach in which all the people are entitled to welfare, not only the vulnerable or marginalized groups. Children are families are not passive recipients of welfare, but agents of the process. Moreover, the social work rights based approach is the only guarantee of respecting the human dignity and empowering people in reaching an optimal level of functioning. The current socio-economic context, pressure authorities to innovate and adapt existing social services offered to children and families. The studies focusing on welfare are an essential component of developing social work profession and evidence-based practice. A recent report from UNICEF (2013) is placing Romania on the last place among 29 developed countries on welfare indicators. Analyzing the material status, health and security, education, behaviors and risks and living conditions, Romanian was 27th only for behaviors and risks. Considering this unfavorable context, the volume Child and family welfare offers the general public and the specialists a collection of studies analyzing the phenomenon in its current state in Romanian and Europe. The volume is structured in five chapters closely related to the principal dimensions of welfare. The 22 articles that are included carry the reader through theoretical analysis and empirical studies, helping construct an accurate image on present welfare. Social work and welfare includes three papers addressing theoretical approaches of social work and its mission. The recent changes on child and family legislation are mentioned and debated. The issues regarding implementation are also discussed. Family social work is a specialized area requiring a multidisciplinary approach. The case of international social work is also brought in discussion. Social work needs to go beyond local and regional approaches in fulfilling its mission. The current

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challenge that the general social work has to overcome is to propose and implement programs that should take into consideration the recent developments in the international arena regarding intervention. The second chapter includes four empirical studies focusing on Social and emotional welfare. Child abuse and neglect is a phenomenon that, in spite of the existing programs and services delivered by social workers, is still very much present in the family environment. Another phenomenon that interferes more and more in the family space and disrupts the level of functionality is the work dependency. One of the studies is focusing on this topic revealing the dysfunctions at family communication, family involvement, family role dynamics, and quality time levels. The remaining two articles have a somewhat different approach of individual welfare: the way music contribute to the emotional, spiritual, and behavioral stability and the manner in which creativity can be stimulated in disadvantaged groups. These two articles address the general issue of education and its contribution to child welfare. Positive functioning refers to the level in which individuals are able to fulfill their roles. The four studies that are included focus on children from residential centers and on the level of their participation (essential component of the rights-based approach), issues of adoption, the image of childhood in a disadvantaged area (Jiu Valley), and gender equality and work from a biblical perspective. These articles argue the idea that participation and equality are necessary premises in assuring a positive functioning. Life satisfaction is another chapter including four empirical studies. One study discusses some aspects regarding children’s education in the Jiu Valley. This is an area severely affected by poverty and unemployment that have a significant effect on the manner education is carried on. Another study is focusing on the health of children the manner this impacts the family functioning. The family-systems of children with asthma show atypical signs in terms of family interactions and organization, which most commonly take the form of fusion, overprotection, rigidity and conflict avoidance. One last study makes an analysis of the family life in Roman Dacia, and on the manner the rule of pater familiae influenced the life of the members. This is a captivating history lesson that offers valuable insights in understanding the manner the current families function. The last chapter, Theological approaches on welfare, shifts the focus on the spiritual level. Social theology has its own contribution to the manner we understand welfare. The relation between social work and theology is revealed throughout this chapter. The concept of welfare is not

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an “invention” of the modern social sciences. The Biblical perspective on child well-fare is discussed. The contribution that religion through philanthropic work carried in Timisoara during 1867-1918 is nicely described in one of the works. On the other end of the religious values are two other phenomena that are very much present in the current societies: altruism sustained by consumerism and suicide. These two phenomena are given a new interpretation. We believe that the studies included in this volume fit well in the area of social work focusing on child and family welfare. Each work has its individual contribution in fulfilling the social work mission, especially in the current system characterized by constant changes when authorities find more difficult to fulfill their responsibilities. The papers have been selected after a rigorous analysis using criteria of quality and scientific relevance. The result is undoubtedly greater than the sum of its parts. As editors, we have enjoyed reading the papers and putting them together as a collection. We have been intrigued and surprised by the conversations that occur across them. Firstly, the volume is addressing professionals from the socio-humanistic area as an important resource in their future work. However, by its interdisciplinary approach, the volume also addresses the general public interested in the recent debates from social work, sociology and theology. By sharing and disseminating this book, Romanian research will gain wider visibility and acceptance.

The Editors

APPLIED SOCIAL WORK SERIES: ASA 2013 ASA Series Coordinator: Dr. Patricia-Luciana RUNCAN West University, Timiúoara, Romania International Peer-Review of the ASA Series, Members of the ASA Advisory Board: Associate Professor Georgeta RA‫܉‬Ă, USAMVB, Timi‫܈‬oara, Romania Professor Michele MARSONET, University of Genoa, Italy Professor Greg SANDERS, North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND, USA Professor Marilen PIRTEA, West University, Timiúoara, Romania Professor Károly BODNÁR, University of Szeged, Hungary Professor ‫܇‬tefan COJOCARU, “Al. I. Cuza” University, Ia‫܈‬i, Romania Professor Pere Amoros MARTI, University of Barcelona, Spain Professor N. Panchanatham PANCHANATHAM, Annamalai University, India Academician Virgil ENĂTESCU, Academy of Medical Sciences, Romania Professor Ali AKDEMIR, University of Trakya, Turkey Professor Elena ZAMFIR, Institute for Research of Life Quality, Bucharest, Romania Professor ‫܇‬tefan BUZĂRNESCU, West University, Timiúoara, Romania Professor Darja ZAVIRŠEK, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia Professor Doru BUZDUCEA, University of Bucharest, Romania Associate Professor Cosmin GOIAN, West University, Timi‫܈‬oara, Romania Associate Professor Marciana POPESCU, Fordham University, USA Associate Professor Joel HEKTNER, North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND, USA Associate Professor Daniela COJOCARU, “Al. I. Cuza” University, Ia‫܈‬i, Romania Associate Professor Thomas E. HALL, North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND, USA Associate Professor Alin GAVRELIUC, West University, Timi‫܈‬oara, Romania

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Associate Professor Monica IENCIU, “Victor Babeú” University of Medicine and Pharmacy, Timiúoara, Romania Associate Professor Hasan ARSLAN, “Onsekiz Mart” University, Çanakkale, Turkey Associate Professor Emil BARTO‫܇‬, University of Bucharest, Romania Associate Professor Corneliu CONSTANTINEANU, Pentecostal Institute, Bucharest, Romania Associate Professor Levente KOMAREK, University of Szeged, Hungary Associate Professor Brandy RANDALL, North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND, USA Associate Professor Vesna BULJUBAŠIû-KUZMANOVIû, “J. J. Strossmayer” University, Osijek, Croatia Dr. Mihai-Bogdan IOVU, “Babeú-Bolyai” University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania Dr. Goran LIZAZOVIû, “J. J. Strossmayer” University, Osijek, Croatia Dr. Florin SĂLĂJAN, North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND, USA Dr. Svetlana SHPIEGEL, Montclair State University, NJ, SUA

CHAPTER ONE SOCIAL WORK AND WELFARE

RECENT DEBATES IN SOCIAL WORK DORU BUZDUCEA

Introduction Social work can be defined from many perspectives: as a science, as a profession or as a system that involves a certain architectural structure (institutional network, services, benefits, social workers, beneficiaries and normative framework). As a science, social work has a set of fundamental theories, principles, methodologies and a study field that provide legitimacy and a welldeserved status among the social sciences (Shaw, Arksey & Mullender 2006). “Modern social work is perceived by its practitioners and by the public as a social science. It has strived to acquire the characteristics of science.” (Epstein 1999, 8) As a profession, social work is unique as it distinguishes itself by its multidisciplinary character in responding to the complexity of social problems. Social workers are always concerned with the existing social problems affecting the society and their causes, and the solutions and the impact that these have on people, families and groups, organizations and communities. The International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) and the International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW) have elaborated during the Montreal General Assembly the following definition, accepted by most international social work communities: The social work profession promotes social change, problem solving in human relationships and the empowerment and liberation of people to enhance well-being. Utilising theories of human behaviour and social systems, social work intervenes at the points where people interact with their environments. The principles of human rights and social justice are fundamental to social work. (IFSW 2009, 1)

In the above definition, the focus is on promoting social change, as social workers act as the interface between the individual and their social environment. By solving social problems, the profession contributes to

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social change; in social work, there is a multitude of intervention domains depending on the subject problem area (DuBois & Miley 2007). By implementing the systemic theory in practice one can adapt the social work interventions to any society and local community. Social work addresses the social transactions that occur between the people and the contexts where they belong. The profession’s mission is to “empower” the people to function at their optimal parameters from the psychosocial perspective. The definition also underlines the theoretical basis related to the dual psychological and social nature of human well-being as well as the importance of human rights and social justice. Affirming the relevance of providing both social support and respect for the individual values represents the fundament of the social work profession. We may conclude that IFSW promotes social work as a well-articulated system between theories, values and practice. For sure, there is a set of values that are included in the deontological code of the profession that guides the social worker’s interventions (Meacham 2007). Social work profession, grounded on a series of considerations and philosophical ideas, was born from humanistic ideals and aspirations, and its values are based on respect, self-determination, dignity, confidentiality, equality among people, cooperation etc. (Banks 2006). The social work services and benefits aim to fulfil the human needs and to develop human potential, while the respect for human rights and social justice motivates and justifies social worker interventions. Solidarity with vulnerable, socially disadvantaged people takes shape in the form of poverty reduction and social inclusion promotion programs (Ambrosino et al. 2007). At the same time, the basis of the specialised practice, aside from values, also includes a set of theories that explain human behaviour and the complexity of the interactions between people and the context they come from (Payne 2005). In addition, there are the specific social work theories (problem solving, crisis intervention, task centred etc.) on which the social work intervention process is based. Social work mainly focuses on people confronting difficulties, social inequalities and social injustice (Doel & Shardlow 2005); it represents an answer to the crises, emergencies and personal problems of day-to-day life. Social work utilizes a series of models, methods and techniques of concrete intervention as well as planning and development of social policies (Stepney & Ford 2009). We include here the entire social work services portfolio, from counselling to mediation and facilitation, to absorption of social benefits by the state institutions.

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Over time many definitions have been elaborated for social work, but adopting a unique definition given the profession’s history, the multitude of specializations and jobs, the perspectives, the roles, and the functions accomplished is not simple. Recent debates promote the interdisciplinary vision in social work not limited to the dichotomist manner of presentation between direct and indirect services, clinical and administrative, etc. From a systemic perspective, social work functions interdependently with other social systems—health, education, administration—but in no case is it subordinated to any of them, but is rather a partner with a distinct identity. Currently, the world system is in continuous change generated by globalization and therefore social work, and an integral part of it is faced with permanent challenges to adapt to the new social configuration. Over time, social work has adapted to the new contexts and social configurations (Gibelman 1999). We can mention here a series of internal factors that ensure the profession’s progress: the “general” social worker tends to be replaced by the “specialist” social worker (increasing subspecializations), increased competition among the social professionals, the need to incorporate theoretical research in practical activity, the bureaucracy associated with the administrative state apparatus receives an increasingly negative connotation and therefore enhances the role of the private practice as an alternative to the social services provided by the state. In addition to the internal factors involved in the architectural reprojection of the social work systems, we also see a series of external factors leading toward the same goal—changing the public attitude toward the vulnerable groups, redefining the human need and public responsibility concepts, globalization and reduced governments’ roles, technological advancement, unanticipated events, economic fluctuations, etc.

Recent Debates Aside of these positive aspects promoted by the social work profession, there were, over time, a series of disparages against the social work. There are researchers (Jordan & Jordan 2000; Jordan 2004) that consider that social workers lost direction, that social work is facing “a crisis” determined by the social and institutional conditionality, but we know very little about its nature and remedies, and we only experience the effects of this crisis in the disorientation, demoralization and incertitude among the social workers. This “crisis” should probably be understood in the social, political, organizational and professional context of the changes following the two world wars.

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Social work is seen by other social policy commentators as a strange and disunified profession, as there is no consensus and professional consistency among social workers. It incorporates too many sub-domains, and its inter-disciplinary nature places it in too many social and administrative contexts, sometimes giving the impression of deficit and lack of consistency. At the public speech level, all European states support the need to revise the curricular programs of social work both at the level of bachelor degree, masters and doctorate programs. In this area of social work education, IFSW and IASSW adopted the Global Qualifying Standards for Social Work Education and Training (2004) during the Adelaide meeting that include the necessary framework for developing new social work curricula. While in the United States the education programs are based on highlevel quality standards, in many European countries the curricular reform is still at an early stage. Some social work faculties in Eastern Europe seem to have been trapped in a few traditional disciplines grounded in the social sciences, ignoring the social changes of the last two decades that have generated new social issues that the traditional education programs have not addressed. Too much emphasis is placed on the traditional courses (sociology, psychology, medicine) at the expense of specialty ones such as international perspectives in social work, corporate social responsibility, trans-national identities and multi-ethnic communities, emotional intelligence in social work, etc. A needed first step has been achieved by some European universities who have understood the mission of the Bologna process in achieving a European space of superior education where modern social work theories, evidence-based social work, case management, etc. are being taught. In many European countries, the social work curricula need rejuvenation so that graduates are better able to adapt effectively to their professional contexts as required by the social work systems’ beneficiaries. There are disciplines based on fundamental research programs that require new standards and qualifications. For sure, there are fundamental changes in the production, economy and labour market division that add up to a new modernization wave; social work is also on this agenda as it supports the vulnerable groups in the process of adapting to the radical social changes. Europe needs practitioners, researchers, professors and managers that are competent for social work. Recently, the private social work providers are mentioned more often alongside corporate social responsibility, marketing and global welfare, etc. Decentralization, standardization and privatization of the social work seemed, until recently, to be marginal themes of the debates. Currently,

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however, in Europe this is a “new professional wave” of maximum urgency, although it is debated only superficially (Schwartz & Kinnevey 2003). In essence social work is not a liberal profession, but its practice may also take a private form, and social workers may also be authorized private professionals (according to the legal procedures) that may compete for the different social projects of the local or central public authorities. There is also the possibility, still hypothetical for the time being, that the state social insurance budget can reimburse the costs of the social services provided to the beneficiaries by the private social work offices. The public social services concept still prevails, as is normal, marginalizing the concept of privatization of social work services. The debates around this issue, however, are leading the way to another change in the social work policies paradigm, and the “fascination” that the case management currently entails in Europe is a part of the policy that relates to the concept of privatization of social work services. We do not believe that it would be possible for the entirety of social work to be privatized, only for certain services provided in certain social work departments. Privatization of social work is not a novelty—in the United States it is a long-term practice in clinical social work (i.e. counselling and therapy). Such debates regarding the social work crisis are not common to Europe, but are in the international arena, even in states that do not have well-developed social work systems like the USA or Canada (Munday 2003; Rondeau 2000). We do not deny the fact that there are states where social work is in crisis, taking different forms such as the lack of recognition for the profession, the lack of professional social workers, the failure to recruit future social workers in the universities, less than optimal working conditions, the weak employment rate of social workers in the public local institutions, eroded professional borders, lack of resources, etc. However, we consider that social work is going through a critical stage in its organizational evolution and not a crisis regarding its scientific and professional structure and identity. Therefore, the current European debates related to introducing a new set of recognized social work qualifications will contribute, not by itself, but by bringing forward the agenda of the scientific and professional debates regarding the profession, resulting in an international crystallization of the profession. The evidence shows that the social workers can act efficiently in a variety of multidisciplinary and organizational contexts. The ethics and basic principles are far more important than the structures and the organizational or institutional arrangements. The profession’s emphasis on the inequality and poverty produced by the economic and social systems is due to the increasing gap between poor

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and rich in the modern society, leading to exclusion and marginalization of the underclass. This is the reason for giving social work a significant role in the social policies. We are also seeing a change in the paradigm from the bureaucratic vision of the welfare state, associated with the social dependency of the vulnerable groups, to the prevention and innovation in the social services. The non-governmental organizations are playing an active role in fostering the development of social support community networks and innovative social projects. In addition to the globalization and the international perspectives of social work, the specialized conferences are also discussing themes related to rural social work, still relevant for many European countries where there are large percentages of the population living in rural areas, characterized by poverty, social exclusion, poor health, and limited economic opportunities. The factors contributing to perpetuating a rural perspective are the geographical positioning of the communities, the distribution of resources, and the lack of access to social services. There are, as expected, different opinions related to the internationalization of social work practice and the universality of the social. The important question, taking into account cultural differences, is whether or not social work may be developed in all countries, such as Iraq or China, in the absence of interventions as standardized by the AngloAmerican researchers to the practical evidence of the communities. The answer is “yes,” as all approaches tend to include intervention processes that can easily be adapted to all societies. The social work systems, however, vary not only from one continent to another, but also within the same region, from the European bureaucratic systems, to the community-based but overly formalized American systems, and the Asian systems that prefer to approach the beneficiary as a member of their community and family. In most countries, whether they do or do not have a strong social work tradition, there are professional organizations that protect the rights of their members. Any country confronts social problems that eventually generate loss and grief for the people. Loss and grief are a theme that is always current for social work as it passes through all times and human civilizations (Lyons, Manion & Carlsen 2006; Kellehear & Collyer 2007): “Loss is an integral part of the lifelong learning process, shaping our identities and personalities” (Bruce & Schultz 2004, 15). Loss is an internationally relevant concept for all social work systems as it affects families, groups, communities and even nations. Such an example is the situation generated in 2004 by the tsunami that happened in the Indian Ocean, producing disasters of a magnitude never seen before,

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affecting large populations, and creating huge trauma and losses at all levels. However, the pain and the loss are met in schools, in the placement centres, in social shelters, in the elderly homes or the hospitals for the HIV/AIDS infected patients. Multiple losses are related to poverty, human trafficking, homeless people, people in conflict with the law, the elderly and all types of exploitation and social exclusion in general. The most obvious situations in which suffering and loss may be relevant are those of the patients in terminal stages, abused and maltreated children, refugee communities experiencing displacement and changes in their life style or communities in war-affected areas.

Globalization and Social Work As a result of globalization and its consequences, social work has become international. The practical interventions and especially the policies have passed through national borders for some time now. Global interdependence has created both new areas of responsibility and international opportunities for social work (Dominelli 2008). Thus, there are currently situations that can be described as follows: -

a social worker in a placement centre in Bucharest may be presented with the case of a refugee minor from Bangladesh needing shelter a social worker, working for an agency in Los Angeles, sends periodic child reports to Kenyan public authorities responsible for inter-country adoptions social workers from different countries are working as volunteers in humanitarian activities around the world Social workers organized in different professional associations are involved in prestigious European projects, etc.

It is obvious that the internationalization of social problems, as well as the modern ways of collaboration, require new responses adapted to the given situations. In this context, we are talking about the need for innovation in social work. Creativity will take a lead role in the upcoming decades in the social work systems both in the practical interventions and in the development of specialized service networks. For sure, the training of effective social workers must include: -

familiarization with the history, purpose, functions and field of social work

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Recent Debates in Social Work

knowing the differences and similarities in the public organization of the different international social work systems knowing the important international agencies involved in social work familiarization with modern theories and basic intervention methods, as well as with new concepts such as globalization, social development, human rights and trans-nationalism Knowing the role of the international organizations involved in setting up the social work standards and policies.

Although marginal until the early 1990s, the concept of international social work was launched after the Second World War. The global social changes have returned the concept to the public agenda. International social work is a complex concept (Healy 2008) that includes multiple dimensions, such as: comparative analysis, global social issues, international practice, humanitarian social work (both public and private), conferences and international professional collaborations, intergovernmental relationships, and global vision: International social work can also be defined as the composite of major concepts that inform its practice. Along with the body of social work theories and practice skills, concepts central to international social work are globalization, development, human rights, and transnationalism. (Healy 2008, 16–17)

The current state of modern social work systems must be seen in the larger context of globalization, as this directly influences, by its modern forms of manifestation, the social work systems through the development of modern management and infrastructure, global communication, the creation of means for the development of effective human capital with expertise in the field, but also the generation of new social issues and, thus, new categories of beneficiaries. The concept is materialized in the actions of specialized international forms, networking in the field, and global social problems. The development, human rights and trans-nationalism include social and humanitarian actions, being compatible with social work values, mission and practice. The concepts are related to reducing poverty and economic and social wellbeing, as well as social justice. We will analyze below a few aspects that constitute the object of international social work: -

Global social problems generated especially by conflicts and natural disasters. The conflicts and the dramatic events that are being

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-

-

-

-

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registered at the international level, such as terrorist attacks or natural calamities such as the hurricanes, tornados, major earthquakes, fires or floods, have generated new social issues and thus victims, as well as new categories of beneficiaries for the social work systems. Some of them are well known due to their magnitude: the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the USA; the Asian tsunami; the hurricanes and the tornadoes that have devastated cities like the hurricane Katrina, the worst in American history; the devastating earthquakes in Turkey, Iran and China; the forest fires that have destroyed large areas and even cities; world wars; and floods that have affected Europe especially, such as the recent examples in the Banat area. In this context, we must mention that the human security concept is associated to that of international social work. Classic social problems (poverty, social and economic inequality, etc.) that take a new shape and form, requesting innovative practices and interventions from the social work services. Most states are confronting the housing issues, an aging population, changes in the family structures, unemployment, social dependency, refugee camps, HIV/AIDS, environment issues, etc. The military, economic and social actions of a state directly affect the entire world (the exponential increase in the oil prices, financial crises, and the military intervention of Russia in Georgia, the farmers and agriculture workers strikes, the strikes of the French students). Global communication—the possibilities for professional interactions among communities of social workers have even exceeded the predictions of Jules Verne (internet, wireless, international databases, advanced search engines, videoconferences). International public and private assistance—we mention here the organizations such as UNICEF, USAID, UNAIDS and UNDP that develop and implement technical assistance programs for developing countries. In addition to the organizations being supported by the UN or the national or federal governments we would like to mention that there are private international organizations like CARE International and World Vision that implement social projects in many states that do not have sufficiently developed social services to respond to the existing social problems in their communities. There are bilateral agreements among states regarding many aspects of social life, including social protection agreements. International specialized conferences that are frequently held on different themes, either under the patronage of IFSW or organized by other national structures, but with international participation. These

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conferences are extremely important as they facilitate the creation of cross-border relationships, knowledge exchange, dissemination of results of excellence research and specialized practices, the development of formal and informal networks, and debates on the most recent themes. For example, in September 2008 in Baltimore (USA) the International Social Work in the 21st Century conference was organized, discussing the practical evidences in social work, international child welfare issues, repatriation, immigration, housing, adoption, and other social work transnational issues. In April 2009, in Croatia, the European Conference Social Action in Europe: Different Legacy and Common Challenges? was organized. We have mentioned just a few of such meetings, but there are hundreds of such national, regional or international meetings annually that discuss global themes or specific aspects of the social work. The names of the organizations demonstrate the international themes and interests of the social work communities and we can mention here the professional network International Consortium for Social Development. Global vision—all the above-mentioned aspects contribute to the development of a global vision in social work, innovative strategies and programs that can develop the services capable to address the consequences and prevent the manifestation of other global social problems. IFSW, as the international representative of the social work, has affiliated associations in eighty states and 470,000 members from Europe, North and South America, Asia, Africa, CIS.

Conclusion Our intent was not to close the discussion here but rather to re-open the debate on the professional challenges and opportunities at the beginning of the third millennium. We note a “fall in the future” of the profession as it experiences permanent crises and issues related to its identity, despite the fact that its scientific status is well outlined and stabilized; the profession is naturally related to the social and the administrative-organizational contexts. There will definitely be new social services developed, especially with a role in prevention, but the social workers, especially those working in the local public authorities’ institutions, will continue to experience professional dilemmas and disillusions generated by the rigidity, resistance and inertia of the public administration institutions. Social workers can respond to the general globalization-led trends by setting up a common identity and representative similarities in the context of acceptance of the differences between the states. The circle seems to

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close because social work is once again perceived as a social movement as it was legitimated and validated one century ago. The national and international social work structures are very active both in Europe and North America, as well as in Asia and Africa. A new social work system, the Afro-Asian system, is being formulated in addition to the AngloAmerican one, with its own socio-cultural limits and characteristics. The modern social work systems have a rather integrative function as integrated social work systems operating under the influence of the globalization process. In a culture of rapid and uncertain changes, social work remains a humane and creative profession, based on imagination, empathy and commitment, supported by the evidences that come especially from the emotional capital of the vulnerable groups.

References Ambrosino, R., Heffernan, J., Shuttlesworth, G. & Ambrosino, R. (2007). Social Work and Social Welfare: an Introduction. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole Publishing. Banks, S. (2006). Ethics and Values in Social Work. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Bruce, E. J. & Schultz, C. L. (2004). Through Loss. Melbourne: ACER Press. Definition of Social Work. (2009). Online: http://www.ifsw.org/f38000138.html, accesat în data de 06.12.2009. Doel, M. & Shardlow, S. M. (2005) Modern Social Work Practice: Teaching and Learning in Practice Settings. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing Company. Dominelli, L. (2008). Capacity building in the profession: an issue for international social work. International Social Work 51 (4): 573-576. DuBois, B. L. & Miley, K. K. (2007). Social Work: An Empowering Profession. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Epstein, L. (1999). The Culture of Social Work. In A. S. Chambon, A. Irving & I. Epstein (Eds.), Reading Foucault for Social Work. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. 3-26. Gibelman, M. (1999). The Search for Identity: Defining Social Work – Past, Present, Future. Social Work Journal of the National Association of Social Workers 44 (4): 293-408. Healy, L. (2008). International Social Work. Professional Action in an Interdependent World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Jordan, B. & Jordan, C. (2000). Social Work and the Third Way: Tough love as social policy. London: Sage. Jordan, B. (2004). Emancipatory Social Work? Opportunity or oxymoron, British Journal of Social Work. British Association of Social Workers 34 (1): 5-19. Kellehear, A. & Collyer, F. (2007). Death, Dying and Loss in the 21st Century. Health Sociology Review 16 (5): 369-452. Lyons, K., Manion, K. & Carlsen, M. (2006). International Perspectives on Social Work. Global Conditions and Local Practice. New York, NY: Palgrave, Macmillan. Meacham, M. G. (2007). Ethics and Decision Making for Social Workers. Journal of Social Work Values and Ethics 4 (3): 1-13. Munday, B. (2003). European Social Services: a map of characteristics and trends. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. Payne, M. (2005). Modern Social Work Theory. New York, NY: Macmillan Palgrave. Rondeau, G. (2000). Challenges that Confront Social Education in Canada. Online: www.casw-acts.ca/SW-Forum/CdnSWForumChallenges. Schwartz, I. & Kinnevey, S. (Eds.). (2003). Privatization in Social Services. London: Praeger. Shaw, I. F., Arksey, H. & Mullender, A. (2006). Recognizing Social Work. The British Journal of Social Work 36: 227-246. Stepney, P. & Ford, D. (Eds.). (2000). Social Work Models, Methods and Theories: A Framework for Practic. Lyme Regis: Russell House.

THE CHANGES IN FAMILY PROTECTION LEGISLATION AND THE DIFFICULTIES IN TRANSPOSING THEM IN PRACTICE RĂDUCU-RĂZVAN DOBRE

Introduction The role of the family in society is redefined because of new legislative changes. The metamorphosis that has occurred at the level of regulations in this area is natural, as assessed in the literature: The law and family law act vary from one company to another, from one national historical context to another. Legislation, along with other factors such as socio-economic factors, the relevant rules and dominant cultural and moral values, plays an important role in regulation of the conjugal relations, in securing cohesion, in ensuring family stability, potentiate group functionality and ensures ground for anchoring in social phenomena and processes of reality. (Voinea 2000, 75)

The adoption of the new Civil Code in Romania in the year 2011 has led to major changes in almost all legal materials. It should be said from the very beginning that I have witnessed the adoption of a new legislative technique. Thus, the new civil code no longer represents a real common law because it incorporates a series of juridical institutions which were, until recently, held by the special legislation. As an example we can mention the institution of tutelage, which was covered in the old component of the family law. The civil code now encloses all social relationships which were classified as the starting point for the specialized legal relations, derived from civil law. As such, civil law will no longer apply in addition to the rules of specialized civil nature, whereas they will be largely absorbed by the new civil code. In the course of time, civil law has developed quickly and, as a result, some rules have been detached

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from the body of this regulation. They were reorganized and led to standalone, specialized branches, such as the right family. Today we are in the presence of a reversible process, by which we go back to a somewhat initial situation The fact that family relationships are included in the civil code as a result of the abolition of the family code entirely does not involve a depreciation of the concept of family. This social value is even more clearly defined and protected following the changes which have occurred. We will see this aspect more clearly when we examine the content of some detailed regulations such as those relating to the dignity of private life and person, those relating to the council on the family, those relating to forms of tutelage, or the concept of home and the family, etc. It is worth taking into account the one that aims at monitoring victims from families in which the phenomenon of violence is a “must have.” The specialisation of social assistants working in such cases focus on two coordinates: one centred on the customer who has committed a violent offence against another member of their family, and another focused on the victim. The case managers are directed to different objectives because the attempt at reintegration will be done in very different environments and through specific methods. Attention will be directed in this way to both poles of infraction. In a broad sense, the protection granted to family also materializes through the various forms of support addressed to the minor in difficult situations. We will be able to talk about prioritizing specialized measures for children in difficult situations because of a process of evaluation and interpretation of specific rules. We can refer to these provisions both through the new civil code as well as by special laws: Law 272/2004 on the promotion of children’s rights and especially, and Law 273/2004 regarding the procedure for adoptions.

Methods A comparative analysis of the rules of law is the basis of this study, and we will also use the main publications arising in the field. The family constitutes an invaluable asset as confirmed by the manner in which the legislator understood it in legislative regulations. By the fundamental act text of the state, through the constitution they are trying to emphasize the main aspects related to the concept of family. These provisions do not concern an isolated case but they can be found in several articles contained in the chapter intended for fundamental rights, freedoms and duties of the citizens. Regulations confer both directly as well as default guardianship to this base group of the community. Therefore, one article expressly

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refers to the protection of intimate, private and family life. This news in the material of civil law, determined by adoption of the new civil code, has led to the details of this constitution principle. We surely agree with the opinions expressed in the literature, according to which: The Constitution uses three concepts—intimate life, family life and private life—which are naturally not defined. This for the simple reason that constitutional provisions do not give definitions, not classified, this being defined by science of law. If by family life we can understand the respect of family (intended for family, belonging to the family), private intimate life is more difficult to differentiate. (Muraru 1997, 218)

Some of these terms are also evoked at the level of European regulations, and the considerable content of case law of the Court of the European human rights can be a substantial source of documentation: If article 8 of the Convention has as its main objective to protect the individual against arbitrary interference of public power, it is not but to refrain from imposing such mixtures; in this more negative engagement, you can add positive obligations inherent in an effective respect for private life or family. It appears, therefore, that the related themes of the non-interference of State and of the positive obligation for the State, plays an important role in the interpretation of the right to respect, as understood by the Convention. (Micu 1998, 62)

Concretization in the practice of this principle can be seen when we talk about protecting minors who have been before the courts, and this is the moment that the meeting shall be declared as non-public. The impact of public presence during the trial can be extreme on a child. We need to understand that regardless of the proceeding quality the minor has they are not yet emotionally prepared, so that simply meeting with judicial bodies may affect them for the rest of their life (the lawbreaker, the aggrieved party, or minor resulting from marriage or out of marriage). More recently, the dissemination of images with minors on television violates special rules adopted at the level of the National Council of Media. This is in fact a consequence of the principle discussed earlier. A special presence in the new construction of the institution of the family is the Family Council. Although it is a body with a limited decision role—in particular it aims to be consulted in connection with the activity of the curator (see in this respect article 139 civil code)—its appearance is intense because the

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establishment of the council is justified by the necessity of establishing guardianship of the minor. Censorship of the acts of curator constitutes the argument of creating this Guardian Council, if we take into account the indications contained in article 124 which define its legality. It exempts such other similar situations of guardianship measures to the minor protection in law 272/2004 from the existence together with this Council, which is not established in such cases. If we remember guardianship, we should note that this brings some news worth remembering (Drăghici 2012, 19–24). Thus, the parents will be able to name the tutor without getting in a situation in which the court should make the appointment. By opening up this possibility the substitute of the legal representatives of the child—the parents—can make the best choice for those who will substitute those in a future situation from those listed. The arbitrariness of administrative judicial procedure of appointment a guardian is preferable to an appointment made by the parents, by virtue of a will or a contract of mandate. On the one hand, the diligence of the legatee or the trustee will be altogether different from the perspective of legal effects of a legal act concluded between the parties, compared with the diligence of the person chosen by the Board of Trustees, and on the other hand the parent’s appreciation will be much more objective (it is assumed that the parent knows the person who will become guardian very well). A real protection of family relations is conceived by introducing the concept of the family dwelling. Even though the building considered as the dwelling is the exclusive property of one of the spouses, it will not be subject to any kind of act of provision or administration as long as there is express written consent from the other spouse. As such, we balance two extremely important social values: the right of property and family. By such a regulation, it gives priority to the latter if the property is the subject of an administrative operation through registration of a notation in the land register of the dwelling of the family for the building in question. Equal rights to family members in relation to this issue are as clear as possible, but we can say that we are in the presence of a restriction of the right of property. “The deprivation of property, unlike other intromission of the State must be legitimate, must be carried out so as to ensure compliance of the intromission with the purpose, which is only one: public utility” (Berger 1989, 5). In the present case, the more general interests of other family members (spouse and especially minors resulting from the marriage) are beneath it so that they do not experience any difference with the previous period. Also in the same sense is 324 of the civil code, which gives

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alternative solutions to the situation before a divorce or before the death of spouse holder in a rental contract. Next, we will discuss the violence within the family, a phenomenon that developed lately. The faulty legislation in this area has been covered as far as possible by the provisions of the law on domestic violence. Law 25/2012 has restructured the institutional circuits in terms of domestic violence. Monitoring of cases of domestic violence, regardless of its nature, takes place through persons designated for this purpose at the level of local public administration structures. Through this provision the responsibility of preventing and combating these facts has been transferred to the community. At the same time, at the county level, in addition to the General Directorate of social assistance and child protection a team with cross-sectorial advisory role has been established. There are five types of establishments intended for reducing the consequences of violence in the family: some for receiving emergency cases, others for post factum recovering of victims, some for assistance of aggressors, some intended for antefactum intervention, and finally some in order to render the relevant information back to community. The most important change is about the order of protection. This judicial measure is meant to ensure the separation of the offender from the victim by imposing restrictive obligations owed by the latter, such as the offender’s obligation to leave the family dwelling (including the sole owner), the offender not coming within a certain distance of the victim, and the offender’s obligation to not correspond with the victim. The duration of the measure ordered by the court is extended for a period of six months and can be extended when the situation actually requires it.

Results Finally, we arrived at the time of analysis of measures for the protection of minors and of the provisions of the adoption procedure. The dominant principle of family law, respectively the superior interest of the child, found a configuration in the new civil code that refers to a reconsideration of the position of the parents in various special circumstances. Thus, in the specific procedures the decisional authorities must “take account of them (parents’ opinions) in the decisions they take.” At the same time, reference is made to a notion which stems from European legislation, namely the reasonable period within a decision will have to be taken so far as to protect the rights of the child concerned. Lack of expediency in applying legal means of protection will not only transform state aid in a utopian

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situation or worse in a situation which would cause injury to personal or even patrimonial heritage. Such an operation is carried out for the implementation of the legal provisions of the European agreement with the regulations of Romania. Important evidence in the judicial disputes that revolve around the rights of the child is the opinion expressed by this. This consent will be a starting point for the formation of the opinion of the magistrate, taking into account that this regulation of the civil code contains most provisions of the special law on the protection of children’s rights. Measures for the protection of minors in difficult situations are listed specifically in article 55 of law 272/2004, namely: emergency placement, placement and specialized supervision (Drăghici 2010, 98).These measures may be ordered only on the basis of an individualized protection plan (P.I.P), which, in terms of the structure and the component elements, is based on the methodological norms issued by the body at the national level, in the field, and the National Child Welfare Authority. Measures may be taken by the Court, or by the General Directorate of social assistance and child protection, which function as part of the services offered locally by the county council. Their implementation will be done through the organisation and functioning of several types of services, as shown in article 107: day services, family services and residential services: From the interpretation of the correlated texts in regulatory matters we can conclude that the order of preference of the measures which can be taken in these cases shall be as follows: family reintegration, integration into the extended family (in both cases the placement measure), placement in a professional placement from another family or person, the guardianship, placement in a residential facility and adoption. (Dobre 2011, 81)

We show that the emergency placement is available for a short period of time, this solution being a transitional one. Another measure, which is seldom used in practice since breaking the link of between the minor and the natural parents, is adoption. The procedure to be followed in these situations is described at length in the special law 273/2004. The new civil code repealed articles 5 to 13 and 16 without specifying this in the special law amendment. This fact is extremely serious because here we identify substantive conditions that had to be met for performing this procedure. The new shape of the adoption law ignores these repeals since two new articles are introduced, for example article 13 index 1 and 2, although article 13 no longer exists. Regarding the conditions for the necessary form to complete the procedure of adoption we find that another step is

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added to the existing three stages from the original text of law 273/2004. In addition to the opening stage of internal adoption, child custody for the stage of adoption, and the fosterage stage, another stage of domestic match occurs between the child and the adopter or adoptive family (section 2 point 1, article 29 indicate 1-29 index 4). This, however, unlike the other three which are jurisdictional, is a purely administrative one. If the adoption was considered an outlet for extreme situations in which special protection measures did not reach their goal, after changes, we can conclude that family reintegration must not be exacerbated as long as the lack of interest of its members is obvious. As such, article 22 of the new wording reads: [The] individualized protection Plan, as is regulated by the law 272/2004 on the protection and promotion of the rights of the child, with subsequent amendments, has as its purpose the domestic adoption if: a) after the imposition of the measure of special protection passed one year and the natural parents of the child and the relatives up to the fourth degree cannot be found or does not cooperate with the authorities in order to reinstate or to integrate of the child in the family, b) after the imposition of the measure of special protection, the child’s parents and relatives up to the fourth grade who could be found declares in writing that they do not want to deal with the growth and child care and within sixty days after it do not withdrew this statement; The direction has the obligation of recording these statements, as well as those through which parents and relatives up to the fourth grade withdraw the initial statements, and c) the child has been registered from unknown parents. In this case, adoption as the finality of individualized plan of protection shall be done within 30 days after the issuance of the certificate of birth. Within the period referred to in paragraph 1 letter a, the direction shall be obliged to make the necessary steps to identify and contact the natural parents or the child’s relatives up to the fourth degree, to periodically inform them on the place where the child actually is and concrete modalities to maintain personal relationships with the child, as well as on arrangements necessary for reintegration or integration.

Discussion If at the formal level, through legislative amendments to which we have referred, and the declarative level on the part of the institutions involved in the transposition of specific operations, things seem to be on the right track, the same cannot be said about the reality of practice, where there are countless failures.

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Changes in Family Protection Legislation

Specifically, the order of protection is extremely hard to maintain by the court because of the difficulties encountered in the evidence act. The adoption procedure was designed to be simplified, but adding a new administrative step does nothing but unduly prolong the situation of minor children primarily deprived by the affective factor. At the same time, disparities between the provisions of the new civil code and the recent amendments of the law of adoption make the interpretation and application of the provisions in question harder. These are only a few of the conclusions from observations made by us earlier and cannot be valued at the actual time.

References Berger, V. (1989). Jurisprudence of the European Court of human rights. Paris: Sirey Dobre, R. R. (2011). Drept în asistenаă socială [Law in Social Work]. Pite‫܈‬ti: Editura UniversităĠii din Pite‫܈‬ti. Drăghici, A. (2010). ProtecĠia copilului úi a unor categorii de persoane [Child Protection and the Protection of Certain Categories of People]. Pite‫܈‬ti: Editura UniversităĠii din Pite‫܈‬ti. —. (2012). Instituаia tutelei în noul Cod civil. Scurte consideraĠii [The Institution of Legal Guardianship in the New Civil Code. Brief Consideration]. Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 2: 19-24. Micu, D. (1998). Garantarea drepturilor omului [Guaranteeing Human Rights]. Bucureúti: AllBeck. Muraru, I. (1997). Drept constituаional Юi instituаii politice [Constitutional Law and Political Institutions]. Bucureúti: Actami. Voinea, M. (2000). Sociologie generală Юi juridică [General and Legal Sociology]. Bucureúti: Sylvi.

SOCIAL ASSISTANCE OF THE FAMILY: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES CRISTINA ISPAS

Introduction Family has undergone a number of changes over time, influenced by the changes in economic, social and cultural aspects of life. These changes are reflected in the structure and size of the family, the distribution of authority, the division of roles in the family, and the way family functions are satisfied. We are witnessing an obvious option for the nuclear family at the expense of the extended family. Moreover, there is also the tendency to reduce certain functions of the family, like the socialisation of children, care, and conferring a social status, which was partially taken over by other institutions in the community (e.g. school or the media). However, the alternative forms of family—de facto partnerships, the “affective family” (Goody 2003, 183)—are gaining more ground in comparison with the traditional family, founded by legal marriage. Family is a basic social unit existing in all societies. Family provides important support for the individual in society, catering for the individual’s physical, effective and emotional needs, and providing them with social and educational support. Family is also responsible for rearing and protecting children. It is the basic unit of socialisation and cultural transmission, since children acquire their fundamental values and attitudes from their families. Indeed, it is the social cell in which human beings are born and where they learn to become members of a wider human society. However, family is also the milieu where many interpersonal conflicts occur, problems develop, and individuals suffer. All families have difficulties from time to time, and some families have the resources to solve their problems while others do not. When a family is no longer able to deal with its problems, and cannot provide the basic physical, security, effective and emotional needs of its members, we call it “dysfunctional.” There are many reasons why a family

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Social Assistance of the Family

becomes dysfunctional. Among others, we may list alcoholism, drug addiction, physical illness, death, war, poverty, unemployment, mental illness, spousal abuse, child abuse, divorce and separation, as well as polygamy. Family is one of society’s important components. Like a living organism, it exists and develops in and through society. Crises in society leave their mark on family life in the relations between family members. The global economic crisis, felt strongly in Romania, has undeniable effects on family welfare, especially on poor families. In Romania, the most vulnerable are the elderly families, families with children, families caring for disabled or elderly dependants, etc. They are most often unable to secure a decent living. In these circumstances, the state must intervene with effective social protection, notably through actions that fall within the family welfare.

Methods We made a sociological investigation based on an interview guide conducted by fifty-five social workers (fifty women and five men) working in the public and private institutions in Caras-Severin County, Romania. Scientific objective: The research of social workers’ opinion about how family’s social assistance is organised, about the resources (human, financial, material, informational and temporal) about the efficiency and quality of family welfare programs, about case management as method of specific interventions for families in difficulty.

Results Social work and assistance is the last safety net of social protection, aiming at protecting all those who, for economic, physical, mental or social reasons, are unable to provide social needs, and to develop their own capacity and expertise to get socially integrated. The major objective of social work is to support and help those in need who cannot overcome, with their own resources, the difficult situation they find themselves in. The social work system is represented by a set of institutions and measures, through which the state, by means of central and local authorities, the local community and the civil society intervene to prevent, limit or remove the effects of temporary or permanent situations that can lead to marginalisation or the social exclusion of individuals, families, groups or communities.

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Social assistance of the family is an integrative approach through which the family, as a social service user, is placed at the core of the intervention act. Through the social services and benefits provided to the family it builds its capacity to address their social needs and quality of life and promotion of social cohesion and inclusion. Contemporary families face a very diverse range of issues. The social assistance of the family intervenes when it has exhausted its resources and is unable to overcome the problematic situation at hand. The careful diagnosis of social problems that the family is facing can impel theorists and practitioners in the field to find the best solutions for families in difficulty, with positive effects both in the short term and in the future. Inspired by the criteria used by the working group Social Service of Munich to analyse patterns of diagnosis in social work, presented by Vlecken (2007, 399), we believe that any diagnosis in the social assistance of the family must: -

have a theoretical basis scientifically grounded for the comprehension of family social problems refer to physiological, social, economic and psychological matters of the family and analyse the relationships between them take into account the difficult situations, social assistance recipients and resources co-interest and involve, without exception, all beneficiaries in the analysis process take into account the diverse range of family’s social tasks have as a starting point for the whole process the social methodology be systemic enable effective and efficient intervention consider the procedural nature of the family social assistance improve the communication between institutions providing social assistance to families strengthen the professionalization process of family social assistance.

The concern to continually ensure higher quality standards in social assistance of the family finds substance in some basic principles, such as (Bódi 2007, 45–46): -

focus on the client—this involves identifying the needs, desires and expectations of the family and assessing the level of satisfaction of the family to the benefits and services they receive

26

-

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Social Assistance of the Family

quality takes prevalence—quality (and not the quantity) is the most important aspect of social services, and should be the main objective of all activities in social assistance “zero defects” and continuous improvement—this emphasises the constant concern for proper and complex assessment of a family’s social needs through specific activities systemic vision—requires considering all the elements participating in the quality of social services. The three dimensions through which the process of improving the quality of social services acquired are the human side (social worker-client relationship), the economic side (material and financial resources) and the informational side (news in the field) reasoning with data—to complete a match between supply and demand of social services by collecting, processing, analysing, updating and interpreting specific data.

Offering the families quality social services is the major goal of social assistance of the families. This objective can be achieved by shifting from a theoretical to a practical plan of the scientific milestones that have proved their usefulness and effectiveness in time. Social work with families should facilitate the internal family relationships and at the same time promote the family’s integration in its community. In the field of social assistance of the family, the method used is fundamental. For family work various techniques should be used to complement one another, with the individuals and the family group, and that vary during the process of supportive action in response to the needs and objectives of each family and each situation. In certain circumstances, it is necessary to interview the family at the professional’s workplace. In other cases, the home visit can serve as a form of support and assistance, which makes it possible to get to know the family in its environment, allows contact with family members and people who live alongside the family who are not available for interview elsewhere, and fosters the professional’s link up with the network of services and family social support in the locality where they live. Family groups have also proved to be very useful as they bring together families with similar living patterns. The experiences of some serve as a reference for others and common topics of interest to all are discussed. They unite various families, strengthening them in the exercise of citizenship. A contract or agreement with the family should set out the objectives to be reached in the development of the family and the

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timeframes foreseen for its evaluation. This is important for the selfsufficiency of the family group. The attitude of the social worker towards the family is a relevant factor for the success of the work. The social worker’s capacity for self-analysis and listening is a valuable asset in the work. The link between the professional and the family, when built on a relationship of respect and confidence, will facilitate the development of the assistance. The family should, little by little and through contact with the professional, begin to feel itself welcome and understood in a way that contributes whenever possible to the process of help. In the work with families it is important to recognise the value of teamwork that encourages different points of view about the family, linking up the action of the social, psychological, health and legal services, and which shapes a fuller picture of the situations and eventual processes (Maluccio, Pine & Tracy 2002, 123–125). The team will decide the sequence of the work process in meetings to study the cases as well as specific techniques that better respond to the strategic targets set. The time spent doing follow-up work with a family is undetermined and varies according to the circumstances. The specific objectives, depending on each family and the circumstances of development and interaction, will be built in each case around the general aim of keeping the child in the bosom of their family. In the case when it is necessary to separate the child from their family of origin, preventive measures are not successful and the best interests of the child require a decision of separation be taken. Such a decision requires guarantees to be applied. In particular, it is necessary that all possible preventive measures be tried before taking the decision. The child’s separation from their parents is a last resort, and this decision must be taken as far as possible with the participation of the child and their parents. This measure must be defined through concrete steps and with a determined timeframe for the work with both the child and the family in order to assess the chances of reintegration of the child in the family as soon as possible, or, if it is not possible, to develop an alternative permanent life plan for the child. The possibility to challenge the decision before a tribunal must also be made available. Case management in social care is “a way of offering services, through which the professional social workers assess the needs of the client and his family in collaboration with the client, coordinate, monitor, assess and support the client to access services that meet those needs” (Cojocaru & Cojocaru 2008, 24). In other words, the method focuses on identifying the

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Social Assistance of the Family

client’s needs and how these needs can be met. Weil & Karls (1985 2) consider case management as “a set of logical steps and a process of interaction within the network of services that ensure that the beneficiaries receive the services they need in a form of effective, efficient support and with an acceptable cost.” Applying these definitions to the domain of social assistance of the family, it appears that the case management is a method of identifying the problems that disrupt family functioning, organisation and management of specific interventions for families in difficulty, and the co-ordination and integration of social services for vulnerable families. However, the case management in the social assistance of the family is a form of intervention in the network which ensures the proper management of network resources and facilitates families in difficulty to network resources. The case management refers to the ways in which the activities are co-ordinated in the different types of services aimed at improving the social functioning of the family by pursuing the aims of individualised intervention plans developed for families applying for benefits and social services. The stages of case management in the social assistance of the family are shown in Fig. 1.1 below. Fig. 1.1. Stages of case management (Cojocaru & Cojocaru 2008, 28)

1. Identify, assess and take over the case (initial

2. Detailed/comple x assessment of the situation

6. Finalise the case

5. Monitor the intervention and periodically reassess the progress

3. Plan the services and interventions 4. Provide the services

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-

-

-

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Identify, assess and take over the case (initial assessment)—assume a brief investigation of the case situation in order to decide if this is the specific subject of the institution that offers social services and if it falls within help criteria. Detailed/complex assessment of the situation—assume the investigation and detailed analysis of all elements that are involved in the case: the family and its life environment, the family and its relations system, the factors that generated the thorny situation, available resources for solving the case, etc. In meetings with the family as client the social worker will obtain extensive information from the client in order to develop a detailed and comprehensive understanding of the client. Plan the services and interventions, which involves making the individual plan of action, the plan of services—assume to achieve an individual intervention plan, a specific plan of services. The assessment will be used to develop an intervention plan with the family, in which interventions, action steps and desired outcomes are specified. A time frame will be established for each outcome with a means to measure the client’s progress towards achieving their goals on a regular basis identified. An intervention plan can take many forms and often occurs during the social work interview. Examples include: • helping families understand the nature of their problems • reframing the family’s perspective of their situation • taking action to protect a child who is being neglected or abused by the parents • providing the family with information about service systems, and entitlements • information related to transition and future planning. Provide the services—assume specific intervention actions made by the case manager, as well as the mobilisation and involvement all human, material, time, financial and community resources, identified for solving the case by the objectives of intervention plan. Monitor the intervention and periodically reassess the progress in reaching the goals of the individual plan of intervention (evaluation results) —involves tracking and continuous assessment of the client’s situation for ensuring the balance state aimed at in the case solving. The social worker is attentive if during the intervention unexpected factors appear that may affect the balance achieved, if the changes have effects and expected results or it is necessary to reassess the situation and rethink the intervention plan, so that the desired objective can be reached.

30

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Social Assistance of the Family

Finalise the case—this can be done either according to the intervention plan—when the social worker finds the previously set goals have been reached, or by referral or transfer to another institution/another social service—when the problematic situation cannot be solved by the institution or social services having instrumented the case until then.

Discussion The social assistance of the family is a distinct field of social work. In Romania, however, this area is far less explored; the issue of the social assistance of the family is more collateral, and less mentioned by explicit reference to this subject. This fact is easy to spot by analysing the literature. It further exhibits a scarcity of research of the scientific reference works that provide solid epistemological benchmarks domain. Foreign literature is rich but often inaccessible to those working in social assistance in the Romanian space. In the world the organisation of the social assistance system has taken different forms given the diversity of social policy models underlying these systems. We might say that the approaches and perspectives of a social system reflect the philosophy underlying the understanding and solve social problems according to the resources available (human, material, financial, information, time). There is a temptation, especially for countries with developing welfare systems like Romania, to take models imported from other countries and implement them in the national arena. In addition, in the field of social assistance, as happened in other areas such as education, experience shows that this trend may often be risky or even bankrupt when there are malfunctions on compatible models of the social, economic, political and cultural context. The assessment of family functioning is important as it has been suggested that the best predictors of multi-type maltreatment are poor family cohesion (family members feeling disconnected from one another), low family adaptability (rigid roles and inflexibility in relationships and communication) and the poor quality of the adults’ relationship. Assessing family functioning can also provide a basis for a strengths-based approach that accepts that all adults and children possess strengths that can be tapped to improve the quality of their lives. Assessment requires careful analysis of the inter-relationship between the positive and negative factors in a family’s life, the risk factors that are likely to impact on the family’s health and development as well as the protective factors. It is important therefore that the different domains of

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the “assessment triangle” are not seen as discrete areas for investigation and that systemic thinking is used to explore the interconnections and interactions between different pieces of information. Good assessment is a complex activity involving the systematic and purposeful gathering of information, but it is more than a mere process of collecting “facts” (which may, themselves, be disputed). The practitioner needs to know why they are seeking the information in the first place, and then to be able to “process” a mass of multi-faceted and sometimes contradictory material to come to a view about its meaning—including understanding its meaning to the child and to the parents—and to decide how to proceed. This requires a range of knowledge and skills, including the capacity to think analytically, critically and reflectively. Intuition also has a role to play and can, additionally, be helpful in establishing rapport and demonstrating empathy. Case management is the collaborative process of assessment, planning and facilitation for options and services to meet a family’s complex needs. When appropriate, this would include arranging, co-ordinating, monitoring, evaluating and advocating on behalf of the client as family for the multiple services needed from a variety of social service providers. Case management addresses both the family (micro level) and the state of the social systems in which the services operate (macro level). In our opinion, the social assistance of the family provides fertile ground for exploration and experimentation with innovative approaches and future changes in the processes involved in helping and supporting vulnerable beneficiaries. The innovation in the social assistance of the family leverages the strengths of this approach: -

understanding the family as a whole unit can pass through difficult situations, but with resources that can be activated to overcome these situations emphasis on human relations as the main spring can influence family functioning or malfunctioning recognition of the family as a vital resource to society accepting the reality that the family is a dynamic system which felt the transformations and the changes specific to the historical time and context to which they relate.

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References Bódi, D. C. (2007). Managementul calităĠii serviciilor sociale [Management of social services quality]. In A. Munteanu & J. Sagebiel (Eds.), Practici în asistenĠa socială. Iaúi: Polirom. 45-46. Cojocaru, ù. & Cojocaru, D. (2008). Managementul de caz în protecĠia copilului [Case management in child protection]. Iaúi: Polirom: 24-28. Goody, J. (2003), Familia europeană. O încercare de antropologie istorică [The European family. An essay of historical anthropology]. Iaúi: Polirom. Maluccio, A. N., Pine, B. & Tracy, E. M. (2002). Social work practice with families and children. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Vlecken, S. (2007). Diagnoza sistemică a problemelor sociale în asistenĠa socială de sector [Systemic diagnosis of socail issues in sector social assistance]. In A. Munteanu & J. Sagebiel (Eds.), Practici în asistenĠa socială. Iaúi: Polirom. 392-399. Weil, M. & Karls, J. M. (Eds.). (1985). Case management in human service practice. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

CHAPTER TWO SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL WELFARE

CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT IN THE FAMILY GABRIELA-FELICIA GEORGEVICI

Introduction Child abuse and neglect is a frequent phenomenon in the contemporary world, a “hidden, unknown and underestimated issue” (Fedor 2011, 160). Depending on the society, a behaviour is considered abusive if it “exceeds the community’s usual cultural standard” (Irimescu 2005, 155). In each individual’s life errors can eventually occur, and the social context is a factor influencing the development of the positive or negative potentialities in life, along with other opportunities encountered and social interactions established with the others (Popp 2013, 473). Often enough the very parents who have the responsibility to protect their children resort to violence. Child abuse means “taking advantage of the power difference between an adult and a child by disregarding the latter’s personality” (Roth-Szamosközi 1999, 45). Disciplinary punishments are meant to educate the child, whether or not we agree with the form used, whereas physical child abuse exhibits the outbursts of the parents’ inner tensions. Child molestation also comprises deliberate acts committed against the child, which constitutes abuse, but also the failure to satisfy some of the child’s basic needs, which means neglect (Muntean 2001, 56). Children who develop in a violent environment exhibit physical, emotional, behavioural, psychological and school issues (Ibid., 52). The effects of abuse leave their mark, sooner or later, on the child’s entire personality at the cognitive, moral and sexual level. The child’s personality structure will bear the effects of abuse and will be marked by a reluctant attitude in social relations, through stigmatisation and a negative self-image. Child abuse and neglect trigger unwanted consequences both on the emotional and social plane (Hogaú 2010, 70). Non-governmental organisations and mass media have attempted to sensitise public opinion, leading to Law 25/2012 regarding the modification and completion of Law 217/2003 for the prevention and fight against domestic violence, coming to the rescue of domestic violence victims. This law lists all the incriminated types of domestic violence as

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Child Abuse and Neglect in the Family

well as the competent authorities responsible for the prevention and fight against its manifestations. In order to prevent and combat this phenomenon we should focus on community education and people information about the baneful consequences of these violent acts on human personality. Educational programmes can play an essential part in changing mentalities.

Methods The research methods used for the study of domestic child abuse and neglect, and for the analysis of family behaviour, are questionnaire-based sociological inquiry (applied to school pupils), interview-based inquiry (applied to teachers) and documents analysis. The survey aims at evaluating children’s attitudes and behaviours related to physical or emotional abuse and neglect in the family environment. The interviewbased inquiry was applied to teachers and form teachers of the respondent pupils, and was focused on the identification of the types of abuse they are aware of, their consequences on children, measures taken, identification of the most unsafe environments for children, modalities of preventing abuse and the role that the school could play. The study objectives were to assess children’s attitudes and behaviours related to physical or emotional abuse and neglect within the family. Here are the hypotheses built for this survey: whether punishments applied to the child by a parent, with the purpose of educating them, affect their relationship; whether disciplinary acts applied by parents to children by means of corporal punishments affect the children’s “self-image”; whether beating affects a child’s sensitivity; whether the child in an abusive situation knows whom to call in order to receive qualified help. The pre-testing and pilot investigation indicated which questions were appropriate and which questions should be eliminated. The questionnaire comprises eighteen closed and open questions and was applied to a sample of fifth to eighth grade pupils aged between twelve and fifteen who attend different schools in the town of ReúiĠa. The identification data were age and gender. The sampling method used was the quotas multi-stage method. The number of respondents was 1,176 subjects (95% level of confidence and 2.7% representativeness error). The interview-based inquiry was conducted on teachers and form teachers of the respondent pupils, and was focused on identifying the types of abuse they are aware of, their consequences on children, the modalities of preventing abuse and the role school could play.

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Results Most children described their family in a negative way, the dominant model being that of a quarrelling family (20%); they reported severe families (12%) and domestic violence (14%). Fifteen percent of subjects appreciates that their family is indifferent (15%). A positive family image is presented by less than 25% of the children. The children’s discontent related to their own family can be broken down as follows: a first category of complaints indicates domestic violence and alcohol consumption in the family, and a second category refers to the family reunion: “I wish mother had not separated from father”, “… my parents are to reconcile,” “… mother stopped working abroad,” “… we went on holidays, took walks,” etc. From the affective viewpoint many children affirm they live in loving families whose members show them affection. However, a rather high percentage declares their parents quite seldom manifest their affection. Thus, a good number of the respondents perceive themselves as unwanted. The person in the family who is usually close to children or gives them more attention is the mother (39%) or father (14%), both parents equally (19%), or grandparents and other relatives (14% each) . Another question was related to children’s supervision and family control. Neglect seems to be a rather widespread phenomenon, with 62% of the children succeeding in doing things their family is totally unaware of, compared to a low percentage of children whose families know all they do (14%), whereas 24% of the respondents answer that they are never asked what they are doing. Children aged between twelve and fifteen are not prepared to cope with the risks they are exposed to if their family fails to supervise them. Moreover, more than half of the respondent pupils feel neglected by their parents (60%). Keeping in mind that sanctioning the child often supposes physical or emotional abuse, the children were asked to state if they are punished when they do wrong. Thus, a very high percentage, 86%, answered yes. As for punishments, the most frequent is scolding (19%); spanking is a correction modality mentioned by 16%; serious punishments mentioned are beatings with a belt or other objects (13%), being made to kneel down (5%), isolation (9%), starvation (5%), and being thrown against the wall (5%). Moreover, they are talked to in an unpleasant way (12%) and they are forbidden the things they like (17%), such as the computer or the TV. The perception of punishment varies among the children, and most appreciate that they were guilty when punished, whereas a low percentage consider to have been wrongly punished. The children who consider their

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punishment justified are very likely to adopt this punitive approach of education themselves, perpetuating abusive behaviours. As sanctioning often implies physical or emotional abuse, the children were asked if they are punished when they are wrong. A very high number of children (86%) answered this question affirmatively. What does a child feel when they are punished? Even if they feel guilty and consider the punishment “justified,” most children are sad (33%), defenceless (24%), abandoned (19%) or unhappy (19%) when punished. Their reactions to punishments are various: some children cry (42%) and suffer in silence (38%), while others “imagine they are getting revenge” (20%), which proves that punishments applied to children develop violent behaviours. As regards domestic violence, more than half of the subjects affirmed they have noticed no violence acts in their family, but a significant percentage of pupils (48%) did witness some domestic violence. The presence of violent family behaviour is apparent, and the subjects mentioned domestic quarrels (44%), physical violence (30%) and alcoholism (26%). Although a high number of children are aware there is an emergency service in place within the General Division for Social Assistance and Child Protection, providing assistance and support to children in risk situations (81%), we found from the subjects’ answers that only 14% of them called to complain, for instance: “I was beaten and I called but father snatched the phone from me,” “I called but I kept silent, I was afraid they would come and take me away, I shall manage somehow,” “I called and two social workers came and talked to my parents, and after that I was punished again by my parents,” etc. The interview guide applied to teachers highlighted the fact they are aware of the domestic abuse and neglect their pupils are subject to. Problems at home affect children’s school activity, as neglect and abuse mark their behaviour. Teachers know many cases and find out from their pupils that many a time they are punished for the most trivial facts. Because of the low amount of time parents have at their disposal, the time allotted to children has decreased, resulting in a superficial supervision and lack of patience. Many parents have gone abroad and children are neglected by the other parent or by the persons who are supposed to take care of them, and suffer intensely. Some cases were solved thanks to the intervention of the General Division of Social Assistance and Child Protection.

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The safety of today’s children is rather fragile, as they are exposed to many risks, such as domestic violence, teacher abuse, temptation of drugs, alcohol, gambling, etc. In order to prevent or at least reduce the effects of all these types of abuse and inappropriate behaviours, teachers consider that the common actions of parents, pupils and form teachers are necessary, meant to debate the domestic violence phenomenon. In ReúiĠa’s schools, the Organisation SalvaĠi Copiii (Save the Children) developed the campaigns “Stop domestic violence” and “Violence triggers violence” with the goal of promoting children’s positive education among professionals and parents, and of providing teachers and parents with non-violent methods to use in their children’s education.

Discussion Domestic violence, through its serious forms of manifestation, endangers the existence of the family as a social group. Due to the lack of parents’ spare time, the time spent with their children has decreased and hence we remark on a superficial surveillance, a certain lack of patience, and a rapid application of punishments in order to correct a particular behaviour. Furthermore, in some cases the family has forgotten it should be an environment where the child must be loved, kept safe, and find a parental figure and educational model to apply in the future. It is sad that some children describe a family environment characterised by violence, which can lead to behavioural troubles. The most frequently mentioned is emotional abuse, which is more widely spread than physical abuse. It is almost commonplace both in the family and at school, or in groups of friends. Fights, insults, bullying, threats and interdiction of the things that please children are the most frequent types of abuse. Emotional abuse is harmful, and impedes the development of a positive self-image. Very serious forms of abuse have harmful consequences on the child’s development and maturation, and are encountered in the families where love, attachment and mutual trust-based relations are absent. Beating affects what is the most important—the child’s sensitivity. Even if they are guilty, the beaten child feels that they are not understood. Beating deeply wounds the child’s dignity, makes them lose self-confidence and trust in the others, reduces communicability and sociability and gives birth to timidity. In the traditional Romanian culture beating your child means “turning them into a true man,” and they say that “where the mother hits, something

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good grows.” The excess of severity, physical abuse and neglect on the part of the parents determines a rigid family climate inducing a tense, frustrating state for the child, who risks becoming shy and anxious, with no self-confidence. We may affirm that many a time, instead of an adultchild discussion for correcting the problem, parents punish the child, which is an inefficient modality that affects them. The actions implemented in schools by SalvaĠi Copiii are really useful and important. The school role in the collective efforts to prevent these behaviours could be frequent dissemination of the cases of child abuse during educational meetings with the form teacher and the formation of joint teams consisting of parents, teachers and social workers for their supervision in school, and the support of police and other institutions whenever necessary. However, beside the intensification of the information activities realised by institutions and organisations in schools, it is also necessary to change adults’ mentality in the bringing up and education of their children.

References Fedor, C. G. (2011). Domestic Violence on Children and Parental Education. Review of Research and Social Intervention 34: 159-175. Hogaú, D. L. (2010). Prevenirea úi sancĠionarea violenĠei domestice prin normele dreptului penal [Prevention and sanction of domestic violence through the norms of penal law]. Iaúi: Lumen. Irimescu, G. (2005). ViolenĠa în familie úi metodologia intervenĠiei [Domestic violence and the methodology of intervention]. In G. NeamĠu and D. Stan (Eds.). (2005). Social work and assistance. Studies and applications. Iaúi: Polirom. 129-182. Legea nr. 25 din 9 martie 2012 privind modificarea úi completarea Legii nr. 217/2003 pentru prevenirea úi combaterea violenĠei Рn familie [Law no. 25 from March 9, 2012 regarding the modification and completion of Law no. 217/2003 for the prevention and fight against domestic violence]. Monitorul Oficial, Partea I nr. 165 din 13 martie 2012. Muntean, A. (2001). Familii úi copii în dificultate [Families and children in difficulty]. Timiúoara: Mirton. Popp, L. E. (2013). Social order–generator of the social control mechanisms among the youth. In M. TomiĠa (Ed.), Social control and vulnerable groups. Bologna: Medimond. Roth-Szamosközi, M. (1999). ProtecĠia Copilului—Dileme. ConcepĠii úi Metode [Child protection—Dilemmas. Conceptions and methods]. Cluj-Napoca: Presa Universitară Clujeană.

DYSFUNCTIONS IN THE FAMILIES OF WORKAHOLICS LOREDANA-MARCELA TRANCĂ

Introduction Romanian society has been confronted with new professional challenges generating phenomena that can affect the organisational climate, performances and yield on one hand, and individuals’ personal and social lives on the other. Workaholism is one of these phenomena. Unlike other addictions, the perception of workaholism at social, educational, religious, or business levels is a positive one. The way in which workaholism affects family relationships and the functioning of the family system has stirred the research interest in it and personal observations concerning the import of some organisational culture and behaviour in Romania. Once multinational companies have developed working sites in Romania, they have brought along another culture and perception of what makes a business work. From this perspective, human resources are the backbone of profitable operations. With a history of about four decades and subjected to controversy, workaholism as a phenomenon has become so widely spread that many people are not even aware of its serious repercussions. This makes balancing professional life and personal life one of the most critical challenges of the twenty-first century (Chen 2006; Robinson 2007; Den Broeck et al. 2011). The issue of workaholism still lacks proper investigation tools, and its consequences on the family system have been, compared to substance addictions, minimised, slighted, neglected, and almost ignored, maybe because they are extremely difficult to understand. Though, in general, family comes first in importance, there have been some changes in our society, and family no longer comes first and profession no longer comes second (Trancă 2012; 2013). For most of us, work has to represent more than the eight hours traditionally reserved to it. Work tends to become a structural element of human psychology, and it

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represents the core of our everyday activities “Far from being regarded as a simple human activity, work and, particularly, the way it is done and what it represents in a social area can be the ‘barometer’ of society mutability” (Gavrilu‫܊‬ă 2000, 472). The way work is perceived in a society is representative for it and the people representing the society. In general, in Romania, and in other countries as well, work is seen as a core, defining value. The fact that work is a core element of Romanian society—at least, at a declarative level—is obvious in a study carried out by the Institute for the Research of Life quality of the Romanian Academy. The study points out the fact that: … There is a tendency to valorise work: they consider that work is more valuable than free time that it is a duty to society, that one needs to have a job to be truly valued as a human being, that it is humiliating to get money without working and that people who do not work turn into lazy bones. (Comúa 2009, 1)

By submitting to production, by consuming all their energy to work, people have become prisoners of a life reserved only to economic concerns, and have become slaves in the name of profit and gain (Trancă 2011, 128). A family is a dynamic system that changes continuously. Its members develop, evolve together and add new elements to their family life that can enrich or, on the contrary, impoverish it. Literature shows that workaholism, though it can look like a life-enriching aspect, enriches it only materially and physically. At the psychological, social, moral, and spiritual levels there are no signs of enrichment. Family dysfunction can be any condition interfering with healthy, normal family functioning. Most families are confronted with stressful circumstances, and family dysfunctions are often correlated with such social issues as unemployment, poverty, lack of education, etc., but this also happens in families in which at least one member is a workaholic. This study completes the literature in the field of research on workaholism in Romania, attempting to capture and illustrate some of the complex of effects workaholism has on the functioning of the family system. Relevant researches have shown that workaholism often has a social impact on family relationships, causing imbalance between personal life (family, friends, self) and professional life (Robinson & Post 1995; 1997; Robinson 1998a; 2000 2001; Grzywicz & Marks 2000; Hughes & Parkes 2007; Mauno, Kiuru & Kinnunen 2011). The first experimental work having directly investigated the relationship between workaholism and family functioning supplied results

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suggesting that it is associated with ineffective functioning and separation of roles and communication within the family. Workaholism can cause fragile, tense family relationships, contribute to marital conflicts, and develop family dysfunctions (Robinson & Post 1995; 1997). According to several authors (Fassel 2000; Robinson 1998a), workaholism is a consequence of family dysfunction in childhood perpetuated in the adult life family. Previous research has shown that workaholism can be caused by childhood family issues and later contribute to family dysfunction upon adulthood; behavioural dysfunctions are inherited and learnt by the children from their parents, thus becoming inter-generation dysfunctions. Mitrofan & Avram (2010) emphasise, in their work, the following effects of workaholism at the family level: Workaholism impregnates the interpersonal and social universe of an individual, interfering with close relationships and having a disastrous effect on close relationships, family members and friends. The more a workaholic involves in work, the more he/she will estrange from his/her family … The more negative emotions the workaholic experiences in his/her close relationships, the more he/she will estrange and involve in his/her work. Thus, a vicious circle is created in which relationships with one’s family and close friends are damaged and gradually destroyed. (Mitrofan & Avram 2010, 31)

Literature shows that workaholics are confronted with conjugal issues; close relationships become an issue and they estrange themselves from family and friends (Piotrowski & Vodanovich 2006). Work-related stressors can contribute to dysfunctional relationships; workaholism can contribute to marital issues, health issues and organisational issues, and all these are stressors in one’s family life (Minirth et al. 1985; Robinson & Post 1995; 1997; Robinson 1998a; 1998b; 2000; 2001). A negative association between workaholism and difficult relationships has not always been found. Thus, McMillan, O’Driscoll & Brady (2004) have shown that workaholism and non-workaholism have similar levels of satisfaction within relationships.

Methods Starting from the premise that in families where there is a workaholic there is ineffective family functioning, we aimed at analysing the perception of workaholics’ partners on the way workaholism influences the functioning of the family system and homeostasis.

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Dysfunctions in Workaholics’ Families

At a methodological level we have chosen to use a qualitative research design; thus, the methods used were case study and observation. The working technique in the case studies was the semi-structured interview based on the interview guide made up of questions regarding family functioning issues (problem solving, communication, family roles, affective responsiveness, involvement in family issues, quality time, etc.). In the making of the semi-structured interview guide we followed the family assessment model suggested by McMaster (Muntean 2000), which refers to the way a family functions. The sample consisted of twenty-one respondents selected after a vast and complex process. Initially, we identified high-degree workaholics (people with a score between 67 and 100 on the Workaholism Risk Test developed by Bryan E. Robinson [1998b]; they were selected for the qualitative study workaholics’ partners depending on criteria such as marital status, children in the family, and the full-time job of the workaholic’s partner. The selection process was complex since, in the first phase, while attempting to identify workaholics, the WART Sale was selfadministered by 236 people. The results show that 87 reached a score between 67 and 100, i.e. a high degree of workaholism. We identified 21 partners of the 87 workaholics with children and who agreed to participate in the survey. The mean duration of the interviews was about 35–45 minutes.

Results We analysed qualitative results per response categories supplied by the respondents (workaholics’ partners). As for identifying the issues and the way these issues are solved in the families of workaholics, the most relevant issues noticed were related to the way they relate to one another, communication, time planning, organising and management, prioritising, and children’s education. Family interactions usually take place during weekends or late at night during weekdays, when all the family gets together. Interactions within families have developed particular patterns related to how, when and who relates to whom; their function is to regulate the behaviour if the family members. Relation issues occur when, for instance, one of the spouses insists on pursuing their goals, leaving behind those of the family as a whole. We could also identify frustration in the respondents, accumulated mainly because of a feeling of inferiority and because of the improper acknowledgement from the partner. (“I wonder if I am not making a mistake and he prefers to stay at his office because of me or my flows. I

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wonder had I been prettier, sexier or younger, would he spend more time with me. His lover is his work. His work is my true rival. His friends, instead of taking my side, tell me to thank God for his not drinking or assaulting me”). In such families, many of the decisions are made by the partner of the workaholic without mutual consultation or approval from the other partner (the reciprocal is also true). First, workaholics’ partners sometimes have to make decisions by themselves because there is not enough time to talk about them with their partners, and solving the problems cannot be delayed. Though the issues are most diverse, most of them regard the children’s education while administrative issues rank second. In problem solving, based on the talks during the interviews, we noticed that the solution adopted in most cases was the dialogue with the partner and, occasionally, with the children, in which they tackled every minute aspect; they prioritised and chose the best solution to at least reduce the impact of the issue, if not totally remove it. In some cases, to solve a problem they appealed to a third party from the extended family. Appealing to a specialist in family counselling was never mentioned by any of the respondents. In most cases, workaholism is associated with insufficient communication (direct talk, gesture, mimicry) within the family. We noticed limited communication effectiveness particularly when problem solving was attempted on the phone or through long-distance communication. Communication generally takes place in a space and time framework specially reserved for communicating when there are vital topics to approach; the framework is less concrete when the issues are not relevant (such as, for instance, solving crisis situations). (“Every time I tell him it is important to come home earlier that day because we need to talk, he seems to prolong his stay at his office on purpose. In addition, when I say ‘earlier’ I do not mean ‘before his working hours are off’ but ‘after work hours’; almost every day, this working programme does not end when it should”). The most frequent blockages of family communication were: faulty communication (lack of listening, interruption of the other’s speech, doing other things during the talks, subjectively assessing the other’s speech, lack of empathy, setting oneself at superior positions, ignoring the speech of the partner or child, etc.); shyness, fear of speaking, of stating one’s opinions because of a feeling of inferiority (the partner is the provider of the family); fear of exposure because of the way one’s partner reacts. Analysing the roles the respondents play in their families we could see that in workaholics’ families, the roles of husband/wife have considerably

Dysfunctions in Workaholics’ Families

46

diminished in importance because of the increase of the occupational roles. The domestic roles of the workaholics operate particularly on weekends, not necessarily on holidays, because some workaholics also work on holidays. As for the dynamics of marital roles, there are some features here, too: in most cases, the time a workaholic’s partner dedicates to housework is longer than the time allotted to the same house chores by the workaholic; hence, the workaholic spends more time at their workplace. In most situations, the partners of non-workaholics take over some attributes concerning children care, spending time with children, coordinating school activities, and initiating some house chores that professional and/or social roles allow. The non-workaholic partners have most of the responsibility for the organisation and functioning of the family. (“We went on a holiday with our child. Our child and I wanted to visit the neighbourhoods, to see new places, to sip juice on a terrace or something, to go to the beach, but he would tell us he had to send a few emails and that he could not go with us”). The workaholics’ partners often take over the role of transmitters of attitudes, values and principles, behavioural patterns characteristic to the society. (“When it comes to talk about raising children, managing the household or participating in social activities, my husband is never there”). We could see from the responses of the partners of workaholics that because of their commitment to their work, their spouses tend to play no active role in the lives of their children. The respondents pointed out that commitment to family, friends and children was broken because of job requirements and that their workaholic partners were not aware that a satisfactory, beneficial and productive life includes work, play and love. The interviews reveal that affective responsiveness or focus on the other family members, particularly on children, shows that non-workaholic parents are remarkably tolerant with and responsible for their children, while workaholic ones are distant and do not meet the specific initiatives of the other family members. Tolerant, responsible parents frequently engage in open talks, and communication relies on real exchange. The workaholics’ partners have noticed that their children do not feel loved, but feel emotionally abandoned by the workaholic parent. Though they provide substantially for the family, they do not take responsibility for raising the child and do not play an active role in their growing process. As for the time spent with one’s family, the time invested in work duties, and the time spent in common (the two partners or the partners and their children, but also in the social sphere), the management is inappropriate since it causes neglect of private life. (“I am sad because he does not have time for me and our relationship. Since he wakes up and .

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until he falls asleep, his thoughts are only to his work. Since he opens his eyes he speaks on the phone; until I fix breakfast for him he checks his emails; when he is at work, he is at work; when he comes back home in the evening, he keeps working while having dinner, answering phone calls”). We could see that the time dedicated to their work shares the largest percentage of a workaholic’s time even during social or entertainment activities when their mind is set on their workplace and job. Workaholics are often reproached that they tend to forget, ignore or minimise the most decisive moments of a family life such as anniversaries, name days or religious festivals. As for the perception of workaholics’ partners of the involvement of their spouses in their family life, they consider that their workaholic partner chases after professional achievements while sacrificing their family life. Their children are raised in extended program kindergartens or by nannies; they only spend time with their spouses during weekends, and the entire family miss their presence because they return home late in the evening or during weekends. Family solidarity is affected by the noninvolvement of the workaholic parent; family unity and stability are shaking and non-workaholic partners feel their contribution is not valued as it should be. The role or involvement of a workaholic at cultural and spiritual levels is rather diffuse and weak since the workaholic participates in such activities sporadically, and then only in an organised context. As for family conflict situations there are families in which conflicts have become long-lasting models of inter-relationship. In other families, conflict situations are rather occasional because workaholics often try to avoid direct confrontation and choose not to speak. As far as the spectrum of the conflicts is concerned, it is widely diversified but fluctuating; the conflicts start with fights, misunderstandings, vehement arguments and refusal of accomplishing family responsibilities, along with verbal violence, to end with a temporary home leave or with a reconfiguration of the ways the partners relate to one another. Family conflicts are not always negative; in some cases, they turn into something positive once they have been managed properly.

Discussion and Conclusions To sum up, the empirical descriptions we have presented above allow us to draw the conclusion that the functioning of a workaholic’s family is determined by both inner and outer family factors; the level of affective responsibility and affective involvement; the availability of communicating; and the time spent with one’s family. Families relate in a different way to

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Dysfunctions in Workaholics’ Families

the workaholism of one of their members, but the general features are common. What differs is only the way the family reacts. The perceptions of the workaholics’ partners reflect a dysfunction of the family system, determined by their excessive involvement in their work. Workaholism causes deterioration of family relationships, creating dysfunctions at the family level that lead to the weakening and dismemberment of the family (fragile family relationships, marital dissatisfaction, family dissatisfaction, lack of communication, conflicts, family dissolution, behavioural dysfunctions, etc.). Professional activity is fundamental for any individual of our modern society; this is why it should function within extremely well organised parameters in order to be functional and not cause an imbalance between an individual’s activities. Like the voices of literature regarding relationships within workaholics’ families (Mauno, Kiuru & Kinnunen 2011; McMillan, O’Driscoll & Brady 2004; Robinson 2000, 2001; Grzywicz & Marks 2000), we believe that workaholics’ involvement in their work prevents them from interacting with the family, almost ignoring their families and even fighting with them. Studies show that many workaholics experience a feeling of failure as far as their family life is concerned. This scientific study has accomplished heuristic goals by linking empirical results to the way workaholism influences the functioning of the family system. The conclusion we can draw after having processed the results of the study is that we need to keep a balance between professional and private life in order to avoid workaholism and maintain family homeostasis. We do not pretend to have penetrated every psychosocial segment of the features of a workaholic’s family; this chapter is non-exhaustive, only suggesting deeper approaches by specialists in the field. At the same time its results could provide information useful for family counselling. The study contributes to fields such as family psychology, family sociology, social work and psychiatry since it provides supplementary information concerning the family in general and identifies supplementary consequences of workaholism. With this knowledge, psychologists, social workers, counsellors and other specialists can be better prepared and able to get involved in counselling families and employees. The conclusions of the case studies, though allowing generalisations of the theoretical premises, do not lead to an extrapolation of the results to other populations.

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References Comúa, M. (2009). Etica muncii [Ethics of Work]. Newsletter: Valorile românilor 4. Online: http://www.iccv.ro/valori/newsletter/newsletter4.etica_muncii.pdf Den Broeck, Anja van, Schreurs, B., De Witte, H., Vansteenkiste, M., Germeys, F. & Schaufeli, W. (2011). Understanding Workaholics’ Motivations: A Self-Determination Perspective. Applied Psychology: An International Review 60 (4): 600-621. Fassel, Diane. (2000). Working Ourselves to Death: The High Cost of Workaholism and the Rewards of Recovery. Lincoln, NE: iUniverse. Gavrilu‫܊‬ă, C. (2000). Imagini ‫܈‬i reprezentări sociale ale muncii [Social Images and Representations of Work]. In Elena Zamfir, I. Bădescu & C. Zamfir (Eds.), Starea societăаii româneЮti după 10 ani de tranziаie. Bucure‫܈‬ti: Expert. Grzywicz, J. G. & Marks, N. (2000). Reconceptualizing the Work-Family Interface: An Ecological Perspective on the Correlates of Positive and Negative Spillover Between Work and Family. Journal of Occupational Health Psychology 5 (1): 111-126. Hughes, Emily L. & Parkes, Katharine R. (2007). Work Hours and WellBeing: The Roles of Work-Time Control and Work-Family Interference. Work & Stress: An International Journal of Work, Health & Organisations 21 (3): 264-278. Mauno, Saija, Kiuru, Noona & Kinnunen, Ulla. (2011). Relationships between Work-Family Culture and Work Attitudes at Both the Individual and the Departmental Level. Work & Stress: An International Journal of Work, Health & Organisations 25(2):147-166. McMillan, L. H., O’Driscoll, M. P. & Brady, Elizabeth C. (2004). The Impact of Workaholism on Personal Relationships. British Journal of Guidance & Counselling 32 (2): 171-187. Minirth, F., Meier, P., Wichem, F., Brewer, B. & Skipper, S. (1985). The Workaholic and His Family: An Inside Look. Grand Rapids, Ml: Baker Book House. Mitrofan, L. & Avram, E. (2010) Multiplele faаete ale workaholismului [The Multiple Faces of Workaholism]. Bucure‫܈‬ti: SPER. Muntean, A. (2000) Violenаa domestică Юi maltratarea copilului. [Domestic violence and child maltreatment] Timi‫܈‬oara: Eurostampa. Piotrowski, C. & Vodanovich, S. J. (2006). The interface between workaholism and work-family conflict: A review and conceptual framework. Organization Development Journal 24 (4): 84-92.

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Robinson, B. E. & Post, Phyllis. (1995). Workaholism as a Function of Family of Origin and Its Influence on Current Family Functioning. The Family Journal 3 (3): 200-206. Robinson, B. E. & Post, Phyllis. (1997). Risk of Addiction to Work and Family Functioning. Psychological Reports 81 (1): 91-95. Robinson, B. E. (1998a) The Workaholic Family: A Clinical Perspective. The American Journal of Family Therapy 26 (1): 65-75. —. (1998b) Chained to the desk: A guidebook for workaholics, their partners and children, and the clinicians who treat them. New York: New York University Press. —. (2001) Workaholism and Family Functioning: A Profile of Familial Relationships, Psychological Outcomes, and Research Considerations. Contemporary Family Research 23 (1): 123-135. —. (2007) Chained to the desk (2nd ed.). New York: New York University Pres. Chen, C. (2006) Improving work-life balance: REBT for workaholic treatment. In: Burke, R.E. (Ed.), Research companion to working time and work addiction. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar: 310–330. Trancă, Loredana-Marcela. (2011). Dimensiunea spirituală a dependen‫܊‬ei de muncă [Spiritual Dimension of Workaholism]. In A. Neagoe (Ed.), Values and Spirituality in the Social Work Practice. Selected papers from the international conference “Spiritually-oriented Social Work Practice”, 18-20 June 2010, Băile Herculane, Romania. Bonn: Verlag fur Kultur und Wissenschaft. 127-140. —. (2012). Spiritual Values Versus Material Values in Counselling the Workaholics. In A. Neagoe (Ed.), Counselling and Spirituality in the Helping Professions. Selected papers from the international conference “Counselling, Faith, Professionalism: The Role of Christian Values in Specialised Counselling”, 24-26 June 2011, Valea lui Liman, Romania. Bonn: Verlag fur Kultur und Wissenschaft. 97109. —. (2013). The Relation between Workaholism and Work Engagement. In Patricia-Luciana Runcan, Georgeta RaĠă & S. Cojocaru (Eds.), Applied Social Sciences: Social Work. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 125-132.

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE: CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES ELENA-MIRELA SAMFIRA, ALINA-LIDIA MĂRGHITAN AND DIANA BRÂNZEI

Introduction Roth-Szamoskozi (2005) claims that violence is universally present, but it is also universally condemned since it affects human life at both interpersonal and social levels: -

at the interpersonal level it affects human life through delinquency, criminality, physical violence, emotional violence and psychological violence (family members or other people than family) At the social level it affects human life through wars, social inequity, inter-community conflicts and national conflicts.

Domestic violence has long been considered a normal phenomenon and it has been hidden in traditional societies since men were considered to have full rights over the members of their families. This has often been fuelled by the myth of man’s superiority and, as such, is culturally legitimate. Unfortunately, the matrix of a man who proves his masculinity through violent acts on those in his close environment is largely present in modern Romanian society (IluĠ 2005).

Definitions of Domestic Violence According to the Council of Europe (2009), domestic violence is “violence that happens in the home”: Domestic violence may include physical, psychological and sexual violence, most often repeated incidents of such violence. The physical

52

Domestic Violence: Causes and Consequences violence is often severe and can consist of hitting, kicking, attempted strangling, use of weapons, destruction of objects, etc. Psychological violence can consist of intimidation, threats, verbal attacks, harassment, isolation or restrictions and control on the victim’s contact with others or with the world outside the family. Sexual violence includes nonconsensual sexual acts, and abuse and exploitation of children. Domestic violence can also include abuse, exploitation or neglect of children or elder relatives, genital mutilation, forced marriage and crimes committed in the name of honour.

This means that domestic violence can be exerted on both women and men. We need to bear this in mind since in most cases domestic violence is mistaken for violence against women. Violence against men is rather rare because of its social impact. From a clinical point of view, a largely accepted definition of domestic violence is that of Stark & Flitcraft (1996), according to whom domestic violence is: … a threat or challenge occurred in the past or occurring at present, a physical injury among social partners, no matter their legal or domicile status.

Physical or sexual assault can be accompanied by intimidation or verbal abuse, by destruction the victim’s belongings, by isolation from friends, family members or other potential sources of support, by threats to the people significant for the victim (including children), by theft, by control over money, personal belongings, food, travel, phones and other sources of care and protection of the victim (Stark & Flitcraft 1996). Most citizens, mass media and authorities see domestic violence as a crime committed by men and targeting women. Yet the results of over two hundred international studies based on survivors’ testimonies (Capaldi & Kim 2007; Amendt 2008, Muñoz-Rivas et al. 2009; O’Leary 2008; Saewyc et al. 2009) show that women are as violent as men. Fifty percent of the cases include mutual hitting, while another 50% represent men or women as being hit by the partner. Unfortunately, much of the information concerning violence against men are anecdotic, and cases to be studied are rather scarce.

Types and Forms of Domestic Violence There are several types of domestic violence:

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Physical violence consists of touching or painful physical contacts, including intimidation of the victim through pushing, slapping, hair pulling, arm twisting, disfiguration, bruising, contusing, burning, beating, punching, kicking, throwing objects, slamming against the walls or the furniture, or using weapons. It can also include destroying the belongings the victim or the two partners own and share. Sexual violence consists of making degrading comments on the partner, touching the partner in an unpleasant way, and addressing the victim in a defiling way during sexual intercourse or concerning sexual intercourse, including marital rape. Psychological/emotional violence precedes and accompanies other forms of violence/abuse, but it can also consist of swearing, threatening, intimidating, the killing of pets, and depriving one from one’s fundamental needs (food, sleep). This type of violence covers six main components—fearing, depersonalising, depriving, overcharging with responsibilities, degrading, and distorting reality—all representing main elements of control and manipulation of one’s partner. Economic violence results in a decrease of the victim’s resources and autonomy. It consists of the control of the victim’s money or personal belongings, food, means of transportation, phone and other sources of protection or care the victim could benefit from. Social violence results in a cessation of social activities and relationships, in isolation of the victim, thus favouring the abuse of the victim at both private and intimate levels. It leads to the deprivation of the victim of their social support and the difficulty of escaping violent situations. Violence through deprivation or neglect, though not mentioned by present Romanian legislation, is widely considered a non-physical type of violence, including verbal and emotional violence used to threaten, intimidate and control the victim with a serious impact at psychological level. It results in the incapacity or refusal from the adult to provide the child with the bare necessities of life, such as health, education, emotional development, nutrition, shelter and life security, while the adult or the family has access to all of this. It also includes lack of proper surveillance and lack of protection against danger (IluĠ 2005).

Muntean (2001) describes the specific elements differentiating domestic violence from other forms of infringement of human rights, among which: -

permanent access of the abuser to the victim

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Domestic Violence: Causes and Consequences

the existence of a repetitive cycle of violence, with higher and higher frequency and degree of severity changes in the personality of those abused with a decrease in their efficacy in achieving social functions involvement of the entire family system (all family members) existence of emotional relationships between the victim and their abuser(s) the secret, private character of the abuse, which limits the victim’s access to support from other people the tendency of other people to turn their backs on such situations (non-interventionism) the lack of proper specialists and services the culturally-determined social tolerance concerning domestic violence the victim is generally a woman.

Conditions Favouring Domestic Violence It seems that family is the best environment for violence to develop. This is what Gelles & Straus claimed back in 1996 concerning domestic violence: … violence sprouts in intimacy. Except for police and army, family is, probably, the most violent social group and a home is the most violent social space of our society. A person is most likely hit or killed in his/her own house by another member of the family than anywhere else or by anyone else. ( Stark & Flitcraft 1996)

Gelles & Straus identified twelve risk factors that make the family one of the small groups most exposed to the development of violence: -

the time spent by a family’s members within the same domestic space the wide range of activities and interests of the family members that can generate possible conflicts the special intensity of emotional involvement of the family members the simultaneity of domestic activities that can result in mutual hindering and, therefore, in conflicts the customary right of impacting the behaviour of the other family members the age and sex gaps that can result in cultural conflicts

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the traditionalism of distributing the family roles depending on biological criteria rather than on competence the high degree of family intimacy and the superficiality of the social relationships that result in the lack of social control involuntary belonging—the postponing of the decision of breaking the ties with the family, of leaving the paternal home, of living on one’s own the high level of stress at both micro- and macro- social levels the normative approval—the right of the parents to hit their children also allows men to hit women the socialization and generalization of socialization in a violent environment—physical punishment makes children associate love with violence, which perpetuates this association in a marital relationship.

Effects of Domestic Violence Literature underlines and acknowledges the negative psychological effects of violence on children and women living in a violence-loaded environment (Irimescu 2003). Family is a space where domestic violence is less transparent and open to the close social environment of larger family, neighbours, friends and colleagues. The social isolation of these families is more than obvious as they are marked in the eyes of the others, and at the same time they feel guilty, which determines isolation. Children raised in violent families develop behaviours and physical conditions that make them easily identifiable. They have: -

-

physical problems, unexplainable diseases, higher exposure to injuries in and outside the home, and slower physical development emotional and mental problems, higher anxiety, a feeling of guilt, fear of abandonment, isolation, mania, injury, and death psychological problems, such as lack of self-confidence, depression, tendency to compare life with that of other colleagues, considered happier behavioural problems, such as aggressiveness or passivity to the aggression of the others, sleeping problems, enuresis, beating, flight from home, pregnancy at a young age, dubious relationships, mutilations, drug addiction, alcohol consumption, defensive behaviour educational problems, such as lack of self-confidents, isolation, sudden changes in school performances, lack of focus, lack of good manners identifying oneself with negative heroes (Karri 1998).

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To illustrate and explain the effects of domestic violence on women living in a violent domestic environment, it is extremely useful to use the symptomatologic model known as the syndrome of the beaten woman, included in the DSM III under post-traumatic syndromes. The clinical syndrome includes anxiety and affective disorders, cognitive distortions and loss of memory, re-experiencing of traumatic events (flashbacks, traumatic dreams) through exposure to associative stimuli, difficulties of interpersonal relationships, and psycho-physiological disorders. This syndrome occurs when the person abused is no longer capable of resisting stress and escape is impossible, and the abused loses the feeling they can control the situation, which hinders adaptation to reality (Bergman & Plum 2003). The psychosocial profile of the victims of domestic violence was described by specialists (Karri 1998) as follows: -

chronic pains that indicate a precarious state of health frequent visits to the doctor low level of self-respect re-experimentation of violent episodes from the childhood emotional dependence on the partner respect for the partner’s needs acknowledgement of responsibility for his/her partner’s conduct use of tranquilisers and/or of alcohol presence of suicidal ideas or acts child abuse as a mother nocturnal problems, such as insomnia, violent nightmares severe agitation, anxiety, permanent nervousness confused thinking, inability to make decisions, lack of focus; Rigid conceptions about the role of men and women. (Zamfir & Zamfir 2000)

Conclusions Domestic violence means directing one’s aggressiveness towards a family member, usually the wife, but also towards children, older persons or men, i.e. anybody depending on the abuser. There are no statistics at national level (in Romania) concerning domestic violence. As there is no unique chart reporting domestic violence cases, the same case can be recorded several times. Of the total domestic violence cases recorded in Romania, 90% of the victims are women.

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We think that the real number of cases of domestic violence is far higher because many of the victims do not report the abuse and never talk about their domestic problems. Violence against women is widely distributed worldwide. It has both subtle and raw forms and is deeply rooted in social and cultural practices, being, therefore, part of the natural order of the things. The causes of domestic violence are represented first by social and economic needs, and are followed by drug and alcohol addiction, jealousy, incompatibility, lack of proper legislation, and lack of compliance with international standards. In order to be efficient in the process of intervention, we need the following: -

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more centres of assistance for abused women financing of services by the state for abused women the existence of a unique chart at national level for the reporting of cases, no matter the institution addressed by the victim the establishment of centres of counselling for violent men and the necessity of attending ten to twelve counselling sessions for abusers the reimbursement by the social security house of psycho-therapy/ counselling sessions both for the victim and their abuser to ensure continuity of sessions and the therapeutic benefit for those involved, with positive consequences on life quality the training of the representatives of institutions intervening in assisting the victims of domestic violence, such as police officers, judges, forensics, physicians, psychologists, social assistants, medical care personnel working in emergency units.

Case management is a method of coordinating medical, psychological and social assistance services that involve the following: initial assessment, development of a plan of intervention, complex assessment, development of an individual plan of intervention, monitoring, re-assessment, and assessment of the beneficiary of the opinion. It does not suffice to act at the level of intervention and preventing direct violence without also working at the level of culture and social structures that constantly reproduce this problem. Each case of domestic violence occurs in specific conditions and has particular causes, but there are also common factors defining the trends at the level of the entire society (Stark & Flitcraft 1996).

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Recommendations Because this phenomenon involves several approaches and the points of interest are diverse, those interested in studying and solving the situations should have different specialisations. The need for an inter-disciplinary approach of the domestic violence is acknowledged and supported by the ministries involved in the field. An inter-disciplinary and inter-institutional team should include professionals in the field of domestic violence, such as social assistants, psychologists, psychotherapists, psychiatrists, specialised doctors, forensic professionals, police officers, legal professionals, and specialty referents. The specialists involved in the solving of cases of violence should recommend the victims do the following: -

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keep in an easy to reach place all important documents related to them and their children (birth certificates, health charts, prescriptions, medical information), a bag containing the simple bare necessities, and a certain amount of money necessary in case they flees from home to save their own life. decide in due time which of their neighbours could be asked for help, where to go and what to do if the situation gets out of control. The proper steps can be talked over with a counsellor if the latter is contacted in due time (during the initial assessment or during the first counselling sessions). develop a security plan including the changing of the locks to the house and the informing their friends, relatives, colleagues, schools, owners and neighbours concerning the situation create speed dials for all phone numbers to be used in cases of emergency, including 112, the phone number of their counsellor and of the shelter, and to communicate them to the children or other members of the family who could become victims. refuse to meet their abuser despite their begging or promising to solve the problems, return objects, or keep promises since such invites can turn into traps resulting in new violent acts and can increase the potential risk for the victim(s). to keep a diary in which to write down all contacts, harassments or abuses, including dates and hours of incidents and possible witnesses, to be further used in a report to the police. to keep and record answering machine tapes, lists of phone numbers appealed, and phone calls made to be annexed to the police (mpublic.ro 2008).

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References Amendt, G. (2008). “I did not divorce my kids!” How Fathers Deal with Family Break-Ups. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Bergman, J. & Plum, W. (2003). Note de curs. Introducere în terapia agresorului sexual. [Lectures. Introduction to the Therapy of Sexual Abusers]. Ia‫܈‬i: Asocia‫܊‬ia Alternative Sociale. Breaking the Silence. United Against Domestic Violence. Report presented by the Minister of Justice of Norway. 29th Council of Europe Conference of Ministers of Justice. 18-19 June 2009, Tromsø, Norway. Online:http://www.coe.int/t/dc/files/Ministerial_Conferences/2009_jus tice/BTS-web.pdf. Capaldi, D. M. & Kim, H. K. (2007). Typological Approaches to Violence in Couples: A Critique and Alternative Conceptual Approach. Clinical Psychology Revue 27 (3): 253-265. Ghid de intervenаie în cazurile de violenаă în familie. [Intervention Guidelines in Case of Domestic Violence]. Online: http://www.mpublic.ro/minori_2008/minori_5_11.pdf. IluĠ, P. (2005). Sociologia úi antropologia familiei. [Sociology and Anthropology of the Family]. Ia‫܈‬i: Polirom. Irimescu, G. (2003). Asistenаa socială a familiei Юi copilului. [Family and Child Social Assistance]. Ia‫܈‬i: Editura UniversităĠii Al. I. Cuza. Karri, K. (1998). Copilul maltratat. [The Abused Child]. Timi‫܈‬oara: Eurobit. Muñoz-Rivas, M. J., Graña, J. L., O’Leary, K. D. & González, P. G. (2009). Prevalence and predictors of sexual aggression in dating relationships of adolescents and young adults. Psicothema 21: 234240. Muntean, A. (2001). Familii si copii in dificultate. [Families and Children in Difficulty]. Timiúoara: Mirton. O’Leary, K. D. (2008). Couple Therapy and Physical Aggression. In A. S. Gurman (Ed.), Clinical Handbook of Couple Therapy. New York, NY: Guilford. 478-498. Roth-Szamoskozi, M. (2005). Copii Юi femei victime ale violenаei domestice. [Children and Women: Victims of Domestic Violence]. Cluj-Napoca: Editura Presa Universitară Clujeană. Saewyc, E. M., Brown, D., Plane, M., Mundt, M. P., Zakletskaia, L., Wiegel, J. & Fleming, M. F. (2009). Gender Differences in Violence Exposure among University Students Attending Campus Health Clinics in the United States and Canada. Journal of Adolescent Health 45 (6): 587-594.

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Stark, E. & Flitcraft, A. (1996). Women at Risk. Domestic Violence and Women’s Health. New Delhi – London: SAGE Publications. ViolenĠa domestică împotriva bărbaĠilor. [Domestic Violence against Men]. Online: http://www.dailyfinance.com/story/a-hidden-crimedomestic-violence-against-men-is-a growing-problem. Zamfir, E. & Zamfir, C. (2000). Situaаia femeii în tranziаie. [Women in Transition]. Bucureúti: Expert.

VIOLENCE AGAINST CHILDREN AT RISK AND CHILDREN WITHOUT PARENTAL CARE SOFIJA ARNAUDOVA

Introduction Violence involving children, violence directed at children and violence by children is causing increasing concern in many countries of the world. The situation in the Republic of Macedonia is no different. At the same time, there are insufficient empirical data on the incidence, prevalence and types of violence involving children in Macedonia and a lack of evaluation of the effectiveness of existing protection systems and services. The survey and analysis reported in this chapter are intended to help fill in these serious gaps in knowledge. Baseline data on child protection issues are not easily available in Macedonia because violence and abuse involving children are, largely, hidden problems, despite being known to be widespread. In recent years, the media have made widely public problems that have been uncovered, including violence against members of certain ethnic groups in Niko Nestor high school in Struga, and cases of paedophilia (sexual abuse) in the high school in Prilep. At the same time, the actual incidence of violence may be increasing as growing numbers of children are begging and living on the streets, raising concerns that many of them are at risk or are victims of violence. Part of the problem is the general lack of adequate reporting systems in Macedonia, as is the case even in some more developed countries. The legal standards and definitions of violence in Macedonia are weak, as they are across the Balkan region. Our survey shows that social services do not include particular mechanisms for the identification, documentation, referral and treatment of cases of violence and abuse against children. This is a problem in itself but it also means there is a lack of data for an authoritative evidence base on the prevalence and character of violence involving children. This situation is largely the result of the fact that many institutions do not have a mandated obligation to act upon cases of violence involving children. Generally, the Criminal Code, Family Law,

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Law on Child Protection, Law on Social Protection and the laws for Primary and Secondary Education indirectly indicate (there are no specific articles) that institutions are to record cases of violence and refer them to the appropriate service providers (usually police stations, social work centres, hospitals and, if needed, educational institutions). All related laws include child protection mechanisms but do not regulate the system of identification, recording and resolving of cases of violence.

Methodology To meet the objectives of the survey, we used both quantitative and qualitative research tools of questionnaires and interviews. In keeping with guidelines provided by UNICEF, the questionnaire had sixteen questions, both open and closed. The aim was to collect data, in a local context, on the recording and referral of cases of violence against children. The first group of questions elicits general data and the second group identifies to what extent institutions or service providers are familiar with the state of violence against children in their local communities and whether they officially record and refer cases of violence. The interview was designed to collect data from the official records of service providers in the child protection system where such official records were available. The questions were intended to collect information about the level of knowledge about mechanisms at the national level related to violence against children. Sample and Selection Criteria The research sample represents 277 institutions—an increase from the initial sample. The initial sample was 261 institutions, but we included 26 police stations instead of the planned 10 (20% of the total number), because we discovered that these institutions have the most reliable data on violence against children. The police sample now represents 52% of all stations. However, all strata are kept as planned. Schools and police stations were selected in a stratified sample because of their large numbers; other institutions were drawn from an institutional census. Even with the higher number, the sample’s distribution by strata is maintained. A stratified sampling technique—in combination with random selection—was used to pick the pre-schools, primary and secondary schools, and police stations: Stratum 1—urban/rural; Stratum 2—Albanian/Macedonian/Mixed/Other; Stratum 3—state/private (the state/private stratum is represented only in the basic sample of secondary schools):

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The selection of institutions as to urban/rural was based on the latest territorial division of municipalities in Macedonia: 44 urban and 41 rural. The selection of institutions as to ethnicity was based on proportional representation nationally: 64.2% from regions with a predominantly Macedonian population; 25.2% from regions with a predominantly Albanian population, and 10.7% from regions where other ethnic groups dominate. In addition, while analyzing survey data we distinguished a Macedonia/Albanian group because so many questionnaires were answered in areas where both languages are spoken. We were unable to classify these responses as either Macedonian or Albanian, and since they represented a significant percentage of the sample we made them a separate category. The institutional census was used to select social work centres, health centres, day-care centres, residential institutions, detention and correctional facilities, and reception and transit centres.

Definitions of Violence against Children There is no generally accepted definition of violence and its many permutations. Violence is both a physical and mental reality as well as a socially mediated construct. As a result, research into violence involving children must define its terms. In the current international literature, five main forms of violence and abuse are described: -

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Neglect (emotional and mental needs go unsatisfied). Emotional abuse (criticism that impedes development of a positive self-image). Physical abuse (harm arising from deliberate actions or lack of care). Sexual abuse (acts where an adult corrupts or coerces a child into watching pornography, watching or performing masturbation, engaging in sexual touching or games, having illicit sexual relations or where the adult rapes a child). Commercial exploitation (where a child is lured into illicit paid work for the financial benefit of others, e.g. prostitution, sex service and domestic work).

Our study in Macedonia was guided by the definition of violence used in the 2005 UN Secretary General’s Study on Violence against Children (the global study is scheduled to publish a major report in 2006 and make recommendations to the UN General Assembly), which is more detailed

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than the CRC description. The UN study includes all forms of physical or mental violence, injury and abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, commercial or other exploitation including trafficking. Much violence against children comes at the hands of parents, adult relatives and adult acquaintances, but the definition of the UN study also encompasses a wide range of other significant types of violence, such as: inflicted by siblings and peers, perpetrated by teachers in schools as well as committed by students, including bullying and hazing, child sexual abuse, including in the context of early and forced marriages, so-called “honour” killings, female genital mutilation/cutting and other harmful traditional practices, maltreatment and torture, and corporal and capital punishment. Identifying and Recording Cases of Violence The service providers were all asked to provide information on whether they record cases of violence and how many cases they had recorded in the last twelve months. As to the question of institutions that record cases of violence, 43.7% do not officially record the cases and 53.3% do. However, this figure varies considerably for different types of institutions. The police stations reported that all 26 officially record cases of violence, as did 93.1% of the centres for social work. Educational and health institutions do not officially record cases of violence. However, unofficial recording was reported by 18.2% of pre-schools, 51.5% of elementary schools and 61.1% of high schools. All six reception centres for victims of domestic violence reported that they record cases of violence. However, it should be noted that none have an official recording system or a referral system. Staff members say that they record cases in their notebooks but only for their own purposes. Another group that we will elaborate on here is the detention and correctional facilities, two of which reported that they officially record cases of violence, but the facility in Skopje-Idzirovo (juvenile female prison) does not have any official recording system. The total number of cases of violence recorded during the previous twelve months, as reported by the service providers in this study, was 1,403 (the data findings are valuable and reliable, even though the quoted number is lower than expected. This is because hospitals and schools do not have established systems of recording cases of violence and the data are based on memory, consultation with other colleagues or personal knowledge). Most of the cases were recorded by centres for social work with 404 cases, followed by special services providers (detention and correctional facilities; centres for victims of violence; residential institutions for

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children and day-care centres for children with special needs) with 393 cases, and police stations with 333 cases. Elementary schools reported 145 cases of violence (see Table 2.1). Looking in more detail at the numbers of recorded cases by special services providers, we see only 14 cases recorded in detention and correctional facilities, 88 cases recorded in centres for victims of domestic violence, and 101 in day care centres for street children and those with disabilities. Residential institutions recorded 205 cases of violence. No cases were recorded in institutions hosting both children and adults. Although the figure of 1,403 recorded cases of violence is undoubtedly low in terms of the reality of violence involving children, recent media publicity has indicated that the numbers of violent incidents are much higher and rapidly increasing. This is evidenced by the case of the “Niko Nestor” high school in Struga, where the media has reported cases of violence among students from different ethnic groups. The response to our questionnaire at the same school was that “no cases of violence” were reported in the previous twelve months. The same inconsistency surfaced at the kindergarten in Skopje. Concerning the situation in hospitals, we would like to highlight the very low number of recorded cases, which is largely due to the use of different terminology in a medical setting. For example, most cases of violence are not recorded as such but rather as injuries caused by, for example, glass, a metal object or even small firearms. While being interviewed, medical personnel said that they treat or hospitalize patients every day who have been involved in acts of group violence. The patients are treated and released from hospitals without being recorded as cases of violence. Moreover, hospitals do not inform the police of such cases. The office of the Ombudsperson for Children reported only ten cases of violence involving children, of whom four were family violence, four occurred in educational institutions and two were reported in the media. Recognizing the importance of this issue, we assessed the knowledge of respondents and found that 91% said that they know which institutions record and treat cases of violence (Fig. 2.1). When respondents were asked to list the institutions in their local community, data received was very unreliable. They reported different numbers of institutions present in their locality. “Other service providers” include residential institutions, detention and correctional facilities, reception centres for victims of domestic violence, shelters for trafficking victims, and day-care centres for street children or children with disabilities.

Violence against Children

66

Pre-school institution Elementary school High school Police station Centre for social work Health care provider Other service provider* Total

Total number of types of service providers

Share of service providers with no cases (%)

Number of service providers with no recorded cases in the last 12 months

Number of cases recorded by the service providers

Share of service providers with some cases (%)

Type of service provider

Number of service providers with cases of violence in the last 12 months

Table 2.1. Cases of violence recorded by different service providers

4

36.4

11

7

63.6

11

31

30.7

145

41

40.6

101

7 16

39.0 61.5

43 333

7 7

38.9 26.9

18 26

21

72.4

404

6

20.7

29

11

19.0

74

22

37.9

58

8

23.5

393

8

23.5

34

1,403

98

98

277

Fig. 2.1. Awareness of institutions that record cases of violence by type of respondent

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Mandates to Identify and Record Cases of Violence Our survey showed that 90.1% of respondents think that police stations have a regulated mandate to identify and record cases of violence. An even higher share (93.8%) said social work centres also have a similar official mandate. Half said they think that hospitals have to record cases of violence. More than half said a mandate to identify and record cases of violence enables the institution to take a range of actions beyond identification and recording, such as referral to other institutions, temporary placement in centres for victims of violence, and more permanent settlement in other social institutions. According to the general stipulations of the Criminal Code, every institution “must inform the police” of any identified case of violence, which underlines the need for proper recording. The Criminal Code and Family Law indicate that all institutions and even ordinary citizens should inform authorities about cases of violence, but there is no sanction for failing to do so. The institutions lack proper, formal systems for recording incidents of violence. Most cases are resolved internally, and if other institutions are called in the contact is made by telephone. This practice means there is no formal space or place for institutional memory, but rather that the institution’s experience ends with the professionals who have the telephone conversations. This is especially true where no further action is taken and no one else is involved in the case. In addition, none of the mentioned laws govern the mandate of institutions to record and refer cases of violence, even where the violence involves children. This underlines the fact that none of the institutions have a regulated mandate to identify and treat children who are victims of violence. Referral of Cases of Violence The study sought information on the number of recorded cases of violence from each service provider that had been referred to the police or other service providers. The results made it clear that there is a gap between the number of cases recorded and the number of cases referred. Only 556 cases of the 1,403 recorded (39.6%) were referred. On the question of knowledge that cases of violence against children in the local community were resolved in some way, only 11% of institutions responded positively. According to the data available, the following actions were taken: placement in institutions or shelters, placement in foster-family care, referral to other institutions, mediation by the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy, counselling, and legal actions, including filing a penal

Violence against Children

68

complaint. The share of institutions that have no knowledge about actions taken in response to reports of violence is 60%. This confirms that there is a lack of communication and no established system of information exchange among service providers in the child protection system (see Table 2.2). Table 2.2. Number of recorded cases of violence that are referred to police or other service providers

Educational institution Police station Centre for social work Health care provider Other service provider Total

Macedonian 10

Albanian 1

Mixed 3

Others 7

Total 21

347 47

0 1

2 8

25 19

374 75

25 17

2 0

12 0

0 30

39 47

446

4

25

81

556

Criteria Governing Action in Cases of Violence The criteria used to make decisions on appropriate actions in cases of violence against children are very important for the functioning of the child protection system. In fact, they provide the foundation for the effectiveness and efficacy of the system. Unfortunately, our survey results show that the situation in Macedonia is very concerning. Not only are there no official criteria used to identify and record cases of violence against children, and no cohesive referral system for victims of violence, but most service providers lack formal criteria for deciding on appropriate action in cases of violence. The survey results show that 58.1% of institutions reported that the actions they take in cases of violence are ad hoc, i.e. without guidance from any official regulations or documents. Meanwhile, 41.9% of institutions base decisions on criteria contained in official documents, i.e. either legal or internally adopted documents that regulate this area (see Table 2.3). Survey data show that educational and health institutions are very weak in terms of having official criteria that guide appropriate actions in cases of violence. Only 26.2% of educational institutions and 31.0% of health institutions base their actions on official documents. The survey found quite a different picture for police stations and centres for social work where 88.5% of police stations reported that the actions they take are based on official documents such as the Criminal

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Code, the Law for Social Protection and an internal bylaw for conducting services from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and only 11.5% of decisions are made on an ad hoc basis. Similarly, 89.7% of social work centres take actions guided by official documents and only 10.3% act on an ad hoc basis. However, when asked, the former could not name which official documents were used. The only law mentioned was the Criminal Code of Macedonia. Table 2.3. Criteria used as a basis for actions taken in cases of violence against children Type of service provider Educational institution Police station Centre for social work Health care provider Other service provider Total

Governed by official documents N % 34 26.2

Ad hoc basis

No reply

Total

N 61

% 46.9

N 35

% 26,9

130

23 26

88.5 89.7

2 3

7.7 10.3

1 0

3.8 0.0

26 29

18

31.0

31

53.5

9

15.5

58

15

44.1

12

35.3

7

20.6

34

116

41.9

109

39.4

52

18.8

277

A review of this law shows that it does contain general stipulations that oblige institutions to record and refer cases of violence. However, criteria that guide actions on cases of violence come from specific bylaws, which govern the functions of the institution. Here we would like to note that actions taken by police and detention and protection facilities centre on the perpetrators rather than victims of violence. Most of the articles are related to treatment and sentences for perpetrators. Social work centres are one institution that does focus on victims of violence, but even these service providers have no distinct category or special criteria for such cases. Instead, the centres rely on the general mandates of their institutions to support action in cases of violence. This situation strongly underlines the need for two distinct types of legislation: laws that focus on protecting individuals, including children, from violence and responding to their needs when violence does occur, and; laws that focus on perpetrators, including child offenders, both legally (e.g. sentencing) and socially (e.g. rehabilitation). The results of the question as to whether there are special mechanisms (specific guidelines or protocols) that regulate the referral of

70

Violence against Children

recorded cases of violence against children to appropriate service providers or institutions showed that 60% of respondents said there are no such mechanisms while 30% said there are. In addition, 30% of respondents did not know what constitutes a formal referral mechanism. Instead, they described such informal means as daily contacts with various institutions, conversations, supporting letters and personal contacts. Coordination, Supervision and Monitoring Mechanisms Our study results showed that 65.5% of police stations say that they coordinate and cooperate with other relevant institutions using mechanisms based on official documents. Similarly, 64.7% of other service providers (including residential institutions, detention and correctional facilities, reception centres and day care centres) say they work together with other institutions. According to the Code of Criminal Procedure in Macedonia, police stations are obliged to report on all types of violence to the Public Prosecutor’s Office. Again, as we have pointed out, the police report focuses on the perpetrator rather than the victim or type of violence. Where the victim is a child, police stations are obliged to report the case to one of the centres for social work. Furthermore, according to the Law on the Ombudsman, where the victim is a child, all institutions must relay the number of such cases to the office of the Ombudsperson for Children. In conclusion, existing laws indicate that institutions are supposed to cooperate with other relevant institutions, but cooperation mechanisms simply do not exist—at least not in the formal sense intended by law. Again, there are no penalties for overlooking these obligations. A case in point, as noted earlier, is that the office of the Ombudsperson for Children was notified of only ten cases of violence against children in the twelve months before our survey. Similarly, the State Educational Inspectorate received notice of just 25 cases of violence against children—10 from school authorities and 15 from parents and students. In more detail, the survey found that 46.2% of police stations have regular professional evaluations and 42.3% have training available on responding to cases of violence. Similarly, 44.8% of social work centres have regular professional evaluations and 55.2% have training opportunities related to service delivery to victims of violence. In general, our survey results show that all institutions have, to a certain extent, professional evaluation of staff as well as training available. Less common are manager-supervisee evaluation and performance evaluation related to recording and referring cases of violence.

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Conclusions and Recommendations An effective child protection system needs a continuum of services that prevent, identify, report, refer, address or treat as well as provide services to families and children in need. Without this type of network, the rights of children cannot be met or protected. The system must be guided by international standards associated with child rights and all parts of the system must be accountable for the quality of services provided, especially treatment of children—and their families—who experience abuse, violence and other kinds of maltreatment. We would like to emphasize that with decentralization it is crucial to have clear child protection standards, protocols and professional guidelines in place before responsibilities are handed over to municipalities. In summary, we offer the following conclusions: -

-

-

-

There is a variety of definitions used to describe violence against children. Some forms of maltreatment are missed in the definitions. Professionals that work with children cannot recognize the specific kinds of violence if they are not properly defined and explained. Therefore, protection workers may not identify the children as victims of maltreatment and so do not refer them to the appropriate services and institutions for treatment. In general, there are no officially regulated criteria for recording, referring and treating cases of violence against children. None of the relevant laws provide for such criteria. In addition, there are no mechanisms established for cooperation among institutions dealing with child victims of violence, as well as no mechanisms for monitoring and evaluating the quality of services provided to children and their families affected by violence and abuse. The survey reported 1,403 cases of violence against children. This number clearly does not reflect the real situation in the country, but is rather a consequence of a very weak child protection system that lacks an established system for identifying, recording and referring cases of violence against children. For example, none of the institutions have even a specific form for recording such incidents. Only police stations and social work centres officially record cases of violence, but only as part of their general record keeping. Other institutions do record cases of violence, but unofficially. The existing child protection system centres on the police and Ministry of the Interior, whereas an optimal system is anchored in the social

72

-

-

Violence against Children

service sector and offers a full range of services from prevention to rehabilitation in keeping with child rights. The review of existing legislation showed that the main laws regulate penalties for the perpetrators and protection for victims, but not a system for identifying, recording and referring cases of violence against children. Neither do the laws regulate coordination mechanisms among the institutions nor the monitoring, evaluation and supervision of the quality of services. That institutions lack recording forms, have differing referral frameworks and are not knowledgeable about each other’s systems all impede cooperation among child protection actors. Similarly, insufficient coherency in documenting and presenting cases of violence (e.g. establishing facts versus someone’s perceptions) is also a problem.

Given the above conclusions, we offer the following recommendations: -

-

-

Acceptance of the definition of the UN Global Study on Violence as the universal basic. Incorporate the treatment of child victims of violence, the responsibilities of various bodies, and measures for assistance and protection within the framework of codified legal acts. Mandate particular institutions to identify and record cases of violence against children, as well as to monitor and evaluate services provided. Add specific articles to existing legislation on coordination mechanisms (e.g. guidelines and cooperation protocols) among institutions. There should be an officially established system (regulated within specific laws) of cooperation among institutions. Development of criteria for appropriate actions in cases of violence. Preparation of official guidelines and protocols that regulate the referrals and actions to be taken. Make training available to all relevant professionals in the recognition and identification of all different types of violence. Establish new day care centres for child victims of violence as well as more centres for street children.

References Concept Paper for the Secretary-General’s Study on Violence against Children. Online: http://www.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/docs/study/Conceptpaper.pdf

MUSIC AND SOCIAL STABILITY FOR DISADVANTAGED GROUPS FELICIAN RO‫܇‬CA

Introduction Art in general, and musical art in particular, have an extremely beneficial effect on child development starting from a very early age. As the latest research in the field show, music goes beyond the boundaries of perceiving the enjoyable and the most profound senses connected to beauty and profoundness. Music contains elements that are so profound that they can have effects in our daily, social life (Wünsch 1999). In antiquity, music had a decisive role, being considered, together with maths, astronomy, logic and rhetoric and military strategy, one of the subjects that had a formative value of the human personality. Over history, music had become an indestructible element associated with humanity, culture, art and religion (Lupu & Stăneci 1999). Musical elements can be found in all fields of social life, from a mother’s sweet song to imposing military marches. Its social effects are obvious through the capacity music has to bring together large masses of people, to produce individualities of human genius, and last but not least to educate and heal in cases where other elements of education or healing have no results (Piaget 1980). Following the formative capacity that music has the present study suggests an educational experiment dedicated to disadvantaged groups, namely those groups that have social integration issues and that have to be recovered. One of the main fields that has been revealed by this research refers not only to the disadvantages of the Roma population but also to those groups that, due to their precarious living conditions, have little or no access to education and minimal possibilities of social and educational dialogue. It is said that when there is nothing else left for humans, what remains is the song, with all its expressions, as a valve for rebellion and social pressure. Although it may appear to be pure chance these two places have been meeting points from ancient times, and the dichotomy of church (the place where the mother takes her child) and the pub (the place

74

Music and Social Stability for Disadvantaged Groups

attended by the father and later on by the child) has remained unchanged. Both places offer totally different educational spaces in terms of social conscience education and personality development (Killen 2003). The school has not deliberately been included in this dichotomy due to the general reluctance that disadvantaged groups have towards this institution. However, the school, under an accepted form, can get around some talents of these groups and even around some indirect factors of education (generally accepted by all the disadvantaged groups) that function in unconventional spaces and with alternative educational resources.

Methods The method suggested by education through music. Having as a starting point the simplest elements of music connected with rhythm and melody we suggest an experiment that consists in creating some means of education in music nursery schools that are integrated in the religious space (generally accepted by the disadvantaged groups) (Pa‫܈‬ca 2006). These nursery schools have a twofold objective: to socialize with these groups and educate both the children and their parents (Dolgoúev & Marinescu 2004). The aim is to help parents educate their children using a simple and effective means, namely music. These nursery schools are characterised by the fact that the educators are in charge of both parents and their children (Nicola & Farca‫ ܈‬1994). The binding agent is social security benefits (by the church and in terms of education as well as material and moral support), which children find attractive due to their attachment (generally unexpressed, but still visible as a consequence) to music and artistic values. The formative means are expressed through the educational values of music. Based on the present educational research of the educational values of music, we can identify ten such values: the development of one’s thinking capacity; memory improvement; social help; help in developing one’s ability of making judgements; help in patience enhancement; help in one’s ability to socialise; help in getting lifelong learning skills; a distinct way of self-expression; discipline; stimulating creativity. The most important element for us is related to social development. Speaking about this element, Caron (2010) says: Socially, children who get involved in a music group or ensemble have important life skills, such as the way they relate to others, how to work as a team and to appreciate the reward they get as a consequence of their work together and they develop their leadership and discipline skills, that, according to Marturet, watches over all the others. At the same time, the

Felician Ro‫܈‬ca

75

MISO programme Young Artist from South Florida allows young musicians to improve their musical abilities, as part of a professional orchestra. Fig. 2.2. Educational values of music

social help; help in developing one’s ability of making judgement; selfexpression

The development of one’s thinking capacity; memory improvement; discipline;

help in patience enhancement; help in one’s ability to socialise; help in getting lifelong learning skills;

As compared to the Romanian cultural space, these values largely coincide with those referred to by the American researchers, but are essentially different as applied values in the case of the disadvantaged populations under discussion. As Vartei (2008) notices, in a study dedicated to the analysis of a Roma nursery school project: The nursery school teacher who has a first encounter with Roma children and parents should know the fact that they have a different expectations at least from an emotional point of view as compared to other students, one should be informed about the characteristics of that particular community in terms of culture, traditions, customs in order to avoid any type of conflict or controversy.

76

Music and Social Stability for Disadvantaged Groups

The aim of the project is to re-establish the equity of the Roma child in education in order to preserve and develop cultural identity; to make sure all children, including Roma children have equal chances to education. Barriers and applied consequences. During the implementation of my project I have noticed two types of barriers. They are reciprocal and, most of the time, irreconcilable. They derive from lack of knowledge but also from negligence on the part of society which could, by extremely simple means, improve this state of things. On the whole, there is a manifest reluctance of the disadvantaged groups to any form of education, while music and other artistic activities are much more easily accepted (Beissinger 2001). In integrating the Roma or other disadvantaged children in religious musical programmes, their approval is influenced by the following positive aspects. The child is integrated in a larger group of children where they are accepted and where children rarely make social or ethnic discrimination (Neagu & Stoica 2004). The children socialize and realize that they, even if they come from a socially hostile environment, are accepted and can have performances that are comparable to those of children who come from socially normal or even advantaged groups (Stoica 2006). On their first public appearance in front of the Christian community (irrespective of the musical performance level) they are appreciated and rewarded in the same way as all other children, but this could be an occasion when the community rewards the parents for their effort to integrate the child. The child wears clothes that are comparable to what other children wear (most of the time this being the result of an effort made by the community), they are clean and have combed hair, sitting on the same bench with a child who attends school and is appreciated by the community. The barriers are the consequences of the parents’ ignorance. A child could never hurt another child if a parent knows how to educate that child. Both sides can be ignorant and the consequences of a conflict appear only in those situations in which parents raise cultural, religious and economic barriers (Ro‫܈‬ca & Dorgo 2012). Unfortunately, the society does too little to destroy these barriers and we admit that musical education is only a temporary way out that cannot solve a social situation of rejection based on behaviour. However, since music is for everybody we tend to believe that it can offer a model and provide primary educational solutions that promote acceptance and reciprocal tolerance.

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77

Results The results and the advantages are the consequence of parent and later on children education. In a religious community from Timi‫܈‬oara the first step of education through music was to set up a music band for parents. The activities of the religious choirs made up of Roma people called Gabori with Hat are already notorious. The specificity of these ensembles is related to their ethnic customs. Women are not accepted in the ensembles, joining is limited by membership in a certain tribe, and they are strictly set up for church singing or for religious programmes. Children are only accepted once they have come of age. Gabor’s tribe and Iancu’s tribe will always belong to rival ensembles in which performance is equally appreciated. In a survey made up of ten questions addressed to fifty families from both tribes we have obtained the following results in terms of child education. A minimum percentage of 2% are not interested in joining the music ensemble, being also not interested in their children’s education, and as a result do not send their children to school. The majority of the people being questioned (90%) admit that they and their children sing, and the place where they do so is the church; 85% say that the church is the place where they take part in musical programmes. The people who are preoccupied with their children’s musical education are 55% church educators; in 33% of the cases the mother or the father of the family is interested; in 10% of the cases the grandmother is interested; 2% are not interested in music and listen to music only on the radio or on TV. The results of the survey are encouraging in our positive undertaking of setting up a music nursery school for Roma children belonging to two tribes (Gabor and Iancu) in conformity with this ethnicity’s cultural requirements. The numerous tribe Rosta‫܈‬, or the large musicians tribes Novacovici or Gălan, can be added. What is interesting is the fact that when we asked for the Novacovici tribe’s help (the tribe leader) to collaborate in the musical education of the people in Gabor’s tribe, we were politely but firmly refused, the reason being the refusal to intermingle with people from another tribe, not even to contribute to their musical education. The advantages encourage us in implementing the project due to the effective way in which we have succeeded in convincing these children’s parents who are members of choral ensembles to send their children to school. Positive results: the children, together with their parents, socialize during the education programme; children, irrespective of their ethnicity, take part in musical programmes. Children are disciplined, are given the chance to improve their talent and musical thinking, as well as improve

78

Music and Social Stability for Disadvantaged Groups

their memory (Avram 2006). Children are creative and co-interested, and can be indirectly helped to ask their parents to be sent to school. Children can get unconditional material help, and parents can actually see their children’s positive results and be encouraged to not give up on their children’s school or nursery school education (Ciofu 1991). Children take part in programmes where they can wear their traditional dress and in this way have a sense of identity in terms of ethnicity. Children become more reasonable and do not feel marginalized, feeling that they are respected and appreciated by the community. Furthermore, children and their parents can have the chance to integrate without being disturbed by cultural differences and barriers (Minulescu 2003). Negative results: the programme can offer education that is in conformity with the national curricula for children. The programme consists in activities that last approximately four to six hours per week. The programme can be abandoned by children who do not integrate and who continue to be marginalized. The programme is not supported by the state, and is not sufficiently developed from the perspective of having nursery schools that function on a daily basis with a complete curricula, where music has a main educational role and is not accepted or financially supported by NGOs or the state. The programme is only an educational alternative in which parents are actively involved, in a religious environment, in their children’s education.

Discussion Taken as a whole, the project is a viable alternative in implementing a model of musical education that starts at an early age and continues up to the children’s coming of age. This survey and its implementation can be beneficial for children, parents and educators alike. Unfortunately, the means to apply the project are still at an experimental level, its implementation at least at a regional level depending on too many factors. We have to admit that in the implementation of the project we have come across many barriers related to finding educators who are willing to dedicate precious time to this programme. At the same time, there were obstacles in terms of awareness, dialogue and reciprocal acceptance. Reciprocal acceptance, without preconceived ideas and with the honest desire to do something for those who are disadvantaged and marginalized, was necessary from the very beginning. Our efforts were not always rewarded with good results. There were moments of joy and success as well as moments of disappointment and abandonment. The lack of consistent financial support was the most troublesome. Most of the time

Felician Ro‫܈‬ca

79

the material needs were so important that the programme acknowledgement was extremely difficult. We have taught parents how to dress their children, and to ask them to bring their children to music classes clean, even if their clothes were rather modest. First and foremost, it was necessary to educate the parents through music, and only after that di we have the courage to ask them to send their children.

Conclusions The concerts and programmes with choirs made up of people of the Gabor tribe were broadcast on TV and the radio, and the interviews and their success were essential in convincing parents to send their children to musical education classes. With all the obstacles and our own limitations in understanding the specificity of certain ethnicities (for instance, betrothing their children at an early age) we have not stopped, and in the end it was all worth it. The perspective of setting up a nursery school for the Roma people in a large city where music is studied can be an aim for the future and the idea of introducing a programme of this kind would give us the satisfaction of having succeeded in integrating the poor and offering help to those who have been abandoned—the joy of giving musical performances for both parents and children. The necessity of integrating these countrymen, being aware of who they are as well as educating them, are noble challenges for the education and social professionals (Szeman 2009), which can be reduced to the idea that a man has the capacity to offer whatever is in his mind, heart and soul.

References Avram, F. (2006). Metodica educaĠiei muzicale în grădiniĠă úi în învăĠământul primar [Pedagogy of Music Education in Nursery School and Primary School]. Timiúoara: Eurostampa. Beissinger, M. H. (2001). Occupation and Ethnicity: Constructing Identity among Professional Romani (Gypsy) Musicians in Romania. Slavic Review 60: 24-49. Caron, S. W. (2010). Why music education rocks! 10-reasons-whyyourchild-should-play-a-musical-instrument. Online: sheknows.com/parenting/articles/814331. Ciofu, C. (1991). InteracĠiunea părinĠi-copii [Parents – Children Interaction]. Bucureúti: Editura Medicală Almatea.

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Dolgoúev, M. & Marinescu, E. (2004). Metodica educaĠiei muzicale în grădiniĠa de copii [Pedagogy of Music Education in the Nursery School]. Bucureúti: Aramis. Killen, K. (2003). Copilăria durează generaĠii la rând [Childhood Lasts for Generations]. Timiúoara: First. Lupu, J. & Stăneci, M. (1999). Jocuri muzicale pentru copii mari úi mici [Music Games for Older and Younger Children]. Bucureúti: Sigma Primex. Minulescu, M. (2003). Psihologia copilului mic [The Psychology of Toddlers]. Bucureúti: Psyche. Neagu, G. & Stoica, L. (2004). Factori de risc privind accesul la educaĠie al copiilor din familii sărace: Studiu de caz [Risk Factors Regarding the Access to Education of Children Coming from Poor Families: A Case Study]. Revista de AsistenĠă Socială 2-3: 69-79. Nicola, I. & Farca‫܈‬, D. (1994). Teoria educaĠiei úi noĠiuni de cercetare pedagogică [Theory of Education and Pedagogical Reseach Concepts]. Bucureúti: EDP. Pa‫܈‬ca, E. M. (2006). Un posibil traseu al educaĠiei muzicale în perioada prenotaĠiei, din perspectivă interdisciplinară [A Possible Direction of Music Education in the Pre-Notation Period from an Interdiciplinary Perspective]. Doctoral Thesis, “George Enescu” University of Ia‫܈‬i. Piaget, J. (1980). Judecata morală la copil [Moral Judgement in Children]. Bucureúti: EDP. Ro‫܈‬ca, F. & Dorgo, M. (2012). Musical education, a stability factor in the Roma communities. Back to Work – The role of Validation of Competences in Professional Counseling of Adults. Thessaloniki: Medimond. 25-30. Stoica, L. (2006). DirecĠii de acĠiune pentru creúterea accesului la educaĠie al copiilor provenind din medii defavorizate [Trends in Enhancing the Access to Education of Children from Disadvantaged Groups]. Calitatea vieĠii xvii (1-2): 65-71. Szeman, I. (2009). Gypsy Music and Deejays: Orientalism, Balkanism and Romani Musicians. The Journal of Performance Studies 53: 98-116. Vartei, A. (2008). Proiect educational integrarea copiilor rromi în grădiniаă [Educational Project Regarding the Integration of Rroma Children in Nursery Schools]. Online: www.didactic.ro/materiale/7154_proiect-integrarea-copiilor-rromi-ingradinita. Wünsch, W. (1999). EducaĠia pentru muzică [Education for Music]. ClujNapoca: Triade.

SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON STUDENT CREATIVITY VESNA BULJUBAŠIû-KUZMANOVIû

On Creativity—Pedagogical Implications The word creativity (creare) is of Latin descent, and its meaning is “to create,” “to produce.” We consider creative things to be original and creative people to be open-minded, productive, flexible, imaginative or even ingenious. When we are talking about the pedagogical implications of creativity then we are referring to its school context, in which it is mainly defined as creating something new, which is, in its value, different from that previously explored and discovered. Therefore, the term “creativity” is used to signify various processes which lead to new solutions, ideas, conceptions, art forms, theories and products, and it can be said that creativity is also the ability to create new combinations from already existing components (Muk 2008). The stated definitions of creativity emphasize the importance of divergent thinking, which is opposite of convergent thinking, which is focused on finding only one “true” solution. Unfortunately, educational systems give more attention to developing and examining convergent thinking, which limits and smothers alternative thinking and creativity. Experts from various areas of life advocate the promotion of creative (divergent) thinking and a creative approach to learning and working. However, pedagogues emphasize that creativity is being systematically discouraged in most children (Bognar & Bognar 1997; Muk 2008). Starting from early childhood, many parents have the need to correct their children so they do not go too far outside the usual boundaries of thinking and acting, although their imaginative and creative excursions often represent a developmental need and not something undesirable, unreal and harmful. In this way parents, and later on teachers, though inadvertently, smother the basis of creative thinking and children’s excursions outside the usual or determined boundaries of thinking. However, it would be unjustified to say that school is a place where creativity does not develop at all, especially when it comes to the

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so-called arts, because this teaching process does not only enable but also encourages student creativity. Similarly, research has shown that it is possible to encourage creativity during the teaching process (Torrance 1974) by respecting five principles that encourage students’ creative behaviour: acknowledging unusual questions, acknowledging imaginative and unusual ideas, showing children that their ideas have value, providing the time in which there is no assessment, and connecting evaluation to causes and consequences (Torrance 1965, 43). Creative behaviour is an intrinsic component of life and it can be seen in various areas of life and work. This makes the question of whether creativity is content general or content specific reasonable. There is a consensus among scientists that creativity should be seen through both perspectives (Lubart 2000), which is acknowledged by the pedagogical science because it views creativity and its pedagogical implications in a developmental context. On the other hand, the question of whether creativity in one area is independent from creativity in another is also problematized (Sternberg 2001), and whether traditional (mystical) or contemporary theories of creativity prevail (Sternberg & Lubart 1996). Furthermore, the sole assessment of creativity is very complex and can be done in various contexts, from social and historical (Amabile 1983; Csikszentmihalyi 1996), to processual (Finke, Ward & Smith 1992; Mumford et al. 1991) onto systematically oriented, component models (Amabile 1983; 1999; Csikszentmihalyi 1996). In producing creative ideas, aside from a creative individual, the social environment also has a major role. On the one hand, we are talking about the positive social influences that encourage and support the creative process, and on the other hand we are talking about social influences that go in the opposite direction, i.e. that disable the displaying and developing of an individual’s creative potential. School, along with familial and environmental influences, represents an important part of encouraging students’ creative development. Therefore, the purpose of this chapter is to examine the pedagogical implications of creative teaching. The aim is to shed light on its social dimension, i.e. how much does encouraging creative problem solving in small cooperative groups contribute to developing and liberating student creativity in an elementary school.

Social Influences on Creativity Social influences on creativity and development of educational programmes, which attempt to stimulate, encourage and sustain students’ creative abilities, are unexplored. The increased interest in encouraging the development of creativity in the school context has resulted in a greater

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number of teaching and learning models that affirm creativity, criticality, flexibility, initiative taking, unconventionality and originality in students and teachers. However, empirical tests of this theoretically presumed structure are hard to find. Sternberg & Lubart (1996) identify three main dichotomies in thinking styles, presupposing that some styles are more suitable for creativity than others: legislative (setting the rules), executive (following the rules), conservative (seeking traditional approaches) and liberal (seeking different approaches). Parents who enable their children to choose their actions and expressions within their field of interest encourage further development of children’s creativity. Limiting a child’s abilities or insisting upon doing certain activities smothers the child’s natural curiosity and creative potential, which would otherwise have the opportunity to be spontaneously expressed. On the other hand, in her observations, Muk (2008) concludes that research results indicate that families of highly intelligent children more often place greater value on good behaviour and school success rather than creativity. Experts in the field of children’s social development and many pedagogues emphasize that creative learning techniques are not sufficiently applied in schools (Bognar & Bognar 2007; Somolanji & Bognar 2008), although, in more ways than one, they are the key for the future (Dryden & Vos 2001). In fact, the world we live in today is the product of creative ideas from the past, and the world we are going to live in tomorrow depends on today’s creative contributions (Muk 2008). Consequently, in contemporary pedagogical literature creativity is emphasized both as a need and a possibility, i.e. as the purpose of education. Numerous papers trying to elaborate the problems of creativity (Stevanoviü 2002; Cvetkoviü-Lay & Peþjak 2004), present the management of creativity in a clear way (Sriüa 1992), explain contributions of creativity in certain segments of giftedness (Huzjak 2006; Cvetkoviü-Lay 2002; Cvetkoviü-Lay & Sekuliü-Majurec 1998) and in creative or art therapies (Barath et al. 1996) have been written. Similarly, research also emphasizes certain specific features of families and schools from which creative children come (e.g. Waldorf schools). In these family and school environments, children’s interests and autonomy, the principles of creative environment and guidance, and creative self-expression and sharing are appreciated. The aim is to encourage the creation, the feeling of elevation and the expression of inner personality, on individual and social levels, more than was previously possible.

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Encouraging and Measuring Creativity Encouraging and measuring creativity in teaching is somewhat more specific and complex in relation to some other components of the educational process because it encompasses a range of factors which successively or simultaneously determine it (the teacher-student relationship, motivation, communication, cooperation, student interactions, creative problem solving strategies, evaluation, etc.). Therefore, we will consider creativity in a school context and measure the effects of traditional and contemporary (cooperative) teaching on the encouragement and liberation of creative processes. Creativity measuring is mostly not precisely determined and subject to major statistical processing in the sense of correct and incorrect answers, and this is caused by the specific nature of the phenomenon of creativity, which does not stand for uniformity. Tests of creativity are not based on questions or problems that require the “best” or “correct” answer. In these tests, according to Muk (2008), it is required of the examinees to notice as many possible solutions as possible, which sometimes confuses them because they are used to classic tests which require convergent thinking. The same author provides examples of creative tasks in teaching, such as an untitled story or comic, caricatures, paired words, etc. There are other ways of encouraging creativity during the teaching process by asking questions that arouse various mental functions and creative processes: Who?, When?, Where?, How?, Why?, Explain!, In what way can you …?, What if …?, Do you have another idea?, Compare which is better, more beautiful …?, What else reminds you of that?, In what way is that similar to, and in what way is it different from …?, What do you think will happen if …? What does that remind you of? In this chapter, which is a result of an action research of social (peer) influences on student creativity, the following five activities were applied on individual and group levels, through which it was attempted to encourage creative problem solving in students from the third to eighth grades of an elementary school in Osijek, and to measure the effects of the creative process in a traditional and contemporary teaching environment: -

What is red?—the students’ task is to provide as many answers as they can to this question. Letter game—students discover names of states, cities, rivers, plants, animals. Words and numbers game—students connect and explore words and numbers.

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Connection finder—students devise what an ant and a locomotive have in common. Different uses of objects—students discover possible uses of a pencil.

The traditional environment implied learning situations in which each student solved tasks and activities individually, without social interaction, and the contemporary approach was based on cooperative learning of the same tasks and activities in pairs and groups, with multiple interactions.

Research Methodology The purpose of this chapter is to examine the pedagogical implications of creative teaching. The aim is to shed light on its social dimension, i.e. how much does encouraging creative problem solving in small cooperative groups contribute to the development and liberation of student creativity. Based on this aim, the following research tasks were formulated: -

to encourage creative problem solving in a traditional and cooperative (contemporary) teaching process and to measure the contributions to development and liberation of student creativity to examine differences in frequency of creative behaviours with regard to students’ age.

The hypothesis that was the starting point of this research is based on the claim that contemporary, cooperative teaching will contribute more to the development and liberation of creativity of the examined students than traditional teaching (individual teaching, without interactions and social stimulations). Similarly, it is expected that creativity will decrease with age, i.e. that the youngest students will have the most desirable estimation of the liberation of their creative potentials during learning, and the oldest students will have the least desirable estimation. Sample. The sample consisted of 289 students from the third to eighth grades of an elementary school in Osijek, approximately half of the total number of students in that school: two classes of the third grade (48 students), fourth grade (50 students), fifth grade (49 students), sixth grade (45 students), seventh grade (52 students) and eighth grade (45 students). Twelve classes were included in a three-month period of encouraging creative problem solving during the first semester, always during class masters’ lessons, every fourteen days, with an overall five encounters per class.

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Instrument. During creative problem solving learning and using evaluation sheets, students evaluated the effects of creative teaching, first on an individual (traditional) and then on group (contemporary) learning level using the following claim: During the learning process, I developed and liberated my creativity using a 5-point Likert scale (1 – I do not agree, 2 – I mostly do not agree, 3 – I neither agree nor disagree, 4 – I mostly agree, 5 – I agree). During data processing, due to overview clarity and estimation trend, judgements marked using the first three points (1, 2 and 3) were considered as undesirable because they do not contribute, or mostly do not contribute to students’ creative liberation, or it cannot be precisely determined, and judgements marked using the remaining two points (4 and 5) as desirable because they more or less contribute to students’ creative liberation. Procedure. For the purposes of this research, starting from the determined research aims and tasks, we constructed tasks to encourage creativity in cooperation with the class masters, and then evaluation sheets for self-evaluation of creative teaching to be estimated by students in traditional (isolated) and cooperative (social) contexts. When the activities ended, group effects were assessed (1 point for solutions that were previously determined in intergroup interactions and 2 points for completely new ideas/creations). This showed that assessment itself could be a teaching stage, in which we create and solve teaching problems, as well as assess and learn. During the teaching process we also conducted a self-evaluation of the quality of development and liberation of creative potentials in a traditional and contemporary learning environment. The results and the differences among them are shown using descriptive statistics, a t-test and variance analysis.

Results and Discussion As it is known, a child does not satisfy their needs solely through encounters with themself, but also with their social environment. In this sense, to be creative means to cooperate well, to adjust to new circumstances and to maintain the quality of adjustment despite interfering factors. In other words, this implies a relationship in which all participants satisfy their individual needs, but also adjust to each other. Due to the underdeveloped interaction-communication pattern, traditional teaching does not encourage, to the same extent, creative problem solving as cooperative teaching. As this research shows (see Table 2.4), isolated systems, frontal teaching, and question-answer interaction, instead of question-challenge interaction, prevail in traditional teaching.

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Table 2.4. Creativity encouragement on traditional (individual) and cooperative bases Indicators

Traditional teaching forms TeacherTeacher provides the tasks, student and students try to do them relationship as accurately, quickly and correctly as possible. Communication One-way communication with little interaction. Great fear of failure. Student Lack of peer involvement interactions as a source of information. Teacher advocates question-answer type of interactions. Cooperation Low acceptance, poor cooperation and peer support. Assessment Who is the best, the fastest, who has the least mistakes, the most correct solutions or desirable answers. Self-evaluation Self-evaluation is not practiced, mutual evaluation only rarely.

Social teaching forms Students actively participate in the teaching design. Teacher supports cooperative learning, teamwork and cooperation. Multidirectional communication with plenty of interaction. Less fear of failure. High peer involvement as a source of information. Question-challenge type of interactions prevails. High acceptance and help, mutual exchanges and interactions. Orientation towards divergent thinking in which it is normal (expected) to make mistakes and search for alternative solutions. Self-evaluation is an intrinsic part of learning. Students often evaluate each other.

Social influences on creativity in cooperative teaching are achieved through making contacts with others and encouraging stimulating conversations, providing and receiving help, and accepting others as different and respecting them as equals. Active, cooperative learning is emphasized through multisource approaches that enable experience/ knowledge/memory (state, identify, name, draw), understanding (explain, interpret, predict, compare, justify), application (analyse, evaluate, plan, choose, organize, solve), behaviour (demonstrate, communicate, inquire, exchange, accept, listen, show) and creative awakening which implies every activity and process leading students to an unpredictable and spontaneous effect, strengthening their curiosity and optimism. This is the path from confusion and chaos towards the invention of new knowledge and values of the self, of others and of the surrounding world. The development of open, spontaneous and creative networking is encouraged, and the way this happens in traditional (isolated) and cooperative (social) environments is visible in Table 2.5.

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Table 2.5. Students’ self-evaluations (N = 289) of the quality of encouragement and liberation of creativity in the teaching process and the significance of differences between the traditional and cooperative approach Grade

Traditional teaching

Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Seventh Eighth

N 48 50 49 45 52 45

AS 3.89 3.52 4.04 4.04 3.98 3.75

SD 1.529 1.265 1.019 0.998 0.980 0.957

Cooperative teaching N AS 48 4.81 50 4.9 49 4.75 45 4.8 52 4.78 45 4.55

Difference SD 0.532 0.303 0.560 0.457 0-605 0.659

t 3.937 7.501 4.274 4.565 5.009 4.650

df 46 48 47 43 50 43

p 0.0002 0.0001 0.0001 0.0001 0.0001 0.0001

Students’ self-evaluations of the quality of encouragement and liberation of creativity in the teaching process achieved a higher mean score in the cooperative that in the traditional teaching environment. This difference was statistically significant, which confirms the hypothesis based on the claim that contemporary, cooperative teaching will contribute more to the development and liberation of creativity of the examined students from traditional teaching. Similarly, the expectation that creativity will decrease with age was confirmed, i.e. that the youngest students will have the most desirable estimation of the liberation of their creative potentials during learning (M=4.9, fourth grade), and the oldest students will have the least desirable estimation (M=4.55, eighth grade). On the other hand, the results of traditional teaching indicate its negligible contribution to creativity encouragement because it insufficiently motivates, affirms and develops potentials as cooperative, i.e. creative teaching (Fig. 23). Fig. 2.3. Self-evaluation of the quality of creativity encouragement, traditional and cooperative environment

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When we are talking about social (peer) influences on creativity in the teaching process we are referring to learning quality, which refers to encouraging personal and social determinants of creativity (creative education), which includes the development of initiative-taking, flexibility, unconventionality, criticality and adjustability and a positive relationship with oneself, others and the community. Connecting with the community and real life is an important determinant of social development of creativity because the influence of the environment on creativity can be both positive and negative. The emotional basis of creativity develops in early childhood and continues until the child starts school. After that, i.e. somewhere up until the end of the fourth grade, there is a growing decline in students’ creativity, or the capability to create original ideas and products. If we observe this in an educational context, this neutralization or smothering of creativity could be explained with the traditional way of learning (development of logical and verbal thinking systems). While growing up, and especially during adolescence, there is a growth of creativity or the need for originality in certain students. However, the under-represented creative forms of teaching make this phase unnoticeable because the creative awakenings of certain students, if recognized, are quickly being replaced by routine patterns of behaviour and action. Because of this, during growing up, and even in adulthood, creativity generally remains concealed and suppressed. These are the reasons why creativity in the educational process is becoming an important component of contemporary school which demands collaborative, cooperative, interactive, critical, integrative and creative approaches to teaching. In Table 2.6 below we presented the results of the cooperative approach to encouraging creativity, and in Table 2.3 above we examined the difference in the quality of development and liberation of creative potentials of students from the third to eighth grades. Table 2.6. The results of variance analysis of creative teaching with regard to the students’ age, i.e. their grade, N = 289 Source of variances between groups within groups Total

SS 3.164 79.819 82.983

df 5 283 238

MS 0.633 0.282

F 2.224

p 0.050

SS = sum of squares; df = degree of freedom; MS = mean square Between group variation – explained variance; within group variation – unexplained variance

Variance analysis determined that students in different grades significantly differ in the results of evaluation of creative teaching, F(5, 282) = 2.224, p

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= 0.500. In relation to students of other grades, eighth grade students have the lowest average result of creative teaching, and fourth grade students have the highest. We can conclude that students from the third to eighth grades comprise two homogenous subsets, with very small deviations. One subset comprises students from third to sixth grades, and the other of students from seventh to eighth grades, whose results of creative teaching decrease in relation to younger students. The assumption that variable creativity will decrease with age is confirmed. Unfortunately, there is still too little information about the evaluation of various pedagogical approaches that encourage and accompany the development of children’s creativity in order for us to interpret the obtained results outside the context of this research. However, this chapter has shown that aside from the creative individual, the social environment, i.e. the interactionalcommunicational school pattern, plays a major role in creating creative ideas as a lever to encourage and monitor creative relations and processes in contemporary teaching (Matijeviü & Radovanoviü 2011). In such a curriculum environment, students become the organizers and executors of the teaching process and contribute to changes and improvements of school quality (Stoll & Fink 2000). Among numerous critiques of teaching, and especially university-level teaching, we can find one that teaching not only does not develop creativity, but smothers it in a certain way (Simplicio 2000; Dryden & Vos 2001; Meyer 2005). People spend a large part of their lives in schools (their whole childhood and youth), and this opens up a problem of the purpose of teaching which is not sufficiently oriented towards the development of one of the most important human characteristics, i.e. creativity (Bognar 2012).

Conclusion Social influences on creativity and development of educational programmes, which attempt to stimulate, encourage and sustain students’ creative abilities, are unexplored. The increased interest in stimulating creativity development in a school context has resulted in multiple models of teaching and learning that affirm creativity, criticality, flexibility, initiative taking, unconventionality and originality in students and teachers. Therefore, the purpose of this chapter was to examine pedagogical implications of creative teaching. The aim was to shed light on its social dimension, i.e. how much does encouraging creative problem solving in small cooperative groups contribute to developing and

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liberating creativity of students from third to eighth grades in an elementary school (N = 289). The results showed that contemporary approaches to teaching encourage creativity more than traditional approaches, and that social (peer) influences on creativity, interconnected with cooperative learning and interactions, contribute to its development and liberation. Similarly, the results warn that the creative potentials of the examined students decrease with age, which is a good lesson for practice regarding further steps in encouraging and monitoring the development of children’s creativity.

References Amabile, T. M. (1983). The Social Psychology of Creativity. New York, NY: Springer Verlag New York Incorporated. —. (1998). How to Kill Creativity. Harvard Business Review, September: 77-87. Barath, A., Matul, D., Sabljak, LJ. (1996). Korak po korak do oporavka. Priruþnik za kreativne susrete s djecom u ratnim i poslijeratnim vremenima [Step by step to recovery: A handbook for creative encounters with children at the time of war and after]. Zagreb: Tipex. Bognar, L. & Bognar, B. (2007). Kreativnost uþitelja kao znaþajna komponenta nastavniþke profesije [Teacher’s creativity as key competence of teacher profession]. In N. Babiü (Ed.), Kompetencije i kompetentnost uþitelja. Osijek: Filozofski fakultet. 429-437. Bognar, L. (2012). Kreativnost u nastavi [Creativity in education]. Život i škola 153 (1): 9-20. Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1996). Creativity: Flow and the Psychology of Discovery and Invention. New York, NY: Harper Collins. Cvetkoviü-Lay, J., Peþjak V. (2004), Možeš i drukþije. Priruþnik s vježbama za poticanje kreativnog mišljenja [You can do differently. Handbook with Exercises for Encouraging Creative Thinking]. Zagreb: Alinea. Cvetkoviü-Lay, J. & Sekuliü Majurec, A. (1998). Darovito je, što üu s njime? Priruþnik za odgoj i obrazoanje darovite djece predškolske dobi [Gifted child, how to act: manual for the education of gifted children of preschool age]. Zagreb: Alinea. Cvetkoviü-Lay, J. (2002). Darovito je, što üu sa sobom? Priruþnik za obitelj, vrtiü i školu [He is gifted, what should I do with myself? Handbook for family, kindergarten and school]. Zagreb: Alinea.

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Dryden, G. & Vos, J. (2001). Revolucija u uþenju [The Learning Revolution]. Zagreb: Educa. Finke, R. A., Ward, T. B. & Smith, S. M. (1992). Creative Cognition. Cambridge: MIT Press. Huzjak, M. (2006). Darovitost, talent i kreativnost u odgojnom procesu [Giftedness, talent and creativity in the educational process]. Odgojne znanosti 8 (1): 289-300. Lubart, T. I. (2000). Models of the Creative Process: Past, Present and Future. Creativity Research Journal 13 (3/4): 295-303. Matijeviü, M. & Radovanoviü, D. (2011). Nastava usmjerena na uþenika [Student-centred teaching]. Zagreb: Školske novine. Meyer, H. (2005). Što je dobra nastava [What Is Good Teaching]. Zagreb: Erudita. Muk, K. (2008). Kreativnost [Creativity]. Online: http://www.centarangel.hr/HR/articles/Kreativnost.php. Mumford, M. D., Mobley, M. I., Uhlman, C. E., Reiter-Palmon, R. & Doares, L. M. (1991). Process Analytic Models of Creative Capacities. Creativity Research Journal 4: 91-122. Simplicio, J. S. C. (2000). Teaching Classroom Educators How to Be More Effective and Creative Teachers. Education 120 (4): 675-681. Somolanji, I. & Bognar, L. (2008). Kreativnost u osnovnoškolskim uvjetima [Creativity in primary schools]. Život i škola 19 (1): 87-94. Sriüa, V. (1992). Upravljanje kreativnošüu [Creativity Management]. Zagreb: Školska knjiga. Sternberg, R. J. & Lubart, T. (1996). Investing in Creativity. American Psychologist 51(7): 677-688. Sternberg, R. J. (2001). What is the Common Thread of Creativity: Its Dialectical Relation to Intelligence and Wisdom. American Psychologist 56: 360-362. Stevanoviü, M. (2002). Škola i stvaralaštvo [School and creativity]. Labin: Media design. Stoll, L. & Fink, D. (2000). Mijenjajmo naše škole: kako unaprijediti djelotvornost i kvalitetu škola [Changing Our Schools: Linking School Effectiveness and School Improvement]. Zagreb: Educa. Torrance, E. P. (1965). Rewarding Creative Behavior: Experiments in Classroom Creativity. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. —. (1974). Encouraging Creativity in the Classroom. Dubuque, IA: Brown Company Publishers.

CHAPTER THREE POSITIVE FUNCTIONING

VOICES OF YOUTH FROM ROMANIAN RESIDENTIAL CARE HOMES ON RIGHTS AND PARTICIPATION ANCA BEJENARU AND STANLEY TUCKER

Introduction This chapter explores the views and perspectives of children and young people currently living in residential care in Romania. It specifically examines their day-to-day experiences while paying specific attention to how effectively children’s rights are being promoted and what role children play in decision-making processes regarding their social care and education. In developing the study, a framework for investigation was employed, underpinned by key aspects of human rights enshrined within the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). In adopting this approach, cognisance was taken of the work of Smith (2007, 328) who asserts that rights-focused research can help to generate new knowledge and understanding so that children are “better protected from harm, provided with appropriate services and benefits and encouraged to participate in decisions affecting them.” We were also influenced by the work of James & Prout (1997) who maintain that young people should be viewed as competent social actors, with the ability to offer unique insights into their life worlds. Through a series of connected articles, the UNCRC sets out clear requirements to be followed by signatory nations in their promotion of children’s rights. As a signatory nation, Romania must adhere to such conventions and provide regular evidence to the United Nations as to the progress made in establishing and developing all rights. Thus, an individual government must be willing to bear the responsibility for the protection of individual and collective rights of children (article 4). Crucially, it is important to remember that the needs of the child are considered paramount in rights promotion work (Roche 2005). From the perspective of this research project, we wanted to explore whether such a concept was adhered to when it came to matters of:

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‘welfare and development’ (article 4) acting in the best interests of the child in terms of promoting their participation (article 3) encouraging “freedom of expression” (article 13), and protecting their right to education (article 13).

We embarked on the research wanting to pay particular attention to the risks children and young people faced in care arising from their own actions, those of their peers, or those responsible for their care, health and education. Earlier research concentrated on exploring the conditions facing children in public care immediately after the revolution in Romania (Macavei 2006). However, we wanted our research to advance contemporary knowledge and understanding from the specific perspectives of those living in residential care in Romania. Hence, we developed a qualitative approach that made use of narrative interviews (Jovchelovitch & Bauer 2000). Through such an approach we were able to capture and better understand the feelings, emotions, expectations and ambitions of the young people involved. In what follows we consider such perspectives in more depth. Before that, however, we provide a brief overview of Romanian legislation covering the rights of children in care. Development of Residential Laws and Policies in Romania Romania was one of the first countries to sign the UNCRC, ratifying it in October 1990. Nevertheless, its transposition into national legislation was not an easy process. To explain the obstacles to implementation it is necessary to understand the socioeconomic and political situation that existed from 1990. Following its emergence from communism, the country was left with a centralized child protection system. Large barracklike residential centres existed that received little in the way of public scrutiny, and emphasis was placed on collective care at the expense of meeting the individual needs of children (Le Mare, Audet & Kurytnik 2008). These institutions became over-crowded during the last years of the communist regime due to a lack of family-focused community-based social support, pro-natal government policies and an economic recession that began in the early 1980s (Kligman 1998). According to a report published by UNICEF (1997, 161) there were 85,786 children living in orphanages and homes by 1990 in Romania. The main concern of the state, after 1989, was to provide humane living conditions for children in residential institutions. The majority of the actions undertaken were, however, characterized by a lack of

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coherence and largely triggered by pressure from the media following international exposure of the living conditions in some orphanages (Buzducea et al. 1997; Roth 2000). In 1994, the United Nations committee responsible for monitoring children’s rights in Romania noted a lack of political, legislative and residential institutional reform, and that the situation for children had worsened because of growing poverty and increasing unemployment (CRC 1994). During 1997, Emergency Ordinance no. 26/1997 for the protection of children at risk was enacted in the Romanian Official Journal. This promoted the need to prevent family separation and encourage the reintegration of children into the family unit, the necessity to deinstitutionalise residential care practices, and the need to increase levels of child protection. A process of decentralization began with the creation of a Child Protection Directorate in each county area of the country that encouraged the promotion of partnerships between public and private institutions. However, the key point of transition for the development of residential services for children arrived with Romania’s application to join the European Union (EU). As part of its conditions for entry, the EU required that a single authority should be made responsible for establishing policies relating to children in care and creating standards that applied to all residential childcare institutions, including homes for mentally and physically disabled children. In issuing the Opinion on Romania’s Application for Membership, it was specifically noted that “the rights of the child have long been a matter for concern in Romania” (European Commission 1997). With the support of the European Union, the National Authority for Child Protection and Adoption was created in 2001, and in the same year, the National Strategy for Child Protection for 2001–2004 was published. In 2001 there were 57,060 children in residential services, dropping to 32,679 in 2004 (mmssf.ro). Many large institutions closed and a policy of fostering was encouraged. At the same time, a significant number of children were reintegrated into their biological families, with a very poor level of assistance being subsequently offered (IMAS 2004). Reform continued with the adoption of a new legislative package in 2004. The most important development involved the enactment on Law 272/2004 on the protection of children’s rights. The law largely reflected the requirements of the UNCRC, and also enshrined national quality standards and guidelines that should apply in all residential care homes in law. The newly published quality standards also included a section on the participation of children in residential centres. It was stipulated that

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children and young people should actively participate in the daily life of residential homes and be directly involved in decisions about their future. In addition, staff were required to encourage children to express their views on all matters affecting them. Children were also encouraged to organise Children’s Councils to discuss the provision and delivery of services. A national study, conducted by Save the Children in 2011, showed that children’s participation was still underdeveloped at a national level. The study underlined the fact that children needed to be guided or taught to participate and behave proactively. It was noted that discussions tended to focus only on identifying the specific problems faced by individual children (Manole 2011, 48).

Participants A purposive sampling strategy (Ritchie, Lewis & Ellam 2003) was used to select the young people for the study. The sample was composed of 44 young people, 25 male and 19 female, aged between 14 and 26 years old. All of them had been in care for a minimum of one year prior to the study (see Table 3.1 below). Table 3.1. The distribution of young people across residential settings Type of residential care

Public residential care homes Private residential care homes Total

Number of residential care large* small** small**

2 2 2

Number of children and young people interviewed female male 5 6 7 8 7 11

6

19

25

* over 50 beneficiaries ** under 30 beneficiaries

Methodological Approach Exploring Participants’ Perspectives In developing the methodological approach, consideration was given to how to most effectively capture the voices of participants. Realising that for many young people the experience of being interviewed may prove to

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be threatening and potentially stressful, we felt that it was important to create an environment that allowed those involved to feel at ease. We wanted to encourage the emergence of a natural dialogue where participants could recount stories about their lives through discussion of their “experiences, feelings and reactions” to living in residential care (James & Prout 1997). We expected young people to talk about difficult experiences and problems. Interviewees had to be treated with dignity and respect. It was necessary to secure written individual consent to be involved in an interview as we did not want children to be coerced into participating. We offered anonymity when it came to the reporting of the data. We promised to listen to, analyse and record the data honestly (Alderson 2007). Alongside this, we attempted to ensure that participation was in the “best interests” of the child (UNCRC article 3) in terms of ensuring that the experience wasn’t harmful to their “welfare and development” (UNCRC article 4). We used an interview-based approach. A narrative-focused intervention of this kind requires a setting which encourages and stimulates interviewees to tell a story about some significant event(s) in their lives (Jovchelovitch & Bauer 2000). The methodological approach was also influenced by the work of Riemann & Schütze (2000) insofar as specific focus was placed on the risks faced by the young people involved at different points in their personal biographies. Such a social constructivist approach (Berger & Luckmann 1967) allowed us to develop open-ended conversations through which participants could choose and prioritise aspects of their experiences. We were able to examine and understand elements of a young person’s existence drawn from different cultural and social experiences gained in the family, community, school, residential care, etc. Conducting the Research The conversations were audiotaped with the agreement of the institution and young people, and lasted between 45 and 135 minutes. They were conducted inside a care home, in either a social area or the Social Assistant’s office. The meeting time was agreed with the young person so that it did not interfere with their daily routine, i.e. education, leisure time, etc. As part of the signed agreement with the institution permitting the research to take place, it was necessary to speak to the young person with a member of staff present in the room. This condition was insisted on to avoid unnecessary stress or harm. The member of staff concerned did not

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take a direct part in the conversation. However, it is acknowledged that their presence may have influenced the response of a young person. The conversations were transcribed verbatim by the interviewers. The data analysis was carried out using a thematic analysis approach proposed by Braun & Clarke (2006). The coding of data during the analysis process was accomplished using the qualitative data analysis software NVivo10. As part of the analytical process, each interview was read by the authors in order to familiarise themselves with the issues raised and create some early coding structures. Subsequently, the coding structures were revised, modified and grouped together into potential themes. Each theme was reanalysed in order to ensure that a coherent pattern emerged.

Key Findings from the Voice-Focused Research In this section we present some of the key findings from the research with young people. The analysis is presented in four sections covering: -

an evaluation of the services and support received in residential care examples of participation family relationships, and incidences of abuse in large public care institutions.

Services and Support Although specific criticisms were voiced about the nature of the services and support offered to young people in residential care, aspects of work were positively endorsed by those interviewed. In many instances we found examples of the existence of strong relationships with staff (particularly in small residential homes) and a sense of “relief” on the part of young people that they now found themselves living in far less abusive situations. For one young person the experience of life in public care was marked by “school supplies, food on the table … and sanitation.” Other young people enjoyed the experience of collective living, stressing the benefits of the strong friendships that can be created with peers: -

“we make food, wash our clothes and fix things together” “we can be together and make friends and talk with each other and with staff.”

Here, the value of “freedom of association” (article 15) was positively endorsed by a group of people who had lived in difficult circumstances

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where association with other young people was not encouraged by many parents. We found examples of positive health promotion within residential settings that included the provision of information on healthy eating, personal hygiene and the importance of taking medication regularly. It also appeared that some staff were willing to gain a deeper understanding of the nature of specific illnesses. For example, one young person described how staff had taken time to explore the nature of her diabetes despite the fact that “in the beginning they really didn’t know how to behave with me and were even nervous.” At the same time, however, examples were provided of situations where staff had failed to respond to basic needs: -

“I needed glasses. They didn’t [provide them] … I needed braces. They didn’t [provide them].” “They had no scales … they did not understand why I needed to weigh everything [food related to dietary requirements].”

Despite the positive perceptions held by many young people about the support provided by staff (especially in small residential care homes), those living in larger institutions consistently raised concerns about the attitudes and actions of some care staff. It proved possible to detect a sense of mistrust, negative responses on the part of staff when specific problems were reported by children, and that boundaries of confidentiality were often breached and. Staff were seen to “gossip” about children, dismiss claims of bullying or the existence of “protection systems,” and not “process complaints,” often made informally, by young people. Clearly, such examples point to the need for improving the climate of communication so that “respect for the views of the child” (article 12) can be significantly advanced. Participation In analysing data concerned with levels and types of opportunity for participation, we wanted to ascertain how influential specific UNCRC articles concerning the “best interests of the child” (article 3) and the encouragement of “freedom of expression” (article 13) are in shaping residential care practice and the experiences of young people. Three specific themes emerged for consideration: the direct involvement of young people in decision making about moving homes, negotiation of

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daily living programmes, and attempts to promote a level of direct participation in decision making. As in other countries, children in public care in Romania are often the subject of frequent moves between children’s homes into foster care (Stativă et al. 2002). In the study there is significant evidence to suggest that the voice of the child is largely ignored at key transition points. For one young person, the bureaucratic strength of those with decision-making power dominates the process: “A child’s life is decided by some papers. Decisions are taken and we are pawns that they move from one part to another. Like chess pawns … things are decided in the institution and although it is said we should be asked we are not.” Another young person explained that although those working with him argued that they were acting “in his best interest,” he felt his life was completely manipulated by “external forces.” He explained his perceptions thus: “I am not a wooden doll and all my life is done on a sheet of paper, pens, declarations, you are not allowed there, you can’t do that because it came from the Directorate, etc.” Forced moves can also generate highly stressful outcomes for some young people. A young woman commented on the fact that she had been separated from a sibling and that her “little sister is always beaten by the girls in the care home.” For another young man a “forced” move may require “you to do something bad to be moved somewhere else.” We also noted a level of dissatisfaction when court interventions are used to orchestrate a move. For example, a young man said: “We were called to court and we were asked if we want to move, but well, it was in vain, because it was already decided. We had no choice. We were asked just to save appearances.” We now turn to the issue of the production of daily living schedules. Such schedules are used to structure the lives of those young people living in residential care and can cover meal and bed times, behaviour, leisure and education. In general it would appear that some effort is made to involve young people in discussions about such schedules, but the extent of the negotiation is limited. One young man, for example, qualifies his experiences thus: “We have a meeting and we discuss. We make the weekly menu sometimes, we discuss rules. Sometimes we negotiate the meals schedule, sleep schedule ….” For another young man the imposition of a schedule is resented: “The schedule was imposed on me, but I don’t respect it because I can’t respect it … I went and told them, but always in vain … But at least I am at peace with myself that I tried.”

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For one young woman discussions about daily living schedules tend to be dominated by being “asked about the rules” at the expense of other issues, such as the clothes an individual might choose to wear. For another young woman, the need for a degree of self-determination in choice of clothes was particularly important: If we have the same clothes, the same shoes, the same tracksuits, it is normal they realise that you come from the institution, as if we are numbered. I have asked the Directorate that the money intended for clothes to be given to us in order to buy clothes alone, but this is not possible.

There can be no doubt that wearing similar clothing had a profound impact on some young people. They felt stigmatized, isolated and excluded from developing relationships with peers not living in residential care. We also found examples of limited involvement in decisions about education—choice of schools, courses to be followed, etc. The prevailing situation is exemplified in the following quotation: “We were enrolled in high school, without being asked, without anything. The ladies enrolled us … We were six children who had completed the eighth grade. We were all enrolled in the same high school … Well I don’t want this high school.” There was some limited evidence to suggest that the development of a Children’s Council in each residential care was improving aspects of participation. We talked to individuals who had been elected to such bodies or were serving in the role of “chief of the floor,” i.e. they were elected to represent a group of children. For example, as President of the Children’s Council, one young person described their role as primarily about talking with the institution’s director if young people “want to exchange a room,” socialise outside the home, or if they have a personal problem. However, the range of issues covered tended to focus on specific, relatively small-scale matters rather than larger questions about the running and organisation of the home. For another young person there were clearly defined limitations to the role: “I can influence decisions if I have support … Support must come from the psychologist, the social worker, the head of centre … Otherwise not.” Family Relationships In exploring family relationships we particularly wanted to consider the rights of a child in relation to Article 9 of the UNCRC “Separation from parents,” Article 12 “Respect for the views of the child” and Article 19 “Protection from all forms of violence.” Young people interviewed had generally experienced turbulent and problematic family relations. Being

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separated and in some instances “cut off” from the family unit brought with it a set of distinct risks such as a loss of self-identity and self-worth, fragmented and fractured relationships with parents and siblings, and severe disruptions to education often accompanied by frequent changes in schools. It is also important to note the risks that some young people felt if they returned to their home. For example, one young man said, speaking about his mother: “now I am older she could ask me to beg or to work.” He also feared returning to a family home where his mother’s partner was unknown to him but he had heard “is also drinking alcohol.” The issue of reintegration into the family unit featured in a number of interviews. Some young people felt that a pressure to reintegrate existed in some homes largely generated through its director. Others felt that reintegration had come too late: “Anyway, if a child reintegrates, my opinion is this should be earlier not at 15. I think at 15, parents take their children back only for work, for exploitation, not because they love them.” A significant number of the young people interviewed stressed the risks and fears they experienced when the matter of integration was discussed with them. For some, they were being asked to make contact with a parent they did not wish to see anymore: -

“I see my mother without really wanting to see her” “My family is not good” “Why didn’t she want to see me until now?”

For others, the risks attached to returning to a violent family were considerable. The issues arising out of frequent attempts to reintegrate one young person into his family were described thus: “At home I was beaten; police came and took me immediately. This happened several times. Every time I was taken away from my family they picked up another institution. I never came back to the same institution. It was not my choice.” What is apparent from the interviews undertaken with young people is that the vast majority of them did not wish to return home. Although many made their wishes clear they were frequently ignored. A period of failed reintegration brought with it the kind of challenges described above, particularly that of being unable to return to their previous residential institution. Experiences of Abuse The findings reported here clearly have a bearing on the responsibility of any nation state that is a signatory to the UNCRC to protect a child “from

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all forms of violence” (Article 19). In examining issues of abuse it is important to note that those young people reporting it were living in large children’s homes. We found no evidence of abuse in smaller homes run in the public and private sectors. Incidences of abuse were reported as occurring between young people and largely took the forms of physical violence and intimidation. We also found examples of claims by young people of abuse on the part of staff. The living arrangements in large residential institutions appear conducive to the perpetration of acts of abuse and violence between children and young people. Groups of young people can act collectively to intimidate others. Smaller or younger children are often the target for abuse with the possible outcome that a “small kid sometimes becomes the slave of a big kid … it is humiliating because they have to wash their underwear.” One young person described smaller children as being “like ants … that can be stamped on.” It was not unusual to hear those interviewed talking about “protection systems,” the fear that reporting abuse might bring about a move to another home where “you’ll find someone meaner,” and the fact that occupying a shared living space brought with it a fear that possessions would be stolen “to buy cigarettes or anything they could use.” Some young people provided graphic descriptions of the relationships that exist within residential institutions between care staff, teachers and young people. For one young woman relationships were marked by low level but persistent forms of abuse: “they [the teachers] clout, they pull hair and ears.” Some young people resist: “the older girls fight back and they don’t let themselves be hit,” and a connection was also made between such forms of behaviour and a perceived lack of authority and control on the part of staff.

Discussion of the Findings By using the UNCRC framework to shape the research, it proved possible to gauge a picture of how life in residential care homes is being experienced by many children and young people in Romania. As might be expected, there are signs of progress but areas of significant challenge remain if the quality of residential care is to be significantly improved and secured. However, it is also important to say that we didn’t find examples of the kind of residential care that has previously dominated media images of the orphanages of the destitute (Buzducea et al. 1997; Roth 2000). In reviewing recent legal and policy advances it is possible to map a trajectory for development that has been significantly shaped by the

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adoption of the UNCRC. Attempts have been made to build quality standards into day-to-day practice that have the potential to help regularise the running of residential care homes throughout Romania. Order 21/2004 is particularly instrumental in this respect as it helped to create minimum standards for residential childcare services. More recent legislation, incorporated in Law no. 197/2012, reinforces attempts to establish a firm base for the provision of residential care through the creation of individual operating licenses (valid for five years) for individual institutions, the introduction of external inspections every two years, and the ability of the state to act in cases where “matters of urgency” are uncovered. The voice-related approach (James & Prout 1997), adopted in constructing the data on which the paper is based, presents clear evidence of the ability of children and young people to present a coherent picture of their day-to-day experiences. The questions posed were challenging and yet respondents displayed a capacity to answer in thoughtful and analytical ways. Many of the young people understood the notion of empowerment as it related directly to their ability to influence decisions about their own lives. They could distinguish between major and minor forms of decisionmaking, and being moved between residential care homes or schools was seen as being far more important than the negotiation of bedtimes. They also understood the power relations and bureaucratic responses that can come into play when major decisions are being made; what they struggled with was the nature of the tokenistic engagements they entered into with social work staff, teachers or court personnel. They wanted some level of direct involvement in the choice of clothes they were able to wear. This was largely in response to the difficulties and problems they faced from their peers outside of residential care. They felt stigmatized, marginalised and to some extent ostracised from a myriad of relationships and interactions that might be considered as “normal.” It is important to emphasise the sense of security that can be gained by young people on entering residential care. It is apparent that many come from home backgrounds that are abusive and violent. Some were encouraged to return home but clearly did not want to do so because of the threat posed and the fact that if they returned, they were likely to be placed in a different residential institution. Supportive staff were valued in terms of the care and protection they were able to give. It is also important to note that levels of security seemed higher in smaller family-focused residential care homes. We are concerned about the accounts of abuse encountered in larger residential homes which seems to operate at two levels. Young person to young person abuse emerges where gangs are allowed to form with the

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ability to intimidate others. Bullying, extortion and violence are commonplace. Yet, young people fail to report their experiences because of fear of reprisals or because they might be moved to another home where the problem could be even greater. We saw little evidence of the development of anti-abuse strategies by staff, or recognition and response to living arrangements that are likely to generate such activities. We interviewed young people who were sharing a bedroom with others much older or younger than they were. Private space in which to “be alone” was rarely provided in larger institutions. More needs to be done to develop policies and practices that challenge abusive behaviours. This might include small group work, focused discussions within the context of a home meeting, or anger management interventions with perpetrators. It is difficult, here, to comment in detail about the abusive encounters reported by young people that directly concern members of staff. We might speculate about the quality of training offered or the level of mentoring and supervision available. We might also reflect on the low levels of pay and the isolation felt by those working in residential institutions (Cojocaru & Cojocaru 2008). However, whatever the “reasons,” our main concern is that such acts brutalise and add to the sense of social isolation and exclusion felt by young people in residential care. It is our hope that the introduction of more focused inspections will help to improve matters. Together with this, policies have to be introduced that promote the non-acceptance of such forms of behaviour and sanctions have to be consistently applied against perpetrators of violence and abuse. This is undoubtedly an area that requires urgent investigation and further detailed research.

Concluding Thoughts The challenges facing both young people and staff living and working in residential care homes are not dissimilar to those existing elsewhere in the world. It is clear from the research that young people frequently feel cut off from what they perceive as “normal life” outside the care home. At the same time, there is evidence to support the view that for many young people residential care provides a safer environment than the family home. The ability to be involved in decision-making also appears to be limited to what might be described as safe issues. As for staff, and particularly those working in larger residential settings, it would appear they respond negatively to children and young people largely because of the day-to-day pressures they face. We certainly found evidence of poor communication, disrespect and abuse in the way staff respond to the children who are in

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their care. Both social and educational resources appear to be very limited in most institutions, leading in some cases to young people feeling bored, alienated and demotivated. To understand the current state of residential care for children and young people in Romania, it is important to explore the legislative and policy frameworks influencing practice. The challenges involved in reforming the care system were, and still are, considerable. The legacy of the early 1990s was a public care system where children and young people were contained and controlled in institutions that received little in the way of public scrutiny or financial resources (Macavei 1989). Early, tentative steps were made to define issues of quality, the social and educational rights of children and how the care system could be more effectively regulated (Buzducea et al. 1997). Romania’s application for membership of the European Union proved to be a landmark point in time, in that the conditions for entry, at least in part, related directly to the reform of residential care for children. Subsequent legislative activity, it can be argued, should be seen as providing the necessary building bricks for the creation of a more responsive and child-centred service. It is also important to acknowledge the impact that the UNCRC has had in shaping both policy and practice. This chapter throws the problems faced by children living in large institutions into sharp relief. Although the numbers of such homes have reduced, they still provide places for a considerable number of children and young people. At the end of 2012 there were 3,946 children and young people in classic residential care homes, representing 46% of all children and young people in the care system (mmssf.ro). Smaller homes, it would appear from the data obtained in the interviews with young people, are able to provide a different living experience. More opportunities appear to be available for individual support, group work, counselling, etc. The quality of social and educational support seems to be of a higher quality and the non-reporting of abusive relationships is significant. Yet, in critically appraising the work of both kinds of residential care homes, we need to be mindful of the fact that further growth in the number of smaller homes may prove to be difficult in the current financial climate. In exploring the voices of young people we feel we have been able to present a revealing portrait of life in residential care for many young people in Romania. We argued from the outset that young people can act as reliable witnesses (James & Prout 1997) when it comes to reporting on their experiences. We have produced this article in the hope that the findings from the research can be utilised by both policy makers and

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practitioners to significantly increase the quality of the lives of children and young people living in public care.

Acknowledgment This work was supported by a grant from the Romanian National Authority for Scienti¿c Research, CNCS—UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-RU-PD-2011-3-0253.

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Le Mare, L., Audet, K. & Kurytnik, K. (2008). Protecting the Rights of International ‘Orphans’: Evaluating the Alternatives. In T. O’Neill & D. Zinga (Eds.), Children’s rights: multidisciplinary approaches to participation and protection. Toronto Ont.—Buffalo N.Y: University of Toronto Press. 39-68. Legea 197 din 1 noiembrie 2012 privind asigurarea calitatii in domeniul serviciilor sociale [Law no. 197 from November 1, 2012 on quality assurance in social services]. Monitorul Oficial, Partea I nr. 754 din 9 noiembrie 2012. Legea nr. 272 din 21 iunie 2004 privind protectia si promovarea drepturilor copilului [Law no. 272 from June 21, 2004 on the protection and promotion of child rights]. Monitorul Oficial al Romaniei, Partea I, nr. 557 din 23 iunie 2004. Macavei, E. (1989). Familia úi casa de copii [Family and Asylums]. Bucure‫܈‬ti: Litera. —. (2006). Adevăruri despre leagănele úi casele de copii [Truths about Asylums]. Surâs, lacrimă, speranĠă I. Sibiu: Psihomedia. 179-181. Manole, M. (2011). Governance fit for children. To what extent have the general measures of implementation of the UNCRC been realised in Romania? Bucure‫܈‬ti: Save the Children. Ministerul Muncii, Familiei úi ProtecĠiei Sociale. (2013). Bulletin statistic. ProtecĠia drepturilor copilului [Statistical bulletin. Children’s Rights Protection]. Online: http://www.mmssf.ro/nou/index.php/ro/transparenta/statistici/buletinstatistic. Ordinul nr. 21 din 26 februarie 2004 pentru aprobarea standardelor minime obligatorii privind serviciile pentru protectia copilului de tip rezidential [Order no. 21 from February 26, 2004 for the approval of the minimum compulsory standards of residential services for the child protection]. Monitorul Oficial nr. 222 din 15 martie 2004. OrdonanĠa de UrgenĠă nr. 26 din 22 august 1997 privind protecĠia copilului aflat ‫ۺ‬n dificultate [Emergency Ordinance no. 26 from August 22, 1997 on the protection of children in difficulty]. Monitorul Oficial nr. 120 din 24 iulie 1998. Riemann, G., & Schütze, F. (1991). “Trajectory” as a basic theoretical concept for analyzing suffering and disorderly social processes. In A. L. Strauss & D. R. Maines (Eds.), Social organization and social Process: Essays in honour of Anselm Strauss. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. 333-357. Ritchie, J., Lewis, J. & Ellam, G. (2003). Designing and Selecting Samples. In J. Ritchie & J. Lewis (Eds.), Qualitative research

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practice: a guide for social science students and researchers. London: Sage. 77-108. Roche, J. (2005). Children, Citizenship and Human Rights. In A. Invernizzi & B. Milne (Eds.), Children’s citizenship: an emergent discourse on the rights of the child? Delhi: Kamla-Raj Enterprises. 4355. Roth, M. (2000). Child welfare in Romania. In D. S. Demetrius Iatridis (Ed.), Social Justice and the Welfare State in Central and Eastern Europe: The Impact of Privatization. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger. 220-232. Smith, K. M. (2007). Textbook on International Human Rights. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Stativă, E., Sahan, C., Mitulescu, R. & Stănescu, A. (2002). Caracteristici generale ale copiilor din institutiile de protectie luate ‫ۺ‬n studiu [General Features of the Children from the Studied Protection Institutions]. In E. Stativă (Ed.), Abuzul asupra copilului in institutiile de protectie sociala din Romania. Bucure‫܈‬ti: Extreme Group. 22-33. UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC). (1994). Concluding observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: Romania (No. CRC/C/15/Add.16). Geneva: UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. UNICEF International Child Development Centre Economic and Social Policy Research Programme, MONEE Project. (1997). Children at Risk in Central and Eastern Europe: Perils and Promises. UNICEF International Child Development Centre. United Nations General Assembly. (1989). Convention on the Rights of the Child. United Nations Treaty Series Vol. 1577 (in force 2nd September, 1990).

ADOPTION OF CHILDREN WITH EXCLUSION RISK IN ROMANIA AURORA LUPAù

Introduction This chapter analyzes the concept of social exclusion as a political relevance, as opposed to one with theoretical or research relevance, describing how to evaluate society performance and risks on social cohesion and individual welfare. It focuses on categories of children at risk from exclusion, who are hard to place in foster families (i.e. Roma children, children with special needs), the causes of exclusion and the means to eradicate them and specific forms of exclusion, by analyzing some of the worst forms and mechanisms of social exclusion Romanian children are faced with and their long-term impacts, both individually and in society, proposing measures to remove social exclusion. The practice regarding adoption in Romania has shown that it is necessary to find answers to many questions regarding the difficulties in giving certain categories of children (especially Roma children) up for adoption. Some of the terms used in the study are related to determinant factors that lead to the successful adoption of children at risk from exclusion, represented by the characterization of Romanian children provided by the employees of the adoption departments from the Romanian Department of Social Work Romania, followed by the reasons for these children being excluded from the adoption procedures in Romania and some solutions and actions to this critical issue. A key role is played by the training of adoption specialists on the following themes: preconceptions, stereotypes and discrimination regarding the Roma ethnic population. Trained on these themes they can prepare adoptive families, clarifying certain attitudes and mentalities regarding the Roma ethnicity in general. “It is much easier to disintegrate an atom than a prejudice” stated Albert Einstein, not so long ago, in the context that everything stems from it (i.e. the atom). In order to understand why “some”—the adoptive

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family—want to adopt yet display a safeguarded attitude towards “others” —Romani/children with special needs—we will try to analyze this absolute concept of prejudice for “some” and a necessary one for “others,” in order to lead a family life. G. Allport (1954, in Bourhis & Leyens 1997, 125) defined prejudice as “a negative attitude or predisposition to adopt a negative behavior towards a group or its members, based on an erroneous and narrow-minded generalization.” Prejudice may appear towards members of any social category different from one’s own, in relation to which there are critical feelings. Prejudice is “a way of thinking marked by emotional factors, which takes place before and aside of the objective cognition of a given reality” (Bogdan-Tucicov, Chelcea & Golu, Psychology Dictionary 1981, 196). It is “any unverified or unverifiable statement or generalization pertaining to human relationships, to individual manifestations of behavior, to human personal or group qualities” (Ibid., 201). It is an opinion unverified by the subject; prejudice is born of certain mental clichés, either one’s own or transmitted, from the groundless generalization of a personal experience (for example, only part of Roma create problems, yet all Roma are labelled the same), from hasty and strained analogies. Particular to prejudice is the idea, or the preconceived opinion, often erroneous, that some individuals or social groups are about something. By deforming perception and judgment, prejudice distorts reality, superficially evaluating things and easily issuing verdicts without direct knowledge of the relevant facts. Whereas discrimination represents a negative behaviour towards individuals who are members of another group, prejudices characterize the minds of individuals as well as the group against which we are prejudiced (Davidio & Gaertner 1986, in Chelcea 2001, 122). As preconceived and unverified ideas and opinions, they easily penetrate the collective mind, particularly in isolated, traditional societies where science and scientific culture play a less important role. The baneful influences of prejudice have accompanied human history from ancient times up to the present day. They are located at the level of cognitive bias and emotional reactions, but when we cross over to the realm of social deeds we are no longer speaking about discrimination alone as they mirror humans and human communities accepting states of affairs unfavourable to them, such as: the diminishing or annihilation of subtle reasoning in individuals and social groups; the diminishing or blockage of relationships and information exchange among peoples and nations; the rebuking and putting in a pillory of entire populations without their realities being known; the belittling of cultures and cultural patterns which have proven their superiority throughout

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history; and the aggression towards and image distortion of countries which have fallen from grace over time. In general, our behaviour depends on both external circumstances, which we can lose control of at certain points, and our personal beliefs. Many of us may have strong prejudices against a certain ethnic minority— such as the Roma, and respectively Roma children—of whom we are afraid, but we realize we cannot act on the urge of these negative feelings because such discriminating behaviours are socially undesirable or even forbidden by law. Prejudices develop under conditions of individual or group states of frustration, causing “actual social psychoses which express obsessively generalized and contaminated states of mind within social groups” (Bogdan-Tucicov, Chelcea & Golu 1981, 204–205), often caused by the theme of social convulsions, aggression against certain elements of a social group, job insecurity, woes which affect the group, and states of tension which threaten or frustrate human communities. Another cause, which leads to the “impossibility” for a parent to adopt a Roma child or a child with special needs, is that concept called “mentality.” Why Roma? Because we know what they do to us. Why a child with special needs? Because we shall struggle all our life and/or we shall be “discontent, dissatisfied with him/her.” In addition, it all stems from this concept of mentality. “Mentality consists of an ensemble of opinions, prejudices and beliefs that influence the minds of individuals, human groups, peoples and nations” (Philosophy Dictionary 1978, 453). Among the constitutive elements of mentality there are logical relations and affective relations (Social Psychology Dictionary 1987, 53). At the same time, Braudel states that logical relations stem from relations of generation and determination, and affective relations from conscious and unconscious processes which appear in the collective mind, instilled with beliefs, prejudice and opinions which seize, subdue and drive small or large groups of people. Braudel shows that mentality is the fruit of an ancestral heritage of fears and beliefs, an ancestral inquietude, almost unconscious, as it is the real result of an immense contamination whose germs are lost in the mists of the past and transferred throughout entire human generations (Braudel 1995, 55). Are stereotypes another cause? They are “simplifying images, homogenously fixed and prior to any sound and objective judgment on a group, persons or social processes. They can be autostereotypes, when referring to one’s own person, and hetero-stereotypes, when referring to a group or to other persons” (Social Psychology Dictionary 1987, 232).

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The disadvantaged groups now studied—the Roma and children with special needs—are often deprived of the resources and the power necessary to eliminate stereotypes and discrimination in order to obtain proper compensation and restore equity; although “the constitutional state” is bound (and here we are not talking only about the commitments to the EU or moral precepts) to prohibitively insert these norms and aids for all those who will be adopted, respectively their adoptive parents. On the long run, this situation frequently determines the disadvantaged groups to accept the cognitive distortions revealed by the favoured group’s members, which allows the latter to justify their attitude and the social injustice resulted therefrom. The analysis of stereotypes emphasizes the fact that they express rigid images and fears regarding the fulfilment of certain unwanted things and phenomena. Stereotypes are favoured by the phenomenon of inertia, characteristic to the social perception of individuals, by the undermining of the real facts of the individuals or groups, by the generalization of the groups’ and individuals’ manifestations according to certain insignificant, particular aspects, fixed in a priori simplifying images, by the substitution of the actual knowledge of reality with template images and arbitrary clichés, and it all comes down to indifference. Walter Lippman, who coined the notion of stereotype, reveals that: “we are determined to function based on images in our mind, on abusive generalizations, on memory losses.” Due to the fact that the environment is very complex, its perception cannot be made but by a very severe selection; a meaning can be attributed to the other’s actions, words and generally to all data we gather from his/her behaviour. In fact, the individuals evaluating the other associate the stereotype contents and the category labels in their memory (Bourhis & Leyens 1997, 104). The notion of stereotype conjures up those of prejudice and discrimination, leading to the idea of generalization and judgment error, with unwanted professional consequences. The acceptance of cognitive distortions forces disadvantaged groups to minimize the affluence of their own group’s contributions (lack of skills, qualifications and competence) and to overstate those of the favoured group, i.e. that they are “smarter, more educated and more competent than we are.” Thus, members of the disadvantaged group end up believing that their situation is deserved and the relationship between groups is actually an equitable one. The danger is all the greater as stereotypes manifest their influence without the knowledge of the one who evaluates and labels, thus limiting the possibilities of prevention and mediation. (Bourhis & Leyens 1997, 110). It is known that a large number of stereotypes entertained by dominant groups (the majority) allow it to be understood that minorities are

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disadvantaged because they are comprised of lazy, uneducated people or those less motivated to work and make an effort. Often, making use of these stereotypes, the majority justifies its discriminating behaviour towards the disadvantaged groups. Consequently, the latter have an interest in fighting against not only discrimination, but also the prejudices and stereotypes justifying these discriminatory behaviours. Why then are Roma children still not being adopted? All over the world Roma are perceived as a population holding a lesser status in relation to which the majority population manifests, in different degrees, a more or less negative attitude. However, we would be gravely mistaken in saying that the Roma have stirred exclusively negative feelings in the Romanian community. This mixture of feelings for a Romanian could be summed up in the following, more important components: we could say that a Roma has an inferior social status but is not humbled by their very state of mind, that they live in miserable economic conditions (even though there is in the folklore the image of the wealthy Roma who owns important amounts of gold), not to be envied. Despite all obstacles they remain a rather independent person, setting out their own life even if many a times this occurs at the margins of society, but outside its constraints, according to their own life rules. At the same time, we could say that they rigorously abide by them, despite the fact that they have some difficulties in comprehending certain stipulations of the legislation in force. It would be completely useless to attempt a change at this level because the myth of the free and happy Roma is still rather popular. Unfortunately, those times have long since passed for many of them. In the collective awareness the Roma do not represent an example of a disagreeable community, disorganized by poverty and humility, but a society with an effective degree of internal, autonomous organization. Even though their lifestyle is perceived by the majority as being incompatible with a “normal” way of life, and even less a modern one at that, it is characteristic for many Roma communities. It is considered a means of survival rather than a lifestyle, where modern society is tolerated or ignored to a certain extent. However, the basic condition remains the following—they must not disturb the “normal” social life too much, and they must not cause too much discomfort. The whole attitude of the Romanian society, the state’s control system also acting in this direction (before 1989), was oriented towards keeping the Roma population at its outskirts, which was indeed an important characteristic. In Romania’s recent history, Roma communities have been rather tolerated, a category bringing specific services to the community or simply a presence which one can do nothing about. Mingling with “them”

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(traditionalists, conservatives) is not that pleasant, but they are neither too dangerous. Up to modern times no one has ever wondered how exactly the Roma live and by what means. They somehow manage to get by and they usually do so in a way that poses no real threat to the community. The great majority of Roma people are not aggressive by nature. Perhaps in all this “we pretend we are living, you pretend we do not exist,” and a wellestablished, secret pact was enclosed and crystallized throughout generations, between the Roma and the majority of population, and this was the price for their being accepted and tolerated. After the fall of communism in 1989 there were very negative reactions towards the Roma. When they could no longer be ignored, when obvious signs of emancipation appeared, when warning signals had been triggered from “abroad,” in the EU, there was an attempt to gradually solve some problems of the Roma communities in relation to the majority. In the collective conscience of the majority the Roma population did not count as one of the major problems of the society, except for some extraordinary situations. The Roma issue has most often been perceived as something one does not wish to think about, something unpleasant. An issue always stored in the back corners of the mind or, as often as possible, removed completely from thought. It is a common attitude in Romanian society, which expresses traditionally expresses them as a foreign entity with a strange way of life, a source of both discomforts and benefits. Therefore, they have been tolerated and ignored. They have stirred up concern, but a rather passive, often impotent one, and they still represent some of the best people in different areas of social life. We can notice a tolerance, to some extent, for their way of life, which rightfully sometimes embarrasses others, but also a stern discouragement of any tendencies disturbing the majority life. Actually, such an attitude can be found in all European societies, rejection being a mixture of tolerance and intolerance. In other societies measures were harsh, but in Romania tolerance was traditionally dominant, perhaps exactly because the Roma were not necessarily identified with a certain social class and a certain social-occupational status. No one restricted the Roma’s wishes to live, to act as the others did, thus falling in line with the society they live in. The barrier between the Roma and the rest of the population was fragile, we can state that there is no longer any inequity, and yet we still ask ourselves why their children are not being adopted? The majority of the population attempts to exert pressure, usually a persuasive one, under the conditions where some Roma would want to join and integrate themselves in society. Of course, suspicions and stereotypes will not be

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fully eradicated in the near future. There are indeed some reservations but they cannot be deemed as insurmountable barriers. Insertions in the majority way of life are not obstructed but sometimes rather encouraged; however, discrimination and marginalization are seen as related to the particularity of being Roma and their lifestyle (Jigău & Surdu 2002, 76.). There are solutions for all these issues, namely: cooperation in national scale projects with common goals, interaction, getting to know one another through various actions, raising awareness through campaigns for the majority population, public relation campaigns, etc. The dialogue deficiency must be surmounted in the minorities. Majority relations require patience because the Roma are expected to react quickly in fulfilling the requirements of the majority population, forgetting that these people have been wronged for many centuries, living marginalized in society’s shadow. More attention is needed, for they are often omitted, either willingly or not. They have never been present nor invited to the negotiation table. In recent years, forced by circumstances (the EU integration), the majority have started ample negotiations with representatives of this ethnic group, but unfortunately many of these projects have remained only proposals up to this very day, and that which was negotiated has only been implemented to some extent.

A Study Related to the Causes of Failure in Rroma Children Adoption Research Methodology In order to emphasize the above mentioned facts, in the following I shall present some aspects captured when conducting the study I have carried out regarding the causes which hinder the adoption of the Roma children, having the experience of over twenty years in the Romanian adoption system as foundation. The perspective of adoption of Roma children is cast in a rather dim and unfavourable light. Therefore, most times that families want to adopt a child often dismiss ab initio the alternative of adopting a Roma child. The most important part of this chapter is focused on a study I have conducted at a national scale. In order to obtain results as accurate as possible regarding the topic in question, I resorted to applying a questionnaire in all General Directorates of Social Work Assistance and Child Protection in the country. The qualitative analysis performed in this respect has the role of highlighting the opinion of persons involved in

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adoptions pertaining to the phenomenon of adopting children at risk of exclusion in Romania. The first study hypothesis referring exactly to this aspect, states: “It is assumed that children with a high risk of exclusion are less adopted.” The second hypothesis states: “It is assumed that at the basis of the adoption of children with a high risk of exclusion lie social prejudices and discriminations regarding ethnicity and social status.” Item no. 3 is meant to be a corollary of words and expressions which define Roma children. Besides, the very expression of the item renders a personal note in characterizing Roma children from the perspective of a directorates’ of social assistance and protection employee: “What are the first five words or expressions that come to mind when you think of Roma children?” (Lupaú 2010, 24). For many of the study participants, this item defined personal opinion on the one hand and emotional tone on the other. Therefore, we have words and expressions with a neutral, medium and high emotional tone. On the other hand, according to the geographical positioning of the directorates, a slight distinction of the Roma children has been observed. Below we will analyze the frequency table containing the counties in which a neutral emotional tone has been observed regarding the words and expressions characterizing the Roma children. Table 3-2. Words and expressions of neutral affective tones County Bucharest sector 2 Bucharest sector 3 Bucharest sector 5 Bucharest sector 6 Olt Giurgiu Sălaj BistriĠa-Nasăud Alba Argeú Sibiu

Words, expressions with neutral affective tones Marginalized No perspectives No education Hard to adopt Deserve a chance Never enrolled in an educational institution Have the same rights Deserve a chance Large families Discriminated Discriminated in society Many siblings Excluded Resistance to reintegration Intellectual possibilities Do not know their rights

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Then, there are counties where medium affective tones have been noticed in words and expressions characterizing Rroma children (Table 3-3). Table 3-3. Words and expressions of medium affective tones County Gorj ConstanĠa Dolj Cluj Vrancea Brăila DâmboviĠa Bihor Caraú-Severin Vâlcea Hunedoara Arad

Words, expressions with medium affective tones Stigmatized Defeated by life No childhood Unhappy Difficult Ungroomed Noisy Dirty Uncongenial Hard to work with Not tolerated Hungry Unreliable Uneducated Hard to reintegrate Survivors

We will continue with the frequency table containing the counties in which a medium emotional tone has been observed regarding the words and expressions characterizing the Roma children. Table 3-4. Words and expressions of high affective tones County Teleorman NeamĠ Braúov Vaslui Bacău Iaúi Buzău Suceava IalomiĠa Tulcea GalaĠi Botoúani Timiú Covasna Harghita Mureú Satu-Mare Maramureú

Words, expressions with high affective tones Black Delinquent Troubles Healthy Talented Intelligent Beautiful Kleptomaniacs Cheekiness Hard to control Naughty Innocent Cunning Children Dynamic Not tolerated

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Figure 3-1. Weight of word or expression types used in characterizing Rroma children (Source: Lupaú, 2010: 29)

Item no. 7 in the study is relevant for the current presentation. It states: “What do you consider to be the reasons for why few Roma children are adopted?” (Lupaú 2010, 60–62). It seeks to offer solutions for the adoption problems regarding Roma children. This item has six alternative answers, thus covering the reasons why this phenomenon exists: prejudices, lack of information, discrimination, lack of support from the extended family and lack of specialized services, all of which seem to be an impediment in adopting a Roma child. The data collected from the study participants has been centralized and the following results were obtained: Table 3-5. Reasons why few Rroma children are adopted Answer alternatives Prejudice Lack of information pertaining to their culture The idea genetics bears the highest weight in child personality development Discrimination by community pertaining to child integration in kindergarten, school Lack of support from the extended family as regards child acceptance

Obtained score 58 21 58 43 26

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These reasons can be translated graphically and percentage-wise as shown in the following figure:

Figure 3-2. Reasons why few Rroma children are adopted (Source: Lupaú, 2010: 62)

As can be seen in the above data and the graph, high scores were obtained for answer alternatives 1, namely 3. Prejudices seem to remain at the top of the list of reasons why Roma children are rarely adopted. Another important aspect is the idea that “genetics bears the most important weight in a child’s personality development.” This aspect of the genetic line in a person has gained a special meaning over time. Genetic weight is particularly important for the potential families who want to adopt, since this is a fact proven by the present study. Since Roma do not have a very good reputation in the eyes of most, their deeds are interpreted mostly due to their race, comprising certain peculiarities and distinctive traits which mean that Roma children are rejected or regarded with distrust when it comes to adoption. Another important aspect, which comes immediately after the two already analysed, is the rejection a Roma child appears to face in the community. The results of this research also confirm the second hypothesis, which states that “It is alleged that at the base of adopting children with a high risk of exclusion lie social prejudices and discrimination regarding ethnicity and social status.” The results of the study confirm this hypothesis.

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Results Here are some results embodied in solution proposals to increase the number of Roma children adoptions which have stemmed from the study, meant to support the families that have already or want to adopt a Roma child. -

Adoption service professionals must, during the family’s counselling, emphasize all the positive things related to this ethnicity, such as the traditions and customs. Information regarding the specificity of the ethnic group should be offered. Support groups for families that have adopted Roma children should be organised. Families should be actively involved in the activities and actions promoting adoption. The similarities between the two nationalities should be presented. Counselling and information should be offered, providing cases that exemplify successful adoptions in order to eliminate prejudices. Families that have adopted Roma children and managed to overcome society’s prejudices should be met with. The positive aspects of Roma children’s personalities should be highlighted. Counselling aimed at strengthening the family’s own resources, positioning and self-acceptance should be offered. A support network made up of Roma people for the families that have adopted Roma children should be created. The personal potential of the Roma child that is about to be adopted should be appreciated. Examples of Roma individuals who have optimally capitalized on their potential should be given. Filmed footage showing what is specific to the ethnicity, without violating the child’s image, in order to understand that these families are a reality should be shown. Specialized centres where periodic meetings between families that have adopted Roma children take place should be created. Awareness needs to be raised regarding the alternative of adopting a Roma child amongst families that want to adopt a child.

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Conclusions This study highlighted a number of aspects and problems with which Roma children are faced with in relation to the social perception. The Roma population should be helped further on in their efforts to be part of a competitive, modern economy, focusing on professional training, qualification, academic motivation and employment aspects. It is important to know the strengths of this ethnic group, which may instigate a possible change in the perception of the Roma and when it comes to adopting a Roma child. There should not be so many doubts, but rather the acceptance of the idea that such a child is just like any other, with the same rights and needs. The Roma children are not desirable for adoption because they are assimilated with the marginalized families they come from. All the prejudices regarding the Roma community are passed on to their children, making the latter certain victims in this exclusion process, drastically reducing their chances of being cared for by an adoptive family. In Romania, families who want to adopt accept only young children who are healthy, are of normal physical and psychological development, who do not raise problems and who do not come from Roma families. This mentality must be changed. It is necessary that families who want to adopt also accept other children, because further development in a family environment means that children make remarkable progress. Today’s society is still marked by prejudices regarding certain aspects such as certain social groups or minorities. The phenomenon of adopting children with a high risk of social exclusion is a very important one, determining a series of measures which must come to support the adoption of children with a high risk of exclusion in Romania. I believe that in Romania the adoption service should be a service that starts, first and foremost, with the child and their needs, that would educate the entire community as regards to the “types” of children who need a family, irrespective of age, ethnicity or religion.

References Boboc, Al. (1978). DicĠionar de filozofie [Dictionary of Philosophy]. Bucureúti: Ed. Politică. Bogdan-Tucicov, A., Chelcea, S. & Golu, M. (1981). DicĠionar de psihologie socială [Dictionary of Social Psychology]. Bucureúti: Editura ùtiinĠifică úi Enciclopedică.

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Bourhis, R. Y. & Lezens, J. P. (Eds.) (1997). Stereotipuri, discriminare úi relaĠii intergrupuri [Stereotypes, Discrimination and Intergroup Relationships]. Iaúi: Polirom. Braudel, F. (1995). Gramatica civilizaĠiilor [Grammar of Civilisations]. Bucureúti: Meridiane. Chelcea, S. (2001). Psihologie socială: curs [Social Psychology: A Course]. Bucureúti: comunicare.ro Jigău, M. & Surdu, M. (2002). Participarea la educaĠie a copiilor romi: probleme, soluĠii, actori [Participation of Rroma children to education programmes: issues, solutions, actors]. Bucureúti: Marlink. Lupaú, A. (2010). AdopĠia copilului cu risc de excluziune. Raport de cercetare [Adoption of children with risk of exclusion. Research report]. Arad: Editura Universitară Vasile Goldiú.

THE JIU VALLEY CHILDREN BETWEEN EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES AND POSITIVE DISCRIMINATION VALENTIN-IOAN FULGER AND ION HIRGHIDUù

Introduction Against a background of increasingly extensive discussions around the rights people should enjoy, in the context of contemporary realities that include extraordinary developments in all areas of activity, sometimes we tend to fall into a trap of believing that human rights are granted exclusively or predominantly to adults only. We say this is because the public discourse, from specialists to people working in politics, is full of references to equal treatment at employment (regardless of sex), equal treatment at work (regardless of race or ethnicity), the increase in life expectancy and the continued efforts towards getting a higher quality of life for the elderly (especially for those who are alone), an increase of pensions and wages, etc. Our belief is that the future of a nation lies in its children, and whoever does not invest in the children in advance, be it through energy, financial resources, or quality education, etc. does not invest in the near or more distant future of the entire nation. Moreover, this is a common idea found among other authors like Jenks, who considers that the modern state actually investing in the family invests in its future, and that childhood is a form of human capital devoted to the future (see Cojocaru 2008, 37). In the absence of concerns focused on shaping a decent future for our children—curricula that falls within a pattern approved at national level, included and adapted to the European model—we cannot speak about human rights or human dignity for children. We believe that human rights should be taught to children so that they are aware of the standards they should abide to, desideratum obtained, of course, by educating the child that only through work, education and law obedience this can be acquired. In this chapter we aim to reflect the perception of this reality in the Jiu Valley area by focusing on those who live in the light of the possibilities

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available to them of providing to their children that which is necessary in order to evolve harmoniously (and competitively) in comparison to children from other parts of Romania, especially those considered as benchmark (major cities and adjacent areas), very attractive economically (for investors), and as having great chances of social success (at least in terms of employment and the subsequent perspective of their evolution of social and economic status). As such, we have analyzed the Jiu Valley, an economically lessfavoured area, that is, unfortunately, about to fade industrially. This will entail a decline of the urban space with everything that affects the standard of living.

Methods and Techniques Used The main method of our study has been the sociological survey based on the questionnaire, applied face-to-face to a sample of six hundred people, carried out by the students of sociology within the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Petroúani. The sample is built on the principle of intertwined quotas (sex, age and domicile of the respondents), while also being a replica of the adult population of the Jiu Valley. The surveyed population is sufficient in volume to allow a generalization of its facts to apply for the entire population. The questionnaire was developed following rigorous operationalization of the concepts and consisted of fifty-four questions, most of them of a factual nature. We have inclusively used the process of answer filtration so that the initial collectivity was divided into sub-collectivises according to the presence of certain features/situations (children, alimony, etc.). We need to mention that the analyzed problematic is an extremely wide aspect which has imposed many limitations in the construction of the questionnaire, restraining us to only a few dimensions.

Discussions and Results Assurance of Goods and Services Necessary for the Child by the Parents The following figures illustrate the extent to which the Jiu Valley parents have provided their children with access to some goods and services, some of them being strictly necessary for a harmonious development and in full accordance with what is provided to children in other parts of the country. Unfortunately, we need to mention that we did not have a formal basis for

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comparison (or resulting from another research) between our results and a set of valid indicators at the national level or, at least, some indicative ones for one of the big cities of Romania (Fig. 3.3). Fig. 3.3. The extent to which some goods and services have been provided for the children in the last year

For a more suggestive picture, and in order to not excessively charge the figure, we have chosen to include in the figure the percentages obtained for the variants “totally” and “not at all,” in the case of each good and service. We focused on these aspects because the literature abounds in ideas and theories on the relationship between the quality of the future adult and the quality of the social support received as a child, an essential feature being that it teams up with the well-being and the welfare of children and teenagers. It is important to show that social support is a vector of several active forces among which are the family (the familial support) and the school (the school support) (Măirean & Turliuc 2011, 16– 20). By analyzing Fig. 3.3, we obtained a descending ranking of the goods and services the Jiu Valley children have no access to at all. This way, we have made a double identification—the lacking of a particular good or service and the proportion of those who lack it: babysitter/housekeeper (91.2%), attendance of a children’s club (43.9%), practicing a sport (37.7%), watching some artistic shows (27.8%), trips and holidays (26%), scholastic materials/books/toys (2.2%), household comfort (1.3%),

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seasonal clothing (0.9%) and quality food in sufficient quantity (0.4%). We would like to mention that in this segment of our analysis, we have focused on the idea of absolute deprivation and not on relative deprivation in order to avoid elements that belong to the subjectivity of the respondents and which could taint the results we obtained. The lack of a babysitter/housekeeper for 91.2% of Jiu Valley children is ultimately the result of the rather high costs of these services, or that the family considers it successfully complements such services. Other deficiencies are worrisome. The fact that 43.9% of Jiu Valley families cannot afford to financially support the entry fees for certain clubs or courses for their child/children, that 37.7% of them cannot support the child/children for practicing a sport, that 27.8% of them cannot bear the cost of viewing some theatrical shows/visiting some museums, exhibitions as well as those 26% who do not send their children on trips and holidays (most families are to be found in all these categories) constitutes a serious problem which regards extracurricular education which has occurred as a result of the need for continuous training that manifests in the form of clubs, camps, houses of culture, education and creation, circles, etc. (Vlăsceanu 1993, 202). At first sight, it seems gratifying that only a few families have declared their impossibility of purchasing scholastic materials, books and toys (2.2%). From the domestic comfort point of view only 1.3% of families are unable to ensure hot water and heat for their children. The situation of improving life conditions continues in respect of purchasing seasonal clothes (only 0.9% cannot purchase them) or food (only 0.4% of the parents cannot put it on the children’s table). Far from being a real improvement, we are in the presence of what Boudon (1990, 165) calls a “perverse effect” that appeared following the actions of two or more individuals pursuing a particular goal and who ultimately obtain a state of facts undesirable from the point of view of one, or both, or all. Many parents perform a major financial transfer to what is considered a priority for the children, i.e. basic needs satisfied in detriment to the educational, cultural and leisure needs. This is a situation encountered long before this research, showing that the real state of things in the Jiu Valley has not experienced positive developments, at least from this perspective. As a result of a survey carried out in the year 2002 in Petroúani (the largest administrative territorial unit of the six municipalities that make up Jiu Valley), on a sample of 837 people, following the hierarchized responses regarding the family expenditures, we have obtained this ranking: housekeeping (84%), food (79%), clothing (44%), durable products (28%), something else (6%). This concludes that the local

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population acquires increasingly pronounced impoverished traits (Fulger 2007, 258). Therefore, the fact that this improvement is not real but a perverse effect is also confirmed by other authors, because it is a certainty that a family that spends more than 30% of its income on food lives in poverty (ùtefănescu 1997, 110), as does the family that spends the greatest share of its total expenditures on food (Stănculescu 1998, 27). This situation, met in both 2002 and in 2013, is a reason for concern because the preponderant costs are directed towards meeting the basic needs for food, typical for the traditional agrarian lifestyle, and under the circumstances in which the Jiu Valley is a conglomerated urban area, with a formerly strong mining industry. In the urban lifestyle the spending budgets of the families are directed mostly towards secondary needs and services (Lupu & Zanc 1999, 143). The Jiu Valley families have learned to adapt and protect their children. In this context the family is the main factor in the child’s welfare, which has to do with a certain cultural model (it is normal for the parents to protect their children) on the one hand, and on the other the family appears as an alternative to the indifference of the state (Preda 2007, 156). In addition, in the Jiu Valley the indifference and the helplessness of the state have been felt fully. Access to Medical Services For individuals and for society, health is a fundamental value; the desideratum of each society is to have as many healthy members as possible. Social life and its development are questioned when individuals are unable to fulfil their social roles due to illness which diminishes their capacities, also affecting the very social groups they belong to. This is the reason why every society has developed protective systems against diseases to ensure detection, care and rehabilitation of those affected (Lupu & Zanc 1999, 207). It is certain that pure protection systems do not exist, but some—in different proportions—coexist, being accessible to those in need, depending on the financial strength they have or by the criteria they fulfil as insured. In the Jiu Valley, as well as in other cities, the reform of the health system has been felt, but for the time being only because of closures of health care facilities (hospitals have been closed in the cities of Petrila and Uricani), or mandatory medical copayment.

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Fig. 3.6. In case your child is ill, could you afford …?

Almost a quarter of the parents (24.8%) could not afford to follow the treatment prescribed by the doctors for their children, if those drugs were not subsidized. We must not fall into the trap of believing that if 75% of these families have the financial resources for the purchase of medicines, then the 25% which don’t is an acceptable proportion, especially in situations of economic crisis or a less-favoured area like the Jiu Valley. In absolute numbers, one quarter of families can lead to a very large number of children who cannot benefit from special treatment, their health being endangered. More than one-third of the families (35.4%) cannot afford treatment at domicile (injections, IVs, etc.) for their child, and the cases in which the paediatric units are overcrowded with no possibility of adding more beds are rather numerous. In such cases, if the parents are not able to go to the local hospital the child will not receive treatment, with severe consequences on their health status. Regarding the possibility of admitting their child to a hospital, most parents (87.6%) chose the nearest local hospital. Major changes are suffered if it is a question of admission into a reputed clinic from a large city in the country, with 55.8% of parents not having the financial strength to make such an effort. Even more limited is the option to treat their children in a hospital abroad, if the health condition would ask for it, with 87.6% of parents being unable to do this. In the above context, it is vital to continue the presence of local hospitals that successfully manage the medical needs of the Jiu Valley population

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until 1989, when a system change occurred in Romania, as well as after 1989, until the moment of the big changes in the mining industry (19971998). Through all of this were overlapping waves of reform of the health care system which, most of the time, meant only reorganizations in the forms of closing some health care units, staff layoffs, reductions of funds, departures of qualified and experienced staff because of demotivating wages, and sometimes because of improper work conditions. Satisfying the (Reasonable) Requirements of the Children Every child, regardless of their social class of origin and in concordance with their age, has some desires or requirements which the parents meet over the course of time: toys, magazines, clothes, books, trips, sports equipment, electronic equipment, furniture, etc. These requirements, according to the financial situation of the family, may be carried out to a greater or lesser extent. We wanted to make a link between the children’s wishes, the financial condition of the family and the extent to which those wishes have been met (see Fig. 3.5 below). Fig. 3.7. The financial strength of the parents and the fulfilment of the children’s wishes

There is a high correlation between what the parents can afford and the extent to which they satisfy the needs of their own children. In other words, with some variations the parents try not to exceed their financial

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limits. We have noticed, however, that 18.4% of the parents who can afford to meet these desires to a small extent have migrated towards meeting them to an increased extent, which means they made more effort for their children. Among the parents who could afford to fulfil their children’s needs in an adequate measure, 6.1% have fulfilled them to a large extent, so again this represents more effort from the adults. An interesting fact is that of the parents who can afford to meet the desires of the children to a large extent, 3.8% have fulfilled them to an adequate extent and 1.9% to a small extent, which is very likely a way to educate the children with early respect for work and for the financial resources of the family. However, there can never be perfect overlaps between what is wanted and what is affordable; this is why we have asked the parents if they have received some reproaches from their children regarding what is being offered to them in comparison to other children (Fig. 3.6). Fig. 3.8. Reproaches from the children

By merging results, there have been reproaches in almost a quarter (23.4%) of the Jiu Valley families—from the children to their parents—in regards to what is provided, that the parents admit as justified in 8.4% of the cases. But those reproaches are the result of comparisons children make between themselves and other children, between their own family (as the group of origin) and the other children’s families (as groups of reference). We can notice a migration from the domain of absolute deprivation towards the domain of relative deprivation where the

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subjectivity of the individual makes its mark again, because it refers not only to what the subject has in possession, but to what they think they should have in possession. We find ourselves between the borders of intergroup interpersonal relative deprivation theory, because the child, as we mentioned before, makes comparisons between him and other children, and between his family and the families of the other children. This type of deprivation is the basis of certain prejudices and behaviours. The child is searching for their own personal and social identity. Tajfel & Turner have shown that: (1) individuals seek to accede to a positive social identity, (2) positive social identity is based on comparisons, (3) if the social identity is not satisfying, the individuals will seek to leave the group of appurtenance to enter in a more positive group (see Deschamp 1996, 42–43).

Conclusions This is why it is so important for the family to ensure a positive social identity for their child which translates into quality of social support and the wellness and welfare ensured to the child and teen so that they will not accumulate frustrations. We conclude by showing that the parents, in a very large measure (60.5%), believe that the chances of social success of the Jiu Valley children are lower than those of the children in the larger cities of the country. In other words the risk of acquiring a social identity, which is not convenient, is extremely real; those children will try to accede to a different social identity but which will be conditioned by territorial mobility, the only chance for a positive social identity. It would be ideal for these children to be given equal chances of social success rather than the conditions of social mobility based on positive discrimination.

References Boudon, R. (1990). Chosen sociological texts. Bucureúti: Humanitas. Cojocaru, D. (2008). Childhood and the construction of parenting. Iaúi: Polirom. Deschamp, J. C. (1996). Self-defining and social identity. In W. Doise, J. C. Deschamp & G. Mugny (Eds.), Experimental social psychology. Iaúi: Polirom. Fulger, V. (2007). Jiu Valley after 1989, a social convulsions generating space. Petroúani: Focus. Lupu, I. & Zanc, I.(1999). Medical sociology. Iaúi: Polirom.

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Măirean, C. & Turliuc, M. N. (2011). Risk and resilience in children. The role of social support. Journal of the National Network for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect 30-31: 16-30. Preda, M. (2007). Romanian social politics between poverty and globalization. Iaúi: Polirom. Stănculescu, M. S. (1998). Between absolute poverty and welfare. Journal of Social Research 2: 15-51. ùtefănescu, P. (1997). The study of the concept of subjective poverty in the current Romanian society. Journal of Social Research 1: 109-125. Vlăsceanu, L. (1993). Education. In L. Vlăsceanu & C. Zamfir (Eds.), Dictionary of Sociology. Bucureúti: Babel.

GENDER EQUALITY AND WORK FROM A BIBLICAL PERSPECTIVE CORNELIU CONSTANTINEANU AND PATRICIA-LUCIANA RUNCAN

Gender Equality Even a cursory overview of world statistics regarding the historical reality of everyday life for most countries shows that there are huge inequalities between women and men at all levels, and this in spite of an increasing awareness against any kind of exploitation. Despite the fact that women have major roles in food production, income generation, community organization and domestic responsibilities, they still “have fewer rights, lower education and health status, less income, and less access to resources and decision-making than men” (CIDA 2007). There are still many social, economic, political and legal inequalities, for example women’s illiteracy worldwide is two-thirds higher than that of men, almost 70% of the world’s poorest people are female, women are much less represented in the political structures of governments, are living with HIV/AIDS in a greater percentage, are underpaid, and still suffer from physical abuse (Global Education 2007). These facts alone give sufficient reasons to all of us to be constantly preoccupied with issues of gender equality, as they challenge us to further thinking and serious work in this area. While we do recognize that there are, of course, many improvements in women’s statuses worldwide, there have to be constant and sustained efforts for equal rights to education and legal representation, equal opportunity to work and develop their talents, for women to be free from violence, abuse and exploitation, to support equal participation of women and men in making decisions, to fight for reducing the gap between women’s and men’s access to and control of resources and the benefits of development (UNESCO 2007; UNICEF 2005; UN Millennium Project 2005). It is obvious that in order to achieve any positive results towards equality people from different walks of life have to work together to find the most appropriate solutions in ways that encourage mutual respect and

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trust. What we would like to offer in this paper is an overview of the topic of “biblical equality” which will represent, we believe, important resources for churches and civil societies in their dealing with the issue of equality. The limited space will only allow us to point out some essential aspects of biblical equality and work as well as direct the reader to some resources for further reading in this area, especially those which highlight the significant role that women played in biblical times and the life of the churches in earliest Christianity (Osiek & MacDonald 2005). In the last section we will also offer a few important biblical principles pointing out the significance, dignity and value of work. Biblical Equality—Definitions. What exactly do gender and biblical equality refer to? I begin with a general but necessary clarification—the concept of biblical equality, grounded on the biblical witness of God’s impartiality and grace, is different from the feminist ideology which is based on changing cultural and philosophical factors. So, what do we mean when we say “biblical equality?” Groothuis (2007) gives the following definition: … biblical equality, refers to the biblically-based belief that gender, in and of itself, neither privileges nor curtails a believer’s gifting or calling to any ministry in the church or home. In particular, the exercise of spiritual authority, as biblically defined, is deemed as much a female believer’s privilege and responsibility as it is a male believer’s … biblical egalitarians (a) affirm that the gifts and callings of the Spirit are distributed without regard to gender, and that all believers in Christ stand on equal ground before God, and (b) repudiate the notion that the Bible grants to men spiritual authority and other religious privileges that it denies to women.

Biblical Basis for Equality. In the original creation of God as presented in Genesis 1:26–28 there is no hierarchical order between man and woman—they were both made in God’s image, and “the explicit evidence provided in those texts describes both as participating cooperatively in reflecting the image, and both fulfilling jointly the tasks of rulership and dominion without the necessity of a structure of hierarchy between them” (Bilezikian 2007). The general teaching in the New Testament with regard to the relationship between men and women leaves little room for doubt— instead of being preoccupied with oneself and with issues of status and authority, the believers are, on the contrary, strongly advised to be deeply concerned with the well-being of the other and so there is a strong emphasis on love, humility, respect, service, mutual submission and self-

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giving (Mathew 20: 25–28; 23:8–12; Mark 10: 42–45; Romans 12:1–13; Ephesians 5:21–33; Philipians 2: 3–11; 4:8; 1 Peter 3:8–9). Jesus’ special treatment of women—it is remarkable that Jesus had a revolutionary attitude towards women compared with the contemporary attitudes of his time. Thus, Jesus spoke privately with a Samaritan women (John 4) and offered private instruction to Lazarus’ sister (Luke 10:39, 42); Luke also tells us that Jesus had women accompanying and supporting him (Luke 8: 2–3), that he accepted and praised the repentance of a sinful woman (Luke 7:36–50), and healed women (Luke 13:11–16). It is also remarkable that after his resurrection Jesus appeared first to the women and asked them to go and tell the apostles the good news (Mathew 28:7–10; Mark 16:7; Luke 24:9, 23; John 20:17). Equality in Christ: “In Christ … there is no longer male or female”— Apostle Paul continues with the same understanding and has women listed as his co-workers and apostles. Galatians 3:28 is the often-quoted verse referring to the equality of men and women, and for good reasons. It is here that Paul expressed in a most concise way the fact that God has one family and that this new family of God is constituted “in Christ” and this is done not on basis of ethnicity, or social status or gender or any other criteria, but on a totally new ground—faith in Christ. Indeed, if in the Old Testament a women could relate to God’s covenant only through a man (father, husband, brother or son), the New Testament makes a revolutionary change—every person, whether man or woman, has a direct and free access to the covenant through grace, in Christ; no privileges, no discrimination of any kind, and rejection of the dominant social and political ways to construct one’s status and position in this new family. Biblical Equality as Human Equality, Equal Responsibility and Mutual Submission. Padgett (2003, 22–23) develops his discussion on biblical equality around three key ideas and I think it is helpful for us to briefly review them here. They all have their ground in the life and work of Jesus Christ and in the Scripture. Human equality—the truth that all human beings are created in the image of God and so equal before God, and all share moral, spiritual and political equality, i.e. are equal in church, home and society. Equality, to be sure, does not mean that all are the same. Christ accepted everyone into His fellowship and rejected no one. Despite the mistakes of the church in the past, we have to teach the biblical truth that God created all people as equal, and this refers to race, class as well as gender, the issue most disputed today. Equal responsibility—there is a clear teaching in the Bible that membership, ministry and mission are not restricted by race, gender or

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social status and are open to all. These have their bases in the priesthood of all believers, in the gifting of the Holy Spirit and the call of God, and are thus not restricted by any human classifications and barriers (Ibid., 23– 24). Mutual submission—this is the third important aspect of biblical equality and refers to mutual submission as Christian love in action, i.e. an ethics of love and self-giving illustrated by Christ’s own life and his way of love, service and submission: “The Son of Man came not to be served, but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many” (Mark 10:45). Mutual submission is Christian love in action, it is a life in the Spirit, the heart of Christian teaching, the way of the cross, and a means to treat each person with dignity, wherever we might happen to be—home, school, work, church or society at large (Padgett 2003, 24–25). The Dignity of Work—Biblical Principles on Work. In our last section of the chapter we would like to offer several considerations regarding work. Work takes up the greater part of people’s active lives; it encompasses and determines the existence of men and women. It is thus appropriate that “work,” one of the central components of daily living, has becomes a major concern for society at large, from many angles and for many considerations: in terms of providing the possibility and access for everyone to work, for improving the conditions of work, for limiting exploitation through work, for the transformation of the meaning of work so that it is seen “not merely as a means to one’s advancement” but as “intrinsically interesting and valuable … as a contribution to the good of all” (Bellah et al. 1985, 288–289). What is even more revealing is the fact that after much neglect of the subject in the Christian quarters there is an increased theological and ecclesiastical interest in the question of work (see, for example, Chewining 1989; Stevens 2000; Stackhouse et al. 2000, 2006; Schuurman 2004; Placher 2005; Cosden 2005; Miller 2007; Miller 2009; Van Duzer 2010). There is a greater sense of the significance and urgency of theological reflection on the subject of work from a biblical perspective. In what follows we would like to highlight, very briefly, several essential biblical and theological principles on work based on several significant contributions to the subject (Bernbaum & Steer 1986; Sherman & Hendricks 1993; Volf 1991). First, it is important to begin with the biblical truth that God is a worker. He worked in creation and is still working. Probably the clearest statement that expresses this truth belongs to Jesus Himself: “My Father is working until now” (Jn. 5:17). What is the ongoing work of God? Several answers can be identified as there are specific verses in the Bible that describe the present activity of God: he upholds creation (Col. 1:16–17); he meets the broad range of

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needs that all of His creatures have (Ps. 104:10–30); God is working out his purpose in history (Deut. 11:1–7). Therefore, work is something God does and so something He values. Secondly, work is a God-ordained function and God created people as workers. In Gen. 1:28 we read that “God blessed them and said to them … ‘fill the earth and subdue it; rule over it’.” There is nothing strange in the fact that God created people as workers or that He ordained work. On the contrary, it is the most natural thing since God, who is a worker, “created man in His own image” (Gen. 1:27). A third principle is that work is not a result of the curse. The nature of work is good not evil; work was given before the fall, not after it. However, sin affected work and so “as a result of the fall, work is no longer the pure joy that God intended it to be” (Gen. 3:16–19) (Berbaum et al. 1986, 3–4). Sin made work harder and rendered life and its work “futile.” Moreover, as an effect of sin, work becomes a means of exploitation and oppression (James 5:4); it can also become an idol, the vanity of accumulating wealth (Eccles. 2:4–11; 5:10). With all these in mind, it is important to remember that God’s perspective on work remains positive after the fall, not negative, and it is his intention to redeem it, together with everything else (Sherman & Hendricks 1993, 97–107). The fourth principle, closely related to the previous one, is that work has been redeemed by Jesus Christ. Sherman observes that Christ’s death did not change, for example, the work environment which remains uncooperative, as work is still marked by futility and people are still sinful. On the other hand, Christ’s death changes the worker in the sense that Christ puts the worker in a good relationship with God, and also puts the work back in a proper relation to God, and he wants to transform the worker: By producing a change in you as a person, Christ actually makes a dramatic difference: in the overall attitude with which you approach work, in the choices you make about what you do for work, in the way you confront evil at your workplace, in the way you relate to your Christian and non-Christian coworkers. (Sherman et al. 1993, 117)

Fifth, work has both an intrinsic and an instrumental value. First, we must see work as valuable in itself and as the self-fulfilment of the worker. Of course we have to guard ourselves from seeking the final fulfilment or the end of human beings in work. Only our communion with God gives the complete satisfaction (Eccl. 2:24–26). Second, work is to be seen as the service of man and God for the benefit of the community (Eph. 4:28). Thus, work has a broad instrumental value as it is a means to several ends. According to Sherman, through work we serve at least five purposes: serve

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people, meet our own needs, our family’s needs, earn money to give to others, and love God (Sherman & Hendricks 1993, 87–95). When we fulfil these five purposes of work, we simply fulfil the great commandments expressed in Mt. 22:37–40: to love God, others, and ourselves. One last theological principle I would like to present in a little more detail is that developed by Volf (1991: 113), namely that work is a gift from the Spirit of God. Or, in his own words, “the Spirit of God calls, endows, and empowers Christians to work in their various vocations.” This means that the activity of the Spirit is not limited to the spiritual, moral or religious life of human beings but is understood to extend beyond the human spirit to the whole of reality. There are some clear references in the Scriptures which highlight the way in which the Spirit of God inspires and endows people with gifts and skills for various work and activities. Thus, in Exodus 31:2-5 God has gifted Bezalael and “filled him with the Spirit of God, with skill, ability and knowledge in all kinds of crafts.” It was not only the craftsmen who received their gifts from the Spirit of God, but the judges and kings of Israel also accomplished their task under the inspiration of the same Spirit of God: “The Spirit of the LORD came upon him, so that he became Israel’s judge” (Judges 3:10); “So Samuel took the horn of oil and anointed him in the presence of his brothers, and from that day on the Spirit of the LORD came upon David in power” (1 Sa 16:13 NIB). Similarly, in the narrative of the building of the temple in 1 Chronicles, we read how all the detailed plans came from the Spirit of God: “He gave him the plans of all that the Spirit had put in his mind for the courts of the temple of the LORD and all the surrounding rooms” (1 Chron. 28:11–12). These passages and similar ones, Volf (1991, 113) suggests, can be read “from the perspective of the new covenant in which all God’s people are gifted and called to various tasks by the Spirit.” Work is thus understood as cooperation with God. Indeed, Apostle Paul describes Christian life in general as cooperation with God, lived in intimate relationship with Christ, a life in the Spirit. This is how Paul understood his own life: “I have been crucified with Christ and I no longer live, but Christ lives in me. The life I live in the body, I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me and gave himself for me” (Gal. 2:20). Such a charismatic understanding of work will need, of course, to be further substantiated and developed. But even from these brief remarks we can see the benefit of viewing work as a gift of the Spirit, as cooperation with God in our eager anticipation of the new creation.

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Conclusion We have seen that there is a very strong and unambiguous message throughout the Bible that women and men were created in God’s image, as equals. Similarly, we have seen that Jesus himself had a revolutionary stance vis-a-vis women and he broke the contemporary, social and cultural status quo of his time. Following Jesus’ teaching and practice, the early church also preached and practiced a strong, egalitarian view of men and women based on the work of Christ: “in Christ there is no longer male or female.” In light of these principles we have to interpret the few verses which seem to indicate a different, restrictive view of women. In the section on work, we have found that the best way to understand it is to place it into the larger context of God’s work, of human creation in the image of God, of God’s command for people to work as part of his provision for human life and of human cooperation with God in work. I have also shown that it is the Spirit of God that gives gifts and abilities for various kinds of work, and that work has both an intrinsic and instrumental value. I have argued that in order to build an appropriate, positive attitude towards work it is important to know that our work matters to God; that work as cooperation with God has fundamental meaning and ultimate significance in the context of the eschatological transformation of the world. It is my hope that such a biblical understanding of work brings dignity to our labour when understood as service, and it sees work as involving social benefit and a contribution to the common good of society. Given the fact that the worker is more important than the work and that their attitude can transform it, the moral worker accepts the duty of work as a means of providing for human needs, of finding purpose in life, and of glorifying God.

References Bellah, R. N., Madsen, R., Sullivan, W. M., Swindler, A. & Tipton, S. M.. (1985). Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life. New York, NY: Harper & Row. Bernbaum, A. J. & Steer, S. M. (1986). Why Work? Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House. Bilezikian, G. (2007). A Challenge for Proponents of Female Subordination to Prove Their Case from the Bible. Online: www.cbeinternational.org. Chewining, R. (1989). Biblical Principles & Economics. The Foundations. Colorado Springs, CA: Navpress.

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Global Issues: Equality between Women and Men. (2006). Online: http://www.acdi-cida.gc.ca/equality. Cosden, D. (2005). A Theology of Work: Work and the New Creation. Eugene, CA: Wipf. Global Education. (2007). Gender Equality. Online: http://www.globaleducation.edna.edu.au/globaled/go/cache/offonce/pi d/517. Groothuis, R. M. (207). The Bible and Gender Equality. Online: www.cbeinternational.org. Miller, D. L. (2009). Life work. A biblical theology of what you do every day. Seattle, WA: YWAM Publishing. Miller, D. W. (2007). God at Work: The History and Promise of the Faith at Work Movement. Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press. Osiek, C. & MacDonald, M. Y. (2005). A Woman’s Place: House Churches in Earliest Christianity. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press. Padgett, A. G. (2003). What Is Biblical Equality? A simple definition needs further discussion, not least because of misunderstanding. Priscilla Papers 16 (3): 22-25. Placher, W. C. (Ed.) (2005). Callings: Twenty Centuries of Christian Wisdom on Vocation. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Schuurman, D. J. (2004), Vocation. Discerning our callings in life. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. Sherman, D. & Hendricks, W. (1993). Your Work Matters to God. Colorado Spring, CA: NavPress. Stackhouse, M. L., McCann, D. P., Roels, S. J. & Williams, P. N. (Eds.). (1995). On Moral Business. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishing. Stevens, R. P. (2000). The other six days. Vocation, work and ministry in biblical perspective. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. UN Millennium Project. (2005). Taking Action: Achieving Gender Equality and Empowering Women. Task Force on Education and Gender Equality. UNESCO. (2007). Forum on Gender Equality. Online: http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.phpurl_id=3160&url_do=do_topic&url_section=201.html. UNICEF. (2007). Gender Equality. Online: http://www.unicef.org/gender/index.html. Van Duzer, J. (2010). Why Business Matters to God. Downers Grove, CA: IVP Academic. Volf, M. (1991). Work in the Spirit: towards a theology of work. Oxford, NY: Oxford University Press.

CHAPTER FOUR LIFE SATISFACTION

ASPECTS OF CHILDREN’S EDUCATION IN THE JIU VALLEY, ROMANIA ION HIRGHIDUù AND VALENTIN-IOAN FULGER

Introduction Education is an essential element in the development of children who will later to integrate into society. The educational phenomenon is complex, but we can distinguish at least three factors that determine it: the family, the school and the environment of life. If the three factors are in a conflict then the education of children, for them to become good future citizens, is compromised. The functioning of the relationship between the three factors that determine the children’s evolution is important for society and this is the reason why this should be given the most attention. Optimal education can be linked to the functioning of democracy, as Giddens noticed (2001, 454): The Development of education has always been closely linked to the ideals of democracy. Reformers consider education, of course, formally, for those occasions on which they offer individuals to grow capabilities and aptitudes. However, education has constantly been also considered as a means of equalization. It has been claimed that universal education will contribute to reducing disparities of wealth and power, forming young people qualities that will enable them to find an appreciated place in society.

If we take a look at this vision regarding the efforts of a society to frame education in a democratic system, then we have to ask ourselves what is the situation in Romania and, in particular, in the Jiu Valley. We all know very well that the experience of democracy in our country is relatively recent. We culturally reproduce another period of communism, which officially ended in the winter of 1989. However, in the Romanian society fundamental expression of education has changed only slowly. The long attachment to the values of communism could not be removed easily and permanently. Today, there is still a trend of cultural breeding, habits and views that belong to a past age. For this, the school has an essential role

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which “plays a very important part in cognitive and social development” (Adams & Berzonsky 2009, 159). School should be understood at the level of social organization (Ibid. 160–161) where the education is carried out. Understanding the rapidity of changes at the level of society is no longer possible without a thorough education. Therefore, this condition creates a new challenge which “determined the formation of a complex question for the contemporary world” (Momanu 2002, 131), involving new alternatives and the “new education.” We have to ask ourselves if these changes at the intellectual level also suppose visible effects of ongoing reforms in Romanian society. An efficient educational policy may not be situated outside a wider social policy. This connection is required since a part of the Romanian society is affected by poverty. Social policies in Romania are effects of government culture of poverty (Preda 2002, 109–163). In today’s Romania the educational reform is not yet complete, and it seems that it is not yet pursuing the laws of market. A genuine education must rely on reason which is “a fundamental dimension of the personality, an internal variable with the support role in the outbreak and support for different processes and mental capabilities, external reactions of individual” (Albu 2002, 55). How the children’s personality is presently built by formal and non-formal education does not have to do with democracy. We appreciate that education in our country and, in particular, in the Jiu Valley, is going through a deep crisis because the educational reform did not have the expected results. Furthermore, the so-called reform resulted in a removal of a relatively high number of schoolchildren. Many of the children in the Jiu Valley, as a less-favoured area of Romania, do not remain in school beyond the eighth grade, i.e. primary school and gymnasium; at this level, they will fit the society only as labourers, a fact that deepens social inequalities.

Research Methodology This study is based on a sociological research carried out during the year 2013 in the locality components of the Jiu Valley. The aim of this research was to carry out a complex and real panel of children’s education in the Jiu Valley area which faces major economic problems, amplified poverty and high unemployment. Wider research refers to child well-being from which we extracted elements relating to education. The sample was of six hundred persons representative for the population of the Jiu Valley. Research sample. Research was applied to persons over the age of eighteen. We considered that a certain maturity of research subjects is

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necessary to express an opinion about urgent problems of education in a crisis of values. Structure of the sample according to gender: 302 men (50.3%) and 298 women (49.7%). Structure of the sample according to age: 19 subjects aged 18–19 (3.2%), 67 subjects aged 20–24 (11.2%), 53 subjects aged 25–29 (8.8%), 62 subjects aged 30–34 (10.3%), 64 subjects 35–39 (10.7%), 74 subjects aged 40–44 (12.3%), 45 subjects aged 45–49 (7.5%), 50 subjects aged 50– 54 (8.3%), 49 subjects aged 55–59 (8.2%), 39 subjects aged 60–64 (6.5%), 26 subjects aged 65–69 (4.3%), 52 subjects aged 70 years and over (8.7%). Structure of the sample according to civil status: 355 subjects legally married (59.2%), 37 subjects in concubinage (6.2%), 105 unmarried subjects (17.5%), 40 separated subjects (6.7%), 63 widowed subjects (10.5%). Structure of the sample according to studies: 25 subjects without studies (4.2%), 192 subjects with 8 school grades/gymnasium (32%), 271 subjects with high school (45.2%), 112 subjects with university studies (18.7%). Structure of the sample according to occupation: 252 employees subjects (42.4%), 8 employer’s subjects (1.3%), 92 home-keeping subjects (15.5%), 32 student’s subjects (5.4%), 175 retiring subjects (29.5%), 35 unemployed subjects (5.9%). The percentages relate to 594 subjects because six subjects in the sample did not reply to the question regarding the occupation. Structure of the sample according to nationality: 528 Romanian (88.4%), 49 Hungarian (8.2%), 2 German (0.3%), 18 other nationality (3%). The percentages relate to 597 subjects because three of those questioned did not reply to the question relating to nationality. Structure of the sample according to city: 187 subjects from Petroúani (31.2%), 126 subjects from Lupeni (21%), 120 subjects from Vulcan (20%), 108 subjects from Petrila (18%), 41 subjects from Uricani (6.8%), 18 subjects from Aninoasa (3%). Research method. As a research method we used the social survey by applying a questionnaire “right on the scene” by our operators who are students at department of Sociology at the University of Petroúani. The questionnaire has twenty-six questions that relate to all questions which concern the situation of institutionalised children in the Jiu Valley. Among these issues is their education, which is dependent on the school in general, the actuality of education programs, the material condition of families and the interest of society for a more secure future, as this future was seen in information technology (Giddens 2001, 461–464).

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Protection of research subjects. During the entire period covered the field research operators respected all the ethical rules of scientific research of this kind that are provided for in the code of ethics of the Sociologists in Romania (entered into force in 1993). They were given initial training based on their deontological code, showing the importance of respecting anonymity and democratic rights that persons questioned should have. Processing and analysis of the data. Processing the data was carried out using SPSS program 17, by which we have obtained statistical data relating to the answers to questions, as well as significant correlations between answers to the questions in the questionnaire.

Research Results The research that lies at the basis of this study reveals that we have two categories of subjects: 251 subjects who have minors (41.8%) and 349 subjects who do not (58.2%). This specification is important for this study because we wanted to find out the opinion of those who have minors in the first place. This category of subjects shall be subdivided into two subcategories: 226 subjects who live with their minors (90% of 251) and 25 subjects who do not (10%). This fact is also important for our research because it is reasonable to assume that subjects who are living with their own minors are more interested in their education than all those who had abandoned them for one reason or another. We will now see the factors that most determine an optimal educational line for children. Accessibility of school/kindergarten attendance. We will report here only those 226 subjects who are living with minor (dependent) children. To the question of whether these children go to kindergarten/school, 182 subjects have answered affirmatively (80.5%), nine subjects have children less than kindergarten age (4%) and 35 subjects represent families who do not send their children to kindergarten/school (15.5%). This 15.5% is significant in describing the phenomenon of school abandonment, which will compromise children’s education and endanger their future. There is now no firm policy in Romania to reduce school abandonment, a phenomenon that is on the rise. From here the most undesirable consequences for children and young people who abandon school will come out, as well as for their families and society as a whole. Financial accessibility. We will report here the replies of the 182 subjects who are living with dependent children and attend kindergarten or school. It is important to see how easy this attendance at school or kindergarten is for the family from a financial point of view. Most of the subjects, representing 52.2%, have good financial possibilities of sending

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their children to kindergarten/school. For a percentage of 40.1%, financial possibilities are neither large nor small. For 7.7% the financial possibilities are extremely small, which implies a special effort of families to maintain their children’s attendance to kindergarten or school. Accessibility regarding the distance to an educational institution. We notice that for 77.2% a kindergarten or a school is very close, while for 33.5% there is a distance, which does not constitute an impediment for attendance at institution. For a percentage of 12.1% educational institutions are practically inaccessible in terms of distance. Children of this category spend a lot of time on the road so there is a danger that a part of them will abandon their studies. Accessibility of the workplace for one of the parents. It is important that the school should be near the workplace of one of the parents. Parents must bring and take their children to and from school if they cannot leave them with another adult. From our field research we noticed the following aspects: for 33% of the 182 subjects the educational institution is located very close to the workplace, which allows a greater control and support of the parents for their children; for 37.9% the educational institution is located at a greater distance from the workplace of the parents, but it is still accessible; for 29.1% the educational institution is very far away from the workplace, which creates more difficulties in the supervision and support of the children. This could lead to an increase in school abandonment if parents do not find new solutions. Assessing the quality of education compared to bigger cities. The cities in the Jiu Valley are small and are isolated from the rest of the country, resulting in a perception that what is outside of the region is better. An assessment of the 182 subjects regarding the quality of education in the Jiu Valley compared to bigger cities in the country revealed that 47% of the respondents said that this quality is weaker, and the same percentage believes that it is equal; only 4.4% of respondents said that the quality is better. We notice a certain balance of opinions, which is justified against the background of a wider crisis of the society. Material conditions within the family as preparation for students. Analysis of the statistics shows that in the families of those 182 subjects are the following situations that do not stimulate children’s education: 17.6% don’t have a personal library, colouring books, or notebook/exercise books; 12.6% don’t have an office or a specific place for preparing lessons; 21.4% do not have a computer or laptop for their children; 26.9% don’t have an internet connection; 68.1% say they can’t afford to pay private lessons for children when they prepare for examinations; 44.5% do not have a possibility of school magazine

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subscriptions. We notice that these are significant percentages and reveal a certain state of pauperization for families with children. Material conditions as encouragement for non-formal education. The percentages we have here relate to 223 subjects who are living with dependent children. We considered that non-formal education is as important as formal education. Thus, the possibility of going on a trip or holiday may seem to be a banal fact, but we noticed that 26% do not have the means to provide a holiday for their children, and only 12.6% can always afford this. From the point of view of recreational and extraeducational activities, the Jiu Valley is in a deplorable situation. There is a theatre in Petroúani but its activity is unable to satisfy all the requirements necessary for the extra-educational activities of children from the six cities that make up the Jiu Valley, and the exhibitions are seldom visited; 27.8% does not participate in such activities at all, while a very small part, 8.5 %, always participates. We must say that this estimation is related. Theatrical events, art exhibitions and concerts are somewhat rare. When these events do take place, however, some of the parents do not have enough money to send their children to performances. Although in the Jiu Valley there is a children’s clubhouse in every city, only a few children attend. The main cause is a lack of money for the payment of fees, but also a lack of interest because there are certain activities that can be done without payment. In this case, 43.9% of the 223 parents with dependent children (minors) do not send their children to the activities organized by children’s clubhouse. Only 3.6% attend this kind of activity. In the case of practicing sport as a leisure activity, but also necessary for long-term health, in Romania there is a rejection of sport without any justification. The number of physical education classes has been reduced although the beneficial effects of such an activity represent a known fact. During this field research we did not have the sport classes within the educational activity in mind, but the playing of a systematic sport activity outside of school. Therefore, 37.7% are not able to support their children in practicing sport at all. Probably because of financial shortcomings, but also from a certain ignorance, some parents make mistakes with unexpected consequences on the children’s health. Those who entirely provide for their children’s practicing of a sport outside of school is only 7.6%.

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Conclusions Any type of scientific research must be based on reality but unfortunately the major danger for a researcher is to confuse reality with appearance and this happens when a proof of superficiality is provided. “Reality is a deceiver aspect” (Babbie 2010, 29), and hence it may create more problems for sociologists than philosophers. While a philosophical approach to reality can lead to unexpected openings, even if it is confused with the appearance, a sociological approach is to arrive at a concrete knowledge of the social, at an “objective rationality,” following the meaning put forward by Raymond Boudon (2005, 44–46). There is a need for such an objective rationality in the research of social phenomena in the Jiu Valley, which is a special area of Romania, with a specific social obstruction. Surveying educational phenomena related to children in the Jiu Valley we reached a series of conclusions. We will mention here the conclusions which might draw attention to the need for social policy changes. First conclusion. Educational policy in the Jiu Valley is not significantly different from that of the entire country, even if some of the subjects’ perceptions of our research is that bigger cities in Romania would be able to provide a higher level of quality. A number of 87 subjects of 182 (47.8%) appreciated that the quality of education in this is weaker. If we take into account the results of the high school graduation exam in the last few years, since stricter rules were introduced for the examinations, we will notice that high schools in the Jiu Valley fall into national average pass rate for this. Second conclusion. The phenomenon of school abandonment is on the rise, which is determined by a series of causes, such as the population’s pauperization, the separation of families, the lack of jobs, the removing of essential and perennial values, the lack of efficient educational policies, the lack of a genuine educational reform, and the maintenance of accomplished educational forms and structures. Third conclusion. There are too few alternatives to standard school education, such as focussing on theatre, art exhibitions, participation in activities in clubs for children, playing different sports, etc. Statistical data of the research, based on 223 subjects, reveal that 26% of parents who have children at school have never been able to afford to send their children on trips or holidays, 27.8% have never been able to offer their children the possibility of going to the theatre or to art exhibitions, 43.9% have never sent their children to educational activities organized by

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children’s clubhouses, and 37.7% have never been able to provide the possibility of playing sport. Fourth conclusion. The Romanian family in general is neglected even if it seems to be protected at the legislative level. The state does not get involved as much as it should to protect poor families and many children from poor families will abandon school at a certain time. The available allowances for dependent child support for families in difficulty are too small and insufficient, and there is no real social protection to prevent school abandonment. All these produce a state of deterioration in the social reality from the Jiu Valley, which does not comply with the international political line of Romania. Social categories that at one time had an appreciated statute are now brought into a state of financial humiliation; such is the case of those who work in education, protection and social assistance. A sick society like this should find a real doctor to take account of the social concrete reality and the rationality on which it is building a post-modern society.

References Adams, G. R. & Berzonsky, M. D. (2009). Psihologia adolescenĠei [Psychology of Adolescence]. Iaúi : Polirom. Albu, G. (2002). În căutarea educaĠiei autentice [In Search of Genuine Education]. Iaúi : Polirom. Babbie, E. (2010). Practica cercetării sociale [Practice of Social Research]. Iaúi: Polirom. Boudon, R. (2005). Tratat de sociologie [Treatise of Soviology]. Bucureúti : Humanitas. Giddens, A. (2001). Sociologie [Sociology]. Bucureúti: ALL. Momanu, M. (2002). Introducere în teoria educaĠiei [Introduction to the Theory of Education]. Iaúi: Polirom. Preda, M. (2002). Politica socială românească între sărăcie úi globalizare [Romanian Social Policy between Poverty and Globalisation]. Iaúi: Polirom.

CHILDREN’S PSYCHOSOMATIC SYMPTOMS AS METAPHORS OF THE FAMILY: A SYSTEMIC, FAMILY-THERAPEUTIC APPROACH OF PSYCHOSOMATIC SYMPTOMS ANDREA MÜLLER-FABIAN

Introduction

Body and soul work together in a tightly knit relationship so much so that soul-related problems, the psychological effects of stress frequently lead to physical illness and moreover the somatic diseases, by impacting on the soul, become the source of psychological suffering. (Ranschburg 1998, 83)

Each somatic illness comes in the form of a specific affection that also entails an array of psychological consequences. For psychosomatic diseases, therefore, the role of the specialist consists in exactly the following: to redefine the lost linkage, implied in the term “psychosomatic”—psyche and soma—between body and soul (Dumitraúcu & Pohribneac 2007). His approach must intend the entirety of human constitution, wherein the parts (physical, psychological, physiological, etc.) take their place within a significant whole (psychosomatic). Although the bronchitic asthma is not as yet regarded as a psychosomatic illness or as a behavioural one, there is proof according to which stress and other psychological factors may determine the setting off or the intensification and exacerbation of the disease’s symptomatology (Sperry 2009). Bronchitic asthma in children is one of the most frequent illnesses that these factors are able to produce and they steadily contribute to the worsening condition of the child. Previously, the research of the pathogenesis of this illness tackled only its constitutional factors, and respectively its immunologic assumptions.

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In the modern clinical conception there is now more emphasis bestowed upon the principle of psychic or mental determination. The unilateral approach, either psychological or somatic, of the disease does not lead to unanimously endorsed conclusions. Thus, in order to shape the clinical pattern, to determine the factors responsible for the asthma’s aetiology, are not nearly sufficient and it calls for its psychological dimension to also be taken into account. In addition, the reverse is equally valid—bronchitic asthma is not caused solely by mental or psychical conditions. Through a holistic approach of genetic, psychological and familial factors, important information is gathered concerning the genesis and maintenance mechanism of bronchitic asthma in children. In addition, the knowledge about these factors fuels essential possibilities for the early discovery of the causes of this sickness and its ingravescence. Therefore, the children endangered by the disease can be identified early enough and can be provided with the usual medical and family attention; but it can also be the case that a special, complementary intervention to the medical one is required for the betterment of the child’s condition, which is to be conducted within the family through systemic therapy. In this way, the curative and preventive activities are in full swing, keeping the disease well in check and contributing to the quantitative and qualitative decrease of bronchitic asthma in children. This aspect is all the more important the more statistics show that this particular disease is constantly increasing in number of occurrences in children. Research about this topic indicates the increased existence of a constellation of genetic, psychological and familial factors as the fundamental reason for the development of bronchitic asthma in children. Minuchin, Rosman & Baker (1995) differentiate between four characteristics of psychosomatic families that encourage the phenomenon of somatization: fusion, overprotective behaviour and a lack of conflict or dispute resolution. Katon et al.’s research (2004), as well as Bussing, Burket & Kelleher’s, (1996) emphasize that for the population of bronchitic asthmatic children, the prevalence of disease is higher than it is for the population of healthy children. Weiser’s studies conclude that there is an anxiety prevalence of 34% for those with bronchitic asthma, findings that reinforce the idea of the close relationship between the two diseases (see Szabó 2009). According to Szabó, girls are more prone to this illness than boys, and girls react with more sensitivity to family-related problems. Kazdin’s research (1997) reported a low self-esteem for the girls with bronchitic asthma and he remarked that there is a connection between depression and low self-esteem in children hit by this illness.

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Dumitraúcu & Pohribneac underscore the fact that “the intensity or the duration of the stress are not important, but the way in which the individual adapts him/herself to stress [is]. This adaptation or coping explains the variety of answers at this type of stimulus” (Dumitraúcu & Pohribneac 2007, 60). This chapter is supported by empirical data and its goal is to observe the functioning mechanisms of the families of asthmatic children from the point of view of systemic family therapy. I assigned a special place to the family of the asthmatic child (the psychosomatic family) because there are theories and several research studies which stress the existence of certain particularities concerning the functioning dynamic of this kind of family. The systemic approach is meant to discover the significant relations established in a real system—the family system—and the way it manages to function. The essence of this mode of tackling the issue consists in the fact that it does not search for “scapegoats”; that there are no guilty parties, nor weak and helpless ones. On the contrary, each family member is right because with each manifestation they come to serve the family’s stability, its homeostasis and, therefore, they all ultimately want and intend to do something good. For the symptom to recede a new stability within the family is needed. In addition, here the work of the specialist is required. It seems that the most efficient systemic approach can be conducted in the case of children afflicted with a psychosomatic disease, while the illness is still chronic, not yet bound or protracted. At the same time, their parents, being young themselves, are easier to work with on the issue of the family structure.

Methods Taking into account the findings of the scholarly literature concerning the factors of bronchitic asthma in children, and based on has already been said in this chapter, I propose the following hypotheses: The general hypothesis: the familial organization can be connected to the occurrence and persistence of the psychosomatic syndrome in the child, and their psychosomatic symptoms play an important role in the overall homeostasis of the family. Specific hypotheses: -

Psychosomatic families are characterised by deficient functionality at the level of problem solving, communication, role fulfilling, emotional responsibility (emotional sensibility), emotional engagement

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(involvement), behavioural control, and also the level of general functioning. There is a significant difference between the types of coping of the asthmatic children’s parents and of those from the control group. Thus, the bronchitic asthmatic children’s parents use the form of coping focused on emotion, whereas the parents of the children from the control group employ the problem-centred coping. There is a significant difference between the anxiety degree of the parents from the target or experiment group and that of the parents from the control group. The parents of the children afflicted with bronchitic asthma have a higher anxiety degree than that registered for the parents of the children from the group control. The children who suffer from bronchitic asthma present certain psychological characteristics of a higher degree of anxiety and a lower self-esteem in comparison with healthy children.

Instruments Employed For adults (mother or father): Epstein, Baldwin & Bishop (1983), McMaster Family Assessment Device, FAD; Spielberger, Gorsuch & Lushene (1970), State Trait Anxiety Inventory, STAI Form X-1, STAI Form X-2; Folkman & Lazarus (1980), Ways of Coping. For children (with asthma and control group): Spielberger, Gorsuch & Lushene (1973), State Trait Anxiety Inventory for Children, STAIC; Rosenberg (1965), Self-Esteem Scale–RSES. The population under research. The experimental group comprised children with bronchitic asthma from the Odorheiu Secuiesc Municipal Hospital, its paediatric section and the Paediatric Clinic III in ClujNapoca. In choosing the children, only one item was used—the age item (7–10 years old), thus conserving the note of the un-probabilistic sample. The control group comprised children from the “Áprily Lajos” Praid Gymnasium School and from “Báthory István” High School, Cluj-Napoca. In order to reach high values and to diminish the errors of sampling, I used the method of layered, random sampling. Overall, I processed the data from 79 children (38 with bronchitic asthma and 41 from the control group) and 79 adults (38 with bronchitic asthma and 41 from the control group). Data Analysis. Research data were statistically processed with quantitative methods, whereas the questionnaires’ results were processed with the aid of a T Test and a Bravais-Pearson bivariate correlation. The

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statistic program SPSS for Windows 17 was used for the application of the already-mentioned methods of statistical analysis.

Results The results show the following: The functioning of the families with children suffering from bronchitic asthma is characterised by emotional response (the arithmetic mean being 8.95 in comparison with 10.50 for the children’s parents from the experimental group), emotional involvement (the arithmetic mean being 10.59 in comparison with 12.97 for the children’s parents from the experimental group) which often leads to symbiosis, and by emotional control exaggeratedly carried out upon family members (especially upon children) (the arithmetic mean being 13.73 in comparison with 15.89 for the children’s parents from the experimental group). The family of the children with bronchitic asthma has the ability to solve problems (the arithmetic mean is 8.88 in comparison with 7.89), to communicate (the arithmetic mean is 15.63 relative to 13.13) and to endorse a specific role (the arithmetic mean is 22.12 in comparison with 19.11), an ability that is, therefore, lower than the ability of the families from the control group. This means that these latter families are not capable of carrying out the process of problem solving from recognition to its conclusion; they do not have an efficacious communication, and the roles—the behavioural models necessary for fulfilling the emotional and instrumental needs of the family—are deficiently enacted. The difference registered between the arithmetic means pertaining to the factor “general functioning” (16.88 for the control group and 19.47 for the experimental group) confirms that there are significant differences between the general functioning of the families from the experimental group and the functioning of those from the control group. The family-systems of children with asthma show atypical signs in terms of family interactions and organization which most commonly take the form of fusion, overprotection, rigidity and conflict avoidance. The parents of children with asthma appeared to have high expectations from their children, except those situations when children were sick. Family members appeared to be over-involved in the lives of each other and tended to show protective behaviours towards the children. At the same time, such families seemed to be resistant in front of change and had low levels of conflict-resistance. Regarding the type of coping employed, it is noticeable that for the problem-centred coping, the arithmetic mean is higher for the control

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group (13.05) than it is for the experimental one (10.95), and the arithmetic mean for emotion-based coping is higher for the experimental group (24.66) than it is for the control group (19.98). Thus, the parents of children with bronchitic asthma use emotion-centred coping, whereas those of children from the control group employ problem-based coping. The significant statistical differences ensued from our research (the arithmetic mean for STAI FORM X-1: 34.71 for the control group, 41.08 for the experimental group; the arithmetic mean for STAI FORM X-2: 33.27 for the control group, 41.76 for the experimental group) indicate that the parents of the children afflicted with bronchitic asthma are confronted with a higher degree of anxiety than those of the children from the control group. Concerning the children, the significant statistical differences (the arithmetic mean for STAIC-1: 29.59 for the control group, 34.39 for the experimental group; the arithmetic mean for STAIC-2: 34.27 for the control group, 38.82 for the experimental group) suggest that the children with bronchitic asthma have a higher degree of anxiety than the children from the control group. Likewise, the children with bronchitic asthma have a lower self-esteem than the children from the control group (the arithmetic mean for RSES: 20.49 for the control group, 16.34 for the experimental group). The correlations established in the research bring to light the following relations: -

-

The more a parent is anxious, the more their child will also be anxious (r=0.389, at a signification threshold p