Chamorro Historical Phonology

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Issue Table of Contents
Oceanic Linguistics, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Jun., 2000), pp. i-ii+1-217
Front Matter [pp. i-ii] http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/3623214?origin=JSTOR-pdf Inclusory Pronominals [pp. 1-32] http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/3623215?origin=JSTOR-pdf Siraya Reduplication [pp. 33-52] http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/3623216?origin=JSTOR-pdf Reconstructing Proto-Oceanic Stress [pp. 53-82] http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/3623217?origin=JSTOR-pdf Chamorro Historical Phonology [pp. 83-122] http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/3623218?origin=JSTOR-pdf Events in Madurese Reciprocals [pp. 123-143] http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/3623219?origin=JSTOR-pdf Phonological Variation and Sound Change in Atayal [pp. 144-156] http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/3623220?origin=JSTOR-pdf Te Reo Māori: The Past 20 Years and Looking Forward[pp. 157-169] http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/3623221?origin=JSTOR-pdf Review Article: Eight Possible Paper Topics on Chamorro and Related Languages [pp. 170-198] http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/3623222?origin=JSTOR-pdf Book Reviews

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Chamorro Historical Phonology Author(s): Robert Blust Source: Oceanic Linguistics, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Jun., 2000), pp. 83-122 Published by: University of Hawai'i Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3623218 . Accessed: 25/05/2014 14:53 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

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ChamorroHistoricalPhonology' RobertBlust UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I

oftheMarilookatthesynchronic ofthislanguage After a brief phonology areset thedetailsofitsdevelopment from Proto-Austronesian anaIslands, within andtheoriginal settleofsubgrouping Austronesian forth. Questions ment oftheseislands arealsoconsidered. 1. BACKGROUND. Onlytwoof themorethan450 Austronesian (AN) lanto the Oceanic in the Pacific do not One region belong guagesspoken subgroup. The history of theselanguagesdiffers of theseis Palauan,theotherChamorro. inMicronesia, andfromone another. fromthatofotherAN languages markedly out Each appearstohavearisenthrough migrations ofinsularSoutheast separate Asia some 3,500-4,000 yearsago.

inpassing thehistorical ofChamorro hasbeenmentioned phonology Although

by various writers(Conant 19o8, 191o; Dempwolff 1920; Dyen 1962; Dahl

atsomelength Reid,toappear)andwastreated (1940) byCostenoble I976:46ff.; no fullyadeformsas theywerethenformulated, on thebasisofreconstructed Infact,somefeatures ofChamorro historical phoquateaccounthasyetappeared. andfortition, havebeenpersistently misunderstood. suchas glideaddition nology, orsorted out ofhistorical No onehaslookedattheordering changesinChamorro, treatment ofthephonological loanvocabulary. In short, a thorough thesubstantial ofthislanguageis longoverdue. history In additionto sheddinglighton thenatureof changesthatproducedsome a carefulanalysisofthehistorical should rather results, phonology odd-looking ofChamorro. onclaimsaboutthelinguistic haveanimportant bearing position sourceofdataon the 2. SYNCHRONIC PHONOLOGY. The majorpublished is and of and lexicon Chamorro (1973), Ogo, and Topping, Topping phonology itwillbe of the historical Before Chamorro, phonology considering Dungca(I975). ofthesynchronic examine somemajorfeatures tobriefly worthwhile phonology. we conon an earlierversionof thispaper.Although I. LawrenceA. Reid providedcomments andherebyexpress fromhisremarks ofissues,I haveprofited tinueto disagreeon a number mythanksforthem. Volume39, no. I (June2000) OceanicLinguistics,

reserved. ofHawai'i Press.All rights ? byUniversity

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OCEANIC VOL.39, NO.I LINGUISTICS,

forChamorro: (1973:27)lists19consonant Topping p, t,k,'; b,d,g; phonemes ch,y,f s, h,m,n,fi,ng,1,r,andw.To thesewe canaddthelabiovelar gw,whichis a vowel,butwhichpatterns treated as a sequencegubefore likea singleconsonant.2 a wordthatappearsto A singlepossiblevelarized labialappearsinpwengi'night', from anOceanicsourcelanguage. Mostorthographic havebeenborrowed symbols havetheir values,themostnotable beingy,whichrepexpected phonetic exception ofch([ts]).In addition, t andd aresaidtobe resents [dz],thevoicedcounterpart for some but are as alveolar, pronounced postdental speakers. typically The phonemes b,d, k,andr haveno knownhistorical source,andarefound Thegreatmajority ofloanwords loanwords. derive onlyinknownorpresumed or buta smaller number various central fromSpanish, arefrom English Philippine insomecasesitis difficult topinpoint a source.Examplesof languages, although loanwords include:3 traceable bahu'bassvoice'(Spanishbajo'low'); b: babui'pig'(probably Tagalogbdboy), witha quick,sharpblow'(Cebuanodakdak'fall d: dakdak'knock,rap,strike debet'hagdownwitha bang',ora similarforminotherPhilippine languages), (Spanishdibil'weak,feeble'); gard,debilitated' kanta'sing' k: kabdn'burlapsack(Ioo pound)'(Tagalogkabdn'chest,trunk'), (Spanishcantar'tosing'); coconutsap' (Malayarak'disr: arak'distilled liquormadefromfermented tilledalcoholicliquor'(ultimately fromArabic),rum6t'rumor'(Spanishrumor report'). 'rumor, Chamorro contains ofunknown Mostofthese manyloanwords provenance. derive in from the central somemay languages Philippines, although probably of from other the or Indonesia. originate parts Philippines, Examplesinclude bachet'blind',besbes'sizzle,as frying fat',dulok'bore,stab,puncture, perforate', kilok'revolve, dumang'toothdecay',kacha' 'huska coconut;toolforhusking', disembodied rollina circle,spin',birak'ghost, demon, soul',chara'typeofplant thatgrowsnearthesea', sirek'coitus,sexualintercourse'. Initialconsonant clusters occuronlyinSpanishloans,butnativewordsallowa of medial clusters, variety geminate including stopsandnasals,as inpappa 'strip barkoffa tree,skinan animal',ormommo' 'short-eared owl'. Topping(1973:36) statesthatvoicedstops(b,d, g), affricates (ch,y),liquids(1,r), ii,andh never a singlelabio-velar 2. Topping(1973:25) pointsoutthatgw"couldwellbe considered phoneme, I havenotsuggested writesgw.The conthisas a solution."Chung(1983),however, although trastofChamorro beforeroundedvowels,whereonlyg appears. g andgwis neutralized 3. Reid (pers.comm.)suggeststhatthePhilippineloanwordsin thisset could as easilycome fromIlokanoas fromTagalogor Cebuano.However,as Schurz(1959) pointsout,theManila GalleonconnectedthePhilippines withGuamin a seriesof annualcommercial voyagesthat tookplace between1565 and 1815. Beginningin 1565 thegalleonvoyagesdepartedfrom Cebu.Starting in 1572theywereshifted to Manila(hencethename).Whileitis notimpossible thatIlokano-speaking passengersaccompaniedtheSpanishand remainedon Guam,the the is farhigherthatthegreatmajority of FilipinoswhoreachedGuamthrough probability onwardwerespeakersofTagalogandperhapsother century galleontradefromthesixteenth closelyrelatedCentralPhilippine languages.

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occurattheendofa wordinChamorro. Thisconstraint canbe generalized tothe as kahlang syllablecoda,exceptforh,whichmayoccuras coda ina fewforms, Whileglottal 'hang,suspend'.In addition, glottal stopandw neveroccurinitially. withzeroinword-initial itremains unclearfrom stopdoes notcontrast position, discussion whether itis phonetically inthisenvironment. MemTopping's present bersofthesamemorphological suchas asi'-i 'forgive' : ma-'ase''merparadigm ciful'showthata glottal form. a glottal However, stopappearsintheprefixed stop also appearsintheprefixed forms ofSpanishloanwords suchas ankla'anchor': ma-'ankla'to anchor'.BecauseSpanishlacksthisphonetic we can confeature, cludethatChamorro a glottal inserts between like vowels. automatically stop Topping(1973:I6) givessix vowelphonemes:i, e,ca,u,o, anda. Of these,a is of obscureorigin, andis notorthographically froma inthemaindicdistinguished but a addendum thegloss,as in entries, tionary onlythroughphonetic preceding atto'[a~]'hideoneself',orbabui[ae] 'pig,swine'. One otherpointshouldperhaps be made.Itis clearthattheorthographic final vowelsequences-ai, -ao,and-uiarediphthongs and as in matai -ay,-aw, -uy, orbabui(babuy)'pig'.4Ifthis (matay)'dead,corpse,die',ti'ao(ti'aw)'goatfish', is adopted,y willcometo represent twophoneticvalues,[dz] in interpretation in nonfinal and final will As be seenbelow,thecomplemenposition. position [y] tationof [dz] and[y],likethatof[gw]and[w],supports theevidenceofphonoin pointingto singlephonemeswithglideand obstruent logical alternations w as a phoneme ofChamorro, itis Although Topping allophones. (I973) includes veryrare(I havebeenunabletofindanyexamplesinTopping, Ogo,andDungca of-ai,-ao,and-uisuggested hereprovides clearexam1975).Thereinterpretation y inthestandard ples of bothw andy in finalposition.Because [dz] is written w.Howthereis no obviousreasonwhy[gw]shouldnotbe written orthography, ofdataretrievability, I havemadeonlyminimal ever,intheinterest changestothe ofmysource.Specifically, I rewrite thefinaldiphthongs as -ay,-aw, orthography as I and-uy,andthelabiovelar leave the between thereprestop gw. inconsistency thanw) untouched. sentation of[dz]as yandof[gw]as gw(rather 2.1 MAJOR PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES. The fourmajorphonologithatoperateinthesynchronic ofChamorro are:syncope; cal processes phonology and in -i. the alternation of and the suffix zero,y, gw fronting; lowering; voweldeletes,pro2.1.1 Syncope. In theenvironment VCCV, an unstressed between unaffixed surface forms of the an alternation shape(C)VCVC and ducing to a recentdebateinthisjournal(Clynes1999),Reid(pers.comm.)takesissue 4. Withreference a full forvowel+ glidesequences.Space does notpermit withmyuse oftheterm"diphthong" vowel languages,as MukahMelanau,contrast airingoftheissuehere,butsomeAustronesian are butnottheformer, sequencessuchas ay.The latter, sequencessuchas ai withvowel-glide in historicalchange.Clearlya termis neededforvowel + glide oftenmonophthongized itshould themfromsimilarsequencesoftwovowels.Moreover, sequencesthatdistinguishes thefactthatvowel+ glidesequencesarecommonly be a termthatcaptures monophthongized, whilevowel+ vowelsequencesarenot.

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oftheshapeCV-CCVCor(C)VCC-V(C):(I) atof'roof': aftaffixed counterparts : asn-e'to brackish' e 'toroof,coverwitha roof',(2) ma-'asmz saline,briny, 'salty, : be suffocate' ma-tmos 'drown, drowned', pickle,applysalt',(3) lumos'drown, ofa waveontheshore',(5) tanom ma-pta''breaking (4) puta''split,cleaveburst', 'toplantseedsorseedlings'. 'toplantseedsorseedlings': tatm-e (alsotanm-e) and withtanmeandtatme, and cross-reference tanom Dungca Ogo, Topping, with but no indication that forms and are lumos ma-tmos, provide (2), (4), (5) synrelated. Itis notclearwhynocross-reference is giveninthesecases. chronically is thatalthough theconOne possibility related, (2), (4), and(5) arehistorically thesimplex inthegrammar nection between andaffixed baseshasbeenbroken of Butifthisis true, Chamorro. thecross-references for(3) and(5) are contemporary It appearsmorelikelythatsyncoperemainsan activeprocessin inconsistent. incompiling butwasnotconsistently thedictioChamorro phonology, recognized confirms thissuspicionbydocumenting thesyncope nary.Topping(1973:55ff) ruleinexamples suchas hutu'louse':me-hto 'lotsoflice';haga' 'blood':me-hga' ma-fnot 'bloody';orfiunot: Occasionally, 'tight'. syncopedoesnotapplywhenwe wouldexpectitto,as withafok'lime':afuk-i (not**aJk-e) 'putlimeonbetelnut'. thatderived Itis noteworthy clusters ofstopsorofnasalsintheordercoronalnoncoronal tendtobechanged either metathesis orinsomeother through way,much as inTagalog,Cebuano,andcertain other where However, (Blust1979). languages all metathesizes derived coronal-noncoronal clusters of or nasals, Tagalog stops Chamorro seemstohavemorethanoneoption; compare Tagalogat4p'roof':apt-dn 'roofed' andtanim'toplant':tamn-dn 'toplanton' withChamorro metathesis inaftin but denasalization which the coronal-noncoronal order. e, tatm-e, preserves 2.1.2 Lowering.In nativeChamorro thehighvowelsi, u,andtheirmidforms, vowelcounterparts o are in theformer e, distribution, essentially complementary in open,and thelatterin closedsyllables.Thisdistribution was disoccurring of hundreds of Spanishloanwords, so thatit nowis rupted bytheintroduction moreeconomical totreat e ando as phonemes. To accountforthesefacts, Topping a ruleof vowelraisingin Chamorro thatchangesmid(1973:53ff)recognizes vowelsinfinalclosedsyllables tohighvowelswhena suffix is addedandthefinal stemsyllablebecomesopen.Although hedoesnotreserve a category for heading it(as hedoesforvowelraising), alsorecognizes vowellowTopping(1973:55ff) ofChamorro. eringas an activeprocessinthesynchronic phonology Historically itis clearthatvowellowering andvowelraising wereoneandthesameprocess: with[e] and[o] contained forms underlying onlyhighvowels,andtheruleoflowin closedsyllables, as in *qapuR> afok'lime' : afuk-i eringappliedexclusively 'putlimeonbetelnut'. In addition, a rulethatTopping as vowelharmony allows (1973:5Iff)describes midvowelsinunstressed ifthepreceding openfinalsyllables syllableis closed,as inpulu'hair':mi-+ pilu> mepplo oratof'roof':aft-e'applya roof'(where 'hairy', -eis anallomorph ofthe'referential focus'suffix -i).

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is one of themostconspicuous 2.1.3 Fronting.Vowelfronting5 phonological as itoperates acrossbothmorpheme rulesofChamorro, andwordboundaries. As a result ofthisrule,a backvowel(generally u oro) is fronted a prefix or following thatcontains a front vowel(generally i): hutu'louse' : me-htu (from*miparticle ofi ina closedsyllable)'fulloflice';puno''kill': hitu,withsyncopeandlowering 'to fly':g-in-ipu'flew';guma' pi-pino''assassin,killer,murderer'; g-um-upu 'house':i gima''thehouse';foggon'stove':nifeggon 'thestove';lagu'north': sen 'northward'. Iegu 2.1.4 Alternation of0, -yi,and -gui. Inaddition totheforegoing that processes affect in which zero alternates vowels,thereis a significant phonological process withalveolarorlabiovelar obstruents. In describing the"referential focussuffix," Topping(1973:75)notesthatthis has three thediph-ifollowing consonants, morpheme allomorphs: -guifollowing and elsewhere. There is a certain of inTop-yi thong-ao, degree inconsistency treatment of this in because his section on the sound of alternation, ping's system Chamorro he describes the onset of as an "excrescent consonant" (1973:51) -gui mention oftheonsetof-yi).Perhapswhatis neededis a recognition gw(without thatcertain oftheshape-V or-VC is added:(I) things mayhappenwhena suffix whena baseis consonant-final, thatconsonant is resyllabified as theonsetofthe finalsyllableof theaffixedword,and (2), a palatalglidewill automatically a vowel-final baseandthe-iofa suffix, andbe strengthened to developbetween 'liftfor'.In [dz].Thus:ha.naw'go': ha.na.gw-i'go for';ha.tsa'lift': ha.tsa.y-i instancessuchas these,thelinebetweensynchronic anddiachronicanalysis becomesthin.However, thereclearlyarestrong reasonsfortreating synchronic ofthesamephoneme, becausethey [w] and[gw],and[y]and[dz],as allophones arenotonlyincomplementary butalso alternate withone another. distribution, thisanalysishasbeencircumvented theartifice oftreating Traditionally, through -ay,-awas sequencesofvowels-ai,-ao. Chamorro hasa peculiarity ofcanonicalshape:although vowelsmay Finally, occurininitialandfinalposition, vowelsequencesareruledoutinnativewords. Historical information thatwillbe considered belowshowsthatthisfactandthe of the suffix are related: inpre-Chamorro, -i allomorphy intimately sequencesof likevowelsoccurred across a and these have cometo only morpheme boundary, be separated a of unlike vowels could occur within a by glottalstop.Sequences but these automatic transitional that underwent morpheme, developed glides glide all -VV-sequencesto-VCV-,as in*ia> gwiya([gwidza]) thuschanging fortition, '3SGemphatic'.

3. HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY. Withthisbriefbackground, we can now turnour attention to historical To avoid of phonology. unnecessary repetition 5. Chung(1983:44ff)callsthis"umlaut."

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changesthatare sharedby all Austronesian (AN) languagesoutsideTaiwan, Chamorro dataarecompared withProto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) reconstructionsrather thanwiththetemporally moreremote Proto-Austronesian. Thematerialthatappearsin appendixI is takenmostly fromTopping, and Ogo, Dungca fromCostenoble(1940) who,amongother (1975), withoccasionalcitations dataon thenativenumeral Formstakenfrom Costenoble things, provides system. arefollowed by(C). Thedistinction between "reflex" and"soundchange"hasnotalwaysbeenmade instudies ofthehistorical ofAustronesian Mostrefer(AN) languages. phonology inrelation encestoChamorro toreconstructed have languages simply mapped protoontotheir historical continuations without reference toprobable phonemes change a chronological ofchanges, some pathsorintermediate stages.Butwithout ordering statements ofreflexes areextremely as willbe seen.Forthisreasonthe improbable, relative ofchanges is a central feature ofthediscussion thatfollows. ordering 3.1 VOWELS. Proto-Austronesian hada four-vowel thevoweltriangle system, mid-central vowelconventionally writ(*a, *i,*u),plustheschwa,anextra-short ten*e. Thedistributional restrictions on thesevowelsarerather trivial (*i apparto*fii or*y,nor*u adjacent to*w).Bycontrast, the entlycouldnotoccuradjacent constraints on themid-central vowelweremoresignificant: *e couldnotoccurin norinitially inprepenultimate Thedevelopment of openfinalsyllables, position. thePANvowelsin Chamorro is relatively In and *a, *i, straightforward. general, *uremained while*e merged with*u. unchanged, RuleI: *e > u > tupu Examples:*Rebek> gupu'to fly',*beRas> pugas'huskedrice',*tebuh 'sugarcane',*qenay> unay'sand'. Rule I mustbe qualifiedas follows:as in VC CV; this manyotherAN languages,*e was deletedin theenvironment also affected unstressed butonly*e other, vowels, changesometimes presumably wasconsistently deleted. Rule2: *V > 0 / VC CV Because thegreatmajorityof reconstructed wordbases are disyllabic,and becausetheenvironment forthisrulewas VC CV, thedeletionof a medial vowelcouldoccuronlyintrisyllables orinaffixed forms ofdisyllabic bases.Intriled torestructuring, medialconsonant clusters syllables,itinvariably producing thatwerenotpreviously itledtosynchronic allowed,whileinaffixed disyllables andperhapsoccasionalrestructuring: alternation, (I) *qalejaw 'day' > atdaw > go'naf'fish > h-akmang 'sun',*huqenap scale',*aRemarj 'morayeel', *baqeRu 'new'> pa'go 'now,today',*taqebajg tasteless, 'insipid, lackinginsalt'> ta'pang 'rinsesaltwaterbyusingfreshwater,rinseurine,douche',*tuqelaj> to'lang 'bone'. (2) *qatep> atof'roof' : aft-e'coverwiththatch',*peRes-i> foks-e as pusfrom a wound, milkfrom ananimal, etc.',*ka-besuR 'squeezeout,express, > ha-spok(met.)'full(fromfood),satiated, > ma-ktos glutted', 'snap, *ma-getus

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> ma-pta''burst, crackopen', as string, rubber band,etc.,breakoff',*ma-betaq > tasm-e to a *saleR-i> satg-e'installa floor',*tazem-i 'sharpen point'. in(2) as affixed Ogo,andDungca(1975)marksomeoftheexamples Topping, a a roof on forms ofbases(cf.atof'roof, house',gutos'snap,break'),butothers put thanas synor tasme are rather suchasfckse, forms satge givenas underlying haspok, Itremains chronic ofbases**fugos, or derivatives **pusok/supok, **salog, **tasom. such forms have been in to be seenwhether reanalyzedas singlemorphemes orwhether theabsence ofa morpheme isa gapindocumentation. Chamorro, boundary vowelsother than*e weredeleted: > akmangaw, (3) *qali-maraw Occasionally > anti'soul,spirit, > asn-e'to crab',*qanitu atmangaw 'mangrove ghost',*qasin-i ma'te'low,oftide',*baRiuh> pakyo pickle,applysalt',*ma-qati> ma-ma'te, toreflect a secondary storm, y is assumed tropical cyclone'(where 'typhoon, glide, withlossoftheprevious catcha ride'> sahy-an 'vehicle; 'automobile, *i),*sakay-an > smallvehicle', > totng-e a fire'. 'cryfor, weepfor',*tutu13-i 'ignite *taris-i tangs-e inthehistorical thesinglemostimportant unresolved Perhaps problem phonolvowelsis theunpredictability ofconditions formedialvowel ogyoftheChamorro Theeightexamples inwhichsyncope occursforvowelsother than*e may syncope. thatsyncope wasequallylikelytoaffect givetheimpression anyvowel,butthisis nottrue. TableI showsthefrequency ofdeletion ofthefourPMPvowelsintheenvironment are I. Becauseonlytwocategories VCCV, basedonthedataofappendix in this table vs. vowel reflexes are marked (deletion nondeletion), important arequalitative "retained" evenifthere as with*talija> talanga'ear'. changes, TABLE 1. FREQUENCIES OF DELETION OF THE FOUR PMP VOWELS IN THE ENVIRONMENT VC CV VOWEL

DELETED

e

14

o

II

i

5

u

I

a

2

RETAINED

8

12

Whatis moststriking abouttableI is thecompletepredictability of schwa deletion.Thisdifference betweenschwaandothervowelsin thetendency to thatsyncopemayhavebeensensitive tostress.In manyAN landeletesuggests inthewordunlessthepenultimate vowelis schwa, guages,stressis penultimate anddeflects tothefinalsyllable whichis extrashort stress (Blust1995b).ContemChamorro has stress porary phonemic (Topping1973:41,Chung1983),bothlexical (mdhon'want,desire' : moh6n'boundary')and morphological (asdgwa offorms becausethegreatmajority However, carry 'spouse': dsagwa'tomarry'). theroleofstress contrasts indistinguishing stress, meaning penultimate appearsto nocluetotheconditions formedial-vowel andprovides be minimal, syncope. wemight askwhether couldhave In viewoftheseobservations, pre-Chamorro of that has since been lost. hada morepervasive stress largely system phonemic Therehavebeenvariousattempts inrecent stress yearstoexplainthecontrastive

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in Philippine stresscontrasts inPAN.Wolff(1991) has languagesas reflecting in someFormosanlanguagesmayhavebeen suggestedthatvowelreductions stress anditwouldbe reasonable tosuggest a similar for conditioned, explanation Chamorro. Table2 listsall knownChamorro reflexes ofPMP formsinwhicha vowelotherthan*e appearsin theenvironment VC CV. PartA includesall forms thatshowsyncope, andpartB includes thoseforms thatdo not.Ifavailable, aregiventodetermine theextent towhichstress (PPH)cognates Proto-Philippine inPhilippine withvowelsyncopeinChamorro. placement languagescorrelates Wherecontrastive stressis knownfromwitnesses inonlyonemajorPhilippine thePPHreconstruction is followed a mark. Whenwitnesses subgroup, by question inmajorPhilippine indications of as with stress, subgroups provide contradictory the form is omitted. The form crab' is 'star', *bituqen *qalim"ijaw'mangrove listedtwice,becauseitcontains twoseparate thefirst for VC_CV environments, *i,thesecondfor*a. Chamorro "wordsformed with Chung(1983:39)notesthatincontemporary arestressed on thepenultimate suffixes the whatever stress of the words syllable, fromwhichtheyarederived." Butinbroader thisruleis comparative perspective, In AN in the and atypical. many languages Taiwan, Philippines, western Indonesia, onesyllable stress shifts totheright insuffixed bases.Ifpre-Chamorro hadthestress of*tirisand*tutti3 wouldhavemaintained ofPPH,suffixed forms pattern penultimateandfinalwordstress, thisassumption forthemoment, respectively. Adopting weseethatmedialvoweldeletion inChamorro tendstocorrelate withthestress patterninPPH,butwitha number ofapparent partA showssixagreements exceptions: andtwodisagreements, andsixdisagreements.6 partB twelveagreements To summarize, theevidence foran inherited ofphonemic stressinpresystem Chamorrois suggestive butinconclusive. that Clearly,thestrongest argument medialvowelsyncopeinChamorro wasstress-related is thefactthatall 14 cases of*e intheenvironment VC CV showsyncope. Butstressshift rulesthatoperateon penultimate schwaarefoundbothinlanguages thathavepredictable stress andinlanguageswithphonemic stress. Withregard totherelative of chronology rulesI and2, itis perhaps to that assume *e > u. If the simplest syncopepreceded somephonological feature musthavecontinued todisoppositeorderis assumed, u from*e andu from*u,giventhestriking difference between thetwoin tinguish ofsyncope. Whilethisphonological feature couldhavebeenstress, there patterns is noneedtomakethisassumption ifrule2 is ordered ruleI. Evidently, all before 6.

The eight nonconformingcases are 2, 7, 21, 25, 27, 29, 30, and 31. However, in threeof these

is notavailable,andthepositionofstressmustbe determined examples,a PPHreconstruction fromreflexes inonlyone majorsubgroup, eitherCentralPhilippines or (*pa-laRfw, *ma-layti) Cordilleran infourofthesixformsthatfailto showsyncopewhereitis Moreover, (*dalikain). vowelis *a, and-although*a does deletein someforms-itis posexpected,therecalcitrant sible thatsonorityhas playeda role in thehistoryof medialvowelsyncopein Chamorro. formsin partA, anti,also Finally,it is perhapsworthnotingthatone of thenoncorrelating shows unpredictable medialvowel syncopein Malay (hantu'ghost'), and thata second formwiththeoppositevaluefordeletion:tangi(tangs-e'weepfor')existsnextto a suffixed son(< *tatis-en)'largewrasse;markings undereyessuggestthatitis crying'.

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91 TABLE2. SYNCOPE OF MEDIAL *I,*U,OR *AIN CHAMORRO IN RELATIONTO PROTO-PHILIPPINESTRESS CONTRASTS PPH

CHAMORRO

ENGLISH

PART A

I. 2.

(2ndsyll.) *qalim~a'iaw *qanitu

atmangaw anti

3. 4.

*qasin

asn-e

*ma-qati

ma'te

5. 6.

*baRidh *sakay-ain

pakyo

7. 8.

*tirjis

sahy-an tangs-e

*tutdig

totng-e

*qaipuR

afuk-i

crab mangrove ghost pickle,applysalt low,oftide typhoon vehicle cryfor,weepfor ignite,seton fire

PART B

9. 10.

I .

alileng *qalimasaw(3rd.syll.)

12.

13. 14.

? *qaninur *qabiRa

15. 16.

*qasaiwa

17. 18.

*qaisiq? *kasfli

putlimeon cateyeshell

anineng

crab mangrove pillow shadow

apaga

shoulder

asagwa

spouse salt

atmangaw alunan

asiga asi'-i (i) (h)asuli*

forgive freshwater eel

ayuyu

big-eyescad coconutcrab

fa-lagu fanihi

flee,escape fox flying

23.

ha'ani

24.

haguhi halihan

daytime sandcrab

19. 20.

(h)atulay

21.

*pa-laRiw?

22.

*paniki

25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34.

*dalikin? *ma-qasiq *ma-qasin *ma-paqft ? *ma-layli *ma-liniw *ma-tdduR

35. 36. 37. *

*talina *talisay

hearth stones

ma-'ase' (a)

merciful

ma-'asen ma-'i'ot

salty narrow

ma-la'et

bitter

ma-layu ma-linaw ma-lingu ma-tuhok

wilted calm,still(water) lost,missing

puti'on

sleepy star

sahagu

reef

talanga talisay

ear a shoretree

Blust(1989:I42) treatsthisas a cognatesetpointing toPWMP *kasuli,butgivenPMP ofborrowing. *tuna 'freshwater eel', itmaybe a product

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OCEANIC LINGUISTICS, VOL. 39, NO. I

92

is thatthepre-Chamorro schwacouldnotbear thatwecansaywithcertainty, then, thelanguagehadphonemicstressthatagreedin cognateforms stress,whether ofPhilippine ornot. withthestress contrasts languages, vocalicchangewasthelowering ofhighvowelsinclosedsyllables, Another thischangewaspurely whichpresumably followed ruleI. Atfirst, but allophonic, e ando becamephonemes. ofheavyborrowing from as a result Spanish, Rule3: *i,*u> e,o / C+,

/__C# andwillnotbe extensively havebeenseenalready, Examplesofvowellowering here:(I) In nonfinal syllables:*peRes-i> foks-e'squeezeout', supplemented *huqenap> go'naf'fishscale'. (2) In finalsyllables:*qapuR> afok'lime,birdlime,limestone (soft)',*zauq > chago' 'far,afar,distant',*pa-lulun>falulon cover infold, bywindingaroundor folding',*dalem> halom'in,into, 'wrap, inside,enter',*quRut> ugot'massagewiththefeet,usuallybywalkingon the drawin(as smoke *zebzeb> chopchop 'suck,absord, body'.(3) Inbothsyllables: > mok*demdem > homhom froma cigarette)', 'dark,dim,obscure',*muRmuR > > nosnos'cuttlefish, so'so' mok'gargle',*nusnus squid',*suqsuq 'scrapecoconutmeatfromitsshell'. inmanycasesfollowRather word-final surprisingly, highvowelsalsolowered cluster: > 'to > consonant a ing *qatep-i aft-e roof',*kamiu hamyo'youPL',*ma> ma-ma'te 'low,ofthetide',*baqeRu'new'> pa'go 'now,today', qati ma-ma'ti, *baRiuh> pakyo'typhoon', *salaR-i> satg-e'installa floor',*teken'punting > 'to tohn-e brace,support'. pole' referential focushasbothhighAs a resultofthischange,thesuffix marking as inatof'roof':aft-e'toroof',butafok'lime': vowelandmid-vowel allomorphs, duetothe afuk-i'putlimeon'.7Thefollowing examplesmayshowconditioning ina closedsyllablethatlaterbecameopenthrough orlowering consonant cluster, > mohmo 'chewfoodforbaby-feeding; h:(4) *mekmek lossofword-final sediment, > poppo'scum,powdersubstance from a decayedplant'.Forreadregs',*bukbuk *ken> hun'quotative marker' didnotundergo sonsthatremain unclear, lowering. of *u or *e ineightforms: showsunexpected front vowelreflexes Chamorro > anineng'shadow',*qanitu> anti'soul,spirit, ghost',*inum> gimen *qaninul3 > liheng'shelter', 'todrink'(?),8*ijurj> gwi'eng'nose',*lindurj *nipen> nifen > attested doublet of *butun) 'tooth',*beRiji> pwengi'night',*butugj (weakly in vowels reversed frontness values the 'a tree: asiatica'. The Barringtonia puteng to > puti'on'star'areassumedtobe duetometathesis. It is tempting of*bituqen : seen in i to the rule of vowel 'house' guma' gima' synchronic fronting appeal inthefronting ofthesevowels,butbecause 'thehouse',forexample,as a factor is unlikely. twoofthefourexamples involvelast-syllable vowels,thisexplanation but of thereferential focusmarker, 7. Topping(1975:75ff.)lists-i, -yi,and -guias allomorphs does notmention -e. is problematic. of boththe Initialg suggestsearlier*umin,withmetathesis 8. This etymology Ifso, itis thefirst vowelsandtheconsonants. syllablevowelthatshowsirregular fronting.

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in theseirregular Perhapsthepresenceof*i in an adjacentsyllablewas a factor developments. *i is reflected words:*kasili> hasuli'freshas a backvowelinthree Similarly, watereel', *dilaq> hula' 'tongue',*tian> tuyan'stomach,belly,abdomen'. of *u beingthe forthehighvowels,withfronting of frontness Thesereversals *e and *u a tofront u thatafter morecommonpattern, merged,tendency suggest withu (careful)andi (casual).Becauseof variant arose,creating pronunciations forms withinherited ofvariation, i wereoccasionally as thispattern reinterpreted fromu. Analogicalback-formation ofthiskindcouldonlyhavecontinderiving inthelanguage.At withu andi persisted ued so longas variant pronunciations thesevariations wereresolvedin favorof an somepoint,however, evidently form. invariant vocalicirregularities Additional appearin*luheq> lago' 'tears', unexplained to'a Thefirst > and > offruit'. 'ear', 'mature, talanga *tuqah examplemay *talija showmetathesis ofthevowels,becausemanyANlanguages thatotherwise distinfrom a the two before final This howschwa guish merge glottal stop. explanation, in*peReq>fugo''wring, tothedevelopment ever,is contrary squeeze'. thedistinction between a andceposesa number ofexplanatory Finally, probreflexappearin *paqit'bitter'> lems.Why,forexample,doesthefront-vowel fa'et ([ae])9'salty',*kamiu> hamyo([e]) 'you PL', or *qudarj> uhang([e]) *dalikan> halihan 'shrimp',butnotin examplessuchas ma-'ase' 'merciful', > uchan where the vocalic environment is similar? or 'rain', 'fireplace', *quzan the matter even more *laki > male' lahi'man, Or,topose directly, whydoes yield a backvowelin thefirst syllable,butlahen([e]) 'son of,manof' yielda front thisapparently vowel?Littleprogresshas beenmadetodatein understanding unconditioned phonemic split. 3.2 DIPHTHONGS. ThePMP diphthongs *-ayand*-awremained unchanged: > (h)atulay > matay 'big-eyescad',*m-atay (I) *qazay> achay'chin',*qatulay 'die,dead', *talisay> talisay'a shoretree:Terminalia catappa',*qenay> unay > akmangaw, 'sand'. (2) *paRaw> a-fagaw'hoarse',*qali-maJiaw atmangaw > > atdaw ma-linaw 'calm,still *ma-linaw crab', 'sun', *qalejaw 'day' 'mangrove (flock,herd,schoolof fish,etc.)', (water)',*buRaw> pugaw'causeto scatter *tiqaw> ti'aw'goatfish'. Twocasesshowunexpected monophthongization: *pajay>fa'i 'riceinthefield', walk'. Both of have withother > lahu these been reconstructed 'go, etyma *lakaw The fn. and *pajey(Dyen1949:421, 5), diphthongs: *lakew(Hendon1964:373ff.). a evidence be seen as distinction Chamorro therefore, initially promight, confirming is that*-eywasalso Theproblem withthisinterpretation posedon othergrounds. fn.18),butbothof and*-ewin*buRew(Dyen1953:363, in*m-atey, reconstructed in thisway,folparenthetically 9. Topping,Ogo, and Dungca(1975) showthelow front-vowel itfroma. thatdoes notdistinguish lowingformsin an orthography

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94

OCEANICLINGUISTICS, VOL. 39, NO. I

theseforms arereflected inChamorro withdiphthongs. Themonophthongization in betakenas clearevidence for*-eyand*-ew. therefore, fa'i andlahucannot, ThePMP diphthong onceas -iandonceas -u;*-iwis reflected *-uyis reflected as u in theonlydiagnostic > nangu example:(3) *hapuy> guafi'fire',*nagruy 'swim',(4) *pa-laRiw >fa-lagu'flee,escape'. In addition tothesingleexampleof*-iw,PMP *kahiw'wood,tree'underwent regularchangeto **kaiw.As in manyotherlanguages,postvocalic-iwresyllabified to -yu,producing a reflexof *-uyalso appearsinbabuy hayu.Although the consonant reflexes of this form revealitas a loanword, clearly pre([ae])'pig', from a of the central sumably language Philippines. 3.3 CONSONANTS. TheChamorro ofPMPconsonants reflexes willbe treated classes. by 3.3.1 Voiceless stops. Of thePMP voicelessstops*p, *t,*c, *k,and *q, *p lenitedtof in all positions,thepostdentalstop *tremainedunchanged,thevoiceless mergedwith*s, and *q became theglottalstopexceptin inipalatal*c apparently tial position,where it disappeared.Reflexes of *k are more problematic.In it sometimesdisappearedand nonfinalposition,*k lenitedto h, butword-finally sometimesremainedunchanged. squeeze',*punas> *p> f *pasu>fasu 'cheek',*pitu>fitu'seven',*peReq>fugo''wring, erase';*qapuR> afok'lime(forbetelchew)',*nepuq> nufo''scorfuinas'eradicate, > go'naf'fishscale'; pionfish',*qatep> atof'roof',*huqenap humanbeing',*tigtil> t-il-ingteng *t> t:*tau> tawtaw'person, 'clink, jingle',*telu> tulu 'three',*mata> mata'eye',*laijit> langet'sky'; of*c); > songsong *c > s: *cegcerJ 'stopper, plug'(onlyknownreflex *k> h: *kaRukihaguhi'sandcrab',*kima> hima'clam',*ken> hun'quotative marker', *kutu> hutu'louse'; *zakan> chahan'cookinearthoven',*paniki>fanihi'flying 'kindofparasiticplant',*teken'punting fox',*lukut> lu-luhot pole' > tohn-e'to brace,support'; > masa 'ripe,cooked',*mekmek > mohmo *k> 0: *Rebek> gupu'tofly',*ma-esak 'pre> nunu masticate foodforbabies',*nabek> napu'wave,roughwater, surf',*nuknuk > fiamu'mosquito',*bakbak> pappa 'stripoffbark', 'banyan,figtree',*fiamuk > poppo'powderfrom *bukbuk a decaying plant',*tasik> tasi'sea'; *k> k: *apak> gwafak'mat',*lubuk> lupok'deephole,crevasse',*manuk> mannok > okyok'unclearspeech',*bakbak> pakpak'burstforth with 'chicken',*ijekgrek suddenviolenceandnoise',*tuktuk 'cluck,as whena 'knock,pound,beat'> toktok hencallsherchicks'(?); *q > 0: *qalep> alof'beckon',*qipil> ifet'a tree:Intsiabijuga',*quzan> uchan'rain'; *q > ': *daqani> ha'ani'daytime', *tuqelar> to'lang'bone',*ma-qasiq> ma-'ase''mersoil'. ciful',*Rumaq> guma''house',*daReq> hago''clay;sticky 3.3.2 Voiced stops. Of thePMP voiced stops *b, *d, *z, *j, and *g, thebilabial *z underwent stop *b and alveolaraffricate devoicing.PMP *d mergedwith*k as h in nonfinalposition,butas zero word-finally-presumably throughan intermewith*q. diatestagein whichitfirstlenitedto *r-and *j felltogether

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*b > p: *baRu> pagu 'hibiscus',*biRaq> piga' 'wildtaro:Alocasiaindica',*beRas> pugas'uncookedrice',*bulan> pulan'moon';*qabu> apu 'ashes',*babaq> papa' > tupu'sugarcane'; *zebzeb> chopchop drawin, 'down,below',*tebuh 'suck,absorb, as smokefrom a cigarette', *teRab> tugap'belch'; *niRab> nigap'yesterday', *d > h: *qadiq> ahe' 'marker ofnegation',*daRaq> haga' 'blood',*danum> hanom 'freshwater',*demdem > homhom > man-hufa 'dark,dim,obscure',*depa'fathom' 'stretchoutbotharms',*duha> hugwa'two'; *ma-tuduR > ma-tuhok 'sleepy', > ngaha''lookupward', *sida> siha'3PL,they, them',*tuduq> tuho''drip, *tiijadaq > uhang'shrimp'; leak',*tudui> tuhong 'hat,headcovering', *qudajr *d > 0: *lahud'downriver, towardthesea' > lagu 'north(in GuamandRota),west(in Saipan)'; *zalan> chalan'road,path',*zuRuq> chugo' *z > ch (*z didnotoccursyllable-finally): 'sap,juice'; *qazay> achai'chin',*quzan> uchan'rain'; *j > ' (*j didnotoccursyllable-initially): *pajay> fa'i 'riceinthefield',*pija> fi'a 'how > na'an 'name',*ra-ijan> ngai'an much,howmany?',*ijuJ> gwi'mg'nose',*rJajan 'when?';*dalij> hale' 'rootofa plant, source, origin', *lalej> lalo' 'housefly', *lefiej 'sinkintosomething' > luiio''softground thatcavesinwhenonewalksonit',*tubuj source'> tupo''well',*qulej> ulo' 'worm, 'spring, caterpillar, maggot'; sound'> gonggong *g> g: *ganas> ganas 'appetite',Io 'deepresounding 'grum*gurJgulJ snarlindeeptones',*getus> gutos'snap,breakoff'. ble,growl,rumble, mumble, Nexttoa voicelessstop*gdevoiced:*ma-getus > ma-ktos rubber 'snap,as instring, band,etc.,breakoff'. It is clearthatthechange*p >f musthavepreceded*b > p, as theresultwas a shiftrather thana merger. Because word-final *b is reflected as p rather thanasf we can also be certainthatChamorrodid notundergoword-final devoicingpriorto the shiftsin question.The constraint final voiced consonants thatholdsin modagainst em Chamorromusttherefore be relatively at least thechanges*b recent, postdating > p, *d > h,and *R > g, becauseotherwise thereflexesofthesethreeprotophonemes wouldbef t,andg, respectively. The orderofthechange*k > h relativeto *d > h or of *q > 'relativeto *j > 'cannotbe determined fromtheavailableevidence. 3.3.3 Nasals. The PMP nasals *m,*n,*fi,and "13are generallyreflectedwithout changein Chamorro. *m> m : *mamis> mames'sweet',*miqmiq > me'me''urinate, urine',*-miu> miyu'your, > mokmok yours(poss.PL)', *muRmuR 'gargle,washthethroat', *m-utaq> muta' 'vomit,throwup'; *Rumaq> guma''house',*lima> lima'five',*lemes> lumos > lumot 'drown, suffocate', *lumut 'moss,lichen, seaweed',*mamaq> mama''chew > > betel',*fiamuk *danum 'mosquito';*dalem> halon'in,into,inside,enter', ,iamu > honhan'dark,dim,obscure'; hanom'fresh water',*demdem *n> n : *narjuy > nangu'swim',*niuR> niyok 'coconut palm',*nu> nu'genitive/agentive > anineng'shadow',*paniki> marker',*nepuq> nufo''scorpionfish';*qaninurj > punot'coconuthusk'; be first', *bunut fanihi'flying fox',*huqena> m-o'na'front, coverbywind*lulun>fa-lulon'wrap,enfold, *qalunan> alunan'pillow,headrest', ingaround',*nipen> nifm'tooth';

Io. Possibly a borrowingof Spanish gana 'desire, want,appetite'. For the argumentsthat *ganas

see Blust(I98O:70). form, mightbe a nativeAustronesian

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96

OCEANIC LINGUISTICS,

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> iiamfiam *fi> fi(*fididnotoccursyllable-finally): *fiamfiam 'chew,soundofchewing, > fiamu'mosquito';*lafia'vegetable oil' > laiia 'oil (generic)',*lefiej eat',*fiamuk > luiio''softground thatcavesinwhenonewalksonit'; 'sinkintosomething' > nga'nga''open-mouthed; > ngokngok 'unclear *g> ng: *rJaqDaq gape',*rjekijek speech'; faint',*ma-liu> ma-lingu 'unconscious; 'hear',*laru> Id-langu *dejeR > hungok > h-akmang 'lost,disappeared; 'morayeel' *tuqelai> to'lang missing';*aRemarj > tongtong 'bone',*tugltu 'pound, beat,bangagainst', *quRul> ugong'moan,groan'. 3.3.4 Fricatives. The PMP fricatives*s and *h are reflectedas s and zero, followedby glide However,as a resultof secondaryglideformation respectively. thepositionoriginallyoccupiedby *h is occupiedby a velaror labiovefortition, lar stopin a numberof words.The detailsof thisdevelopmentare outlinedunder glides(3-3.6). > sahy-an'vehicle',*siqsiq> *s > s : *sakaRu'reef'> sahagu'deepwater',*sakay-an se'se' 'cutwitha knife',*si> si 'personal article', *suqsuq> so'so' 'scrapemeatfrom > ma-'asen'salty, a coconut',*suluq'torch'> sulo' 'torch-fishing'; *ma-qasin briny, brackish', *pasu>fasu 'cheek,face',*susu> susu'breast';*qawas> agwas 'baby > nosnos'cuttlefish, *nusnus 'thin, mullet', flimsy', squid'; *nipis> ka-nifes *h> 0 : *hapuy> gwafi'fire',*hasaq> gwasa' 'whet,sharpen',*hipi> gwifi'dream'; *baRiuh> pakyo'typhoon', > *dahun> hagon'leaf';*daqih> ha'i 'forehead', *talih > tupu'sugarcane'. tali'rope',*tebuh When *h disappearedbetweenlikevowels,theresulting clustercontracted to a *aRuhu > 'a shore tree: vowel: Casuarina gagu equisetifolia'. single

has no known 3.3.5 Liquids. PMP hadthreeliquids:*1,*r,and*R. Chamorro and reflexes of *r,butboth*1and*R havedistinct syllable-initial syllable-final andg andkforthelatter. reflexes: I andtfortheformer, > lumot *1> 1: *lasuq> laso' 'penis,testicle', *lima> lima'five',*lumut 'moss,lichen, seaweed',*lesuI > lusong'ricemortar';*qalu > alu 'barracuda',*dilaq> hula' 'tongue',*bulu> pulu'hair,feather'; *1> t : *qalejaw'day' > atdaw'sun',*saleR-i> satg-e'installa floor';*kawil> hagwet 'fishhook', *qipil> ifet'a tree:Intsiabijuga',*selsel> sotsot'contrite, repentant'; *R > g : *Rabut'pullout,uproot'> gapot'pullbythehair',*Ratus> gatos'hundred', > gunot'coconutfibre, *Runut coir',*Rebek> gupu'tofly';*qabaRa> apaga 'shoulder;carryon shoulder', *zuRuq> chugo''sap,juice',*piRa> figa-n'fisheggs,roe', *um-aRi'come' > *daRi> hagi 'a fish:Scomberoides, pompanoorjack-trevally', magi'here(towardthespeaker)',*baqeRu'new;justnow' > pa'go 'now,today', *biRaq> piga' 'wildtaro:Alocasiaspp.'; *R > k: *peRes>foks-e'squeezeout,express',*aRemang > h-akmang 'morayeel', *ma'sour',*baRiuh> pakyo'typhoon', qaRsem> ma-'aksom *beRsay> poksay'paddle of a boat', *saRman'outrigger float'> sakman'largecanoe-fromPolynesiaor overIoo people';layaR> layak([fe])'sail', Papua,no outrigger, capableofcarrying > ma-tuhok > tunok *ma-tuduR (met.)'getdown,letdown'. 'sleepy',*tuRun It is phonetically to t.The change*1> d is unlikelythat*1wouldchangedirectly ratheruncommon,butoccursprecedinga frontvowel in Malagasy and in some of thelanguagesof northern Sulawesi,suchas Tonsea.In Chamorro,itappearsthat*1 becamed syllable-finally, and thata ruleoffinaldevoicingthenchanged*d to t and thatthischangepersistedas a phonotactic *g to k in coda position.It is noteworthy

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ofSpanishloanwords, wheresyllable-final condition intheadaptation I andr were bothborrowed as t:attat'altar'(Spanishaltar),uttimo farthest' 'ultimate, extreme, monk'(Spanishhermano), friar, petna,pietna (Spanishultimo),etmanu'lay brother,

inChamorro finaldevoicing must 'thigh'(Spanishpierna'leg').As notedalready, havefollowed thechange*b > p, becauseotherwise PMP *b and*p wouldhave Finaldevoicing mustalsohavefollowed thechange*d> h,becauseothermerged. of*lahudwouldbe **lagut, wisethereflex nottheattested lagu. 3.3.6 Glides. PMP allowed*w in all positions, but*y couldnotoccurmorBoth were in Chamorro, *w to pheme-initially. glides strengthenedobstruents the labiovelar and the alveolar affricate y [dz]. stopgw, *y becoming > *walu> gwalu'eight', *w> gw: *wada> gwaha'have,there *watu is,there exists', that direction andaddressee)'; gwatu'there-in (awayfrom speaker *qawa> agwa

'milkfish: Chanoschanos',*qasawa> asagwa'spouse',*kawil> hagwet'fishhook',

> lagwas'longandslender', with 'hook'> lagwet 'catch a hook',*siwa *lawit *lawas

> sigwa'nine'; theinterior' > haya'south *y> y ([dz]) : *qayuyu> ayuyu'coconutcrab',*daya'toward

> layak'sail'. east(inSaipan)', (inGuamandRota), *layaR

*wand*y,butalsothe inChamorro affected Glidefortition notonlyphonemic that in environments transitional the *ua,*au,*ia, glides developed predictable *ai (no examplesof thelatterareavailable).As notedearlier, andpresumably reflex of*wis g,notgw: beforea rounded vowel,thestrengthened 0 > gw: *buaq> (*buwaq)> pugwa''betelnut'; 0 > g : *zauq> (*zawuq)> chago''far,distant'; 0 > y : *ia > gwiya'3SGemphatic',*kamiu> hamyo'you (PL)', *liar> liyang'cave', *tian> tuyan'stomach, *niuR> niyok'coconuttree',*baRiuh> pakyo'typhoon', belly,abdomen'. Etymologiessuchas *kamiu> hamyo'you (PL)' and *baRiuh> pakyo'typhoon'

areassumed toshowfortition ofa phonetic bylossofthehighvowel, glidefollowed > > formation whichtriggered glide (*hamiyu [hamidzu] [hamdzo]). showthatglidefortition followedtheloss of *h, A number of etymologies formation: it because required priorglide *h > zero > gw: *dahun> (*dawun)> hagon'leaf', *kahu> (*kawu) > hagu '2SG emphatic',*duha> (*duwa)> hugwa'two',*lahud> (*lawud)'towardthesea' > > (*bawan)> pagwan lagu 'north(inGuamandRota),west(in Saipan)',*bahu-an 'giveoffscent,aroma,smell'.

inwordsthatoriginally gworg appearsininitial beganwitha Finally, position lost. vowel,orwith*h,whichwasfirst 0 > gw: *apak> gwafak'mat',*aku> gwahu'ISG emphatic', *ijug> gwi'eng'nose',*idi > gwihi'there(3PL)',*ini> gwini'here,inthisplace',*ia> gwiya'3SGemphatic'; *h > (zero) > gw : *hapuy> gwafi'fire',*hasaq> gwasa' 'whet,sharpen',*hasar> > gwihan'fish'; gwasang'gills',*ipi> gwifi'dream',*hikan *enem> gunum 0 > g : *uRat> gugat'vein,muscle, 'six'; tendon, artery', > gunos'wean;withdraw'. > go'naf'fish *h> (0) > g : *huqenap scale',*hunus

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thata labiovelar Becauseitis phonetically stopwouldbe addedtoiniunlikely thatthelatter tialvowels,itseemsnearlycertain changetookplaceintwosteps: all wordsthatbeganwitha vowel,(2) glidefortition. of*wbefore (I) addition Thischangehas beenmisunderstood bysomescholars.Dyen (1962), for toa labiovelar that Chamorro gworkwina gw,corresponding example, suggested rather an earlier labiovelar obstruent thanthe*w fewother must reflect languages, we should beenreconstructed, because"otherwise or zerothathadpreviously as a andthe haveto regardtheindependent phoneticagreement convergence in as seen as independently occlusivefeature examplessuchas acquired."But, is becauseitcould *duha> hugwa'two',thelabiovelar stopclearly secondary, as Dahl after the of *h. have loss Moreover, (1976:46ff)has only developed *w > is inmanylanthe found out,glidefortition, gw, including change pointed For of more than reference canbe made families. reasons no space, passing guage here. out that "in Prokosch(1939:9i) points Germanic words to a fewofthese theMiddleAges,initial atvarious timesduring borrowed byRomancelanguages w becamea stop"(war: guerre, etc.).Much wasp: guepe,William: Guillaume, thesameis trueof SpanishaccentinEnglishtoday,whereEnglishw andy are fricative and bySpanishspeakersas a voicedlabiovelar commonly pronounced Underthename"Holtzmann's voicedpalatalaffricate Law,"Prorespectively." ofinherited describes thefortition koschfurther glidesj, w aftershortvowelsin andresulted bothGothicandNorse,wherethechangesclearlywereindependent, oftheform labiovelar inobstruents ggw(a geminate stop)anddjj (a palatalstop followed (1979:712) bya spirantic glide).Inanother Thompson partoftheworld, *w a in that into several Salishan developed stop languages, including reports Coeurd'AleneandLushootseed(gw),Comox(g), StraitsSalishan(kw),and a similar is subphonemic: whasthealloTillamook (k).In Quinault, development vowels. of before to "the According Thompson, history original *yis phone[gw] in not it to a the same similar, although entirely parallel: develops stop languages as *w,exceptforTillamook." Whatis moststriking abouttheChamorro notonly changeis thatitaffected also that but were zero. glides verysimphonemically However, phonemic glides, ina number ofBorneo.In Bintulu ilarchangeshaveoccurred ofthelanguages of *w for PMP and and the transinorthern both Sarawak, example, *y predictable tionalglides[w] and[y]arereflected as b andz: *qasawa> saba 'wife',*duha(> *ruwa> *raba)> ba 'two',*abuat(> *buwat> *babat)> bat 'long',*quay(> *uway> abay)> bay'rattan'; *layaR> laza 'sail',*qalia(> *liya)> laza'ginger', > in Chamorro, 'chicken'. Unlikethesituation such *siaw(> *siyaw) (sa)zaw not if the not > 'far' did first vowel was develop glides high:*zauq jau' (cp. Chamorro recorded aroundthebeginning ofthetwentieth cenchago').Material in Ray (1913) showsthatBintulub derivesfromearliergw: turyandreported saba arefoundinMiriandLong 'wife',gwa 'two'.Similardevelopments sagwa, andthephonetics ofSpanishaccentin modernEnglishsuggestthat Sr.BothFrenchorthography in Frenchbeganwithlabiovelars thatweresubsequently delabialized. glidefortition

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wherezerois reflected TerawanBerawan, as b orj between *uor*i anda followin unlike in the first of these environments and vowel; Kiput,wherefw appears ing zerointhesecond;andinTunjungofsoutheast where Kalimantan, g appearsin in > thefirst as *duha environment, raga''two'. It is noteworthy thatgw-does notappearinthereflexes of wordsthatbegan *hhadbeenlostpriortoglideforwith*q-.Theseexamplesshowthatalthough mationand fortition, *q had not.In fact,as notedearlier,it is possiblethat Chamorrowordswithinitialvowelstillbeginphonetically withglottalstop: *qabu> apu 'ashes',*qasiRa> asiga 'salt',*qasu> asu 'smoke',*qatep> atof 'roof',*qipil> ifet'a tree:Intsiabijuga',*quzan> uchan'rain',*qulin> ulin'rud> umang'hermit der',*qulu> ulu'head',*qumar) crab',*qenay> unay'sand'. Whatis thesourceofthehistorically labiovelar glideinwordsthat secondary a vowel?Dahl(1976:46ff) itas partofthebase, contained reconstructed originally forexample,PAN*uakufor*aku'ISG,I', *uenemfor*enem'six', proposing, andso on.However, thissolution thefactthattrisyllabic baseswithinitial ignores almostunknown inPANoritsprimary descendants. highvowelsareotherwise isthatthissegment Another is a fossilized BothIvatanof possibility morpheme. a thenorthernmost and Maranao of Mindanao use Philippines case-marking parti*uas partofthemorphology of"focus"marking. clereflecting Reid(1966)glosses whileMcKaughanandMacaraya(1967:x) call Ivatanqo as a "topicmarker," Ifsucha particle hadbeenfoundinpre-Chamorro, it Maranaoo a "sourcemarker." as w beforewordsthatbeganwitha vowel, haveresyllabified couldconceivably hence*u-VCVC> *w-VCVC,but*u-CVCVC> *u-CVCVC. butnotelsewhere; forthedata,itmustbe further assumedthatwhere*ubecame*w, To accountfully as partofthebaseandretained, hence*w-VCVC> wVCVC, itwas reinterpreted a vowel,itwaslost:*u-CVCVC> CVCVC. butwhereitremained withthistheory ofthehistory ofChamorro Thereareseveralproblems gwin with a the fact that consist that vowel. ofa words originally First, began given they all and differ in it is not at clear that the Ivatan and function, singlephoneme arecontinuations Maranaocase-markers of thesamehistorical form.In other is comparative that PMP *u. evidence words,itis notatallclearthatthere justifies as a case-marking thereis noobvious Second,evenif*u is reconstructed particle, initialposition, becauseprepenultireasonwhyitwoulddeleteinprepenultimate of*-um-withvowel-initial stems: reflexes mateinitialu occursintheChamorro lament'. Thispointis worth 'togroan, emphaugong'a groan,lament':um-ugong vowelsareneutralized as prepenultimate sizing,becauseinmanyANlanguages, we constraint heldinChamorro, wheninitial. Ifa similar schwa,anddropentirely m-(hence**mwouldexpecttheinfix-um-to havea word-initial allomorph thereis no reasonto doesnothavesucha constraint, ugong).BecauseChamorro would formssuchas *u-qatep,*u-peRes,or *u-tunu assumethatcase-marked a PMP etymon has vowel.Finally, initial havelosttheinitial gwappearswherever inPhiliptowordclass.Case-marking reference a vowelor *h,without particles ofa verb,andalthough markthenominal arguments languages typically pine-type thatnounssuchas itis difficult toimagine contrast is often thenoun-verb blurred,

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verbssuchas gwasa' 'to whet,sharpen', existential go'naf'fishscale',transitive suchas guihior verbssuchas gwaha'have;thereis,thereexists',demonstratives suchas gwahu'ISG emphatic', andnumerals suchas guini,personalpronouns as theinitialconsonant a fossilized gwalu'eight'all reflect case-marking particle oftheChamorro form. A farsimplerhypothesis toexplainChamorro initialgwfromzerois thatw thenchanged wasaddedbeforewordsthatbeganwitha vowel,andglidefortition be to continue to Chamorro *w to gw.Although they glide puzzling,parallels areinfactfoundinotherlanguages. Palauan,theonlyothernon-Oceepenthesis hasaddeda velarnasalbeforewordsthatoriginally aniclanguageinMicronesia, and with a vowel, manyOceaniclanguageshaveaddeda palatalglide began beforewordsthatoriginally beganwith*a (Blust1990). exhibits lexicongenerally 3.3.7 Irregularities.The Chamorro regular patterns someirregularities occur.Thesedo not of soundchange,butas in anylanguage, rare.The irregular norare theyparticularly appearto be especiallynumerous, andsegmental can be dividedintocanonicalirregularities changesofChamorro irregularities. ofPMP forms showcanoni3.3.7.1 Canonicalirregularities.Severalreflexes inChamorro. In *bunbun > pupon'groupof,bunchof,gathering cal irregularities > pupong'ridgeof a roof',thepreconsonantal nasalis irreguof', and *buljbuU in theseformsappearto founder to discovera condition on larlylost.Attempts > homhom thatnasals(butnot *demdem 'dark,dim,obscure'.It is conceivable anobstruent werelostafter thechange*d> h,butitappearsphostops)preceding for deletion to affect nasals butnotstopsin suchan environnetically unlikely ment.In a few forms,preconsonantal monosyllables stops in reduplicated assimilated to the > a geminate, as in *bukbuk fully following stop,producing from a Such assimilations have the poppo'powder decayedplant'. may preceded loss of thepreconsonantal nasalin Chamorro butthereis no puponandpupong, directevidenceforsucha hypothesis. Forunknown theentire first reasons, syllablewasirregularly > ngaha''lookupward'. lostin *tiljadaq 3.3.7.2Segmentalirregularities.Severalirregularities of appearinthereflexes thevoicelessstops.In *ma-paqit > ma-la'et'bitter', a phoneme substitution occurs thatmayhavebeenmotivated thisstative verbfromthe bya desiretodistinguish similar PMP shifted of*taqi) *taki(doublet formfa'et semantically simplex 'salty'. as Chamorro with retention of *k and final 'feces'appears take', unexplained glottal obscure. cross-referstop.Thismaybe a loan,butifso,itssourceremains Topping encesa number of formsthatdiffer in initialvowelvs. initialh. Thismaybe a in in > which initial h is incasualspeech,as in *kaRuki change progress, dropped or > alihan 'sand or halihan or hearth stones'. crab', 'trivet, haguhi aguhi *dalikan Givensuchvariation between whatarepresumably careful andcasualspeechforms,

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CHAMORROHISTORICAL PHONOLOGY

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h informs suchas *aRemarJ thesecondary > hakmang > 'morayeel',or *qatulay or scad' be a of atulay hatulay 'big-eye may product hypercorrection. is particularly Thesplitof*kinfinalposition becauseetymaofidenpuzzling, ticalphonemic > pappa 'strip offbark', shapehavetakendifferent paths:*bakbak *bakbak> pakpak'pop,burst withsuddenviolenceandnoise';*b-al-akbak forth > palakpak'cracking noisesuchas thunder', noise,rustling palappa 'flapping sound'.Zeroreflexes butnotbyan overwhelming appeartopredominate, margin whereas *kinnonfinal is reflected as h in (9:6). In addition, syllable-final position > mohmo, theglottal *mekmek continuant tothefolappearstohaveassimilated a medialgeminate inboth*bakbak > pappaand*bukbuk > lowingstop,yielding > nunuitdeletedwithout a trace. poppo,butin*nuknuk For unknownreasons,strayglottalstopsappearin *pa-> fa '- 'causative and*layaR> la'yak(nexttolayak)'sail',anda stray h appearsin*barjun prefix', > pahngon (nexttotheexpected pangon)'wakeup'. of (1945:13)givesmatua'upperclass,noble',a clearreflex Finally, Thompson ofpeople',butwithnoindication oftheexpected PMP *ma-tuqah 'mature, elder, glotfrom a publication talstop.However, theform is taken Louis bytheFrench navigator whichappearedinseveralvolumesissuedbetween1829and 1837. de Freycinet, is matu'a,becausewe cansafely the matua,itprobably Although formis written would assumethattheglottal not have been rendered stop orthographically, giventhe circumstances under which itwascollected. Thiswordevidently withthe disappeared ofthetraditional Chamorro of breakdown social classes. system hereditary Reflexes ofthevoicedstopsexhibit fewirregularities. Amongtheproblematic are*bujeq> bu'o''foam, with b > forms for lather', bubbles, expected p and*tazem to a with s The first of these is as tasm-e for ch. 'sharpen point', expected surprising, itshowstheregular andhighly distinctive *j > '. If itis a loanfroma development PMP *j hadmerged with itmusthavebeenborrowed before language, Philippine anyotherphonemein thelendinglanguage,butafterthechange*b > p in tasm-e an Oceaniclanguage, as reflexes Chamorro Chamorro. maybe a loanfrom arefairly Nuclear Micronesian do ofPOC *tasim-i However, widespread. languages itis bornothavethisformwiththes retained, thusraising doubtsaboutwhether rowed.Thereflex *j > d seenin*qalejaw'day'> atdaw'sun'maybe duetocondithelossofmedialschwa,butwithout further tionedchangefollowing this examples, canonlybe speculation. themostperplexing a voiced Undoubtedly changeaffecting > pwengi'night'. thevelarized As notedearlier, labialpw stopis thatseenin*beRrJi Becausesimilar initial consonants arefound in appearstobe veryrareinChamorro. from of thisform derive anOceanicsource. manyOceanicreflexes may *beRlii, seen in *dakut> hakot'snatch,grab,seize' (expected The irregularities and*dalikan > alihan,hali'an,halihan(onlythelatter **hahot) expected)'trivet, hasa tendency ofh insuchearth'suggest thatChamorro toavoidtheappearance howBecausea fewforms likehalihando occurinthelanguage, cessivesyllables. cannotspeakofa phonotactic constraint. ever,we evidently fewirregular changesoccurinreflexesof thenasals.As in Comparatively theChamorro hasbeenreanareflex of*ni-a'3SGgenitive' manyother languages,

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I

fusion ofthealveolarnasaland*iintoa singlepalalyzedas a -CVsuffix through talnasal.PMP showsan irregular n reflexin Chamorro na'an 'name', *rajan the an result of assimilation to the nasal of the final Forreasons possibly syllable. 'to thatremain fish'bothhavedoublets unclear, nangu swim'andnufo''scorpion inChamorro withaninitial palatalnasal. One irregularity inthereflexof*s is particularly salient:*sai> hayi'who?'. Giventhefactthat*apa> h-afa'what?'alsoshowsanapparent fossilized it prefix, is possiblethatthecloseassociation ofthesetwointerrogatives contributed to a inform. partial convergence The reflexes *1> 1and*1> t appeartobe exceptionless. Thereis one known of *R: *beRiji> pwengi'night'.As noted exceptionto thestateddevelopment thisformshowsmultiple thatsuggestthatitis a loanword already, irregularities fromanOceaniclanguage. Therearesomepossibleirregularities inthereflexes oftheglides,butthesemay insomecasesbe conditioned. Chamorro afa'fa''armpit'appearsforanticipated this show that theaddition ofw before aninitial vowel however, may **gwafafa'; was prosodically conditioned. IfChamorro didnothavean inherited systemof but the stressed as is the case in the of stress, generally phonemic penult, majority ANlanguages, would with an attested have and unstressed vowel, *afaqfaq begun theruleofglideepenthesis initial vowels. mayhaveappliedonlytostressed In addition, neither *tau> tawtaw'person,humanbeing'nor*bahu> paw smell' has the > pagwan'giveoff medialg (butcp. *bahu-an 'odor, anticipated In the former with canoniodor,aroma'). case,reduplication, together a disyllabic cal target, led to the of the vowel probably resyllabification original sequence*-au as *-aw.Thisis harder toarguein *bahu> paw,becauseresyllabification would haveruncounter tothepreferred andthereflex canonical ofthecanonically target, similar*sai 'who?'showsglidefortition (> hayi,not**hay). Thechange*i> gi 'at,atthe,from'forexpected**gwi, simmayshowfeature duetohighfrequency, buta similar is notavailableforthe plification explanation > *mawab> magap(expected**magwap) changein *ma-huab 'yawn'.Thesplit reflex in*ini> gwini'here',butini'this'is unexplained. In addition, there maybe a previously unnoticed constraint inChamorro theoccurrence ofvelarand against labiovelar as seenin *aRuhu(> *aRu)> *waRu> stopsinthesamemorpheme, tree:Casuarinaequisetifolia'. gagu(not**gwagu)'ironwood 3.4 SPEECH STRATA. Some writers(Costenoble194o:19ff. and Carlson thepresence ofdistinct lexicalstrata inChamorro, 1991) havesuggested presuma history ofintensive Costenoble's ablyreflecting languagecontact. etymologies, aresometimes thatsupport andcreateartificial however, questionable, problems artificial 2 documents solutions. thepresence ofa number ofloanwords Appendix thearrival oftheSpanishin fromPhilippine all postdating languages, presumably features theMarianas.In addition, a fewlexicalitemsandstructural suggest fairly fromoneormoreOceaniclanguages. earlyinfluence Perhapsthemostnoteworin Chamorro is seenin thepairmagi thyexampleofpossibleOceanicinfluence

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'here;towardthespeaker': gwatu'there;awayfromthespeaker',a widespread inOceaniclanguages thatis unreported intheANlanguages distinction ofinsular Asia.Thefirst termdirectly PMP *maRi'come'withapparent Southeast reflects semantic thattookplacepriorto the change,butthesecondmaybe a borrowing of *watuareotherwise unknown outsidethe change*w > gw,becausereflexes lanOceanicgroup.If Chamorro gwatuis a loan froma NuclearMicronesian have been not *w > in it must borrowed before the only gw guage, change butalso beforetheloss of *tin Trukiclanguages(cf.Puluwat-waw Chamorro, inotherlanguages oftheCarolines). andsimilar forms 'towards theaddressee', inChamorro aboutpossiblespeechstrata is Oneother wordthatraisesquestions in a form that is with 'wood' 'collect often firewood', kayu ngayu([xe]) paired withtheactiveverb islandSoutheast Asia,andclearlyderivesfroma prototype havereduced theprefix A number oflanguages inIndonesia mar-to prefix *marg-. of a canonunder the substitution nasal disyllabic general pressure preferred simple the the icalshape.BecauseChamorro unchanged, reducnormally preserves prefix are Thesesuspicions aboutindirect inheritance. tioninthisformraisessuspicions but in vowel: differences the further pentultimate hayu, ngwyu. strengthened by 4. THE LINGUISTIC POSITION OF CHAMORRO. In essence,threeviews ofChamorro: thelinguistic havebeenexpressed (I) Chamorro position regarding is most ofthePhilippines, is mostcloselyrelatedto thelanguages (2) Chamorro hasno close inIndonesia, tooneormorelanguages (3) Chamorro closelyrelated theANlanguage within relatives family. of havenotedthesimilarity At leastsinceSafford(o909), variouswriters himself Safford tothatofvarious verbalaffixation Chamorro languages. Philippine to resemblances buthementioned oflinguistic lackeda clearconcept subgrouping, of the remarks about of casual in the course and similarity "Visayan" Tagalog Moreexplicitly, to variousotherlanguages. Chamorro Topping(1973:3) specuareTagalogandIlokano. ofChamorro latedthattheclosestrelatives andVoegelin(1977), incasualforminVoegelin Thesecondviewis advocated a moreseriouslyarguedpositionin Zobel (to appear),wherean and through "NuclearMalayo-Polynesian" to a putative is madeto assignChamorro attempt and contains both Chamorro that Palauan,as wellas theCensubgroup reportedly Indoneofwestern most and tral-Eastern languages languages Malayo-Polynesian or northern of the not the but Sulawesi, Madagascar, sia, Philippines, languages Zobel arguesthat Borneo(excepttheMalayicandTamanicgroups).In effect, Asiaaremore Southeast ofinsular Palauan,andsomeofthelanguages Chamorro, thantheyare the Pacific and Indonesia eastern of to the related languages closely that Chamorro Zobel speculates to thelanguagesof thePhilippines. probably orlexical reachedtheMarianasfromSulawesi.Thereis no knownphonological forthisview,andReid(toappear)rejectstheNuclearMalayo-Polynesian support on thebasisofZobel'sownevidenceandarguments. hypothesis

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viewwasfirst Thethird articulated byDyen(1965),whoarguedon explicitly forms a primary branch ofthe"MalayothatChamorro lexicostatistical grounds andPagotto(1985)consider evidence Linkage."Starosta grammatical polynesian withthelanguages ofthePhilippines, andconclude thatthere forlinking Chamorro is nocorpusofexclusively sharedinnovations thatcouldbe usedtojustify sucha connection. Reid(toappear)adoptsessentially thesamepointofview. subgrouping A somewhat different on thethirdviewis seenin Starosta(1995), variation whereitis proposed thatChamorro splitofffromotherANlanguagesinTaiwan, andthatitis therefore morecloselyrelated to someFormosan languages(Kanathantoothers kanavu, Paiwan,Amis,Atayalic, (Rukai,Tsou,Saaroa). Saisiyat) willbemadetoassessthemerits a fewpassing No attempt oftheseviewsbeyond Chamorro remarks. showsall ofthephonemic characteristic ofMalayomergers further '*S-metathesis' exem(Blust 1999:56), Polynesian languages, including PAN here > PMP > Chamorro 'fish scale'. *quSeNap go'naf plified by *huqenap inthepronoun Innovations citedinBlust andvariouslexicalinnovations system to the same conclusion: Chamorro is from a single descended (1995a,1999)point to all AN ancestral Taiwan. the outside Within language languages Malayo-Polynesiangroup, showsnoclosetieswithanyother Thereareatleast Chamorro language. twoprincipal reasonsforthehistorically common thatChamorro subperception with its verb is often as First, languages. groups Philippine system regarded showing characteristics of"Philippine-type Butsuchanobservation hasnomerit languages." as subgrouping because it to retentions ofmorphosyntactic charevidence, appeals acteristics thatwerepresent inProto-Austronesian. and Second,bothChamorro Greater Central PAN*R as g. Butthechange reflect (GCP) languages Philippines *R > g is nota general characteristic ofPhilippine andChamorro cerlanguages, doesnotbelongtothefairly defined GCP group. Inaddition tothese tainly narrowly thepresence ofmanyPhilippine inChamorro loanwords considerations, primary totheimpression thatthere is a closegenetic mayalsohavecontributed relationship andthelanguages ofthePhilippines. between Chamorro In short, evidence lexical,andmorphosyntactic phonological, providenoclear or widelyacceptedbasisforassigningChamorro to anysubgrouplowerthan Invarious withBlust(1977),thewriter Malayo-Polynesian. publications beginning has advocatedassigningChamorro to a putative Western Malayo-Polynesian ofAN languages, a groupbasedlargelyon theprevalence of (WMP) subgroup nasalsubstitution as a functioning ofactive homorganic processintheformation verbs.However, as notedelsewhere in (Blust1999),rarephonological irregularities bothFormosan andOceaniclanguages thattheselanguages descendfrom suggest an ancestor inwhichhomorganic nasalsubstitution was onceactive.The proper oftheseobservations remains tobe worked out,butforthemoment interpretation ofWMPas aninnovation-defined theycasta pallonthenotion subgroup. 5. A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF CHAMORRO CULTURE HISTORY. Valuable summaries ofChamorro culture can be foundinThompson history (1945),

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areintended proposals Spoehr(i954, 1957),andBellwood(I979). Thefollowing a broad and to the to statements overview, primarilyprovide supplement published in the ofotherscholarsbyfilling record. as will be However, seen,theycan gaps ofcertain alsobe takenas rejections that have been in proposals recently advanced literature. thelinguistics 5.1 WHENCE THE CHAMORROS? In recentyears,therehas beena fair Withregard aboutChamorro totheChamorro lanamount ofspeculation origins. that"itsclosestlinguistic relatives areprobaguage,Topping(1973:3)suggested bly Ilokanoand Tagalog."Starosta(1995:694) suggeststhatthe Chamorros a directmigration fromthewestcoastofTaiwan, reachedtheMarianasthrough of Chamorro themembership in theMalayo-Polynesian (MP) thereby denying of AN. Zobel (to appear),who acceptstheMP statusof Chamorro, subgroup (NMP) groupof languageswithin assignsitto a "NuclearMalayo-Polynesian" MP, and suggeststhat"it was probably... fromSulawesithatthespeakersof sailedto the Pre-Chamorro andPre-Palauan) Chamorro andPalauan(or better: northeast to thedistant islandsof PalauandtheMarianas."Thereareproblems withall of theseproposals.Toppingadvocatesan immediate of relationship related to one that are Chamorro withtwoPhilippine languages onlydistantly amount ofevidencefortheMP affiliation of another. leavesa substantial Starosta is to unmentioned. Zobel's difficult and Chamorro Finally, proposal unexplained will and that withvariousfactsofgeography, reconcile demography, meteorology nowbe considered. likea greatoutspread TheMarianaIslandsstretch Consideration I: geography. thePhilippine some netwithitsconcavesidefacing archipelago 1,3oomilestothe thefifteen islandsoftheMarianaschainextendalmost500 miles west.Although islandsofGuam, tosouth, as Spoehr(1957:22)noted, north from onlythesouthern for humanhabitaand contain much land suitable Rota,Aguijan,Tinian, Saipan about13and15degrees north tion.Thesefiveislandsarelocatedbetween latitude, LuzoninthePhilippine dueeastofsouthern andcentral andaretherefore group. inthewestern theoceancurrents Counter Current, ExceptfortheEquatorial thesettlement of from easttowest,andso do notfavor Pacificflowpredominantly Asia.Muchthesamecan be theMarianasfromanylocationininsularsoutheast whichvaryseasonally saidfortheprevailing winds, (Irwin1992:1I8ff).Apartfrom totheMarianasinislandSoutheast andcentral southern Luzon,theclosestlandfall Moluccas. inthenorthern ofHalmahera Asia is theislandofMorotai, justnorth Halmahera as a whole,Morotaiis a regioninwhichPapuanlanBut,likenorthern periodoftime.Irwin(1992:127) guageshavebeenspokenforan undetermined thatPalau(Belau),Yap, todiscover that"itwouldbe nogreatsurprise" maintains a position atthetimeofcolonisation," andtheMarianas"weremorecloselyrelated fromthestandpoint similar tothatofZobel(toappear).However, thatis evidently wouldbe a surprise todiscoverthatPalau,Yap,andthe oflanguage,itcertainly ofotherAusMarianashadsharedanearlyperiodofcommon exclusively history related toone areonlydistantly areas,as thesethreelanguages tronesian-speaking

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In short, neither norlinguistic evidenceatthepresent another. time archaeological theviewthattheMarianasweresettled bywayofPalauas a "stepping supports all indications arethattheChamorros reachedtheir historical stone."Rather, locaoutofinsular tionthrough a singlemovement Southeast Asia.Arguments basedon overareasfurther tothesouthas a likely then,favorthePhilippines geography, oftheMarianas. sourceregionfortheprehistoric peopling 2: settlement and migration Consideration time, density, potential. population Theavailablearchaeological evidencesuggests thattheMarianaIslandsweresetatleast3,500yearsago (Bellwood1979:282, Spriggs1989, tledbyAN speakers evidenceofhumansetCraib1993,Rainbird 1994).Formanyyears,theearliest intheMarianaswas a radiocarbon tlement dateof 1527B.C.? 200 years,which coastof AlexanderSpoehrobtainedat thesiteofChalanPiao on thesouthwest "the further out that carbon date was 14 Saipan. Spoehr(1957:I68) pointed obtainedfroman upperlevelofthesite.The fourfeetofcultural material lying beneaththeoystershellfromwhichthedatewas obtained mustbe considerably older."Bellwood(1979:282)notedthatifcalibrated, thedateobtained bySpoehr wouldbe placedcirca3800BP. thisearlydatehasbeenchallenged on thegrounds thatitwas Morerecently, froma shellsample,whichpresents obtained to specialcomplicationsradiocarbon inthePacific(Athens andCraib1987).Despitethiscloud1986,Bonhomme dating fordatesof datefrom ChalanPiao,Craib(1993)hasargued ingofthelongstanding from thesiteofUnaiChuluonTinian, andheconcludes that nearly equalantiquity is nocertainty theMarianasweresettled by"about3500BP."Needlesstosay,there thattheearliest datesobtained so farextend tothetimeofinitial settlement. Bellwood(1997:220), following thattheredSpriggs(1989),has suggested thearrival ofNeolithic cultures ata number ofsitesinthe slippedpottery marking Luzon(similar totheMarianasredware foundatChaCagayanvalleyofnorthern lanPiao), "mightbe as earlyas 2800 BC." In generalterms, then,Austronesian inthenorthern from Taiwanbyabout speakers appeartohavearrived Philippines and were in the Marianas than not much more a millenium later. 3,000 Bc, probably AN have been in the would BP, speakers By 3,500-4,000 Philippines-particularly Luzon-forroughly a millennium, butwouldhaveinhabited areasfurther tothe southfora shorter timeperiod.Although features ofthelocalenvironment may skewthebroader inhistorically knowncases,population tendsto picture, density withlength ofsettlement. Otherthings are varydirectly beingequal,migrations morelikelytotakeplacefrom than from areas areasofhigher of density population lowerpopulation like Consideration Consideration thus also favors I, 2, density. thePhilippines as themostlikelyregion whichtheMarianasweresettled. from the Consideration Chamorro zonestorm, typhoon 3: pakyo'typhoon, tropical reflects PAN PMP *baRiuh One *baRiuS, cyclone' 'typhoon'. mightspeculate thatpakyois a loanfroma Greater CentralPhilippines sourcesuchas Tagalog this is foratleasttworeasons. However, bagyd'typhoon'. interpretation unlikely > *b whereas withb loanwords First, pakyoshowstheregular change p, Philippine borrowed without a changeofthelabialstop(appendix appeartobe invariably 2).

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Second, Guam and theothersouthernMarianasIslandslie directlyin the tothecentral theCarolineIslandsmeteorologically belt"thatconnects "typhoon andsouthern are andsouthern Taiwan,theRyukyus, Japan. Typhoons Philippines, andfrequently thusan integral environment that experienced partofthephysical theChamorros anda wordfor'typhoon' wasnomorelikelytobeborrowed knew, thana wordfor'surf','sea',or 'rain.' Thecyclonicandanticyclonic forcesthatproducetyphoons andrelatedtypes oftropicalstormson a globalbasisareoperative withina zonethatrunsfrom io degreesto 35 degreesnorth andsouthlatitude (Gentilli1998). approximately Withintheintertropical ten zone,ordoldrums, convergence extending roughly andthesouthoftheEquator, arevirtually unknown. degreestothenorth typhoons In thewestern includethewholeof IndonesiaandNew Pacific,thedoldrums Guinea.WithinthePhilippines, aremostfrequent in Luzon andthe typhoons northern rarein Mindanao.Deppermann Bisayas,and areextremely (1939) all therecords reviews"practically oftyphoons" intheManilaCentral contained oftheWeather Bureaufrom1884-1939,anddoesnotmention MinObservatory danao.BrandandBlelloch(1972)givetracksegments for30 typhoons thatstruck thePhilippines intheperiod1960-I970.OnlyoneofthesecrossedMindanao. IfPacificweather havemaintained thesamestructure over systems essentially thepastfourmillennia, Chamorro can taken as be evidence that pakyo'typhoon' in migrating totheMarianaIslands,Chamorro never left the speakers typhoon excludesSulawesias a potential sourcearea,andfurther zone.Thiseffectively excludesPalauas a possible"stepping stone."BecauseChamorro clearlyis a MP the thePhilippines northof language,thisleavesonly Philippines--especially thatsettledtheMarianas Mindanao--asa likelysourceareaforthemigration some3,500yearsagoorearlier." 5.2 LANDFALLS IN THE MARIANAS. Surprisingly, thelinguistic history ofChamorro the mayevenprovidesomeevidenceas totheareasreachedduring oftheMarianas. initialsettlement BothProto-Austronesian andProto-Malayo-Polynesian usedtheterms*daya theinterior', toward and*lahud'downriver, toward thesea',as markers of 'upriver, axis of spatialorientation a primary (Blust1997). In daughter languages,the oftheseforms areoften translated as cardinal directions. Where semantic reflexes differ onthesameislandorclosefromonelocationtoanother thesetranslations natureofthecardinalsenses.Thus knitislandgroup,theyrevealthederivative ofBaliand'north' inthe Balinesekaya(from*ka-daya) means'south'inthenorth inthenorth means'north' ofBali,and southofBali,whilekelod(from*ka-lahud) 12.

In speculatingabout the prehistoric distribution of languagesin his proposed"Nuclear Zobel (to appear)triesto leavethispossibility (NMP) subgroup, open, Malayo-Polynesian" althoughit clearlyis nothis firstchoice: "Of course,thesespeculationsdo nottake into thatNMP languageswerealso spokeninotherareas,e.g., in thePhilaccountthepossibility languages.Thus, Palauan and ippines,and have laterbeen replacedby focus-retaining NMP area." froman areaoutsideofthepresent Chamorrospeakersmayhavedeparted

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OCEANICLINGUISTICS, VOL. 39, NO. I

locationtheterms meansimply'towardthe 'south'inthesouthofBali.In either and 'towardthesea' respectively, mountains' becauseBali is a roughly circular extension tothewest)thatrisestoa central volcanic island(witha peninsular peak. Reflexes of*lahudand*dayainChamorro showa moreinteresting anddistinctivedistribution: hayameans'south'onGuamandRota,but'east'onSaipan,while on GuamandRota,but'west'on Saipan.Thesedifferences means 'north' in lagu at all the cardinal do not correlate with usual of direction senses onto mapping usage inwhichtheprimary is 'toward theinterior' a functioning axisoforientation system ofPMP *dayaand *lahudin thesemantic reflexes vs. 'towardthesea.' Rather, inthenorth, andSaipan thatGuamandRotawereinitially settled Chamorro suggest of these terms oftheselandfalls therelative became inthewest;as a result meanings It is perof the islands. thatpersisted after the initial settlement fixedmeanings long the coast of that Chalan Piao is located on southwest Saipan,and noting hapsworth in of withtheinference, basedon semantic is thusconsistent change thereflexes from thewest. thatSaipanwasinitially settled *dayaand*lahud, 5.3WHY DOESN'T CHAMORRO SUBGROUP WITH THE LANGUAGES fromthePhilipOF THE PHILIPPINES? IftheMarianasweresettled directly withPhilippine Chamorro showsomeevidenceofsubgrouping pines,shouldn't languages? orlexicalinnovations sharesnobodyofdemonstrable Chamorro phonological datesfor ofthePhilippines.'3 withthemodemlanguages But,giventheradiocarbon the this should not be Blust settlement of Marianas, surprising. early (i99I) ofAN languages, whichincludesall ofthe thatthePhilippine observed subgroup as wellas theSangiric, ofthePhilippines Minahasan, exceptSama-Bajau, languages inthe shows of northern andGorontalic Sulawesi, greatest language diversity groups thecentral extremities ofitsrange.By contrast, northern andsouthern Philippines, ofsettlement is linguistiwhichmusthaveanequallylonghistory byANspeakers, of this kind to Distributional facts point episodesof callyrelatively homogeneous. or what Diamond has (1992) languageleveling, aptlycalled"resetting prehistoric relative theclock":onelanguagegroupexpandsattheexpenseofothers, creating In at it where earlier there had the case was been hand, argued uniformity diversity. CentralPhilippines" thata prehistoric expandedboth languagecalled"Greater around andsouthward from theBisayas, northward 500BC.As a result commencing in the southern theprevious ofthisexpansion, diversity Bisayas,Palawan, linguistic and much of was reduced. Mindanao, sharply Luzon, a further observation: At theendofthatpaper(Blust1991:Io4),I ventured thePhilippine as a whole shows much less "Moregenerally, linguistic archipelago thePhilippine thatcharacterize 13.Zorc (1986) listsmanyoftheinnovations group.Amongthe moreimportant diagnosticsis thedoublesemanticshiftof *Rumaq'house' to 'sheath'and in GreaterCentral *balay'publicbuilding'to 'house'. Bothof thesechangesare reflected andMinahasansubgroups, where*Rumaq> butnotinChamorro, Bilic,Sangiric, Philippines, in virtually all Philwas lost).The secondchangeis reflected guma''house' (*balayevidently ippinesubgroups.

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thanonewouldexpectfora regionthatmusthavebeensettled veryearly diversity inthehistory oftheAustronesian Therearethusgrounds forinferring expansions. anevenearlier andextinction, onethatpreceded the episodeoflinguistic expansion CentralPhilippines In the byperhapsa millennium." dispersalofProto-Greater beassumedthatthere werea number ofAN period3500-4000BP,itcanreasonably thathaddifferentiated outfroma founding languagesspokenin thePhilippines innorthern thathadarrived Luzonfrom Taiwanaround 5000BP.Butby population of these one had to at the BP, 3500 perhaps languages begun expand expenseofothChamorro ers,givingriseintimetothepresent Philippine subgroup. presumably from a population derives thatescapedthislinguistic holocaust bysailingoutofthe intothePacific.Whytheancestral leftwe probably will Chamorros Philippines neverknow, theprimary butperhaps reasonwastheexpansion ofProto-Philippines inthePhilippines itself.In thisview,thelower-than-expected diversity linguistic andtheearlysettlement oftheMarianasarenotunrelated but facts, rather piecesof a larger culture-historical that share a common puzzle edge. norlinguistic Neitherarchaeological evidencesupports theviewthatthere weretwoormoremajormigrations totheMarianas. a Chamorro contains Rather, substantial number ofloanwords notonlyfromSpanish,butalso fromvarious languagesofthecentral Philippines (appendix2). Theseloansalmostcertainly thepastfourcenturies entered thelanguagewithin as a resultfirst ofthecontact thattheannualManilaGalleonprovidedbetweenthePhilippines and Guam, in 1565,andlaterthrough theestablishment oftheSpanishcolonial beginning in 1668(Thompson presence 1945,Schurz1959). 5.4 RICE, BETEL, AND CULTURE LOSS. Although theChamorros were at time in the has rice the of contact sixteenth there occaSpanish century, growing beensomeskepticism intheliterature abouttheantiquity ofricecultivation sionally in intheMarianas. Theetymologies 'rice the rice field, plant',*beRas *pajay>fa'i shoulddispelthese > pugas 'uncookedrice',and *lesung> lusong'ricemortar' inherited fromProto-Austronesian, andso doubts,as all threetermsaredirectly in the of rice In to indicatean unbroken tradition cultivation. addition continuity betel and some other were also taro,coconuts, nuts, rice,sugarcane, crops brought totheMarianas. ThefactthattheChamorros wereabletotransport thesecultivated totheMarianasbyatleast3500BPalso suggests foodplantsfromthePhilippines thatthemigration outofSoutheast Asiawasplanned, notaccidental. these other valuable of culture werelost, successes, aspects material Despite chickens domesticated (thestatusof including dogs,pigs,andpossibly apparently and the bow.The is mannok 'chicken'as a loanword uncertain), millet, weaving, ininsuwell have because beenconnected, ofdogsandthebowmay disappearance in The value both is in their usefulness larSoutheast Asia theprimary of hunting. to the theChamorros mammals as prey, no indigenous Marianasoffered turning Insucha context, sea forprotein. dogswouldbecomenotonlyuseless,butcompetofopportunism. andconsequently itorsforfoodintimesofscarcity, targets

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OCEANIC LINGUISTICS, VOL. 39, NO. I

II0

5.5 PIONEERING VOYAGERS. Muchhasbeenmadeofthevoyaging capaas thesettlement ofeastern involved bilities ofthePolynesians, Polynesia crossing within thegreatest distances thePacificbasin.In thecase ofHawai'i,anopensea voyageofat least2,200mileswas neededtoreachthesouthernmost partofthe islandofHawai'ifromthenorthern until Marquesas.ButHawai'iwasnotsettled AD 300-500 (Kirch 1984:244). By contrast,the Chamorrosmust have crossed

of beforethesettlement some 1,300milesof open sea nearlytwo millennia hadtomakein Hawai'i.Table3 summarizes themajorvoyagesthatANspeakers with attested locationsin thePacific,together orderto reachtheirhistorically in the times when were distances miles and estimates of made they approximate inyearsbefore thepresent (BP). expressed TABLE3. MAJORVOYAGESIN THE AUSTRONESIAN EXPANSION OUT OF INSULARSOUTHEASTASIA FROM - TO

DISTANCE

TIME

Philippines-Marianas

1,300

3,500BP

Central Vanuatu-Fiji

6oo

3,200BP

Southeast Solomons-Kiribati I,100oo

3,000BP?

Samoa-Marquesas

2,300

2,200BP?

Marquesas-Hawai'i

2,200

1,700BP

thesame ThespreadofOceanic-speaking peoplesintothePacificbeganatnearly eastern timetheMarianasweresettled, but-withonepossibleexception-until the distance needed to was maximum interisland voyaging Polynesia colonized, far the distributional facts was less than the distance traversed the by explain inreaching theMarianas.Thepossibleexception wasthemovement Chamorros fromtheSoutheast ofNuclearMicronesian peoplesoutofMelanesia,probably Thetiming ofthiseventis stillunclear, butitis generally Solomonsto Kiribati. another topostdate I,ooo yearsafterthe"long 3,500BP.Itwasroughly thought doublepause"inwestern Polynesiabeforeextended voyageswithocean-going hulledcanoesreachedeastern Thevoyaging skillsofthePolynesians Polynesia. on traditional arerightly acclaimedinboththescientific andpopularliterature as thedistances coveredineastern exceededthose sailinginthePacific, Polynesia ofanyotherarea.Butthesettlement ofeastern wasthelastepisodeina Polynesia ofAustronesian overthesea.Longbefore humans millennia-long story migration reachedeastern theChamorros hadpioneered Polynesia, long-distance voyaging intothePacificwithsingle-hulled anachievement thatis yettobe fully outriggers, inreconstructions ofPacificprehistory. recognized

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CHAMORRO HISTORICAL

III

PHONOLOGY

ofPMP Appendix1: Chamorroreflexes ofTopping, Theorthography inthefollowing Ogo,andDungca(1975)hasbeenmodified -ayand-aw,2. guV-hasbeenrewritten ways:I. -ai and-ao havebeenrewritten gwV-,3. forms takenfrom Costenoble (1940). pwV-.(C) marks puV-hasbeenrewritten CHAMORRO

I. achay 2. afa'fa' 3. a-fagaw 4. afok,afuk-i 5. agwa 6. agwas 7. ahe'/ahi' /atmangaw 8. akmangaw 9. alileng Io. alof I I. alu 12. alunan 13. a-manu/manu 14. anineng 15. anti 16. apaga,apaga-yi I7. apu 18. asagwa,disagwa I9. asiga 20. asi'-i,ma-'ase' 2I1. asn-e,ma-'asen 22. asu 23. atdaw 24. atof,aft-e 25. ayuyu 26. bu'o' 27. chago' 28. chahan 29. chalan 30. chopchop 31. chugo' 32. fa' 33. fa'et 34. fa-fa'et 35. fa'i 36. fa-lagu 37. fa-lulon 38. fanihi 39. fasu (C) 40. fat-fat 41. faya 42. fi'a(C) 43. figa-n 44. figes 45. fitu(C)

PMP

qazay apaqpaq paRaw qapuR qawa qawas qadiq qali-maiaw qalilij qalep qalu qalunan m-anu qaninurj qanitu qabaRa qabu qasawa qasiRa (ma)-qasiq (ma)-qasin qasu qalejaw qatep qayuyu bujeq zauq zakan zalan zebzeb zuRuq papaqit paqit pajay pa-laRiw lulun paniki pasu epat paya pija piRa pi(gR)is pitu

ENGLISH

chin armpit hoarse lime milkfish babymullet marker ofnegation crab mangrove cateyeshell tobeckon barracuda pillow which where, shadow soul,spirit, ghost on) shoulder (carry ash spouse;marry salt feelpity forgive; salty smoke day;sun roof coconutcrab foam,bubbles far cookinearthoven path,road tosuck sap,juice causative salty;bitter fishsp. riceplant flee,escape wrap,rollup fox flying cheek four sardine howmuch,howmany? fisheggs,roe crush stamp, seven

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OCEANIC LINGUISTICS,

112 CHAMORRO

46. foks-e 47. f-o'na,m-o'na 48. fugo' 49. fulu'(C) 50. funas 5 I. gagu 52. ganas 53. gapot 54. gatus(C) 55. gi 56. gimen(met.) 57. go'naf 58. gonggong 59. guma' 60o.gunos 61. gunot 62. gunum(C) 63. gupu 64. gutos 65. gwafak 66. gwafi 67. gwaha 68. gwahu 69. gwalu(C) 70. gwasa' 71. gwasang 72. gugat 73. gwi'eng 74. gwifi 75. gwihan 76. gwihi 77. gwini;ini 78. gwiya 79. ha'ani 8o. h-afa 81. haga 82. haga' 83. hagi 84. hago' 85. hagon 86. hagu 87. hagwet 88. (h)aguhi 89. ha'i 90. h-akmang 91. hakot 92. hale' 93. hali 94. (h)alihan 95. halom 96. hami 97. hamyo

VOL.

39, NO.

PMP

ENGLISH

peRes huqena peReq puluq punas aRuhu ganas Rabut Ratus i inum huqenap guuguD Rumaq hunus Runut enem Rebek getus apak hapuy wada aku walu hasaq hasaij uRat ijurj hipi hikan idi ini ia daqani apa daRa daRaq daRi daReq dahun kahu kawil kaRuki daqih

squeezeout,express ahead,first wring, squeeze ten wipeout Casuarinaequisetifolia appetite pullout hundred at,on todrink fishscale rumble house wean;withdraw coconutfiber six tofly snap,breakoff mat fire is have;there I eight whet,sharpen gills vein,tendon nose dream fish there(3P) here;this he,she daytime what? younggirl daughter; blood a fish:Scomberoides soil;clay sticky leaf you(SG) fishhook sandcrab forehead eel moray seize,grasp root diguptubers stones hearth trivet, in,into we (excl.) you(PL)

aRemal3 dakut dalij kali dalikan dalem kami kamiu

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I

CHAMORRO HISTORICAL CHAMORRO

98. hanom 99. ha-spok(met.) ioo. (h)asuli loi. (h)atulay IO2. haya 103. hayi Io4. hayu 105. hima io6. homhom 107. -hu io8. hugwa(C) io9. hula' I Io. hun II I. hungok 112. hutu I13. ifet 114. -inI15. ka-nifes 116. lago' (met.) 117. lagu 118. lagwa' II9. lagwas 120. lagwet 121. lahi 122. lahu 123. la-langu 124. lalo' 125. lafia 126. langet 127. laso' 128. layak 129. liheng 130. lima(C) 131. liyang 132. lu-luhot 133. lumos,ma-tmos 134. lumot 135. lufio' 136. lupok 137. lusong 138. ma-'aksom 139. ma-'ase' 140. ma-'asen 141. magap 142. magi 143. ma-'i'ot 144. maysa 145. ma-ktos 146. ma-la'et I47. ma-layu 148. ma-linaw 149. ma-lingu

PHONOLOGY PMP

danum ka-besuR kasili qatulay daya sai kahiw kima demdem -ku duha dilaq ken degeR kutu qipil -innipis luheq lahud lawaq lawas lawit laki lakaw laqu lalej lafia larjit lasuq layaR linduj lima liai3 lukut lemes lumut lefiej lubuk lesuB ma-qaRsem ma-qasiq ma-qasin ma-huab um-aRi ma-qiqut ma-isa ma-getus ma-paqit ma-layu ma-linaw ma-liiu

113 ENGLISH

fresh water satiated freshwater eel scad big-eye landward, upriver who? wood stick, clam dark,dim my two tongue marker quotative tohear louse a tree:Intsiabijuga nominalizer; perfective thin, flimsy tears downriver seaward, scoopnet long hook man,male go,walk unconscious faint, housefly oil vegetable sky,heaven penis,testicle sail shelter five cave parasitic plant todrown, suffocate moss,seaweed sinkintosomething deephole mortar sour merciful salty yawn here;come narrow alone snap,break bitter wilted calm,still(water) lost,missing

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OCEANIC LINGUISTICS,

114 CHAMORRO

150. mama' ma'te 151. ma-ma'ti, 152. mames 153. -mami 154. manengheng 155. man-hufa puta' 156. ma-pta', 157. masa 158. mata 159. mata' i60. matay 16 . matua 162. ma-tuhok 163. me'me' 164. -miyu 165. mohmo I66. mokmok 167. -mu 168. muta' 169. na 170. na'an 171. nangu 172. napu 173. nifen 174. nigap 175. niyok 176. nosnos 177. nu 178. nufo' 179. nunu 180. -fia 181. fiaramiam 182. fiamu 183. ngaha' 184. ngai'an I85. nga'nga' I86. ngangas 187. ngokngok I88. -on 189. pa'go 190. pagu 191. pagwan 192. pangon 193. pakpak, palakpak 194. pakyo 195. p-al-aspas 196. paw I97. papa' 198. pappa 199. piga'

200. poksay pontan

201.

PMP

mamaq ma-qati mamis -mami man-diedig depa ma-betaq ma-esak mata ma-hataq m-atay ma-tuqah ma-tuduR miqmiq -miu mekmek muRmuR -mu m-utaq na Uajan nairuy nabek nipen niRab niuR nusnus nu nepuq nuknuk -ni-a fiamfiam fiamuk tigadaq gja-ijan graqgaq rjagas gekrjek -en baqeRu baRu bahu-an bagun bakbak baRiuh basbas bahu babaq bakbak biRaq beRsay buntan

VOL. 39, NO. I

ENGLISH

tochewbetel low,oftide sweet our cold fathom crackopen burst, ripe,cooked eye raw,uncooked todie;dead class noble,higher sleepy tourinate urine, your(s)(PL) tochew,premasticate togargle your(s)(SG) tovomit linking particle name toswim breakers surf, tooth yesterday coconuttree cuttlefish, squid marker genitive fish scorpion banyan, figtree 3SGagent-possessor tochew mosquito lookupward when? openmouthed tochew tomumble suffix abilitative now,today;new hibiscus scent,smell towakeup soundofclapping, etc. typhoon sprinkle; splash odor,smell below offbark strip taro,Alocasiaspp. canoe paddle ripecoconut

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CHAMORROHISTORICAL PHONOLOGY

202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208. 209. 210. 211. 212. 213. 214. 215. 2 16. 217. 218. 219. 220.

CHAMORRO

poppo pugaw pugas pugwa' pulan pulan pulu puno' punot pupon pupong puteng puti'on(met.) sagu sagwa' sahagu sahy-an sakman satg-e 221. se'se' 222.

si

223. sigwa(C) 224. siha 225. songsong 226. so'so' 227. sotsot 228. suhu 229. sulo' 230. susu 231. -ta 232. taga' 233. take' 234. taktak 235. talanga 236. tali 237. talisay 238. tamtam 239. tancho' 240. tano' 241. tanom 242. tanges 243. tawtaw 244. ta'pang 245. tasi 246. tasm-e 247. te'te' 248. ti'aw 249. t-il-ingteng 250. to'a 251. tohn-e tuktuk 252. toktok, 253. to'lang

PMP

bukbuk buRaw beRas buaq bulan bulan-bulan bulu bunuq bunut bunbun bujbugr butui bituqen sa(gR)u sawaq sakaRu sakay-an saRman saleR-i siqsiq si

siwa sida cerjceir suqsuq selsel sudu suluq susu -ta taRaq taki taktak talija talih talisay tamtam tuzuq taneq tanem taris tau taqebag tasik tazem tiqtiq tiqaw tiotiD tuqah teken tuktuk tuqela0

15 ENGLISH

powderfrom decay tochaseaway uncooked rice betelnut moon a fish, thetarpon hair;feather tokill coconuthusk bunch group, ridgeoftheroof a tree:Barringtonia asiatica star nose runny channel reef vehicle;ridein float outrigger a floor install cutwithknife personalarticle nine them they, plug,stopper scrapemeatfromcoconut regret; repentant ladle torch breast our (INCL)

tohack,chop feces tomince,chop ear rope a tree:Terminalia catappa totaste, try pointout earth toplant toweep humanbeing person, tasteless insipid, sea,ocean tosharpen todrain, drip goatfish clink, jingle mature (fruit) brace,support cluck(hen);pound bone

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OCEANIC LINGUISTICS,

116 254. 255. 256. 257. 258. 259. 260. 261. 262. 263. 264. 265. 266. 267. 268. 269. 270. 271. 272. 273. 274. 275. 276. 277. 278.

CHAMORRO

PMP

tongtong totng-e to'to' tugap tuho' tuhong tulu(C) tunok(met.) tunu tupo' tupu tutu tuyan uchan ugong ugo' ugot uha' uhang ulin(C) ulo' ulu -umumang unay

tujtuij tutuo-i tuqtuq teRab tuduq tudugr telu tuRun tunu tubuj tebuh tutu tian quzan quRurj uRuq quRut qukaq qudarj qulin qulej qulu -umqumaij qenay

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ENGLISH

pound;resound tolight, ignite topickleaves tobelch todrip hat,headcovering three toletdown tobum well sugarcane topound,tostrike belly,abdomen rain tomoan,togroan jealous tomassage topryopen shrimp rudder caterpillar; maggot head actorfocus crab hermit sand

REFLEXES OF MONOSYLLABIC ROOTS

I. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

agaga' akihom atagga' dilok dinga' langnga' makfio' nuhong

*-Raq *-kem *-Raq *-luk *-raq *-Jaq *-fiej *-dug

red clench, grip reddish bend,bow forkofa branch gape sinkinto shady

Appendix2: LoanwordsfromotherAustronesian languages forms areconsidered The following tobe loanwords inChamorro onthefollowing basis: (b,d,k,orr) andhavea plausiblesourceinthePhilip(I) theycontain"loanphonemes" as babuy isknown tohavea non-Austronesian (2) theform pinesorIndonesia, ([we]); origin, as ates;(3) theformcontains no loanphonemes, butitsknowndistribution is confined to thePhilippines andChamorro, andthemeaning is a typelikelytobe borrowed. A. PROBABLE PHILIPPINE SOURCE

I. Chamorro 'a tree:Canangacdorata': Cebuanoalangilan, alangilang, ilangilang ilangitreethatproduces tolarge-size a multitude offragrant flowers, lang'mediumesp.inMay andJune:Canangaodorata' 2. Chamorro alimasak, alimasat'typeoffish',Cebuanoalimdsag'kindofediblecrab'

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tree:Melanolepis 3. Chamorroalom 'a smallnative,somewhatweedyeuphorbiaceous Cebuanoalum'smalltreewithitchyleavesthatareusedas a poultice, multiglandulosa', Melanolepis multiglandulosa'. anonas'custard Cebuanoandnas 4. Chamorro apple,bullock'sheart:Annonareticulata', similar fruit toditis: Anonareticulata'. Merrill (1954:152)notesthatthereare 'heart-shaped threespeciesofthegenusAnnonainthePacific,all ofthemnativesoftropical America. from Thisitemmayhavebeenborrowed directly Spanish. Reflexes ofPWMP*qanilaw'a tree:Grewia 5. Chamorro angilaw'a tree:Grewiacrenata'. languages, including Isneg,Tagalog,Hanun6o,Aklanon, spp.'appearinseveralPhilippine withreferences tosmalltreesorshrubs ofthe Cebuano,Maranao,andTagabili,generally andGrewia.Theirregular formsuggests nasalintheChamorro borrowgeneraColumbia unclear. ing,butifso thesourceremains 6. Chamorro ates'sweetsop, sugarapple:Annonasquamosa',Bikol,Cebuanodtis'sugar America. apple:Annonasquamosa'.As notedinno.4 above,thisa nativeoftropical Cebuanobdbuy'pig',Bikolbdboy'wild babuy'pig,swine',Tagalogbdboy, 7. Chamorro in froma number ofpossiblesourcelanguages boar'.Thiswordcouldhavebeenborrowed thePhilippines. bdlut'wrapsome8. Chamorro balutan'infold, swaddle',Kapampangan wrapup,swathe, Thisformhasmany balut-an 'thingwrapped', Tagalogbdlot'covering, wrapping'. thing', sources. potential balds'sand',Tagalog baras 'gravel,pebbles,smallstones',Kapampangan 9. Chamorro coarsegranulated balds'crystallized syrup, sugar',Hanun6obards'sand;beach,seashore', Cebuanobalds'sand'. bo'bo''brackish Tagalogbub6''overflowing, pourspring bytheseashore', Io. Chamorro actionof out,intosomething; ingout(saidofliquids)',Cebuanobu'bu''poursomething watering'. bukbuk breakloose,pullout',Cebuanobalukbuk, bokbok 'digup the 'uproot, I I. Chamorro soilaroundtherootsofa smallplant'. 'bamboocontainer usedtoholda liquid',Tagalogbumbdng 12. Chamorro 'cylinbongbong waterreed'. ofbamboo)',Maranaobonbong'bamboo-like dricalcontainer (usuallya length Tetradon Bikol buteti 'blowfish, 'pufferfish: 13. Chamorro pufferfish', Tagalogbutite, butiti Thisform couldhavebeenborlunaris',Cebuanobutiti 'generalnameforpufferfishes'. inthePhilippines. rowedfromanyoneofmanylanguages boatwitha squareend,sampan',Cebuano 14. Chamorro champan'largeflat-bottomed boatforharbor square-ended barge',Malaysampan'shoe-boat, sampan'flat-bottomed, have andcouldinprinciple from a Southern comesultimately use'. Thisform Mindialect, a Philippine themediation ofeither beenborrowed languageorMalay.Borrowing through froma Philippine however, language, appearsmorelikelyinviewoftheroleofGuamas a in intheManilaGalleontradethatlinkedtheFukienesetrading community way-station ManilaBay withMexicofromI565-I815. witha quick,sharpblow',Cebuanodakddk'fall dakdak'knock,rap,strike 15.Chamorro downwithforce'. downwitha bang;throw something 16.Chamorro gachay'ax,adze;splitwithax', Ilokano,Hanun6owdsay'axe', Hiligaynon Cebuanowdsay'largeaxe; cutorchopwithan axe', Maranaooasai wdsay'axe,hatchet', andinIndonesia, loansourcesbothinthePhilippines 'axe'. Thisformhasmanypotential that area.Theinitial ofphonemic considerations g suggests shapefavortheformer although butifso itis unclearwhytheinitialconsobeforeglidefortition, thisformwasborrowed unclearwhyboththisformandno. 14 aboveshows bornantis notgw-.It also remains ch. rowedas theaffricate term)', Tagalog,Bikolgdlay,Maranaogolai'veg(generic gollay'vegetable I7. Chamorro is unexplained. inthisform ofthemedialconsonant etable'.Thegemination housepost',Tagaloghaligi'post,pillar',Cebuano 18.Chamorro haligi'fencepost,pillar, haligi'housepost'.

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thatpartofa hulo''up,above,ontopof',Tagaloghalo' 'sourceofa stream; 19.Chamorro thatis neara mountain ora hill'.ThisformandChamorro ulu'head' town(usuallyhigher) has beenborrowed PMP *qulu'head'. Although Chamorro bothreflect hulo'probably ofdoubleborrowing itself is a Malayloan.Thechronology from Tagalog,theTagalogform withhistorical hereis consistent information: mostMalayloanswouldhaveentered Tagatheadvent ofIslaminIndonesia, thebeginning oftheManilaGalbutbefore logfollowing ofIslam(first leon,becausetheintroduction byMarcoPolo in Acehin 1292) reported ofMalayin a periodofIslamicproselytization initiated andtradeconducted byspeakers whiletheManilaGalleon(beguninCebuin 1565,andmovedtoManilain thePhilippines, inManilaBay.Itis likelythatmostorallloansfrom endedMalaytrading 1572)effectively intoChamorro, ontheotherhand,postdated thebeginning oftheGallanguages Philippine leontradethattransported ChinesesilkstoMexicoandPeruvian silvertoManila,withregularannualstopsinGuam. 20. Chamorroito' 'freshwater itu' 'catfishor carp',Bikolhito' catfish',Kapampangan 'freshwater catfish sp.',Aklanonhito''fishsp.' 2I1.Chamorro kabdn'burlapsack-one hundred pound',Tagalogkabdn'chest,trunk', Bikolkabdn'chest,trunk, Cebuanokabdn'trunk, chest',Maranaokaban'chest, coffer', case,box'. wordforfemale ka'ka' 'crack,crevice,fissure', 22. Chamorro Cebuanokdka''children's Maranaokakaq'tear,torn, havea gapingwound'. genitalia', separate, kakak'thesoundheardwhenclearing as inhawking thethroat, 23. Chamorro up phlegm', Tagalogkdkak'cackling(of hens,ducks)',Bikolkakdk'to squawk',Cebuanokdkak 'cackle'. sound',Bontok 24. Chamorrokalaskas'rattle,crackling(of dryleaves),anyrustling down kalasdkas'producea rushing, orrattling noise,as thesoundofwaterrushing rustling a cliff,stonesrattling downa slide,thesoundmadewhenpushingagainsttheleavesof tallgrass',Cebuanokalasikas'rustling soundlikethatproducedbythe plantsthrough motion ofleaves'. 'sweetpotato',Bikolkam6te, Cebuanokamiti'sweetpotato:Ipomoea kamuti 25.Chamorro batatas'. latek'crispy 26. Chamorro residueofcoconutmilkafter oil is cookedout',Kapampangan latik'a sauceof sugarandtoastedcoconut',Tagaloglatik'scumofcoconutmilk(after oil byfire)',Cebuanolatik'syrupmadeofsugarandwaterorsugarandcoconut extracting milk'. lebbok'muddy, causetobe muddy;cloudy,ofliquid',Cebuanohibug'for 27. Chamorro withsediment'. liquidtogetorbe mademurky 28. Chamorromannok'chicken,poultry',Tagalog,Bikol man6k,Cebuano manaik, Maranaomanok'chicken'. Thestatus as a loanword Thegemination ofthisform is unclear. ofthemedialconsonant is unexplained orindirectly whether thewordis directly inherited (cf.no. 17). nana 'mother', 29. Chamorro ndnay(withfossilizedvocativeendings) Tagalogndnang, Bikolndna'titlefora mother, Cebuanondna'titleforgrand'mother', aunt,orgodmother', orwomenofanoldergeneration; forone'seldersister'. parents silver(as a formofmoney)',Kapampangan sal30. Chamorro salape' 'money, currency, centavos; apiq 'money,coin',Tagalogsalapi' 'money(in general)',Bikolsalapi' 'fifty Cebuanosalapi' 'money;fifty centavo coin;silver'. half-peso', riceis cooked suman'typeoffoodmadefromriceandcoconutmilk.After 3I. Chamorro in coconutmilkitis wrappedinbananaleafandsteamed.Usuallyservedas a dessert', in 'ricecakeoftheglutinous variety wrappedlongitudinally Tagalog (malagkit) slman bananaor riceflour, coconut palmleaves',Bikolsaman'ricesweetmadefromglutinous aboutsixincheslongandwrappedinburr milk,andbrownsugar,shapedintoa cylinder fromcrushed (rice,corn,pili (palm)leaves',Cebuanosiman 'sweetprepared ingredients intosticks, inbananaleavesandsteamed'. nut,millet, etc.)formed wrapped

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fishoriginally fromthePhilip32. Chamorro talapia,tilapia'typeoffreshwater imported fishwithdarkcolor'.Thetilapiais ofeastAfrican oripines',Cebuanotilapya'freshwater intoSoutheast Asia. gin,widelyintroduced tandan'rooster',Kapampangan 33. Chamorro tandang'youngmalechicken,notyeta 'rooster'. Thisis nota widespread andclearly form, rooster', Philippine Tagalogtanddng replacedPMP *lalurj'rooster'. tankat chicken 34. Chamorro 'cage,placeofconfinement', Tagalogtangkdl 'portable coop ofbamboo',Bikoltangkdl madeofwovenstrips 'pigpen, pigsty',Cebuanotangkdl 'cage, coveredenclosure'. tuba'budofcoconuttree;beverage fromsapofcoconuttree',Ilokanotuba 35. Chamorro 'juiceoftheburipalm;a drinkmadefromit',Bikoltubd''winemadefromthesapofthe andprocessed coconutpalms'. coconut',Cebuanotuba''fermented toddyfrom B. PROBABLE INDONESIAN SOURCE

arak'distilled coconutsap', Malayarak'dis36. Chamorro liquormadefromfermented tilledalcoholicliquor'.Ultimately fromArabic. of 37. Chamorro langsan,langasat'a tree:Lansium Malaylangsat'a variety domnesticwn', Lansium domnesticum' sir-used as respect whenaddressing an elderlymale',Malay tun'mister, 38. Chamorro tuan'master, lord'. C. PHILIPPINE OR INDONESIAN SOURCE

39. Chamorrokankong([we])'typeof plant:Ipomoeaaquatica', Hanun6okangkang 'acquaticmorning glory:Ipomnoea aquaticaForsk.;theyoungleavesarecookedas vegeta'a flowering eatenas a spinach: convolvulus, bles',Malaykangkong Iponoeaaquatica'. 40. Chamorronipa 'a palmthatgrowsby therivers,verygood formakingthatch', theleavesareusedforthatch', Wurmb.; Hanun6onipa'nipapalm:Nipafruticans Malay nipa'thatch-palm: Nipafruticans'. 41. Chamorro payu'umbrella, parasol',Tagalog,Bikolpdyong'umbrella, parasol',Malay payong'umbrella'. D. PROBABLE OCEANIC SOURCE

Puluwat Woleaianbwoong 42. Chamorro pwengi'night', pwoong(i), 'night'.The expected Chamorro reflex ofPMP *beRrji'night'is **poknge. 'swordfish' Puluwat sawara',Woleaiantagiuraar, 43. Chamorro taakla/aar E. PROBABLE PACIFIC PIDGIN ENGLISH SOURCE.

TokPisinpuspus'coitus, sexualintercourse'. 44. Chamorro, E UNKNOWN SOURCE

PMP *ka-wiRi'leftside'. 45. Chamorro a-kagwe'left(direction)', uduh'anexclamation: Old Javanese udu'dumb,mute, oh!,ah!', 46. Chamorro speechless', ofgrief', Ngadhaudu'tocoo'. Tae' udu'an exclamation

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