Chemical technology in antiquity 9780841231115, 0841231117, 9780841231122

Table of contents :
Content: Introduction : the role of chemical technology in early civilizations --
Historic mineral pigments : colorful benchmarks of ancient civilizations --
The first artificial material : ceramics from prehistory to the fall of rome --
From honey wine to the cultivation of the grape : an early history of fermented beverages --
The metals of antiquity and their alloys --
The skin they were in : leather and tanning in antiquity --
Modern chemistry of the ancient chemical processing of organic dyes and pigments --
Scented oils and perfumes --
An ancient cleanser : soap production and use in antiquity --
Modern materials in antiquity : an early history of the art and technology of glass.

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Publication Date (Web): November 20, 2015 | doi: 10.1021/bk-2015-1211.fw001

Chemical Technology in Antiquity

In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Publication Date (Web): November 20, 2015 | doi: 10.1021/bk-2015-1211.fw001

In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

ACS SYMPOSIUM SERIES 1211

Chemical Technology in Antiquity

Publication Date (Web): November 20, 2015 | doi: 10.1021/bk-2015-1211.fw001

Seth C. Rasmussen, Editor North Dakota State University Fargo, North Dakota

Sponsored by the ACS Division of the History of Chemistry

American Chemical Society, Washington, DC Distributed in print by Oxford University Press

In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Publication Date (Web): November 20, 2015 | doi: 10.1021/bk-2015-1211.fw001

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Rasmussen, Seth C., editor. | American Chemical Society. Division of the History of Chemistry. Title: Chemical technology in antiquity / Seth C. Rasmussen, editor, North Dakota State University, Fargo, North Dakota ; sponsored by the ACS Division of the History of Chemistry. Description: Washington, DC : American Chemical Society, [2015] | [Oxford] : Distributed in print by Oxford University Press | Series: ACS symposium series ; 1211 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2015043376 (print) | LCCN 2015043633 (ebook) | ISBN 9780841231122 | ISBN 9780841231115 () Subjects: LCSH: Chemistry, Technical--History. | Chemical engineering--History. | Chemistry--History. Classification: LCC TP18 .C44 2015 (print) | LCC TP18 (ebook) | DDC 660--dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015043376

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48n1984. Copyright © 2015 American Chemical Society Distributed in print by Oxford University Press All Rights Reserved. Reprographic copying beyond that permitted by Sections 107 or 108 of the U.S. Copyright Act is allowed for internal use only, provided that a per-chapter fee of $40.25 plus $0.75 per page is paid to the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Republication or reproduction for sale of pages in this book is permitted only under license from ACS. Direct these and other permission requests to ACS Copyright Office, Publications Division, 1155 16th Street, N.W., Washington, DC 20036. The citation of trade names and/or names of manufacturers in this publication is not to be construed as an endorsement or as approval by ACS of the commercial products or services referenced herein; nor should the mere reference herein to any drawing, specification, chemical process, or other data be regarded as a license or as a conveyance of any right or permission to the holder, reader, or any other person or corporation, to manufacture, reproduce, use, or sell any patented invention or copyrighted work that may in any way be related thereto. Registered names, trademarks, etc., used in this publication, even without specific indication thereof, are not to be considered unprotected by law. PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Foreword The ACS Symposium Series was first published in 1974 to provide a mechanism for publishing symposia quickly in book form. The purpose of the series is to publish timely, comprehensive books developed from the ACS sponsored symposia based on current scientific research. Occasionally, books are developed from symposia sponsored by other organizations when the topic is of keen interest to the chemistry audience. Before agreeing to publish a book, the proposed table of contents is reviewed for appropriate and comprehensive coverage and for interest to the audience. Some papers may be excluded to better focus the book; others may be added to provide comprehensiveness. When appropriate, overview or introductory chapters are added. Drafts of chapters are peer-reviewed prior to final acceptance or rejection, and manuscripts are prepared in camera-ready format. As a rule, only original research papers and original review papers are included in the volumes. Verbatim reproductions of previous published papers are not accepted.

ACS Books Department

In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Publication Date (Web): November 20, 2015 | doi: 10.1021/bk-2015-1211.pr001

Preface Chemistry is intimately involved in the development of the oldest known civilizations, resulting in a range of chemical technologies that not only continue to be part of modern civilized societies, but are so commonplace that it would be hard to imagine life without them. Such chemical technology has a very long and rich history, in some cases dating back to as early as 20,000 BCE. My own interest in the early history of these technologies began with a desire to understand the factors behind the late application of glass to chemical apparatus (i.e., chemical glassware), which did not become a mainstay of the chemical laboratory until nearly 4000 years after the initial synthetic production of glass (1, 2). This of course soon led to a general interest in the history and chemistry of early glass (2). As the history of glass is deeply entwined with the corresponding histories of metallurgy, ceramics, and alcohol (2, 3), I soon found that I had developed a deep, general interest in the broad range of early chemical technologies utilized throughout antiquity, as well as how these early technologies impacted later scientific pursuits. A number of books are currently available that cover the history and chemistry of some of the individual topics included here, particularly that of glass (2, 4), pottery and ceramics (5, 6), metals and metallurgy (7), or various fermented beverages (3, 8). However, sources presenting a broader scope of early chemical technology, especially those covering the number of topics contained in the current volume, are somewhat rare. The best of such works include Partington’s Origins and Development of Applied Chemistry (9), Forbes’ multi-volume series Studies in Ancient Technology (10), or the five-volume series, A History of Technology, edited by Singer et al. (11). All of these, however, are out-of-print and are no longer representative of our current knowledge of the history of these technologies. Although there are a couple more recent examples of this broad approach, including Joseph Lambert’s Traces of the Past: Unraveling the Secrets of Archaeology through Chemistry (12), it was felt that a new volume presenting updated histories of a collection of early chemical technologies would be a welcome addition for chemists, historians, chemical archaeologists, and general educated readers interested in the development of some of mankind’s earliest and most common technologies. This current volume aims to present the discovery, development, and early history of a range of such chemical technologies and is based on the popular symposium, Chemical Technology in Antiquity, held March 23, 2015, at the 249th National Meeting of the American Chemical Society (ACS) in Denver, Colorado. The symposium was held as part of the programming of the ACS Division of the History of Chemistry (HIST) and was co-sponsored by the Multidisciplinary ix In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Program Planning Group (MPPG) as part of the meeting’s thematic program “Chemistry of Natural Resources,” as well as by the ACS Divisions of Analytical Chemistry (ANYL), Chemical Education (CHED), Inorganic Chemistry (INOR), and Organic Chemistry (ORGN). During the organization of both the original symposium and the current volume, I had two primary goals. The first was to include a number of smaller subjects often ignored in the presentation of early chemical technology, while a secondary goal was to use this venue as a way to bring some younger members of the HIST division into active historical research roles. The outcome of this second goal was especially satisfying as the new authors included are all current or former students from North Dakota State University (NDSU) who were introduced to the history of chemistry via my own activities in the field. As a consequence, the resulting volume contains a core of the most significant and well-researched examples of early chemical technology written by established authorities on these topics, including chapters by Mary Virginia Orna on mineral pigments (Chapter 2), Nicholas Zumbulyadis on pottery (Chapter 3), Vera Mainz on metals and alloys (Chapter 5), and Zvi Koren on organic dyes (Chapter 7), as well as my own chapters on early fermented beverages and glass (Chapter 4 and Chapter 10). This core of traditional topics is then supplemented by less frequently covered topics by new authors, including chapters by Christopher Heth (NDSU Ph.D. 2010) on leather and tanning (Chapter 6), Narayanaganesh Balasubramanian (NDSU Ph.D. 2012) on oils and perfumes (Chapter 8), and my current graduate student Kristine Konkol doing the bulk of the work on a chapter on soap (Chapter 9). While this volume is in no way a complete coverage of the full range of chemical technologies practiced during antiquity, I hope that it provides a feel and appreciation for both the deep history involved with these topics, as well as the complexity of the chemical processes that were being utilized at such a very early time period. In conclusion, I want to thank all of the authors involved, as well as everyone who contributed to this volume as reviewers. While the initial idea of this volume and the responsibility of its editing were mine, the quality and success of the final product is most certainly due to a collective group effort.

References 1. 2.

3.

4.

Rasmussen, S. C. Advances in 13th Century Glass Manufacturing and Their Effect on Chemical Progress. Bull. Hist. Chem. 2008, 33, 28–34. Rasmussen, S. C. How Glass Changed the World. The History and Chemistry of Glass from Antiquity to the 13th Century; SpringerBriefs in Molecular Science: History of Chemistry; Springer: Heidelberg, 2012. Rasmussen, S. C. The Quest for Aqua Vitae. The History and Chemistry of Alcohol from Antiquity to the Middle Ages; SpringerBriefs in Molecular Science: History of Chemistry; Springer: Heidelberg, 2014. Shortland, S. Lapis Lazuli from the Kiln: Glass and Glassmaking in the Late Bronze Age; Studies in Archaeological Sciences; Leuven University Press: Leuven, 2012. x In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Cooper, E. Ten Thousand Years of Pottery, 4th ed.; University of Pennsylvania Press: Philadelphia, 2010. 6. Rice, P. M. Pottery Analysis: A Sourcebook, 2nd ed.; University Of Chicago Press: Chicago, 2015. 7. O’Brien, W. Prehistoric Copper Mining in Europe: 5500-500 BC; Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2015. 8. Hornsey, I. S. A History of Beer and Brewing; Royal Society of Chemistry: London, 2003. 9. Partington, J. R. Origins and Development of Applied Chemistry; Longmans, Green and Co.: London, 1935. 10. Forbes, R. J. Studies in Ancient Technology, 2nd ed. (9 volumes); E. J. Brill: Leiden, 1964−1972 (reprinted in the 1990s). 11. Singer, C.; Holmyard, E. J.; Hall, A. R.; Williams, T. I., Eds.; A History of Technology; Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1954−1958; Volumes 1−5. 12. Lambert, J. B. Traces of the Past: Unraveling the Secrets of Archaeology through Chemistry; Addison-Wesley: Reading, MA, 1997.

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5.

Seth C. Rasmussen Department of Chemistry and Biochemistry North Dakota State University P.O. Box 6050, NDSU Dept. 2735 Fargo, North Dakota 58108-6050, United States

xi In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Editor’s Biography

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Seth C. Rasmussen Seth C. Rasmussen is a Professor of Chemistry at North Dakota State University (NDSU) in Fargo. He received his B.S in Chemistry from Washington State University in 1990 and his Ph.D. in Inorganic Chemistry from Clemson University in 1994, under the guidance of Prof. John D. Peterson. As a postdoctoral associate at the University of Oregon, he then studied conjugated organic polymers under Prof. James E. Hutchison. In 1997, he accepted a teaching position at the University of Oregon, before moving to join the faculty at NDSU in 1999. Active in the fields of materials chemistry and the history of chemistry, his research interests include the design and synthesis of conjugated materials, photovoltaics (solar cells), organic light emitting diodes, the history of materials, chemical technology in antiquity, and the application of history to chemical education. As both author and editor, Prof. Rasmussen has contributed to books in both materials and history and has published more than 80 research papers and book chapters. He is a member of various international professional societies including the American Chemical Society, Materials Research Society, Alpha Chi Sigma, American Nano Society, Society for the History of Alchemy and Chemistry, History of Science Society, and the International History, Philosophy & Science Teaching Group. Prof. Rasmussen currently serves as the Program Chair for the History of Chemistry division of the American Chemical Society and as the series editor for the Springer Briefs in Molecular Science: History of Chemistry book series. He also holds editorial positions for the journals Fluorescent Materials and Topological and Supramolecular Polymer Science.

© 2015 American Chemical Society In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Chapter 1

Introduction − The Role of Chemical Technology in Early Civilizations Publication Date (Web): November 20, 2015 | doi: 10.1021/bk-2015-1211.ch001

Seth C. Rasmussen* Department of Chemistry and Biochemistry, North Dakota State University, NDSU Department 2735, P.O. Box 6050, Fargo, North Dakota 58108-6050, USA *E-mail: [email protected]

The path to civilization can be traced from the end of the last Ice Age (ca. 20,000 BCE) to the formation of city-states in ca. 3500-1500 BCE. Chemistry is intimately involved in this process, resulting in a range of chemical technologies that are still part of modern civilized societies. It is this relationship between the chemical technologies of antiquity and the rise of civilization that is the focus of the presented discussion. An overview of the factors and timeline that led to the earliest civilizations is presented, followed by an examination of the role of chemical technologies in this progression. In the process, this discussion attempts to set the stage for the more detailed presentation of many of the chemical technologies that shaped this early period of human history.

Introduction Chemistry is intimately involved in the development of the oldest known civilizations, resulting in a range of chemical technologies that are not only still part of modern civilized societies, but are so commonplace that it would be hard to imagine life without them - from material objects fabricated from metals, ceramics, or glass, to the paints and dyes that color everything around us, and so much more. Of course, such examples of everyday modern technologies are all representative of various primary chemical technologies from antiquity, many of which have very

© 2015 American Chemical Society In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Publication Date (Web): November 20, 2015 | doi: 10.1021/bk-2015-1211.ch001

long histories dating back millennia. In fact, many such chemical technologies predate the formation of formal civilization. Such civilization is typically designated as the development of a more complex way of life in comparison to the simple culture of the hunter-gatherer of the Paleolithic period. Thus civilization is often defined as a culture which has attained a degree of complexity usually characterized by urban life (1). Therefore, a diagnostic trait typically utilized in the identification of civilization is the presence of what we typically think of as cities. In other words, civilizations typically contain large settled urban centers with populations in the thousands, where persons divorced from subsistence carry out such specialized functions as administration, production, exchange, and religious ceremonies (2). Of course, a given culture is the sum total of all cultural traits possessed by a given people at a given time and thus there is really not one specific aspect that dictates the formation of civilization. This sum total of cultural traits includes such traits or items as any specific material objects, the political and social institutions of the people, and the associated habits, customs, and ideas of the specific culture. As such, what we think of as ‘modern civilization’ is an extremely complex culture consisting of thousands upon thousands of cultural traits (1). The process describing the development of civilization started with the beginnings of farming and agriculture, ultimately leading to increasing populations that came together in villages, towns, and eventually cities. Here, the evolving populations developed architecture and commerce flourished. As a result, specialized occupations emerged and social divisions increased. Throughout all of this, new chemical technologies were being developed and older technologies were refined and advanced. As such, the development of civilization and chemical technologies were deeply intertwined. While development of advanced civilization provided a rich environment for chemical advances, the various chemical technologies in antiquity played a critical role in the growth of early civilization. It is this relationship between the chemical technologies of antiquity and the rise of civilization that is the focus of this introductory chapter. The aim is to present an overview of the factors and timeline that led to the earliest civilizations, followed by an examination of the role of chemical technologies in this progression. In the process, the discussion here will attempt to set the stage for the following chapters detailing many of the chemical technologies that shaped this early period of human history.

Dawn of Civilization During the last Ice Age (ca 20,000 BCE (3)), vast areas of the planet were covered with open woodlands and grasslands which supported large herds of bison (Figure 1) and reindeer, as well as large animals such as the mammoth and giant bears (4). Such herds were the primary source of food for the people of the Ice Age, who were nomadic and followed the natural migrations of the herds (5). This began to change in the period of 15,000-12,000 BCE, when the climate became warmer and wetter. Soon after 10,000 BCE, there was a more significant warming 2 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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that formally brought the Ice Age to an end (3). In the process, forests started to spread and replaced open woodlands and grasslands (4). These climate changes also resulted in changes in the availability of familiar game (4, 6). Some species, such as the mammoth, are believed to have become extinct at this point, while other species such as the reindeer slowly migrated northward (6).

Figure 1. Reproduction of a Bison cave painting from Altamira, Spain (ca. 15,000-12,000 BCE). [photo by Ted, 2012]. While some people moved northward in order to continue to hunt the old game, in many places people were forced to adapt in order to find new sources of food, hunting smaller game such as deer or wild sheep, catching birds and fish, and gathering shellfish and edible plants (4, 6). As a result, the people of Western Europe now consisted of small groups hunting largely red deer, wild cattle, and wild pigs, although it is also thought that they started to add smaller animals and birds to their diet. For the most part, however, they remained essentially hunters and their technology continued to be that of their Ice Age ancestors. In contrast, the regions of the Near East are thought to have not undergone a period of extreme cold as had Central and Western Europe. Instead, it is thought that the Near East probably had high rainfall with a forest cover of deciduous trees, which resulted in available wild game of cattle, pigs, and ancestors of sheep and goats (6). Although the people of this region continued to hunt wild animals, skeletal evidence suggests that their diet also comprised plant-based foods such as acorns, lentils, chickpeas, and various cereals. At this time period, these would have still been gathered in the wild, rather than deliberately cultivated (7). This new lifestyle of hunter-gatherers is exemplified by what is often referred to by archaeologists as the Natufian culture (8). 3 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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While the transition from nomad to village farmer is considered to be the largest single step in the ascent of mankind (5), it will most likely never be known how and why mankind took to the domestication of animals and to the deliberate growing of edible plants. However, it seems highly probable that, long before intentional agriculture, hunting communities had intentionally protected natural stands of wild plants that they found useful in their diet, perhaps even fencing them off against wild animals. Of course, the first domesticated herd animals, cattle and sheep, were precisely those species that would have been attracted by such patches of grain-growing plants (6). The transition to farming required a greater degree of control over the animals and plants contributing to the people’s sustenance. Thus, the key to farming was domestication, which resulted in a mutually beneficial relationship. The domesticated livestock were protected from other natural predators, had their food supplemented by fodder when necessary, and were afforded shelter when conditions required. Plants were benefited by removing or at least reducing competition from weeds or grazing animals, as well as via cultivation of the soil, drainage, or irrigation (9). This ultimately led to the domestication of some plants and animals via planting or breeding specimens that would produce bigger fruit or seeds, or the best meat. Among the earliest food plants to be domesticated were the grain-bearing cereals. The Natufian people of Syria and Israel are thought to have begun to grow wild wheat and barley around 10,000 BCE and other grains such as oats, sorghum, millet, rice, and corn soon followed (4). The first animal to be domesticated was the dog (5, 6, 10). This domestication is thought to have occurred sometime during the Ice Age via a form of symbiosis between canine and mankind, centered on the hunting activities of the two species (6). The domestication of wild sheep by people in the Zagros Mountains is thought to date to ca. 10,000 BCE (4, 5, 10). The domestication of goats quickly followed in the regions further to the east (5, 10), with additional species ultimately domesticated. This included cattle and pigs by 7000 BCE (11), then camels, and finally horses and donkeys (4, 10). Although it is generally agreed that the horse was domesticated at a later date than other livestock (5, 10, 12), it is still unknown when and where horse domestication first took place. A prime candidate for the site of this event is the Eurasian steppe, with domestication of the horse thought to have occurred as early as mid–4th millennium BCE (12). The general practice of farming and agriculture developed independently at different times in a number of different places around the world between 13,000 and 10,000 BCE (4, 11). Thus, by 9000-6000 BCE, a number of scattered communities throughout the Near East can be found that had made the change from hunter-gatherer to at least part-time agriculturalist and stock rearer (4, 6, 11, 13). Some of the earliest farming communities are found in the area of the Middle East called the Fertile Crescent (Figure 2). This region of rich soil stretches from the Nile Delta of northeast Egypt, up the Mediterranean coast to along the mountains of Anatolia, and then down again to encompass the land in and around the Tigris and Euphrates rivers (4, 5, 14). The name stems from a happy accident of geography that provided a rich supply of native plants such as wheat and barley that were suitable for domestication, as well as ideal upland environments for wild sheep, goats, cattle, and pigs (4, 5, 7). As such, the Fertile Crescent provided 4 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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an ideal environment for the initial development of permanent, year-round settlements and it is not surprising that farming developed so early in this region (4, 7, 14, 15). Although such plant cultivation may have first occurred in the Near East, evidence suggests that people in other regions also began to cultivate and domesticate local plants as early as 9,000-8,000 BCE. Such examples include squash in Ecuador and rice along the banks of the Yangtze river in China (11, 16). One consequence of the shift to farming was that human society began to change. Hunter-gatherers lived in small family groups and typically had to travel distances to obtain enough food to survive. It has been estimated that ten square miles of forest was required to provide enough food to support just one hunter-gatherer (4). In contrast, it is thought that even the most primitive kind of farming would be able to support a population much greater than that able to exist from hunting and foraging alone (1). Thus, it is postulated that the ten square miles referenced above could now support roughly 800 people via farming (4). Therefore the adoption of farming boosted and solidified the food supply, which allowed an increase in population (1). In addition, this now made it possible to obtain all that was needed within close proximity of a permanent community, which freed people from the need to range over vast regions and made it possible to occupy the same settlement year round. This in turn made it possible to significantly increase both the population density and potential size of groups able to live together, giving such communities distinct advantages in the competition for land and resources (9).

Figure 2. The Fertile Crescent (ca. 4th-2nd millennia BCE). As a result, it is thought that people transitioned through a sequence of transitory cave sites, to semi-permanent open-air settlements, to fully agricultural permanent villages (4, 17). The earliest such villages are thought to have typically consisted of approximately 50 simple, round huts, which supported a community of 200-300 people (7). As populations increased, family groups developed into 5 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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larger tribes consisting of up to 1000 people. The tribal leaders would meet to make collective decisions or to settle disputes, but overall there were very few distinctions between individuals in terms of wealth and status (4). In regions where conditions were especially favorable for agriculture, some farmers would have been able to produce a surplus of food which could then be used to barter for other goods or exert power over their neighbors. Through this process, inequalities of wealth and power gradually developed between tribal members, leading to the development of chiefdoms - ranking societies of ~5000 or more people. It is believed that these chiefdoms were probably divided into extended family groups called clans. The ruler of a chiefdom was the head of the most important clan within the chiefdom population, while the leading men of the clans formed a ruling aristocracy (4). Such chiefdoms resulted in a second transition from small farming villages to urban towns. This includes sites such as Jericho, dated ca. 8350-7350 BCE, which had an estimated population of 2000-3000 people and was believed to be served by subsidiary settlements throughout the Jordan valley (5, 6, 17). Jericho started as a Neolithic village and was thought to consist of a population of over 500 in ca. 9600 BCE. Within a few hundred years, however, it had grown to more than 70 dwellings and a proposed population of 1000 people (18). An even earlier site was Tell Abu Hureyra, which was originally a village dated to 13,000 BCE and populated by hunter-gatherers transitioning to farming. By ca. 9500 BCE, however, this site is believed to have achieved urban status, with a population of several thousand people (17). A somewhat later site is the settlement at Mehrgarh, which is thought to date to the 8th millennium BCE (19). Located in the northwestern part of the Kachi-Bolan plain, a great alluvial expanse that merges with the Indus Valley, this site includes 46 buildings and provides the first evidence a farming economy in the northwestern part of the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent (19). Early sites have also been found in China (20), with the most archaeologically significant of these being Banpo (or Pan-p’o) (21), dated to ca. 4000 BCE (16). Situated on the eastern bank of a tributary of the Yellow River, Banpo covered approximately two and a half acres and consisted of several houses of two distinct types, grouped around a large rectangular building thought to be a clan building or a communal lodge. In addition to the town, the site includes a cemetery and six pottery kilns of various forms (21). One of the largest of such investigated sites is the southern Anatolia settlement of Çatal Hüyük, dated 6300-5400 BCE. This site is roughly four times the size of Jericho with a population that has been conservatively estimated at 5000-7000 people, quite possibly more. The enlarged size of such settlements now permitted an increase in the subdivision of labor which in turn favored advances in technology (9). This is supported by the quantity, quality, and variety of material found at such sites, strongly suggesting specialization of craftsmen, probably full-time (17). In the period ca. 3500-1500 BCE, some chiefdoms developed into larger, more complex civilizations based on significantly sized cities. The populations of these cities were as large as tens of thousands of people and most were ruled by kings. Civilizations based on such cities developed where there were rich natural resources for farming. This is aptly illustrated by the fact that the earliest 6 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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civilizations developed in the fertile flood plains of various great rivers: between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in Mesopotamia (~3400 BCE, Figure 3) (4, 17); in the Nile valley of Egypt (~3000 BCE); in the Indus valley of Pakistan (~2600 BCE); and in the Yellow River basin region of China (~1700 BCE) (4). Here, food surpluses were brought by farmers as taxes to the city, where they were stored and then reissued to the people of the city (4). As the first two of these examples occur within the Fertile Crescent, this region is also often called the Cradle of Civilization.

Figure 3. Early City States of Mesopotamia.

Chemical Technology in Antiquity The use of chemical processes to manipulate matter dates deep into prehistory. The taming of fire was one of the first major milestones in human history (22) and evidence of campfires date back to at least 500,000 BCE (23). The earliest habitual use of fire, however, occurs ca. 400,000-300,000 BCE and becomes more common and well established in sites younger than 100,000 BCE (24). Of course, it should be stressed that it is generally believed that only the ability to sustain fire was known at this time, rather than the ability to purposely start fires. While the earliest use of fire was most likely as a source of heat and light (22), fire was eventually utilized to cook sources of food thus leading to the earliest form of chemical technology (Table 1). Cooking meat made it more tender and possibly tastier, but more importantly it made it safer by destroying bacteria and parasites (22, 23, 25). As diets became more diverse, cooking made food easier to digest by breaking down larger chemical species such as proteins and carbohydrates (25). 7 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Archeological evidence suggests that cooking fires began in earnest only about 300,000 BCE (24). Another significant use of chemical species was the crushing and grinding of colored minerals to produce powdered pigments (31). These pigments were used either dry or dispersed in water or oil and darker colors could be lightened by mixing them with chalk. Early uses were for cave paintings as illustrated in Figure 1, but were also used as cosmetics to color the body and face (22).

Table 1. Chronological List of Common Chemical Technologies in Antiquity Time period of origin

Volume chapters including topic

References

cooking

ca. 300,000 BCE

4

(24, 25)

mineral pigments

pre-30,000 BCE

2

(22, 26)

pottery

ca. 18,000 BCE

3

(27)

10,000-8000 BCE

4

(28)

smelting and metalworking

ca. 6000 BCE

5, 10

(22, 29–31)

cloth and fabrics

ca. 6000 BCE

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Technology

fermented beverages

(32)

4500-2000 BCE

6

(33)

organic dyes

ca. 3000 BCE

7

(31)

scented oils and perfumes

ca. 3000 BCE

8

(34)

soap

ca. 3000 BCE

9

(35)

3000-2500 BCE

10

(22, 30)

tanning hides and leather

synthetic glass

By 30,000 BCE, early mankind was well-versed in the use of fire (5) and it was some point after this that fire started being applied to various pyrotechnology beyond simple cooking. The earliest of these technologies was the development of pottery and ceramics from the firing of clays and other alumina-silicates. Such pottery dates back to ca. 18,000 BCE (27) and became the pre-dominate structural material for the next 15-20 millennia. Such pottery was particularly important for a variety of foodstuffs which could be stored, cooked, and transported in these vessels (22). With reliable vessels now available, it was only a matter of time before it was discovered that sugar-rich solutions stored too long in such containers underwent fermentation to produce alcoholic beverages. Upon consumption of these transformed solutions, early cultures found they liked the taste and the aftereffects, resulting in efforts to reproduce and refine the production of these drinks. These efforts are thought to have begun in the period of 10,000-8000 BCE and resulted in the production of a variety of drinks from mead (fermented honey), to date and palm wine, and finally beer and grape wine (22, 28). 8 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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By 6000 BCE, the ability to extract metals from their ores resulted in a second major pyrotechnology (22, 30). These efforts began with the smelting of copper to generate a new material that could be molded, drawn, hammered, and ultimately cast. This versatility of material processing resulted in a wide new range of tools, ornaments, or vessels. Copper only had one shortcoming - it was soft. This changed, however, when it was discovered that the addition of tin or zinc resulted in the harder and more durable alloys bronze and brass (22, 29). The time period characterized by the introduction of metals also began the development of a number of new chemical technologies based on organic species. These included the processing of plants to produce linen and other fabrics (32), the tanning of hides to produce leather (32, 33), the isolation of organic dyes to color fabrics (31), the production of scented oils and perfumes, and ultimately soap (35). Examples within these technologies include some of the most complex chemical processes yet known to early cultures. This period of developing organic chemistry was then bookended with the last of the major forms of pyrotechnology - synthetic glass. While natural glasses such of obsidian had been used well into prehistory, the intentional production of glass from silica sources dates to no later than 3000 BCE (30). Such glass was unlike any other material of this time period and its closest modern material analogues are the organic plastics utilized extensively today. Glass in its molten state can be poured into almost any shape and retains that shape upon cooling, making it an extremely versatile material and a good compliment to the previous structural materials of pottery and metal.

The Role of Technology in Evolving Civilizations It is a widely held belief that technology is a major determining factor in the evolution of a culture (2, 36). In fact, it is believed by some that the technological aspect of culture is fundamental, and the nature of cultural institutions derive from the way a group works together to support itself. This leads to the view-point that societal evolution is the direct result of advances in technology. In fact, in reviewing the various chemical technologies outlined above, it is hard to imagine how early cultures could have developed without many of the basic chemical technologies essentially taken for granted in the modern era (i.e. pottery, metals, etc.). As such, it is not surprising that emphasis has been placed on the concept of technological "stages" in discussions of social evolution (Stone Age, Copper Age, Iron Age, Plastic Age, etc.) (26, 37). Of course, these commonly quoted historical eras all reference technologies based on chemical processes. The importance of technology has not only been acknowledged with regard to the general evolution of culture, but also specifically in terms of the origin of civilization (2). Developments in technology made it possible for early cultures to provide for greater populations, thus allowing their culture to grow and expand. Of course, the best example of such a discovery was agriculture, which enabled mankind to increase enormously in number (38). This resulting shift from hunter-gatherer to early settlements was accompanied by a series of technological advances, at least some of which may be seen as a direct result of the changed 9 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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economy (6). As such, the origin of civilization itself was made possible by the development of agriculture. This single technological advance allowed the support of a greater number of people, resulting in an increase in the subdivision of labor and allowing classes of specialized function to develop, which led to yet further advances in technology (2, 9, 17, 38). These advances included additional critical technologies in the development of civilization, such as the discovery of pottery as a method to store and transport the products of agriculture, thus leading to further stability and avenues for further population growth. Also of significance was the development of methods of working metals and ultimately the isolation of metals via the smelting of ores, which allowed for the production of better tools. In turn, such tools serviced both growing agricultural efforts as well as the further development of new technologies. As such advancements allowed people to live together in increasingly larger numbers, it also became important that methods of documentation should be available, thus leading to the intellectual inventions of writing (Figure 4), numbers, and the beginning of calculation (38). As such, technological advances ultimately resulted in changes in the way that mankind both communicated and expressed themselves, but also how they viewed the world around them. Some have even gone so far as to claim that technology controls civilization, such that the details and variations in social organizations are relatively unimportant, except where the social organization affects technology itself (38). Others, however, have suggested that the origin of civilization can be better understood as an organizational response to certain ecological problems than as any result of technological advances (2). Even with such a view, however, it would be hard to argue that technology did not contribute to such an organizational response, particularly as important chemical technologies (pigments, pottery, leather, etc.) predate even the development of urban towns, much less formal civilization itself. If nothing else, technology can be viewed as a catalyst for the formation of civilization; that is, increasing the rate of development that may have occurred anyway (2). It has also been stressed that the relationship between technology and society is much more complex than a simple linear relationship in which new technology results in advances in society. Thus, technology charts the course of societal development, but technology itself is also a social construction and is thus influenced by the society in which it is developed (39). As such, it goes without saying that civilization has also played a role in the development of technology. In the simplest sense, it is possible to postulate that the greater the variety of raw materials and the greater the ease of transportation, the greater the potential for technological development. As such, one would expect that the more advanced a society became, the more its rate of technological advances theoretically increased. However, this was not necessarily the reality in practice.

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Figure 4. Evolution of Sumerian language from pictographs to cuneiform (A) and a cuneiform clay tablet representing the earliest form of writing, 1875-1840 BCE (B). [M.79.106.2; Courtesy of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art].

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Some have gone so far as to give technology a wider meaning that embraces both a cultural and organizational aspect beyond the underlying technical principles and see innovation as the outcome of mutual adjustments between social, cultural, and technical factors (39). This can be seen in that one of the limitations to technological evolution in antiquity seems to have been imposed by mankind itself; for certain social conditions were apparently unfavorable to further technological innovation. For example, authoritarian regimes aiming at stable social conditions appear to have been those under which there was the least technological advance (40). In contrast, history has shown that periods of sudden technological evolution are often seen at a time shortly after a stable society had suffered a setback at the hands of one of its less technologically advanced neighbors. In such events, new technologies were invariably initiated via the intrusive population, which ultimately strengthened society providing at least the core of the older society was left more or less intact. In addition, the introduction of new people into a society (either as conqueror, immigrant, or slave) brought with them technologies of their own and by cross-fertilization, they were able to introduce new concepts. Ultimately, for a technology to continue to advance and develop, it required an influx of inspiration. This could often result from the presence of quite unrelated technologies from which ideas could be loaned, borrowed, or adapted (40). All in all, however, history testifies to the extreme adaptability of technological development to both societal constraints and needs (39). In the end, it is quite clear that technology and civilization are intimately intertwined, leading to the mutual evolution of both technology and society (39). No matter the conflicting views on which of the two dictate the other, we can view the relationship between technology and civilization as a continuous feedback loop. That is to say, new technology allows advances in civilization, while advances in civilization provide optimal conditions for the development of new technologies.

Conclusion Over a period of some 17,000 years, early mankind progressed from simple hunters to the formation of the world’s earliest civilizations. In the process, mankind developed a wide range of technologies, many of the most important of which utilized chemical processes, particularly in the development of new materials. While not all can agree if such technologies are responsible for the development of civilization, it cannot be argued that they most certainly played a critical role in early societies. As the region of the Fertile Crescent saw the development of many of the earliest human civilizations, it is perhaps not surprising that many of the earliest examples of chemical technology also originated within the same region.

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Acknowledgments I would like to thank the various authors that contributed to this volume, both for their individual chapters and for their feedback on this introductory discussion, as well as my students Kristine Konkol and Trent Anderson for reading various versions of this manuscript. Lastly, I want to thank Timothy Marney and Bob Hauserman at ACS Books who agreed that the histories of early chemical technologies would be of natural interest to the chemical community.

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Jones, T. B. Ancient Civilization; Rand McNally & Company: Chicago, 1960; pp 1−20. Carneiro, R. L. A Reappraisal of the Roles of Technology and Organization in the Origin of Civilization. Am. Antiq. 1974, 39, 179–186. Mithen, S. After the Ice. A Global Human History 20,000-5000 BC; Harvard University Press: Cambridge, 2004; pp 1−7. Haywood, J. The Atlas of Past Times; The Brown Reference Group plc: London, 2006; pp 15−21. Bronowski, J. The Ascent of Man; Little, Brown and Company: Boston, 1973; pp 50−79. Hodges, H. Technology in the Ancient World; Barnes & Noble Books: New York, 1992; pp 30−52. Standage, T. A History of the World in 6 Glasses; Walker & Company: New York, 2005; pp 10−15. Mithen, S. After the Ice. A Global Human History 20,000-5000 BC; Harvard University Press: Cambridge, 2004; pp 27−39. Clark, G. Primitive Man as Hunter, Fisher, Forager, and Farmer. In The Origins of Civilization; Moorey, P. R. S., Ed.; Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1979; pp 1−21. Mithen, S. After the Ice. A Global Human History 20,000-5000 BC; Harvard University Press: Cambridge, 2004; pp 77−79. Pringle, H. The Slow Birth of Agriculture. Science 1998, 282, 1446–1449. Outram, A. K.; Stear, N. A.; Bendrey, R.; Olsen, S.; Kasparov, A.; Zaibert, V.; Thorpe, N.; Evershed, R. P. The Earliest Horse Harnessing and Milking. Science 2009, 323, 1332–1335. Mithen, S. After the Ice. A Global Human History 20,000-5000 BC; Harvard University Press: Cambridge, 2004; pp 40−42. Cavalieri, D.; McGovern, P. E.; Hartl, D. L.; Mortimer, R.; Polsinelli, M. Evidence for S. cerevisiae Fermentation in Ancient Wine. J. Mol. Evol. 2003, 57, S226–S232. McGovern, P. E.; Hartung, U.; Badler, V. R.; Glusker, D. L.; Exner, L. J. The Beginnings of Winemaking and Viniculture in the Ancient Near East and Egypt. Expedition 1997, 39, 3–21. Fuller, D. Q.; Qin, L.; Harvey, E. A Critical Assessment of Early Agriculture in East Asia, with emphasis on Lower Yangtze Rice Domestication. Pragdhara 2008, 18, 17–52. 13 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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17. Mellaart, J. Early Urban Communities in the Near East, c. 9000-3400 BC. In The Origins of Civilization; Moorey, P. R. S., Ed.; Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1979; pp 22−33. 18. Mithen, S. After the Ice. A Global Human History 20,000-5000 BC; Harvard University Press: Cambridge, 2004; pp 56−61. 19. Jarrige, J.-F. Mehrgarh Neolithic. Pragdhara 2008, 18, 135–154. 20. Watson, W. The City in Ancient China. In The Origins of Civilization; Moorey, P. R. S., Ed.; Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1979; pp 54−77. 21. Haskins, J. F. Pan-po, a Chinese Neolithic Village. Artibus Asiae 1957, 20, 151–158. 22. Lambert, J. B. The 2004 Edelstein Award Address. The Deep History of Chemistry. Bull. Hist. Chem. 2005, 30, 1–9. 23. Asimov, I. Asimov’s Chronology of Science and Discovery; Harper Collins: New York, 1994; pp 6−8. 24. Shahack-Grossa, R.; Bernab, F.; Karkanasc, P.; Lemorinid, C.; Gophere, A.; Barkaie, R. Evidence for the repeated use of a central hearth at Middle Pleistocene (300 ky ago) Qesem Cave, Israel. J. Archaeol. Sci. 2014, 44, 12–21. 25. Lambert, J. B. Traces of the Past. Unraveling the Secrets of Archaeology through Chemistry; Addison Wesley: Reading, MS, 1997; pp 129−133. 26. Lambert, J. B. Traces of the Past. Unraveling the Secrets of Archaeology through Chemistry; Addison Wesley: Reading, MS, 1997; pp 76−96. 27. Lambert, J. B. Traces of the Past. Unraveling the Secrets of Archaeology through Chemistry; Addison Wesley: Reading, MS, 1997; pp 48−59. 28. Rasmussen, S. C. The Quest for Aqua Vitae. The History and Chemistry of Alcohol from Antiquity to the Middle Ages; SpringerBriefs in Molecular Science: History of Chemistry. Springer: Heidelberg, 2014; pp 1−11. 29. Bronowski, J. The Ascent of Man; Little, Brown and Company: Boston, 1973; pp 124−133. 30. Rasmussen, S. C. How Glass Changed the World. The History and Chemistry of Glass from Antiquity to the 13th Century; SpringerBriefs in Molecular Science: History of Chemistry; Springer: Heidelberg, 2012; pp 1−9. 31. Stillman, J. M., The Story of Early Chemistry; D. Appleton and Co.: New York, 1924; pp 1−77. 32. Lambert, J. B. Traces of the Past. Unraveling the Secrets of Archaeology through Chemistry; Addison Wesley: Reading, MS, 1997; pp 139−152. 33. Forbes, R. J. Studies in Ancient Technology; E. J. Brill: Leiden, 1957, Vol. V, pp 1−77. 34. Levey, M. Perfumery in ancient Babylonia. J. Chem. Educ. 1954, 31, 373–375. 35. Levey, M. The Early History of Detergent Substances. J. Chem. Educ. 1954, 31, 521–524. 36. Leacock, E. Social Stratification and Evolutionary Theory: A Symposium. Introduction. Ethnohistory 1958, 5, 193–199. 37. 100+ Years of Plastics. Leo Baekeland and Beyond; Strom, E. T.; Rasmussen, S. C., Eds.; ACS Symposium Series 1080, American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2011; pp 1−3. 14 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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38. Hoyle, F. The Place of Technology in Civilization. Eng. Sci. 1953, 16, 11–15. 39. Lee, Y. C. Science-Technology-Society or Technology-Society-Science? Insights from an Ancient Technology. Int. J. Sci. Ed. 2010, 32, 1927–1950. 40. Hodges, H. Technology in the Ancient World. Barnes & Noble Books: New York, 1992; pp 283−284.

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Chapter 2

Historic Mineral Pigments: Colorful Benchmarks of Ancient Civilizations Publication Date (Web): November 20, 2015 | doi: 10.1021/bk-2015-1211.ch002

Mary Virginia Orna* The College of New Rochelle, New Rochelle, New York 10805, United States *E-mail: [email protected]

Our ancient forebears certainly made use of pigments to color virtually everything they used or had: bodies, caves, pottery, sculpture, stone structures, clothing and other textiles. This paper will document their usage with an emphasis on mineral pigments, natural and synthetic. Modern investigations on their preparation and uses have gradually increased our awareness, and in some cases, awe, of the degree of sophistication possessed by these early civilizations.

Introduction Color usage in antiquity naturally revolves around the identification of colored materials in the various artifacts dating back to ancient times, as well as to how they were prepared and applied. Perhaps the first person to recognize the need for actual chemical analysis of ancient colors was Sir Humphry Davy (1778-1829) who, in 1815, published a paper (1) outlining his sampling, chemical analysis, and comparisons of his results with information provided by ancient Greek and Roman sources. Davy had a unique opportunity: he spent a prolonged time in Italy and was able to visit ruins in Rome, Pompeii, and Herculaneum, among other sites where colored works of art were available. He also had a good friend in the sculptor Antonio Canova (1757-1822) who was charged with the care of the works connected with ancient art in Rome. It seems that, through Canova’s good offices, Davy (Figure 1) had the freedom to sample whatever colors he wished. He then subjected the samples to chemical tests that he describes in enough detail to make the modern chemist realize how skilled he was in analysis despite the fact that he lacked any sort of the instrumentation that we heavily rely on today. © 2015 American Chemical Society In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Figure 1. Sir Humphry Davy, 1830. Engraving on wove paper (21.5 x 14.25 in.) by G. R. Newton, after a painting by Thomas Lawrence, London. Gift of Fisher Scientific International. Chemical Heritage Foundation Collections. Photograph by Gregory Tobias. In this paper, we will follow in Davy’s footsteps by examining the colors one by one, just as Davy did, but not in his exact order. We will also utilize in the process the modern instrumental means that are now at our disposal. But first, we must look at how we think about, describe, name, and classify color, how it was used in the prehistoric past, and then enter the historic past via the literature sources cited by Davy.

Color Naming and Classification De Coloribus (or On Colors), a work far ahead of its time, is a treatise attributed to Aristotle (384-322 BCE) but sometimes ascribed to Theophrastus (371-287 BCE) or Strato of Lampsacus (ca. 335-269 BCE). It is remarkable that the author was able to distinguish between what he observed as “primary” colors and various mixtures of color, that he could speak about various “strengths” and “saturations” of color, that he could observe that we never see a color in absolute 18 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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purity, that objects assume different colors under different viewing conditions, and that anything that has a color of its own may transfer that color to other things (2). The work outlines the theory that there exist primary, secondary and tertiary colors. The primary colors, or simple colors, are not mixed with any other color and consist of black, white, and “fire yellow.” Furthermore, black is the proper color of elements (i.e., air, fire, earth and water) in the process of transmutation, and that the “remaining colors” arise from blending by mixture of these primary colors. The author goes on to say that there are many arguments to prove that darkness is not a color, but merely privation of light. Since the author lacked a precise color vocabulary, as well as any kind of experimental evidence, but relied strictly on limited observations of phenomena, his conclusions were in many cases erroneous. The totality of subjects discussed in De Coloribus were (1) the simple colors, including black; (2) secondary and tertiary colors, and observations on methods; (3) causes of variety of colors; (4) coloration by tincture; (5) colors of plants; (6) colors of animals. The reason why De Coloribus had a pronounced impact on subsequent color theories and remained influential until Isaac Newton’s experiments with light refraction was the fact that it pointed to the need for a science of color, a systematic color naming protocol, and method for color classification. That same need certainly became more evident following the explosion of synthetic colors that hit the market in the late 19th century. Color Names Color, at least on the visual level, is the most obvious property an object can have. Hardly a day goes by that one does not have recourse to naming a color, and we must presume that this need goes back to the first societies and the first use of human language. The origins of the names of the colors, therefore, are shrouded in antiquity, and many of the names evolved due to other considerations. In fact, color terminology is the second most frequently studied word-field after kinship terms (3). Even awareness of the various colors differs among cultures, as Zollinger (4) has pointed out in his study of how we name colors. Berlin and Kay (5) proposed a model of color theory that, though highly criticized because the test subjects all lived in an English-speaking environment, suggests an evolution from a color awareness of only two basic color terms (black and white) to a second stage (addition of the term red) to third and fourth stages (addition of the color terms green and yellow, but sometimes in reverse order) to a fifth stage (addition of the color term blue) and beyond to brown, orange, pink, purple, and gray. This modern test is quite remarkable in that it underlines the fact that the three basic colors in all ancient cultures were indeed black, white and red! Even more remarkable is the place of blue in the study. Many people and color systems consider blue a primary color, and yet, as pointed out by Pastoureau (6), “the modest role played by blue in ancient societies and the difficulties many ancient languages have in even naming it caused many nineteenth-century researchers to wonder if the men and women of antiquity could see the color blue, or at least see it as we do [today].” Blue seemed not to have had any symbolic value nor did it seem to have played any 19 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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role in ancient rituals. Only in the mid-12th to mid-13th centuries did blue take its place with yellow and green as a tripartite system in replacing the black-white-red system of antiquity. Table 1 is an outline of the origin of the names of the spectral colors. As the need developed in art, commerce, and in many other areas, other color names were invented so that today, there are over 8,000 color names. The need to translate among color vocabularies so that their meaning is clear (7) is a daunting task since some of them are completely unintelligible to persons working in a different field. For example, for the color shade called “moderate pink,” Maerz and Paul’s general Dictionary of Color (8) lists the names almond blossom, almond, aurore, blossom, Corinthian pink, dawn, débutante pink, hermosa pink, hydrangea pink, la France pink, lilac, lilaceous, lilas, nymph pink, orient, peach blossom, pink pearl, récamier, rose Hermosa, roseleaf, sea pink, and Venetian pink, whereas the Plochere system (9) for interior decoration would describe the same color as dignity, evening haze, light mauve, mountain haze, orchid pink, rose cloud, and vesta. Given the enormous variety of descriptive terms that seem to have no relationship to the color being described, it is no wonder that modern disciplines that deal with color have resorted to other systems. Today these areas include chemistry, biology, botany, horticulture, mass market, textiles, paint and dye industries, plastics and other polymers, geology, philately, soil colors, agriculture, and medicine. Once we realize that a basic color vocabulary has to be established, we can then actually name objects on the basis of their color.

Table 1. Origin of Names of the Spectral Colors Color Name

Origin

Language

Extended Meaning/Names

Comment

Red

eruthros

Greek

Erythrocyte (red blood cell)

Russet, ruby, ruddy, rust are some derivatives; words for “red” are similar both north and south of the Alps

Orange

narangah

Sanskrit

Orange (the fruit)

Evolution of word to Persian, Arabic, and French

Yellow

ghel or gohl

Proto-IndoEuropean

Denotes both yellow and green

Evolved via many terms such as galbus (Latin). “Ghel” means “to shine or glitter” and is the origin of both the modern words “glass” and “gold”

Green

gronja, groen

West Germanic, Dutch

To grow

Emerged almost unchanged into Northern European modern languages Continued on next page.

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Table 1. (Continued). Origin of Names of the Spectral Colors

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Color Name

Origin

Language

Extended Meaning/Names

Comment

Blue

bhlewos

Proto-IndoEuropean

Yellow to pale to color of bruised skin

The word, while remaining unchanged, evolved through various meanings; “blue” as such was unknown in the ancient world

Violet

viola

Latin

From the color of the flower

Violet is a spectral color, whereas purple, often used synonymously, is a mixture of colors

Color Naming Until quite late in the 20th century, the beginning student of chemistry was encouraged to explore the physical properties of substances, chief among which were color, odor, and taste. Other properties, that required measurement rather than sensory perception, were density, crystallinity, hardness, and so forth. Color was by far the most important property perceived by the senses, and the other two sensory properties declined in importance as safety considerations came into play such that, by about 1980, absolutely no one would think of actually tasting an unknown chemical substance in order to describe it! However, we must recall that lead acetate was once called sugar of lead (because of its sugar-like appearance) and magnesium sulfate was once called bitter salt, presumably because of its taste. The ancient Romans actually used lead acetate to sweeten their fruit. The earliest “written” color terminology for objects are Egyptian hieroglyphics since copper, gold, and iron ore were certainly known by about 4000 BCE. Although the origins of many names in the languages of the ancient world are still in dispute, it is safe to say that we can deduce the Egyptian name for gold in the hieroglyphic nub, which is also the term meaning “to smelt.” The Egyptian word for silver is hetch, meaning “white,” and the term for malachite is vatch, which means “to be green (10).” Figure 2 illustrates the use of the words for gold and silver to describe a different reality, silver-gilt. Similar tendencies at colorful descriptions can be found in the Babylonian and Assyrian cultures. Sumerian cuneiform (about 700 BCE) was particularly well-suited for the identification, classification, and naming of minerals. For example, the descriptor for sapphire was “very hard blue stone,” or aZA. GÌN. AŠ. AŠ. Crosland (11) remarks that this excellent systematic nomenclature was not carried into any other language and it had no parallel until the development of the nomenclature of organic compounds in the 19th century of our own era.

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Figure 2. Hieroglyph for Gold on Silver

, i.e., Silver Gilt.

Over the centuries, color continued to be of primary importance in distinguishing various substances on the basis of shades such as light blue and pale blue, although for lack of a systematic nomenclature, as well as lack of knowledge of the nature of the substances, confusion reigned. Table 2 is a partial list of commonly known substances originally named for their color.

Table 2. Common Chemical Substances Originally Named for Their Color Ancient Name

Significance

Chemical Identity

Hematite

Bloodlike stone

Iron(III) oxide (Fe2O3)

Magnesia alba

White substance from Magnesia

Magnesium carbonate (MgCO3)

Magnesia nigra

Black substance from Magnesia

Manganese dioxide (MnO2)

Orpiment

Gold pigment

Arsenic(III) sulfide (As2S3)

Plumbum candidum

White lead

Tin (Sn)

Plumbum nigrum

Black lead

Lead (Pb)

Plumbum cinereum

Ash-colored lead

Bismuth (Bi)

Verdigris

Green of Greece

Dibasic copper(II) acetate (Cu(C2H3O2)2.2Cu(OH)2

Vermilion

Worm-colored

Red mercury(II) sulfide (HgS)

A fine overview of the use of colored substances from the Paleolithic era to the advent of synthetic organic colors is the chapter on color in Joseph B. Lambert’s “Traces of the Past (12).” For a concise yet thorough review of the physics and chemistry of color, please see “The Chemical History of Color (13).” 22 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Pigments in Antiquity

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What Are Pigments? All materials used for coloring other objects may be classified as either pigments or dyes, depending upon the method of application. Typically dyes are dissolved in a medium into which the object to be dyed is then immersed. A physical or chemical interaction between the dye and a substrate is necessary for the dye to become “anchored” in place. Pigments, on the other hand, do not react with the substrate and must be applied by first being suspended in a medium, called the vehicle, which allows the pigment to adhere to the surface. The more general term for both dyes and pigments is “colorant.” The colorants under consideration in this chapter are largely mineral colors derived from either naturally occurring rocks or other geological substances, such as ores, found in the earth, or synthesized from their appropriate starting materials. All, however, are substances generally termed “inorganic” by chemists, an adjective that applies to materials made from any element except carbon. Since none of these substances is soluble in ordinary solvents, all of them require a vehicle, sometimes called a binder or medium, in order to adhere to the surface of the object being colored. Some organic compounds are also often used as pigments, and some will be included in this discussion if they were important in antiquity. How Is “Antiquity” Defined? It is difficult to apply the criterion of chronology to the term “antiquity.” Every civilization has undergone an evolutionary trajectory from its perceived beginnings to its status as viewed from the present moment. Some civilizations are virtually contemporaneous, such as the Roman and Etruscan civilizations; others may pre-date them by many centuries, such as the Chinese and Egyptian cultures, and others may be far-removed in time such as the pre-Columbian civilizations of the Mayas and the Aztecs. What we might term “antiquity” for one, on an objective time scale, may be a period from 5,000-2,500 BCE whereas “antiquity” for another may be from 1,400-1,700 CE. Hence, the civilizations discussed in this paper may be far-removed in objective time from one another, and at the same time their technologies may be deemed to arise in “antiquity.” Use of Color in Antiquity Obviously, human activity through countless millennia was concentrated on survival. Hostile elements from weather and seismic conditions, predatory animals, other human and perhaps subhuman groups, illness, disease, accidents, lack of nutrition, food, clothing, shelter and the basic necessities of life all took their toll. It has been estimated that the average life span (discounting infant mortality) for a prehistoric human being was less than thirty years, and those who survived beyond that magic number did so minus teeth. And the magic number did not change very much even up to the time of the Roman Empire. So how do we account for the fact that puny little human beings continued in the 23 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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ascendancy seemingly against all odds? Of course, the answer is brain power, and in particular, inventiveness and adaptability with respect to the use of material objects so that virtually every material substance could contribute in some way to survival. Survival depends in large part on how well an individual or a group can control and adapt to its environment. Groups that lived in caves had a better chance than those who lived out on the open steppes. People who had fire managed better than those who did not. Those who had plentiful combustible material were more likely to survive than those who did not. In fact, archaeological evidence points to a key factor in the growth of a civilization: the hearth. The hearth was a source of warmth and protection from the elements. It was the place where food could be cooked or tools fashioned. Casting a look far into the future, we can see that the hearth was the birthplace of chemical thermodynamics, fuel chemistry, tribology, food chemistry, color chemistry, and so much more. With respect to color, Philip Ball remarks that “the chemical technology that existed for color-making in ancient times was not developed specifically for that purpose…pigment manufacture in antiquity was an offshoot of a large and thriving chemical industry that transformed raw materials into the substances needed for daily life (14).” However, observing what artifacts remain from many an ancient civilization may suggest that we take exception to Ball’s statement. Granted that color chemistry was not necessarily a “survival” technology, at least in terms of gaining more food, adequate clothing, and better shelter, then we might ask why it was so highly developed even among the ancient cave painters of tens of millennia ago. Perhaps the answer lies in a perceived mysterious world where survival depended not only on practical necessities but also on having the favor of certain spirits whose images, painted on cave walls, would allow a tribe to control the outcome of the hunt that would assure survival for another winter. See Figure 3 for an example of how Paleolithic artists worked their chemistry on the walls of Grotte Chauvet 32,000 years ago. While we cannot second-guess the motives of ancient peoples, we can certainly infer a belief structure that was a powerful force in human activity, including belief in an afterlife. Conflicting opinions on the motivations of Paleolithic artists continue to stir our imaginations (15). Our knowledge of ancient civilizations depends in large part upon what archaeologists have managed to excavate from gravesites, some of which, as everyone knows, were elaborate tombs far larger and more imposing than many a modern building. And in these tombs we have found not only the tools designed to aid the deceased in the afterlife, but images of the afterlife itself in, for example, elaborate wall paintings from the famous Etruscan tombs at Tarquinia.

24 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Figure 3. This horse study from Grotte Chauvet, France (32,000 years BP) by Thomas T. (Flickr; Creative Commons) is indicative of the ability of ancient humans to transform abstract and symbolic thinking into concrete forms.

Why Analyze Paleolithic Pigments? Human expression, no matter what the form, is intimately related to our cultural heritage. Knowledge of the identities of materials used for this expression and how they were prepared can be valuable markers of the sociological context in which they were created. The artifacts, both wall paintings and other objects found in the Paleolithic caves, can be valuable, and indeed unique, witnesses to a culture that existed long before other modes of cultural transmission, such as writing, sculpture, or architecture, were developed. The subject matter of the paintings is also a window that opens onto a long-disappeared world where extinct species such as the aurochs and mammoths roamed the plains of what we now call Europe. It is no wonder that their discovery mesmerized the world in 1900; a century later, scientists continue to be mesmerized by the unexpected discoveries they are making as they probe their composition.

25 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Publication Date (Web): November 20, 2015 | doi: 10.1021/bk-2015-1211.ch002

The Oldest Known “Color Works” – The Painted Caves of Europe The dawn of the Upper Paleolithic era can be dated to roughly 100,000 years BP when anatomically modern humans came on the scene in Europe. Sometime around 60,000 years BP, archaeologists mark what they call the Upper Paleolithic transition when new and more sophisticated stone and bone tools began to appear along with artistic expression by way of sculpture, painting, and even body painting as evidenced by the appearance of what seem to be tattoo kits. Cave and rock art began to appear at this time, the most famous of which are the painted caves of Europe. Figure 4 is a map showing the major sites of the Paleolithic caves that cluster in three areas of France: the Ardèche valley north of Marseilles, the Dordogne and Lot valleys due east of Bordeaux, and the Ariège area in the central Pyrenees around Grotte Niaux, south of Toulouse. It is in these areas, seemingly culturally connected to one another by their color-making tradition, that this astounding art form flourished for tens of thousands of years from the Aurignacian culture through the Magdalenian culture (See Table 3 for a summary of these time periods) (16). In Europe, some 200 other caves and rock shelters are known to contain art, the majority of which are in France and Spain, with other scattered sites in Italy, Romania, Portugal, Germany, Ukraine and Russia.

Figure 4. Sites of the Major Paleolithic Caves in France and Spain. Sayre, Henry M., Discovering the HumanitieS, 2nd, ©2013. Printed and electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY. 26 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Table 3. Evolution of Cultures Following the Upper Paleolithic Transition Culture

Time Period (BP)

Span

Aurignacian

34,000 – 23,000

11,000

Gravettian

28,000 – 22,000

6,000

Solutrean

19,000 – 15,000

4,000

Magdalenian

18,000 – 10,000

8,000

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Discovery of the Caves 1879 was the year that an amateur archaeologist and his 8-year old daughter stumbled upon the polychrome paintings hidden for 13,000 years in the cave of Altamira, Spain. Once their antiquity was verified (at first dated to the Magdalenian period), our perception of early human beings immediately emancipated them from their “cave man” status and conferred on them the capacities that we once considered qualities of “modern” humans: the ability to do representational art, to express creativity, to develop a sophisticated color technology, to engage in the collaborative effort necessary to carry out such tasks, and to respond to the evolutionary nature of developing technology over generations. However no one could imagine how many generations until just a few years ago: application of uranium-thorium dating techniques showed that the paintings were executed over a 20,000 year period, and furthermore, that some of them could be dated back to the Aurignacian period (17) time spans that have never been achieved by any other culture. Such figures therefore also changed our definition of “civilization.” In the early 20th century, more caves were discovered, including the spectacular Lascaux cave in 1940. Many of the caves, including Altamira and Lascaux, were open to the public for decades but now have been closed due to the alarming rate of biogenetic deterioration, rendering the caves objects of intense conservation efforts (18). It was generally agreed that several factors allowed the caves to survive intact over the centuries, viz., stable temperatures and atmospheres, but that the impact of human presence upset this balance by introducing changes to the internal climate (19). Happily, the Grotte Chauvet, discovered in 1994 after 22,000 years of concealment, stands now as a model of what can and should be done to preserve this cultural heritage. Due to its late discovery, it was never subjected to the factors that placed many of the other caves at risk. It was never opened to the public and plans right now are to keep it fully intact where all types of future research will still be possible. Conservationists are struggling to determine how to transmit and share knowledge fundamental to this site which is unique in the history of development of modern human thought (20). Over the same time period, the caves have been subjected to archaeological examination and the pigments used have been analyzed by some of the most sophisticated modern means of analysis such as Scanning Electron Microscopy (SEM), and Infrared and Raman Spectroscopy, with some very surprising results. 27 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Scientific Examination of the Caves Archaeological examinations of the caves have taken place over a period of about a century, but modern analytical techniques have only been applied in the past several decades, and those only on samples taken from the wall paintings and from the moveable artifacts found scattered throughout many of the caves. Some groups have begun to plan, and several have already carried out, in situ investigations. Early research was carried out without benefit of the methods now at the disposal of the modern chemist. Henri Moissan, 1906 Nobel laureate in chemistry for the isolation of fluorine, was among the first to carry out analyses on the paints found in the caves of Font-de-Gaume and La Mouthe in the Dordogne valley (21). He reported the presence of hematite and manganese oxide mixed together with calcite and small grains of quartz. A few years later, the Abbé Breuil and E. Cartailhac described, without experimental justification, a black pigment from the Salon Noir of Grotte de Niaux as carbon, manganese oxide, and animal fat (22). Less selective work consisted in determining the nature of the pigments found in the well-known caves of Altamira and Lascaux, where excavations have provided in sufficient quantity the tools and materials used by the artists. Beginning in 1880, the Altamira paintings were subjected to numerous optical observations in order to characterize their pigments. But the actual physico-chemical determinations did not begin until 1977 with the work of Marti and Cabrera-Garrido (23). Analyses on samples from Lascaux in 1979 by Couraud (24) and Ballet (25) revealed the nature of the colorants’ constituents (hematite, ochres, manganese oxide, and carbon), the techniques of their manufacture, and their mode of application. The systematic combination of minerals, usually quartz, has been interpreted as a deliberate action on the part of the artists to prepare the painting and the presence of an inorganic filler added to the binder for the pigment seems to have been well considered. Some samples from other cave paintings have been studied by Vandiver (26) who compared them with the material found at the base of the walls and with geological samples and found evidence of prolonged grinding of a mixture of minerals to control the color and fluidity of the paint. All of the later studies done in the 1980s demonstrate the use of different types of pigments and sometimes deliberate association with certain minerals. It seems therefore that one has to deal with paintings realized with different materials, each providing specific desired properties such as color, texture, and luster. Groups working under the auspices of the Société préhistorique française and publishing in their journal have carried out the major portion of investigations in several caves of the Ariège area during the latter part of the last century. Their work has given us a great deal of information not only about the nature and identification of the pigments used in the caves, but also of the sources of their raw materials and the technology underlying their use (27, 28). This approach led to the identification of ateliers, i.e., of socially organized groups in order to make a definite artistic product. Later researchers realized that a better understanding of the function of these groups would be helpful in clarifying the artists’ motives. Hence, they began to carry out their analyses of the colors represented in their geographical context. 28 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

These are some of their observations: • •

•

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•

• •

•

The intimate mixing of the mineral fillers and the grains of pigments testify to a long period of grinding to bring about a homogeneous mixture; The fillers were intentionally associated with different pigments with the aim of obtaining good surface adhesion and hiding power, and perhaps, in certain cases, to economize on the use of precious pigments; The mixture of pigment, finely ground charcoal, and mineral filler was absolutely never found in nature; While it is clear that this association of minerals cannot be found in nature, it is equally clear that the mixture was not a fortuitous result in the grinding stage of the pigment; The research identified three different recipes for the mineral fillers: F (feldspar), B (biotite and feldspar), and T (talc) in use in 8 of the caverns; The multiplicity of pigment recipes on the one hand, and of the fragility of some of the pigments used on the other, cannot explain the different proportions of the paint constituents; Analysis of trace minerals was able to differentiate the provenances of the raw materials: some of the materials with the same geologic nature had very different provenances.

Some Conclusions from These Examinations •

• •

The deliberate choice of the same mineral filler but taken from different sources introduces the notion of pots of paints made up from recipes scrupulously followed; The introduction of biotite brings specific improvements to a liquid paint and may point to an evolution in the method in which a paint was applied; For the Magdalenians, the passage from recipe F to recipe B can be interpreted from this model of evolution in manufacturing techniques.

As for the identities of the pigments themselves, analysis by SEM yielded the following results for five of the caves examined, as summarized in Table 4. Continuation of the work will be for the purpose of better estimating the geographic extension of a given workshop, the culture that gave rise to it, and furthermore, on the same site where several groups have been able to work, a better understanding of the evolution of their techniques could create chronological benchmarks.

29 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Table 4. Identities of Red and Black Pigments from Five Paleolithic Caves Cave

Location

Niaux

Ariège

Lascaux

Dordogne

Hematite Goethite

Oxides of Manganese Carbon

Altamira

Spain

Oxides of Iron

Oxides of Managnese Charcoal or Mineral

Quercy

Dordogne

La Vache

Ariège

Red Pigment

Black Pigment Charcoal

Oxides of Manganese (+ Ba) Charcoal Oxides of Iron + Biotite

Oxides of Manganese + Biotite

Further Work For the entire span of the 20th century – from 1902 until 1999 – examination of the materials taken from the Paleolithic caves concentrated on samples that were removed from the caves for analysis. Early techniques reported in the literature were principally X-ray and grating infrared spectroscopy, while Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy and X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy became more widely used later in the century However, since these techniques require samples of a certain size, some of them are intrinsically destructive and very few of them can be employed in situ so as to leave the original artifact intact. Cultural heritage analysis has long felt the need for techniques, particularly analytical instrumentation, which are sensitive, reliable, and non-destructive, and preferably able to be carried into the field to do in situ work, thus obviating the need for the extraction of samples from sites and artifacts. There is a body of literature building up that illustrates that one particular form of analysis – Raman microscopy – is ideal for these examinations (29, 30). Pioneered by Robin J. H. Clark, more and more archaeological scientists are using this method to obtain information on organic and inorganic compounds, but they are finding that the requirements for in situ Raman spectroscopy applied to rock art are extremely stringent: uneven surfaces, sometimes inaccessible art high up on a wall, possible instability of the instrument under difficult conditions. Nevertheless, instrument design is improving rapidly; portable models equipped with fiber optic probes are getting not only more powerful but also smaller. Figure 5 shows an example of such an instrument (31, 32). In the words of one group of researchers: “The usefulness of portable spectroscopic equipment to analyze immovable and non-easily accessible artworks have been demonstrated after characterising the valuable rock paintings of La Peña de Candamo Cave. The combined use of hand-held EDXRF and Raman has allowed (us) not only to identify the colour palette employed by the prehistoric artists but also to distinguish between different painting techniques through chemometric analyses (33).” It is not surprising then that Raman, which has been used for general purpose analysis since the 1980s, is being applied in virtually all the literature on cave art analysis that has appeared since 1999 when the first application was done 30 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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collaboratively by individuals from the Museum of Natural History (Paris) and the University of Toulouse (34). The group reported that in addition to the identification of ordinary hematite in red microsamples from each cave (located in the Lot and Dordogne valleys; see Figure 4), they were also able to distinguish a rare orange-red phase which they thought was a disordered form of goethite. They confirmed the presence of carbon in some black microsamples and recognized the presence of manganese oxide/hydroxide in some other black samples. Their work showed that Raman microscopy was powerful enough to distinguish between different red and black pigments without the use of additional complementary techniques. They also envisioned the day, which is now here, when micro fibers and remote sensors would allow for analysis to take place within the caves, thus avoiding damaging the fragile Paleolithic art.

Figure 5. A Portable Raman Spectrometer Measuring 9.1 X 7.1 X 3.8 cm. Courtesy Ocean Optics. The adaptability of portable equipment as well as the feasibility of in situ micro-Raman analyses in a cave environment was tested and reported on in a paper describing the first in situ micro-Raman spectroscopic analysis of Paleolithic art (35). The results obtained were compared with in situ XRF, and X-ray diffraction microanalyses which were performed at the same time in the cave. The authors demonstrated that a portable Raman instrument is very useful to analyze nondestructively drawings in such difficult conditions as high humidity, various wall geometries, and small amounts of material available. Their results showed that the black manganese oxides romanechite and pyrolusite were used as pigments by the Paleolithic artists. Just a few months later, another group reported on successful in situ analyses of rock art from the lower Paleolithic era in the central India Bhimbetka site (36). In another report, researchers tested and compared 3 different portable analytical systems that can be used in cave environments for detecting carbon in prehistoric paintings: (1) a very compact X-ray fluorescence (XRF) system in Villars Cave (Dordogne, France); (2) a portable micro-Raman spectrometer in Rouffignac Cave (Dordogne, France); and (3) an infrared reflectography camera 31 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

in both caves. They chose these techniques for their non-destructive capabilities: no sample had to be taken from the rock surface and no contact was made between the probes and the paintings or drawings. The object of the research was to identify the presence of carbon-based material in situ in order to do direct dating of the prehistoric paintings later on. This was accomplished by verifying the identities of the black pigments first, which were found to be manganese-based. By eliminating carbon’s presence on the images; the dating research could be centered on samples of the torch marks, enabling protection of the visual integrity of the paintings and drawings (37).

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We conclude this section with words from Guthrie (38): Paleolithic art is a silent touch from distant ancestors, their marks a reminder of our own vitality and mortality, prompter to savor our present in this ancient arena of life. Despite our sometimes muddy and bloody way of arriving, we are sisters and brothers in time and space.

Literature Sources on Pigment Usage in Antiquity While our only knowledge of pigment usage in Paleolithic art is drawn from experimental examination of the works themselves, in later times, principally in the era of the Greeks and Romans, a considerable body of literature on this subject developed. There are about a half-dozen primary sources from which we can extract our knowledge of the geographical locations of pigment raw materials, and the preparation and uses of pigments in antiquity. Theophrastus and Dioscorides represent the Greek tradition; Vitruvius and Pliny the Elder give us an insight into painting and decorative materials of ancient Rome; The Leyden X and Stockholm Papyri take us up to the third century CE in terms of chemical usage, including the use of colored materials. These sources are summarized in Table 5.

Table 5. Summary of Literature Sources on Pigment Usage in Antiquity Work

Author

Date

Origin

De Lapidibus

Theophrastus

315-314 BCE

Greece

De Architectura

Vitruvius

After 27 BCE

Rome

De Materia Medica

Dioscorides

64-77 CE

Greece/Rome

Historia Naturalis

Pliny the Elder

77-79 CE

Rome

Leyden X Papyrus

Unknown

3rd Century CE

Egypt

Stockholm Papyrus

Unknown

3rd Century CE

Egypt

32 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Theophrastus ( 371 – 287 BCE)

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Theophrastus was born in Lesbos, Greece. As successor to Aristotle (384 – 322 BCE), he led the Athens Lyceum for 35 years, greatly expanding the number of students. Although he was a prolific writer on a variety of subjects, most of his works have been lost. His two-volume work “On Plants” has earned him the title of the “Father of Botany.” No less important, at least to chemists, is his treatise De Lapidibus, “On Stones (39),” a 69-section systematic discussion of what we would now call inorganic substances, including rocks, minerals, gems, and metals, along with substances like pearl and ivory. Pliny the Elder drew upon this source for much of his Historia Naturalis, and it continued to influence natural historians up until the time of the Renaissance. Vitruvius (b. 80-70 BCE; d. after 15 BCE) Vitruvius (full name: Marcus Vitruvius Pollio) was a Roman architect and engineer. Little is known of his life. His major work, De Architectura (40), consists of ten books on all aspects of architecture including city planning. Although Book II contains some information on brick, sand, lime, and stone, it is Book VII that contains most of the material of interest to chemists regarding colored materials. In it he discusses substances such as cinnabar, quicksilver, natural and artificial colors, burnt ochre, blue, white lead, verdigris, purple, and color substitutes. Dioscorides (40-90 CE) Dioscorides (full name: Pedanius Dioscorides) lived at the time of the Emperors Nero and Vespasian. He was born near Tarsus, in Asia Minor, at that time part of the Roman Empire, and now in present-day Turkey. A learned physician, he practiced medicine as an army doctor, and saw service with the Roman legions in Greece, Italy, Asia Minor, and Provence in modern-day France. His military years provided opportunities for studying diseases, collecting and identifying medicinal plants, and discovering other healing materials. His vast experience led to the composition of De Materia Medica (41) sometime between 64 and 77 CE. Book Five, on vines and wines, contains most of the descriptions of inorganic materials that may be applied as medicinal substances. Pliny the Elder (23-79 CE) Gaius Plinius Secundus, known almost universally as Pliny the Elder, composed his monumental treatise Historia naturalis (42) late in life, and fortunately, it survived, a fate not granted to many of his other works. He was a busy Roman official who found the time to transcribe much of what was known in the ancient world in accurate and precise detail. Books XXXIII through XXXVII describe the natural history of metals, stones, precious stones, paintings and colors. 33 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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The Leyden X and Stockholm Papyri These two complementary documents, thought to be written by the same author, taken together give us an excellent view of the beginnings of chemical technology and operations during the early centuries of the Christian Era. Their great value for the history of chemistry is that they are the only original laboratory “manuals” from that period. Part of a collection of papyri purchased by a Swedish vice-consul to Egypt, they lay unnoticed until the late 19th century. The Leyden X Papyrus (43) was translated from the Greek into English in 1926, and in the following year, The Stockholm Papyrus (44) was translated as well. The Leyden document consists of 111 recipes, the last 10 of which were extracted almost verbatim from Dioscorides’ De Materia Medica. In one of its recipes (no. 90), gold and silver are designated by special characters, giving the earliest evidence of the use of symbolism in chemistry. The Stockholm document consists of 154 recipes, only 9 of which treat of metals. About 70 recipes deal with precious stones: how to imitate them or to improve the appearance of genuine ones. The remaining recipes describe the mordanting and dyeing of cloth. This document contains some code words, such as “garlic,” which is used to denote human excrement. Curiously, recipes 25 and 60 deal with the cleansing of pearls that have become dirty with use: a pearl fed to a rooster or cock [sic] will be whitened in the crop of the bird. While neither of these documents augments our knowledge of the sources, preparation and uses of inorganic pigments, they are helpful in understanding the arts of metallurgy and metals, the elemental sources of the pigments. Some Useful Secondary Sources Gettens and Stout’s Painting Materials: A Short Encyclopedia (45), originally published in 1942, is a classic in the varied activities of painting and conservation, cultural research, chemistry, physics, and paint technology. The book contains over 100 entries on pigments and inert materials arranged in alphabetical order from alizarin to zinnober green, complete with references to primary sources when available. Another source, though more restricted in scope, is Alfred Lucas’s Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries (46). Pertinent chapters in the 4th edition are IX (Glazed Ware), X (Glass), XI (Metals and Alloys) and XIV (Painting Materials). Pigments that have played a major role in the history of painting are dealt with in the four-volume handbook on artists’ pigments published by the National Gallery of Art as a continuation of a series of monographs originally published in Studies in Conservation between 1966 and 1974. Each monograph begins with an extensive history of the pigment including terminology, properties, chemical composition, sources, preparation, characterization, identification, and notable occurrences from ancient to recent times. The pigments chosen for inclusion are those that have played a major role in the history of painting and much of the information that the authors supply is based on original laboratory work and bibliographic research. Volume 1 (47) contains monographs on yellows (Indian, cobalt, cadmium, chrome, lead antimonite), whites (barium sulfate and zinc 34 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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white), reds (red lead, minium, and carmine), and green earth. Volume 2 (48) treats blues and greens (azurite, blue verditer, natural and artificial ultramarine, smalt, verdigris, copper resinate, malachite green, and green verditer), as well as lead white, lead tin-yellow, vermilion and cinnabar, and calcium carbonate whites. Volume 3 (49) covers more blues and greens (Egyptian blue, indigo, woad, Prussian blue, emerald green, Scheele’s green, and chromium oxide greens), yellows and browns (orpiment, realgar, gamboge, Vandyke brown), as well as madder, alizarin, and titanium dioxide whites. Volume 4 (50) contains valuable chapters on carbon-based pigments (Winter, J.; FitzHugh, E. W.), natural and synthetic iron oxide pigments (Helwig, K.), and asphalt (Bothe, C. I.). While many of the pigments discussed in these volumes are of more recent origin, there are many that date back to the period of our interest, so this handbook is very useful indeed.

Palette Expansion in the Ancient World In examining the cave paintings of the Paleolithic era, we recognize a limited palette of black, as well as the reds, yellows, and oranges of various hydration states of iron oxide. While some attempts at production of synthetic pigments were evident from the analytical data, they were largely brought about by the application of heat. This state of affairs persisted for tens of thousands of years until the advent of naturally occurring yellow and red pigments such as orpiment and cinnabar, the result of the development of mining. Blue and green were notably absent from the very ancient palette since they are not earth colors. However, as early as the IV Dynasty (c. 2,500 BCE), Egyptian “synthetic chemists” invented a stable blue frit, Egyptian blue, that became a staple of the Mediterranean palette until the secret of its manufacture was lost some time in the 7th century CE (51). Blue in the form of lapis lazuli (natural ultramarine) also became available through mining, although the only known source in antiquity were the caves of the remote Afghanistan province of Badakhshan. The blue and green compounds of copper afforded a major expansion of the palette as well, an occurrence that developed in the Mediterranean basin. Hence, in Table 6 we summarize the ancient literary sources of Vitruvius and Pliny for each of the major colors and add actual analyses of artifacts (wall paintings, paint pots, frescos, etc.) from some representative sites in the ancient Greco/Roman/ Etruscan/Egyptian world over the course of almost two centuries. The names of the pigments given in the table are those used by the authors; in the discussion of each of the pigment color groups that follows, their nature and synonyms will be elucidated. While organic colorants were undoubtedly used in the ancient world, they will be discussed in a different chapter of this volume; moreover, their absence from the analytical list is an indication of their chemical instability over the course of centuries. In the case of Humphry Davy, the analyses were done by heating, blowpipe redox reactions, and observation of changes upon addition of acids and bases; the other two more recent sets of analyses were carried out using the usual battery of spectroscopic and chromatographic tests. 35 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Table 6. Pigments Used in the Mediterranean and Middle Eastern Worlds from the Fourth Century BCE to the First Century CE

*

Vitruvius (40) (ca 27 BCE)

Pliny (42) (77-79 CE)

H. Davy (1) (1815)

Béarat (52) (1997)

Kakoulli (53) (2009)

Black/ Brown

Carbon black Charcoal Vine black

Atramentum Ivory black Fossil black Sepia (cuttlefish)

Ochres Manganese oxide Carbon black

Charcoal Bone-black Lamp-black

Charcoal Carbon black

White

Alum White clay Lead white Magnesium hydrosilicate or calcium carbonate

Alum White clay Lead white Magnesium hydrosilicate or calcium carbonate

White clay Fine chalk (calcium carbonate)

Chalk Lead white Limestone Dolomite Aragonite Diatomite

Calcium carbonate (bianco di San Giovanni)

Red/ Orange

Red ochre Burnt ceruse (minium)

Red ochre Burnt ceruse (minium) Red ochre of Sinope

Minium Red ochre Cinnabar

Minium Red ochre Burnt yellow & brown ochre

Red ochre Realgar Cinnabar

Yellow

Yellow ochre Orpiment

Yellow ochre Orpiment

Yellow ochre Orpiment Massicot?

Yellow ochre Brown ochre

Yellow ochre (goethite, jarosite, limonite mixes) Orpiment Sulfur

Green

Terre verte Malachite Verdigris

Terre verte Malachite Verdigris

Copper carbonates

Malachite Verdigris Celadonite Glauconite Chlorite

Malachite* Verdigris Celadonite Terre verte

Blue

Azurite Indigo

Azurite Indigo

Indigo Blue frit (Egyptian) Azurite?

Egyptian blue

Egyptian blue

Violet

Burnt ochres Tyrian purple

Burnt ochres Tyrian purple

Mixtures of reds and blues

Hematite

Tyrian purple Mixtures of red and blue

Found in other studies but not in the one cited here.

36 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Black and Brown Pigments

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Carbon Black Pigments Carbon black pigments may be defined as any pigment containing predominantly elemental carbon (54). Boneblack, lampblack, and charcoal black are the common forms of carbon black pigments used in antiquity. In fact, charcoal may be the first synthetic material ever produced – a possibility accomplished by Cro-Magnon people 38,000 years ago and verified by modern thermochemical equilibrium calculations: carbon is a preferred product of biomass pyrolysis at moderate temperatures (55). Pliny the Elder (Book XXXV, Chapter 25), Vitruvius (Book VII.10), and Dioscorides (Book V, 183) describe burning pitch pine or rosin to obtain a charcoal which is then ground to form a carbon black suitable as a pigment. Pliny calls this material “atramentum” when it is mixed with glue; it is resistant to smoke from fire and soot from lamps. Recent results using a variety of analytical tools such as SEM coupled with energy dispersive spectroscopy (EDS), indicate the use of carbon black pigments as writing inks at Pompeii (56) lampblack in a Pompeiian wall painting (57), wood charcoal in an Etruscan tomb (58), coal black in Roman Era wall paintings in northern Italy (59), and carbon black in a Theban necropolis in Egypt (60). Figure 6 is a photograph of a room with walls decorated almost entirely with atramentum. This was a strategy recommended by Vitruvius: a dark background will absorb the heat and make the room warmer in cold weather.

Figure 6. Triclinium (Dining Room) of the Villa of Livia, Rome, 40 BCE –3rd Century CE. National Museum of Rome – Palazzo Massimo alle Terme. Photograph by Mary Virginia Orna. 37 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

The use of crystalline graphite and other carbonaceous black pigments in prehistoric Ethiopian rock paintings were reported for the first time in 2012 (61) whereas in neighboring Eritrea, it was determined that the black pigments were derived from manganese oxides (62). Examination of rock art in the Oxtotitlán Cave, Mexico (c. 800-400 BCE) revealed exclusive use of pyrogenic carbon, specifically a mixture of charcoal and soot (63). Obviously, much more work needs to be done to discern a regional pattern in pigment usage.

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Manganese Oxide Pigments Manganese oxides have been identified on wall paintings in Paleolithic caves (27, 28 Buisson, Clottes) and more recently as dark, globlular inclusions mixed with fibrous wood charcoal (58) in Etruscan tomb paintings. Remarkably, manganese oxides have also been identified in Hopi pottery of the Pueblo area of the American Southwest dating to Neolithic times, although some time later than the European Neolithic age (64). The only stoichiometric form is that of β-MnO2, pyrolusite, with a rutile structure, but identity of the oxide or oxides in nature is confused and uncertain because nonstoichiometry is prevalent. In addition, MnO2 is not the most stable form since it decomposes to Mn2O3 at temperatures about 560 °C (65). Given the fact that the ancient artists collected the pyrolusite in nature, one might assume that the predominant form in the paintings is MnO2, but if some “hearthwork” were done, it is not unlikely that some of it could have been transformed into other oxides of manganese. Mineralogists have identified about 20 different naturally occurring manganese oxides. Two of the main families are oxides without any associated other cation, such as manganite (MnOOH), pyrolusite (MnO2), bixbyite (Mn2O3) and hausmannite (Mn3O4). A second family consists of manganese oxides enriched by other cations such as barium: romanechite (Ba2Mn5O10.xH2O), hollandite (BaMn8O16.xH2O) and todorokite [(Ba, Ca, K, Na)Mn6O12.xH2O)] are typical examples. A study of samples from Lascaux and Ekain caves by Emilie Chalmin and co-workers (66) identified a great variety of manganese oxides used singly or in mixtures, like pyrolusite, romanechite, hollandite, and todorokite. Their observations did not reveal any trace of heat treatment such as dehydration pores and/or evidence from examining characteristic crystal structure. Furthermore, two adjacent figures were not made of the same paint since the manganese oxides used had different crystal sizes and mixtures. They concluded that the figures were created from different “paint pots” coming perhaps from different deposits and executed at different times. They also concluded that in the case of Ekain, since manganese oxide use was limited to uncommon figures, that the pigment was precious or symbolic.

38 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Brown Pigments Apart from some ochres, which will be discussed later, the common lists of brown pigments mentioned in various pigment handbooks are few and the pigments described are of dubious origin and quality. A bituminous earth that might be a mixture of asphalt with lignite, or simply the syrupy petroleum-like excrescence noted in areas of the earth with seismic activity, is called “asphaltum” by Dioscorides (Book I, 99-101) and bitumen or “pissasphaltos” by Pliny (Book XXXV, 51). Gettens and Stout tell us that it would make a poor painting medium because it never dries; the dreadful state of some works by Joshua Reynolds and Albert Pinkham Ryder can attest to this property. However, this same source traces the later history of these bituminous substances in such pigments as “mummy” and Van Dyke brown, both of which were used by artists many centuries after the time period of classical antiquity. “Mummy” is precisely what it says it is. Gruesome as it may be, it consists of the ground up parts of Egyptian mummies and seemed to have been a favorite brown pigment of European artists from the late 16th century on. Van Dyke brown, also of bituminous origin, was its more benign successor. To be prescise in its definition, however, we must have recourse to the definitive description by C. I. Bothe (67), which states that it is neither a pigment nor a dye, but a color preparation containing a mixture of inorganic and organic materials, the latter being the binding medium, bitumen. Finally we come to sepia, both the name of the pigment and of its source, the cuttlefish (Sepia officinalis), called sepia (σέπια) in Greek. Dioscorides mentions both the animal and its ink (Book II, 23) but is mainly concerned with its (dubious) medicinal powers. Pliny (Book IX, 44) erroneously claims that it is an animal that has ink in its body in place of blood. Although some sources, without documentation, say that this ink was used as a writing medium from time immemorial, we cannot seem to trace it to Egypt. The oldest extant specimen of papyrus upon which there is clearly some writing dates to 2,500 BCE according to a British Museum Guide of 1896, p. 312, but the basis of the black ink was animal or vegetable charcoal mixed with gum or oil to enable spreading using a reed pen. However, there are sources from the 1st century CE that speak of the use of sepia for writing, notably the writer/poet/satirist Persius (full name: Aulus Persius Flaccus, 34-62 CE) who claims use of the “blood” of the cuttlefish (Figure 7) for ink (68) which, in dilute form, is really the brown we dub as sepia. The ink itself has a very high tinting strength: the ink from a single cuttlefish is capable of rendering a 1,000 gallon tank of water opaque in a matter of minutes. Although earlier reports on the composition of the ink described it as mainly melanin and mucus, an early 20th century analysis gives a composition of melanin (78%), calcium carbonate (10.4%), alkali metal sulfates and chlorides (2.16%), and mucins, a group of high molecular weight heavily glycosylated proteins (0.84%) (69). The impurities are normally removed in modern preparations. Although sepia is organic in nature, it is discussed here because of its appearance in Table 6.

39 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Figure 7. Line Drawing of the Cuttlefish, Sepia officinalis. The ink ejaculatory duct is at the posterior of the animal.

White Pigments Later Stone Age rock art of Southern Africa has been extensively studied and is one of the best understood prehistoric painting traditions in the world. These people seemed to prefer gypsum and calcite as their white pigments (70), whereas the palette of the Mediterranean world was slightly expanded to include other forms of calcium carbonate, white lead, and some naturally occurring white minerals.

Calcium Carbonate Whites Calcium carbonate (CaCO3) occurs naturally in a variety of forms, the most common of which is called calcite, a trigonal-rhombohedral birefringent crystalline material. It is the primary mineral in marble, and a common constituent of chalk, limestone, and other sedimentary rocks. Aragonite is one of its less stable polymorphs. Diatomite is the fossilized remains of single-celled aquatic algae of the phylum Chrysophyta, and is synonymous with chalk. Chalk deposits were laid down in various geological ages from the lower Jurassic (200 million BP) to the Cenozoic (65 million BP). From the medieval period onward, chalk has been referred to as whiting, lime white, and occasionally as bianco di san Giovanni, the slaked lime form that went into Italian frescos. Dolomite, a close relative, is calcium magnesium carbonate (CaMg(CO3)2). All varieties of calcium carbonate are lightfast, making for a very permanent pigment, stable down through the centuries until the advent of acid rain in our own time (71). In addition to the occurrences noted by the analyses in Table 6, its presence has been noted in Egyptian Fayum portraits (72) and in the Bersheh sarcophagus (73).

40 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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White Clay Clay was formed by the action of wind and water upon the earth’s surface long before human beings appeared on this earth. Clay minerals are mainly composed of three of the most abundant elements in the earth’s crust, oxygen, silicon, and aluminum. They have a sheet-like structure of mainly tetrahedrally arranged silicate and octahedrally arranged aluminate groups. The ideal clay mineral is kaolinite, Al2Si2O3(OH)4: it is pure white, very stable, and has a plasticity that is easily workable. Although it may have been used to some extent as a pigment in antiquity, it is presently much sought-after as a ceramic material (74). Figure 8 shows a schematic structure of kaolinite, which consists of a silicate layer and an aluminate layer separated by water, the ionic layer. The two outer layers can slide by one another lubricated by the water layer, much as playing cards can slip by one another. This allows the pigment to be easily applied to any surface.

Figure 8. Layers of Kaolinite.

Lead White Lead white (sometimes called white lead) is the most important of the leadbased pigments and one of the first to be synthesized artificially. It is a basic lead carbonate with the formula 2PbCO3·Pb(OH)2. Its naturally occurring form is lead carbonate, PbCO3, corresponding to the mineral cerussite, which has rarely been used as a pigment. Lead white has been prepared for centuries according to methods described in Pliny, Vitruvius, and Theophrastus. Essentially, lead sheets or plates are exposed to vinegar in a moist atmosphere of fermenting manure or tanbark (which provides the CO2) for a period of about three months. Historically, it is the most important of all the white pigments and has been mentioned in catalogs of pigments from ancient times up to the present day. In addition to the instances noted in Table 6, it has been found in 1st century CE Egyptian mummy portraits (75), in the ground layer of a Chinese polychrome terra cotta figure from the Tang dynasty (618-907 CE) (76), and in 11th century CE Chinese Buddhist polychrome sculptures (77). Numerous other notable occurrences can be found by a cursory examination of the literature. Lead white has two serious drawbacks: it is highly toxic, and it darkens to form black lead sulfide, PbS, upon exposure to sulfur-containing compounds.

41 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Iron Oxide Pigments (Ochres, Siennas, Umbers) While it would be ideal to discuss each pigment group in terms of the color it exhibits, the iron oxide pigments are a special case – they cover the entire gamut of the earth color shades. Their colors depend on three factors: the oxidation state of the iron, the degree of hydration of the compound, and structural type (78). The iron oxides and iron oxide-hydroxides are widespread in nature and have been used from ancient times as both ores and as pigments. There are three oxides of iron. Iron(II) oxide, FeO, occurs in nature as the mineral wūstite. Iron(III) oxide, Fe2O3, occurs in nature in its most stable form as hematite; it is also a polymorph in that it can exhibit several structural types, the most common and most stable of which is α-Fe2O3, with a corundum structure. Its anhydrous form is a dark purple-red or maroon; its hydrated forms, Fe2O3·nH2O, have a range of colors from red through yellow. Iron(II) iron(III) oxide, Fe3O4, is called magnetite. Both wūstite and magnetite are black; they do not have any history as pigments and are only mentioned here for completeness. The term ochre is sometimes confusing because of the variety of types: red ochre, yellow ochre, brown ochre, golden ochre, burnt ochre, etc. They are all natural earth pigments that owe their color to iron(III) oxide in either its anhydrous form or one of its hydrated forms mixed with varying amounts of silica, clay, and other impurities like magnesium carbonate, gypsum, or aluminum oxide. Their wide variations in content give rise to similarly wide variations in quality, which is why pigment deposits in the ancient world acquired local names to designate not only source, but also, in most instances, the quality of the colorant to be expected. For example, there were different kinds of red ochres from different locations around the Mediterranean: the Cappadocian, the Egyptian, the Spanish, and Lemnian. All were red iron oxides, but the Lemnian, from the isle of Lemnos, and the Cappadocian, called by the Romans rubrica Sinopica, from Sinope on the Black Sea, were the most sought-after. Yellow ochre has goethite, α-FeO(OH), as its primary component. It is the second most abundant ochre in the earth’s crust, after hematite. The siennas, raw and burnt, are varieties of yellow ochre, named after the city of Siena where one the best grades was mined from antiquity. Also consisting mainly of goethite, the raw type has a deeper tint than yellow ochre. Burnt sienna is calcined raw sienna and has a much deeper, reddish-brown hue. Brown ochre is the name given to what we now call limonite, which is another principal iron ore. Its generic formula is FeO(OH)·nH2O although the ratio of oxide to hydroxide is variable. Colors range from shades of brown through yellow. The umbers, raw and burnt, are also hydrated iron(III) oxides but contain a large proportion of manganese oxides as well, which accounts for their darker color. Some notable occurrences and variations: Not surprisingly and as previously noted, hematite was the most common pigment identified in prehistoric red paintings. For the most part, an elaborate, multi-step series of washings and grindings were used to prepare the pigment, indicating a knowledge of preparatory techniques to improve pigment quality before application (79). 42 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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In a study of originally polychrome Phoenician ivories dating from 2,800 BP using an innovative Color X-Ray Camera, traces of elements from no longer visible pigments led the researchers to postulate the use of original red (hematite, α-Fe2O3), yellow (goethite, FeOOH or maghemite, γ-Fe2O3), or black (magnetite, Fe3O4) coloration or, on the other hand, deposits of sediment (iron oxide-containing clays or ferric iron complexes). Referring to similar ivories from Assyria shown to have been colored by natural hematite allowed the authors to postulate a similar palette used by the Phoenicians (80). A rare opportunity to examine lump raw pigments from a pigment shop dating to the 2nd-4th centuries CE excavated in Rome’s Forum Boarium area allowed the researchers to gather data from the entire color spectrum of pigments used in Imperial Rome. They identified all of the red pigments from the collection as red ochre, but their diversity with respect to appearance, texture, hue, and trace element content led to the conclusion that they originated from a variety of sources (81).

Other Red, Orange, and Yellow Pigments Red Lead and Minium This colorant has been known from ancient times in both its synthetic and naturally occurring forms. Minium is the mineral that Pliny and Vitruvius call “burnt ceruse,” although Pliny also confused the name minium for cinnabar. Red lead and minium both have identical chemical formulas and crystal structure, Pb3O4, or lead tetroxide (PbO2·2PbO). The synthetic variety, red lead, is produced by roasting litharge, PbO, at temperatures above 480 °C for a few hours. Vitruvius seems to have been the first to record this process (82). There is evidence that it was produced in China and Japan; it was certainly used in China in the Han dynasty since it has been identified as an orange pigment on the 2nd century BCE Terracotta Army (83). As noted in Table 6, it was also identified by Humphry Davy on an object taken from the Baths of Titus, Rome. Another notable occurrence is on a 3rd-4th century CE Egyptian figure of a woman (84). Red lead’s use became much more widespread in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.

Vermilion and Cinnabar Since the names of this priceless red pigment from antiquity have often caused confusion, it is well to define them at the beginning. Both are mercury(II) sulfide, HgS. The term vermilion is the standard name for the synthetic variety, prepared for use as an artists’ pigment from the 8th century CE on. The term cinnabar, which is reserved for the natural mineral and its specific crystal structure, is used by mineralogists and crystallographers (85). The origins of these names deserve some explanation (86): 43 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Vermilion was formerly known as vermiculus, cinnabaris, cenobrium and minium; the last name is now appropriated to red lead. Vermilion and vermiculus are derived from the Latin vermes, a name originally designating the kermes insect found in the ilex or evergreen oak and used for the preparation of a red dye. From kermes, in its turn, the words crimson and carmine are derived. The name cinnabar is supposed to be of Indian origin, and was sometimes used to designate dragon’s blood, a red resin. Theophrastus informs us that two kinds of cinnabar were known to the Greeks. One of these was undoubtedly real cinnabar (chiefly from Spain), the other was red lead. Pliny’s cinnabar or minium was true vermilion; so was the minium of Vitruvius. Obviously it is the natural material that was used in ancient times. It is the principal ore of mercury and was well-known to the Greeks prior to the 6th century BCE and to the Romans by technology transfer. Pliny states that almost the entire Roman supply came from Sisapu in Spain; the reference is probably to the famous mines at Almaden which is the most important source of mercury in the world even today. However, the slaves condemned to work there faced a slow and nasty death from heavy metal poisoning. Cinnabar’s toxic nature was well-known in antiquity. According to Vitruvius, cinnabar was prepared by crushing lumps of dry ore in a mortar and the powder was then repeatedly washed and heated to remove impurities. It is well-known that cinnabar darkens when exposed to the wavelengths of the high energy end of the visible spectrum. We now know that the cause of the darkening is the transformation from the red α-HgS to the black metacinnabar, α′-HgS, though the process is reversible if the cinnabar is left in the dark. For this reason, Vitruvius recommends that it be used to paint the walls of interior rooms, as indeed, was done in the case of the Roman Villa of Livia (Figure 9). The Romans just loved raw cinnabar. They painted their gladiatorial heroes with it and women made their lips more luscious by using a cinnabar-based lipstick. It was a luxury pigment (87) and only the wealthiest could afford to have entire rooms decorated with it, as is the case with the room in Figure 9, where the background color for the entire room is raw cinnabar. People of more modest means would normally use it mixed with less expensive red pigments. It has never been identified in Egyptian or Minoan paintings, but it was used extensively Etruscan tombs, the marbles of the Parthenon, and in other mural paintings and marble decorations of the Late Classical and Hellenistic period ((53), p. 51).

44 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Figure 9. Cubiculum (Bedroom) of the Villa of Livia, Rome, 40 BCE –3rd Century CE. National Museum of Rome – Palazzo Massimo alle Terme. Photograph by Mary Virginia Orna

Orpiment and Realgar The two sulfides of arsenic, yellow orpiment, As2S3, and red-orange realgar, AsS or As4S4, have a common origin and a common history. The natural minerals occur intimately mixed with one another such that, if an object is painted with realgar, yellow flecks of orpiment can often be seen throughout. Pliny called the yellow pigment auripigmentum, literally ‘gold paint,’ and this has come down to us as orpiment. Pliny called realgar sandarach, but its modern name is derived from the Arabic Rahj al ghār, or “powder of the mines.” Both compounds have been known from earliest antiquity, but seems that not much use was made of them for pigments. They were important as both medicines and as poisons. They have been found in lumps and cakes in tombs and remains of palaces in Mesopotamia (88). Kakoulli ((53), p. 51) reports that realgar is rarely found in paintings in the Mediterranean area. It has only been identified in some of the Egyptian paintings of the Dynastic period and on the marble throne of the tomb of Eurydice in Vergina. On the other hand, orpiment was a common pigment used in Egyptian Dynastic painting, suggesting a local influence on Hellenistic paintings in Egypt ((53), p. 54)

45 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Massicot

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Massicot and litharge are names that have been used for the yellow lead monoxide, PbO. The differ in crystal structure: litharge is tetragonal while massicot is orthorhombic. Therefore, they are not synonymous; they are derived from different sources and have slightly different properties. As a powder, massicot has a soft yellow color which is not intense, but it has good hiding power. It finds use as a pigment, but litharge does not. Davy ((1), p. 105) identified it mixed with minium on a piece of stucco in the ruins near the pyramidal tomb of Caius Cestius, Rome.

Other Yellow Pigments Two yellow pigments worth noting that were never mentioned in our ancient sources are hydroniumjarosite, Fe3[SO4]2[OH]5·2H2O, and lead antimonate yellow (or Naples yellow), Pb2Sb2O7. Hydroniumjarosite, a naturally occurring mineral, seems to be associated in nature with goethite. It was identified by Siddall (89) as the main coloring component of an earth pigment from Pompeii in 2006. Lead antimonate yellow has a long history, especially regarding its use as a glaze colorant and opacifier in Egypt and Mesopotamia in the 2nd millennium BCE (90). One of the earliest artificial pigments, it also found use as a colorant and opacifier in the Roman world (91).

Green Pigments Terre Verte (including Glauconite, Celadonite, and Chlorite) Terre verte, terra verde, or green earth is the term given to several closely related siliceous minerals with greenish hues. Glauconite, also called greensand, has the formula (K,Na)(Fe3+,Al,Mg)2(Si,Al)4O10(OH)2. It is of sedimentary origin and has varyingly green, blue green, and yellow green hues. Celadonite, with the formula K(Mg,Fe2+)(Fe3+,Al)[Si4O10](OH)2, is so named from the French celadon, meaning sea green. It is of altered volcanic origin that occurs in gray green to bluish green masses. The chlorites are a group of about a dozen minerals, the most common of which is chamosite with the formula (Fe5Al)(AlSi3)O10(OH)8. All three are phyllosilicate (micaceous sandwich-like parallel silicate sheets) minerals. The ancient use of green earths is well documented (92), particularly with respect to the use of celadonite and glauconite, as also noted in Table 6. An analytic study of 80 samples of green pigment coming from various Roman sites in Switzerland and from Pompeii identified celadonite, glauconite, chlorite (as chamosite), along with malachite and verdigris (93). The study found that celadonite was the most common green pigment and that all three green earths were often applied as mixtures. 46 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Malachite Malachite, the green basic copper carbonate, CuCO3·Cu(OH)2, sometimes called chrysocolla, is usually associated in nature with azurite, the blue basic copper carbonate with the formula 2CuCO3·Cu(OH)2, though malachite is more abundant (94). It has been identified in paintings of Egyptian Middle and New Kingdoms ((46), p. 345), pigment pots from Pompeii (95), as well as in Greek tombs, Etruscan wall paintings, and in numerous other instances ((53), p. 46).

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Verdigris Verdigris, as its name implies, is a green colorant, although some of its forms are blue. While currently the term designates copper salts of acetic acid exclusively, it has been used since antiquity to indicate any corrosion product of copper, and so may have been a mixture of other salts such as chlorides or carbonates. Neutral verdigris, with the formula Cu(CH3COO)2·H2O, is a blue-green compound that readily dissolves in water to yield a green solution. Four forms of basic verdigris have been identified:

Verdigris can contain one or some of all of these forms as well as the neutral verdigris (96). While Pliny, Vitruvius, Dioscorides, and Theophrastus all discuss verdigris, what they describe is the variety of blue-green copper salts known in antiquity, including the acetates. However, it seems to have been used rarely since extensive studies of a “blanket” nature on pigments from the Greek/Roman Imperial era have not found it ((53), p. 44). However it has been identified in the painted decorations on the marbles from the Parthenon (97) and the later Roman paintings from Pompeii (98). However, the chemist, Earle R. Caley, justifies its absence on account of its unstable nature: it can spontaneously decompose over time to basic copper carbonate, a far more stable compound (99).

Egyptian Green Egyptian blue (to be discussed below) and Egyptian green seem to differ in two respects: the firing temperature range for producing the blue frit is 100 degrees less than that of the green product, and the ratio of CuO to CaO is > 1 in the blue frit, and the reverse in the green frit (100). This conclusion is confirmed by Pagès-Camagna (101), who set the presence also of parawollastonite (CaSiO3) as a marker for Egyptian green.

47 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Blue Pigments Nature has made it very hard to come by bright and stable blue pigments. Each civilization has had to struggle to produce satisfactory blues and, in some instances, to rediscover ancient technologies. Part of the problem has been alluded to earlier in this chapter. Blue is not an earth color, so one has to dig deep in order to find blue in the mountain: this is the story of lapis lazuli. Blues can be made from copper as various copper salts, many of which are fugitive and unsuitable for painting (102, 103). Or blues can be discovered as “gold” in the furnace and their synthesis can be perfected over the course of many centuries by trial and error: this is the story of Egyptian blue, and to a certain extent, of Han blue and purple. The story of this struggle to produce satisfactory blues is as much a demonstration of human ingenuity as any other groundbreaking discovery of the past. A recent work tells this intriguing story from the points of view of history, art, geography, chemical research, technological innovation and commercial necessity (104).

Egyptian Blue Recipes for the production of Egyptian blue were found on Babylonian clay tablets that can be dated to the 17th century BCE; these are the oldest technical recipes known. However, its presence was determined on artifacts that were manufactured 8 centuries earlier from the Old Kingdom (2,575-2,134 BCE) (105). Other analytical evidence shows clearly that Egyptian Blue was the staple blue pigment, and indeed in many instances the only blue pigment, of the ancient world for many thousands of years. Its stability on wall paintings was excellent, but its tinting strength was not very great. An example of its use in ancient Egypt is shown in Queen Nefertiti’s headdress (Figure 10). Egyptian blue was the subject of virtually the earliest ever archaeometric analysis, first by Jean-Antoine Chaptal (1756-1832), comte de Chanteloup, a renowned chemist, in 1809, and a few years later by Sir Humphry Davy. Chaptal, at the behest of the Empress Josephine, was given access to the treasured collection of wall paintings excavated from Pompeii (discovered in 1739) residing in the Villa Reale in Portici. He demonstrated that the blue pigment consisted of silicon dioxide, copper oxide, lime and alumina (106). He observed that the blue “seemed to be the result, not of a precipitation, but the effect of a beginning of vitrification, or rather a veritable frit (107)”. Davy ((1), pp. 106-107) describes his treatment of some large lumps of a deep blue frit found in the baths of Titus: upon applying chemical tests, he found “sulphate of soda….coloured with oxide of copper.” Egyptian blue was subjected to many further chemical tests, notably by French geologist Ferdinand André Fouqué (1828-1904) in 1889 and much later by Mike Tite and co-workers at the British Museum and Laboratory, London (108), and by Heinz Berke at the University of Zurich (109). Stoichiometrically, Egyptian blue is identical to the relatively rare blue mineral cuprorivaite, CaCuSi4O10. A mixture of lime (CaCO3), sand (SiO2) and copper in the form of a copper mineral, metallic copper, or a copper alloy, together with a flux such as K2CO3, NaCl, or Na2SO4 48 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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heated under oxidizing conditions to temperatures held between 800-900 °C for quite a few hours can produce this coveted and rather pricey material. However, the “devil is in the details:” the quantities of the reactants, the rather specialized furnaces needed to maintain the proper temperature for the proper time, and the means for the addition of oxygen had to be passed down either orally or in technical manuals from workman to workman (sometimes father to oldest son). It is no wonder that there were very few places in the ancient world where Egyptian blue manufactories were established, and that most of the rest of the world relied upon importing it.((104), pp. 8-21).

Figure 10. Bust of Queen Nefertiti (c. 1,370-1,330 BCE). Ägyptisches Museum Berlin. Photograph courtesy of Gunnar Bach Pedersen (Wikimedia Commons). Several sources discuss the impurities found in Egyptian blue: percentages of tin, lead, iron and other metals. This indicates that perhaps the copper used was in the form of alloys, particularly bronze. Some samples from a painter’s hoard in Delos contained a markedly high concentration of lead, which raises some questions. Was the lead accidentally or deliberately added? How does a high lead concentration influence the production of the pigment? Would the lead be helpful in the manufacture of the pigment either as a flux or a catalyst as is the case with Egyptian green? These questions demand further investigation ((53), p. 41). Notable occurrences of the use of Egyptian blue abound in the Mediterranean world. In addition to its already noted use in Egyptian objects from 2,500 BCE ((46), pp. 340-44), and in Greek and Roman artifacts and paint pots, some other 49 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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examples are specimens from Etruscan terracotta panels (110) and tombs (111). Figures 11 and 12 are from the Etruscan tomb sites of Cerveteri and Tarquinia, near Rome.

Figure 11. One of the thousands of tombs sculpted from volcanic tufa. Cerveteri Banditaccia Necropolis, Italy. Photograph by Mary Virginia Orna.

Figure 12. This banqueting scene in the Etruscan Tomb of the Leopard, Monterozzi Necropolis, Tarquinia, Italy (470 BCE) shows the central figure being served by a naked serving girl. The dark border of his robe is painted with Egyptian blue. Photograph by Mary Virginia Orna. 50 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Interest in the synthesis and degradation of Egyptian blue continues to this day and has become the subject of laboratory exercises in contemporary college and university classes. Students in Marseilles, France synthesize it as part of their first-year university chemistry course (112) and chemical engineering students at the Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Barcelona, study its degradation pattern with a view to possible remediation (113).

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Han Blue Han blue is an analog of Egyptian blue in which the counterion Ba2+ substitutes for Ca2+, yielding a compound with the formula BaCuSi4O10. It occurs as paint on ceramic and metal artifacts from the Han dynasty (208 BCE – 220 CE). It has also been identified in stick form from the Warring States period (475-221 BCE) (114). It can be synthesized using a starting material of barite (BaSO4) or witherite (BaCO3) and a lead supplement (as the carbonate or oxide), found to be essential, and at a firing temperature maintained within 50 °C of 900-1,000 °C for some 20 hours. For both Egyptian blue and Han blue, copper ions (in the form of CuO46-) have been identified as the chromophore. Both compounds have the same basic structure and very similar properties. They both have a stable silicate matrix in which the copper ions are tightly bound in a square planar complex, which is the key to the high stability of both pigments ((109), p. 20). Recent work suggests that the introduction of sand plays a key role in obtaining the characteristic hue of the Egyptian Blue pigment, leading to the opportunity for tuning the properties of a given chromophore by modifying the structure of the insulating lattice where it is located (115). The possibility of a technology transfer between the Western World (Egyptian blue) and the Eastern World (Han blue) seems not to be very likely. The development of these technologies required preceding evolutionary development (from approximately 1100 BCE in the case of China and 2,500 BCE in the case of the Mediterranean), suggesting parallel but independent advancement. ((109), p. 27).

Natural Ultramarine Blue (Lazurite) Artists often refer to ultramarine blue by the term “lapis,” a shortening of the name of the mineral from which it is derived, lapis lazuli. It is chemically a tectosilicate with the formula (Na,Ca)8(AlSiO4)6(S,Cl,SO4,OH)2. The proportions of aluminum, silicon, and oxygen are fixed in an aluminosilicate framework, whereas the other elements are present as ions in varying amounts. The overall structure is cagelike (chemically termed a clathrate) that can host the deep blue sulfur chromophore, S3-, a species unstable in the free state (116). “Ultramarine” is a term that literally means “beyond the sea,” and this term was apparently first used in Italy when referring to the only known source of the of the material in ancient times, the Sar-e-Sang mining area in Afghanistan’s 51 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

remote Hindu Kush, beyond the Caspian Sea. These mines, as well as the blue extracted from them, have always fascinated explorers and amateurs alike. In her delightfully-narrated pilgrimages in search of color around the world, the intrepid reporter Victoria Finlay describes her visit to Sar-e-Sang (117):

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One day many years ago somebody told me that all the true ultramarine paint in the world came from one mine in the heart of Asia. And that before it could be squeezed sparingly onto any European artist’s palette…it had journeyed in rough sacks on the backs of donkeys along the world’s ancient trade roads…[A]fter that I dreamed of a mountain with veins of blue, inhabited by men with wild eyes and black turbans, and when I woke up I knew that one day I would go there. Due to the climate, the mines can only be worked four months out of the year, and indeed, the donkeys are indispensable since the road leading to them is impassable to jeeps. It took two tries over two years for Victoria to finally arrive, hindered not only geographically, but politically. She comments: After all, part of the mystery of lapis was that although for millennia it had travelled to Europe and Egypt it was always known to come from a mythical land so far away that…[e]ven Alexander had not managed to cast his greatly acquisitive eyes on the mines when he conquered the area 2,300 years ago, and Marco Polo in 1271 had only nodded in its direction from another mountain range to the north. Since ultramarine is found embedded in lapis lazuli either as pale blue fine veins or as nuggets of good quality blue (Figure 13), it almost always has to be extracted from the mixture. While there are many methods given in artists’ handbooks, they have these features in common: one must grind the blue material to a fine powder and then disperse it into a malleable fatty paste which is then kneaded and allowed to “rest” for periods of even longer than a week. When the paste is then kneaded in a hot alkaline aqueous medium, the fine blue particles of ultramarine fall to the bottom of the liquid and are carefully collected. The colorless material and impurities remain behind in the doughy mass, which is then kneaded again and a second fraction of ultramarine is deposited. The process is repeated for a third time to produce the least desirable fraction, sometimes called “ultramarine ash (118).” The process takes advantage of the hydrophilic nature of the lazurite particles contrasted with the less hydrophilic characteristics of the other minerals from which it must be separated. Given the difficulty in obtaining the raw mineral in the first place, plus the labor-intensive extraction method to obtain the colorant, ultramarine blue was frightfully expensive, an ounce of pigment costing more than an ounce of gold in the Middle Ages. Therefore, although it was imported into the Mediterranean area for over 7,000 years, it found little use as a pigment, but rather as a semi-precious gemstone, attested to by the fact that archaeologists have found it again and again among the grave furnishings of tombs throughout the Mediterranean and Near East. The oldest published example of the use of ultramarine as a pigment is to 52 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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be found in Turkmenistan, Central Asia in the 2nd century BCE wall paintings of Mansur Depe (119). The first definitive occurrence of its use in the West is on a 2nd century CE Gallo-Roman statuette found in an excavation at Argenton-sur-Creuse, France ((104), p. 105).

Figure 13. A sample of lapis lazuli. The dark nuggets on top are examples of very fine ultramarine blue. Sar-e-Sang District, Koksha Valley, Badakhshan Province, Afghanistan. Courtesy of The Arkenstone (www.iRocks.com); Photograph by Joe Budd. When Jean-Baptiste Guimet succeeded in producing artificial ultramarine in 1828, the natural product’s hegemony was over, and prices dropped accordingly (120).

Azurite Azurite has gone by many names in the past, all of which are now considered obsolete: mountain blue, bleu d’Allemagne, azzurro della magna, Armenian blue, to name a few. It is basic copper carbonate with the formula 2CuCO3·Cu(OH)2, occurring in the upper oxidized parts of copper ore deposits along with its green counterpart, malachite, CuCO3·Cu(OH)2. It was not widely used in Egypt and other Mediterranean areas presumably because of the easy availability of Egyptian blue. Its principal source in Europe seems to have been Hungary, and it was a very important pigment in the paintings of the Far East (121). Azurite came into its own as the most important medieval blue pigment, a discussion that is beyond the scope of this endeavor. Despite the fact that it is a carbonate, it is a reasonably permanent pigment. It is sensitive to acid and darkens when exposed to sulfur vapor. 53 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Blue verditer is the name given to artificial basic copper carbonate. Recipes for its synthesis abound since the early Middle Ages since it was a less expensive alternative to natural azurite and ultramarine (102, 103).

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Maya Blue A misnomer gives credit to the Maya for the invention of this pigment although evidence of its use is found throughout Mexico and Central America. It may not properly belong in this discussion of mineral pigments since only part of it, and the colorless part at that, is inorganic. However, it is an extraordinary hybrid and, as such, deserves some discussion. Maya blue, one of the most intriguing and technologically “savvy” of the ancient pigments, came to light in the mid-1940s through its use in polychrome wall paintings at the newly uncovered site called Bonampak (Chiapas, Mexico). When information about the site was published in 1955 (122), it attracted much interest because of the remarkable permanence of its fresco paintings despite the hot humid climate in which they were immersed from, it is estimated, the 5th century CE. Figure 14 depicts King Chan Muán and his dignitaries against a blue background that became famous around the world. Once samples from this site became available, they were analyzed by X-ray diffraction, which confirmed that Maya blue was made of clay (123). However, since none of the usual metallic chromophores – copper, cobalt or iron – were detected in the samples in any appreciable amount, the paper suggested the presence of an organic dye derived from Campeche wood that forms a blue lake with aluminum and is one of the constituents of attapulgite. This hypothesis could not be confirmed experimentally, so numerous other suggestions were put forward until the true Maya blue was found to be indigo (from the Mexican indigo bush, Indigofera suffructicosa) intimately mixed with palygorskite, or other supporting clay structure such as attapulgite or sepiolite (124). The entire fascinating story is told by Delamare ((104), pp. 306-313). The greatest difficulty in determining the cause of Maya blue’s permanence was its relationship to the clay support. Was the dye bonded to the clay surface, or did it enter the channels inherent to the clay structure? Sonia Ovarlez and her coworkers finally solved the problem (125). Her group found that indigo in contact with sepiolite at temperature ranges below 130 °C behaved like pure indigo; the blue pigment formed was not true Maya blue and the reaction was reversible; the indigo remained surface adsorbed to the clay. On the other hand, upon thermal treatment in the range between 130-300 °C, the cumbersome indigo dimers and trimers separated from one another and the indigo monomers were able to enter the ion channels of the sepiolite more easily and, furthermore, indigo’s nitrogen atoms were able to bond with sepiolite’s magnesium ions to form a stable indigo/sepiolite complex. At higher temperatures (between 300 and 550 °C), the indigo carbonyl group could also bond with the sepiolite forming an even more stable complex with an even greater tinting strength. Furthermore, the sepiolite structure did not collapse at the higher temperatures because the presence of indigo in the sepiolite 54 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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nanotubes allowed it to retain its structure even up to temperatures approaching 800 °C. Figure 15 (126), graphically illustrates this structural change. In Figure 15, the top model depicts the crystal mesh of attapulgite seen along axis c. Water molecules occupy the free space in the hydrated attapulgite channels. Center: The water molecules are replaced by indigo molecules during the Maya blue formation at around 120 °C. The indigo is still only surface adsorbed. Bottom: representation of a portion of a monoclinic attapulgite nanochannel with the indigo molecules in a stable position after heating at around 150 °C. This model shows the structure of true Maya blue.

Figure 14. Bonampak, Structure 1. Procession of King Chan Muán and the notabilities of his court. C. 790 CE. Photo © 2004 Jacob Rus - Photo © 2004 Jacob Rus. Licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons. Further work by Giustetto’s group (127) has demonstrated that the nature of the host clay makes a difference in the stability of Maya blue. Since palygorskite has narrower channels than sepiolite, the indigo guest molecules can hydrogen bond to both sides of the channels, whereas the encapsulated indigo monomers can only form H-bonds to one side of sepiolite-based Maya blue, thus dramatically reducing host/guest interaction and providing a rationale for its greater fragility. Another recent paper (128) suggests that dehydroindigo, the oxidized form of indigo, penetrates more deeply into the ion channels of the clay support, protecting the indigo and leading to an explanantion of its extraordinary stability. Maya blue, considered the first-ever artificial organic-inorganic hybrid pigment, has served as a source of inspiration for the design of new hybrid materials (129). Who knows where this research will take us in the development of new host/ guest hybrid materials? The Native Americans of Meso-America hardly knew that their extraordinary discovery would both baffle and inspire scientists around the world for generations to come. 55 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Figure 15. Atomic Model of Maya Blue. Adapted from Giustetto, R.; Llabrés i Xamena, F. X.; Ricchiardi, G.; Bordiga, S.; Damin, A.; Gobetto, R.; Chierotti, M. R. J. Phys. Chem. B 2005, 109, 19360-19368. Copyright 2005 American Chemical Society.

56 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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Violet (or Purple) Pigments If it were not for the fact that a mixture of red and blue pigments can create a satisfactory violet shade, the case of violet mineral pigments would have been as exigent as that of blue pigments. However, the ancients had plenty of Egyptian blue and copper blues at hand, and plenty of cinnabar, red ochre, and hematite as well, so they produced their violet shades with ease. For example, the Roman ostrum was a mixture of red ochre and blue copper oxide (130). However, as every artist knows, the more pigments mixed together, the muddier the mix becomes, so the brightness of a mixed pigment is compromised. From Table 6, we can see that there are not many options for a mineral violet pigment. Tyrian purple, of course, is the purple or violet color derived from shellfish of the Murex and other genera, and although it is a fabulous color with a legendary history (to which Victoria Finlay (117) devotes 40 pages), it is unambiguously organic in nature and will be discussed in detail elsewhere in this volume. Furthermore, it has not been detected in any of the wall paintings analyzed. The other “violet” entry in Table 6 is burnt ochres. Raw and burnt sienna and umber are staples of the ancient palette; the burnt varieties have deeper color and one could, without a color-measuring instrument, conceivably call them “violet,” at least in a more dilute form. There is also evidence that violet was obtained by heat treatment of hematite Siddall (89). Gettens and Stout (45) list three violet mineral pigments, but none of them were available in antiquity. Ultramarine violet was developed in the 19th century by heating a mixture of ultramarine blue and ammonium chloride ((45), p. 167). Cobalt violet, also a 19th century creation, may be either cobalt phosphate, Co3(PO4)2, or arsenate, Co3(AsO4)2, or a mixture of the two ((45), p. 109). Managanese violet, reported to be manganese ammonium phosphate, (NH4)2Mn2(P2O7)2, was possibly synthesized in 1868 and found its way into the Winsor and Newton catalog in 1890 ((45), p. 128). So, where did the magnificent violet color come from that is such an astounding feature of the mosaics in Imperial Roman times, especially those found in the basilicas and tombs of Ravenna? Fortunately, the collection of antiquities in the Martin von Wagner Museum in Würzburg holds about 250 samples of mosaic glass attributable to Roman origin. Using a combination of Raman microspectroscopy and electron microprobe analysis, 12 samples were analyzed and the coloring agents in the glasses were detected as well as the composition of the glass recipes – a first for Roman mosaic glass. And the violet component in every case was found to be Mn3+ by addition of Mn2O3; in an oxidizing furnace, manganese was expected to retain its tervalency. Depending on the content of Mn2O3, but also on the thickness of the glass, various shades of purple were observed, ranging from pink to violet and to dark purple with increasing Mn2O3-concentration: pink 1.7 wt.% in; violet 2.2 wt.%; dark purple 3.6 wt.% (131). Far to the East in central China, a purple pigment called Han purple was being manufactured along with its near-relative, Han blue, by a method similar to that of Egyptian blue, but with a substituted barium counterion. Han purple has the 57 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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formula BaCuSi2O6 and can be generated in the presence of excess quartz and if a longer reaction time is maintained, although it is very difficult to obtain in the pure state, especially if ancient techniques are used. Berke ((109), pp. 18-19) has shown that pure Han purple is not purple at all, but a deep blue; its purple shade comes from varying amounts of cuprite, the red copper(I) oxide with the formula Cu2O. He ascribes the composition of “normal” Han purple to 95% Han purple and 5% Cu2O, which most closely approximates what would have been the synthetic result in antiquity, c. 1,100 BCE in the case of Han blue and purple. A notable occurrence of Han purple is its presence among the pigments used to paint the Terracotta Army found in the tomb (210 BCE) of the first Chinese Emperor Qin Shihuan (104). With Han purple, we are back to Square One: purple or violet in antiquity had to be a mixture of pigments unless it could be stabilized as Mn3+ in glass!

Properties of Pigments That Affect Their Appearance Stability The ideal pigment is chemically inert, stable to heat and light, and insoluble in its binding medium. If a pigment is even slightly soluble in a given medium, its particles tend to migrate, giving rise to a “bleed” effect which is highly undesirable unless it can be controlled. Some pigments change color when they react with a nearby substance. For example, cinnabar, HgS, darkens in the presence of lead, Pb, because of the formation of PbS, which is black. Stability can often be controlled by simply controlling the environment (132). Light-Scattering: Effect of Refractive Index An important property of a pigment is its light-scattering power. If a pigment in a paint is unable to effectively scatter the light striking it, a good deal of the light will simply travel through the paint, and the paint surface is said to be transparent. On the other hand, a high degree of light-scattering by a pigment allows only little transmittance of light. The higher the light-scattering power, the more opacity or hiding power the pigment has. The deciding factor is the difference between the pigment’s and the binder’s refractive index. Early artists learned how to control transparency and opacity by trial and error and succeeded very well. Light-Scattering: Effect of Particle Size Early artists knew very well the effect of the pigment’s particle size on the degree of saturation of its color. They naturally ground their pigments in order to apply them to a surface, but they found that the more they ground their pigments, the more the color of the pigment seemed to fade. This is because scattering power increases as particle size decreases. For example, if we take a pigment sample of malachite and crush and grade the particles for size into the ranges 40-50 micrometers (μm), 20-25 μm and 10-12 μm, as the particle size decreases the amount of light scattered increases relative to the amount of light absorbed, so 58 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

the smaller particles appear lighter in color. In fact, some pigments can only be ground very coarsely because too much grinding causes their colors to fade.

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Degree of Selective Absorption Pigments exhibit color because they selectively absorb a range of wavelengths of the visible light impinging upon them. The greater the amount of light absorbed, the more intense will be the color because the color you see is the range of wavelengths that are NOT absorbed, but reflected to your eye. The degree of selective absorption depends on the intrinsic chemical structure of the pigment and cannot be modified by any physical means. Absorbed light causes an electronic transition of the pigment from a lower to a high energy state, and it is the probability of this transition taking place that governs the intensity of the color. The pale colors of some pigments and the intense colors of other pigments are a direct result of the fact that not all transitions take place with the same probability. For example, Egyptian blue is a relatively pale color when compared with cinnabar. Our eye can tell that we are dealing with two entirely different kinds of transitions. Once the parameters of these different variables are understood, the artist can exercise a certain amount of control over his or her creation.

Conclusion Our colorful journey has taken us from the vast reaches of unrecorded time up to the “relative present” of late antiquity, i.e., approximately 1,600 years ago. In that time span we have witnessed the development of materials and techniques relative to color usage by applying a battery of observational instruments from simple physical and chemical tests to the most sophisticated spectroscopic means available today. We have seen synchronous developments across Eurasia in the preparation of colorants and ancillary substances. In the Paleolithic era, there were no quantum leaps to entirely new materials, but a gradual and steady evolution of a discipline that was communicated intergenerationally for tens of millennia. As the human population began to increase and expand, and at the same time as the glaciers of the latter Ice Age receded, great civilizations developed that had no knowledge of what had gone before, buried as the Paleolithic artifacts were by landslides in forgotten climes and places. Today, thanks to the discoveries of these caves, largely in the 20th century, we are receiving a communication from our ancient forebears through their paintings on cave walls and ceilings. Their message is the first archaeological evidence of a chemical process other than combustion and the existence of a culture that perpetuated it. Little by little, the color palette expanded. Sometime between 400 BCE and 100 CE, a large body of literature developed that, for the most part, was handed down to us to enable us to reconstruct colorant usage at and before that time. The 19th century archaeological expeditions and excavations unearthed civilization’s forgotten treasures in virtually every part of the globe. These priceless signposts to lost cultures continue to be revealed to us today. We marvel at the accomplishments 59 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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of our forebears, but let us not forget that their knowledge was hard won. It was based on empiricism and tradition, something almost unthinkable to those of us used to citing theories and applying equations to most modern problems. In fact, apart from the breakthroughs of Isaac Newton (1643-1727) and John Dalton (1766-1844), science has been driven by empiricism. Empiricism carried through to intuitive pattern recognition in the cases, for example, of the development of the periodic table and the formulation of the Rydberg equation, eventually found theoretical bases in the work of Niels Bohr (1885-1962), Albert Einstein (1879-1955), and many others in the early 20th century. Today, these theories have penetrated and informed the thought and practice not only of scientists, but also of the thinking of the public at large. Theory enables controlled and systematic practice to advance our use of materials and prime our innovative thinking at an exponential, not an intergenerational, rate. But we must never forget that we still stand on the shoulders of those persistent practitioners of the Ice Age and beyond, and it is they who enable us to see into the beyond. The practice of chemistry, as we have seen through this study of color, is ubiquitous in human societies, and it has been from the beginning of civilization. Therefore, the chemical-historical “tourist” can find material for study wherever human material culture has been well preserved. It is hoped that this comprehensive catalog of how chemistry, and in particular the use of color, has impacted human civilization from the dawn of history will give the ordinary citizen an appreciation of the civilizing influence of the chemical enterprise.

Acknowledgments The author is grateful for the assistance of the staff of the Gill Library, The College of New Rochelle, and of Dr. Marco Fontani, Department of Organic Chemistry, University of Florence.

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123. Shepard, A. O.; Gotlieb, H. B. Maya Blue: Alternative Hypothesis. Notes from a Ceramic Laboratory 1; Carnegie Institution of Washington: Washington, DC, 1962. 124. Palygorskite is a grayish-white magnesium aluminum silicate with the formula (Mg,Al)2Si4O10(OH)·4(H2O). It is named after the place in the Ural mountains where it was discovered. Attapulgite, named after the town of Attapulgus, Georgia, is a synonym. Sepiolite, another suitable host clay for indigo in the formation of Maya blue, is a grayish-white magnesium silicate with the formula Mg4Si6O15(OH)2·6H2O. It takes is name from the cuttlefish (Greek: sepion) because it resembles the porous bones of this sea creature. 125. Ovarlez, S.; Chaze, A. M.; Giulieri, F.; Delamare, F. Indigo Chemisorption in Sepiolite. Application to Maya Blue Formation. Compt. Rendu. Chim. 2006, 9, 1243–1248. 126. Giustetto, R.; Llabrés i Xamena, F. X.; Ricchiardi, G.; Bordiga, S.; Damin, A.; Gobetto, R.; Chierotti, M. R. Maya Blue: A Computational and Spectroscopic Study. J. Phys. Chem. B 2005, 109, 19360–19368. 127. Giustetto, R.; Seenivasan, K.; Bonino, F.; Ricchiardi, G.; Bordiga, S.; Chierotti, M. R.; Gobetto, R. Host/Guest Interactions in a Sepiolite-Based Maya Blue Pigment: A Spectroscopic Study. J. Phys. Chem. C 2011, 115, 16764–16776. 128. Rondão, R.; Seixas de Melo, J. S.; Bonifácio, V. D. B.; Melo, M. J. Dehydroindigo, the Forgotten Indigo and Its Contribution to the Color of Maya Blue. J. Phys. Chem. A 2010, 114, 1699–1708. 129. Dejoie, C.; Martinetto, P.; Tamura, N.; Kunz, M.; Porcher, F.; Bordat, P.; Brown, R.; Dooryhée, E.; Anne, M.; McCusker, L. B. Crystal Structure of an Indigo@Silicalite Hybrid Related to the Ancient Maya Blue Pigment. J. Phys. Chem. C 2014, 118, 28032–28042. 130. Since copper(II) oxide is black, blue copper oxide would have to be the hydroxide, which was known in antiquity. It can be prepared by mixing lye and blue vitriol, CuSO4, but it is unstable and easily reverts to the black oxide. A legacy research paper, Schenck, H. E. Blue Copper Oxide. J. Phys. Chem. 1919, 23, 283–285provided evidence that the compound could be stabilized by trace amounts of manganese, a possible impurity in ancient pigment mixes. 131. Gedzevičiūtė, V.; Welter, N.; Schüssler, U.; Weiss, C. Chemical composition and colouring agents of Roman mosaic and millefiori glass, studied by electron microprobe analysis and Raman microspectroscopy. Archaeol. Anthropol. Sci. 2009, 1, 15–29. 132. Cotte, M.; Susini, J.; Metrich, N.; Moscato, A.; Gratziu, C.; Bertagnini, A.; Pagano, M. Blackening of Pompeian Cinnabar Paintings: X-ray Microspectroscopy Analysis. Anal. Chem. 2006, 78, 7484–7492.

69 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

Chapter 3

The First Artificial Material: Ceramics from Prehistory to the Fall of Rome Publication Date (Web): November 20, 2015 | doi: 10.1021/bk-2015-1211.ch003

Nicholas Zumbulyadis* Independent Scholar, 2 Seneca Parkway, Rochester, New York 14613, United States *E-mail: [email protected]

The firing of clay is among the first chemical reactions humans intentionally used to create a new material. The earliest ceramic objects, ceremonial cult figurines from Dolni Vestonice (Czech Republic) have been dated to 28,000 B.P. The earliest utilitarian pottery are vessels from the Xianrendong cave (China), determined to be 20,000-19,000 old. The earliest ceramics from the Americas have been dated to 7,500-7,000 years ago. The archaeological record suggests that pottery was independently invented at multiple locations already by hunter-gatherers. Innovations in materials pro-cessing led to increasingly refined objects. These innovations include concepts such as using fillers to improve mechanical properties, control of reaction kinetics by particle size, carefully timed protocols for redox processes, and melting point depression by the addition of fluxes. The development of glazes, polychromy, and sophisticated kilns capable of higher temperatures and controlled kiln atmospheres will be discussed, as will the earliest chemical texts on ceramics.

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Introduction Ceramics today represent a very important class of artificial materials that are indispensable in meeting the diverse needs of a technologically complex society. Contemporary advanced applications range from biocompatible implants, to high temperature superconductors currently tested for the construction of powerful magnets, to heat and radiation resistant materials able to withstand the rigors of prolonged space travel and survive atmospheric reentry. In view of the chemical complexity of modern ceramics it is often easy to forget that ceramics can be thought of as the earliest artificial material used by humans since prehistoric times to make objects that met their practical, emotional, or transcendental needs. The history of ceramics is a vast and multifaceted subject. Archaeological and historic ceramic collections trace the evolution of human thought, reflecting our inventiveness, our aesthetic sensibilities and even our changing thoughts about Man’s place in the Universe. Trying to do justice to this vast topic in a short symposium chapter would be a fool’s errand. I have decided therefore to restrict myself to the vantage point of the chemistry historian, leaving out topics that might be of interest to the cultural anthropologist or art historian. For our purposes, the history of chemistry, broadly defined, traces the emergence of new materials and processes, and the evolution of concepts about the material world. And this is the vantage point I will primarily adopt in conjunction with the history of ceramics. Even so, I had to restrict myself to a few selected vignettes rather than attempt an exhaustive coverage of the topic. When reconstructing the development of chemical technology in prehistoric times, the chemistry historian has by definition no written records to go by and must rely on supporting evidence from archaeological chemistry. Even in historical times the records may have survived only partially if at all and may be hard to interpret. When researching more recent topics from within the period of recorded history, information can also flow the other way. The chemical historian can provide the archaeologist or art historian additional context for the interpretation of field observations or archaeometric laboratory data (1–3). In this chapter prehistoric dates determined by radiocarbon methods are given in BP (calibrated years before the present). For more precise dates during historical times the now standard convention BCE/CE has been adopted. Because of space limitations I have omitted the section on clay geochemistry included in my oral presentation. For the interested reader that might benefit from a very cursory introduction to this bewildering subject, the geochemistry portion of my Symposium talk is however posted online and and is available at ACS Presentations on Demand.

Paleolithic Ceramics and the Material Culture of Hunter-Gatherer Communities The dehydration and irreversible thermal dehydroxylation of clay are among the first chemical reactions humans intentionally used to create a new material. Our earliest evidence comes from artifacts discovered in Central Europe dating to 28,000-25,000 BP (Figure 1). The figure on the left is the very familiar Venus 72 In Chemical Technology in Antiquity; Rasmussen; ACS Symposium Series; American Chemical Society: Washington, DC, 2015.

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of Willendorf, a carved limestone figure. The ceramic figure on the right, the Venus of Dolní Věstonice from the Czech Republic resembles closely the Venus of Willendorf. The two are of similar age and signal what has been called the transition from a lithic tradition to a ceramic tradition.

Figure 1. (Left) Venus of Willendorf, discovered 1908 near Willendorf, Austria. Carved from oolithic limestone, dated to c. 28,000– 25,000 BP, H. 111 mm (4.4 in). Photography by Don Hitchcock, Wikimedia (Right) Venus of Dolní Věstonice, discovered 1925 south of Brno, Czech Republic. Fired loessic clay, dated to 29,000-25,000 BP, 111 mm by 43 mm (4.4 in by 1.7 in). Photography by Petr Novák, Wikipedia. The Dolní Věstonice site has yielded over 5000 ceramic artifacts made of local Pleistocene loess soil kneaded and shaped as moist paste, and then fired in walled structures serving as hearths or early kilns (4). The firing temperature was estimated to be 500-800 °C, in a reducing, carbon-monoxide-rich atmosphere judging by the grayish-black color of the artifacts. Impurity-initiated sintering allowed the consolidation of the clay into a ceramic object. Mostly animal and a few intact human figures but no utilitarian ceramics were recovered at this site. Table 1 gives a thumbnail sketch of ceramics from Paleolithic Europe and related sites in Northern Africa. We see that all of them are non-utilitarian artistic objects, fired at low temperatures (