Cattle in Ancient and Modern Ireland: Farming Practices, Environment and Economy [1 ed.] 1443888958, 9781443888950, 9781443892001, 1443892009

Table of contents :
Table of Contents
List of Illustrations
List of Tables
Preface and Acknowledgements
Introduction
Chapter One
Chapter Two
Chapter Three
Chapter Four
Chapter Five
Chapter Six
Chapter Seven
Chapter Eight
Chapter Nine
Chapter Ten
Chapter Eleven
Chapter Twelve
Chapter Thirteen
List of Contributors
Index

Citation preview

Cattle in Ancient and Modern Ireland

Cattle in Ancient and Modern Ireland: Farming Practices, Environment and Economy Edited by

Michael O’Connell, Fergus Kelly and James H. McAdam

Cattle in Ancient and Modern Ireland: Farming Practices, Environment and Economy Edited by Michael O’Connell, Fergus Kelly, James H. McAdam This book first published 2016 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2016 by Michael O'Connell, Fergus Kelly, James H. McAdam and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-8895-8 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-8895-0

“In early times [in Ireland] wealth is not spoken of in terms of money, which was not in circulation, nor of ownership of land, but primarily in terms of livestock and chiefly of cows” —From Cattle in ancient Ireland by A.T. Lucas (1989), p 223

“est scientia pecoris parandi ac pascendi, ut fructus quam possint maximi capiantur ex eo, a quibus ipsa pecunia nominata est; nam omnis pecuniae pecus fundamentum” “there is a science of assembling and feeding cattle in such fashion as to secure the greatest returns from them; the very word for money is derived from them, for cattle are the basis of all wealth” —From De re rustica by the Roman writer Marcus Terentius Varro (116–27 BC). Published in the Loeb Classical Library, 1934; available online (original and translation) at: http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Varro/de_Re_Rustica/

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ....................................................................................................................................................... ix List of Tables ...............................................................................................................................................................xii Preface and Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................................xiii Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................. xv Chapter One .................................................................................................................................................................. 1 Geology, Soils and Cattle Production James F. Collins Chapter Two ................................................................................................................................................................ 12 The Introduction of Cattle into Prehistoric Ireland: Fresh Perspectives Peter C. Woodman Chapter Three .............................................................................................................................................................. 27 Farming Impact in Ireland from the Neolithic to Recent Times with Particular Reference to a Detailed Pollen Record from East Galway Karen Molloy and Michael O’Connell Chapter Four ................................................................................................................................................................ 44 Cattle in Ancient Ireland: Early Irish Legal Aspects Fergus Kelly Chapter Five ................................................................................................................................................................ 51 Metrical Data from a Modern Comparative Collection of Dexter Skeletons and the Interpretation of Archaeological Data Louisa J. Gidney Chapter Six .................................................................................................................................................................. 56 The ‘Ups And Downs’ of Booleying in Achill, Co. Mayo, Ireland Theresa McDonald Chapter Seven.............................................................................................................................................................. 66 Seasonal Management of Cattle in the Booleying System: New Insights from Connemara, Western Ireland Eugene Costello Chapter Eight ............................................................................................................................................................... 75 Livestock Kept in the Dwelling House: Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century Evidence for the Practice in Ireland Patricia Lysaght Chapter Nine................................................................................................................................................................ 92 Gender and the Business of Cattle Husbandry in Post-Famine Ireland, or, “Who Minded The Cattle?” Jean M. Walker Chapter Ten ............................................................................................................................................................... 108 Slaughtering Cattle in Ireland: A Historical Perspective Jonathan Bell and Mervyn Watson Chapter Eleven .......................................................................................................................................................... 113 Grassland Research in Northern Ireland since the 1940s: New Insights James H. McAdam

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Chapter Twelve ......................................................................................................................................................... 127 The Importance of Grasses: Past, Present and Future Helen Sheridan Chapter Thirteen ........................................................................................................................................................ 135 The Meadow at Birr Castle, Co. Offaly: A Relic of the Past and a Glimpse of the Future in Grassland Management John Feehan List of Contributors ................................................................................................................................................... 141 Index .......................................................................................................................................................................... 143

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 0-1 Participants at the Agricultural History Society of Ireland Summer Conference 2014 (photo: M. O’Connell 14/06/2014) Fig. 1-1 Soil map of Ireland showing the major soil groups (after Gardiner and Radford 1980) Fig. 1-2A Intensive grazing on sandstone-influenced soils, Co. Cork (photo: B. McMahon 11/06/2007) Fig. 1-2B Poorly drained, rush-infested soils on Irish Sea till, Co. Wexford (photo: P. Murphy 26/06/2012) Fig. 1-3A Species-rich, nutrient-poor, dry esker grassland at Glaster, Co. Offaly (photo: M. O’Connell 15/06/2014) Fig. 1-3B Species-rich wetland grasslands (callows) in the floodplain of the Shannon river, Co. Offaly (photo: M. O’Connell 15/06/2014) Fig. 1-4 Karstic landscapes at Cappanawalla, north-west Burren, Co. Clare (photos: M. O’Connell 24/03/2007) Fig. 1-5 Diagrams showing lime-kilns (after U. Mattenberger 2005 and Malcolm 1805) Fig. 1-6 A disused limestone-constructed kiln in a limestone quarry near Ardfinnan, Co. Tipperary (photo: Collins 19/09/2003) Fig. 1-7 Part of Smith’s (1750b) map of county Cork centred on the Boggeragh Mountains Fig. 1-8 New cattle breeds at Mount Melleray farm, Co. Waterford (photos: M. O’Connell 03/08/2015) Fig. 1-9 Advertisement for bone manures by the fertiliser manufacturer, Goulding (Irish Farmers’ Gazette 1862) Fig. 2-1 Map of Ireland showing the location of the main sites referred to in the text Fig. 2-2 Plot of į13C and į15N results from human bone mainly from Neolithic contexts in Northern Ireland and Poulnabrone, Co. Clare (data from Schulting et al. 2011 and Ditchfield 2014, respectively) Fig. 3-1 Map of study area (Galway city to the river Shannon) and aerial photograph of Ballinphuill Bog showing coring site Fig. 3-2 Sketches showing coring locations on Ballinphuill Bog and main features of Rahally hillfort Fig. 3-3 Peat coring in east Galway and plants as indicators of farming (photos: M. O’Connell) Fig. 3-4 Photos of cores BPH2 and BPH3, and stratigraphy of core BPH2 Fig. 3-5 Age/depth plot showing dated points and age/depth curve, profile BPH2 Fig. 3-6 Selected percentage pollen curves, profile BPH2, plotted to a calibrated/calendar time scale Fig. 3-7 Overview of pollen data, reflecting farming history from ca. 4000 BC to recent times Fig. 3-8 Plot of PCA scores of pollen spectra from profile BPH2 Fig. 3-9 Average percentage pollen values in moss samples from Kilbegly (early medieval and Bronze Age) Fig. 3-10 Calibrated age (probability) plots from the Barna dugout boat and Ballynaclogh, east Galway Fig. 4-1 The calf, symbol of the Evangelist, Saint Luke, from folio 124v of the seventh-century Book of Durrow (reproduced by kind permission of the Board of Trinity College Dublin) Fig. 4-2 ‘The wild cattle of Chillingham’ by Sir Edwin H. Landseer (1867) (image provided by Bridgeman Images on behalf of Laing Art Gallery, Newcastle upon Tyne; reproduced with permission) Fig. 5-1 Posterior view of a cattle humerus. Measurement points for BT (breadth trochlea) and HT (height trochlea) are indicated (graphic by D. Bennett 2015) Fig. 5-2 Plots of distal humerus trochlea data as measured in Danish aurochs, Neolithic Hambledon Hill and modern Dexter specimens. Linear regression lines for the data-sets are shown Fig. 5-3 Plot showing the distribution of males and females within the Dexter sample of measurements of the distal humerus trochlea Fig. 5-4 Males, females and castrates in the Dexter distal-humerus sample as suggested in a typical survey response Fig. 5-5 Plot of distal-humerus trochlea data for short and non-short males and females in the Dexter sample Fig. 6-1 Maps of Ireland, Co. Mayo and Achill Fig. 6-2 Digital survey map of the main part of the deserted village at Slievemore, Achill Fig. 6-3 Detail map showing selected houses (house nos 41–50) from Village 2, Slievemore, Achill Fig. 6-4 Map showing location of booley sites in the civil parish of Achill Fig. 6-5 Plan of booley houses, A1–A4, at Annagh, Achill (after McDonald and Rathbone 2010) Fig. 6-6 The booley settlement at Bunowna looking west towards the Atlantic (photo: A. Horning 2005) Fig. 6-7 Surveying a booley house at Dirk; view to west (photo: T. McDonald 2012) Fig. 6-8 Booley settlement at Bothóga na Muc, Bolinglanna (photo: T. McDonald 2012) Fig. 6-9 Plan of booley house 3 at Cuillaloughaun, Achill

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List of Illustrations

Fig. 6-10 Plan of booley house 4 at Tawnaghmore, Achill Fig. 6-11 ‘Booley house’ at Carrowgarve looking south-east (photo: T. McDonald 2012) Fig. 6-12 Map showing remaining identifiable houses and other features at Keem village (Achill Field School 2009) Fig. 6-13 View to the western tip of Achill from elevated ground to the south-east of Keel (photo: S. Johnson 2010) Fig. 6-14 Sketch of Dooagh and its surrounds, ca. nineteenth century (from Durand 1990) Fig. 7-1 Map of Iorras Aithneach peninsula, south-west Connemara and immediate surrounds. Fig. 7-2 A shelter in Glinsce (photo: E. Costello 27/02/2014) Fig. 7-3 Rectangular booley house in Gleannán, with coursed walls (photo: E. Costello 29/1/2014) Fig. 7-4 Rubble-walled, sub-rectangular booley house in An Cnoc Buí (photo: E. Costello 1/5/2014) Fig. 7-5 A rectilinear pen in Glinsce (photo: E. Costello 27/2/2014) Fig. 7-6 Map of townlands linked through booleying Fig. 7-7 Dooagh village, Achill, in 1838 (after 1st ed., 6 inch OS map) Fig. 7-8 An Aird Thiar and An Aird Thoir, on Iorras Aithneach in 1838 (after 1st ed., 6 inch OS map) Fig. 8-1 Michael Doheny (1805–1862) (from Doheny 1914) Fig. 8-2 Ballingarry, Slievenamon in the distance (from Doheny 1914) Fig. 8-3 The Knockmeldown mountains from Ardfinnan, Co. Tipperary (from Doheny 1914) Fig. 8-4 Monument at the site of the ‘Priest’s Leap’ on the Cork/Kerry border (photo: M.A. D’Cruz 2015) Fig. 8-5 A cow and a sow and piglets sharing the living quarters (kitchen) of a family (from Connery 1837) Fig. 8-6 “Interior of one of the better kind of Irish cottages” (from Barrow 1836) Fig. 8-7 Plan of a small, windowless, one-roomed dwelling at Fallmore, Co. Mayo (after Å. Campbell) Fig. 8-8 Plan of a one-unit byre-dwelling, Binghamstown, Co. Mayo (after C. Ó Danachair) Fig. 8-9 Plan of a two-unit byre-dwelling (with bed-outshot), Doolough, Co. Mayo (after C. Ó Danachair) Fig. 8-10 Byre-dwelling with a bed-outshot at Gweedore, Co. Donegal, ca. 1880s (image L 440-1, UFTM) Fig. 8-11 James Hack Tuke (1819–1896) (from Micks 1925) Fig. 8-12 Pats Ó Conaill’s house at Cill Rialaigh, Co. Kerry (after Å. Campbell 1934) Fig. 8-13 Byre-dwelling at Meenacreevagh, Co. Donegal (after Evans 1939) Fig. 8-14 Byre-dwelling in the Rathlackan area, Co. Mayo (photo: C. Ó Danachair, ca. 1953) Fig. 8-15 Adjoining byre-dwellings, Magheragallan, Co. Donegal (after McCourt 1970) Fig. 8-16a, b, c Byre-dwelling from Magheragallan, Co. Donegal, reconstructed at the UFTM (photos: M. O’Connell 2015) Fig. 8-17 Farmhouse with a bedroom over the byre, Cruckaclady, Co. Tyrone (McCourt 1970) Fig. 8-18 Farmhouse with a bedroom over the byre from Cruckaclady, Co. Tyrone at the UFTM (photo: M. O’Connell 2015) Fig. 8-19 Distribution of byre-dwellings in Ireland in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (after C. Ó Danachair) Fig. 9-1 Mrs Margaret Magan, Killashee, Co. Longford, (ca.1890–1900) (image from M. Magan) Fig. 9-2 Munster Institute, Cork (from Coyne 1902) Fig. 9-3 Bringing in the hay at Burrane Lower, Co. Clare (photo: R. O’Connell 1960) Fig. 9-4 Fair day in Longford (ca. 1865–1914) (source: Lawrence Photograph Collection, NLI) Fig. 9-5 Fair day in Dungarvan (ca. 1865–1914) (source: Lawrence Photograph Collection, NLI) Fig. 9-6 Opening of Trim Mart (Irish Farmers Journal; 21/04/1962) Fig. 9-7 Mrs Margaret Bye herding her cattle at Castlerickard, Co. Meath (photo: J. Walker 2006) Fig. 10-1 Native Irish Longhorn cattle (from Youatt 1836) Fig. 10-2 Henry Garnett’s improved Leicester bull, Brindle (from Thompson 1802) Fig. 10-3 Mrs Evans’ cross-bred Shorthorn and native Old Irish cow (from Farmers’ Gazette 1847) Fig. 10-4 Bull, Dexter-Shorthorn cross (from Wallace 1923) Fig. 10-5 Weir’s cattle-weighing machine (from Loudon 1871) Fig. 10-6 Aerial view (1992) of Bandon Shambles (photo: J. Herriott 1992) Fig. 11-1 James Scott Gordon (1867–1946) (reproduced with permission from the Permanent Secretary, Department of Agriculture and Rural Development, Northern Ireland) Fig. 11-2 Agriculture Faculty Building, Queen’s University Belfast, ca. 1952 (from Muskett 1952) Fig. 11-3 Cover of the first issue of the Journal of the British Grassland Society (1946) Fig. 11-4 Bringing in a grass crop (ca. 1952) at the Agricultural Research Institute of Northern Ireland, Hillsborough (photo: P. Hayes) Fig. 11-5 Experimental equipment used in field trials reported on by Linehan and Lowe (1946) Fig. 11-6 Grass-measuring equipment in Northern Ireland in use during late 1940s/early 1950s (from Lowe 1951) Fig. 11-7 Sheep grazing in silvopastoral trials at Loughgall, Co. Armagh (photo: R. Olave 2005) Fig. 11-8 Cattle grazing in silvopasture, Loughgall, Co. Armagh (photo: McAdam 2007)

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Fig. 11-9 Cattle grazing in a landscape defined by field boundaries with much woody vegetation in Co. Tyrone (photo: McAdam 2007) Fig. 12-1 Re-seeded grasslands in receipt of high and low-nitrogen applications, respectively (photos: H. Sheridan and A. Helden) Fig. 13-1 Views of meadow and ‘learning about grass’ in Birr Castle demesne (photos: M. O’Connell 15/06/2014) Fig. 13-2 Views of meadow in Birr Castle demesne illustrating open parkland aspect and grasses in flower (photos: M. O’Connell 15/06/2014)

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2-1 Radiocarbon dates derived mainly from cattle bones recorded in early Neolithic contexts in Ireland Table 2-2 Main components of the bone assemblage at Newgrange (late Neolithic/Calcolithic) (after van Wijngaarden-Bakker 1986) Table 2-3 Radiocarbon dates and stable isotope results from selected human remains relating to the early/mid Neolithic in southern Ireland Table 3-1 Details of radiocarbon dates from Ballinphuill Bog Table 3-2 Summary percentage pollen data (averages) for zones 1 and 2, profile BPH2 Table 6-1 Geographical details of booley sites in the civil parish of Achill Table 9-1 Data illustrating the gender distribution in farming in the Irish State Table 9-2 Data illustrating the gender distribution in farming in the Irish State after World War II Table 11-1 Herbage quality of grasslands in Northern Ireland in the mid 1940s (after Linehan 1947) in terms of herbage quality. Percentages are expressed relative to total area under pasture or hay Table 11-2 Yields in seasons 1950–1954 from an ‘old’ sward, mole-drained and fertilised annually (after Linehan and Lowe 1956) Table 11-3 Yields in seasons 1950–1954 from a reseeded sward, not mole drained nor fertilised annually (after Linehan and Lowe 1956) Table 11-4 Yields in seasons 1950–1954 from a reseeded sward, mole drained and fertilised annually (after Linehan and Lowe 1956) Table 12-1 Details of seed mixture outlined by Professor Barnes, TCD (from Elliot 1948) Table 13-1 Flowering-plant species recorded in and around the meadow in Birr Castle demesne

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The Agricultural History Society of Ireland (www.ahsi.ie) usually aims to hold its main annual conference at a location appropriate to the theme of the particular conference. In 2014 the conference title was Cattle in Ireland: beef, bulls, butchers and biodiversity. Given that title, suitable locations on the island of Ireland were many and diverse. Mullingar, in Co. Westmeath—the saying “beef to the heels like a Mullingar heifer” comes to mind; also that wellknown chief executive of Ryanair and also cattle breeder, Michael O’Leary, who farms near Mullingar—was certainly high in the list. Equally, a location in the Golden Vale, which includes much of the fertile farmlands in the province of Munster, or possibly West Cork, e.g. Bandon where the former shambles still serves to define part of the townscape, or Armagh given its strong association with the Táin bó Cuailnge/The cattle-raid of Cooley and nearby Eamhain Mhacha/Navan Fort, were all distinct possibilities. Instead, the heritage town of Birr, Co. Offaly was chosen for reasons that will become obvious later. For the overall conference theme thanks are due to Dr Helen Sheridan, an AHSI committee member who submitted the proverbial one-page document towards the end of 2013 in which she succinctly outlined her ideas for the conference as follows [the statistics relate to the Republic of Ireland]: Beef production is one of Ireland’s most important indigenous industries. Specialist beef production is currently the dominant type of farming in Ireland, accounting for more than half of farm enterprises (current data show that ca. 100 000 farms have a beef enterprise). This sector of agriculture accounts for 30% of gross agricultural output. The national suckler herd is the major strength of the industry and ca. 50% of Irish beef is derived from our dedicated beef suckler herds. Given these figures, I believe that a conference dedicated to beef would have the potential to attract a lot of interest. Approximately 60% of the specialist beef production farms are located in the Border, Midland and Western region (socalled BMW region) of Ireland. The Midlands might be an appropriate location for the conference.

Concrete suggestions for topics that might be explored were proffered as follows: l) Grasslands, i.e. we currently have almost singular reliance on perennial ryegrass for reseeding grasslands. I think it might be really interesting to have a presentation that focuses on species that would have been present in grasslands in the past. 2) Animal breeds and how these have changed, i.e. which breeds were used in the past and the positive / negative attributes of these breeds? 3) Animal health and welfare, i.e. how did farmers address animal health issues prior to the widespread availability of pharmaceutical chemicals to treat various diseases?

For me, as the newly chosen AHSI Chairperson, these suggestions were literally a godsend in that they were both apposite and timely and, from a personal viewpoint, the ideas pandered to my general environmental interests and also coincided, at least broadly, with my specific interests in past environments and especially long-term farming impacts on vegetation and the environment generally. But, here and now, I admit to having no particular expertise in cattle! A subcommittee, that included Professor F. Kelly, Dr H. Sheridan, Dr I. Stuijts and myself, was established with a view to planning the conference programme. Birr was chosen not so much for its location and connection with cattle but rather for its rich cultural heritage—including a second-to-none scientific heritage associated with Birr Castle and its owners the Parsons, the present owner being the Seventh Earl of Rosse. The wider countryside also has much to offer by way of natural and built heritage, including the important medieval monastic site at Clonmacnoise, the extensive callow systems (wet, winter-flooded grasslands) at Clonmacnoise and in the mid-Shannon region generally, and also dry, species-rich grasslands of the esker ridges—of last glaciation (Midlandian/Weichselian) age—and which, together with the many raised bogs, serve largely to define the landscape at both local and regional levels. Saturday 15th June was devoted to lectures by Irish experts on a variety of topics relating to cattle in Ireland from earliest to recent times. A poster session gave updates on on-going research projects by British and Irish researchers (for details of these and other aspects see http://www.ahsi.ie/p/past-conferences.html; see Fig. 0-1 for a group photograph of participants). The friendly and efficient service provided by the staff of the County Arms Hotel, Birr, where the conference was based, is gratefully acknowledged. For the full-day excursion on the Sunday, we were fortunate to have the services of several locally and internationallyrecognised experts, including Dr John Feehan whose publications include The bogs of Ireland (1996; with G. O’Donovan) and Farming in Ireland (2003); Dr Caitriona Maher, botanist and dipteran specialist, who in her PhD

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Preface and Acknowledgements

research (thesis title: The river Shannon callows, Ireland (2013)), investigated, inter alia, the hydrology and management of the callows in relation to biodiversity; and, Michael Martyn, agri-environmental consultant and specialist in ecological restoration. Local landowners who facilitated entry onto their land included (in the order of the itinerary): the Earl and Countess of Rosse who facilitated a visit to the ancient meadow on the grounds of the ‘Giant Telescope’ at Birr Castle, and gave us their personal insights into this unique cultural landscape and the exceptional biological system that the approximately two hundred-year-old hay meadow represents (see J. Feehan, this volume); the Moran family who gave permission to experience the species-diverse, dry-grassland esker flora and the impressive views of the Offaly countryside at Glaster, and the landowners at Clonmacnoise who facilitated inspection of the extensive wet meadows—in full flower—and pastures that constitute the callows in this exceptional, semi-natural habitat. In an effort to further harness the enthusiasm that was so evident at Birr, it was decided that the AHSI Autumn Symposium for 2014 would also be devoted to cattle. The overall theme was Cattle: a long-term mainstay of Irish farming and economy. Seven lectures were presented, including a keynote lecture, From the Táin to CAP: the importance of cattle in Ireland, by Dr Edel Bhreathnach, Director, Discovery Programme. At this point, it is my pleasure to acknowledge, on behalf of AHSI, the long-term support provided by the Discovery Programme and the facilities for meetings, including the Autumn Symposium, made available by the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland at their headquarters in Merrion Square, Dublin. The present volume is thus the result of a conference and a symposium, both dedicated to various aspects of cattle in Ireland. During both prehistory and the historical period cattle were all-important to people living in Ireland and the Irish economy. Despite the exponential growth during recent decades in information technology and pharma and related industries and also tourism, farming and especially cattle continue to be major contributors to the economies in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. In this volume, while there are several references to milking and milk products, these important aspects, which are the basis of now major international brand-names such as Kerrygold, and also a substantial high-quality and rapidly expanding specialist-food industry, have not been treated in any detail. These are aspects that deserve and require further conferences and at least another specialist volume. It should, moreover, be pointed out that much of the present-day agri-business in Ireland is centred on milk, including the core activities of the AHSI sponsor, Carbery—a global leader in food ingredients, flavours and cheese (www.carbery.com). Help received by individual authors during their research and the preparation of their contributions for this publication is acknowledged in the relevant chapters. Acknowledgement of copyright material (e.g. the poem, A drover, by Padraic Colum; also several illustrations and photographs) is given in the relevant text or in the detailed figure legends available at the end of each contribution. Permission to reproduce copyright material—often given free of charge, in some instances on foot of a modest fee—is gratefully acknowledged. Online sources have been extensively consulted and used during editing, and especially the Internet Archive (archive.org), Google Books (books.google.com), Bibliothèque nationale de France (bnf.fr) and Project Gutenberg (gutenberg.org/), as well as National Library of Ireland (nli.ie) and British Library (bl.uk) online catalogues. Personal assistance received from staff in the Hardiman Library, National University of Ireland Galway (NUIG) and the National Library of Ireland is gratefully acknowledged, as are the facilities generously made available to me by the School of Geography and Archaeology, NUIG. The unstinting support of the Committee of the Agricultural History Society of Ireland is much appreciated and the valuable editorial assistance provided by Fergus Kelly and Jim McAdam at critical junctures during the editing process helped in no small way to bring this publishing project to fruition. I thank Máire for her tolerance as I indulged my interests in past times for hours on end, and for help with proofreading. Finally, the encouragement and help provided by the publishers, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, are gratefully acknowledged. Michael O’Connell Chairperson, Agricultural History Society of Ireland January 2016

INTRODUCTION

This book, consisting of thirteen chapters, results from a two-day conference and a subsequent one-day symposium organised by the Agricultural History Society of Ireland in 2014. The topics for inclusion were chosen on the basis of representing ongoing and, in many instances, recently completed research into particular aspects of cattle and cattle husbandry in ancient and modern Ireland. The publication thus consists of contributions by specialists presented in a manner that makes the information accessible to a wide audience, rather than an attempt to cover all aspects and possibly not satisfactorily given the breadth of the topic. It is hoped that each contribution, in its own distinctive way will augment and complement the existing literature, including earlier landmark books such as Cattle in ancient Ireland (Lucas 1989; Boethius Press), Early Irish farming (Kelly 1997; School of Celtic Studies), Farming in Ireland (Feehan 2003; UCD, Faculty of Agriculture) and A history of Irish farming 1750–1950 (Bell and Watson 2008; Four Courts Press), and recent publications such as Early medieval agriculture, livestock and cereal production in Ireland, AD 400–1100 (McCormick et al. 2014; BAR Intern. Ser. 2647) and Agriculture and settlement in Ireland (Murphy and Stout (eds) 2015; Four Courts Press). In Chapter One James Collins outlines the features of Irish geology and soils, that, in combination with Ireland’s favourable climate, provide the basis for a cattle industry that traditionally has been based on grass and grazing in the open for much of the year. The history of manuring, initially using various naturally occurring resources such as sand, marl and seaweed, and of practices such as paring and burning are charted, as well as the transition to a more sciencebased approach that began in earnest in the Age of Enlightenment (eighteenth century) and led to the widespread use of lime and imported organic fertiliser, and ultimately chemical fertilisers. In Chapter Two the complexities of the archaeological evidence relating to the introduction of cattle to Ireland, with particular reference to the Mesolithic/Neolithic transition, are presented and discussed by Peter Woodman. While there are still many uncertainties as to details regarding ‘when, where and whence’ cattle were introduced, the available archaeological evidence leaves little doubt as to the importance of cattle in the farming economy of the Irish Neolithic, the first cultural period to be characterised by farming and the use of pottery in most of Europe. In Chapter Three the dynamic between farming and the natural environment, which prior to the start of farming consisted mainly of woodland, is reconstructed on the basis of a detailed pollen diagram from Ballinphuill Bog, Co. Galway. Karen Molloy and Michael O’Connell infer from the fossil pollen data that strong farming impacts are mainly the result of pastoral rather than arable farming. Cattle were undoubtedly of major importance in defining the vegetation cover through grazing, thereby checking tree growth and preventing natural regeneration of trees and shrubs, with the consequent expansion of grasslands. While the pollen data relate specifically to east Galway, the results are discussed in wider regional contexts, and also in relation to recently published macrofossil and pollen data from Ireland and further afield. In Chapter Four Fergus Kelly details the rich sources of evidence available in the medieval Irish law-texts for the role of cattle in medieval Irish society and also for details of husbandry practices connected with the care and management of cattle. Interestingly, there are few references to the housing of cattle in the law-texts while, on the other hand, diseases and other disorders of cattle are well documented. The centrality of cattle in Ireland throughout most of the medieval period is demonstrated by the use of cattle as currency, a practice that persisted even after the invasion and expansion of the Normans in the late twelfth century. The complexities and uncertainties attaching to the determination of sex ratios in cattle-bone assemblages from archaeological sites are discussed in Chapter Five by Louisa Gidney. During the course of research towards a PhD degree in the University of Durham, she chose as her comparandum for early prehistoric cattle-bone assemblages the Dexter breed, a nineteenth-century offshoot of Kerry cattle and usually, like the related Kerry cattle, regarded as similar in size to early—including Neolithic—cattle. On the basis of size measurements made on the modern-day Dexter bone samples, she suggests that osteologists studying Neolithic sites should be more cautious in their interpretations, especially as regards estimating overall size ranges of ancient cattle and also gender-ratios represented in prehistoric cattle-bone assemblages. In Chapters Six and Seven the practice of booleying, i.e. a form of transhumance involving mainly cattle, as practised in western Ireland during recent centuries, is described. In Chapter Six, Theresa McDonald reports on her recently completed detailed research into booleying on the island of Achill and the nearby peninsula of Corraun, west Mayo. Evidence presented includes descriptions of the practice by travellers from the mid-eighteenth century onwards, documentation by map-makers (W. Bald in the early nineteenth century and, subsequently, the Ordnance Survey), and her own detailed surveys of long-abandoned booleying sites and also booleying sites that later developed into

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Introduction

permanent settlements. She shows that the system was characterised by considerable complexity and fluidity as it responded to various factors, including demographic and political pressures. Booleying sites were predominantly connected with cattle and especially cows, but not to the complete exclusion of other farming activities, including spring/summer cereal and potato growing. In Chapter Seven Eugene Costello reports on his on-going investigations into booleying in Iorras Aithneach (Carna), south-west Connemara where the practice was widespread and persisted into the early twentieth century. He demonstrates that it was far from a ‘free for all’ but rather was highly regulated, with specific booleying sites in the upland interior being used by farm families who were permanently resident in coastal parts. It was a system that was community-based rather than imposed on the farming population by an outside authority such as the local landlord. It had many advantages, especially in that it reduced grazing-pressure near the permanent settlements during the height of the growing season and provided a balanced diet for the cattle through movement between coastal and inland habitats with their different soils, vegetation and capacities to provide the nutrients essential for animal health. In Chapter Eight the considerable documentary evidence—including folklore and accounts by visitors from other parts of Europe—for the keeping of livestock in the same living quarters as people in early modern Ireland, is reviewed and discussed by Patricia Lysaght. The practice was common in western Ireland (from Cork to Donegal), and in a few places it survived, or at least remained in the folk-memory, until the mid-twentieth century. The architectural expression of the practice is to be found in the so-called byre-dwellings, examples of which are illustrated in the article, while actual buildings can be seen today reconstructed in open-air museums at Bunratty Folk Park, Co. Clare and the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum, Co. Down. In Chapter Nine several insights into cattle husbandry—including herding of cattle on farms and to fairs, ownership including buying and selling of cattle, the division of labour on farms, and educational and related opportunities—are discussed from a gender perspective by Jean Walker. The analysis and conclusions are all the more interesting in that the study spans two periods that are crucial in modern Irish history; firstly, the period after the Great Famine (1845– 1848) including the early twentieth century, and, secondly, the early decades of the newly established independent state that became the Republic of Ireland, i.e. the period from the 1920s onwards. It is suggested that systems and practices of the latter part of the nineteenth century, including the educational system, continued to have a major influence, at least as regards the role expected of men and women in rural life, and this extended well into the twentieth century. As in many spheres of life, there were exceptions which, however, may serve only to prove the rule. In Chapter Ten Jonathan Bell and Meryvn Watson review the historical evidence for slaughtering cattle in Ireland during the last four centuries. A shift away from the Irish Longhorn breed towards the imported Shorthorn and the acceptance, mainly by well-to-do farmers, of the idea of pure-bred cattle with a known pedigree that occurred in the mid-nineteenth century, coincided with increased regulation and mechanisation of slaughtering. The history of the establishment of public slaughtering houses, beginning in the seventeenth century in large centres of population, to the building of shambles in many small towns, and ultimately the construction of large abattoirs in the mid and later nineteenth century is reviewed. Developments are also described that have led, in recent decades, to more or less complete abandonment of the slaughter of cattle at home or by local butchers, and the centralisation of slaughtering in a small number of large commercial slaughter houses that are governed by strict regulations and subject to regular state inspection. In the final three chapters various aspects of grasslands, the foundation-stone of the recent and modern Irish cattle industry, are discussed. In Chapter Eleven, James McAdam traces the important role that Northern Ireland played, and continues to play, in grassland research on the local, regional (British/Irish contexts) and international stages since the 1920s. These research efforts, characterised by close involvement with the farming community, were supported directly by the Ministry of Agriculture (Northern Ireland) or indirectly through support to institutes such as the College of Food Agriculture and Rural Enterprise (CAFRE), the Agri-Food and Biosciences Institute (AFBI) and Queen’s University Belfast (mainly the Department of Agricultural Botany). The major contributions by able and effective administrators and researchers such as J.S. Gordon, G.S. Robertson, P.A. Linehan and J. Lowe are detailed, and the continued relevance of results from largely forgotten but incisive research carried out in the 1950s and earlier is emphasised. In Chapter Twelve Helen Sheridan focusses on grasses and on-going grassland research in the Republic of Ireland in the context of the project SmartGrass. This project takes a critical fresh look at how better to manage that allimportant semi-natural resource, the grasslands of Ireland, not only in terms of productivity but also sustainability, maintenance of high biodiversity in grass swards and the attractiveness of local and regional landscapes, while at the same time providing cattle with the healthy balanced diet that species-rich grasslands can deliver. In Chapter Thirteen John Feehan describes a living relict of the past, namely the species-rich meadow in the demesne of Birr Castle that was sown by the Third Earl of Rosse, who was also responsible for the construction of the giant telescope (the largest in the world until 1917) on the demesne grounds of the Castle in the 1840s. The author suggests that such meadows may—indeed should—once again become a dominant feature of the Irish landscape.

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While the papers are presented in journal format, each presenter brings her/his own personal style that suits the subject matter. All papers have references and most have a substantial bibliography so that source material can readily be traced by future researchers. In addition, footnotes are liberally used in some of the articles that enable additional details and occasionally clarifications to be presented without unduly interrupting the text. The papers are illustrated by photographs, graphs, and ‘old’ illustrations from pre-photographic times, as appropriate to the subject matter. The illustrations are organised in a centrepiece and given abbreviated legends; comprehensive legends are available at the end of each article. It is hoped that, while the contributions are from serious researchers many of whom are academics, the style, the subject matter and the many illustrations will result in the book finding favour with the interested public and ultimately reaching a wide readership within the island of Ireland and indeed further afield.

CHAPTER ONE GEOLOGY, SOILS AND CATTLE PRODUCTION JAMES F. COLLINS

Abstract Ireland’s reputation as an agricultural country, based on grass and cattle, arises from many factors, chief of which are its bedrock geology and the soils derived therefrom and which are hence largely base-rich. Developed since the Ice Age, Ireland’s young, moderately leached, biologically active soils, in combination with the equable, maritime climate, result in an environment particularly conducive to grass growing and cattle rearing. The ‘love affair’ of Irish society with cattle in ancient Ireland, especially with cows, has been admirably documented by several researchers and especially by A.T. Lucas. In this contribution, relationships between geology, soils and cattle production, based on documentary evidence mainly from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, are explored with reference to the physical resource background and changes in cattle management practices. Keywords Soils • Soil fertility • Geology • Farming • Cattle rearing • History • Ireland

Introduction Geology A unique feature of the geology of Ireland is that limestone forms more than half of the bedrock, with outcrops occurring in all but one of the 32 counties that constitute the island of Ireland. This bedrock type varies from ‘deepwater’ limestones that are relatively high in calcium carbonate (CaCO3; over 95% in places), to impure, ‘shallowwater’ limestones, admixed with organic-rich sediments. In places, the silica content is such that there is a gradation from ‘silicious limestone’ to ‘calcareous shale’. Other extensive base-rich bedrocks include basalt, which occurs in parts of five Ulster counties, and Carboniferous shales in some counties. Ireland was repeatedly glaciated during the Quaternary period (Ice Ages). As the ice sheets waxed and waned, the ice sculpted, quarried and comminuted the bedrock over which it travelled and incorporated into its load fresh rock material and older soils and sediments. This material was widely deposited either unsorted as tills or, where meltwaters were involved, laid down in a sorted/stratified manner as gravels, sands, silts and clays. As well as creating material suitable for soil formation, it also resulted in the transfer of base-rich materials to areas devoid of limestone.

Soils The most extensive Irish soil types are the grey brown podzolic soils (luvisols) (http://www.agresearch.teagasc.ie/ johnstown/soil_maps.asp; Fig. 1-1; a selection of soil types within landscape and cattle-rearing contexts are shown in Figs 1-2 to 1-4). Their occurrence and extent are intimately associated with a widespread limestone parentage that facilitated clay movement and accumulation. Rivalling the grey-brown podzolic soils for versatility and productivity are the brown earth soils (cambisols), i.e. soils with equally good physical characteristics for pastoral agriculture, but arising from parent materials such as shales, siltstones and mudstones, which have limited reserves of basic cations. They share, with brown podzolic and podzolic soils (podzols), a tendency for their phosphate content to become unavailable. Gley soils (gleysols), often base-rich and nutritionally fertile, have wetness and watertable problems, resulting in short grass-grazing seasons, limitations that are exacerbated by higher rainfall at elevated altitudes. The soil veneer is broken on mountains and hilly areas, especially where the bedrock is granite, sandstone, gneiss or quartzite. Here there is resistance to weathering or, in the case of limestone areas, the purity of the rock is such that the residue after weathering is inadequate to form a thick soil mantle (rendzina) (Fig. 1-4). Soil/water relations Soils in Ireland and their productivity are in keeping with the country’s mid-latitude, humid, oceanic climate that may be summarised as follows: mean annual temperature, ca. 10°C; mean annual rainfall (MAR), ca. 800–1200 mm; and potential evapo-transpiration (PET), ca. 500–600 mm. An excess of ca. 100–500 mm of MAR over PET (high in the west; low in the east) ensures that only the most coarse-textured and shallow soils suffer summer-moisture deficits. Excluding these, most Irish soils have a water-volume of ca. 10–25% and an available water-capacity (AWC) of ca. 50–180 mm (Keane and Collins 2004, Chapters 4, 6). Another critical property of soils—and often of the parent material beneath them—is the ability to transfer water from the surface downwards and also laterally (Fig. 1-2A).

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Hydraulic conductivity (Ksat) values for most of the loamy productive soils range from ca. 0.1–100 mm per day; the rates for sandy and gravelly soils can be up to ca. 105 mm per day while soils with high-clay horizons/lenses can have a Ksat value as low as ca. 10-5 mm per day. Soils in the last mentioned category suffer from substantial wetness or water-logging, i.e. conditions not conducive to grass growth or its utilisation. The widespread occurrence of drumlins also contributes to a range of poorly drained, low Ksat soils, especially in some Ulster and Connacht counties (Gardiner and Radford 1980). Soil nutrients The Irish lowlands have long been characterised by rich grasslands, that in turn have supported predominantly pastoral farming, with cattle being of primary importance. Soils are fundamental for pastoral farming insofar as they supply a range of plant nutrients, retain and transmit water, and provide a supporting medium for grazing animals—not only cattle but also sheep, horses, and other domesticates and wild animals. A productive soil is expected to supply 16 essential nutrients to growing plants. As well as carbon (C), hydrogen (H) and oxygen (O), the three elements, nitrogen (N), phosphorus (P) and potassium (K), are regarded (in terms of quantity only) as major nutrients; calcium (Ca), magnesium (Mg) and sulphur (S) are next in importance and the remainder, i.e. iron (Fe), boron (B), manganese (Mn), zinc (Zn), copper (Cu), molybdenum (Mo) and chlorine (Cl) are micro or trace nutrients. Apart from B, the above elements, together with cobalt (Co), sodium (Na) and selenium (Se), are required by animals. In prehistoric and well into historical times, parent-material weathering, augmented by atmospheric accretion and natural recycling, supplied these nutrient requirements. The main patterns as regards bedrock and soil fertility are as follows. Limestones, especially pure types, are inexhaustive sources of Ca and, in places, of Mg, and locally may be high in Mo. Basalts are high in Fe and Mg. The older shales are low in Ca but locally high in K and Mn. Younger shales yield more bases and P. High amounts of Se in some impure limestones (‘poisoned lands’) lead to toxicity in cattle and horses. Sandstones, especially the coarser sandstones in southern Munster, are base-poor while granites, despite their feldspar and mica contents, are prone to nutrient losses as a result of leaching, with Co being particularly susceptible to leaching. Locally, some soils developed from schists and granites are rich in K and Na but patterns are modified in coastal areas by atmospheric deposition. On release from their geological home, metal elements find their way into the soil solution, from which they may take part in cation exchange on surfaces of clay minerals or transfer directly to plant root-hairs. The type and amount of organic matter in the soil complicate the geographical distribution patterns of nutrient supply and availability (for geochemical details see Fay et al. 2015). Maintaining output Production is influenced by a wide variety of factors including changes in farming practices, developments in cultivation methods (implements, crops and cropping systems), export of produce and the size of population living off the land. Collins (2008), in assessing these and other factors, placed emphasis on the natural tendency of soils in a humid environment to become acid and nutrient-depleted over time. Animal manures can only return part of the nutrients removed in grazing and cropping and hence a search for ‘new’ materials, many of them geological, was, and continues to be, an unending task. Marls and calcareous clays at shallow depths were early targets for experimentation. Coastal areas were, and still are, prolific sources of ‘sea manures’, including sand, shell, coral and seaweed. Paring and burning the organic surface of soils was a ‘stop-gap’ measure to release Ca, Mg and K, but the element in greatest demand, both by crops and animals, was often phosphorus. The ancient practice of burning animal bones in midsummer and scattering the embers and ashes on crops, indicates the need, long-recognised by farmers, to augment soil phosphorus. The strategies used to improve the supply of P (reviewed in Collins 2008), are described in early essays by Rye (1730), Madden (1739) and Kirwan (1793/4). Practices included burning (powdering), and chopping and acid treatment of bones in an effort to release their P content (Alford and Parkes 1953; Cooper and Davis 2004). With the passage of time, Irish and British agricultural literature became infused with experimental data (methods, rates, timing, crops, yields) as to how to benefit from new ‘portable’ manures and to mitigate wetness problems (furrows, trenching, open and closed drains, and cultivation ridges; see Bell and Watson 2008). Gernon (1620) summed up Ireland’s natural resources as follows: its rocks as “bones of polished marble, the grey marble, the blacke, the redd, and the speckled”; its soil cover as “a softe and delicat mould of earthe”; hillocks with “milk-yielding grasse, and that so fertile that they contend wth the vallyes”; and its climate as “very temperate, never too hott, nor too could, and hath a sweet breath of favonian winde”. These are the physical resources that underpinned the country’s reputation as a cattle-rearing economy but in order to keep the grass tender, some of the ‘marbles’ had to quarried, burned or crushed; the bays, shores and waters searched for sand, shells and weed; and, the terrestrial marls and gravels uncovered, dug up and spread. Gernon’s rain may “weep for many days” and bring a cocktail of salts from the oceans with it, but no amount of recycling of organic wastes/manures could keep up with pervasive leaching losses under such a humid climate; losses were continually exacerbated by the export of agricultural produce. If he were to return two centuries later (joining a population that had peaked at ca. eight million), Gernon would be aghast at the greyness of the landscape as the “delicate mould” was now dominated by the blight-affected potato crop and showed clear signs of suffering from mineral deficiencies. The expression “soil exhaustion” appeared regularly in official

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reports of the period (e.g. Anon 1848), with replenishment being slow and haphazard thereafter (Curran 1949; Sheehy 1949). A century-and-a-half later still, technology had ensured that these conditions were rectified and indeed not infrequently over-corrected. Better soils in Ireland may yield up to 15t/ha/y herbage and have livestock carrying capacity of up to three units per hectare but those who study the fates of applied phosphates and nitrates nowadays are well advised to recall Kirwan’s (1793/4, p 161) observation that “a surfeit is as fatal as an absolute privation”.

Literature overview Early sources of evidence for soil improvement As Irish woodlands were substantially, and in most areas, completely cleared, during the second millennium AD, the better soils were flush with nutrients, grasses thrived and if a deficiency occurred in soils under tillage, recourse was had to animal excreta. Kelly (1997, p 230), on the basis old Irish law texts, writes “the term gert was often used to include the two vital products of living cattle, namely milk and dung”. He continues “As in later farming systems, manure from the sheds of cattle and other livestock is piled in a dunghill (otrach) in the farmyard. [...] In autumn, the manure is brought out to the fields in a cart”. Despite the recycling of waste products to the soil, nutrients continued to be lost under the humid Irish climate even though nitrogen fixation, through the agency of clover (semmar) and other leguminous plants such as furze (Ulex), undoubtedly helped maintain adequate N levels in the soils. Kelly (1997, p 42), quotes the geographer Dícuill who, writing in the ninth century, cites Solinus to the effect “Ireland is so rich in pastures as to endanger the cattle unless they are now and then removed from their feeding grounds” (grass tetany/bloat/hypomagnesemia is suspected). Norman lords favoured intensive demesne farming and vigorously promoted foreign trade (Murphy 2015). The accounts of the Constable and Provost of Old Ross, Co. Wexford (Hore 1900) suggest that by the late 1200s, the shale-derived soils of south-eastern Ireland were deficient in some nutrients and required sanding, manuring and surface burning. Stanihurst’s view of Ireland following the Tudor takeover (he is writing in the sixteenth century; Miller and Power 1979) suggests the dominance of pasture-based farming: Irelande is stored of Cowes, of excellent horses, of hawkes, of fishe and of foule [...] the countrey is very fruiteful both of corne and grasse [...] The grass [...] groweth so ranke in the north parts, that oft times it rotteth their Kyne [cows].

The Tudor wars of the 1500s had a detrimental effect on output so that Fynes Moryson (personal secretary to Lord Mountjoy, governor of Ireland; quotations are from Miller and Power 1979) wondered why “so rich a kingdome should be so great a burthen on the State of England” (p 82). He noted that “the Pastures are greene [in winter] and Gardens full of Rosemary, laurell and sweete hearbes, which the Colde of England often destroyeth” (p 82), and “the wealth of Ireland consists especially in Cattel and victualls” (p 83). While remarking on the nomadic disposition of the Irish, he noted “howsoeuer they haue plenty of Corne, milke and Cattel” (p 38). References to the use of sand as a fertiliser during these centuries are scarce but it was well entrenched by 1626 when the Corporation of Youghal (Caulfield 1878, p 130) ordained “That every lighter that comes to the harbour or key for sand [...] shall bring a lighter load full of great stones”. Forty years later, the Corporation of Kinsale also had worries about harbour deterioration; new quays were needed to facilitate a thriving business based on sand dredging and carriage by lighters upriver to Innishannon (Caulfield 1879). In a seminal publication on the natural history of Ireland, Boate (1652) showed a clear understanding of the interplay between geology, soils and cattle production. Boate writes (p 85): The fertile soil is in some places a blackish earth, in others clay, and in many parts mixt of both together: as likewise there be sundry places where the ground is mixt earth and sand, sand and clay, gravell and clay, or earth.

He noted the harmony between the limestone in the karstic Clare/Galway region and its soils as follows (Boate 1652, p 86): because the stone whereon the mould doth lye so thinly is not Free-stone, or any such cold material, but Lime-stone, which doth so warm the ground, and giveth it so much strength, that what it wants in depth, is thereby recompensed.

Though essential to the maintenance of soil fertility, the practice of organic manuring/dunging received little attention, as it was probably commonplace and hence taken for granted. Boate (p 92) writes: The commonest sort of manuring the lands is Ireland, is that which is done with the dung of beasts, especially of Cows and Oxen, and also of Horses mixed with a great quantity of straw, and having lyen a long while to rot and incorporate well together.

He then adds “whereof, as a matter every where known and usual, it is needless to speak further”. Commentary of this type prevailed for at least another century!

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Boate (p 96) noted that the practice of liming land was introduced, by the “English living in Queens-county” (Co. Laois) who came from Pembrokeshire, “for the manuring and inriching of their grounds” and that the practice quickly spread. He wrote substantial descriptions of the two main types of lime-kiln, now better known as running kilns (continuous feed, perpetual) and standing kilns (arch, flare, French), respectively (Figs 1-5, 1-6). He commented on kiln size and shape, on stone preparation and on fuel economy. His reference to a limestone outcrop near Mountrath, suggests that much of Co. Laois (possibly the Slieve Bloom area) needed liming (p 97), the “whole hill of stone, of that bigness, that if all the adjacent country did continually fetch from thence for the forenamed use, it would for ever hold out sufficiently.” Though paring and burning were known since Roman times, Boate (p 107) referred only to the beneficial aspect of burning the surface vegetation of dry heath (where leaching caused acidity and nutrient deficiency) “for as the heath being burnt [...] the land bringeth reasonable good and sweet grass, fit for sheep to feed on; and with a little extraordinary labour and cost brought to bear corn”. Shells rather than sands were the liming/manuring agents in the Lough Foyle hinterland. In an essay attributed to King in a later exposition of Boate’s treatise (Anon 1726, p 161) it is stated “they carry them by Boats as far as the Rivers will allow and then in sacks on horses, perhaps six or seven miles into the country”. Did the locals know something about the sodium (Na) requirements of animals when Boate observed that the shells that had been under salt-water were much better than those that had been left to dry on the strands? Judging by Boate’s comments on the search for marl, many soils—especially sandier soils and/or soils at higher altitudes—were running low in nutrient supply and, in places, becoming decidedly acidic, so remedial action was already been taken. In King’s County (Offaly) “not far from the Shanon [river Shannon], [the marl] where being of a grey colour, it is digged out of the Bogs” while in Wexford, near the sea, it was “a blew colour [...] but brittle and dusty when it is dry” (Boate 1652, p 101). As the 1600s progressed, dung and slaughter-houses in cities and towns received more attention because of the accumulation of filth, lack of hygiene and dangers of infection. In 1670, the Corporation of Waterford stipulated (Pender 1964, p 78): from the abundance of excrement and dunghill in St Stephens street occasioned by slaughtering of cattle and keeping swine there, it is ordered that noe butcher or other person presume to slaughter any cattle in the said street, on paine of 5 shillings each head, nor keep any swine there.

The records of the Civil Survey from the mid-seventeenth century (Simington 1942) show that burning limestone was well entrenched countrywide, nowhere more so than in the Barony of Muskerry, Co. Cork where the soils on the sandstone hills had become acidic and nutrient depleted. Suitable quarries of good quality limestone outcropped in the river Bride valley and fuel for kilns, in the form of turf (peat), was near at hand. From the parish of Aghinagh it is recorded (Simington 1942, p 364) “The nature of ye Soyle is fertille, temperate & proper for tillage, being commonly manur’d with Lyme & marble which are found on the Sd lands”. The use of sea-sand/shell as a manuring agent extended inland from coastal areas, though not necessarily only on good land. Records regarding such practices include (from Simington 1961) “And for any kind of manureing it is scarce but sea sand which is remote if not carried by boates and that but to a part of this barony scituated by the river of Killmare (Barony of Dunkeran, Co. Kerry; p 85) and “The soyle is very cold and mountaneous [...] the land being manured with sea sand by boats afarr off and yields wheat and other corne for the crops continuance” (Barony of Beare and Bantry, Co. Cork, p 90). Chart (1908) accepts Petty’s (1691) view that pasture greatly dominated over tillage in the late seventeenth century and he quotes with approval Petty’s estimate of seven million acres (ca. 404 700 ha) supporting great flocks of sheep and herds of cattle (each estimated at three million). Seaweed has played an important role in maintaining soil fertility and indeed creating soils in Ireland and particularly in coastal areas, e.g. on the Aran Islands. Seaweeds grow often profusely on, and are invariably anchored to, rocky substrates on most of Ireland’s extensive coastline. Some species, e.g. the green algae, thrive in brackish waters, brown algae (mainly fucoids) typically occur on the intertidal zone of rocky shores, while red algae usually occupy rock pools and the lower parts of rocky shores. Grazing of seaweeds, especially by sheep, is well known for some Scottish islands, notably North Ronaldsay in the Orkneys and there are early medieval references to it being eaten by cattle in Ireland (see Kelly, this volume). Despite harvesting and collecting hazards and its heavy weight when wet, seaweed (also referred to as wrack, woar, etc.) has a long history of use in many coastal regions of Europe. There is some evidence that in prehistoric times it was used as a fertiliser but it is mainly from medieval and later times that there is considerable evidence, e.g. from France in the twelfth century, Devon in 1586 and Jersey in 1694 (Bell 1981). It was certainly used during the late seventeenth century in Connacht (Hardiman 1846). Solomon Richards, writing in 1682, suggests that its use made the Barony of Forth the “Granary of the County [Wexford]” (Hore 1862). There is also a long history of collecting seaweed, mainly in the summer months, and drying and burning it to produce kelp (cf. Forsythe 2006).

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Soil improvement—new initiatives beginning in the 1700s A change of emphasis from pastoral farming to tillage is apparent in a series of Acts of Parliament between 1716 and 1731, all aimed at improving unprofitable land and safeguarding against food shortages. Collins (2008) refers to writers of the 1720s who gave various comments, often widely diverging, on the state of agriculture in Ireland: too little or too much tillage; the need for draining and manuring, enclosing, sheltering and planting; the increasing importance of the potato, etc. The contributions of these authors were over-shadowed, however, not only by Rye (1730) but especially by Jethro Tull’s celebrated Horse-hoeing husbandry, first published in 1731 with the title The New Horse-Houghing Husbandry and republished several times up to at least 1829 (Tull 1829; recently reprinted by various publishers including e-publishers Coastalfields Press). This publication was one of the first of many contributions to the embryonic agricultural sciences by the newly-formed Dublin Society (see below) that helped greatly in bringing Tull’s findings to a wide readership. Rye (1730) placed emphasis on tillage crops and on manuring options, and clearly showed the interdependence of tillage and animal husbandry in the following passage (Rye 1730, p 43–44): I have known that five hundred Sheep lodged on 20 Acres of ground for three Months, have so manured it, that it afforded a Crop of Potatoes, worth five pound an Acre, and afterwards two crops of very good Oats.

However, cattle rearing and butter/beef production were dominant in Munster, in response to high demand for wool, beef, bacon and butter. Chetwood and Luckombe (1748), who wrote under the pseudonym, Two English Gentlemen, describe Cork city as follows “The Trade of this Place consists chiefly in Beef, Hides, Butter, Tallow Etc, which merchandise is exported to most parts of the known World” and its slaughter-houses are referred to as follows “The last Slaughtering Season, as they term it, begins about the Middle of August and ends near Christmas: the Merchants killed nearly Ninety Thousand Head of Black Cattle” (see also Bell and Watson, this volume). This, and other references to agricultural exports (see Dickson 2005), suggest that there was probably strain on soil-nutrient reserves, especially on available phosphorus. It is no wonder that Rye (1730) wrote copiously on the use of calcareous sands, shells and coral (in coastal areas) and also lime-kilns including the “Furz-kills” and the arch-type “Turf one”. His commentary on lime-kilns includes details relating to the ratio of fuel to stone, quality of both stone and fuel (furze; black turf/spongy turf; coal; culm), heat control and product output (“Roch-Lime”, “Quek-Lime”, etc.). Rye (1730) also discussed both sides of the so-called sod-burning argument, claiming that it would be more acceptable if three mistakes were avoided, i.e. over-burning, incomplete burning and letting the ashes get wet. He noted (p 18) that “the Grass of burned Land is better liked by Cattle and is found to be better for both Milk and Flesh, than fields of the same Kind of Soil, that have not felt the Fire”. Rye (1730, p 11) was amongst the first to appreciate some of the chemical effects of the then current manures: Nitre, as it is sold with us, is a compound Salt, made of Alchalious Salt, an Urinous Salt and the Salts of the Air; but this Urinous Salt is of Animals that don’t use Sea-salt. So that Ground, burnt or limed, and well folded by Sheep and other Cattle, must generate Nitrous salt; which may be one Reason why Grounds are generally fruitful after great Snows and Frosts. The Urinous Salt proceeds from the dung and Urine of Animals, and this and the preceding Salts open the Body of stiff Ground, they must ferment with all Acid Salts of what kind soever, and meliorate the Soil.

The gaseous losses (of N, S) on burning may not have been too detrimental if Wynn Baker’s (1767) list of substances, likely to be received from the atmosphere, in which he includes sulphurous, saline, nitrous and bituminous, is taken into account. Johnson (1840) credits the German chemist, Glauber (1604–1670), with isolating a compound from such deposits that consisted of nitre, i.e. nitrate (see Rye above), and deriving the conclusion that it came from the accumulated dung and urine of animals and hence from their food/fodder (see also Fussell 1962). Smith’s treatises on counties Waterford (1746), Cork (1750a) and Kerry (1756) showed considerable understanding of the interconnections between geology, soils and cattle rearing, making full use of the contrasts between farming as experienced on the upland Devonian sandstones versus the lowland Carboniferous slates and limestones. As well as his pioneering map of Co. Cork (Fig. 1-7; Smith 1750b) and commenting favourably on the county’s sources of limestone (Smith 1750a), he mused on the potential value of a soil map for the whole country. In his Co. Kerry treatise (Smith 1756) he defined “pure soil”, “pure mould”, “rich soil” and “gravelly soil” under the heading “Of Soils, Earths, and Clays” (pp 217–220), and elaborated on their potential for farming and other contexts. The use of “marles”, including “Peat Marle” from the base of peat bogs, as a fertilizer is recommended (p 220). More definitions of soils followed in Rutty’s history of Co. Dublin, in 1772, which was part of an overall increasing emphasis on the ‘scientific approach’, as can be seen also in Varley’s writings (e.g. Varlo 1765, 1768, 1786). Varley (Varlo 1770, p 174; Varley wrote under the names Varlo and also ‘A Real Farmer’) was also one of many to extol the virtues of limestone gravel “A coat of this will change ling and heathy ground to shamrogs or wild clover”. Varley (Varlo 1774, pp 129–130) mentioned another rough, round, gritty kind of limestone gravel “a bluish cast, it abounds much in salts: I have seen it

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producing amazing great crops of corn and grass, for fifteen or sixteen years together”. These comments were timely as more marginal land was being reclaimed and common land was increasingly expropriated. Varley, while extolling the virtues of different kinds of limestone gravels, assessed the pro and cons of the controversial practice of paring and burning and offered his ideas on reclamation and drainage. He reflected the growing interest at that time on the gaseous exchanges between the pedosphere and the atmosphere (e.g. Wynn Baker 1767). Visiting 30 of the 32 counties of Ireland in the years 1776–1779, Young (1780, vol II, p 73, 74) summed up what he saw as regards soils as follows: the greatest singularity of Ireland, is the rockiness of the soil [...] But the rocks here are cloathed in verdure; those of limestone with only a thin covering of mould, have the softest and most beautiful turf imaginable.

However, Young was not slow to condemn the wide expanses of waste land and he makes reference to all the thenavailable nutritional ameliorants, including rarer types such as roasted subsoil clay and ashes of turf/coal, soap and peat. Drawing on his extensive travels and observations in Ireland, he commented on many aspects of the cattle industry including cows, dairying, butter production, working bullocks and stall-feeding. He emphasised the importance of crop rotation, including the use of turnips and promoting clover. His remark on the use—including possibly excessive use—of lime is interesting (Young 1780, vol I, p 356) “it brings the land infallibly to moss, which is so powerful as to choak the grasses” but he adds “but marle is an excellent manure”. While Young observed few other relationships between geology and soils, he was interested in the causes of soil wetness, making this general statement about Co. Longford “The soil is, in general, a tolerable vegetable mould on the surface, for three or four inches deep; under that, two-inch thick of blue clay: which retains water under that yellow clay for two or three feet, and then every where limestone gravel” (vol I, p 294). He recorded the collection of street manures in the main cities (“The poor people near Galway are very industrious in buying the sullage of the streets of that town”; Young 1780, vol I, p 342), and he promoted sheep-folding as a means of providing manure for tillage.

Soil improvement—science and surveys The Dublin Society (DS), which in 1731 became the Royal Dublin Society (RDS), made notable contributions to the science of agriculture from its earliest days. Its impact, however, was more pronounced from the 1790s onwards, not only on account of its own endeavours but also the contributions of several other unconnected individuals and organisations. Contributors to advancements directly connected with the Society included Kearney, Dease and Kirwan, Meade, Newenham, Radcliff and Shaw-Mason; others included the publishers of such titles as Irish Agricultural Magazine, Irish Farmers’ Journal and Munster Farmers’ Magazine. An important endeavour embarked on by the RDS was the Statistical Surveys of various counties that were published between 1801 and 1824. The authors of these Surveys (these are reports rather than statistical surveys in present-day parlance) made significant contributions to the understanding of the geology/soil/cattle interplay in various counties; e.g. Fraser (1801) (Wicklow), Sampson (1802) (Londonderry), Tighe (1802) (Kilkenny) and Townsend (1810) (Cork). Fraser (1801) and other Survey authors included details on the management of organic wastes/manures and on the pros/cons of green manuring, soiling and fold-yards. Townsend provided good insights into putrefaction within dungheaps but his claim that dung was superior to all other additions in the permanence of its benefits was an exaggeration. An important innovation was the depiction of resources on maps, including rocks, surficial deposits, bogs and soils (Fig. 1-7). This practice was further developed in the reports of the Bog Commissioners (e.g. Anon 1811) and also later, finding its culmination in the maps produced by the Ordnance Survey, Board of Works and Geological Survey (Andrews 1975; Herries Davies 1983). Kearney (1790), writing under the nom de plume ‘A Country Gentleman’, was amongst the earlier writers to favour a rare form of soil improvement, variously referred to as warping, floating, irrigation and watering. Other advocates of this method included Griffith (1798) and Townsend (1803). The latter wrote (p 52) “the water of a spring, made to trickle over a grassy surface, should change it to a deeper green, and excite a more luxuriant vegetation”, and, where stream diversion was employed, he asserted “Of all the modes of producing grass, it is one of the cheapest, as well as the most effectual”. While the practice continued to be mentioned periodically in the literature, including in Geological Memoirs (for upland soils especially), it ultimately yielded to new practices that involved use of portable materials such as quicklime and imported salts. The widespread problem of too much soil water also attracted the attention of farmers and government agencies. One of the most successful land-reclamation ventures begun in the 1830s/40s was the conversion of a large tract of sandstone-derived, acid peaty podzol soils, developed at Scrahan, Co. Waterford (now the Cistercian Abbey of Mount Melleray) on the southern slopes of the Knockmealdown Mountains, to productive farmland; reclamation involved scrub and stone removal, trenching, pan disruption and copious liming (Conry 1970; Fig. 1-8).

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New methods and materials for improvement of soil fertility Salt-petre and other saline materials Salts containing Na, K, N and to a lesser extent P—often referred to as soda, potash, nitrate (also nitre) and phosphate, respectively—are naturally concentrated in soils, subsoils and sediments of warm and semi-tropical countries. The best known of these, salt-petre, an encrusted deposit rich in nitrate of potash (KNO3), had long been exploited to improve the fertility of nutrient-deficient soils in north-west Europe. Interestingly, it was deposits (dung incorporated into straw, etc.) from cattle stalls that was instrumental in alerting the agricultural community to an alternative source of this manure. Johnson (1840) credits the German chemist, Glauber (1604–1670), with isolating a nitrate compound from such deposits and deriving the conclusion that it came from the accumulated dung and urine of animals and hence from their food/fodder (see also Fussell 1962). By the mid-eighteenth century, the RDS was giving grants to farmers, at ca. £1 per lb, to produce salt-petre from their cattle-sheds. The first shipment of salt-petre to Britain from South America dates to 1813 (Johnson 1840) but there seems to be no pioneering users of “Saline Manures” (including common salt, nitrate of soda, carbonate, sulphate and muriate of ammonia) in Ireland until the 1840s. Guano: alternatives and imitators Despite being referenced in the Irish agricultural literature since 1818, imported guano did not attract great attention until it was vigorously promoted in the 1830s/1840s by various agricultural journals such as the Irish Farmers’ and Gardeners’ Register, Irish Farmers’ Almanac and Irish Farmers’ Gazette. Chemical analysis showed it to contain the important nutrients, N, P, Ca, Mg and especially P. Experimenters, applying it at various rates, found it very beneficial for many crops, and soon cheaper, adulterated, diluted and modified forms were being offered to farmers (diluents included sand, clay, sawdust and peat ashes). As South American sources of guano declined and became expensive, sources in Africa and south Asia came on-stream. A Peruvian phospho-guano competed for a period with manufactured forms of phosphatic fertilisers (Purdon’s Practical Farmer 1863). As well as commenting generally on geology, soil and agricultural output, both Kane (1845) and Skilling (1846) were complimentary as regards the ‘genuine article’, the latter commenting on it most favourably (p 161) “No farmer is excusable now, who has not a sufficiency of green food for his cattle”. The 1280-page first issue of the Irish Farmer’s Journal (1845) included articles and notes on virtually every agricultural topic of the time including many on guano and also an article entitled “On the application of geology to agriculture” (p 213). The most inclusive contemporary work on this topic was the volume by Thomas Antisell (1846) in which he reviewed the works of Griffith, Hamilton, Oldham, Mallet, Wilkinson and Kane. Having discussed weathering in Chapter 3, the contributions of the various Irish rock types to soil formation were described in Chapters 4–10. Recycling bones; bone manure The word ‘bonfire’ (‘bone-fire’) is connected with the centuries-old tradition of burning animal bones in mid-summer, i.e. St. John’s Eve on 23rd June, which, as in other parts of Europe, was marked in Ireland by bonfires and festivities. Ash from bonfires was applied to the growing crops, the impetus for this being to supply a very scarce pabulum, namely, calcium phosphate. The term ‘bone dust’ found its way into the agricultural literature during the early decades of the 1800s, Blacker (1834, p 9) advising, in the absence of lime, sea-sand, seaweed or marl “if all these fail, bone dust or rape cake will give excellent crops of turnips, which once produced, they will yield such an abundance of manure by home feeding cattle, it is the farmer’s own fault if ever he is in want of manure again”. Likewise, editorials in the Irish Farmers’ and Gardeners’ Magazine in the 1830s claimed that fallowing could be circumvented on every kind of soil in all parts of Great Britain by the use of bone dust. While crushing and grinding machines improved the efficacy of bone dust as a source of P, the scientific advances of Davy (1813) and the practical research of James Murray (1778–1871) in Belfast during the years 1807–1818 (summarised by Alford and Parkes 1953, and others) were central to a significant chapter in agricultural history, namely, acid treatment of bone dust, vitriolisisation of bones and superphosphate manufacture. In the 1830s, various acids were experimented with, including nitric and hydrochloric acids, but sulphuric acid prevailed. The literature of the 1840s became crowded with the phosphate story especially when the results of the early research were commercialised by Sprengel and Liebig in Germany and by Lawes in England (for a critical overview of the pioneering research by Sprengel and Liebig into soil chemistry and plant nutrition, see van der Ploeg et al. 1999). By then, soluble calcium biphosphate had entered the commercial world as ‘superphosphate’, and ‘chemical agriculture’ can be said to have truly begun. Despite using sources such as battlefields and graveyards, the supply of bones became inadequate; slags, coprolites and, eventually, rock-phosphate sources were exploited (Fig. 1-9). During the rest of the century and indeed into the following, ‘vitriolised’ and ‘sulphated’ bone products also had to compete with imported guanos but despite the best efforts of farmers, governments and industry, soil phosphorus levels declined steadily. ‘Aphosphorosus’ or ‘bog lameness’, in most grazing animals, was one of the mineral nutritional imbalances that attracted the attention of the veterinary profession (Curran 1949). The system of short-term transfer of animals from acid peaty soils to recuperate on the

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calcium and phosphate-rich grasses of limestone soils needed replacement (see also contributions by Costello, McDonald and Kelly, this volume). Ground limestone Many writers observed that some liming agents were the products of mechanical breakdown by, for example, ice, river action and wave energy, and that limestone grit, ground to dust under wheeled vehicles, also acquitted itself well. The long-established method of reducing hard rock to a powdery form involved burning (Figs 1-5, 1-6). The reduction in numbers of lime-kilns, from the 1830s/1840s to the 1890s/1900s, recorded in Ordnance Survey of Ireland (OSI) maps and also documented elsewhere (e.g. O’Sullivan and Downey 2005), reflects a sharp decline in this practice. The switch to ground limestone was, however, very slow especially in the marginal and coastal areas distant from appropriate outcrops. It was a question of the cost of grinding rock rather than a lack of understanding of the benefits as is clear from Parkinson’s statement (1806, p 233) “for if lime-stone could be pounded by any device cheaper than fire, it would be nearly as good in some cases, as appears by the lime-stone gravel in this country [Ireland]”. The role of geology in agriculture and soil fertility was firmly established when Griffith (as Commissioner for Valuation) instructed his field staff on the recognition of soil-parent materials and on adjusting the rating of land accordingly (Herries Davies 1980; Lee 1890). As geological surveying progressed after 1845, the memoirs of the Geological Survey of Ireland carried many references to commercial possibilities of geological deposits, with Kinahan in particular advocating ground limestone as a fertiliser, e.g. Kinahan 1878, p 393: It ought to be more generally adopted, especially in those places where fuel is dear, as ground limestone will give nearly as quick, and much more lasting, returns than “quick lime.”

Epilogue It is rather fitting that some of the main insights into the relationships between geology, soil and cattle in an Irish context were those of the Irish geologist and naturalist, George Kinahan (1829–1908) (Kinahan 1878, 1885/9, 1908a, b; these are merely a sample of his prodigious output). In his booklet on soils (1908b), which concentrated on seaweeds as a fertiliser, Kinahan lamented the declining use of many native soil amendments. He believed that the sodium content of both seaweeds and sands contributed to the quality of milk and butter and to the fattening of beef cattle. The twentieth century saw many aspects of this three-sided story influenced by wars, international upheavals, trade embargos, surpluses and shortages, and disease epidemics. Pedological as well as commercial advances have enhanced the ability of the mineral- and organic-rich soils of Ireland to support and underpin a thriving grass-based cattle industry that has become the envy of the developed world (Fig. 1-8). It is, however, salutary to remember that cattle-rearing was not always profitable and that success comes at a price, as the old gaelic saying (sean-fhocal) reminds us: an té a bhfuil bólacht ar cnoc aige ní bhíonn suaimhneas ar sop aige (he who has cattle on the hill will not sleep easy). It is also worth recalling the pivotal role of cattle in the pre-industrial-age farming economy of Ireland, neatly summed up by the saying “No grass no cattle, no cattle no manure, no manure no crops” or, in the words of Arthur Young “The grand article of all husbandry is the keeping great stocks of cattle; for without much cattle, there can not be much manure” (Fraser 1908, p 408). Acknowledgements The author thanks librarians in several institutions, and especially UCD and the National Library of Ireland, for their valuable assistance. The support and encouragement received from members of the Agricultural History Society of Ireland, and especially M. O’Connell, are gratefully acknowledged.

References Alford WAL, Parkes JW (1953) Murray, James—a pioneer in the making of superphosphate. Chem Ind 33:852–855 Andrews JH (1975) A paper landscape. The Ordnance Survey in nineteenth-century Ireland, 1st edn. Oxford University Press, Oxford Anon [Several Hands] (1726) A natural natural history of Ireland, in three parts. By several hands. [Contributors: Boate G, Molyneux T, Joly JR et al.]. Grierson, Dublin Anon [Bog Commissioners] (1811) The second report of the Commissioners appointed to enquire into the nature and extent of the several bogs in Ireland, and the practicability of draining and cultivating them. Graisberry and Campbell (printers), Dublin Anon [Devon Commission] (1848) Digest of evidence taken before Her Majesty’s commissioners of inquiry into the state of the law and practice in respect of the occupation of land in Ireland. Part II. Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, Dublin Antisell T (1846) Irish geology, in a series of chapters, containing an outline of the science of geology, and a description of the various rocks on the surface of the island, with some remarks on the climate. McGlashan, Dublin Bell J, Watson M (2008) A history of Irish farming 1750–1950. Four Courts Press, Dublin Bell M (1981) Seaweed as a prehistoric resource. In: Brothwell DR, Dimbleby GW (eds) Environmental aspects of coasts and islands. BAR International Series, Oxford, pp 117–126

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Blacker W (1834) On the management of landed property in Ireland. Curry, Dublin Boate G (1652) Irelands naturall history. Hartlib, London Caulfield R (ed) (1878) The council book of the Corporation of Youghal [1610–1659, 1666–1687, 1690–1800, incl. map of Youghal]. Billing (printer), Guildford (Surrey) —. (1879) The council book of the Corporation of Kinsale, from 1652 to 1800. Billing (printer), Guildford (Surrey) Chart DA (1908) Two centuries of Irish agriculture. A statistical retrospect, 1672–1905. J Stat Soc Inquiry Soc Ireland 12:162–174 Chetwood WR, Luckombe P [Two English Gentlemen] (1748) A tour through Ireland. In several entertaining letters, 2nd ed. Dublin Collins JF (2008) Quickening the earth. Soil minding and mending in Ireland. UCD (School of Biology and Environmental Science), Dublin Conry MJ (1970) Man’s role in profile modification and formation in Ireland. PhD thesis (unpublished). University of Dublin (Trinity College), Dublin Cooper M, Davis J (2004) The Irish fertiliser industry. A history. Irish Academic Press, Dublin Curran S (1949) Investigation into aphosphorosus and grassland condition in the midlands of Ireland. Dep Agric J 46: 60–85 Davy H (1813) Elements of agricultural chemistry, in a course of lectures for the Board of Agriculture. Longman, Hurst Orme, and Brown, and Constable. London Dickson D (2005) Old world colony. Cork and south Munster 1630–1830. Cork University Press, Cork Fay D, Kramers G, Zhang G (2015) Soil geochemical atlas of Ireland. Environmental Protection Agency, Wexford (http://erc.epa.ie/safer/iso19115/displayISO19115.jsp?isoID=105; accessed 1 August 2015) Forsythe (2006) The archaeology of the kelp industry in the northern islands of Ireland. Int J Nautical Archaeol 35:218–229 Fraser R (1801) General view of the agriculture and mineralogy, present state and circumstances of the county of Wicklow. Graisberry and Campbell (printers for the Dublin Society), Dublin Fraser S (1908) The rotation of crops. Popular Science Monthly, November 1908:403–412 Frizell C (1760) A surveyors’s advice to farmers. Appendix A in JH Andrews (1985) Plantation acres. An historical study of the Irish land surveyor and his maps. Ulster Historical Foundation, Belfast Fussell GE (1962) The early days of chemical fertilizers. Nature 195:750–754 Gardiner MJ, Radford T (1980) Soil associations of Ireland and their land use potential. Soil survey bulletin No. 36. National Soil Survey of Ireland, Dublin Gernon L (1620) A discourse of Ireland, anno 1620. (http://www.aughty.org/pdf/discourse_irl1620.pdf [C.L. Litton (1904)]; accessed 20 August 2015) In: McMahon S (1984) Rich and rare. A book of Ireland. Ward River Press, Swords (Dublin) Griffith R (1798) Watered meadows, at Watertown and Millecent, in the Co. Kildare. Ir Agric Mag 1:258–261 Hardiman J (ed) (1846) A chorographical description of West or h-Iar Connaught, written A.D. 1684 by Roderic O’Flaherty. Irish Archaeological Society, Dublin Herries Davies GL (1980) Richard Griffith—his life and character. In: Herries Davies GL, Mollan RC (eds) Richard Griffith 1784–1878. Royal Dublin Society, Dublin, pp 1–32 —. (1983) Sheets of many colours. The mapping of Ireland’s rocks 1750–1890. Royal Dublin Society, Dublin Hore PH (1900) History of the town and county of Wexford. Old and New Ross. Elliot Stock, London Johnson CW (1840) On saltpetre and nitrate of soda as fertilizers. Ridgway, London Kane R (1845) The industrial resources of Ireland, 2nd edn. Hodges and Smith, Dublin Keane T, Collins JF (eds) (2004) Climate, weather and Irish agriculture. AGMET, Met Éireann, Dublin Kearney J (1790) Essays on agriculture and planting. Jones, Dublin Kelly F (1997) Early Irish farming. Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies (School of Celtic Studies), Dublin Kinahan GH (1878) Manual of the geology of Ireland. Keagan Paul, London —. (1885/9) Economic geology of Ireland. Royal Geological Society of Ireland, Dublin —. (1908a) Superficial and agricultural geology — Ireland. No. 1 Lime. Sealy, Bryers and Walker, Dublin —. (1908b) Superficial and agricultural geology — Ireland. No. 2 Soils. Sealy, Bryers and Walker, Dublin Kirwan R (1793/4) What are the manures most advantageously applicable to the various sorts of soils, and what are the causes of their beneficial effect in each particular instance. Trans R Ir Acad 5:129–198 Lee J (1980) Richard Griffith’s land valuation as a basis for land taxation. In: Herries Davies GL, Mollon C (eds) Richard Griffith 1784–1878. Royal Dublin Society, Dublin, pp 77–102 Lucas AT (1989) Cattle in ancient Ireland. Boethius Press, Kilkenny Madden S (1739) A letter to the Dublin-Society [on the improving their fund; and the manufactures, tillage, &c. in Ireland]. Reilly (printer), Dublin Malcolm J (1805) A compendium of modern husbandry. London Miller L, Power E (eds) (1979) Hollinshed’s Irish chronicle, 1577. Dolmen Press, Dublin Murphy M (2015) Manor centres, settlement and agricultural systems in medieval Ireland, 1250–1350. In: Murphy M, Stout M (eds) Agriculture and settlement in Ireland. Four Courts Press, Dublin, pp 69–100 O’Sullivan M, Downey L (2005) Lime kilns (‘Know your monuments’ series). Archaeology Ireland 19(2):18–22 Parkinson R (1806) The English practice of agriculture. London

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Pender S (ed) (1964) Council books of the Corporation of Waterford, 1662–1700. Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin Petty W (1691) The political anatomy of Ireland. London Purdon’s Practical Farmer (1863) Principles and practice of agriculture. Purdon, Dublin Rutty J (1772) An essay towards the natural history of the county of Dublin, Vol. II. Sleator and Jackson, Dublin Rye G (1730) Considerations on agriculture: treating of the several methods practised in the different parts of the kingdom of Ireland. Grierson, Dublin Sampson GV (1802) Statistical observations relative to the county of Londonderry. Graisberry and Campbell (printers), Dublin Sheehy EJ (1949) Mineral deficiency in pasture herbage affects animal health and productivity. Dep Agric J 46:5–26 Simington RC (ed) (1942) The Civil Survey. A.D. 1654–1656. County of Waterford. Vol. VI. With appendices: Muskerry barony, Co. Cork: Kilkenny city and Liberties (part). Stationery Office, Dublin —. (ed) (1961) The Civil Survey. 1654–6. Vol. X. Miscellanea. Stationery Office, Dublin Skilling T (1846) The science and practice of agriculture. McGlashan, Dublin Smith C (1746) The antient and present state of the county and city of Waterford, 1st edn. Dublin —. (1750a) The antient and present state of the county and city of Cork, 1st edn. Reilly, Dublin —. (1750b) A new and correct map of the county of Cork. Ridge, Dublin (available at: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b5967614k/f1.zoom; accessed 1 August 2015) —. (1756) The antient and present state of the county of Kerry, 1st edn. Dublin [Reprint: Mercier Press, Cork (1969)] Tighe W (1802) Statistical observations relative to the county of Kilkenny. Graisberry and Campbell (printers), Dublin Townsend H (1803) An essay on the agriculture of the county of Cork. Morgan, Cork —. (1810) Statistical survey of the county of Cork. Graisberry and Campbell (printers for the Dublin Society), Dublin Tull J (1731) The new horse-houghing husbandry: or, an essay on the principles of tillage and vegetation, 1st edn. Rhames (printer), Dublin —. (1829) The horse-hoeing husbandry: or, a treatise on the principles of tillage and vegetation. Corbett, London van der Ploeg RR, Böhm W, Kirkham MB (1999) History of soil science. On the origin of the theory of mineral nutrition of plants and the Law of the Minimum. Soil Sci Soc Am J 63:1055–1062 Varley C [Varlo C] (1765) A treatise on agriculture: intitled the Yorkshire Farmer. In two parts. M’Culloh, Dublin —. [A Real Farmer] (1768) The modern farmers guide. In two volumes. Foulis, Glasgow —. [Varlo C] (1770) A new system of husbandry. From experiments never before made public, 1st edn. Nickson (printer), York —. [Varlo C] (1774) A new system of husbandry. From experiments never before made public. Vol. III, 4th edn. London —. [Varlo C] (1786) The essence of agriculture. Being a regular system of husbandry, through all its branches; suited to the climate and lands of Ireland. [printed for the author], Dublin Wynn Baker J (1767) Experiments and improvements in agriculture, made under the direction of the right honourable and honourable Dublin Society, in the year1766. Dublin Society (printer: Powell), Dublin Young A (1780) A tour in Ireland. Vols I, II. Goldney for Cadell (printers), London

Figure legends Fig. 1-1 Soil map of Ireland showing the major soil groups (based on Gardiner and Radford (1980); after image at http://www.askaboutireland.ie/enfo/irelands-environment/environment-overview/land-and-biodiversity/land-use/soil/; accessed 9 November 2015) Fig. 1-2 Photographs illustrating soils with contrasting hydraulic conductivity and resistance to poaching. A Intensive grazing on sandstone-influenced soils, Co. Cork (photo: B. McMahon; 11/06/2007); B Poorly drained, rush (Juncus)infested soils on Irish Sea till, Co. Wexford (photo: P. Murphy; 26/06/2012) Fig. 1-3 Photographs of contrasting soils and grasslands in the Shannon basin, Co. Offaly. A Species-rich, nutrientpoor, dry esker grassland (in the process of rehabilitation after recent quarrying for gravel extraction) at Glaster, south of All Saints Bog; B Species-rich wetland grasslands (so-called callows) on wet, organic-rich soils in the floodplain of the Shannon river. The extensive callows in this part of the Shannon basin are overlooked by the medieval monastic site at Clonmacnoise which is situated on a pronounced esker ridge (photos: M. O’Connell; 15/06/2014) Fig. 1-4 Karstic landscapes at Cappanawalla, north-west Burren, Co. Clare. A View from Cappanawalla to the south across Rathborney valley showing high diversity in soils, vegetation cover and land-use. Fertile, relatively intensively farmed, drift-derived soils, supporting pastoral farming (mainly cattle), cover the valley floor. Thin skeletal soils that support scrub (mainly hazel) and species-rich grasslands (unfertilised) occupy much of the valley sides, while the upper reaches consist mainly of exposed limestone bedrock (karst) (photo: M. O’Connell; 17/07/2014). B The Burren uplands at Cappanawalla support grasslands that are used as ‘winterage’, i.e. winter-grazing for cattle. The thin organic-rich soils, though developed directly over limestone, tend to be acidic and frequently support low Calluna (ling) scrub as shown here (photo: M. O’Connell; 24/03/2007)

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Fig. 1-5 Diagrams showing lime-kilns. The upper sketch shows a typical small kiln (after U. Mattenberger in O’Sullivan and Downey 2005). The lower drawing shows an industrial-type lime-kiln built by Count Rumford in Co. Dublin ca. 1800. Shaft dimensions (brick cavity walls) are as follows: 460 cm tall, diameters of 23 cm and 61 cm at the top and base, respectively. In effect this was a continuous-flare lime-kiln aimed at serving the building industry which had a requirement for ash-free lime (after Malcolm 1805, p 24). Fig. 1-6 A disused limestone-constructed kiln in a limestone quarry near Ardfinnan, Co. Tipperary. The kiln is strategically sited vis-à-vis the topography to facilitate feeding the kiln with crushed stone and fuel via the elevated ground at the rear, and removal of the burnt product at the front (photo: T. Collins; 19/09/2003) Fig. 1-7 Part of Smith’s (1750) map of county Cork centred on the Boggeragh Mountains, south of the river Blackwater and south-west of the town of Mallow (near upper right hand corner). The text beneath “The Boggra Mountains” reads “This vast uncultivated Tract Consists of Heath and Bog, in Summer it is grazed by vast herds of Cattle” (see Costello, this volume; McDonald, this volume) (image derives from Smith 1750b) Fig. 1-8 Introduction of new farming methods is a feature of the Cistercian monastic tradition. This continues at Mount Melleray, Co. Waterford, on the lower slopes of the Knockmealdown Mountains, where the Cistercian community, established in the 1830s, having reclaimed marginal lands (see text), in recent years support trialling of various cattle strains including new strains developed in New Zealand (photos: M. O’Connell; 03/08/2015; Cistercian farm at Mount Mellerary) Fig. 1-9 Advertisement for bone manures by the fertiliser manufacturer, Goulding. The vitriol (sulphuric acid) works heralded the manufacture of superphosphate (source: Irish Farmers’ Gazette, vol. 21(1), 1862)

CHAPTER TWO THE INTRODUCTION OF CATTLE INTO PREHISTORIC IRELAND: FRESH PERSPECTIVES PETER C. WOODMAN

Abstract This paper examines the evidence from Ireland for the presence of domesticated cattle in ‘Pre-Neolithic contexts’. It evaluates each potential case and suggests that, while some are not reliable, a case can still be made for an early presence of cattle. The paper also lists the occurrences of cattle remains from, in particular, coastal, lacustrine and riverine contexts. It is suggested that these sites are more likely to be associated with the presence of farmers using parts of the ‘wild landscape’ rather than the persistence of hunter-gatherers into the Neolithic. Finally, the paper discusses the possibility that the role of cattle during the Neolithic may have varied within Ireland and that, in general, there may have been in many parts of Ireland a greater reliance on cattle than in the larger nearby island, Great Britain. Keywords Cattle • Mesolithic • Neolithic • Mesolithic/Neolithic transition • Ireland

Introduction Even today we know surprisingly little about how, why, and even when the culture and lifestyle associated with the Neolithic spread to Ireland. We know that it is identified initially by archaeologists from the appearance of a new range of artefacts such as ceramics, and new and different types of stone tools as well as monuments. From this we can see that there were very different life styles present and developing on the island of Ireland, and that this seems to have been happening around or shortly after 4000 cal BC. In summary, these economic changes involved the introduction of arable farming and domesticated animals, and notably in the case of Ireland the introduction of cattle and sheep. The consequences of the introduction of arable farming are well known as it led to various forms of land clearance which, over millennia, changed the Irish landscape. However, it was the introduction of cattle and perhaps to a lesser extent sheep that were to have more immediate and significant consequences (see Molloy and O’Connell, this volume). This last assertion may seem rather startling. If one examines Ireland’s distinctive ecological background there is one very significant reason why the introduction of cattle to Ireland was so important. Aside from the fact that several large mammal species were, and are, absent from Ireland, the crucial fact is that most of the large mammals present in mid-Holocene times in adjacent parts of Europe were not present in Ireland (Woodman 2014). Bear (Ursus arctos) and wild pig (Sus scrofa ferus) were present in Ireland during the Irish Mesolithic, but aurochs (Bos primigenius), European elk (Alces alces), roe deer (Capreolus capreolus) and probably red deer (Cervus elaphus) were absent. The initial inclination is to see these animals simply as potential sources of food but, as can be seen within assemblages from elsewhere where there is good organic preservation, numerous different tool types were made from bone or antler such as axes, wedges and projectile heads which often occur in profusion at other European archaeological sites, e.g. Star Carr (Clark 1954) or Polderweg (Louwe Kooijmans 2001). In Ireland, stone tools such as ground-stone axes seem to have been substituted. One also has to wonder about the many potential uses for the skins of some of these large animals. In some cases they might have been used for clothing and other forms of covers. The humble convexend scraper, that suddenly appears in profusion from the beginning of the Neolithic, may be relevant here. Bamforth and Woodman (2004) have shown, from micro-wear analysis, that these were multiple-purpose tools with uses that included working the hides of various mammals. Within Europe, the hunting of large numbers of the larger ungulates was of major significance throughout the Mesolithic period and this continued into the Neolithic. In many other areas it is likely that domesticated cattle, as well as sheep, assumed the roles of these large wild mammals from at least the Mesolithic/Neolithic transition onwards. In the context of Ireland, therefore, at contact between farming and hunter-gatherer communities, especially on an island where large mammals were scarce, not suitable, or in the case of bears difficult to catch or trap, the presence of cattle would have been of crucial importance for farmers, while for the existing Mesolithic population it would have been an amazing addition. How they would have reacted is another matter. There are parallels. In Tierra del Fuego, when the Europeans arrived with their flocks of sheep, the Selknam, who hunted Guanaco, viewed the arrival of sheep

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as an additional source of food and various other materials. The end result was that the European ranchers systematically exterminated the Selknam (Woodman 2015, Chapter 12).

The appearance of farming and Neolithic culture in Ireland: overview and comparisons We can argue over whether the introduction of this new lifestyle was the product of movement of peoples, as suggested by Cooney et al. (2011) or, on the other hand, a consequence of new ideas being imported to an island. Burenhult (1984), for instance, argued that the native hunter-gatherers had reached a population density and sophistication that made them susceptible to change. Much of this idea was based on the presumption that some of the Passage Tombs in the Carrowmore cemetery predated 4000 cal BC and were built by indigenous Mesolithic communities (see Fig. 2-1 for site locations). Bergh and Hensey (2013), in their re-analysis of the evidence from Carrowmore, have suggested that many of the dates used by Burenhult were unreliable. In reality, neither of the two extreme views seems today to be viable but there are certain elements that cannot be set aside. Sheridan (2003, 2010), for example, has championed the view that the Neolithic in Ireland did not emerge suddenly as a single package but rather that there were various stages of development that included contacts with other parts of Europe. Given the island context, it is unlikely that there was a very large influx of new pioneering farmers who arrived and within a short period—the radiocarbon evidence points to a century or so—spread over much of the island of Ireland. The movement across parts of the north European Plain appears to have been a slow but almost inexorable movement from one area to the next, with local accommodations to indigenous people (Cunliffe 2008). Yet, on much of the Atlantic periphery of north-western Europe, changes happened in a different manner. There are three distinct elements that can be tracked. These are new artefacts such as ceramics, and domesticated animals and plants, including cereals.

Some contrasting examples In Denmark the transition from the late Danish Mesolithic, the Ertebølle, to the Trichterbecherkultur (TRB; funnelbeaker culture), i.e. the earliest part of the Neolithic in Denmark and nearby parts of northern Europe, appears to have three stages. How cattle were associated with these changes has been discussed by many authors and, in particular, by Price and Noe-Nygaard (2009). Sometime after 4500 cal BC new types of stone tools and ceramics began to appear in the late Ertebølle cultures. This included particular types of axe that owed their origins to Neolithic material cultures with centre of distribution to the south of Denmark and the north German Plain. The very distinctive, pointed-base Ertebølle-style pottery also appeared at the same time. This style of pottery, although quite distinctive in shape, may also represent a local adaptation of a style that ultimately derived from regions to the south. Around 4000 cal BC or perhaps slighter later, domesticated cattle seem to have spread very rapidly from northern Germany into Denmark and appeared in southern Sweden perhaps only 100 years later. These are often associated with distinct elements of the TRB culture such as the distinctive pottery, and included, in limited quantities, cereals. This is usually regarded as Early Neolithic 1. In this phase there are domesticates, limited use of cereals and some Neolithic pottery associated with the TRB. It seems to have lasted from ca. 4000–3500 cal BC. It is only after 3500 cal BC or the Middle Neolithic that a fully developed consolidated Neolithic culture and extensive practice of agriculture can be seen in the archaeological and palaeoenvironmental records (Müller 2011). Across Denmark it was apparent, as early as the 1980s, that there was both a delay in the appearance of certain elements of the early Neolithic TRB and the emergence of regional differences especially on an east/west basis, e.g. between Jutland and Zealand (Madsen 1986). In summary, the transition from hunter-gatherers to farmers took much more than 500 years and may not have happened throughout Denmark at the same time. Some distance to the south-west in the Netherlands the changes through the Swifterbant culture seem to have had a similar sequence (Devriendt 2014, Chapter 2). In this case, pottery began to appear by 5000 cal BC, cattle and sheep were present by 4600 cal BC, and, finally, pigs and cereals have been recovered from sites that date to 4200 cal BC. In both these cases, although there are some differences, the transition from Mesolithic to Neolithic can be thought of in terms of the phases or stages delineated by Zvelebil and Rowley-Conwy (1984) in their analysis of transitions to farming in the Baltic, i.e. (a) availability (to which ‘pioneering’ may be added); (b) substitution; and (c) consolidation. In Britain, the arrival of farming seems to have followed a different pattern. In an exhaustive analysis of the evidence from the British Isles, Whittle et al. (2011, Chapter 15) have favoured the idea of farming arriving first in south-east England by 4000 cal BC, reaching Wales by 3800 cal BC and Ireland before 3700 cal BC. While different scenarios have been proposed (Whittle et al. 2011, Figs 14:48, 14:177, 15:8) there is a presumption that there had been an importation of a whole new economy and material culture. In Britain, given the presence of aurochs until the mid Bronze Age, there was at one stage an assumption that the domestication of the British aurochs may have added a

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Chapter Two

significant contribution to imported domesticated cattle. However, it now seems that this did not happen; rather the new Neolithic communities brought their cattle with them (Tresset 2003; Tresset and Vigne 2007). Some of the various different scenarios by which farming was introduced into different parts of Europe have been discussed above. Ireland is, however, a relatively small island (compared with Britain), and its ecology and in particular its biodiversity are accordingly reduced. It is clear that by perhaps shortly after 3800 cal BC there was a significant Neolithic presence in Ireland (e.g. Cooney et al. 2011; McClatchie et al. 2014; Molloy and O’Connell, this volume). While it takes different forms, evidence to this effect, which includes causewayed enclosures, rectangular houses and several types of megalithic tombs and burials, as well as pollen and macrofossil evidence, is available for many parts of Ireland. So how do farming and a different material culture find their way into Ireland and, in particular, what was the impact of the introduction of cattle on the peoples and cultures already present?

Issues arising from sea-crossings From the examples quoted above, it may be concluded that are no clearly defined rules by which the spread of farming and Neolithic culture took place. In the case of Ireland, there is obviously the added issue that no matter where one searches for origins of the Irish Neolithic there will always be the difficulty of crossing the Irish Sea. One can propose various alternatives, but in reality none of those usually called upon are entirely convincing. In Ireland, the change in economy, methods of using the natural landscape and the radical change in the equipment used do not seem to support the idea that the origins of the Irish Neolithic lay simply in societal change within Ireland and influences from outside. As regards colonising islands, Takamiya (2006), in discussing the colonization of Okinawa, has noted that in contrast to hunter-gatherers, who normally must make do with the resources they find, farmers arriving in new areas such as islands have the advantages of carrying with them much of what they need in terms of food sources and equipment. Thus they can be more successful colonists of islands than hunter-gatherers. There are many other aspects, however, that need consideration. The idea of an ‘Armada-like’ large-scale movement or even a ‘Mayflower arrival’ into Ireland does not seem likely; yet, at the same time, with a smaller movement of people across the seas, there would have been a series of difficult and different logistical issues. Irrespective of whether they were hunter-gatherers or farmers, issues include the viability of small populations, and the difficulty of maintaining the range of skills necessary so that longterm viable communities could be established (Woodman 1981). We could suggest that much of the substantial Irish evidence may belong to the consolidation phase sensu Zvelebil and Rowley-Conwy (1984). But what is happening just before the consolidation stage? First we have to gather the very limited and almost ephemeral evidence. Evidence for any earlier Neolithic is either hard to find or in some cases presents particular difficulties, as with Magheraboy, Co. Sligo (Cooney et al. 2011, pp 574–585), where the earliest dates have proved rather difficult to accept. At the same time, as discussed by Woodman (2015, Chapter 12), it is equally difficult to identify a continuing Mesolithic presence after 4200 cal BC. This raises the question as to whether we should be looking for less obvious evidence that would tally with either of the first two stages of the Zvelebil and Rowley-Conwy (1984) model. This is not going to be an easy task.

Early contacts with the Neolithic: the faunal evidence for an early Neolithic presence in Ireland It is important to note the relative scarcity of faunal remains in Irish archaeological contexts. Although the relative absence of substantial quantities of Mesolithic faunal remains is often mentioned, there is, surprisingly, even less known from sites relating to the Irish Neolithic! This, in part, is due to the types of sites that have been excavated. More than 80 rectangular Neolithic house sites are now known from Ireland, but many of them have been found in environments where bone will not normally survive. Similarly, there were few faunal remains recovered from many other sites such as the few causewayed enclosures known from Ireland. The recently excavated Tullahedy enclosure in Co. Tipperary illustrates this problem. McCarthy (2011) noted that, of the 1844 bone fragments recovered, the vast majority were small burnt fragments with the result that less than 200 are listed in Appendix 6:3 of that publication. Of these, two thirds could only at best be identified as being mammalian (either of a small, medium or large animal) while of the 41 identified as cattle nearly 50% came from contexts that post-dated the Neolithic. Results of radiocarbon dating of bone fragments of domesticates and also related charcoal-derived 14C dates from early (mainly pre-4000 cal BC) Irish Neolithic contexts are presented in Table 2-1. The composition of the bone assemblage recorded at Newgrange (late Neolithic/Chalcolithic) is summarised in Table 2-2 (after van WijngaardenBakker 1986). The three most obvious sites for detailed consideration are Newgrange (Co. Meath), Kilshane (Co. Dublin) and the Lough Gur assemblages (Co. Limerick). Each of these presents problems.

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Newgrange The Newgrange assemblage (van Wijngaarden-Bakker 1974, 1986) is particularly large but is thought to date to the final stages of the Neolithic and into the Chalcolithic. However, based on the fact that horse bones from Newgrange have produced early Iron Age dates, instead of the expected Late Neolithic/Beaker dates (Bendrey et al. 2013), the data should be treated with caution especially if selecting and emphasising individual parts of the dataset. Kilshane At Kilshane the remains of 40–70 cattle (probably minimum numbers), both articulated and fragmentary, were recovered from the base of the ditch of an enclosure (Moore 2004; definitive report not yet published). The assemblage is reported to have been associated with what has been described as a middle Neolithic assemblage. Lough Gur Ideally, the Lough Gur assemblage from Knockadoon should provide a good insight into the range of Neolithic faunas (Ó Ríordáin 1954). Unfortunately, most of the faunal remains were not retained. Wijngaarden-Bakker (1974, p 369), in commenting on the bones recovered from Site A, indicates “Ó Ríordáin (1954) mentions 1,000 fragments of ox bones found at site A, of which apparently only three were kept”. There is always the probability that, at many of the original Knockadoon sites, there may be a multi-period mixing of faunal remains. This is hinted at by the range of artefacts recovered from what are regarded as different periods. One can, however, presume that at some Lough Gur sites, such as House A, since the material culture recovered is predominantly Neolithic then most of the faunal assemblage is also Neolithic in date. At other sites, such as site C, given the presence of artefacts of all periods on the site, one should not presume that the bone remains are necessarily Neolithic. Finally, as Schulting et al. (2012) have shown, some at least of the cattle bones recovered from court tombs are later insertions. Even the very significant passage tomb of Fourknocks, Co. Meath, whose main chamber collapsed at an early date, appears to have a Bronze Age element that must have been added later (Hartnett 1957). In summary, we can glean from the sites considered above that it is likely that wild mammalian fauna played a minimal role in the way of life during the Irish Neolithic. If sites from the transitional Mesolithic/Neolithic period are considered, then there is some evidence for a very early presence of cattle in Ireland. These tend not to occur on what would normally be considered to be typical Neolithic sites. Sites that are discussed below in some detail are divided into three categories as follows: (1) instances where cattle bones appear to predate the onset of what we would define as the Irish Neolithic; (2) coastal sites where cattle bones of early Neolithic date have been found; and (3) sites where cattle remains may erroneously have been identified or where it was later established that the faunal remains were of much later date.

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Table 2-1 Radiocarbon dates derived mainly from cattle bones (also charcoal) recorded in early Neolithic contexts in Ireland 14

C date (BP)

Age range (cal BC)*

5190±80

4234–3798

Derragh Island, Co. Longford

4995±45

Ringneill Quay, Co. Down

5380±120

Ferriter’s Cove, Co. Kerry

Location/site

14

C lab. no.

Material dated

Source

OxA-4269

Cattle large tibia

Woodman et al. (1997)

3943–3663

Ua-35462

Cattle bone

Fredengren (unpublished)

4450–3971

Q770

Charcoal

Woodman 1978

5510±70

4502–4183

OxA-3869

Cattle tibia

Woodman et al. 1997

5825±50

4792–4548

OxA-4268

Cattle metatarsal

Exceptionally early cattle records Kilgreany cave, Co. Waterford

Other early and possibly early Neolithic cattle records Baylet, Co. Donegal

See text

3600–34001

—

Carrigdirty, Co. Limerick

4775±40

3646–3382

4775±40

Dalkey Island, Co. Dublin

Charcoal

cf. Milner and Woodman (2007)

GrA-27216

Cattle bone

O’Sullivan (2001)

3640–3378

GrA-27217

Human clavicle

4770±40

3644–3381

GrA-27232

Human skull fragment

5050±90

4036–3654

OxA-4566

Sheep humerus

Woodman et al. (1997)

4820±75

3766–3376

OxA-4571

Cattle vertebra

Cloney, Co. Antrim

194±27

Modern

UB-6857

Cattle rib fragment

Woodman (unpublished)

Moynagh Lough, Co. Meath

5270±60

4252–3942

GrN-11443

Charcoal

Bradley (1999)

1660±70

AD 228–560

OxA-4268

Cattle radius

Woodman et al. (1997)

Sutton, Co. Dublin

5250±50

4232–4179

I-5067

Charcoal

Mitchell (1972)

6560±75

5630–5809

OxA-3960

Cattle long bone?2

Woodman et al. (1997)

7140±100

6227–5809

OxA-4449

Pig ulna

Woodman et al. (1997)

* cal BC, unless AD (cal AD to be understood) indicated. Ranges (2ı probability) are as given in the original publication; where not available, 14C dates here and in the text have been calibrated using OxCal v. 4.2. 1 Estimate based on suite of 14C dates 2 The bone is most likely from bear (Ursus arctos); see text

Table 2-2 Main components of the bone assemblage at Newgrange (late Neolithic/Calcolithic) (after van Wijngaarden-Bakker 1986, Tables 1 and 2) Domesticate

No. of fragments

MNI

Cattle (Bos taurus)

7067 (58%)

106 (27%)

Pig (Sus domesticus)

4208 (35%)

206 (53%)

Sheep (Ovies aries)

357 (3%)

24 (6%)

MNI: minimum number of individuals Counts and percentages are given for both categories

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Sites with possible early cattle remains Kilgreany cave, Co. Waterford The 14C dates obtained from this cave site include a date derived from a large cattle tibia (5190±80 BP, 4234–3798 cal BC, OxA-4269; Woodman et al. 1997). Given that 14C dates from Neolithic burial contexts are invariably several hundred years younger, it seems likely that the cattle bone predated the main Neolithic presence or use of the cave (calibration indicates >80% probability that the bone is older than 4000 cal BC). Derragh Island, Co. Longford A small number of cattle bones were recovered from the Discovery Programme excavations of a later Mesolithic platform at Derragh Island. Unfortunately, these excavations have not yet been fully published (but see Fredengren 2009; Fredengren et al. 2010). Cattle bones that yielded the 14C date, 4995±45 BP, came from a peat layer that lay adjacent to the Mesolithic platform and may date to a possible Mesolithic/Neolithic transition (Fredengren 2009, p 884). The excavator (C. Fredengren, personal communication) has pointed out that a cattle bone recovered from the upper part of the stone layer that capped the platform suggests cattle presence that would be very early in the context of the Irish Neolithic. Ringneill Quay, Strangford Lough, Co. Down During excavations at Ringneill Quay, cow and sheep bones were recorded in what is referred to as pre-Littorina Transgression (pre-mid-Holocene) deposits (Stephens and Collins 1960). An associated charcoal sample was 14C dated to 5380±120 BP (Table 2-1) which suggests presence of domesticates at a time predating the conventional start of the Irish Neolithic. The dating, however, was carried out several years after the excavations. Also, there were a number of smaller trenches dug after the initial excavation that had produced the fauna. The above 14C date, which is often quoted, came from a later excavation which lay some metres from the original trench so that the association between the 14C date and the bone is not particularly strong (details in Woodman 1978, pp 17–18). Apparently, and unfortunately, the bones were lost after a sewage pipe-burst in a basement store in the Geography Department, Queen’s University Belfast. Ferriter’s Cove, Dingle, Co. Kerry Two 14C dates were obtained from an extensive excavation that took place at this site (Woodman et al. 1997). The excavated layer lay at the base of sand dunes, in places up to 2–3 m thick. The 14C date 5510±70 BP derives from a cattle tibia fragment recovered from the southern end of the site, some metres from a small complex made up of a fire spot, shell mounds and stone debris. Another 14C date, 5825±50 BP, was obtained from a cattle metatarsal, recovered from the central area of the excavation where evidence for Mesolithic settlement was concentrated. This date seemed suspiciously early. The organic component of the sample dated was very low and so, in retrospect, the Oxford radiocarbon laboratory felt the date may not be reliable. However, as it was closely associated with one of the main areas of Mesolithic settlement, it is likely that the bone falls within the age range 4200–4600 cal BC.

Cattle bones from other contexts in the early Neolithic There are a number of coastal sites where cattle bones of early Neolithic age have been found. Baylet, Inch Island, Lough Swilly, Co. Donegal During excavation of a series of partially destroyed shell middens on Inch Island in Lough Swilly (Milner and Woodman 2007; final report in preparation) shell-midden deposits pertaining to the Neolithic produced some sherds of Neolithic pottery and also several cattle-bone fragments. The several spreads of charcoal from the same deposits were 14 C dated. In general, these showed that the deposits were accumulating during the Early Neolithic—probably between 3600 and 3400 cal BC, i.e. towards the end of the early Neolithic. Carrigdirty, Shannon estuary, Co. Limerick A small scatter of human remains and cattle bones recovered from the intertidal shore at Carrigdirty (at the time, a river-edge reedswamp) yielded 14C dates that indicate an age in the range ca. 3650–3380 cal BP (O’Sullivan 2001; relevant 14C dates listed in Table 2-1). Dalkey Island, Co. Dublin Domesticates were recovered from the excavations of two shell middens on Dalkey Island, Co. Dublin (Liversage 1968). On the basis of 14C dates, it is likely that the shell middens date to the later Mesolithic (Woodman et al. 1997,

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p 137). In particular, a sheep (Ovies aries) bone from the site II midden and cattle bone from Site V have produced early Neolithic dates (5050±90 BP and 4820±75 BP, respectively) (Woodman et al. 1997). Clowanstown, Co. Meath This site will be discussed in more detail below, but it should be noted that while the available dates are overwhelmingly derived from wood and charcoal, two large mammal bones from the upper Neolithic platform yielded 14 C dates 4800±40 BP (3658–3384 cal BC; Beta 246989) and 4960±40 BP (3909-3651 cal BC; Beta 246922). These were identified as “Bovid/equid/cervid, vertebra fragment” and “Bovid/cervid femur, fragment” (Mossop and Mossop 2009, Appendix 5). They are unlikely to be from red deer (cervid) which is rare, if at all present in Ireland, at this date. Horse (equid) is also unlikely as it appears in the Irish fossil record during the Bronze Age and more often in the Iron Age. It is therefore highly likely that the bones derive from cattle (Bovid) and so may be regarded as providing evidence for cattle in the early Neolithic at this site.

Remains sometimes considered to derive from cattle and/or cattle bones of unexpected age These can either be examples that are not cattle bones (misidentified) or where 14C dating has shown the cattle bones to be of a different date than had been expected (see also Table 2-1). Cloney, Glenarm, Co. Antrim This particular bone was recovered during the Harvard Mission’s excavations of a coastal site in Co. Antrim, northeast Ireland (Movius 1937). Raised-beach deposits, ca. 1.5 m thick and running downslope towards the modern beach, were excavated. A large cattle rib-bone fragment was recovered from the raised beach shingle. It came from a trench at the lower end of the excavations, i.e. close to present-day sea level. Although it was apparent that the rib had been cut by a metal saw and that the deposits from which it came probably accumulated at a much later date, there was the possibility that the bone was ancient. The 14C date, 194±27 BP, recently obtained by the author, confirms that the bone is modern. Moynagh Lough, Co. Meath A cattle (cow) bone was recorded from presumed Mesolithic levels during excavations at Moynagh Lough (Bradley1991, 1999). The 14C date 5270±60 BP from charcoal taken from the same levels suggested that the bone related to the Mesolithic/Neolithic transition. However, the AMS 14C date 1660±70 BP derived from the bone indicates that it relates to an overlying early medieval phase in the crannóg (Woodman et al. 1997). Sutton, Co. Dublin The shell midden at Sutton was interpreted as belonging to the Mesolithic/Neolithic transition, based on a 14C date obtained from a charcoal sample (5250±50 BP; Mitchell 1956, 1972). A bone splinter that was presumed to be a cattle bone fragment was chosen as part of the Irish Quaternary fauna project (Woodman et al. 1997). Due to the surprisingly early initial 14C AMS date, a further 14C AMS date of bone material (pig/wild boar) was obtained. Both dates are much earlier than expected (6560±75 BP; 7140±100 BP). The putative cow-bone fragment may well be from a bear and it is probable that much of the midden may date to at least a millennium before the beginning of the Neolithic.

Is there evidence for cattle before 3800 / 3700 cal BC? Leaving aside the doubtful records discussed above, the possibility of introduction of cattle at an early date into Ireland is still of important key to understanding how farming came to be established on the island. Some dates on cattle bones listed above might, of course, be explained as within the potential span of uncertainty for the suggested date of commencement of the Irish Neolithic (cf. Cooney et al. 2009). While that is a possible explanation, the 14C dates from cattle bones recovered at Ferriter’s Cove (see above) suggest an alternative explanation. The choice to be made is between a period of contact prior to the emergence of what may be described as Neolithic or else an earlier Neolithic reminiscent of the earliest stages of the TRB culture in Denmark, i.e. perhaps the substitution phase sensu Zvelebil and Rowley-Conwy (1984). In the context of Britain, the introduction of cattle into the indigenous Mesolithic on their own, and without other elements such as cereals, is usually regarded as unlikely and anomalous (Whittle et al. 2011, Chapter 14). The point made by these authors is quite valid. But the island of Ireland, with its very limited range of large mammals, was very different. The cattle bones recorded at Ferriter’s Cove, which may date to as early as 4400 cal BC, could be part of a pioneering (availability) phase of visits to a strange, little-known island that lay out in the Atlantic. If, on a chronological basis, Britain cannot be the source of these early cattle bones, then the most likely source would appear to be communities along the western coast of France. In this case, domesticated cattle may have been introduced by

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groups of initial Cardial settlers. These groups would have had a mixed economy based on farming as well as the exploitation of fishing and other coastal resources. In this way, domesticated cattle may have spread along the Atlantic coast from the Charente region, north of Bordeaux and up through Brittany (Woodman and McCarthy 2003). Given the relative scarcity of large mammals in Ireland it is quite likely that cattle brought to Ireland would be particularly prized. Yet, several intriguing questions remain. The sea journey to Ireland would not have been easy (Callaghan and Scarre 2009). Would it have been live calves that were transported or could it have been the meat itself or perhaps it was the bones that were prized! It should be pointed out, however, that to date there is absence of evidence for goods of potential Irish origin that might have been exchanged for other gifts with groups in France or along the western shores of Britain. The records from Kilgreany cave and Derragh Island appear to be somewhat later in date. As noted above it is still open as to whether they were part of an initial pioneering/availability phase or whether they were contemporaneous with the earliest Neolithic on the western coast of Britain and part of a movement of farmers to Ireland, i.e. closer to a substitution phase. At the same time, the fact that these three find-spots of cattle with early dates are found in disparate parts of the island, suggests that there was no simple, single land-fall. Perhaps there were sporadic contacts, the influence of which was felt over much of the island. The relative scarcity of cattle bones from final Mesolithic sites, such as middens, may be connected to the value placed on their skeletal remains, arising from the scarcity of raw materials for bone implements on the island of Ireland. Besides the sites that have produced cattle bones there are others that seem to fit within the so-called gap between the clearly identified Mesolithic and Neolithic. There are several sites, such as the Stoneyisland, Co. Galway burial, which appear to belong to this enigmatic period. Brindley and Lanting (1995), after careful evaluation of four 14C dates, including exclusion of the oldest date on grounds that it may be based on contaminated humic substances and hence too old, conclude that the Stoneyisland bog-body dates to ca. 5210±50 BP, i.e. 4230–4175 cal BC. This would place it tentatively in the substitution phase. Is this a Mesolithic hunter-gatherer or a pioneering farmer or even a person of mixed ancestry? Although no cattle bones were recovered, the recently excavated coastal midden site at Fanore, Co. Clare provides an interesting case study (Lynch 2013, 2014; Lynch, pers. comm.). Here, even in the absence of a diagnostic Neolithic component and where equally clearly identifiable Mesolithic ‘type fossils’ were also absent, the 14C dates suggest that the activity well predates 4000 cal BC, i.e. the start of Irish Neolithic. The site seems best to fit into a so-called availability phase or even substitution phase, i.e. it may lie between what is generally known as Mesolithic and Neolithic cultures. The Mesolithic/Neolithic transition is a complex matter, the full understanding of which requires further research and the discovery of sites with the relevant evidence. The answer is unlikely to be found in monuments ascribable to the consolidation phase, when the full floruit of Neolithic culture is already present.

The dangers and pitfalls in searching for a ‘transition’ Searching for a specific event such as a transition or a beginning of economic change can leave one open to creating the past that one wishes for! Some of the examples quoted above are perfect illustrations of this, such as the assumption, often made in earlier times, that particularly large bone fragments must be from cattle and therefore indicate a Neolithic presence. However, the biggest problem is illustrated by sites like Moynagh Lough, Dalkey Island or Ringneill Quay (see above). As regards the Moynagh site, an AMS 14C date from the cattle bone showed beyond doubt that the conventional 14C from charcoal, that was initially used to estimate the age of the bone, gave a result that greatly exaggerated the true age which was early medieval. In the case of Dalkey Island, the cattle and sheep dates were slightly later than the presumed age based on charcoal while the wild fauna and dog may relate to a much earlier time (Woodman et al. 1997). As regards Ringneill material, as noted earlier, the age was based on combining a third attempt at 14C dating bones—these, in the meantime, have been lost—that came from an earlier excavation! Ultimately, one has to accept that material from even a single layer on an excavation can come from a multiplicity of events that may not all be of the same date. Two recent excavations illustrate this problem. These were both sites with artificial platforms that appear to be predominantly Neolithic in age. Both relate to excavations carried out in the context of recent motorway construction. That discovered at Ballynaclogh, Co. Galway (M6 motorway) revealed traces of a large wooden platform and trackways that ranged in date from early in middle Neolithic to the earlier half of the Bronze Age (Maginness et al. 2014). Several hearths and charcoal spreads that seem to have been slightly earlier in the Neolithic were also

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recovered. A scatter of Neolithic artefacts that could range in date across much of the Neolithic period was recorded. This included, beside leaf-shaped arrowheads, a hollow scraper typical of the middle Neolithic and hollow-based arrowheads that probably relate to the later Neolithic (Maginness et al. 2014, Illus. 4.11.5 and 4.11.6). Several cattle, sheep/goat and pig bones were also recovered. A number of larger flakes that could be reminiscent of forms that date to the later Mesolithic were also found (Maginness et al. 2014, Illus. 4.11.3). The substantial Neolithic presence in this area is interesting in itself (see Molloy and O'Connell, this volume) especially given the scarcity of megaliths locally and regionally, and may be indicative of some continuity with the Mesolithic. However, in the absence of 14C dates, from the cattle bones in particular, it cannot be argued with any confidence that the cattle remains from Ballynaclogh are associated with a Mesolithic/Neolithic transition. The spectacular site of Clowanstown 1 (Mossop and Mossop 2009), which has been mentioned already, was discovered during excavations prior to the construction of the M3 motorway. It presents another example of the difficulty in identifying the early presence of cattle and the possibility of a Mesolithic/Neolithic transition. The excavation at a location on the edge of what may have been a water-filled basin included a series of deposits containing fish traps and later Mesolithic stone tools dating to ca. 5300–4800 cal BC while extensive traces of Neolithic activity were recorded at and around an artificially-created platform. This level included not only Neolithic artefacts—both lithics and ceramics—as well as a small selection of what appears to be later Mesolithic material. At least 140 mammal bones were also recovered (Coles 2009, Appendix 8) which have a typical early Neolithic spectrum, i.e. an assemblage dominated by cattle and sheep, though one must wonder about the identification of roe deer (Capreolus capreolus) (never previously recorded in the Irish fossil record) and fallow deer (Dama dama) (introduced to Ireland in the Norman period; Montgomery 2014). The 14C dates from cattle bone (see above; also Table 2-1) suggest presence of cattle at what may be the beginning of the Neolithic. But there are many questions that remain to be answered. Is there any evidence of an earlier presence of cattle on the site, i.e. prior to the Neolithic? Is this evidence of a final hunter-gather community having adopted elements of a Neolithic lifestyle? Alternatively is there cross-contamination from different phases of occupation at a favourable location that was used at different periods? That macroremains of wheat, barley and flax were recorded in what is presumed to be Mesolithic levels (F10) is a cause for concern (p 5 and Appendix 17, Environmental Report: Archaeological Services University of Durham (ASDU) in Mossop and Mossop 2009). In conclusion, recent excavations have revealed much interesting evidence relating to the introduction of farming to Ireland at about the time of the Mesolithic/Neolithic transition. As issues associated with how, when or even why farming came to be initiated in western Europe are amongst the most debated matters in European prehistory, the evidence available needs to be assessed with more care than is sometimes accorded it.

The role of cattle in the Irish Neolithic As regards the role of cattle in the Irish Neolithic, there are several aspects that can be explored. For example, did the use of cattle change throughout Irish prehistory and especially during the Irish Neolithic? Such issues, in part, relate to the fact that not only was Ireland different but rather it was also sufficiently large and has landscapes of various different types with very different environmental conditions. Did animal husbandry, including management of cattle, vary within Ireland? It may seem obvious, but many of the cattle that have been recovered from prehistoric and even early Medieval sites are considerably smaller than the breeds of recent centuries. Thus, van Wijngaarden-Bakker (1986) noted that the cattle recorded at Newgrange may have had a shoulder height that averaged 125 cm. This is substantially smaller than modern breeds. On the basis of the few surviving bones available from Lough Gur, van Wijngaarden Bakker (1986) has suggested that the cattle that were husbanded in the Lough Gur area frequently had a shoulder height of only 105 cm. Other sites have produced evidence of animals that were intermediate in height. Thus, in the case of Chancellorsland (early Bronze Age), McCarthy (2008, p 432) has suggested that the shoulder height of the cattle was ca. 116 cm, which she compares favourably with heights from other Bronze Age sites of ca. 105 cm to 116 cm. McCormack and Murray (2011), based on an analysis of the cattle remains from the early Medieval ‘raised rath’ at Deer Park, suggest a wither’s height in the range 104–111 cm.

Was the use of cattle the same throughout the Irish Neolithic? Given the relatively limited information available from Neolithic assemblages aside from the occasional bone on sites that date to early in the Neolithic, is there evidence that cattle were the most significant of the domesticated mammals present? Even though most of the Neolithic faunal assemblage at Lough Gur has been ‘curatorially disposed off’, it may still prove useful to return to that area. It should also be borne in mind that when the excavations on Knockadoon were

The Introduction of Cattle Into Prehistoric Ireland: Fresh Perspectives

21

undertaken (Ó Ríordáin 1954), the Neolithic was thought to be a very short period that rapidly merged into the early Bronze Age. We now appreciate that the Neolithic lasted up to 1500 years! As regards the range of lithic artefacts recorded at Lough Gur and ascribable to the Neolithic, perhaps the most noticeable feature is that forms of Neolithic stone artefacts that occur primarily after the early Neolithic, such as hollow scrapers, are absent. In terms of other forms, it is noteworthy that leaf-lozenge arrowheads, present in abundance on many early Irish Neolithic sites, are also present at Knockadoon. This is a form of arrowhead that disappears in the later part of the Neolithic. Equally significant is that the very distinctive petit tranchet derivatives, which occur in the later Neolithic and are found in some numbers at the much later Neolithic Grange Stone Circle (Ó Ríordáin 1952), are also absent. Thus, activities at Knockadoon seem to relate primarily in the earlier part of the Neolithic and hence the domesticated faunal remains, which are dominated by cattle, probably also relate to the early Neolithic. In the case of the Kilshane assemblage (see above) that probably dates to well before 3000 cal BC but which has unfortunately never been fully analysed, the fact that at least 40 individual animals (cattle) were dumped or placed in the enclosure ditch must be of significance. This, by itself, suggests that cattle were of importance; whether, in this case, it was entirely economic or had a ritual/symbolic meaning is unclear. One could suggest that, within the early Neolithic, cattle were clearly the most important domesticated species. However, it may be that this was not necessarily true for the whole of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods. There is no doubt that there was a substantial increase in the number of pigs being raised in the later Neolithic and this trend is not confined to Ireland; in Britain a similar reduction in the role of cattle has been postulated (Viner-Daniels 2014). In terms of the relative importance of the three main domesticates, i.e. cattle, sheep and pig, if the Newgrange faunal assemblage—this assemblage is, by far, the largest and best documented assemblage available to date (van Wijngaarden-Bakker 1974, 1986)—as a whole is considered, and disregarding problems such as inclusion of material of younger age, e.g. horse (see above), the trend towards increased importance of pig towards the end of the Neolithic/early Calcolithic is clearly seen (Table 2-2). Depending on how the component contributions are expressed—total number of fragments or minimum number of individuals (MNI), i.e. available meat—the relative importance of the component species is slightly different. MNI data take into consideration the presence of specific unique bones that usually occur only once in an animal, e.g. the number of left femurs, humerus or mandibles, and can be used to provide an estimate of the minimum number of animals of the particular species. In the case of Newgrange, the MNI data suggest that pigs were more important than expected, especially when compared with Lough Gur, while sheep/goat played only a minor role (van WijngaardenBakker 1974, p 330). It has been observed by van Wijngaarden-Bakker (1986, pp 94, 95) that, in terms of meat, one cow will provide much more than one pig. This should not be considered as terms of a simple, straightforward equation as allowances for factors such as the age and size of animals when slaughtered must be considered, i.e. it is not as simple as merely taking the deadweight of an animal. Other matters to be considered include varying proportions of meat versus bone and offal. The following are rough estimates that serve to illustrate the relatively greater importance of cattle at Newgrange. After slaughter and the dressing of the carcass, cattle yield ca. 150–235 kg of meat or, on average, ca. 190 kg per animal. In contrast, pigs are expected to produce ca. 70 kg of meat per animal. Thus, at Newgrange, cattle are estimated to have contributed a little over 50% of the meat produced, while pigs contributed ca. 35%, with the remainder being contributed by other species. It seems likely that cattle were by far the most common domesticate in the earlier part of the Neolithic, and, though there was a general shift during the Neolithic and also later periods towards a greater use of pigs, cattle remained of paramount importance in Irish farming contexts (Lucas 1989; Kelly 1997).

Were cattle kept for more than meat? In Ireland today, dairy cattle are the mainstay of the farming economy. The consensus appears to be that in prehistory cattle were primarily kept for their meat but, as discussed below, there may have been other uses. Faunal assemblages from the Late Neolithic through the Chalcolithic to the early Bronze Age, such as recorded at Newgrange (Wijngaarden-Bakker 1986), Chancellorsland (McCarthy 2008) and even later in the Bronze Age at Haughey’s Fort (McCormick and Murray 2011), provide important insights. If, in prehistoric bone assemblages in general, the ratio of male to female cattle on earlier prehistoric sites is not typical of herds of animals that were kept for dairying, this does not mean that there was no dairy produce. Cramp and Evershed (2011, p 387), in their analyses of absorption residues on the surfaces of Neolithic pot sherds that were recovered from excavations at Tullahedy, identified lipids that are probably associated with dairy produce. This points

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to dairy produce being part of Neolithic farming in Ireland. However, dairying in the Neolithic period was probably of limited importance. In many economies, especially in the Stone Age, skeletal remains of larger mammals were used as raw materials for the manufacture of bone implements. Even making allowances for the poor conditions for bone survival on many Irish sites, there is a surprising lack of bone implements from excavations of Irish Neolithic sites whether they are settlement sites or tombs. The ‘bone’ pins that have been found in passage tombs contexts are an exception to this rule. Bergh and Hensey (2013) suggest that few are made from deer antler, which is not surprising, as red deer was probably not common in Ireland at that time. Given the difficulty of identifying the species of animal bones used to make Mesolithic bone points, establishing the source of the bone pins—Mesolithic or Neolithic—is not easy. Unfortunately, in the case of the pins from the passage tombs, į15N data are not available. Such data might have helped distinguish between a herbivore source such as cattle versus bears or humans that may have been omnivores. Therefore, for the moment at least, might we assume that they were made from cattle bones? There is also little evidence for draft animals in the Neolithic of western Europe and there seems to be little evidence for the use of cattle for that purpose during the Irish Neolithic. Perhaps, the earliest possible known evidence in Ireland is that identified by McCarthy (2008, p 432) from Chancellorsland. She noted the presence of a form of arthropathy on two lumbar vertebrae of mature cattle. This represents a tentative identification of a pathology that may be associated with traction.

Were cattle always husbanded in the same way? One could argue that the three sites listed earlier that have produced cattle bones in coastal and estuarine sites suggest that these early Neolithic peoples were not confining their activities to small areas cleared in the forest. In particular, the presence of cattle and sheep bone of early Neolithic date on Dalkey Island suggests that local Neolithic farmers also explored their coastal resources. Given the extensive early Neolithic activities, even if the initial attraction was raw materials such as quarrying for porphyry on Lambay Island (Cooney 2005), this is hardly surprising. Farming communities could also easily have established themselves on Inch Island, Lough Swilly in the vicinity of where the Baylet shell middens accumulated. Perhaps the most interesting example is that from Carrigdirty 5 (O’Sullivan 2001) where a small number of human and cattle remains were recovered from the shoreline on the Shannon estuary in what may have been reedswamp. While we do not know the reasons for their deposition at this location, the fact that the human remains have yielded į13C values of 21.92‰ and 22.18‰—both may have come from the same individual—suggests a terrestrial-based diet that was not heavily reliant on marine resources. It is quite likely that early Neolithic farmers frequently let their animals graze within forests (Molloy and O’Connell, this volume) and quasi-open ground including river banks, lake edges and coastal areas. Stable-isotope data, and in particular į13C and į15N data derived from human remains, can contribute substantially to our understanding of diet. Results of į13C analyses give an indication as to what extent marine resources contributed to the diet, while į15N data generally reflect the relative contributions of meat and vegetable matter to the diet. Values for į13C more negative than ca. -20‰ can usually be interpreted as resulting mainly from a terrestrial-based diet, while values greater than -16‰ are indicative of a substantial marine contribution. It has been demonstrated that in many of the coastal regions of Atlantic Europe, few Neolithic human remains from coastal areas have marine stable-isotope signatures (Price and Noe-Nygaard 2009). As regards Ireland, this is also true. The human remains from Carrigdirty referred to above, and which were recovered from an estuarine context, have yielded results which would suggest a land-based diet with little contribution from a marine component. While there are few radiocarbon-dated human remains from Neolithic shell middens in Ireland—this needs to be rectified before stable isotope analyses are attempted on such material—the same pattern can be seen in human remains from megaliths that lay within 200 m of the then coast. In particular, the Millin Bay site, which lies near the tip of the Ards peninsula, Co. Down and very close to the coast, yielded į13C values -21.6‰, -2.2‰ and -21.1‰. Audleystown, which is a Neolithic dual court tomb that overlooks Strangford Lough, Co. Down (but the available 14C dates relate to the early Bronze Age), also yielded similar į13C values (-21.3‰ and -21.5‰; Schulting et al. 2012) (Fig. 2-2). This does not mean that coastal resources were ignored, as there are numerous instances of coastal Neolithic shell middens, e.g. the very substantial midden at Culeenamore in Sligo that began in the middle Neolithic (Burenhult 1984). At Baylet, the remnants of a Neolithic midden were found on top of earlier deposits and a second midden of Neolithic date was recovered from behind the main site (Milner and Woodman 2007; Woodman 2015, Chapter 10). The above can be contrasted with stable-isotope data from human remains from later Mesolithic contexts (Woodman 2015). Here, human remains from coastal areas have produced mixed results. For example, at Ferriter’s Cove the diet seems to have been largely marine. A human tooth and human bone gave į13C values of -14.1‰ and -14.0‰, respectively (Schulting 1999). On the other hand, a human femur at Rockmarshall on the coast of the Cooley

The Introduction of Cattle Into Prehistoric Ireland: Fresh Perspectives

23

peninsula, Co. Louth gave a į13C value of -20.1‰, which suggest that this particular individual enjoyed a mixed seaand land-based diet (Woodman et al. 1997). While the earlier hunter-gatherers appeared to have adapted to obtaining their food from various different sources, it would appear that Neolithic farming communities, while relying to some extent on coastal and other wild resources, depended mainly on produce from the land whether it was crops or domesticated animals. In Ireland, one can possibly make a case for cattle being more important. Richards (2000) has shown that, in adjacent parts of southern Britain, the picture may be quite complex. Most of the į15N results obtained from a series of Neolithic monuments in the south-west of England lay between 7‰ and 10‰ though, importantly, there are considerable differences between sites. The results from Hazelton, Cotswolds, central western England, are mainly in the range 7–8‰, while at Parc le Breos Cwyn, in the Gower peninsula, south-west Wales the results were mainly in the range 7–10‰. Various reasons can be put forward for these differences. However, there are few values that exceed 10‰. In the case of Ireland, stable isotope data also provide useful insights into diet in the Neolithic. Evidence from the large assemblage of human bones from Poulnabrone portal tomb in the Burren, Co. Clare, suggests the people were omnivores (Ditchfield 2014, p 90). As can be seen in Fig. 2-2, the į15N values from human bone at Poulnabrone lie between 7.5‰ and 9.7‰. On the other hand, human bone samples from megaliths in north-eastern Ireland have yielded higher į15N values (9.5–11.5‰; Aghanaglack samples excluded; see Fig. 2-2; Schulting et al. 2012). As regards į13C values, the average for both sets of samples is very similar (averages: -21.3‰ and -21.1‰; values for northern samples given first) but there is more scatter in the northern samples (standard deviation 0.4 versus 0.1 for Poulnabrone samples; Fig. 2-2). Poulnabrone data relate to a single site rather than several as in the case of the northern megalith samples. The diet for the individuals interred at Poulnabrone seems to have remained rather constant while the northern sites show variation spatially and probably also over time. The latter results relate to sites in different settings but mainly from the early Neolithic. Several factors, and especially diet, are probably influencing the results. A small-scale dating project on human remains from caves (see Dowd 2008), which concentrated on an examination of the Neolithic diet using stable isotopes, provides an interesting additional perspective. It was hoped to concentrate on the question of balance between meat and plant foods. In Table 2-3, results derived from human remains already dated and published by Dowd (2008), as well as a sample from Killuragh cave (report in preparation), are presented. As noted earlier, three 14C dates were obtained from samples at Carrigdirty (O’Sullivan 2001; Woodman 2015, p 334), i.e. a single date from cattle bone (see above) and two dates from human bone. The latter were identical and so only one is included in Table 2-3. In general, the į15N values obtained in the course of this project are higher than those from Poulnabrone but similar to the values from the northern megaliths. The į13C values, on the other hand, are somewhat more negative that those from Poulnabrone. Are these somewhat contrasting results from south-west Ireland a result of social differences that include diet? Conversely, one could advance an argument that environmental/topographical differences may have resulted in differing emphases as regards Neolithic diet in various parts of Ireland. In summary, the į15N results from the Irish Neolithic point to there being more reliance on animal husbandry in at least some parts of Ireland, while it is likely that there was a higher reliance on cattle in Ireland than in parts of Great Britain. Table 2-3 Radiocarbon dates and stable isotope results from selected human remains relating to the early/mid Neolithic from southern Ireland Site*

Lab. no. Age

Age range

13

C

(GrN-) Barntick (Clare) Elderbush (Clare) Bat’s (Clare) Killuragh (Limerick) Carrigdirty (1) (Limerick) Connaberry (Cork) Kilgreany (Waterford) Knocknarea (Sligo)

21498 21492 21489 24182 27217 22115 21499 21493

15

N (BP)

4530±50 4800±50 4430±50 4880±45 4750±40 4730±50 4790±50 4740±50

(cal BC)

(‰)

3483–3033 3693–3381 3335–2919 3773–3536 3640–3378 3636–3375 3659–3379 3639–3376

-21.63 -21.31 -21.35 -21.49 -21.92 -21.34 -21.79 -22.08

* all are caves except Carrigdirty (1); the county name is given in parentheses

(‰) 10.50 10.75 7.38 9.58 10.74 11.07 10.88 11.38

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Conclusions In summary, a case can be made for the appearance of domesticated cattle in Ireland before the establishment of what may be described as the conventional Irish Neolithic. Given the size of Ireland, and also topographical as well as climatic differences, one must ask whether the interaction between Mesolithic and Neolithic ways of life varied from region to region. Clearly, more comprehensive and reliable data are needed before attempting to answer these and related questions regarding the when, where and how of the transition from Mesolithic to Neolithic in Irish contexts. Similarly one can ask when regionally different forms of animal husbandry began to emerge in Ireland.

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—. (2014) 2014:028—Fanore More (2), Clare. http://www.excavations.ie/report/2014/Clare/0023724/ (accessed 20 October 2015) Madsen T (1986) Where did all the hunters go? An assessment of an epoch-making episode in Danish prehistory. J Dan Archaeol 5:229–239 Maginness C, O’Dowd J, Tierney M (2014) Prehistoric campsite and trackway remnants at Ballynaclogh. In: McKeon J, O’Sullivan J (eds) The quiet landscape. Archaeological investigations on the M6 Galway to Ballinasloe national road scheme (NRA scheme monographs 15). National Roads Authority, Dublin, pp 147–154 McCarthy M (2008) Faunal material, site A. In: Doody M (ed) The Ballyhoura Hills project (Discovery Programme monograph No. 7). Wordwell, Dublin, pp 427–442 —. (2011) Animal bones. In: Cleary RM, Kelleher H (eds) Archaeological excavations at Tullahedy, County Tipperary. Neolithic settlement in North Munster. Collins Press, Cork, pp 209–215 McClatchie M, Bogaard A, Colledge S, Whitehouse NJ, Schulting RJ, Barratt P, McLaughlin TR (2014) Neolithic farming in north-western Europe: archaeobotanical evidence from Ireland. J Archaeol Sci 51:206–215 McCormick F, Murray E (2011) The animal bones from Deer Park Farms. In: Lynn CJ, McDowell JA (eds) Deer Park Farms. The excavations of a raised rath in the Glenarm Valley, Co. Antrim (Northern Ireland Archaeological Monographs No. 9). Stationery Office, Northern Ireland, pp 469–488 Milner NJ, Woodman PC (2007) Deconstructing the myths of Irish shell middens. In: Milner N, Craig OE, Bailey GN (eds) Shell middens in Atlantic Europe. Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp 101–110 Mitchell GF (1956) An early kitchen midden at Sutton, Co. Dublin. J R Soc Antiq Ireland 86:1–26 —. (1972) Further excavations of the early kitchen-midden at Sutton, Co. Dublin. J R Soc Antiq Ireland 102:151–159 Montgomery WI (2014) Origin of the Holocene mammals of ‘these islands’. In: Sleeman DP, Carlsson J, Carlsson JEL (eds) Mind the Gap II: new insights into the Irish postglacial. Irish Naturalists’ Journal, Belfast, pp 138–142 Moore DG (2004) 2004:0612—Kilshane, Dublin. http://www.excavations.ie/report/2004/Dublin/0011737/ (accessed 1 August 2015) Mossop M, Mossop E (2009) M3 Clonee-north of Kells. Contract 2 Dunshaughlin-Navan. Report on the archaeological excavation of Clowanstown 1, Co. Meath. Final report to Meath County Council and National Road Authority (unpublished) Movius HL (1937) A Stone Age site at Glenarm, Co. Antrim. J R Soc Antiq Ireland 67:181–220 Müller J (2011) Megaliths and Funnel Beakers: societies in change 4100–2700 BC. Stichting Nederlands Museum voor Anthropologie en Praehistorie, Amsterdam Ó Ríordáin SP (1951) Lough Gur excavations: the great stone circle (B) in Grange Townland. Proc R Ir Acad 54C:37– 74 —. (1954) Lough Gur excavations: Neolithic and Bronze Age houses on Knockadoon, Proc R Ir Acad 56C:297–459 O’Sullivan A (2001) Foragers, farmers and fishers in a coastal landscape (Discovery Programme Monograph 5). Royal Irish Academy, Dublin Price TD, Noe-Nygaard N (2009) Early domestic cattle in southern Scandinavia and the spread of the Neolithic in Europe. In: Finlay N, McCartan S, Milner N, Wickham-Jones C (eds) Bann flakes to Bushmills. Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp 198–210 Richards MP (2000) Human consumption of plant foods in the British Neolithic; direct evidence from bone stable isotopes. In: Fairbairn A (ed) Plants in Neolithic Britain and beyond. Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp 123–136 Schulting R (1999) Appendix 7:4. Radiocarbon dates. In: Woodman PC, Anderson E, Finlay N (eds) Excavations at Ferriter’s Cove, 1983–95: last foragers, first farmers in the Dingle Peninsula. Wordwell, Bray, p 219 Schulting RJ, Murphy E, Jones C, Warren G (2012) New dates from the north and a proposed chronology for Irish court tombs. Proc R Ir Acad 112C:1–60 Sheridan A (2003) French connections I: spreading the marmites thinly. In: Armit I, Murphy E, Nelis E, Simpson D (eds) Neolithic Settlement in Ireland and western Britain. Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp 3–17 —. (2010) The Neolithization of Britain and Ireland: the ‘Big Picture’. In: Finlayson B, Warren G (eds) Landscapes in transition. Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp 89–105 Stephens N, Collins AEP (1960) The Quaternary deposits at Ringneill Quay and Ardmillan, Co. Down Proc R Ir Acad 61C:41–77 Takamiya H (2006) An unusual case? Hunter-gatherer adaptations to an island environment: a case study from Okinawa, Japan. J Isl Coast Archaeol 1:49–66 Tresset A (2000) Early husbandry in Atlantic areas. Animal introductions, diffusions of techniques and native acculturation at the north-western fringe in Europe. In: Henderson JC (ed) The prehistory and early history of Atlantic Europe. BAR International Series 861, Oxford, pp 17–32 —. (2003) French connections II: of cows and men. In: Armit I, Murphy E, Nelis E, Simpson D (eds) Neolithic Settlement in Ireland and Western Britain. Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp 18–30 Tresset A, Vigne J (2007) Substitution of species, techniques and symbols at the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition in western Europe. Proc Brit Acad 144:189–210 van Wijngaarden-Bakker LH (1974) The animal remains from the Beaker settlement at Newgrange, Co. Meath: first report. Proc R Ir Acad 74C:313–383 —. (1986) The animal remains from the Beaker settlement at Newgrange, Co. Meath: final report. Proc R Ir Acad 86C:17–111

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Viner-Daniels S (2014) A diachronic study of Sus and Bos exploitation in Britain from the early Mesolithic to the late Neolithic. BAR British series 596, Oxford Whittle A, Healy F, Bayliss A (eds) (2011) Gathering time. Dating the early Neolithic enclosures of southern Britain and Ireland. Oxbow Books, Oxford Woodman PC (1978) The Mesolithic in Ireland. BAR British Series 58, Oxford —. (2014) Ireland’s native mammals: a survey of the archaeological record. In: Sleeman PD, Carlsson J, Carlsson JEL (eds) Mind the gap II. New insights into the Irish postglacial. Irish Naturalists’ Journal, Belfast, pp 28–44 —. (2015) Ireland’s first settlers. Time and the Mesolithic. Oxbow Books, Oxford Woodman PC, McCarthy M (2003) Contemplating some awful(ly interesting) vistas: importing cattle and red deer into prehistoric Ireland In: Armit I, Murphy E, Nelis E, Simpson D (eds) Neolithic settlement in Ireland and western Britain. Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp 31–39 Woodman PC, McCarthy M, Monaghan N (1997) The Irish Quaternary fauna project. Quat Sci Rev 16:129–159 Woodman PC, Anderson E, Finlay N (1999) Excavations at Ferriter’s Cove, 1983–95: last foragers, first farmers in the Dingle peninsula. Wordwell, Bray Zvelebil M, Rowley-Conwy P (1984) Transition to farming in northern Europe: a hunter-gatherer perspective. Nor Archaeol Rev 17:104–128

Figure legends Fig. 2-1 Map of Ireland showing altitude (shading), county boundaries (broken lines), principal rivers and lakes and the location of the main sites (dots) referred to in the text Fig. 2-2 Filled squares show į13C and į15N results for unburnt human bone collagen samples from Neolithic megalith contexts, except Audleystown which is early Bronze Age (data from Schulting et al. 2012, Table 3; data from Aghanaglack, which relate to the mid-Bronze Age, have been omitted; Annaghmare is in Co. Armagh; other sites are in Co. Down). Open circles show results from thirteen human bone collagen samples (early Neolithic) from Poulnabrone portal tomb, Burren, Co. Clare (data from Ditchfield 2014, Table 4.38)

CHAPTER THREE FARMING IMPACT IN IRELAND FROM THE NEOLITHIC TO RECENT TIMES WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO A DETAILED POLLEN RECORD FROM EAST GALWAY KAREN MOLLOY AND MICHAEL O’CONNELL

Abstract A pollen diagram, derived from a raised bog core taken from Ballinphuill Bog, 10 km to the north-east of Loughrea, Co. Galway, provides evidence for farming and its impact on woodland cover and composition in a part of mid-western Ireland where long detailed records are lacking. The pollen profile has a well-defined Elm Decline and a pronounced Neolithic Landnam—woodland clearance in the context of early farming, in this instance, predominantly pastoral—that spanned the interval 3700–3400 BC. After a distinct lull in farming that lasted for approximately a thousand years, farming activity increased again in the late Neolithic/early Bronze Age (2400 BC). In the early and mid-Bronze Age, farming, still predominantly pastoral but with a distinct arable component, was most intensive in the intervals 2300–2050 BC and 1600–1250 BC. Farming impact increased substantially in the late Bronze Age (ca. 1000 BC) and a high level of activity was maintained until the late Iron Age. A distinct lull in farming was recorded between AD 200 and AD 400 (Late Iron Age Lull). It was followed by strong human impact, especially from ca. AD 800 onwards. Cereal growing, which was already important by ca. AD 800, assumed further importance at ca. AD 1200, i.e. at about the time of the Norman expansion into east Galway. Final woodland clearance and creation of an open landscape dates to ca. AD 1500. This reconstruction of farming and its long-term impact in east Galway is placed in a wider context by reference to new information available from archaeological survey and excavation carried out in the context of motorway construction, and other recent investigations into long-term human settlement and farming in Ireland. Keywords Farming history • Woodland clearance • Human impact • Prehistory • Historical period • Pollen analysis • Ireland

Introduction In Ireland, as in most of Europe, farming has been mainly responsible for effecting major change in landscape and vegetation cover during the post-glacial, i.e. the last ca. 11 700 years. Arable farming requires open habitat, the creation of which during prehistory and the historical period involved clearance—and indeed repeated clearances, though often small-scale—of woodland and shrub. Pastoral-based farming also invariably involves clearances, that, even in prehistory, were sometimes extensive (Frenzel 1994; Behre 1988; Prøsch-Danielsen and Simonsen 2000). Intensive and sometimes large-scale clearances were carried out systematically in Ireland from the fourth millennium BC onwards as is attested to with particular clarity for the Neolithic at Céide Fields by both the archaeological and pollen analytical evidence (Caulfield 1978, 1983; Molloy and O’Connell 1995) and to varying degrees elsewhere during other times (e.g. Molloy 2005; Plunkett 2008; Ghilardi and O’Connell 2013). It should, however, be borne in mind that pastoral farming may also be based on a wood-pasture system in which clearances, per se, do not have a major role but, even then, there is invariably some opening-up of the tree cover and changes in species composition, i.e. in the woody and herbaceous species (Rackham 2003, 2006; Pott and Hüppe 1991). Given the requirement for at least some degree of openness, it follows that most types of farming find clear expression in both the arboreal pollen (AP) and non-arboreal pollen (NAP) components of the pollen record. The changes are often, however, complex and require careful interpretation that takes account of, inter alia, the size of basin be that bog or lake, the location of the core within the basin and variation in vegetation patchiness through time (Jacobson and Bradshaw 1981; Hellman et al. 2009). Minor opening-up of woodland may result in stimulation of pollen production and thus an increase, rather than a decrease, in the AP component (Aaby 1986; Feeser and Dörfler 2014). This is especially so when woody species that are normally undershrubs, such as hazel (Corylus), are involved. In the case of hazel, pollen production is usually regarded as increasing four-fold due to tall canopy removal and the resultant increased light (Moore et al. 1991). NAP, on the other hand, which reflects open biotopes, i.e. grasslands and disturbed/arable biotopes, is a more direct indicator of farming. Grasslands are not only indicated by grass pollen (Poaceae) but also by a suite of herbaceous pollen that includes some of the most reliable indicators of farming including Plantago lanceolata (ribwort plantain) pollen. Many grassland species are high pollen producers and wind-

28

Chapter Three

pollinated, and so are well presented in pollen records. Arable farming, on the other hand, which in Ireland traditionally involved mainly, though not exclusively, cereals (also flax, and potatoes in recent centuries), is reflected less strongly, because cereals generally produce relatively small amounts of pollen that are poorly dispersed (most cereals self-fertilise). Pollen of cereals is generally easily distinguished on the basis of size and other characteristics. Some non-cultivated grasses, however, produce pollen that overlaps in size with that of cereals (O’Connell 1987; Behre 2007). In cognisance of this, pollen identified as of cereal origin is designated as ‘cereal-type’ to alert the reader to the possibility that occasionally pollen of non-cereal origin may be fortuitously included in this taxon. The pollen of weeds associated with arable farming, which are mainly wind-dispersed, can however be drawn upon to supplement and complement the evidence provided by the pollen of cereals, though here again this is not always straightforward (see below). More than 400 pollen diagrams are available for Ireland (Mitchell et al. 2013). Many, however, are unsuitable for the purpose of reconstructing farming impact in that they relate to pre-farming periods, i.e. the early and mid Holocene up to ca. 6 ka, the Late-glacial (15–11.7 ka)1, or indeed interglacials. In several instances, the pollen diagrams are not sufficiently detailed from a pollen analytical viewpoint and/or the chronological control is poor. In their review of Neolithic farming, O’Connell and Molloy (2001) selected 34 Irish pollen diagrams as suitable for purpose, though within this selection there was considerable variation in the quality of the records. In the meantime, further detailed records have become available (e.g. Brown et al. 2005; Ghilardi and O’Connell 2013; O’Connell et al. 2014) though some of these, while exceptionally detailed and hence very valuable (e.g. Stolze et al. 2012, 2013a, b), relate mainly to early (Neolithic) farming impact. This paper discusses the results of recent pollen analytical investigations of a peat core from Ballinphuill, 10 km north-east of Loughrea in east Galway. East Galway is the region that stretches from Lough Corrib to the Shannon basin (Fig. 3-1A). That part of it associated with the M6 motorway is referred to by McKeon and O’Sullivan (2014) as a ‘quiet landscape’, i.e. a landscape without major archaeological features, in comparison with archaeologically-rich parts of Ireland. The archaeological survey and excavations connected with the construction of the M6 motorway between the eastern outskirts of Galway city to Ballinasloe and onwards to the western ourskirts of Athlone have provided evidence for a much more ‘busy’ landscape than previously suspected. There is now archaeological evidence indicating human activity in all major cultural periods from the Mesolithic onwards (McKeon and O’Sullivan 2014). Rahally hillfort, probably the most important archaeological feature, lies on a ridge that bounds Ballinphuill Bog to the north (Figs 3-1, 3-2). Activity at this large hillfort, enclosing an area of 14.4 ha, relates mainly to the late Bronze Age (ca. 1000 BC). There is also evidence for some activity in the Iron Age and much activity on the ridge and in the wider region in mid and late Medieval times (Mullins 2014; McKeon and O’Sullivan 2014; also Bolger et al. 2015). Some 24 km to the east, the discovery of the excellently preserved remains of a medieval horizontal watermill, dated to ca. AD 800, near the medieval church site and graveyard of Kilbegly, attests in a striking manner to the farming economy in the early historical period (Jackman et al. 2013; Overland and O’Connell 2011). Until recent years, east Galway from the viewpoint of palaeoecological investigations into long-term post-glacial woodland dynamics and human impact has been rather neglected. Farming impact on woodlands during the last two to three millennia has been studied by Hall (2000, 2003, 2005) and Lomas-Clarke and Barber (2004, 2007), based on raised-bog cores taken from within a radius of ca. 30 km of Ballinphuill. Other nearby investigations have focussed on climate change based on evidence also derived from raised-bog peat cores (Barber et al. 2003; Blundell et al. 2008; Hughes and Barber 2004). Interestingly, one of the earliest pollen analytical investigations carried out by an Irish scientist relates to this region and specifically the Neolithic period. In a short, but largely overlooked study, Jeanne White (1931), who was based in Queen’s University Belfast, presented percentage and concentration pollen data relating to a peat core from near Portumna (also referred to as Stoneyisland). The site featured a human skeleton, which was examined by Stephen Shea, Professor of Anatomy at University College Galway. It was considered at the time to relate to the Neolithic (Shea 1929, 1931). This has since been confirmed by 14C dating (Brindley and Lanting 1995; see also Woodman, this volume). Preliminary accounts of the pollen investigations at Ballinphuill were included in The Quiet Landscape monograph (Molloy et al. 2014a, b). Ballinphuill Bog lies in the townland of the same name and in the parish of Grange, 17 km east of Athenry (Fig. 3-1) and is thus more or less centrally located between Galway city and Athlone town. This raised bog lies in a relatively shallow basin in an undulating landscape. The central uncut part occupies an area of ca. 1000 m x 450 m (ca. 45 ha). At the time of sampling there was active though not intensive peat cutting, to a depth of about 3 m, at the bog margins and particularly on the northern and eastern sides. The central part of the bog, where most of the exploratory coring was carried out and where cores for detailed investigation were taken, is largely unaffected by drainage. The more or less flat surface has gently sloping contours, i.e. disregarding shrinkage close to the margins where there is peat cutting (Fig. 3-1B).

1

Conventions re. chronology: AD and BC dates are calendar/calibrated years; ka indicates 1000s of calibrated/calendar years before AD 1950; BP is used in the case of 14C ages, i.e. years are non-calibrated and cited with respect to AD 1950.

Farming Impact in Ireland from the Neolithic to Recent Times

29

Methods Fieldwork Corings, using a gouge corer, were used to ascertain overall peat thickness and the below-peat basin contours. Subsequently, an Usinger piston corer was used to obtain parallel cores of 80 mm-diameter (segment lengths: 1 m and 2 m, the latter from below ca. 3 m; Fig. 3-3) where the thickest deposits (ca. 12 m) were recorded in a localised depression in the minerogenic subsurface (depression also visible, though less pronounced, on the bog surface; point G5 in Fig. 3-2A; N 53° 16.280'; W 08° 30.028'; 98 m asl). Core BPH2 was mainly used for sub-sampling in the laboratory and the parallel core, BPH3, was used to fill in breaks between core segments in BPH2. The resulting pollen profile is referred to as BPH2.

Laboratory methods Pollen analysis Samples were prepared and pollen counted following standard procedures as implemented in Galway (cf. Molloy and O’Connell 2004). Pollen taxa nomenclature follows, in general, Moore et al. (1991). Cereal-type pollen were distinguished following the criteria in Beug (2004) and categorised as follows (length of longest axis of grain cited): 37–39 μm, 40–44 μm, 45–49 μm, and •50 μm. In addition, Secale (rye) pollen were distinguished. Cereal-type pollen of the smallest size category are regarded as Poaceae, i.e. deriving from non-cultivated grasses; all other pollen are regarded as cereal-type (see Introduction). A high pollen sum (PS) was striven for but this was not always possible because of considerable quantities of debris, etc. on the pollen slides. Nevertheless, a mean pollen sum of 857 was achieved, excluding the spectra from pollen assemblage zones (PAZs) 1 and 2 where the pollen counts were smaller. Slides were also scanned for rare pollen types that were not recorded during routine counting. A total terrestrial pollen (TTP) sum, excluding bog taxa such as Ericoids and Cyperaceae, was used in calculating pollen percentage values. Multivariate analyses (PCA), and rarefaction to estimate pollen diversity, were carried out using PAST ver. 3.05 (Hammer et al. 2001; details in Results). Radiocarbon dating As far as possible identified plant remains, obtained by sieving a slice of peat, 1 to 4 cm thick, taken from half-core segments, were used for AMS 14C dating (15 samples). Betula wood from the lower part of the core was submitted for conventional 14C dating as well as two samples of pine wood from stumps recently exposed by peat cutters on the eastern side of the bog.

Results Peat deposits and stratigraphy—developmental history of sediments and peat The trial corings showed that peat thickness varies between ca. 3 and 12 m and is generally >8 m (Fig. 3-2A). Small changes in the surface bog contours are often parallelled by more pronounced changes at the drift/bedrock subsurface. This is exemplified by the difference in peat thick (ca. 9 m) between G5 and G4 which are only ca. 100 m apart (Fig. 3-2A). The minerogenic deposits underlying the peat at G4, however, showed no evidence of being exposed to weathering so it is unlikely that this locally elevated part existed as an ‘island’ without peat cover at any time during the post-glacial (Holocene). Late-glacial sediments (15–11.5 ka) appear to be confined to the deepest parts of the basin. These consist of silt/clay (late Pleniglacial/Oldest Dryas) followed by marl (Bølling/Allerød) and overlain by thin Younger Dryas minerogenic sediments. In the early post-glacial, marl was deposited only in the deepest parts. This, and the restricted Late-glacial deposits, suggest that open water was never extensive. In the basal peats, Phragmites (common reed) remains suggest reedswamp conditions. Woody remains are generally scarce. Some wood (mainly Pinus; also Betula) was noted in the peat cutting. No wood layers were encountered in the 14 cores taken by gouge corer (30 mm-diameter bore). In the larger diameter BPH2 core, taken using an Usinger corer, wood remains (Betula) were plentiful at about 650 cm, though woody remains did not feature in the parallel core BPH3. Fibrous remains of Eriophorum vaginatum (cottongrass) were relatively common, especially in the mid parts of the peat sequence. The uppermost peats consist largely of poorly decomposed Sphagnum-dominated remains with Sphagnum austinii (S. imbricatum) dominant in the upper peats (404–108 cm) as is typical in Irish raised bogs. At point G5, i.e. where the parallel cores BPH2 and BPH3 were taken, the stratigraphy was as follows: Sphagnum was common (usually in distinct layers with low levels of decomposition) in the upper part of the sequence (above 400

Chapter Three

30

cm); E. vaginatum fibres were also common here and at lower depths; at ca. 10.9 m, fine peat (probably fen peat) gave way to marl, and below this ca. 70 cm-thick Late-glacial sediment was present (Fig. 3-4).

Radiocarbon dating and chronology In this contribution, the chronology based on the evidence and arguments presented by Molloy et al. (2014b) is used. This relies on 13 calibrated 14C dates (median probability value; Table 3-1) and two additional points, the age of which rely on the palynological data. The latter include the Elm Decline which is regarded as dating to 5800 BP, i.e. 3850 BC, the usually accepted age estimate for this event (Parker et al. 2002) and the secondary rise of the Pinus curve near the top of the profile that reflects the beginning of planting of Scots pine (Pinus sylvestris). Afforestation was commonplace in Galway, and especially east Galway where there were several estate houses, by the early nineteenth century (Dutton 1824; O’Dowd 2004) and so AD 1750 is regarded as a realistic date for depth 50 cm. Table 3-1 Details of radiocarbon dates from Ballinphuill Bog Galway No.

Depth (cm)

14

C Lab. no.

14

C date (BP)

Median prob.*

į13C (‰)

BPH2-7 BPH2-1 BPH2-8 BPH2-9 BPH2-10 BPH2-2 BPH2-11

121–123 166–169 180–182 204–206 229–231 260–264 301–303

GrA-35967 GrA-35008 GrA-35969 GrA-35970 GrA-35971 GrA-33499 GrA-35944

935±30 1310±35 1525±35 1675±30 1940±35 2145±35 2245±35

-1097 -709 -522 -365 -61 205 294

-22.4 -24.0 -22.0 -23.0 -27.3 -25.1 -25.6

BPH2-3 BPH2-4

344–347 390–393

GrA-33486 GrA-33487

2840±40 3140±45

1003 1403

-17.9 -26.1

BPH2-12 BPH3-1 BPH3-2 BPH2-13

450–452 490–492 516–518 546–548

GrA-35973 GrA-35930 GrA-35932 GrA-35974

4005±35 3795±35 3885±35 4020±35

2530 2231 2371 2542

-27.3 -29.4 -28.2 -30.2

BPH2-5 BPH2-14 BPH2-6

581–584 630–632 664–666

GrA-33490 GrA-35929 GrN-30541

4320±40 4655±35 4450±60

2952 3454 3147

-28.3 -29.1 -21.9

BPH-P11

Pine wood

GrN-31356

6915±25

5787

-26.5

BPH-P21

Pine wood

GrN-31357

6070±25

4979

-26.6

Material dated

S. austinii; S. papillosum S. austinii; S. tenellum Racomitrium lanuginosum S. austinii; R. lanuginosum Calluna stems, leaves and flower-heads S. austinii; S. sect. acutifolium (rare). S. austinii, R. lanuginosum, Empetrum leaves and one small twig S. austinii; S. sect. acutifolium Calluna twigs and leaves. S. austinii; S. sect. acutifolium Charred Calluna twigs, leaves and flower heads Calluna twigs; Eriophorum spindles Charred Calluna stems, leaves and flower heads Calluna stems, leaves and flower-heads. Betula bracts and fruit S. sect. acutifolium leaves; A few small twigs Empetrum, Calluna and 2 Vaccinium leaves Betula branch, 25 mm ‫׎‬, 6 cm long and lying horizontally Young pine trunk; ca. 56 rings (incl. sapwood); wood from outer ca. 30 rings dated. Trunk (not in situ) assumed to derive from 2+ m below the present bog surface Rather large pine stump uprooted during peat cutting; trunk not well defined. Sample consisted of ca. 50 rings (ca. 2–3 cm thick) from near the centre, i.e. early years of growth

* In calibrated years AD/BC; AD dates are negative. Dates were calibrated using OxCal (Bronk Ramsey 2013) and IntCal13 calibration curve (Reimer et al. 2013). Median probability is the point at which 50% of the probability lies on either side (generally the same as the mid-point of the 1ı range after calibration) 1 Samples consisted of pine wood exposed as a result of peat cutting (peat cut to a depth of ca. 3 m) at the eastern side of Ballinphuill Bog (BPH-P1 and BPH-P2 are from N53° 16.275', W8° 29.792' and N53° 16.364', W8° 29.753', respectively)

Eight of the 14C dates lie almost on a straight line (linear regression, r2 =0.999) and so a straight line, fitted by linear regression, is taken as the best estimate of age over the interval in question (Fig. 3-5). In the upper and lower parts, curves were fitted using a spline-type function and the dated levels as shown in Fig. 3-5. This gives smoothed curves that pass through the dated/fixed points but avoids abrupt changes in accumulation rate which are regarded as unlikely given the peat characteristics. Three 14C dates were rejected as being unlikely to represent the age of the particular levels (Fig. 3-5). Dates for pollen spectra (samples) are based on the curves presented in Fig. 3-5. The accumulation time for that part of the profile presented here is close to a year per mm (average: 0.88 years per mm). Pollen samples were 1 cm thick (or

Farming Impact in Ireland from the Neolithic to Recent Times

31

less) and sampling interval varied generally between 2 and 8 cm (no samples analysed below 782 cm or above 40 cm). Over the interval analysed, each sample integrates about ten years’ pollen production and the time-interval between samples ranges from less than two decades where there is close-interval sampling to less than a century where the sampling interval is large.

Presentation of the pollen data Conventional pollen diagrams, in which curves for most of the pollen taxa are included, are given in Molloy et al. (2014a, b). As is usual, the pollen diagram which included all the pollen data has been divided into zones (referred to also as PAZs) and subzones. Each zone/subzone includes an interval during which the curves for particular pollen taxa are broadly similar but different from adjoining zones/subzones. Pollen spectra (samples) relating to zone 1 and all but the two uppermost spectra from zone 2 are omitted from the plots (but summarised below; see Table 3-2) as they considerably predate the start of farming. In this paper, critical curves have been selected with a view to illustrating long-term woodland dynamics and farming activity (Figs 3-6, 3-7). The main AP curves are shown, as well as the following NAP curves: (a) Poaceae, (b) Plantago: this consists overwhelmingly of P. lanceolata and small amounts of P. maritima (relatively common in grasslands in western Ireland today) and P. coronopus (probably P. lanceolata grains that have pores with exceptionally well-developed annuli; Jeliþiü and O’Connell 1992); (c) Other NAP: this includes several taxa indicative of grasslands but excludes Poaceae and Plantago, (d) cereal-type (including Secale; this is rare in the dataset) and taxa indicative of disturbed habitat, i.e. mainly weeds of arable and fallow but probably also including pollen of species of disturbed habitat not necessarily associated with human activity (e.g. Spergula, corn spurrey; see below). In order to highlight the main trends in each curve, weighted-average curves (three values were used; the mid value was given double the weight of neighbouring values) were fitted (Fig. 3-6). The pollen data are further summarised in Fig. 3-7 (details in the Discussion).

Interpretation of the pollen data Pre-Elm Decline woodlands (zones 1 and 2) The pollen data relating to zones 1 and 2 are summarised in Table 3-2 so as to give the background against which later developments took place. The pollen data relating to the uppermost two spectra of zone 2 are included in the plots. Table 3-2 Summary percentage pollen data (averages) for zones 1 and 2, profile BPH2 PAZ

Top/bottom*

No. of spectra

Pinus

Quercus

2

708–680

5

18

12

1

782–712

6

37

6

Ulmus

Corylus

Alnus

21

22

11

3

0.7

1.9

0.9

17

21

2

4

2.2

0.6

0

Poaceae

Rumextype

Brassicaceae

Spergula

* depth in centimetres Zone 1 suggests woodland dominated by pine and elm. Oak and hazel were present but made rather modest contributions. Alder was unimportant which suggests that zone 1 predates the general expansion of alder that marks the Boreal/Atlantic transition (ca. 7.7 ka). In zone 2, there is a substantial change in woodland composition, with pine decreasing and oak, elm and alder expanding. Unusually, for a pre-Elm Decline context (but see Molloy and O’Connell 2004, 2014), indicators of open conditions such as Rumex (dock), Brassicaceae (crucifer) (mainly zone 1) and Spergula (zone 2) are well represented. On the other hand, Poaceae are poorly represented and there are no records for P. lanceolata, the classic grassland indicator. Considerable quantities of chipped stone tools ascribable to the late Mesolithic and early Neolithic were recorded at Ballynaclogh, 8 km to the east of Ballinphuill. Artefacts relating to the early Mesolithic were recorded at Barnacragh and Urraghry, further to the east (McKeon and O’Sullivan 2014). While charcoal is common in the profile (the peat is also dark due presumably to charcoal) we hesitate to attribute the firing to Mesolithic activity, given the possibility that the fires may have natural causes (see Mighall et al. 2008 for a different approach). In all probability, the non-arboreal pollen (NAP) referred to above, i.e. Rumex-type, Brassicaceae (mainly Sinapis-type which includes pollen of common wetland species such as Cardamine and Rorippa) and Spergula (corn spurrey), probably derive from plants growing in a mire context, e.g. on relatively shallow peat that was probably still under minerogenic rather than ombrotrophic influence largely as a result of uneven basin topography.

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Elm Decline, Neolithic farming and woodland clearance and regeneration (zone 3; 3850–3200 BC) As in most Irish pollen diagrams, the major mid-Holocene feature is the Elm Decline (subzone 3a). In this profile, Ulmus representation falls from 19% to 2.5% (duration ca. 100 years) to finally reach 0.4%. Over the initial three pollen spectra, P. lanceolata is unrecorded or does not exceed 0.7%. This suggests that an opening-up of the landscape (woodland clearance) did not occur but rather that elm pollen production declined. The decline in Ulmus was presumably caused by a disease, similar to the Dutch Elm disease, that adversely affected elm alone (Molloy and O’Connell 1987; Peglar and Birks 1993). Betula and Corylus representation increases presumably due to opening-up of the canopy as the elm population decreased. Pollen production and dispersal by hazel is expected to increase as a consequence of more open conditions. The same applies in the case of birch, though birch growing on peat probably also contributed (birch wood was present in the core at and above this level). The local mire vegetation included various fen species, including the marsh fern, Thelypteris palustris. Such wetland plant communities, i.e. fen rather than bog sensu stricto, are also expected to include species that contributed substantially to the NAP component (includes Caryophyllaceae, Ranunculus (buttercup) and Rumex-type (dock); details in Molloy et al. 2014b). In other words, these curves more than likely include pollen of plants from the local mire communities, rather than dry, mineral-ground, open herbaceous vegetation which did not yet have an opportunity to expand. In subzone 3b, a Landnam event, i.e. a woodland clearance phase in the context of early farming, is recorded. It spans the interval ca. 3700–3400 BC, i.e. it relates to the earlier part of the Neolithic. The palynological evidence points to substantial grasslands. P. lanceolata, previously with only occasionally records, averages 3.5% and reaches a maximum of 7.1%. Poaceae values rise sharply to 24% but towards the top of the subzone return to background values of 2–3%. The sharp decline in Poaceae may be due, at least partly, to a transition from fen to bog so that Poaceae species are replaced by Calluna and Empetrum, which are better represented (Molloy et al. 2014b). Evidence for an arable component is weak. A single, relatively small (40–44μm) cereal-type pollen was recorded but this may not necessarily derive from cereal (see above). In view, however, of the substantial evidence—macrofossil and pollen— for cereal cultivation in the early Neolithic in Ireland (Monk 2000; McClatchie et al. 2014; O’Connell and Molloy 2001), and also the local edaphic conditions that were undoubtedly favourable for arable farming, it would be unreasonable to exclude the possibility of an arable component in the early Neolithic farming economy at Ballinphuill. This Neolithic farming phase impinged mainly on oak and elm, the latter having already been greatly reduced as a result of the Elm Decline. Charcoal is poorly represented in this part of the profile and so it is assumed that clearance was effected mainly by cutting down trees, with intensive grazing effectively keeping regeneration of woody plants in check. In subzone 3c (3400–3200 BC) woodland regeneration in the context of minimal farming activity, at least in the general vicinity of the bog, is recorded. The P. lanceolata curve is interrupted but other NAP taxa are rather well represented. Melampyrum (cowberry) is an important contributor. This, and also other contributors to the NAP summary curve, probably reflect vegetation associated with the mire or the lagg, i.e. the fen communities between the mire proper and the mineral ground, rather than herbaceous communities typical of mineral soils. Regional and local environmental change in the mid and late Neolithic (zone 4; 3200–2390 BC) The mid and late Neolithic are characterised by more or less full woodland cover, and especially in the interval represented by subzone 4a (3200–2700 BC) when woodland composition was similar to that in zone 2, i.e. pre-Elm Decline. Curves for Fraxinus (ash) and Taxus (yew) are initiated but values remain modest (maxima 2.8% and 2.1%, respectively). Strong competition from the locally dominant oak (presumed to be mainly Quercus robur which is expected to out-compete Q. petraea given the edaphically favourable conditions) probably militated against the expansion of ash and yew. Pine growing on this and other mires in the region, rather than pine growing on mineral ground, is probably the main contributor of pollen to the Pinus curve. At the lower boundary of subzone 4b, i.e. 559 cm (ca. 2700 BC; late Neolithic), there are weak indications of an increase in human activity. The P. lanceolata curve is re-initiated and other NAP also increase (especially Poaceae) though some or most of this pollen may originate from the mire communities and thus may not be indicative of an opening-up of the woodland cover. Ulmus declines. This may have been caused by disease (as at the Elm Decline), clearances or simply competition from expanding ash and yew populations on better soils. Given that Fraxinus and Taxus increase (average 4.5% and 3%, respectively, in subzone 4b) as Ulmus declines, it is quite possible that ash and yew displaced elm, which may have been weakened/killed by disease. Small-scale clearances to facilitate pastoral farming may also have contributed. The sustained increase in Corylus representation suggests increased pollen production and also expansion by hazel as a consequence of opening-up of the woodland canopy. The overall evidence points to a gradual increase in farming which, again, is pastoral based (there are no cereal-type pollen records; pollen indicative of arable/disturbed biotopes are also rare).

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Human impact and vegetation change in the early and mid Bronze Age (zone 5; 2390–1050 BC) Zone 5, which spans most of the Bronze Age (late Bronze Age excluded), is characterised by high AP which averages 93%. An uninterrupted P. lanceolata curve suggests that woody vegetation did not provide total cover. Indeed the high AP representation and especially the high Corylus values (average: 52%) probably result from increased pollen production stimulated by somewhat open conditions. Elevated values for P. lanceolata and to a lesser extent Poaceae in subzones 5b and 5d (2300–2050 BC and 1620– 1250 BC, respectively) suggest increased farming activity during these intervals. Cereal-type pollen are recorded in subzones 5b–5e, but overall values remain low (average 0.2%). Occasional records of Artemisia (mugwort)—prior to this there was only a single record in subzone 4b—point to fallow ground and disturbed habitats possibly associated with arable farming. Farming, however, continued to be mainly pastoral based. A wood-pasture-type economy is probable, the woodlands not only providing grazing and mast (for pigs) in the form of acorns, but also shelter. The shelter aspect would have been important given that holding of cattle in stalls during the winter was not a feature of Irish farming until relatively recent times (Lucas 1989). As regards woodland composition, the main changes involve a reduction in ash and yew (these trees were never common), and also a reduction in elm, particularly during phases with increased farming. The oak population seems to be largely unaffected by clearances, hazel is important throughout except in subzone 5b during which it may have been subject to clearance, and pine plays only a very minor role (from the end of subzone 5a onwards). On the mire surface, acidophilous bog vegetation became firmly established, Calluna (ling) played a major role and S. austinii was the dominant macrofossil from the base of subzone 5d, i.e. ca. 1600 BC, until medieval times (AD 1200; 108 cm; unpublished data). The expansion of S. austinii probably reflected increased bog wetness while its final decline coincided with drier conditions (indicated by other bog taxa curves; Molloy et al. 2014b). A variety of factors, including climate, may be responsible for these changes. Interestingly, Barber (2006) suggests, on the basis of proxies derived from several raised bogs in north-west Europe, including Abbeyknockmoy Bog, Co. Galway, that climate became more unstable at ca. 1500 BC and that there was a general shift towards wetter conditions. Farming impact in the late Bronze Age and Iron Age (zone 6: 1050 BC–AD 200; zone 7: AD 200–400) During zone 6, which spans the late Bronze Age and much of the Iron Age, the local landscape assumed a rather open character over prolonged periods for the first time. This is supported by several features including much reduced AP representation and high values for P. lanceolata, and also other NAP curves such as Poaceae, Filipendula (meadowsweat), Ranunculus (buttercup) and Rumex-type (dock) (details in Molloy et al. 2014a, b). Subzones are distinguished as follows: Subzone 6a (1050–300 BC; late Bronze Age to the beginning of the La Tène period, i.e. early mid Iron Age, Fig. 36A). This phase begins with a strong clearance in the context of an expansion in pastoral farming. Hazel was mainly affected. It is assumed that considerable areas were transformed into and maintained as grasslands during this period. There was also limited cereal growing. The 14C sample (301–303cm) that gave the somewhat anomalous 14C date 2245±35 BP (the peat sample also contained several small stones) relates to the mid part of this subzone. This hints at human disturbance extending onto the bog surface at ca. 600 BC. Subzone 6b (300–1 BC; approx. La Tène period). Farming continued as intensively, or possibly more intensively, than before. Clearances involved mainly ash and elm and, towards the end of the subzone, there was a substantial clearance of oak, the dominant, tall canopy tree. The Turoe Stone, a large granite erratic with intricate La Tène-style decoration, is from the area (ca. 5 km to the south-west; Halpin and Newman 2006). Subzone 6c (AD 1–200). Farming intensity declined (P. lanceolata and other NAP curves decline) with the result that hazel regenerated strongly and also oak regenerated toward the end of the period. Zone 7 (AD 200–400). In this zone, P. lanceolata is at its lowest values since ca. 1100 BC (subzone 5e) which suggests greatly reduced farming. Occasional cereal-type records hint, however, at arable farming and so a substantial reduction rather than a cessation of farming seems to have occurred. The tall-canopy trees, elm and ash, regenerated. Hazel appears to decline but the decrease in Corylus pollen may be due to a decline in pollen production and dispersal as tall-canopy trees regenerated. Birch and willow expanded, probably mainly in wet habitats adjacent to the mire, in response to reduced grazing. Zone 7 is regarded as the Late Iron Age Lull (LIAL), i.e. a period of reduced activity at the end of the Iron Age and immediately prior to the beginning of the early Medieval period (see Discussion). Woodland exploitation and expansion of farming in medieval and recent times (zone 8: AD 400–1500; zone 9: AD 1500–1760) Zones 8 and 9 span most of the historical period and hence chart stages in the development of the modern farmed landscape in which trees and tall shrubs are confined mainly to hedgerows and isolated specimens. Farming, mainly

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pastoral based, initially remained at modest levels (ca. AD 400–600; subzone 8a). Though trees (especially elm and ash) decline, hazel seems to expand which may be indicative of an extensive rather than an intensive farming economy. In the next two centuries there was considerable clearance of hazel in the context of increased pastoral farming that included an arable component (subzone 8b). By the end of subzone 8b (ca. AD 800), yew and pine are probably extinct locally, and extremely rare and largely extinct in the wider region. The period AD 800–1250 (subzone 8c), i.e. the mid-medieval period up to and including the arrival of the Normans, witnessed sustained farming activity with a rather strong emphasis on cereal growing. This led to the expansion of an arable weed flora, including Brassicaceae and Artemisia. At the end of subzone 8c, Secale (rye) pollen are recorded for the first time which is later than expected. As zone 8 ends, NAP expand greatly and there is a sharp reduction in AP (subzone 8d; ca. AD 1250– 1500). The tall canopy trees, ash and elm, became more or less extinct and declines in Quercus and Corylus indicate widespread clearance of the remaining woodland to make way for large-scale pastoral farming. Cereal-type pollen achieves highest representation in this subzone, which serves to emphasise the increased importance of cereal growing in the Norman/late medieval period. Part of the modern period is represented by zone 9 (uppermost part of core not analysed). As the zone opens (ca. AD 1500; subzone 9a), there is a strong expansion of species-rich grasslands at the expense of woody vegetation including oak, hazel and birch. In the two uppermost spectra (subzone 9b), the planting of Scots pine and exotics such as beech (Fagus) is recorded. This serves to relate these spectra to the eighteenth century, when tree planting was encouraged by government and ‘improving’ societies such as the Royal Dublin Society, and implemented by large landowners of which there were several in east Galway. Evidence for this comes from cartographic (e.g. the many plantations indicated in the OS 1st edition (1840) 6-inch maps) for east Galway and written sources (e.g. Dutton 1824; see also database at www.landedestates.ie).

Discussion and conclusions In Fig. 3-7, farming and its impact on the natural environment as reflected by the pollen data are summarised in a series of curves that reflect various aspects of environmental change in the general vicinity of Ballinphuill Bog during the last 6000 years. The main trends in the terrestrial pollen data (bog taxa, etc. excluded) are summarised by the position of the pollen spectra on PCA axes 1 and 2 (Figs 3-7A, 3-8). In the PCA analyses, the percentage values for 36 pollen taxa were used. In these analyses, minor taxa were combined into composite taxa, e.g. Fabaceae, Caryophyllaceae, etc.; other minor taxa with occurrences of three or less were excluded; also, spectra from the base of the profile (zone 1 and most of zone 2; as in the plots in Figs 3-6, 3-7) were omitted. Axes 1 and 2 account for 66% and 15%, respectively, of the variance in the data set and so can be regarded as effectively summarising the main trends. As expected, the major changes relate to zone 9 (modern times; little woodland; open landscape) where the pollen spectra have maximum negative values on axis 1 and decidedly positive values on axis 2. Most of the spectra have scores >10 on axis 1 which is assumed to reflect substantial to high woodland cover. The position of spectra within this grouping as determined by axis 2 serves to convey an impression of the level of farming impact, with negative values generally indicative of little impact. In plot B (Fig. 3-7) the ratio of Plantago to AP (partial) (henceforth referred to as Plantago/AP ratio) is plotted. The taxa included in AP (partial) are the main tall canopy trees, i.e. Quercus, Ulmus, Fraxinus, Taxus (oak, elm, ash and yew) and also minor contributors of tree pollen, i.e. Fagus, Tilia, Carpinus, Acer and Juglans (beech, lime, hornbeam, maple and walnut). Corylus (hazel) is also included but since it is a very high pollen producer, especially when the shade provided by tall canopy trees is removed, its values have been divided by four so that it does not unduly influence the Plantago/AP ratio. Pinus (pine) has been omitted because of the possibility that, where there are elevated values (mainly subzone 4a), these relate to pine growing on peat rather than mineral soils. Similarly, Betula, Alnus and Salix (birch, alder and willow) are excluded because these are trees/tall shrubs associated mainly with mires and other wetlands. Plantago, rather than NAP (grassland indicators), has been chosen as the dividend because the plantain species in question (see Results) are more specific to grasslands on mineral soils than the NAP component as a whole. It should, however, be borne in mind that fallow, in addition to pasture, is an important habitat for P. lanceolata, so it may, in particular circumstances, also serve as an arable indicator (Behre 1981). In plots C–E (Fig. 3-7), individual and composite curves are plotted that help further summarise the pollen data. Plots F and G (Fig. 3-7), provide information on the number of taxa in the pollen spectra and also the number of pollen counted per sample. These plots show changes in pollen diversity that, in turn, generally correspond with changes in plant biodiversity and landscape openness which facilitates dispersal of pollen, especially pollen of herbaceous species. In these plots, taxa from within the PS only are included, i.e. those taxa that are regarded as predominantly deriving from vegetation on mineral soils rather than that on the mire. In plot G, the actual number of taxa noted in each sample is plotted. This includes taxa noted after routine counting was completed. Since the number of taxa recovered is influenced by the number of pollen counted, the PS is also indicated. The results of a rarefaction analysis,

Farming Impact in Ireland from the Neolithic to Recent Times

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which statistically allows for the effects of PS variation on the number of pollen taxa recovered, are shown in plot F (Fig. 3-7). In the discussion that follows, we summarise long-term farming impact during approximately the last six millennia and also make reference to other investigations from the region and further afield. We start with the recent farming record rather than with the earliest evidence for farming. In this way, we progress from what is more easily envisaged and reconstructed, to older periods where our overall knowledge of the details of farming economy and practices is less secure and the reconstructions accordingly less certain. In this instance, however, the reconstructions are proffered with a confidence derived from the good correspondence between the pollen and archaeological/historical evidence for more recent cultural periods, and also the considerable amount of new information gained from the detailed archaeological surveys and excavations connected with motorway construction in the region.

Recent / post-medieval farming and creation of open landscape According to the dating model, the uppermost pollen spectrum of subzone 9a, where AP reaches its lowest level (4%) and Poaceae is at its maximum (52%), dates to AD 1650. This is regarded as reflecting widespread and more or less total woodland clearance; in other words, the creation of an open landscape similar to that of today, though the highly developed system of field boundaries and hedges that characterises the present-day landscape was probably not yet in place (Feehan 2003). Farming at this time was largely pastoral-based though the arable contribution (cereal growing), which was at a maximum between ca. AD 1200–1500 (Norman and late medieval periods), was considerable. The eighteenth century (subzone 9b) saw further changes that involved not only the planting of exotics but also changes in the farming economy and the beginnings of a more structured landscape with wooded demesnes and great houses (McKeon and O’Sullivan 2014). Unfortunately, these changes are only hinted at in the pollen record; e.g. decrease in NAP that may be the result of highly intensive grazing regimes and hence reduced pollen production by herbaceous species. Potato cultivation, which had been widely initiated in western Ireland by the end of the eighteenth century (Feehan 2012), is unrecorded generally in pollen records because of poor pollen production and dispersal by Solanum tuberosum (potato). It is therefore not surprising that Solanum-type pollen was not recorded in the present profile. In other profiles from the wider region, the final clearances of woodland, best reflected in a sharp decline in Corylus, show considerable variation as regards rate of woodland decline and also the chronology of clearances. At Abbeyknockmoy the beginning of the decline in Corylus began at AD 1600. Between this and ca. AD 1750, it declined gradually from ca. 40% to near zero (Lomas-Clarke and Barber 2007). This coincides with the highest values for silicon and titanium (reflecting soil erosion), which further supports the idea of intensive farming in the vicinity of that bog. The picture, in other words, is broadly comparable to that at Ballinphuill. Profiles by Hall (2005), on the other hand, show rather contrasting patterns. In the Clonfert Bog profile, Corylus declined from about 40% to 20% at ca. AD 1750 but then remained at about this level. At Mongan Bog, beside Clonmacnoise, a sharp decline in Corylus (from >50% to 10%) occurred in the early 19th century which is similar to that at All Saints Bog, immediately to the south (Cole and Mitchell 2003). The profile from Monivea Bog (the profile has also been referred to as Moneyvea and Moneyveagh), on the other hand, shows Corylus declining sharply from 1 m thick) and Late-glacial sediments (including marl) are indicated by M and LG, respectively. B Schematic sketch of the Rahally hillfort complex showing the main features as revealed by excavation prior to motorway construction. The motorway skirts the bivallate ringfort (see Fig. 3-1B; after Illus. 4.5.4 in Mullins 2014) Fig. 3-3 Photographs relating to peat coring in east Galway and plants as indicators of farming. A Coring on Caraun Beg Bog, near Ballinphuill Bog; the core extruder lies on a box in the foreground, an Usinger corer stands upright to

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the right (L. to R.: A. Overland, P. O’Rafferty, I. Feeser and K. Molloy); B Preparing to core; top of core tube with the drive rod attached can be seen; the device to anchor the piston during coring is being attached; C A 1 m core segment on a Wavin half-pipe upon extrusion. D Grassland at Renvyle, Connemara, dominated by Plantago lanceolata (ribwort plantain) and detail of the flower head showing anthers (mid part) and stigmas (towards top) protruding. E Secale (rye) flowering with anthers protruding at the top and bottom of the ear (Inis Meáin). Photos: M. O’Connell; A–C, 10/05/2006; D, 23/05/2010; E, 16/06/2010 Fig. 3-4 Cores BPH2 and BPH3. Usinger half-cores photographed immediately after being cut open in the field. Core segments with labels that include ‘a’ or ‘b’ are from 2 m-long drives, i.e. these segments constitute a continuous sequence. The stratigraphic column relates to core BPH2 Fig. 3-5 Age/depth plot showing dated points and age/depth curve. The upper and lower parts (broken curves) are spline-type curves and the upper central part (unbroken line) is based on a linear regression of the relevant 14C dates (see text). The radiocarbon dates, as given by the 14C laboratory in 14C years BP, are used to label the 14C dates; calibrated dates are used in the plot Fig. 3-6 Selected percentage pollen curves plotted to a calibrated/calendar time scale. Percentage values (light curves) and weighted averages (thick curves) are plotted. Note: vertical scales (y axes) vary; relative magnifications are indicated by the values within the square boxes. Cultural periods as generally recognised in Ireland are indicated. In B (ca. 3900–1000 BC), intervals with pronounced farming activity are highlighted Fig. 3-7 Overview of pollen data from ca. 4000 BC to recent times, profile BPH2, Ballinphuill Bog, Co. Galway. Cultural periods, the time scale (in calibrated/calendar years) and PAZs are indicated. A Pollen sample scores on axes 1 and 2 from a principal components analysis (PCA). Bars indicate periods with significant farming activity; shading density is indicative of intensity of farming. B Ratio of Plantago/AP (partial). This is regarded as indicative of landscape openness (see text). An exaggerated curve (x10) is drawn to increase the visibility of the small values in the early part of the record. C Non-arboreal pollen indicative of disturbed habitat (but see text) and the contribution of cereal-type pollen to that component. Note: percentage pollen data shown in plots C–E. D Non-arboreal pollen (NAP) indicative of grassland and related open biotopes, and Plantago (all Plantago taxa, except P. major/media which is included in the category ‘disturbed habitat’). E Total arboreal pollen (AP). The contribution that Corylus makes is indicated. F Number of expected pollen taxa per sample based on rarefaction analysis, a statistical technique that makes allowance for differences in the size of the pollen counts in the pollen spectra. Standard errors (2ı) are shown. G The curves indicate the number of taxa in the pollen sum (PS). Taxa noted outside routine counting are included. Histograms indicate the number of pollen (divided by 100 to facilitate plotting) in the PS Fig. 3-8 Plot of scores of pollen spectra from profile BPH2, Ballinphuill Bog, on axes 1 and 2 of a principal components analysis (PCA). Lowermost spectra are omitted (see text) Fig. 3-9 Histograms showing average percentage pollen values in (a) seven moss samples (FL1–FL7) taken from beneath the flume of the horizontal watermill at Kilbegly and (b) percentage pollen values in mosses used as caulking in the trough of a nearby fulacht fiadh (burnt mound) Fig. 3-10 Probability plots from calibration of 14C dates using OxCal. Median values, and 1ı and 2ı ranges are indicated for each date. The uppermost date is from pine wood (outer seven rings) from the Barna dugout boat. The remaining dates are from Neolithic contexts, Ballynaclogh, east Galway (Maginness et al. 2014). The lowermost date is from a large wooden platform; the other dates are from charred material taken from burnt spreads in Neolithic contexts

CHAPTER FOUR CATTLE IN ANCIENT IRELAND: EARLY IRISH LEGAL ASPECTS FERGUS KELLY

Abstract Early Irish legal documents are of great importance to the agricultural historian on account of the information that they provide on the economic structure of Irish society in the early historical period. In addition, they regularly confirm and complement the findings of archaeology. Most of the surviving law-texts in Irish date from the seventh and eighth centuries AD, but legal documents pertaining to native Irish (‘Brehon’) law continued to be written until the late sixteenth century. The prominence of cattle in the law-texts, annals, sagas, wisdom-texts, etc. underlines the central role of cattle in early Irish society. The law-texts are an important source of information on the rearing and housing of cattle, and on their use as units of currency. A great deal of data is provided on milk and milk-products, beef, tallow and hides. There is also a law-text devoted mainly to the various diseases and disorders which may afflict cattle and other livestock. The eighth-century law-text on status, Críth Gablach, is particularly useful as it gives estimates of the numbers of cattle possessed by farmers of various social classes. Keywords Cattle • Ancient Ireland • Medieval • History • Law

Cattle in society There is a great deal of documentary evidence in the Irish language—going back at least as far as the seventh century AD—indicating the central role of cattle in early Irish society. The cow features prominently in literature and mythology, and the major Old Irish epic, Táin Bó Cuailnge ‘The Cattle-raid of Cooley’, centres around the search for a champion bull (O’Rahilly 1976). The Old Irish law-texts provide abundant evidence of a more prosaic nature relating to early Irish cattle. For example, a law-text from about the eighth century deals with a range of bovine defects that the buyer should look out for, such as lameness, blindness in one eye, being a kicker or gorer, or given to bellowing or bawling (Kelly 1997, p 506). Another text from the same period demonstrates the level of detail to be found in the law-texts: it is picturesquely entitled ‘the three judgments of the “child” of two cows’ (teora bretha maic dá bó), and covers the legal implications when a cow in a jointly owned herd—i.e. cattle with different owners grazing together—takes over a calf belonging to the cow of another farmer (Kelly 1997, pp 545–548). It is only too easy to imagine the sort of complex legal issues which could arise with regard to the ownership of the calf and the cow’s milk. In its valuable overview of the early Irish economy, the eighth-century law-text on status Críth Gablach provides an estimate of the numbers of adult cattle that might be expected to be in the possession of various classes in society. Thus, a low-ranking commoner (ócaire) typically has seven cows, a bull and an ox (Binchy 1941, 4.90–4.95), whereas the most affluent category of commoner (bóaire) has twenty cows, two bulls and six oxen (Binchy 1941, 8.194– 8.195). Such figures are obviously not to be regarded as statistical certainties, but rather as useful generalisations based on the actual farming practice of the period.

Cattle as currency A further indication of the central role of cattle is apparent from the currency system employed in medieval Ireland. Coinage was not minted in Ireland until about AD 1000, when the Norse king Sihtric III of Dublin struck silver pennies in imitation of those of Aethelred II of England (O’Sullivan 1949, p 191). Even after the Anglo-Norman invasion of 1169, cattle continued to be the main currency of Gaelic Ireland. In a Legal Treatise written about 1300 by the chief judge of Connacht, Giolla na Naomh Mac Aodhagáin, most fines and payments were expressed in terms of cattle (Binchy 1978, pp ii, 691–699). In some cases, the fines involved payment of very large numbers of cattle. Thus, the Treatise specifies that a fine of 210 cows was due in the case of the secret murder of the son of a king (Binchy 1978, p ii, 691.4–691.7). In the main period of the law-texts (seventh to eighth centuries), the basic unit of currency was the milch cow (bó mlicht) with calf. This was equated with one ounce of silver or one third of the value of a female slave (cumal) (Kelly 1988, pp 112–116). For lesser amounts, the usual practice was to reckon values in terms of younger female cattle. Thus, the samaisc ‘three-year-old dry heifer’ has half the value of a milch cow, while the colpthach ‘two-year-old

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heifer’ has one third of her value. The dairt ‘yearling heifer’ has one quarter the value of a milch cow, and the dartaid ‘yearling bullock’ has one eighth. Lesser values are given in terms of sheep, fleeces or sacks of grain.

Cattle husbandry The written sources devote much attention to the feeding and general care of cattle. As well as being grazed on grass, there is evidence in the texts of the branches of trees (especially elm and holly) being cut and fed to cattle; there are also references to the eating of seaweed by cattle (Bieler 1963, p 158 § 118). In summer it was usual for the cattle to be driven to the hills or other rough land. At night these cattle were kept in an enclosure or búaile, hence the practice was referred to in English documents as ‘booleying’ (Lucas 1989, pp 58–67; Costello, this volume; McDonald, this volume). In such an environment it was vital that the cattle be protected at all times from wolves. The cattle were therefore looked after by a cowherd (búachaill), who is classified in one law-text as a low-ranking farm-worker. He was assisted in this task by a herd-dog (conbúachaill). The cowherd was legally responsible for the welfare of the cattle in his charge. However, he was exempt from liability in the case of a single attack by a wolf on an animal in the herd. But if he was so negligent in his care that a wolf carried out a further attack, he was required to compensate his employer for the animal that had been killed or injured (Kelly 1997, pp 186–187). An intriguing reference in a lawtext suggests that individual oxen—rather than bulls—were sometimes aggressive enough to protect the herd from wolves. Such an ox was known as a ‘wolf-fighting ox’ (dam conchaid) (Kelly 1997, p 49). In the autumn, the cattle were brought down from the hills and grazed for the remainder of the year at the home farm. The eighth-century English historian Bede remarked that the Irish did not have to cut hay for winter use owing to the mildness of the climate, and Giraldus Cambrensis made similar observations in the twelfth century (Kelly 1997, p 47). The Old Irish law-texts likewise contain no references to hay-making, so it seems that there was generally sufficient grass growth to keep the cattle and other livestock alive until spring. Cattle-numbers were clearly kept down to avoid overgrazing—a ninth-century proverbial triad remarks that there are ‘three fewnesses which are better than plenty: a fewness of fine words, a fewness of cows in grass, a fewness of friends around ale’ (Meyer 1906, p 12 § 93). It is clear from the annals, however, that when snow covered the ground for any length of time, the Irish system of wintergrazing broke down. The Annals of Ulster record that in the year 748 there was ‘snow of unusual depth so that nearly all the cattle of the whole of Ireland perished’ (Mac Airt and Mac Niocaill 1983, p 202 § 3). This report may be exaggerated, but there is no doubt that it records a major disaster. Similar associations of snow with the death of cattle are recorded in the annals on other occasions (Lucas 1989, p 33). There are relatively few references to the housing of cattle in the legal material. Críth Gablach refers to the keeping of calves in a pen (lías), which was generally within the farm-enclosure (les) (Binchy 1941, 6.156). But it makes no reference to structures used to confine and protect adult bovines. However, later legal commentary—dating from around the twelfth century—includes the cow-house (bó-theg) among the five farm structures (Binchy 1978, p vi 2191.11). The use of the word teg (= tech) ‘house’ indicates a roofed structure.

Bovine diseases and disorders A law-text on contracts provides a list of the various diseases and disorders that may affect cattle and other livestock (McLeod 1992, pp 288–300; Kelly 1997, pp 192–205). Because this text rarely refers to the symptoms displayed, it is difficult to be sure as to the exact nature of each disease. However, in most cases it is possible to attempt an identification based on the etymological evidence. The most frequently mentioned disease is termed máelgarb, a compound of the adjectives máel ‘bald’ and garb ‘rough’. It is categorised as an infectious disease (galar tecmaisech), and the name indicates skin-sores and loss of coat in the affected cattle. It is perhaps to be identified with foot-andmouth disease, which typically causes blistering on the tongue, lips, udder, teats and feet. Another infectious disease is bedgach; this word is a derivative of bedg ‘start, jump, leap’, so the symptoms clearly include jerky movements or fits. We are told that somebody who drives cattle belonging to another farmer into an enclosure infected by bedgach is responsible for any loss that may result (Binchy 1978, p i 6.25–6.26). A disease of cattle that is commonly mentioned in legal and other sources is scamach, a derivative of scam ‘lungs’; it is perhaps to be identified with bovine tuberculosis or bovine pleuropneumonia. The term bó-ár, lit. ‘cow-mortality’, may refer to a number of different diseases, possibly including rinderpest. In legal glosses1, this condition is said to be characterised by emaciation of the affected animal. As in the case of bedgach, cattle should not be driven into an enclosure infected by bó-ár. The name for the cattle-disease opann is likely to be the word meaning ‘swift, sudden’, referring to the swiftness with which it strikes its victim. This may denote anthrax, which, in its acute form, is characterised by sudden onset and rapidly fatal course.

1

A gloss is a note, usually marginal, on a single word or several words in a manuscript by way of explanation as to the meaning. The gloss may be in the same language as the text or in the preferred language of the reader who is writing the gloss.

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One of the most intriguing of the cattle-diseases listed is conach ‘rabies’, a word derived from cú (genitive con) ‘hound, dog’. This fatal disease of dogs may be transmitted to other mammals and to birds. The law-text lists it as a disease that may affect cattle, pigs, dogs, and poultry. In the case of a rabid dog, the owner must issue a public warning, and ensure that the animal is killed. Its body must then be burnt and its ashes thrown into a stream. The belief has been recorded in later folklore that this disease in cattle or pigs was caused by eating the caterpillar of the elephant hawk-moth (Deilephila elpenor), which was consequently known as the ‘conach-worm’ (Logan 1972, p 171)2. In the law-texts the disease of adbach is listed as both an infectious disease in cattle and as an inherent condition (galar bunaid). In both manifestations, it is explained in a gloss as ‘dead-calf’ (marblaogh). In the former case, it is likely to refer to the highly infectious disease of brucellosis that causes cows to abort their calves. Another disease is odbach, a derivative of odb ‘lump, swelling’. It may refer to ‘black-quarter’ (also known as ‘black-leg’), a disease of cattle—and occasionally of sheep and pigs—that is characterised by rapidly increasing gas-filled swellings on the shoulder and neck (McLeod 1982, p 323). The texts also refer to various other disorders that may reduce the value of cattle. The first of these is radrachus, which is defined thus “she (the cow) is bulled and it does not stay in her”. This implies that the cow comes into heat in the normal manner, but does not become pregnant after being bulled or else aborts at an early stage. If she fails to calve in the first year after being sold, her value is reduced to that of a carcase (mart). The seller must pay half this sum to the buyer. Another disorder is defined as ingenas búaile, literally ‘virginity of the cattle-enclosure’. This applies to a cow that does not allow herself to be bulled. If this defect appears in a cow that has been sold, the seller must pay the buyer half the value of a year’s milking. If the condition persists into the second year, the cow’s value is reduced to that of a carcase, as in the case of radrachus. Another disorder is dallshinche ‘blind-teatedness’ (also called trifnecht, i.e. ‘three-teatedness’). This refers to the case where a teat on the cow’s udder is non-functional. This commonly occurs as a result of mastitis, with consequent reduction of the cow’s milk-yield. If this condition is not obvious at the time of sale, the buyer is entitled to recoup half the cow’s value from the seller (Kelly 1997, p 202). The Old Irish law-texts also deal with physical damage, injury or death caused by bovines. The text on accidents states that a bull is immune from liability for any damage that it causes while the cows are in heat. Similarly, the owner of a cow is not held liable for any damage caused after it has recently calved. The owner of a bovine that goes berserk for no apparent reason is free from liability for any damage to crops or livestock belonging to another farmer. However, the owner must attempt to slaughter the mad bovine, and send a warning to farmers in the immediate neighbourhood as soon as possible (Kelly 1997, p 152).

Milking As is general in farming communities worldwide, early Irish sources indicate that the cows were milked early in the morning, and again in the evening. The literary references imply that milking was normally carried out by women, but it is clear from the law-texts that the milker (bligre) might also be male. In summer, cows were sometimes milked away from the farm at a temporary milking-place (áirge). At other times, milking seems usually to have taken place in a milking-enclosure (indes) in the farmyard. The cow was restrained by a spancel (búarach) while being milked. Each cow’s calf was kept near the cow to encourage her to let down her milk. In general, the calf was allowed the milk of the fourth teat, i.e. a quarter of the cow’s yield (Kelly 1997, p 507). Legal sources refer to the extension of the milking season into the winter by ensuring that some calves were born late in the year.

Cattle-products Milk and cream The law-texts lay great stress on the production, consumption and preservation of cow’s milk. A ninth-century triad eloquently describes the three slender things that best support the world as “the slender stream of milk from the cow’s teat into the milking pail, the slender blade of green corn above the ground, the slender thread over the hand of a skilled woman” (Meyer 1906, p 10 § 75). The twelfth-century comic tale Aislinge Meic Con Glinne ‘The Vision of Mac Con Glinne’ is equally appreciative of this foodstuff and gives a vivid description of milk in its different forms, part of which reads “very thick milk, milk which is not very thick, milk which is thick but flowing, milk of medium thickness, yellow bubbling milk the swallowing of which requires chewing ...” (Jackson 1990, 39.1208–1210). The legal sources likewise provide evidence of the central importance of milk and milk-products. The law-text on base clientship Cáin Aicillne states that the food-rent that a client gives to his lord should include a vessel containing three measures of cream. The cream is to be kept for three days and three nights before being handed over, and checked

2

For information regarding rabies in Ireland towards the end of the nineteenth century see Clancy (2006). Rabies is regarded as eradicated from Ireland.

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after one and a half days that it has not become rancid. The client must ensure that all thin milk has been removed (Thurneysen 1923, p 356).

Butter The importance of butter (imb) is frequently stressed in our sources. It is often treated as a luxury food. For example, the law-text on status Críth Gablach specifies that a low-ranking visitor is not entitled to butter, but only milk and cheese or cereals (Binchy 1941, 2.44–2.45). A visiting lord, on the other hand, is entitled to butter every day (Binchy 1941, 14.350). Another law-text refers to the stealing of butter or milk by means of the evil eye (Binchy 1978, p i 144.30)—this reflects the common early Irish association of milk-production with the supernatural, which continued into the folklore of modern times (Borsje 2012, pp 68–76). The law-texts occasionally mention buttermilk (bláthach), the refreshingly sharp liquid left behind after the butter has been removed (Ó Sé 1949, p 64). Thus, a low-ranking client must give his lord a measure of cream, fresh milk and buttermilk or whey (Binchy 1941, 3.75–3.76).

Cheese Many types of cheese are mentioned in the texts. A client must give his lord a cauldron-full of fresh milk to be heated to produce a sweet cheese (milsén) (Thurneysen 1923, p 356). There are also references to hard cheeses that will keep for a long period. These were important for providing nutrition during times when the cows were not in milk. The most frequently mentioned hard cheese was called mulchán; in a later source it is described as being so hard that it required a hatchet to cut it up (Lucas 1960-62, p 28).

Beef The written sources indicate that pork was the most prized meat among the early Irish. It generally featured as the main meat course at royal feasts. Indeed, one Old Irish tale entitled Scéla Muicce Meic Dathó ‘The Story of Macc Dathó’s Pig’ centres around the consumption of an immense pig (Thurneysen 1935). However, it is clear that bovine flesh, particularly that of a young bullock, was not despised. An illustration of a fine sturdy calf from the seventhcentury Book of Durrow, in the Library of Trinity College Dublin, is reproduced in Fig. 4-1. It is used as the symbol of Saint Luke, but it gives an idea of the likely appearance of a young bovine destined for the table. According to Cáin Aicillne, the annual food-rent that a client must provide for his lord includes a calf worth a bushel of grain (ag lóige méich) (Thurneysen 1923, p 347 § 8). The text specifies that the calf’s minimum girth should be eight fists, i.e. 81 cm (32 inches). According to the text, it should be sufficiently plump that its haunches cover its kidneys, except for the space of three fingers. It should have grazed on grass along with the milch cows, and its castration wound must have healed. It must not have died of sickness or disease, but have been slaughtered by its owner. Even an older bovine—cow or ox—that had come to the end of its productive life would have ended up on somebody’s table. We know from the annals and saints’ lives that early Christian Ireland was often a hungry place: there are many references to famine and food-shortages, and even to starving people resorting to cannibalism. So we can take it that however tough the beef from elderly cattle, it was eaten by somebody. However, according to the ninth-century wisdom-text Tecosca Cormaic, ‘the Teachings of Cormac’, a line seems to have been drawn at the flesh of a bull, regarded as being actually harmful to the body (Meyer 1909, 38 § 21). Occasionally, we find references to salted beef (bó-shall), but it is clear from the texts that salting was generally applied to pork. On account of its size, the carcase of a mature bovine would require a very large amount of salt to preserve it. Salt, whether procured locally or imported from overseas, was a valuable commodity—often referred to up to relatively recent times as ‘white gold’ (Hocquet 1993)—and was not to be used with abandon. So, the general solution, it seems, was beef-stew, perhaps providing sustenance over a period of days through re-heating. The law-text on status Críth Gablach states that a high-ranking lord should own a bronze cauldron which can fit the flesh of a cow as well as a flitch of bacon (Binchy 1941, 16.405–16.406). This would be a truly enormous cauldron. One can compare the beautifully manufactured cauldrons from the Bronze Age in the National Museum of Ireland, notably the magnificent Castlederg Cauldron dating to ca. 700 BC. Even allowing for the removal of the head, feet, intestines, etc. one would be hard put to get even half the flesh of an adult bovine into such a cauldron. There may be an element of exaggeration in the law-text, but it nonetheless indicates that cauldrons belonging to the wealthy strata of society in the early Christian period were generally of a large size. To date there is no archaeological evidence for cauldrons in Ireland from the Early Christian period (Kelly 2010, p 34). The author of Críth Gablach may have been reflecting actual practice when he refers to the cooking of a flitch of bacon along with the beef, presumably to add zest to the somewhat bland flavour of stewed beef. One wonders whether herbs might also be added to beef-stew: the only evidence I know of which provides a hint in this direction is the term craíbechán, literally ‘the branchy one’, used in the previously mentioned tenth-century tale Aislinge Meic Con Glinne (Jackson 1990, 32.991–32.993). It may refer to a stew into which vegetables have been chopped. I should also mention the more primitive method of stewing cattle in their skins, illustrated in the famous engraving by John

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Derricke of the court of MacSweeney, published in 1581. But no Old or Middle Irish text refers to this practice: the cauldron is the standard vessel for stewing in the homes of lord and commoner alike (Kelly 1997, p 336). There are, to my knowledge, no references to the drying or smoking of beef. However, Aislinge Meic Con Glinne refers to the roasting of pieces of beef, mutton and pork on a spit of whitebeam (Sorbus; Irish findcholl), a wood noted for its hardness and resistance to fire (Jackson 1990, 24.735; Hickie and O’Toole 2002, p 70).

Blood There are some early references to the consumption of the blood of living cattle, including a description of this practice in a version of Táin Bó Cuailnge (O’Rahilly 1977). We know from later accounts by English authors such as Campion in 1571 and Spenser in 1596, that the bleeding of cattle was widely practised among the Irish, and particularly associated with times of scarcity (Lucas 1989, pp 200–222). Typically the blood was salted and preserved, and mixed with meal to make black puddings. The bleeding of cattle might also have had ritual significance, sometimes carried out as part of the traditional May-day customs.

Tallow The bovine carcase contains large quantities of tallow. The main use of this substance in the early Irish economy seems to have been in the production of candles. According to Críth Gablach, a candelabrum is an essential fitting in the house of a prosperous farmer, and there should always be a fresh candle in it (Binchy 1941, 7.181). Cáin Aicillne describes the correct dimensions and manufacture of the three handfuls of candles that a client must give to his lord as part of his annual rent (Thurneysen 1923, 355 § 13). Each candle is made by dipping a stripped rush in the tallow of the slaughtered animal. The length of the candle must be eight fists, i.e. ca. 60 cm (two feet).

Hides It is clear from legal and other sources that the bovine hide served many purposes. It was used as a bed-covering, the covering of the inside of a chariot, and a surface on which food could be placed or ears of corn flailed. The skins of young or fetal calves were particularly valued as a source of vellum for manuscripts. Oak-bark supplied the tannin used to make leather from bovine hides (Kelly 1997, pp 54–55); there are many references to leather items such as shoes, belts, bags, halters, and dog-muzzles. Because of the size and thickness of the bovine hide, it is more suited than that of other livestock for covering boats of wood or wattle. The tenth-century Navigatio Sancti Brendani, ‘Voyage of Saint Brendan’, describes the manufacture of a light wooden boat, covered with tanned bovine hides. All the joints of the hides were smeared on the outside with butter. Other texts provide evidence of hide-covered boats of various sizes, including a boat made from a single hide (curach óensheichi), and a larger boat made from three hides (náu trechodlide).

Bulls The law-texts provide evidence of widespread ownership of a bull (tarb), even among those of relatively low rank. The lowest grade of adult commoner is expected to own a bull, though he has only seven cows (Binchy 1941, 4.90). The highest grade of commoner typically has twenty cows and two bulls (Binchy 1941, 8.194). There is evidence that in some cases a stud-fee is payable to a bull-owner, calculated at one quarter the value of the resultant calf (Binchy 1978, p vi 2075.37–2075.38). The importance of breeding from good stock is emphasised: one legal passage states that the qualities of an animal depend on nurture, pasturage and heredity (Binchy 1978, p vi 2076.8–2076.10). To bring a bull to cows in heat was one of the types of work that Canon law permitted on a Sunday (Hull 1966, 162.15).

Oxen The ox (dam) was valued as a beast of burden and a source of power. Most castrated male bovines would have been slaughtered in their first or second year. However, a farmer would sometimes select an individual on the basis of its strength and docility, and train it as a draught ox, probably starting in its third year. According to Críth Gablach, the highest grade of commoner was expected to own six oxen, which would enable him to do all his ploughing from his own resources (Binchy 1941, 8.194–8.195). Lower-ranking commoners only had one or two oxen, which meant that they had to enter a co-ploughing contract (comar) with other farmers of similar rank. It is probable that the most usual manner of ploughing was with four oxen, yoked abreast (Kelly 1997, p 475). They were prodded into action with the aid of an iron-tipped goad (brot). The heavy plough-horse did not appear on the scene until after the Anglo-Norman invasion, though horses are mentioned as pulling the harrow (Binchy 1941, 16.410). The Old Irish law-texts also mention the use of oxen to pull the heavy four-wheeled farm cart (Kelly 1997, p 498).

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Cattle-trading The law-texts contain many references to the sale of cattle. The expectation in the texts is that the buyer and seller would be known to one another, and that compensation would be provided the following year by the seller for any shortcomings that had emerged in the cattle that he had sold. The only legal reference I am aware of that suggests a more extensive cattle-trade is from the previously mentioned Legal Treatise of ca. 1300. The author, Giolla na Naomh Mac Aodhagáin, refers to cattle being sold from a boat (Binchy 1978, p ii 693.38). As the text is of probable eastConnacht provenance, he may be thinking of a boat-trade in cattle along the Shannon, and its lakes and tributaries.

Cattle-raiding The texts also contain many references to the movement of cattle from one locality to another as a result of a cattleraid (crech). From the Annals in particular, we learn that cattle might be driven immense distances by raiders (Lucas 1989, p 144). Such raids were often carried out at the beginning of the reign of a young king, and served to establish his credentials as a warrior. The political significance of cattle-raiding is reflected in the number of tales—called Tána ‘drivings’—which centre around the theft of cattle from a neighbouring kingdom. As a major landowner, it is not surprising that the Church was generally opposed to the practice of cattle-raiding. For example, the Canons of Adamnán (Canones Adomnani) state that “cattle seized in a raid are not to be taken by Christians whether in trade or as gifts: for what Christ rejects, how shall the soldier of Christ receive?” (Bieler 1963, p 178 § 15). A lost canon law-text, Cáin Dar Í, attributed to a nun named Dar Í, seems to have dealt with the subject of cattle-raiding, as its contents are summarised in a gloss stating ‘not to steal cows’ (cen bú do gait). On the other hand, there is also evidence that some clerics had no moral qualms about cattle-raiding, and even demanded a share of the spoils (Lucas 1989, pp 133–135).

Slaughter The lives of most cattle ended at the hands of a human slaughterer. There seems to have been no tradition of a professional slaughterer in early Irish society. In its account of the various tools and implements to be found in a wellequipped farmyard, Críth Gablach includes “a spear for killing livestock” (gaí gona cethrae) (Binchy 1941, 7.180). The archaeological evidence suggests that the cattle were stunned before death with a heavy hammer or stone (Kelly 1997, p 496). The flesh was then cut up with axe and knife (for recent slaughtering practices see Bell and Watson, this volume).

Cattle-breeds I conclude with a few comments on the question of whether distinct breeds of cattle were recognised at the time of the law-texts, a topic discussed in the last of three pioneering articles by John O’Loan entitled ‘A history of early Irish farming’. He based his calculations about the size of early Irish cattle on information provided in the previously mentioned law-text Cáin Aicillne (O’Loan 1965, p 171). The food-rent due to a lord includes a fully-grown cow with a girth of twenty fists. The fist, dorn, as a measurement is generally equivalent to 10 cm (four inches): so the standard cow of early Irish law probably had a girth of ca. 2 m (80 inches). O’Loan (1965) suggests the following girths for the modern Kerry, dairy Shorthorn and Hereford: 193 cm (76 inches), 213 cm (84 inches) and 224 cm (88 inches), respectively. This suggests that the early Irish cow was slightly larger than a modern Kerry. Presumably, in practice, different strains of cattle must have developed over the centuries in different parts of the country to suit local conditions. Then, as now, there were areas especially suitable for cattle-production, and others, including uplands and other heathy areas, where only hardier strains could hold their own. But the law-texts make no reference to named breeds associated with particular localities. They do, however, provide information on colour. In general, it seems that black was the usual colour: one seventh-century law-text refers to milch cows ‘as black as a blackbird’ (Binchy 1978, p vi 2216.7–2216.9). There are also references to cattle that are red, brown, dun-coloured or brindled (ríabach), and in later sources we find references to white-backed cattle, in Irish druimfhionn, later regarded as a distinct breed that was anglicised ‘drimmon’. White cattle seem to have enjoyed rarity value, and were credited with outstanding milk-yields. The Irish Moiled breed of modern times derives its name from the word móel (máel) ‘bald, hornless’. There are many references in the early texts to hornless cattle, but this seems to be naturally occurring hornlessness, and not a trait that was specifically sought through breeding. It should be added that bovine horns were of a minor economic value, as is clear from archaeological findings. This is backed up by the textual evidence: a ninthcentury source refers to the manufacture of combs from horn (Meyer 1906, p 16 § 117). Lastly, I should mention the mysterious white, red-eared cow (bó fhind áuderg). We encounter these bovines mainly in early Irish mythological tales and saints’ lives. For example, Saint Brigit is reputed to have been sustained in her infancy by a white, red-eared cow belonging to a druid (Ó hAodha 1978, p 2 § 5). One would be inclined to think, therefore, that such cattle belonged to the realms of fantasy. However, the generally prosaic medieval Welsh law-

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books also contain references to white red-eared cattle (e.g. Wiliam 1960, p 2 § 3.10) and Osborn Bergin drew attention to the existence of this breed at Chillingham in Northumberland and at other locations in Britain (Bergin 1946; Fig. 4-2). So perhaps the Irish references are, after all, based on reality, originating from travellers’ descriptions of this breed in Britain. Indeed, the breed may possibly, in the distant past, have been present in Ireland as well.

References Bergin O (1946) White red-eared cows. Ériu 14:170 Bieler L (ed) (1963) The Irish penitentials (Scriptores Latini Hiberniae V). Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, Dublin Binchy DA (ed) (1941) Críth Gablach. Mediaeval and modern Irish series XVII. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, Dublin —. (1978) Corpus Iuris Hibernici, vols i–vi. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, Dublin Borsje J (2012) The Celtic evil eye and related mythological motifs in medieval Ireland (Studies in the history and anthropology of religion 2). Peeters, Leuven Clancy S (2006) The eradication of rabies. Hist Ireland 14(1):13 Hickie D, O’Toole M (2002) Native trees and forests of Ireland. Gill and Macmillan, Dublin Hocquet J-C (1993) Weißes Gold. Das Salz und die Macht in Europa von 800 bis 1800. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart Hull V (ed) (1966) Cáin Domnaig. Ériu 20:151–177 Jackson K (ed) (1990) Aislinge Meic Con Glinne. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, Dublin Kelly F (1988) A guide to early Irish law (Early Irish Law Series III). Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, Dublin —. (1997) Early Irish farming. A study based on the law-texts of the 7th and 8th centuries AD (Early Irish Law Series IV). Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, Dublin —. (2010) Cauldron imagery in a legal passage on judges. Celtica 26:31–43 Logan P (1972) Making the cure: a look at Irish folk medicine. Talbot Press, Dublin Lucas AT (1960-62) Irish food before the potato. Gwerin 3:8–43 —. (1989) Cattle in ancient Ireland. Boethius Press, Kilkenny Mac Airt S, Mac Niocaill, G (1983) (eds) The Annals of Ulster (to A.D. 1131). Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, Dublin McLeod N (1992) Early Irish contract law (Sydney Series in Celtic Studies I). Centre for Celtic Studies, University of Sydney, Sydney Meyer K (ed) (1906) The triads of Ireland (Todd Lecture Series XIII). Royal Irish Academy, Dublin —. (1909) Tecosca Cormaic: the instructions of King Cormac Mac Airt (Todd Lecture Series XV). Royal Irish Academy, Dublin Ó hAodha D (ed) (1978) Bethu Brigte. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, Dublin O’Loan J (1963) A history of early Irish farming (1). J Dep Agric 60:178–219 —. (1964) A history of early Irish farming (2). J Dep Agric 60:242–284 —. (1965) A history of early Irish farming (3). J Dep Agric 60:131–197 O’Rahilly C (ed) (1976) Táin bó Cúailnge, Recension I. Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, Dublin —. (1977) The bleeding of living cattle. Celtica 12:185–188 Ó Sé M (1949) Old Irish buttermaking. J Cork Hist Archaeol Soc 54:61–67 O’Sullivan W (1949) The earliest Irish coinage. J R Soc Antiq Ireland 79:190–235 Thurneysen R (ed) (1923) Aus dem irischen Recht I. Z Celt Philol 14: 335–394 —. (1935) Scéla Mucce Meic Dathó (Mediaeval and Modern Irish Series VI). Stationery Office, Dublin Wiliam AR (ed) (1960) Llyfr Iorwerth: a critical text of the Venedotian code of medieval Welsh law. University of Wales Press, Cardiff

Figure legends Fig. 4-1 The calf, symbol of the Evangelist, Saint Luke, from folio 124v of the seventh-century Book of Durrow (reproduced by kind permission of the Board of Trinity College Dublin) Fig. 4-2 ‘The wild cattle of Chillingham’ by Sir Edwin H. Landseer (1867) (image provided by Bridgeman Images on behalf of Laing Art Gallery, Newcastle upon Tyne and reproduced with permission)

CHAPTER FIVE METRICAL DATA FROM A MODERN COMPARATIVE COLLECTION OF DEXTER SKELETONS AND THE INTERPRETATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA LOUISA J. GIDNEY Abstract Prehistorians tend to assume that the pronounced sexual dimorphism apparent in the bones of the wild aurochs would similarly manifest in its early domesticated descendants. Scatterplots of the metrical dimensions of the distal humerus which survives well in the archaeological record have been used for the interpretation of sex ratios within the death population of Neolithic cattle. This is despite acknowledgement that, as the distal humerus is one of the earliest epiphyses to fuse, growth can continue after fusion. Researchers working on more recent faunal assemblages, from complex sites, do not regard the distal humerus as suitable for such interpretative analysis of bones from archaeological cattle populations further removed in time from the ancestral aurochs. To test these divergent attitudes, a scatterplot of a sample of distal humerus measurements from modern Dexter cattle of known age and sex was sent to a broad spectrum of professional zooarchaeologists for comment and interpretation. An overview of the responses received is presented, together with the key to the Dexter data. No interpretation of the Dexter data approached the complexity of sex ratio and phenotype represented, casting further doubt on the validity of using such graphs in the analysis of archaeological data. Keywords Dexter cattle • Kerry cattle • Aurochs • Humerus • Trochlea • Neolithic • England

Introduction In the absence of a surviving native English small cattle breed, the Irish Kerry has been generally considered a suitable comparandum for the smaller types of archaeological cattle found from the Bronze Age onwards in England (Jewell 1963, p 88; Chadwick 2010, p 485). The indigenous small cattle of England survived into the early nineteenth century but fell victim to the introduction of ‘improved’ breeds. For example, Darwin (1872, p 86) describes the earlier displacement of the ancient black cattle in Yorkshire by the Longhorns and then refers to both being “swept away as if by some murderous pestilence” by the Shorthorns. A generation later, there was a resurgence of interest in petite house cows for the expanding, affluent middle classes. In the absence of suitable native cattle, such cows had to be imported, with the Breton enjoying popularity for a time (Baker and Manwell 1987). However, the diminutive size of the Irish Dexter breed proved to have lasting appeal in the English market, with the establishment of an English herd-book in 1892. The Dexter breed is of relatively modern origin, being a nineteenth-century offshoot of the Kerry (Pringle 1872). Curran (1990, pp 83–103) summarises the history of the two breeds in the later nineteenth and twentieth centuries (see also Bell and Watson, this volume). An impetus for the separation into two breeds was a lack of understanding, particularly on the part of nineteenth century English commentators, that the original difference in phenotype did not reflect a difference in genotype. On the other hand, this appears to have been understood by the cattle breeders of the time. The two Dexter phenotypes are the result of genetic chondrodysplasia, a form of dwarfism. In simple Mendelian terms, the mating of two carriers of this gene notionally results in the production of one normal, non-carrier, longlegged or Kerry-type calf; two short-leg, carrier, Dexter calves; one non-viable foetus, or bulldog calf, aborted before reaching term. Crossing a non-carrier with a carrier means that all calves are viable, with a Mendelian average of two long-legged to two short-legged calves. The mating of two non-carriers gives true to type breeding, with all progeny long-legged, or Kerry type. The non-carrier Dexter type is today described as non-short by the Dexter Cattle Society and this usage is followed here. Since Kerry cattle were not readily available in England in the 1970s, non-short Dexters were obtained for the Iron Age farm at Butser, Hampshire (Reynolds 1976, p 12). Subsequent to the use of Dexters at Butser, the breed has become more widely accepted as a means of visualising the small cattle of antiquity in England.

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The modern reference collection To complement the heritage use of live Dexters, the data from a reference collection of Dexter skeletons was studied with a view to establishing how useful the breed is for osteological comparison with archaeological assemblages (Gidney 2013). The reference collection comprises incomplete skeletons from young stock reared for beef, cull cows, including animals obtained from other herds, and natural mortalities, both the very young and the very old. The reference collection of some 40 Dexter skeletons, of varying completeness, therefore represents a ‘real’ death assemblage covering natural mortalities, prime beef stock and aged culls from the breeding herd. The dates of birth and death are known for the animals, together with pedigrees covering five generations of ancestry. The sample for this study comprises thirteen cows, two stock bulls, one steer and seventeen immature entire and castrate males, mostly aged between one and two years. While the Dexter skeletons are a real death assemblage, the composition of this death herd lacks members that would be anticipated in archaeological assemblages. Specifically, there are no adult males castrated at two to three years old and subsequently used as draught oxen, and there are no females aged four to seven years.

The element chosen for metrical analysis Roughly half of the reference specimens consist of remains of dressed carcases from sub-adult males culled for beef. In these specimens, no parts of heads or feet are present and the epiphyses are unfused, with the exception of the distal humerus and proximal radius. The distal humerus therefore provides the largest modern suite of metrical data, from animals of known age and sex, for comparison with archaeological data. The distal humerus (Fig. 5-1) is a robust element that survives in the archaeological record in sufficient numbers for quantitative analysis. The distal trochlea should exhibit the sexual dimorphism apparent between the robust forequarter of the bull and the gracile forequarter of the cow. The measurements taken are BT (greatest breadth trochlea), and LT (length trochlea) (Jones et al. 1979, p 110). LT is also defined as HT (height trochlea) by Legge and Rowley-Conwy (1988, p 124).

Comparison with Neolithic data To test the utility of the Dexter breed as an archaeological comparandum, a challenge was set to provide a new interpretation of a Neolithic assemblage—a period outside the author’s normal remit of study—using data from the Dexter skeletons. The assemblage chosen was recovered from Hambledon Hill, Dorset, a large and extensively excavated causewayed enclosure (Mercer and Healy 2008). Prehistorians tend to assume that the pronounced sexual dimorphism apparent in the bones of wild aurochs would similarly manifest in its early domesticated descendants. Well preserved collections of both Mesolithic aurochs bones and Neolithic domestic cattle bones have been recovered in Denmark (Degerbøl and Fredskild 1970) and the Danish aurochs metrical data are a standard for more recent comparative studies. Scatterplots of the metrical dimensions of the distal humerus, which survives well in the archaeological record, have been used for the interpretation of sex ratios within the death population of Danish Mesolithic aurochs and British Neolithic cattle (Rowley-Conwy and Owen 2011). Fig. 5-2 shows clear bimodality in the distribution of the Mesolithic Danish aurochs data used by Rowley-Conwy (personal communication). In contrast to the dimorphism of the wild aurochs, the effects and timing of castration on the post-fusion growth of the distal humerus trochlea do not appear to have been studied in archaeological or modern specimens of domestic cattle. As an example of the prehistorian’s approach, Legge (2008, pp 539–540) used measurements of distal humeri to suggest the sex ratio of Neolithic cattle slaughtered at Hambledon Hill, though pointing out the inherent problems of an early age of fusion and continuing growth post fusion. In Fig. 5-2 the BT x LT measurements of the Hambledon Hill assemblage are plotted together with those from the Dexter cattle reference collection. Legge has suggested that the Neolithic examples falling at or above LT 48 were probably aurochs. Since two of the modern Dexters also fall in this range, this interpretation may be flawed. As might be anticipated, the Dexter data are not a perfect match for the Neolithic range. However, it is of interest that even in this early period, some of the Neolithic cattle do overlap Dexter data points and the regression lines are not as disparate as might be anticipated from the difference in age and origin of the two samples. Both datasets exhibit a broadly comparable pattern, with a concentration at the smaller end of the range, a tail of larger examples and conspicuous outliers at the upper end of the scale. The Hambledon Hill dataset could represent a cluster of bones from smaller female cattle with a tail of seven larger bones, possibly from males since the aurochs hypothesis has already

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been shown to be doubtful. Thus far, the use of the distal humerus trochlea for differentiation of the sex ratio in a Neolithic assemblage appears valid. This simplistic separation of males and females can be tested for the Dexter sample, as seen in Fig. 5-3. The cows are indeed at the lower end of the scale, but two of the young males also fall in the cow range and a further three young males form a plausible extension of the cow range. One cow falls within the rather more extended range of the young bulls and steers, which in turn approaches that of one of the adult bulls. The two largest outliers are one senior bull and a steer aged 44 months. The proposition that there should be a clear metrical separation between adult males and females can be seen to hold true for the Dexters. However, the addition of the immature males bridges the divide between the adult males and females and blurs the edge of the female distribution. The young males demonstrate that there is considerable growth, post-fusion, in the distal humerus trochlea before the dimensions of the senior males are achieved. Comparing the known sex distribution of the Dexters in Fig. 5-3 with the Hambledon Hill data in Fig. 5-2 suggests that the proposed female range could also include younger males and that the largest examples could include mature steers as well as senior bulls. It was unfortunately not possible to retain skeletal remains from the two nonshort, twelve year old Dexter steers that began life as contemporaries of the 44 month old steer. The three steers were castrated as infant calves and the two that were retained continued growth throughout their lives. Their data points would have fallen beyond the size range of the non-short bull and steer, possibly approaching the largest examples in the Hambledon Hill assemblage. Despite the difference in size of the animals and antiquity of the samples, the regression line for the Dexters in Fig. 52 is closer to that of the aurochs sample than the Neolithic group. The relative proportions of the distal trochlea appear to remain fairly constant irrespective of absolute size, suggesting that this is not a useful element for the metrical separation of different cattle populations.

Interpreting the Dexter data The value of known-sex modern reference specimens has been previously demonstrated for the establishment of separation between males and females on a scatterplot of basal horn core measurements (Sykes and Symmons 2007, pp 520–522). It was shown that, in a blind test, ten zooarchaeologists failed to correctly identify the division between known-sex examples. The metrical data from the Dexter humeri were therefore seen as a valuable further exercise in testing established interpretations. Contrary to Legge and the Neolithic Hambledon Hill assemblage, the distal humerus is not an element that is normally considered for determination of sex ratios in assemblages from complex settlements. O’Connor (2003, pp 72–73) articulates this chronological professional divide by observing that economic strategies suggested by prehistorians are not relevant to the social and economic structures of, for example, medieval England. The choice of the distal humerus to establish sex ratio has been accepted by prehistorians despite acknowledgement that, as the distal humerus is one of the earliest epiphyses to fuse, growth can continue after fusion. In contrast, because of this potential for post-fusion growth, researchers working on more recent faunal assemblages from complex sites do not regard the distal humerus as suitable for such interpretative analysis of bones from cattle that are further removed in time from the ancestral aurochs. To test these divergent attitudes, the basic distribution of the Dexter data in Fig. 5-2 was sent to a broad spectrum of professional zooarchaeologists for comment and interpretation. The request was to suggest the distribution of males, females and castrates. Ten annotated graphs and three other responses were received from university staff, freelance, commercial archaeological unit and museum specialists, with respondents from Iceland, France and Spain as well as Britain. A cross-section of current practice was therefore obtained. No-one considered this to be a viable exercise on a real archaeological assemblage. The replies all made it clear that this was not being considered as a serious proposition but an interesting example of why such interpretations of graphs are fallible. The full range of responses received may be viewed in Gidney (2013, Figs 7:7a–j). In Fig. 5-4 a typical annotation is shown. There was a broad consensus that the smallest bones were female and the largest male. Castrates were mostly assumed to fall somewhere in the midrange, apart from two suggestions that the largest bones were castrates. No-one researched the breed to find out about the dwarfism and two phenotypes. No-one considered that, in a modern British cattle population, most of the males would have been beefed at younger ages than the cows and the impact this might have on bone size and development. Figure 5-5 gives the key to the Dexter data, with separation into non-short and short as well as male and female. No interpretation of the Dexter data approached the complexity of sex ratio and phenotype represented, casting further doubt on the validity of using such graphs in the analysis of archaeological data. Three respondents refused to attempt separation of the data on the graph. Of these, one wrote in detail that on complex sites receiving beef on the hoof and on the hook from a variety of landraces with unknown planes of nutrition and timing of castration, together with the early fusion and continuing growth of this bone, the range of variables

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precluded any such interpretation. Another respondent commented that only the two largest data points might be considered as discrete. One respondent took another view of the dataset and, while declining to annotate the graph, was intrigued by the wide range from a known-breed sample and therefore applied the statistical technique of log-ratio analysis. The result demonstrates that the Dexters show greater integrity as a population than the Neolithic assemblages from Hambledon Hill and Eton Rowing Lake, Dorney, Buckinghamshire, that were used as comparanda (Gidney 2013, Table 7:1). This is of great interest, particularly as the short and non-short phenotypes do not appear to affect the overall utility of the reference collection for such comparisons.

Conclusion: Dexters and the interpretation of archaeozoological data The results of this straw poll of the profession and the complexity of the population parameters in Fig. 5-5 suggest that Legge (2008) was optimistic in the interpretation of the Hambledon Hill dataset, possibly under-estimating the size range and proportion of younger males present (Gidney 2013, pp 254–259). The concerns, regarding the interpretations of such datasets, expressed by those working on complex settlements appear to be valid for earlier prehistoric assemblages. Though some researchers have cast doubt on the value of the Dexter for such comparative work because of chondrodysplasia, the presence of two phenotypes within the reference collection has not affected the utility of the metrical dataset from the humerus trochlea. Despite being the smallest surviving breed of cattle indigenous to the British Isles, it is clear from the measurements that the largest male Dexters approach the female aurochs range, and the regression lines are not as divergent as the height measurements of the live animals. The value of modern reference specimens in challenging simplistic interpretations of archaeological data has been demonstrated, allowing the formulation of new questions based on the variables in the modern data. The Irish Dexter breed of cattle has been shown to be of equal merit to the parent Kerry breed for questioning hypotheses about archaeological cattle in Britain and Ireland. Acknowledgements I thank Professor Peter Rowley-Conwy who involved me in the exploration of the Hambledon Hill data. Thanks are also due to all the respondents who commented on the graph of the Dexter distribution and to Gill Jones for her help with data analysis.

References Baker CMA, Manwell C (1987) The Breton breed of cattle in Britain: extinction versus fitness. Agric Hist Rev 35:171–178 Chadwick A (2010) Fields for discourse. Landscape and materialities of being in south and west Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire during the Iron Age and Romano-British periods. A study of people and place. PhD thesis (unpublished), University of Wales (Newport). http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/view/chadwick_phd_2010/ (accessed 1/11/2015) Curran PL (1990) Kerry and Dexter cattle and other ancient Irish breeds. A history. Royal Dublin Society, Dublin Darwin C (1872) The origin of species by means of natural selection, 6th edn (facsimile, 1994). Senate, London Degerbøl M, Fredskild B (1970) The Urus (Bos primigenius Bojanus) and Neolithic domesticated cattle (Bos taurus domesticus Linné) in Denmark. K Dan Vidensk Selsk Biol Skr 17:1–234 Gidney LJ (2013) Offspring of the aurochs: a comparison of a reference collection of Dexter cattle skeletons with archaeological and historical data. PhD thesis (unpublished). Durham University. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10561/ (accessed 20 May 2015) Jewell P (1963) Cattle from British archaeological sites. In: Mourant AE, Zeuner FE (eds) Man and cattle. Royal Anthropological Institute, London, pp 80–91 Jones RT, Wall SM, Locker AM, Coy J, Maltby M (1979) Computer based osteometry data capture user manual. Ancient Monuments Laboratory Report 3342. Historic England, London Legge AJ (2008) Livestock and Neolithic society at Hambledon Hill. In: Mercer R, Healey F (eds) Hambledon Hill, Dorset, England. Excavation and survey of a Neolithic monument complex and its surrounding landscape [vol. 2]. English Heritage, Swindon, pp 536–572 Legge AJ, Rowley-Conwy PA (1988) Star Carr revisited. Birkbeck College, London Mercer R, Healy F (2008) Hambledon Hill, Dorset, England. Excavation and survey of a Neolithic monument complex and its surrounding landscape. English Heritage, Swindon O’Connor TP (2003) The analysis of urban animal bone assemblages: a handbook for archaeologists. The archaeology of York: principles and methods. Vol. 19/2. Council for British Archaeology, York Pringle RO (1872) A review of Irish agriculture, chiefly with reference to the production of live stock. J R Agric Soc Engl, 2nd ser, 8:1–76 Reynolds PJ (1976) Farming in the Iron Age. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

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Rowley-Conwy P, Owen AC (2011) Grooved ware feasting in Yorkshire: Late Neolithic animal consumption at Rudston Wold. Oxford J Archaeol 30:325–367 Sykes N, Symmons R (2007) Sexing cattle horn cores: problems and progress. Int J Osteoarchaeol 17:514–523

Figure legends Fig. 5-1 Posterior view of a cattle humerus. The measurement points for BT (breadth trochlea) and HT (height trochlea) are indicated (graphic by D. Bennett, 2015) Fig. 5-2 Plots of distal humerus trochlea data as measured in Danish aurochs, Neolithic Hambledon Hill and modern Dexter specimens. Linear regression lines for the data-sets are shown Fig. 5-3 Plot showing the distribution of males and females within the Dexter sample of measurements of the distal humerus trochlea Fig. 5-4 Males, females and castrates in the Dexter distal-humerus sample as suggested in a typical survey response Fig. 5-5 Plot of distal-humerus trochlea data for short and non-short males and females in the Dexter sample

CHAPTER SIX THE ‘UPS AND DOWNS’ OF BOOLEYING IN ACHILL, CO. MAYO, IRELAND THERESA MCDONALD

Abstract Transhumance, referred to as booleying in Ireland, is a practice found in many parts of the country that involves the movement of livestock and their keepers from lowland permanent settlements to summer pasture in the uplands, where they remain generally from May to October. It was once an important part of the Irish pastoral economy but it is little understood due to lack of detailed research. In this paper it is demonstrated that the practice of booleying benefited both man and beast, as the removal of livestock in spring helped to protect crops and grass for use as winterage at the permanent settlement from the depredations of livestock, while the change of pasture maintained the health of livestock and enabled larger herds to be kept. It is argued that booleying was common in the civil parish of Achill until the mid-nineteenth century and gradually declined after that, partly because of the availability of seasonal work in England and Scotland. Not all transhumance movements in the civil parish of Achill were to upland sites. There is convincing evidence that the status of booleying sites changed over time. This seems to have been in response to prevailing political and economic conditions resulting in the reversal of movements from the uplands to the lowlands as well as changes in status of both permanent and temporary settlements. This suggests that the practice of transhumance or booleying was a flexible economic system that, in responding to particular needs, was often modified, altered or, when no longer viable, was ultimately abandoned for a more advantageous system such as seasonal work abroad. Keywords Booleying • Transhumance • Cattle • Pastoral farming • Achill • Ireland

Introduction In Samuel Lewis’ (1837) Topographical Dictionary of Ireland, the civil parish of Achill (area: 19 764 ha) is described as lying in the barony of Burrishoole, Co. Mayo, and consisting of the islands of Achill and Achillbeg and the peninsula of Corraun which is an extension of the mainland (Fig. 6-1). In the text that follows, the civil parish of Achill is simply referred to as Achill. Achill Island is separated from Corraun by a sea channel that, at Achill Sound, is a mere 200 m wide. Achillbeg Island lies to the south of Achill Island and Corraun, and comprises about 81 ha. It is separated from Achill Island by a narrow channel that is fordable occasionally at low tide (Lewis 1837, pp i, 6).

Geology Achill Island is formed of pre-Cambrian quartzites, schists and gneisses, some of the oldest rocks in Ireland (Holland and Sanders 2009). It is divided geologically in two by a fault line that runs from Dugort in the north east to the Minaun cliffs at Keel in the south west. This geological boundary, which divides Achill into upper and lower zones also reflects glaciological, topographical, cultural and linguistic divisions (McNally 1973, pp 44–45). The underlying geology has resulted in shallow and immature soils, deficient in trace elements such as cobalt and copper. Almost two thirds of the entire area is covered by blanket bog, which defines much of the landscape. The climate is oceanic. Annual precipitation is in excess of 1400 mm (locally it may exceed 2000 mm) with, on average, 250 rain days per year, mean annual temperature ranges from 11–13°C in summer to 5–6°C in winter and winds are predominantly south-westerly and often extremely strong (source: www.met.ie). The Irish botanist, Robert Lloyd Praeger recorded over 300 vascular plant species on Achill, including several upland grass species (Praeger 1904, pp 265–289). Over time some of these species have declined, in response to changes in land use, abandonment of cultivation, increase in sheep numbers and spread of invasive species such as gunnera (Gunnera tinctoria), montbretia (Crocosmia x crocosmiiflora) and rhododendron (Rhododendron ponticum). These invasive species have successfully colonised large areas of Achill.

Archaeology A group of megalithic tombs (court and portal and unclassified tomb types) is located on the southern slopes of Slievemore mountain. This suggests settlement and no doubt associated farming on Achill in the early Neolithic

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(shortly after 4000 BC; cf. Molloy and O’Connell, this volume). On these mountain slopes, a cluster of approximately ten mid-Bronze Age round houses has been recognised (Fig. 6-2), while further downslope an early medieval kiln site, a stone cashel and early medieval grave slabs in the older part of Slievemore graveyard have been recorded (McDonald 2006, 2014). Promontory forts, enclosures and various undated ecclesiastical sites are found elsewhere on Achill and Achillbeg. Later Anglo-Norman sources show Achill lying within Umall (Owyl). In the eighth century Umall was ruled by the Uí Briúin Umaill, vassal kings of the king of Connacht (MacCotter 2008, p 146). Umall includes all the land bordering Clew Bay and Murrisk. In the tenth century, the main branch of the Uí Briúin Umaill was the Uí Máille, later anglicised as O’Malley.

What is booleying? The Irish term ar buailidh signifies taking livestock to the mountains/upland pastures in summer. There were many reasons why this was once an integral part of the Irish and indeed of farming systems in many upland areas of Europe (Krzywinski et al. 2009). Unfenced tillage crops, the need to preserve grass at the permanent settlement for winterage, maintaining the health of animals who benefited from a change of pasture are among the main reasons for the practice suggested by researchers in the past (Lucas 1989; Kelly 1998; Ó Moghráin 1943). The colonial administrator, Edmund Spencer (Morley 1890, p 87) commented on the practice of booleying in Ireland in the sixteenth century as follows: there is one use amongst them, to keep their cattle, and to live themselves the most part of the year in boolies, pasturing upon the mountain and waste wild places, and removing still to fresh land as they have depastured the former.

Around the same time, Roderick O’Flaherty (O’Flaherty and Hardiman 1846) describes the practice as follows: In summer time they drive their cattle to the mountaines, where such as looke to the cattle live in small cabbins for that season.

In the twentieth century, the historical geographer Evans (1939) maintained that booleying was mandated by the rundale system whose origin is thought to extend back 2000 years. In his opinion (Evans 1939, pp 24–26), the practice of booleying was necessitated by co-operative farming as practised under the rundale system. In this system, there was open-field farming in the vicinity of a settlement in which each family held scattered portions of arable land, which may have been redistributed on occasion. Commonage for grazing surrounded these fields and could only be used by the inhabitants associated with it (Evans 1939, pp 24–39).

Recent research into the practice of booleying Relatively little detailed work has been carried out on the practice of transhumance in Ireland, despite its economic importance in the past and its potential to lead to a better understanding of medieval and post-medieval Gaelic life (Horning 2004; Ó Síocháin et al. 2015). It is often regarded as a post-medieval phenomenon outside the temporal bounds of traditional archaeological research which stops at ca. AD 1700, with the assumption being made that documentary sources are able to fill this lacuna in our knowledge of the period. Lucas (1989, pp 58–67) makes it clear that there is unambiguous documentary evidence for the practice of booleying in Ireland during the early medieval period, if not much earlier. Kelly (1998, pp 43–45) summarizes the many references to booleying contained in ancient law texts, legal glosses and other documentary sources, and so there can be little doubt as to the longevity of its practice in Ireland (see also contributions by Costello and Kelly in this volume). Some see it extending back into at least the early medieval period, if not much earlier. Others see it as a post-medieval phenomenon, associated with the so-called clachan settlement form and the rundale system of agriculture prevalent in the west of Ireland, where unfenced tillage crops necessitated the removal of livestock during the growing season to upland summer pastures that were largely inaccessible at other times of the year. Jean Graham’s (1954) unpublished doctoral thesis is the only major study of transhumance in Ireland to date. The thesis is written from the perspective of the historical geographer; there is no fieldwork component. Her research into booleying on Achill was derived from first-hand accounts elicited from people still living who themselves had either participated in the practice or had knowledge of it handed down from a previous generation. In this contribution the results of research, carried out mainly during the course of a recently completed PhD project (McDonald 2014) into booleying in Achill, are presented. This contribution complements preliminary accounts by the author that have been published elsewhere (McDonald 1998, 2006, 2010).

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Farming practices on Achill The Devon Commission of Inquiry (Anon 1848) interviewed George Glendenning, a land agent on the estate of Lord Sligo. Glendenning indicated that most farms on Achill were held in common, or “running-dale”, prior to 1820; and that land within townlands was categorised based on the quality of the land and the type of farming it was suited for, i.e. into arable, pasture and uplands, the last mentioned category consisting mainly of rough pasture, heath and possibly bog. The landlord or his agent might rent the lands of a townland to one or more middlemen (and their families), who often sublet to other families so that ultimately five to fifteen families might be living off land that had been initially rented to one or at most a few families. The rent for arable land and good pasture was based on acreage, while the rent for upland pastures was based largely on the carrying capacity, known as the ‘sum’. This was estimated on the basis of the number of cattle and other grazing animals the land could be expected to support over the course of the grazing season. The overall system was usually regulated by the families themselves. The main drawback of the system was that it lent itself to the creation of very small holdings, often over a short space of time and, furthermore, parts of the holdings might be scattered over as many as twenty places, often within a single townland. In areas of marginal land, before the advent of commercial fertilizers, manure, in the form of seaweed and sand, was used to improve the usually acidic and infertile soils (Collins, this volume). This was a labour-intensive method as it involved transport from the seashore to patches of arable land, often located at considerable distance from the shore. Another method was the construction of ‘soot houses’, rectangular structures that measured ca. 3x1.5 m (10x5 feet) with a gable 1.8–2.4 m in height (6–8 feet), capped by scraws cut from the bog and constructed at the outskirts of the village. These soot houses were packed with driftwood and sods from the bog, set alight and left to smoulder until the roof caved in, after which the resulting potash was spread on the fields as fertilizer (McDonald 2014). Agricultural practice at the deserted village of Slievemore (Figs 6-2, 6-3) involved the transportation of seaweed and seashells from Keel beach, some two miles south of Slievemore. Excavations at Slievemore uncovered a layer of calcium carbonate residue at the bottom of one of the manure pits. This suggests that seaweed and stable manure were mixed in situ prior to transfer to the fields and nearby cultivation ridges (McDonald 1997).

Booleying on Achill The earliest known written evidence for the practice of transhumance in Achill is found in an account of a tour of Ireland in 1752 by Dr Richard Pococke, the Church of Ireland Bishop of Ossory (George T. Stokes published Pococke’s description of his Irish tour over a hundred years later; Stokes 1891). Pococke seems to have stayed with the Medlycotts, owners at the time of the Burrishoole estate, Co. Mayo. He records that cattle in the area were moved to the “mountains” for a period of up to six months and then were taken elsewhere. He emphasised the fact that this practice was well established and that the people of the area were knowledgeable about different types of pasture in the region, such as which pastures were suitable for cattle of different ages at various times of the year. Pococke, however, did not actually visit Achill Island, viewing it instead “from a vantage point on the mainland” (McDonald 2006, 44). His account, nevertheless, is important in that it suggests a widespread pastoral practice of moving cattle on a seasonal basis, and an in-depth knowledge of grazing grounds, and it implies a transhumant lifestyle and communal endeavour on the part of the local inhabitants. The main account of transhumance on Achill comes from Sir William Wilde who describes it as follows, based on a visit to the area in the early nineteenth century (Wilde 1850, p 89): during the spring, the entire population of several of the villages we allude to in Achill, close their winter dwellings, tie their infant children on their backs, carry with them their loys [i.e. spades], and some corn and potatoes, a few pots and cooking utensils, drive their cattle before them, and migrate into the hills, where they find fresh pasture for their flocks.

He also stated that booley houses were built of sod and wattle. Caesar Otway (1780–1842), born in Co. Tipperary, was a Church of Ireland clergyman who visited Achill in 1834. He noted that all the land in Achill was held in common and that cattle in Achill were pastured on the mountains for periods of up to six months, which would have included all of the summer (Otway 1839, p 404). This strongly suggests booleying. Furthermore, Otway may have left a description of people coming back from the booley, although this is open to other interpretations. He states that he saw (Otway 1839, p 373): Coming towards us a group of men and women, driving before them a small herd of cattle. The cows, some red, some black and some white; the women with scarlet cloaks, and deep yellow handkerchiefs tied around their heads; and the men in their dark sombre frieze.

This account vividly recreates the sights and colours associated with the movement of cattle and the practice of transhumance. John O’Donovan, the Gaelic scholar and writer, who worked for the Ordnance Survey (1830–1842), refers to booleying on Achill in 1838 several times in his placename commentaries which include the following description (OSNB 1838, p 20):

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This Td. [referring to Bellanasally townland] is a Boulay of Dookinellia Toolis [Dookinelly Thulis] they are both held under one lease. It is a general habit among the People in both the Isld. [Achill] & Ph. [parish] to have two Townld. and houses built on each where they remove occasionally with their cattel. These Townlds. are held under one lease, one of these farms is called a Boulay.

The English journalist and writer Samuel Carter Hall and his Irish wife, Anna Maria (née Fielding; she wrote as “Mrs C.H. Hall”), published a three-volume guide to Ireland based on their personal travel experiences in 1840. In volume 3, they deal with northern and western counties, including county Mayo (Hall and Hall 1843). Booleying in Achill is mentioned briefly in the context of the movement of cattle from inland areas to the “coast” in summer, where cattle grazed on “young herbage”. Interestingly, the modern village of Dooagh (called “Dooagha”) is clearly a booley village from their description. The houses are described thus ‘These hovels they call “builly houses”’ (Hall and Hall 1843, pp 403–404). There is a limited number of tape recordings relating to the practice of booleying on Achill in the National Folklore Collection at University College Dublin. A recording of Catherine Carton from Dooniver in 1950 describes people going in the summer with their cattle from the villages of Dooniver and Valley (the townland is Tonatanvally (Tóin an tSeanbhaile), now foreshortened to Valley) to booley on Slievemore in the late nineteenth century. She states (see Kilbane 2002): I remember it as good as seeing you there. It was lovely; we had a lovely life [at the ‘booley’]. There was a crowd of us, girls and boys, as you know. And every family would take a field from the farmer behind [at Slievemore]. They would rent out a field for their cattle, from Dooniver. And one or two out of each house would go back watching the cattle in Slievemore. We would go to this little ‘booley’, a nice little ‘booley’. We would have a fine turf fire. A fine big bag of straw for beds, and there used be Valley ones too with us. We would lie there. Some people would have four or five head of cattle and others maybe two or three, suckler calves. There would be two or three milkers in every family, milk cows [...] Windows and doors, ah ya, one window and one door, and a little hole on the roof to let out the smoke. There was no chimney, but it didn’t bother us, it was made for that. Thatch roof. The owner would thatch it every year, before the cattle would be coming up. Yes, four or five girls. We used to be sleeping on a big tick (mattress) of straw and our fine fire. And it would be on our turn to get up every morning to see the cows and calves. We would all look after the same cattle.

The above accounts of the practice of booleying in Achill show it was an important part of the farming system during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and probably earlier too. Despite this, it is surprising that there are few booley placenames in the area. Graham (1954) listed a single placename, namely Bolinglanna (Buaile an Ghleanna, i.e. the booley of the valley). Four further placenames were found by the author during the course of research into Achill placenames. They are (placename in Irish is italicised; the anglicised version, if available, is in roman script; a translation is given in parentheses): Bun na hAbhna (mouth of the river), i.e. Bunowna; also referred to as Sruffaunbunowna (in OS 6 inch map, no. 53 (Mayo), 1921 edition) and Boley (OS map 6 inch map, 1838 edition); Lug an Bhaile Buaile (point of the booley village) at Annagh; Buaile Raghnaill (Ragnall’s booley) at Dirk; and, Buaile Chlochán (stony booley), i.e. Boleyclohan on the Corraun peninsula. No information is available as to its booley status and so it is not further considered.

Booley sites on Achill There are six extant booley sites on Achill (Fig. 6-4; Table 6-1). There are two former booley sites that became permanent settlements and three permanent sites that became booley settlements, making an overall total of eleven sites that were involved in booleying at some stage. The earliest evidence of booleying at these sites dates to ca. AD 1750. However, some could be much earlier but this can only be proved by excavation. It is notable that two sites in the study area changed status over time from booley to permanent settlements; both are sited in lowland locations. There has been little evidence for lowland transhumance in Ireland, although Nicholls (1978) has suggested that it did take place but offers little evidence for it. The evidence from Achill, however, confirms that lowland transhumance indeed took place in Ireland.

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Table 6-1 Geographical details of booley sites recorded in the civil parish of Achill Site no.*

Site name

Altitude (m)

Co-ordinates (degrees)

Purpose-built booley sites 1

Bunowna

105

53.978657, -10.222712

2

Tawnaghmore

90

53.987432, -10.151854

3

Annagh

65

54.001920, -10.146857

4

Dirk

140

54.008253, -10.092301

5

Bolinglanna

195

53.904614, -9.876888

6

Cuillaloughaun

55

53.919660, -9.822461

Booley sites that later became permanent settlements A

Dooagh

10

53.974926, -10.128905

B

Bellanasally

20

53.997177, -10.040469

Permanent villages that later became booley sites a

Keem

55

53.969927, -10.196754

b

Slievemore

50

53.996729, -10.083109

c Carrowgarve 70 53.876308, -9.962426 * Site nos are as in Fig. 6-4. The co-ordinates (N and W; read from Bing Maps) relate to a central position (approximately) within each site Morphology of the booley sites on Achill The booley sites form unplanned nucleated settlements, with some having separate clusters within them. All of the buildings are constructed of dry stone and are circular, ovoid, sub-rectangular, rectangular and square in shade. Some are of corbelled construction and conjoined, as at Annagh in the townland of Slievemore (Fig. 6-5). Many have associated annexes or semi-subterranean passages. Enclosures are associated with others and there is evidence of cultivation within some of these enclosures. There is also evidence for large-scale enclosing earthen banks that extend for several kilometres to encircle the sites at Bunowna and Dirk. The large scale of these structures would have required communal effort; they seem to have been constructed to stop cattle and other livestock from falling over nearby cliffs. The number of houses at these booley settlements ranges from four to eighteen. The houses are either grouped in clusters or spread out in linear fashion along the banks of streams, as at Bunowna in the townland of Keel West (Fig. 6-6). The booley site at Annagh (Fig. 6-4, site 3) is located between 60 m and 70 m asl on a flat plateau overlooking Lough Nakeeroge which, in turn, is separated from Annagh Strand by a moraine. There are twelve extant houses at Annagh that form an unplanned nucleated settlement. There are two main clusters: a northern cluster of eight structures and a southern cluster ca. 20 m distant with three structures. An outlier is present ca. 40 m to the south-east of the second cluster. A large enclosure with remains of cultivation ridges lies to the east of the northern cluster. Four houses in the northern group are conjoined, corbelled structures, constructed of dry-stone masonry (Fig. 6-5). The houses are quite small with internal habitable space ranging from 400 m indicated as dark brown); townland boundaries are also shown. Altitude of individual sites is indicated within parentheses in the key Fig. 6-5 Plan of booley houses, A1–A4, at Annagh, Achill (after McDonald and Rathbone 2010) Fig. 6-6 The booley settlement at Bunowna looking west towards the Atlantic (photo: A. Horning; 2005) Fig. 6-7 Surveying a booley house at Dirk; view to west (photo: T. McDonald; 2012) Fig. 6-8 Booley settlement at Bothóga na Muc, Bolinglanna (photo: T. McDonald; 2012) Fig. 6-9 Plan of booley house 3 at Cuillaloughaun. Outer walls, internal divisions and alcoves in the external walls (diamond pattern) are shown. No surviving evidence for doors or windows; possibly present in the external wall that no longer survives (indicated by broken lines) Fig. 6-10 Plan of booley house 4 at Tawnaghmore. Wall heights are as measured on the internal parts of the surviving walls Fig. 6-11 ‘Booley house’ at Carrowgarve looking south-east. Carrowgarve was a permanent village later reused as a booley. The houses are from the original permanent phase and, technically, are not booley houses as such. They are much larger in size and have additional features not generally seen in booley houses (photo: T. McDonald; 2012) Fig. 6-12 Map showing remaining identifiable houses and other features at Keem village (© Achill Field School, 2009; reproduced with permission) Fig. 6-13 View to the western tip of Achill from elevated ground to the south-east of Keel (photo: S. Johnson; 2010) Fig. 6-14 Sketch of Dooagh and its surrounds, ca. nineteenth century. From Durand (1990); reproduced with the permission of Lady Stella Durand

CHAPTER SEVEN SEASONAL MANAGEMENT OF CATTLE IN THE BOOLEYING SYSTEM: NEW INSIGHTS FROM CONNEMARA, WESTERN IRELAND EUGENE COSTELLO

Abstract The results from ongoing research into the practice of transhumance—referred to as booleying in Ireland— in the peninsula of Iorras Aithneach, south-western Connemara, Co. Galway are presented. Transhumance, in Ireland as in other parts of Europe, is a strategy that involves the seasonal movement of people and livestock, to pastures distant from the main farmsteads for periods of at least some weeks and often months. Cattle, especially dairy cows, were central to the system in Ireland. The study area, Iorras Aithneach, is of particular interest in that the practice of booleying persisted here until the start of the twentieth century. My focus is on the period ca. 1750–1910 when ethnographic and cartographic sources are available which help in elucidating when, where and why booleying took place in the study area. Use of aerial photography, in conjunction with ground proofing, has led to the identification and characterisation of several structures in the Iorras Aithneach uplands associated with booleying. This archaeological evidence, in the form of booley houses or brácaí, complements other sources of evidence for the local importance of booleying. Booleying served two main purposes, namely, conserving land at the permanent farmstead for crops and grazing over the winter period (winterage), and providing a nutritional balance in the animal feed by rotating grazing between lowland and upland sites for extended periods of several weeks at a time. It is shown that there were distinct linkages between coastal (lowland) townlands where the main farmsteads were situated and townlands in the uplands (interior of the peninsula) where the summer pastures were located. The grazing rights, especially in the uplands, were defined by traditions of mutual understanding rather than fences and routeways as is often the case in modern farming in Ireland, even in marginal areas such as Iorras Aithneach. Keywords Booleying • Transhumance • Cattle • Pastoral farming • Connemara • Ireland

Introduction The management of cattle in Ireland today is, by and large, a sedentary kind of pastoral farming. Cattle are occasionally transferred from one part of the country to another when sold on to another farmer or to a dealer, or when sent for slaughter to a meat factory. In general nowadays, mobility is not a strategy that most cattle farmers (whether beef or dairy) rely upon. This was not always the case, however. As recently as the early twentieth century, and especially during the nineteenth century and earlier, a type of farming known as ‘booleying’ prevailed in many parts of Ireland. This is a farming strategy whereby farmers take their livestock—usually dairy cows—to rough grazing in upland or moorland areas for the summer and live with them there in what are referred to as ‘booley’ houses (see also McDonald, this volume). The cattle are then brought back to the home farm in late autumn and over-wintered there. The term ‘booleying’ is derived from the Irish word buaile, which signifies a milking-place in summer pasturage, a fold or a dung-yard (Ó Dónaill 1977). When viewed in a wider context, booleying is really an Irish variant of a practice that is recognised internationally as transhumance. Transhumance is a form of mobile pastoralism, and can vary hugely in scale and nature depending on climate, topography and society. It also has a very long history, with some scholars arguing for its existence in some form as early as the Neolithic (Geddes 1983; Hole 1996; Kienlin and Valde-Nowak 2003). At the heart of all its diversity, however, lies a desire to make use of seasonally-available grazing in different areas that are accessible from the main farmstead and often in upland locations. Transhumant movements, in effect, allow farmers to maximise stock numbers while preserving land for crops on the home farm. Indeed, it is still practised in some parts of Europe such as the Alps, Pyrenees and Romania (Krzywinski et al. 2009; Lozny 2013, p 128; Juler 2014), where researchers have the possibility of making detailed observations on modern-day systems of transhumance in order to understand how it may have worked in the past. Such a facility is not available, however, in Ireland. Although dry cattle are still transferred to the extensive upland pastures of the Burren for the winter (the inverse of summer booleying; referred to as ‘winterage’), this is not transhumance proper since there is no re-location of people along with stock (Dunford 2002). Transhumance survived longest in Ireland, albeit on a small-scale, on Achill Island (Ó Moghráin 1943; Graham 1954; McDonald, this volume) and south Connemara. Transhumance in south Connemara, Co. Galway, is the main focus of interest in this contribution.

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In this paper, I examine how cattle were managed in the booleying system in the post-medieval period, i.e. from ca. 1750–1910. I look firstly at specific local motivations that saw farmers take their cattle to rough pasture for the summer and then remain with them. These relate, for the most part, to availability of grazing and health of the animals. Secondly, I discuss how these movements were organised amongst tenant farmers and the extent to which the cultural landscape reflects the dependence of tenants on transhumance. I explore these aspects with reference primarily to the peninsula of Iorras Aithneach in south Connemara, as revealed though historical, cartographic, ethnographic and archaeological evidence.

The study area The study area lies in the south Connemara Gaeltacht or Irish-speaking area, and is known as Iorras Aithneach. This translates as ‘The Stormy Peninsula’, which is apt given the Atlantic coastal situation, and also more evocative than ‘Carna peninsula’ (Hogan 1910, p 472). It constitutes the major part of the civil parish of Moyrus in the barony of Ballynahinch (Fig. 7-1). Iorras Aithneach is a well constrained space in terms of farming and possibilities for sustaining a rather substantial population. It extends ca. 14 km to the south-west from the main landmass and is 12 km across at its widest point. It is also quite poor in terms of soil quality. Most of the peninsula’s flat interior is characterised by blanket peat and scattered lakes, with only the hilly spine of Cnoc Mordáin, parts of the coast and a few other small pockets supporting peaty podzols and acid brown earths that give reasonably fertile farmland (EPA Envision 2014). Aeolian sediments underlie most of the soils by the coast, while inland blanket peat often rests on bedrock. The bedrock geology is complex and includes granite, appinite, metagabbro, quartz and gneiss (GSI Datasets Public Viewer 2014). A ridge that runs along the eastern side of the peninsula (includes Cnoc Mordáin; 354 m asl) is the only area to exceed 150 m asl, and even this is of modest elevation compared with the Twelve Pins (Beanna Beola) and the Maumturk (Mám Toirc) mountain ranges to the north. Overall, the relative difficulty of farming the land has long meant that the surrounding sea and its resources are integral to the local economy. The boggy interior of Iorras Aithneach is no longer inhabited seasonally but continues to form a minor source of income for some of the local population. Farmers around the coast use it as extensive year-round grazing for small numbers of Aberdeen Angus and Red Shorthorn dry stock, and also some mountain sheep and horses. Peat-cutting for household fuel by machine continues on a small scale. In addition, some tracts of blanket bog have recently been afforested with conifers, particularly to the south and west of Cnoc Mordáin, though these plantations have not all thrived.

South Connemara booleying in context Traces of transhumance can be found in the historical record as far back as the early medieval period. Two glosses on an Old Irish law tract explain that it was customary to go “out about May Day from the green of the old [winter residence] to a summer pasture (airge)”, and to leave “the grassland for the old residence about November Day” (Neilson Hancock 1865, p 132). This reference suggests that there was an established pattern to the practice from at least the late first millennium AD onwards. Various medieval and early post-medieval historical sources suggest that booleying was common in Ireland (Plummer 1922, p 157; O’Rahilly 1962, p 24; Lucas 1989, pp 58–67) but there is little detailed information available as to how the system operated. A lack of archaeological excavation at seasonal booley sites exacerbates this problem. One possible booley house with a medieval date has been excavated at Glenmakeeran, Co. Antrim. In this case, a sherd of Ulster Coarse Ware suggests a broad later medieval date (Williams and Robinson 1983, p 36). The length of the structure (ca. 12 m), however, seems rather large for a seasonal habitation. A more complex settlement, consisting of enclosures and numerous houses, was partially excavated at Ballyutoag, Co. Antrim. Results of radiocarbon dating suggest that it dates to the second half of the first millennium AD. This has been interpreted by the excavator as a transhumance village due to its location on the northern margins of Divis Mountain (Williams 1984). Outside north-east Ulster, there have been only two other excavations of likely booley sites. At Doonloughan, western Connemara, excavation revealed two coastal dwellings that were radiocarbondated to between the late seventh and ninth centuries AD (Murray and McCormick 2012). The excavators suggest that the site was occupied mainly in the summer and autumn, in the context of grazing the extensive machair in the area. If this is correct, then there was seasonal mobility, albeit using the coast region for summer grazing. Excavation of a well defined booley site at Annagh on Achill Island has confirmed, through pottery finds, that it was occupied during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (McDonald 2014, pp 209–213). It should be borne in mind, however, that it can be difficult to pin-down ‘seasonality’ by means of excavation alone. To be confident that a structure was used during the summer only, a landscape history using a whole range of materials and sources is needed; this includes cartographic, historical, ethnographic and palynological sources. Unfortunately, where documentary sources are concerned, information about transhumance at a local level becomes available only for the post-medieval period, i.e. after ca. 1550. One of the most significant historical sources from this period is Roderic O’Flaherty, who writes of the people of Iar-Chonnacht (roughly Connemara): “they dwell for the

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most part next the borders of the country where commonly is the best land; and in Summer time they drive their cattle to the mountains, where such as looks to the cattle live in small cabins for that season” (Hardiman 1846, pp 16–17). Another source, dating to 1699, is the travel-writer John Dunton. He describes his visit to a “Booley or summer habitation” somewhere in the east of Connemara as follows: “the proper dwelling or mansion house being some miles farther neare the sea” (Dunton Letters, in MacLysaght 1939, p 344). These leave us in no doubt that booleying was an important element in the farming economy west of Lough Corrib, Co. Galway, at least as far back as the seventeenth century. Our focus rests with an even more recent phase of booleying, i.e. from the middle of the eighteenth century onwards. This is the last phase of the practice, and one that lends itself well to further research. In addition to the first edition maps of the Ordnance Survey (OS), Encumbered Estates’ Court material and Congested Districts Board reports, numerous folklife accounts recorded in the twentieth century by ethnographers working in Iorras Aithneach provide valuable information on the reasons for booleying and its organisation up to the time of its demise. In a rather late account, from the early twentieth century, the ethnographer Browne describes how contemporary farmers on Maínis and Máisean islands, as well as parts of the coast of Iorras Aithneach, would send their cattle distances of ca. 8–9.5 km every summer and autumn to the inland moors and hills, where they were looked after by watchers who sheltered in “boolies” (Browne 1900–02, p 520). Later oral tradition collected by Ó Cathasaigh (1943, pp 159–160) makes clear that transhumance of this kind had ceased by ca. 1920, albeit with some transferral of dry cattle to the care of inland farmers continuing thereafter. According to Ó Cathasaigh’s material, the seasonal structures used by the herders were quite common in Iorras Aithneach and were known as brácaí (singular: bráca). Another ethnographic account is that collected from Mícheál Mhac Dhonnchadha of Roisín na Mainiach, on Iorras Aithneach’s southern coast (Mac Giollarnáth 1941, pp 277–280). In addition to providing further detail on life in the brácaí and how they were constructed, Mhac Dhonnchadha names several areas of rough inland pasture where these seasonal habitations could be found; indeed, he even recalls the names of a few local people associated with them. This account stands alongside that collected by Jean Graham from Patrick Ridge, an inhabitant of nearby An Coillín, in which we are informed how many inhabitants a bráca could accommodate and how many cows each herder was responsible for (Graham 1954, pp 22–24). What is more, Graham uses local information (she does not indicate her sources) to map links between summer pastures and permanently-settled townlands or bailte around the coast. Two folk accounts published relatively recently are informative as well, if somewhat brief (Gibbons 1991, p 45; Ó Héalaí and Ó Tuairisg 2007, p 21). I now critically assess all of this material in an attempt to understand the past management of cattle under booleying.

When and where to graze: motivations for the seasonal movement of cattle Attention has already been drawn to the important function of transhumant practices in maximising stock numbers. This is particularly evident in the case of Iorras Aithneach. Ó Gaora (1937, p 164) and Ó Cathasaigh (1943, p 159) both state that cattle were taken inland in order to conserve grass at the main farmstead. This was probably connected with the importance of arable farming at the time. The more oats or potatoes that were sown on the home farm, the less land that was available for grass. Ultimately, this left farmers with the dilemma of keeping less livestock or, more favourably, finding another means of feeding their livestock while the crops were growing. For farmers living on coastal parts, this could be achieved by sending their cattle inland to graze on rough ground for the summer. Since haymaking does not seem to have been common in contemporary Iorras Aithneach (see Finlay 1898, p 67), it is likely that the grass that had been spared was left standing as ‘winterage’ rather than cut. Conservation of grazing resources is also emphasised in nineteenth-century booleying in the Galtee Mountains, although, in this case, it was mainly so that hay could be saved while the cows were being looked after on higher ground (Ó Danachair 1945; Costello 2012, 2015). Regardless of what form it took, provisions made during the summer for fodder were paramount to the survival of cattle through the lean winter months. The need to preserve as much grass as possible is reflected in the distribution pattern of farms and settlements around contemporary Iorras Aithneach. In the OS maps (1st ed.; 1838) almost all improved land was located along the coast and on the islands to the south (Fig. 7-1). Almost all of the houses marked on the OS maps (1st ed.) are on these patches of fertile land. Their density is greatest in the south-west of the peninsula, around Mace Head, and also on the island of Maínis. In the townlands An Más and An Aird Thiar, for example, there were at least twenty nine and forty permanent dwellings, respectively (small cottier plots were perhaps not all recorded). These townlands have land areas of 102 ha and 164 ha, respectively, which gives an average holding of only 3.5 ha and 4.1 ha for each tenant family. What is more, as Ó Cathasaigh mentions, a high percentage of land was indeed devoted to arable in this denselysettled landscape. In 1851, when detailed statistics become available for the first time, there was some 291 ha under tillage in the Knockboy electoral division, i.e. the south-western third of the peninsula (Anon 1852). Taking both settlement density and land-use into account, therefore, it is clear that access to alternative pastures was a significant alleviating factor for tenants who wished to maintain cattle. In reality, tenant farmers had considerable alternative sources of pasture. It is estimated that, in 1838 at the time of survey for the 1st edition OS maps, there was ca. 106 km2 of unenclosed marginal land in Iorras Aithneach (cf. Fig. 71), all of which was held as commonage by tenant communities based in the coastal areas. As a Congested Districts

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Boards inspector notes in 1892, most of the tenants “enjoy free grazing over very extensive mountain and bog lands as a right inseparable from their holdings” (Ruttledge-Fair 1892, p 462). This extensive area of common land was in spite of major population growth over the preceding hundred years. In some upland areas, such as the Galtees, in Limerick and Tipperary, encroachment on mountain pasture as a result of population expansion had very serious effects on booleying in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Costello 2015). This was not as pronounced in Iorras Aithneach. Population may have grown by ca. 300–400% in the barony of Ballynahinch during the period 1732–1821 (Smyth 2012, p 15, Fig. 7-2), but aside from a few minor patches (about eight) of improved ground in the interior, population growth in Iorras Aithneach was entirely concentrated along the coast and islands. This distribution owes much to the advantages that the maritime environment offered local inhabitants, in terms of fishing, kelp-burning and access to seaweed as fertiliser (Ruttledge-Fair 1892, p 464; Browne 1900-02, p 521; Mac Giollarnáth 1941, pp 276–277; Becker 2000). Thus, even in the immediate pre-Famine years, most of the peninsula remained available for extensive grazing. If seasonal use of inland grazing helped tenants satisfy their arable requirements on the home farm, it also made sense from the point of view of animal husbandry. Commentators at the end of the nineteenth century speak of cattle in the area being “gaunt and hungry-looking” and “shockingly thin and weak” by the end of winter (Finlay 1898, p 67; Gaskell 1892, p 490). There is no doubt that a major factor was simply a lack of grass but it was not the only cause. According to Ó Cathasaigh (1943, pp 159–160) and Beartla King (personal communication) a disease, referred to as galar trua, afflicts cattle that graze for too long on coastal farms. This manifests itself as a weakness that leaves the animal run-down and enfeebled, and was cured by moving the animal to hill pasture for at least six weeks during the summer. Interestingly, after booleying ceased, this condition was prevented by feeding oatmeal and bran to cattle (Ó Gaora 1937, p 164; Ó Cathasaigh 1943, p 160). By the same token, another disease, known as brios brún, can affect cattle when on hill pasture for too long. This was cured by bringing the animals back down to the coast for six weeks or more (Beartla King, personal communication; Ó Cathasaigh 1943, p 160). To the north of Iorras Aithneach, in Joyce Country (Galway/Mayo border), galar trua is also cited as an important reason for people engaging in booleying with their cattle (Ó Duilearga 1939a, p 35), while in Achill Island, Co. Mayo, similar traditions were recorded by Ó Moghráin (1943). In the latter, cattle had to be taken up to hill pastures for at least a month each year in order to ward off an illness known variously as galra dumhach, dubhras and other versions of these words (Ó Moghráin 1943, pp 162, 164–166). The fact that movement from one type of pasture to another could revive sick cattle strongly suggests that they were prone to mineral deficiencies on the various soils in question, the mineral composition of which directly influenced the quality of the herbage and mineral availability to the grazers. In a valuable veterinary interpretation of traditional Irish names for cattle diseases and cures, Doherty (2001, p 61–62) points out that the galra dumhach of Achill is probably cobalt deficiency. This deficiency often occurs in livestock grazing on sandy soils (Radostits et al. 2000, pp 1483–1487). Based on the earlier work of Ó Súilleabháin (1942, p 34), Doherty (2001, p 46) classifies galar trua as phosphorus deficiency, which can occur on peaty, upland pastures. However, Ó Cathasaigh’s explanation of galar trua in Connemara hints at something more akin to cobalt deficiency insofar as it afflicts cattle on sandy coastal soils. On the other hand, it seems likely that brios brún is due to phosphorus deficiency, a view supported by Doherty (2001, p 62). What is obvious from this folk evidence is that people involved in seasonal movements were constantly trying to find a nutritional balance for their herds with respect to pastures that were deficient in one or more essential chemical elements (see Collins, this volume). This reminds us that while seasonal plant growth, settlement distribution and land-use management are important factors in determining the need for transhumance, the whole system still ultimately depends on the relative fertility of the areas being utilised. In Iorras Aithneach, before mineral licks, chemical fertilisers and supplementary feeds became widely available in the twentieth century, cattle were invariably liable to some mineral deficiency if different pasture types were not used. The length of time spent booleying each year in Iorras Aithneach may, indeed, be linked to the need for a balanced diet. According to several of the ethnographic accounts, there was a double-movement involved, firstly in May and again in August (Browne 1902, p 520; Ó Cathasaigh 1943, p 159; Graham 1954, p 23; Ó Héalaí and Ó Tuairisg 2007, p 21). The other accounts refer variously to ‘summertime’, a few months or an August movement alone (Gibbons 1991, p 45; Ó Gaora 1937, p 164; Mac Giollarnáth 1941, p 279). Cattle were also sent to rough pasture for two spells in the last years of booleying at Slievemore in Achill (Ó Moghráin 1943, p 164), but not in the Galtee Mountains or Donegal, where the grazing season lasted the entire summer, and sometimes longer (Ó Duilearga 1939; Ó hEochaidh 1943; Ó Danachair 1945). If the idea that there were two movements is accepted, then the total grazing season was three months, split between six weeks from the start of May to mid-June and six weeks from the start of August to mid-September (Ó Cathasaigh 1943, p 159). It is tempting to see the truncation of the grazing season as a symptom of the decline of booleying, with a fuller transhumant season prevailing before the early nineteenth century. But, given the serious problems posed by mineral deficiencies, the possibility that in Iorras Aithneach herds were never actually kept on rough pasture for the entire summer-half of the year cannot be discounted. Finlay (1898, p 68) observed that in Carna and its surrounds that it was normal for cattle to be swapped at intervals between coastal and inland pastures. Instead of imagining booleying as a rigid division of winter/summer pastures where stock were only moved twice a

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year, it may be thought of as somewhat flexible, with herds of cattle perhaps being brought back and forth as dictated by their health and facilitated by the relatively short distances separating booley sites from parent farms.

Re-location of people Up to now I have emphasised the reasons for moving cattle to summer pasture without dealing with the involvement of people. The ethnographic sources leave no doubt that herders re-located with the animals, staying in seasonal structures called booley houses or brácaí. Archaeological fieldwork by the author has confirmed that the remains of many of these structures are still visible today. In fact, it appears that Iorras Aithneach is quite rich in archaeological evidence for booleying. The details of this fieldwork will be presented elsewhere; the main results are summarised here. By examining Bing Maps satellite imagery during initial reconnaissance prior to fieldwork, it was possible to identify approximately eighty features of potential archaeological significance on unenclosed rough grazing, widely scattered throughout the peninsula. None of these, however, are noted in Archaeological Survey Database (2014). Remote sensing, based on readily accessible satellite imagery, has thus opened up a whole new window on largely forgotten features in this cultural landscape. Targeted follow-up fieldwork was carried out in two areas, namely the townland of An Gleannán and parts of adjoining Seanadh Bhuire and Beitheach Chatha, and also the townland of An Cnoc Buí and part of adjoining Glinsce. These surveys recorded a total of sixty two structures. They fall into three main functional categories: (1) ten small shelters and a further four tentative shelters that were just large enough to accommodate a crouching individual (Fig. 7-2); (2) thirty five dwelling houses and huts (nine of which could only be tentatively identified) (Figs 7-3, 7-4); and (3) thirteen livestock pens and shelter walls (Fig. 7-5). Of the structures in the second category, only four were well built and rectangular, the rest being rubble-walled constructions of irregular shape. The latter vary considerably in terms of size (average dimensions: 3.4 x 2.7 m externally, and 2.6 x 1.7 m internally.) Given the weight of ethnographic evidence, it is argued that most structures in the second category represent summer dwellings built by people involved in booleying. Dating their construction is very difficult, if not impossible, without excavation. It seems likely that many of them were at least occupied during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries on the basis of the strong oral tradition attesting to their use in that period. The first category represents the remains of more temporary shelters, possibly only used for hours at a time by herders or animals caught out in bad weather. The final category consists of pens of various sizes, some of which may have been used to keep calves in at night, as Mhac Dhonnachadha states (Mac Giollarnáth 1941, p 280). But why the need for these structures at all? Considering that cattle in Iorras Aithneach were moved, in some cases, as little as 3 km (see below), it would have been possible, though inconvenient, for farmers to travel daily to check on their stock. Yet in most cases people still choose to stay with their herds. This is because dairy cows were integral to booleying. Dairy produce was not a major generator of trade in south Connemara in the period 1750–1910 by any means. Compared to contemporary Munster, which supplied in Cork city the then largest butter exchange in the world (Rynne 1998; Dickson 2005), dairying in Connemara was small-scale. Indeed, aside from minor quantities of surplus butter sold to market in Galway (Dutton 1824, p 140), dairy products were generally for home consumption. This is not to say, however, that cows were unimportant in local farming: on the contrary, they were dominant on the summer pastures. For individual tenant families, the milk and butter from dairy cows constituted important dietary supplements to fish and the ubiquitous potato (Dutton 1824, p 353; Feehan 2012, p 28–30). This is crucial, because during the summer, dairy cows have to be milked twice a day regardless of where they are being grazed. On being brought to rough pastures, therefore, the only way of ensuring that this continued efficiently was for herders to stay overnight with the animals. Not everyone, however, took part directly in booleying. The ethnographic accounts make clear that it was the womenfolk or young people of Iorras Aithneach who looked after the milking of cows and butter production (Mac Giollarnáth 1941, p 280; Ó Cathasaigh 1943, p 159–160; Graham 1954, pp 23–24; Gibbons 1991, p 45; Ó Héalaí and Ó Tuairisg 2007, p 21). Two to five cows were entrusted to the care of each person, depending, presumably, on their age and ability (Graham 1954, p 23). In addition to dairying, the herders also had to prevent stock from wandering back to the coast and trampling crops and meadows (Ó Cathasaigh 1943, p 160). Placenames in the peninsula’s interior emphasise the dominance of women and young people in booley settlements. Sliabh na mBan (Mountain of the Women), Cnocán na mBan (Hillock of the Women) and Cnocán na Mná Marbh (Hillock of the Dead Woman) are placenames in the area immediately to the east of Cnoc Buí (Ó Héalaí and Ó Tuairisg 2007, p 21), while there is Cnocán na mBuachaillí (Hillock of the Boys) in the townland of Cill Chiaráin in south-eastern Iorras Aithneach (Robinson 1990, p 89).

The organisation of booleying Booleying was clearly important in both agricultural and social spheres. But how was it organised? The answer needs to be more nuanced than simply saying that the peninsula’s interior was used seasonally by surrounding tenant

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holdings. In Iorras Aithneach, the practice may not have mattered very much to landlords or administrative bodies by the nineteenth century, but it was not a casual ‘free for all’. It had a pattern that I can now reconstruct as follows. Some of the peninsula’s larger townlands, such as Maíros, Glinsce and Gabhla in the west, stretch far enough inland for booleying to have taken place within their bounds (Graham 1954, Plate 5). On the other side of the peninsula, the inhabitants of Coill Sáile, Loch Conaortha and Doire Iorrais may not have practised booleying at all as rough grazing was close by. The high ridge of Cnoc Mordáin formed an environmental constraint, preventing easy access to pastures on the other side, that, in any case, were not much needed by the local tenants as the area in question was thinly settled. Most interesting are the arrangements for summer grazing made by tenant farmers in the south and south-west, as well as nearby islands. As already pointed out, these were the most densely-populated parts of Iorras Aithneach in the nineteenth century, and in the case of An Más and An Aird Thiar, there is solid documentary evidence as to how alternative pastures were obtained. In an Encumbered Estates Court rental of the Martin Estate (the main landowner in Iorras Aithneach; the document is dated 14 July 1852), the “mountain lands” of Cnoc Buí and Gleannán are said to have been “in the occupation of the tenants of” An Más and An Aird Thiar, respectively (Fig. 7-6). These links appear to have been fairly long-standing for there is mention of Gleannán’s association with An Aird Thiar again in 1943 (Ó Cathasaigh 1943, pp 159–160). Distant grazing rights of other coastal townlands lacking sufficient tracts of rough pasture are hinted at in ethnographic sources, but the exact nature of these links is unfortunately equivocal as there are conflicts between the various accounts. For instance, one interviewee, who lived in the townland of Roisín na Mainiach, immediately east of present-day Carna, states that his mother used to travel to a bráca in Loch an Bhuí (Mac Giollarnáth 1941, p 279), even though the latter is held by Graham (1954, Plate 5) to have been used only by people from Maínis Island. Some confusion is to be expected in oral traditions recorded by different people at different times. Nevertheless, the two townland pairings attested by the rental are as concrete as we might hope for, and their existence is highly significant. They indicate that the peninsula’s unimproved interior was organised into townlands that farmers based in distant townlands by the coast had a right to graze (Fig. 7-1). What is more, the grazing in all of these townlands was almost certainly not reckoned by area, but by the number of cows they could support. Knight (1836, p 46) observes with respect to the Mullet peninsula, Co. Mayo, that “the holdings are by sums or collops, which originally meant the number of heads of cattle the farm could raise by pasture”. A pasture collop, he says, is “the grass of a horse, or a cow, or two year-old heifers, or six or eight sheep”. For rural communities that depended on cattle for their dairy products and the manure that enriched arable land in wintertime, this was a very sensible way of calculating the capacity of a particular area. It featured strongly in rundale, a communal system of infield-outfield adapted to marginal environments on Ireland’s western seaboard, where fertile soil was confined to small and densely-inhabited pockets on the coast or along valley bottoms (see McCourt 1971; Whelan 1994, 1997, pp 79–88, 2012; Yager 2002; Ó Síocháin et al. 2015). Typically, in parts of Mayo, Donegal and Galway, a nucleated settlement or ‘clachan’ formed the focal point of a rundale landscape, with redistribution of arable ridges in the surrounding infield taking place every three years in order to ensure a fair allotment of good and bad land (Otway 1841, p 35; Fig. 7-7). It is not clear as to how (or if) redistribution took place in Iorras Aithneach, since pre-Famine settlement was scattered rather than nucleated, and there were no large, contiguous infields (Figs 7-6, 7-8). All the same, the presence of linked townlands indicates that tenants co-operated on some level. Their rights of common grazing in specific areas like Cnoc Buí and Gleannán would have been worthless without a mutual understanding of where one stood in relation to the neighbour. The tenants in question did not just live in An Más and An Aird Thiar; they actively conceived of these townlands as communities where co-operation mattered. These vital local bonds encouraged the division of available rough grazing into blocks that could be shared amongst the tenants of each townland. It is yet more remarkable that distant grazing rights, such as described above, were maintained without any obvious physical traces remaining in the landscape. No roads or trackways could be found leading inland to Cnoc Buí or Gleannán in the course of fieldwork, on Bing Maps satellite imagery or on the 1st edition 6 inch (1:10 560) OS maps, in spite of the fact that several of the booley houses lay more than 7 km from the homesteads. The commonages themselves were not demarcated either. Elevated ground, streams and changes in vegetation presumably formed the boundaries before wire fences were recently erected. Ultimately, these pastures, and the passages by which transhumant herds reached them, were not marked for the simple reason that they did not need to be. Booleying links should be understood as cultural links, embedded in the mind through basic, customary co-operation and played out each year with the coming of summer. Their only manifestations in the physical landscape were the seasonal brácaí, and the farmhouses where each family was based for the greater part of the year.

Summary and conclusions This paper has presented initial research findings by the author into the practice of booleying, or transhumance, in Ireland. The long history of the practice in Ireland is emphasised, and also the difficulties that archaeologists sometimes have in identifying and dating sites associated with seasonal grazing. Historical and ethnographic information is a major help where the post-medieval period is concerned. Bearing this in mind and focusing on south

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Connemara, Co. Galway, core features in the management of cattle under this system in the period 1750–1910 have been documented. The reasons for booleying are discussed. Ultimately, several factors were involved. Firstly, settlement density along much of Iorras Aithneach’s south and south-western coast and its nearby islands was such that there was not sufficient grazing available during the summer months for both cattle and crops. In addition, soil quality was such that cattle were susceptible to mineral deficiencies, including probably cobalt deficiency, if they remained too long by the coast. These two factors together necessitated the movement of cattle to rough pasture for at least part of the summer each year. What is more, since this was transhumance, people—usually young people and usually women—re-located with the cattle in order to carry out dairying work that was vital to the local economy. The remains of the booley houses or brácaí that these herders stayed in are numerous in Iorras Aithneach and today form the only obvious archaeological evidence for booleying in the area. Placenames also hint at booleying. An important aim of the research is to understand how booleying was organised. It is shown that commonage was organised in a number of different ways, in some cases without the need for seasonal re-location of people. In the most densely-populated townlands around Mace Head and on Maínis and Fínis islands, however, there was a need for links with separate townlands in the interior. The organisation of these distant grazing rights, unaided by any fences or routeways, is a clear indication of the strength of the townland unit in the minds of tenant farmers. There is much more to be discovered about the management of cattle in historic transhumant farming. The archaeology of seasonal settlement, in particular, needs further survey and excavation before a chronology of booley houses can be constructed with confidence. This will require us to think of its evolution over centuries rather than decades, and such a timeframe will inevitably lead to more questions that will require evidence-based answers. The social and economic contexts of booleying are fairly well understood for the period discussed here (1750–1910), but as we delve back into the seventeenth century and earlier, archaeologists and historians alike are less sure of how rural settlement in general looked. For example, we might well ask whether it was always mostly young people and women who re-located with cattle, and whether booleying was once also common in more fertile parts of the country. These issues will be discussed elsewhere but, for the moment, a firm understanding of how this interesting way of life survived in the recent past in particular areas is an important building block towards understanding the practice in its entirety. Acknowledgements I thank Kieran O’Conor, my PhD supervisor, for his on-going advice and guidance. Irish Research Council and NUI Galway Hardiman scholarships provided funding that has allowed me to carry out this research. Lynda McCormack, Yolande O’Brien, George Perceval and Kieran O’Conor went out of their way to help me at various times during fieldwork in 2013 and 2014: this is much-appreciated. Joe Fenwick, technical officer in Archaeology, trained me in the use of survey equipment, and Beartla King, Seosamh Ó Cuaig, Máirtín Ó Catháin and Kieran Moylan provided much local information. I thank Michael O’Connell and Fergus Kelly for their helpful comments on the draft manuscript.

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Figure legends Fig. 7-1 Map of Iorras Aithneach peninsula and immediate surrounds. Unenclosed rough grazing is coloured brown. Townland boundaries are indicated. The insets show the location of the study area within Ireland and Connemara, respectively; in the latter, baronies (thick lines; name within a rectangle) and civil parishes are indicated Fig. 7-2 A shelter in Glinsce. Cnoc Glinsce is in the background (photo: E. Costello; 27/02/2014) Fig. 7-3 Rectangular booley house in Gleannán, with coursed walls (photo: E. Costello; 29/1/2014) Fig. 7-4 Rubble-walled, sub-rectangular booley house in An Cnoc Buí (photo: E. Costello; 1/5/2014) Fig. 7-5 A rectilinear pen in Glinsce (photo: E. Costello; 27/2/2014) Fig. 7-6 Map of townlands linked through booleying. Note high density of permanent dwellings in coastal townlands. Groups of booley houses in An Cnoc Buí and Gleannán are circled Fig. 7-7 Dooagh village, Achill, in 1838 (after 1st ed., 6 inch OS map). Note nucleation of settlement and large shared infield. Tonregee village is visible to the north-east Fig. 7-8 An Aird Thiar and An Aird Thoir in south-western Iorras Aithneach in 1838 (after 1st ed., 6 inch OS map). Note distribution of houses and enclosure of landscape. Inset shows western Connemara and the area shown in the detailed map

Fig. 0-1 Participants at the Agricultural History Society of Ireland Summer Conference 2014 (photo: M. O’Connell, 14/06/2014; County Arms Hotel, Birr, Co. Offaly)

Fig. 1-1 Soil map of Ireland showing the major soil groups (after Gardiner and Radford 1980)

Fig. 1-2A Intensive grazing on sandstone-influenced soils, Co. Cork (photo: B. McMahon 11/06/2007)

Fig. 1-2B Poorly drained, rush-infested soils on Irish Sea till, Co. Wexford (photo: P. Murphy 26/06/2012)

Fig. 1-3A Species-rich, nutrient-poor, dry esker grassland at Glaster, Co. Offaly (photo: M. O’Connell 15/06/2014)

Fig. 1-3B Species-rich wetland grasslands (callows) in the floodplain of the Shannon river, Co. Offaly (photo: M. O’Connell 15/06/2014)

Fig. 1-4 Karstic landscapes at Cappanawalla, north-west Burren, Co. Clare (photos: M. O’Connell 24/03/2007)

Fig. 1-5 Diagrams showing lime-kilns (above after U. Mattenberger 2005; below after Malcolm 1805)

Fig. 1-6 A disused limestone-constructed kiln in a limestone quarry near Ardfinnan, Co. Tipperary (photo: Collins 19/09/2003)

Fig. 1-7 Part of Smith’s (1750b) map of county Cork centred on the Boggeragh Mountains

Fig. 1-8 New cattle breeds at Mount Melleray farm, Co. Waterford (photos: M. O’Connell 03/08/2015)

Fig. 1-9 Advertisement for bone manures by the fertiliser manufacturer, Goulding (Irish Farmers’ Gazette 1862)

Fig. 2-1 Map of Ireland showing the location of the main sites referred to in the text

Fig. 2-2 Plot of į13C and į15N results from human bone mainly from Neolithic contexts in Northern Ireland and Poulnabrone, Co. Clare (data from Schulting et al. 2011 and Ditchfield 2014, respectively)

Fig. 3-1 Map of study area (Galway city to the river Shannon) and aerial photograph of Ballinphuill Bog showing coring site

Fig. 3-2 Sketches showing coring locations on Ballinphuill Bog and main features of Rahally hillfort

Fig. 3-5 Age/depth plot showing dated points and age/depth curve, profile BPH2

Fig. 3-3 Peat coring in east Galway and plants as indicators of farming (photos: M. O’Connell)

Fig. 3-4 Photos of cores BPH2 and BPH3, and stratigraphy of core BPH2

Fig. 3-6A Selected percentage pollen curves, profile BPH2, plotted to a calibrated/calendar time scale

Fig. 3-6B Selected percentage pollen curves, profile BPH2, plotted to a calibrated/calendar time scale

Fig. 3-7 Overview of pollen data, reflecting farming history from ca. 4000 BC to recent times

Fig. 3-8 Plot of PCA scores of pollen spectra from profile BPH2

Fig. 3-9 Average percentage pollen values in moss samples from Kilbegly (early medieval and Bronze Age)

Fig. 3-10 Calibrated age (probability) plots from the Barna dugout boat and Ballynaclogh, east Galway

Fig. 4-1 The calf, symbol of the Evangelist, Saint Luke, from folio 124v of the seventh-century Book of Durrow (reproduced by kind permission of the Board of Trinity College Dublin)

Fig. 4-2 ‘The wild cattle of Chillingham’ by Sir Edwin H. Landseer (1867) (image provided by Bridgeman Images on behalf of Laing Art Gallery, Newcastle upon Tyne; reproduced with permission)

Fig. 5-1 Posterior view of a cattle humerus. Measurement points for BT (breadth trochlea) and HT (height trochlea) are indicated (graphic by D. Bennett 2015)

Fig. 5-2 Plots of distal humerus trochlea data as measured in Danish aurochs, Neolithic Hambledon Hill and modern Dexter specimens. Linear regression lines for the data-sets are shown

Fig. 5-3 Plot showing the distribution of males and females within the Dexter sample of measurements of the distal humerus trochlea

Fig. 5-4 Males, females and castrates in the Dexter distal-humerus sample as suggested in a typical survey response

Fig. 5-5 Plot of distal-humerus trochlea data for short and non-short males and females in the Dexter sample

Fig. 6-1 Maps of Ireland, Co. Mayo and Achill

Fig. 6-2 Digital survey map of the main part of the deserted village at Slievemore, Achill

Fig. 6-3 Detail map showing selected houses (house nos 41–50) from Village 2, Slievemore, Achill

Fig. 6-4 Map showing location of booley sites in the civil parish of Achill

Fig. 6-5 Plan of booley houses, A1–A4, at Annagh, Achill (after McDonald and Rathbone 2010)

Fig. 6-6 The booley settlement at Bunowna looking west towards the Atlantic (photo: A. Horning 2005)

Fig. 6-7 Surveying a booley house at Dirk; view to west (photo: T. McDonald 2012)

Fig. 6-8 Booley settlement at Bothóga na Muc, Bolinglanna (photo: T. McDonald 2012)

Fig. 6-9 Plan of booley house 3 at Cuillaloughaun, Achill

Fig. 6-10 Plan of booley house 4 at Tawnaghmore, Achill

Fig. 6-11 ‘Booley house’ at Carrowgarve looking south-east (photo: T. McDonald 2012)

Fig. 6-12 Map showing remaining identifiable houses and other features at Keem village (Achill Field School 2009)

Fig. 6-13 View to the western tip of Achill from elevated ground to the south-east of Keel (photo: S. Johnson 2010)

Fig. 6-14 Sketch of Dooagh and its surrounds, ca. nineteenth century (from Durand 1990)

Fig. 7-1 Map of Iorras Aithnneach peninsulaa, south-west Coonnemara and immediate i surro ounds.

Fig. 7-2 A shhelter in Glinscee (photo: E. Cosstello 27/02/20114)

Fig. 7-3 Rectangular booley house in Gleannán, with coursed walls (photo: E. Costello 29/1/2014)

Fig. 7-4 Rubble-walled, sub-rectangular booley house in An Cnoc Buí (photo: E. Costello 1/5/2014)

o: E. Costello 277/2/2014) Fig. 7-5 A recctilinear pen in Glinsce (photo

b Fig. 7-6 Map of townlands linked through booleying

Fig. 7-7 Dooaagh village, Achill, in 1838 (affter 1st ed., 6 innch OS map)

Aird Thiar and An A Aird Thoir, on Iorras Aithnneach in 1838 (after 1st ed., 6 inch OS map) Fig. 7-8 An A

Fig. 8-1 Michael Doheny (1805–1862) (from Doheny 1914)

Fig. 8-2 Ballingarry, Slievenamon in the distance (from Doheny 1914)

Fig. 8-3 The Knockmeldown mountains from Ardfinnan, Co. Tipperary (from Doheny 1914)

Fig. 8-4 Monument at the site of the ‘Priest’s Leap’ on the Cork/Kerry border (photo: M.A. D’Cruz 2015)

Fig. 8-5 A cow and a sow and piglets sharing the living quarters (kitchen) of a family (from Connery 1837)

Fig. 8-6 “Interior of one of the better kind of Irish cottages” (from Barrow 1836)

Fig. 8-7 Plan of a small, windowless, one-roomed dwelling at Fallmore, Co. Mayo (after Å. Campbell)

Fig. 8-8 Plan of a one-unit byre-dwelling, Binghamstown, Co. Mayo (after C. Ó Danachair)

Fig. 8-9 Plan of a two-unit byre-dwelling (with bed-outshot), Doolough, Co. Mayo (after C. Ó Danachair)

Fig. 8-10 Byre-dwelling with a bed-outshot at Gweedore, Co. Donegal, ca. 1880s (Image L 440-1, UFTM)

Fig. 8-11 James Hack Tuke (1819–1896) (from Micks 1925)

Fig. 8-12 Pats Ó Conaill’s house at Cill Rialaigh, Co. Kerry (after Å. Campbell 1934)

Fig. 8-13 Byre-dwelling at Meenacreevagh, Co. Donegal (after Evans 1939)

Fig. 8-14 Byre-dwelling in the Rathlackan area, Co. Mayo (photo: C. Ó Danachair, ca. 1953)

Fig. 8-15 Adjoining byre-dwellings, Magheragallan, Co. Donegal (after McCourt 1970)

Fig. 8-16a Byre-dwelling from Magheragallan, Co. Donegal, reconstructed at the UFTM (photo: M. O’Connell 2015)

Fig. 8-16b, c Interior views, byre-dwelling from Magheragallan, reconstructed at the UFTM (photos: M. O’Connell 2015)

Fig. 8-17 Farmhouse with a bedroom over the byre, Cruckaclady, Co. Tyrone (McCourt 1970)

Fig. 8-18 Farmhouse with a bedroom over the byre from Cruckaclady, Co. Tyrone at the UFTM (photo: M. O’Connell 2015)

Fig. 8-19 Distribution of byre-dwellings in Ireland in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (after C. Ó Danachair)

Fig. 9-1 Mrs Margaret Magan, Killashee, Co. Longford, (ca.1890–1900) (image from M. Magan)

Fig. 9-2 Munster Institute, Cork (from Coyne 1902)

Fig. 9-3 Bringing in the hay at Burrane Lower, Co. Clare (photo: R. O’Connell 1960)

Fig. 9-4 Fair day in Longford (ca. 1865–1914) (source: Lawrence Photograph Collection, NLI)

Fig. 9-5 Fair day in Dungarvan (ca. 1865–1914) (source: Lawrence Photograph Collection, NLI)

Fig. 9-6 Opening of Trim Mart (Irish Farmers Journal; 21/04/1962)

Fig. 9-7 Mrs Margaret Bye herding her cattle at Castlerickard, Co. Meath (photo: J. Walker 2006)

Fig. 10-1 Native Irish Longhorn cattle (from Youatt 1836)

Fig. 10-2 Henry Garnett’s improved Leicester bull, Brindle (from Thompson 1802)

Fig. 10-3 Mrs Evans’ cross-bred Shorthorn and native Old Irish cow (from Farmers’ Gazette 1847)

Fig. 10-4 Bull, Dexter-Shorthorn cross (from Wallace 1923)

Fig. 10-5 Weir’s cattle-weighing machine (from Loudon 1871)

Fig. 10-6 Aerial view (1992) of Bandon shambles (photo: J. Herriott 1992)

Fig. 11-1 James Scott Gordon (1867–1946) (reproduced with permission from the Permanent Secretary, Department of Agriculture and Rural Development, Northern Ireland)

Fig. 11-2 Agriculture Faculty Building, Queen’s University Belfast, ca. 1952 (from Muskett 1952)

Fig. 11-3 Cover of the first issue of the Journal of the British Grassland Society (1946)

Fig. 11-4 Bringing in a grass crop (ca. 1952) at the Agricultural Research Institute of Northern Ireland, Hillsborough (photo: P. Hayes)

Fig. 11-5 Experimental equipment used in field trials reported on by Linehan and Lowe (1946)

Fig. 11-6 Grass-measuring equipment in Northern Ireland in use during late 1940s/early 1950s (from Lowe 1951)

Fig. 11-7 Sheep grazing in silvopastoral trials at Loughgall, Co. Armagh (photo: R. Olave 2005)

Fig. 11-8 Cattle grazing in silvopasture, Loughgall, Co. Armagh (photo: McAdam 2007)

Fig. 11-9 Cattle grazing in a landscape defined by field boundaries with much woody vegetation in Co. Tyrone (photo: McAdam 2007)

Fig. 12-1 Re-seeded grasslands in receipt of high (top) and low-nitrogen (bottom) applications, respectively (photos: H. Sheridan and A. Helden)

Fig. 13-1 Views of meadow and ‘learning about grass’ in Birr Castle demesne (photos: M. O’Connell 15/06/2014)

Fig. 13-2 Views of meadow in Birr Castle demesne illustrating open parkland aspect and grasses in flower (photos: M. O’Connell 15/06/2014)

CHAPTER EIGHT LIVESTOCK KEPT IN THE DWELLING HOUSE: NINETEENTH AND EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY EVIDENCE FOR THE PRACTICE IN IRELAND PATRICIA LYSAGHT

Abstract A variety of documentary sources attests to the keeping of livestock in the dwelling house in Atlantic coastal counties of Ireland and in the northern part of the island, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Two main methods of sheltering animals in the house are evident in these sources. The first consisted of accommodating the livestock in the kitchen area overnight, in addition to family members. The second involved a house-building tradition that combined quarters for people and cattle under the one roof, resulting in so-called byre-dwellings. The recording of standing specimens of buildings of this kind, some apparently still in use, in the twentieth century, of oral traditions concerning their former existence, and of converted examples of such structures, enabled distribution patterns for byre-dwellings in Ireland to be established, some regional variation in such buildings to be detected, and innovations that led to their demise to be reconstructed. Keywords Ireland • Farming • Livestock • Byre-dwelling • Innovation • Folklife • Folklore • History • Nineteenth/twentieth centuries

Introduction Documentary evidence for the practice of keeping animals, large and small, particularly milch cows, in the dwelling house in parts of Ireland, is available from the seventeenth century. In this, and in the following century, visitors to the country commented on the situation as they had experienced it in some western seaboard counties (Ó Danachair 1964, pp 58–59). In the nineteenth century, a variety of official surveys and reports—including, statistical and agricultural surveys of the Dublin Society/Royal Dublin Society (1801–1832), W. Shaw Mason, A Statistical Account, or Parochial Survey of Ireland, Drawn Up From the Communications of the Clergy (3 vols; 1814, 1816, 1819), Ordnance Survey Memoirs of Ireland (1830–1840) applicable only to the northern part of the country, Poor Enquiry (Ireland) Reports (1830s), Inspectors’ Local Reports (Baseline Reports) 1892–1898 (1898) of the Congested Districts Board—as well as visitor, local, and learned comment, indicate the continuing existence of the practice, particularly in western and northern parts of the country (e.g. graphic description of rural living conditions near Portrush, Co. Antrim, by J.C. Curwen (1718–1828), MP for Carlisle, U.K., 25 August 1813; excerpt reproduced in Hooper 2001, pp 24–27). Other commentators included an outsider of another kind, a fugitive from Co. Tipperary, who was attempting to escape to continental Europe after the failed Young Ireland armed engagement in the Ballingarry area, Co. Tipperary, on 29 July 1848 (Moody and Martin 1994, pp 276, 449) and who mentioned the practice of keeping animals in the house as he had experienced it in small farm dwellings in the west Cork/Kerry area at that time. Portrayals of the custom by outsiders, who came from different backgrounds and with sometimes pre-conceived notions about rural Ireland, must of course, be treated with caution. In this context, an insider’s account—that provided by Tomás Ó Criomhthain (I856–1937) of the Great Blasket Island when, in his autobiographical work, An tOileánach, first published in 1929, he commented on his own family home, and on other houses on the Island during his youth in the second half of the nineteenth century—provides a valuable perspective on the same practice. In the late 1920s, steps were being taken to set up organisations to collect, preserve and publish the folklore of Ireland. An Cumann le Béaloideas Éireann / The Folklore of Ireland Society, founded in 1927, with the first issue of its annual journal Béaloideas appearing in 1928, was followed by the Irish Folklore Institute (1930–1935) and then by the Irish Folklore Commission (IFC) (1935–1971). All of these bodies were concerned with the recording, analysing and the publishing of not only verbal and social culture, but also aspects of the material world, especially concerning traditional rural dwelling houses. Thus, field surveys of such buildings were initiated, the collectors of the IFC, the schoolchildren and their teachers who participated in the Schools Scheme (1937–1938) (Ó Catháin 1988; Ó Catháin 1998), and others, sought out data about rural houses, and the Commission itself was also active in issuing postal questionnaires on different aspects of rural dwellings. 1 In the latter context, a questionnaire entitled ‘An Tigh 1

For the role of the postal questionnaire in documenting folk tradition in Ireland, see Ní Fhloinn (2001).

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Chapter Eight

Comhnuithe’, ‘The Dwelling House’, compiled by Caoimhín Ó Danachair (1913–2002) of the IFC, was issued by that body in 1951. This questionnaire included three areas of enquiry relating to the traditional dwelling house, namely: ‘The Hearth’, ‘The Roof” and ‘Livestock’. With regard to the last topic, the questionnaire correspondents were asked to reply to the following questions “Is there a tradition that livestock were kept in the dwelling house? If so, what animals or birds? Were there special fitting for them, such as stalls, drains, pens, coops?”2 The response to the questionnaire as a whole was significant. 3 Much of the data that was amassed, as well as information in responses to other questionnaires on traditional rural dwellings issued by the IFC, and in further NFC sources, were later analysed by Caoimhín Ó Danachair, employing both historical and contemporary perspectives, for mapping and publication purposes. The topic of keeping animals in the dwelling house with the family, particularly in buildings erected specifically for that purpose, also featured in Ó Danachair’s mapping and publication endeavours (Ó Danachair 1957, pp 114–116, 1964, 1970, pp 102–105). Geographers, too, engaged in fieldwork and publication concerning traditional rural houses, which incorporated research on the keeping of farm animals in the dwelling house. These included Frederick H.A. Aalen and, in Northern Ireland, E. Estyn Evans, Desmond McCourt and Alan Gailey, the last mentioned as a foundation staff member (from 1960) and later as the Director (1986–1996) (Owen 2000, p 1) of the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum,4 a key institution engaged in the carrying out of field surveys of rural houses in the northern part of Ireland. The work of these scholars, who were located in various parts of the island, is acknowledged and reflected in this paper.

Keeping livestock in the dwelling house: a non-structural arrangement It is necessary to distinguish between the sheltering of animals in the dwelling house, especially overnight, because of a lack of separate or adequate outhouses for that purpose, and the deliberate construction of the house itself in such a way as to accommodate both family and cattle, particularly milch cows, under the family roof. Evidence exists for both arrangements in the farming community in Ireland,5 especially along the Atlantic coastal areas and in northern parts, i.e. regions in which the direct-entry farmhouse—a rectangular, one storey, stone-built house, in which the hearth, on the long axis of the building, is placed at a distance from the entrance, thus allowing direct entry into the living space, for both humans and animals—predominated (Ó Danachair 1979, p 91; Gailey 1984a, pp 140–142). Such houses usually had two doors in the sidewalls of the buildings directly opposite each other. Mention is made of accommodating cattle in the dwelling house in an account relating to south-west Co. Kerry that dates to about the middle of the seventeenth century. The account in question emanated from the Italian prelate, Giovanni Battista Rinuccini (1592–1653), Pope Innocent X’s ambassador to the Confederation of Kilkenny during the years 1645–1649. Having been driven off-course on its journey to Ireland, the vessel bearing Rinuccini to the country finally reached land on the south shore of Kenmare Bay, Co. Kerry, on 12 October 1645. In this area, according to his own testimony, he first received lodgings in a local peasant house in which cattle were also stabled. In this abode, he experienced not only great comfort, but also excellent hospitality that included a plentiful supply of fresh meat, fish, and oysters (Commentarius Rinuccinianus 1936, p 5; Ó Danachair 1964, p 58). Two hundred years later, we again find mention of the sheltering of livestock in the dwelling house in the west Cork/Kerry area,6 this time by a Tipperary man, Michael Doheny (1805–1862; Fig. 8-1), one of the leaders of the Young Ireland movement, who was on the run with a fellow Young Irelander, James Stephens (1825–1901), after the failed Young Ireland armed affray in the Slieveardagh Hills area, south-east Tipperary, in 1848 (Fig. 8-2). Travelling 2

“An gcimeádtaí na beithidhigh istigh sa tigh comhnuithe uaireannta? Más eadh, cad iad na beithidhigh agus na héanlaithe do cimeádtaí istigh mar sin? An mbíodh gléiseanna fé leith sa tigh ina gcóir: gléas ceangail, gléas deighilte ó chéile, umair, dígeanna, cúib agus a leithéidí?” 3 See NFC 1308, pp 1–362 (1951-1952); NFC 1309, pp 1–250 (1951-1952); NFC 1379, pp 29–42 (1951, 1953–1954); NFC 1565, pp 72–75 (1955); NFC 1669, pp 90–93 (1959); NFC 1831, pp 92–115; 120–164 (1961). NFC: National Folklore Collection, University College Dublin. 4 Set up by the Ulster Folk Museum Act passed by the Northern Ireland Parliament in 1958, the Ulster Folk Museum’s prescribed mission, specified in the Act, was that of “illustrating the way of life, past and present, and the traditions of the people of Northern Ireland” (Thompson 1984, pp [8], [9]; Thompson 2000, pp 7–17). Opened to the public in 1964, the Museum merged with the Belfast Transport Museum in 1967 to form the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum (Gailey 1984b, pp [22]–[23]). 5 While the keeping of animals in the house by the farming community is the main focus of this paper, the practice was also widespread among cottier labourers—landless agricultural labourers holding a plot of ground from a farmer, for which the rent was paid in day-labour, and on which a small dwelling was constructed—but the documentation concerning their situation is often difficult to assess (Gailey 1984a, p 145). Sources such as nineteenth-century accounts by traveller writers and tourists that not infrequently include stereotyped descriptions of cottiers’ dwellings, their conditions and inhabitants, must be treated with caution, and hence are used sparingly in this article. For a critique of nineteenth-century outsiders’ views of the people and their houses in the Claddagh, Galway, for example, see Mullane (2009). For a survey of the pre-and post-Great Famine conditions of cottier labourers in Co. Limerick see Ó Danachair (1967, 1978). 6 While an earlier (1810) account referring to Cobh, Co. Cork, and a later (1858) comment referencing Aghadoe, Co. Kerry, both by German visitors, mention the keeping of pigs and fowl in the house, no mention is made of other or larger livestock, such as sheep or cows, in this context (Bourke 2013, pp 84, 650).

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mainly on foot through south Tipperary and through remote parts of counties Waterford, Cork and Kerry, in an attempt to escape to the Continent, the finding of food and accommodation was a necessary daily task, one that proved difficult at times due to their status as fugitives from the law, and also because of the poor living and dietary conditions of many of the families they encountered en route. Doheny subsequently wrote at length about this long journey, undertaken during August/September 1848, when the potato blight had returned with full force in parts of the country (Moody and Martin 1994, pp 267–274). Born in 1805 in Brookhill, near Fethard, Co. Tipperary, and though coming “from the poorest class of the Irish farmers”, Doheny was, by mid-century, “a sober middle-aged barrister, a man of weight and fortune” whose “social anchorages were deep-cast” (Griffith 1914, pp vii–viii). In view of his background, it is not surprising, perhaps, that he commented on the living conditions, including the food of the farm families, which he experienced while on his journey. The contrast he paints between the potato-based diet of poorer farmers, and the bread, eggs, meat and tea accessible to more comfortable farming families, is striking. It should be added that although Doheny and his companion were able to pay for food, the poorer families with whom they lodged were not always in a position to provide them with a large variety of foodstuffs from their own resources, although these could be purchased locally for cash. This was also the case with regard to accommodation; comfortable lodgings were hard to come by in the remoter areas through which they were forced to travel, despite their ability to pay for such. Consequently, Doheny tended to focus on aspects of the housing conditions that he clearly found unusual, particularly the sheltering of livestock in the kitchen area at night, that they experienced on their journey. Though often superior in tone, his account provides several examples of this practice in south-west Munster, as he himself had experienced it, in the middle of the nineteenth century, some of which are now summarised.

From the Comeragh Mountains to Magillycuddy’s Reeks Near the foot of the Comeragh mountains in Co. Waterford, Doheny and his companion sought food and accommodation in the house of “a comfortable farmer”. The house in question appears to have been a three-unit dwelling with a kitchen, a parlour, and a “principal apartment” containing two beds that were put at their disposal. On arrival, they were served new barley bread and skimmed milk. There was also a barn with a hayloft where the family kept them in hiding from the authorities until dusk. Afterwards, they were brought into the dwelling and were served a meal that included tea and eggs, with some punch, in the parlour. The reference to a parlour is evidence that there was no shortage of room in the house, and that the family had a certain economic and social standing. The mention of a hayloft indicates that this comfortable farmer possessed enough livestock to warrant the provision of separate outhouses and stored fodder, such as hay (Doheny 1914, pp 213–214, 218). Thus, there is no reference to the sheltering of cattle in this comfortable farm dwelling; but Doheny and his companion were soon to encounter this situation as they journeyed westwards through Co. Cork. Leaving behind the Comeragh mountains they traversed parts of the Knockmealdown mountain range on the border between counties Waterford and Tipperary (Fig. 8-3), and then proceeded to the Mitchelstown area of east Co. Cork, where they “found a few cold half-formed new potatoes and some sour milk” in a poor farmer’s dwelling (Doheny 1914, p 219). Still in the Mitchelstown area, Doheny and his companion found accommodation “in a very poor cabin” in which fowl were also sheltered. He continued “We saw a lone hen on a cross-beam, which we proposed to purchase, and bought at last for two shillings. In less than an hour she was disposed of” (Doheny 1914, pp 219–220). As they moved further towards the southwest, he noted the severe effects of potato blight, especially in “that dreary plain that stretches out to the doomed district of Skibbereen”, a “desolate region” where “the potato crop had failed, and the disease had already destroyed all the tubers which had approached maturity” (Doheny 1914, p 231–232).7 In their search for night-time accommodation in this general region, they were to encounter not only fowl, but also an assortment of livestock in the kitchen area of some of the houses in which they found lodgings. Doheny obviously found this kind of arrangement for the overnight sheltering of farm animals most unusual as the dominant rural housetype in his native Tipperary—the lobby-entry house in which a fireside partition or jamb wall forms a lobby directly inside the entrance—would have made it difficult to bring large animals, such as cows, into the kitchen area (Ó Danachair 1979, p 91; Gailey 1984a pp 140–142).8 Regarding a single-unit house overlooking Bantry Bay in west Cork, in which he and his companion stayed for two nights as they sought to reach the Priest’s Leap (altitude: 519 m) on their journey into Co. Kerry (Doheny 1914, pp 233–234, 242, 244; Fig. 8-4), the family, consisting of three persons, and their sheep, was accommodated in this building. Doheny (1914, p 235) described the dwelling and the circumstances of the family as follows: The cabin was ten feet9 square, with no window and no chimney. The floor, except where the bed was propped in a corner, was composed of a sloping mountain rock, somewhat polished by human feet and the constant tread of sheep, which were 7

“Skibbereen” became a bye-word for famine distress in Ireland (e.g. Kinealy 1994, pp 123–124, 235), and was immortalised as such in the ballad, Dear Old Skibbereen. 8 The dwellings “where adults, children, animals, the cow, pigs and hens all lived together” encountered by a German visitor in “County Tipperary” in 1836, while en route from Dublin to Limerick (thus presumably in the north-west of the county), most likely referred not to farmers’ dwellings but rather to those of the non-farming community, the landless agricultural labourers (Bourke 2013, p 256; see also note 5 above). 9 Equivalent to 9.3 square metres.

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Chapter Eight always shut up with the inmates at night. The fire, which could be said to burn and smoke, but not to light, consisted of heath sods, dug fresh from the mountain. A splinter of bog-wood, lurid through the smoke, supplied us with light for our nightly meal. The tea was drawn in a broken pot, and drunk from wooden vessels, while the sheep chewed the cud in calm and happy indifference. They were about twelve in number, and occupied the whole space of the cabin between the bed and the fire-place.

Doheny remarked that while they lodged in that house the people themselves slept on the hearth-stone in front of the fire, in their day clothes, such as they were. He also commented on the disparity in living conditions in the area by remarking that the house in question was situated “within about one mile of an hotel of great fame, frequented by travellers who are attracted to these districts to view the magnificent bay and the singular beauty of Glengarriff”.10 To supplement the food provided by the household (eggs and potatoes), at a price, Doheny sent the man of the house to the nearby hotel to purchase a wider variety of food and beverages including “some bacon, bread, tea and whiskey” (Doheny 1914, p 234). Having moved on himself to the Kenmare area in Co. Kerry, Doheny was conveyed to a cabin on the hills that housed livestock at night, in addition to a family of six. He noted (Doheny 1914, p 256; cf. Ó Danachair 1964, p 58): In the house where I slept—as indeed in every house of the same character in the county—the whole stock of the family, consisting chiefly of cows and sheep, were locked in at night. Such was the extreme poverty of the people that they would not be otherwise safe. The weather was excessively wet, and, for the season, cold. There was a slight partition between the room where my bed was and the kitchen, where there were three cows, a man, his wife and four children. It is impossible to convey any idea of the sensations which crowd upon one in such a scene. I fell asleep at last, lulled by the heavy breathing and monotonous ruminating of the cows.

Doheny attributed the lack of outhouses for the livestock in the above account to poverty. But there were obviously different perceptions among insiders and outsiders as to what constituted a habitable dwelling and as to what comprised poverty. The value systems of local communities differed very often from those of the people who commented on the external and internal appearance, and condition of their dwellings.11 Describing the circumstances that he experienced in “a lone house at the extremity of the valley”, which was “situated in a western direction from Gougane Barra”, Doheny (1914, p 258) draws a sharp contrast between the condition of the dwelling in which livestock were sheltered at night, the dress and demeanour of the man of the house, the food supplied, which ranged from fried trout to fried badger meat, and the presence of cattle in the living area, on the night in which he lodged in the house, as follows (Doheny 1914, pp 259–260): The cabin—it was literally such—was in the most filthy state. The dung of the cattle had not been removed for days […]. The housewife […] immediately proceeded, with the help of two little girls, to remove the filth. I was so fatigued and hungry that I could willingly postpone the process of cleaning for the sake of providing any sort of food. I was doomed to disappointment. No appearance of supper interrupted the busy operation, until the dung was removed, and the floor drained. I retired, and endeavoured to ascend the eastern hill, to a point where I could catch a glimpse of the setting sun. On my return I found the owner of the house, a man of giant frame and noble features. His dress bespoke a taste or pursuit incompatible with the wild mountain destiny stamped upon the external aspect of his home and family. His wife spoke a few words in Irish, explaining my presence, to which he answered that I was welcome. Supper was at length prepared, when he drew from a basket a few of the finest trout I ever saw. He cleaned and fried them with his own hands, as if the operation were above the capacity of his wife, who performed the other culinary duties with silent assiduity. It might be owing to hunger, it might be owing to the actual superiority of the fish, or it might be owing to the mode of cooking, but it seemed to me as if I never tasted anything of equal flavour to those trout. The entertainment was ended with some boiled new milk, slightly curdled, a delicacy little known in the circle of fashion, but never surpassed in that or any other. Some fresh hay was procured and strewn on an article of furniture common in the houses of the Kerry peasantry, called a “settle”. It is a sort of a rude sofa, made of common deal timber.12 On this “settle” my host prepared my bed of new-mown hay, barricaded with old chairs and a table against the assaults of the hungry animals […]. The man who brought my baggage arrived early next morning. My host soon provided a good substantial breakfast— excellent new potatoes, which had escaped the blight, butter, new milk, and a slice of the flesh of fried badger.

Doheny, with considerable local assistance, managed to elude capture and eventually made his way to France, leaving through the port of Cork in late September 1948 (Doheny 1914, p 270). From France he journeyed to the United States

10

Probably Eccles Hotel, Glengarriff, formerly the Bantry Bay Arms, founded ca. 1745, currently called Glengarriff Eccles Hotel. Notable guests of the Eccles Hotel included William Makepeace Thackeray who visited in 1842, George Bernard Shaw and William Butler Yeats (Larner 2014, p 2). 11 Various nineteenth-century observers commented on the ability of small farmers, living in often wretched-looking conditions, to give dowries ranging from forty to one hundred and fifty pounds to their daughters on marriage (Day and McWilliams 1990, p 59, referring to Clogher parish, Co. Tyrone; Tuke 1880, p 52, referring to the Castlerea-Ballyhaunis area, Co. Mayo). 12 See ‘Settle’ in Kinmonth (1993, pp 76–95).

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where, in New York city, he penned his account of his journey, as a fugitive, from south-east Tipperary to west Cork and Kerry, and from there to Cork city and port, one year earlier (Doheny 1914, pp v–vi).13 Relevant also to the discussion of the housing of large farm animals in the living/sleeping areas within the Munster region is the graphic written account, accompanied by an illustration, by James Connery (1837, p 46, illustration on facing page; the illustration is reproduced in Fig. 8-5) of a visit he made to the house of a “cottier tenant or small farmer” near Lismore, Co. Waterford in March 1830. There he witnessed a couple with six children sleeping on “a bed of very coarse heath, on the cold ground” with a cow, and a sow and piglets in the same room (kitchen) and adjacent to the bed.

Connacht and Ulster The sheltering of livestock in the kitchen area of dwelling houses overnight was not peculiar to the south-west of the country in the nineteenth century.14 Documentary evidence exists to show that the practice was still in operation in parts of the provinces of Connacht and Ulster at that time. It was mentioned, for example, in relation to Dunmore, Co. Galway in 1806 by a German visitor (Bourke 2013, pp 78–79), and again by another German traveller in 1828 referring to the area between Tuam and Athenry (Bourke 2013, pp 124–125). In his A Statistical and Agricultural Survey of the County of Galway, Hely Dutton remarked that fowl were almost universally kept in the house at night “with the idea that the warmth and smoke of the house are beneficial to them” (Dutton 1824, p 150). He also observed that “In too many instances, the cow and pig keep their places in the house”, though not as frequently as formerly (Dutton 1824, p 343).15 While based in the Westport area of Co. Mayo in the autumn of 1835, John Barrow, the travelwriter, commented on the poverty-stricken conditions of the people and noted in relation to the “small farmer” that “if he can afford to keep a cow and a pig, he generally admits both to be partakers of the same apartment” (Barrow 1836, p 193). He also included in his book A Tour round Ireland, through the Sea-Coast Counties, in the Autumn of 1835 a stylised sketch of the “Interior [kitchen area] of one of the better kind of Irish cottages” which shows hens roosting on a perch close the hearth, a cockerel on the interior window ledge, ducks on the earthen floor, and a sow and two piglets in the doorway (Fig. 8-6). Towards the end of the century the Inspectors’ Local Reports (Baseline Reports) of the Congested Districts Board noted in relation to south Connemara, Co. Galway, in 1892 (Breathnach 2005, p 125), that: The simplest form of interior plan [of the dwelling-house] is one general living-room, with fire-place against one end wall [...]. I have seen a half-naked child of four to five years lying asleep before the turf fire, with his head on a rough block of wood, while the cow stood over him, as if watching and guarding the child. After dark the family and their friends sit round the fire, and the cow, heifer, calf, and pig, get in as near it as they can. The poultry are also under the roof, wherever they can perch […]. The pig’s lair in a one-roomed house is often “under the bed”, especially when the pig is the mother of the litter. This I have also seen.

The presence of livestock in the dwelling quarters was also mentioned by an officer of the Congested Districts Board referring to the Rosses, Union of Glenties, Co. Donegal, in 1892, though conditions there were improving. Micks (1925, p 253) states: Cattle in many instances are housed at night at one end of the day room [kitchen], and the poultry often perch overhead. The building of detached houses for cattle and fowl is increasing largely.

The keeping of animals in houses at night is also documented for parts of the north of Ireland in the early decades of the nineteenth century, as pointed out by visitors to that part of the country and also by Alan Gailey. A German visitor to the Antrim countryside, between Antrim town and Ballymoney, in 1827, remarked, probably with reference to cottier dwellings, that the peasants’ “pigs, hens and geese live with them in their cabins”, while another, referring to Dungannon, Co. Tyrone, in 1832, stated that she found herself “in a tiny room that was simultaneously kitchen, bedroom and living room”, while “a few sheep, dogs and cats added to the company” (Bourke 2013, p 184). According to Gailey, the practice of keeping livestock in the house was frequently mentioned in the evidence given to the poor enquiry in the 1830s. In cottages containing two units in the parish of Camus, near Strabane in west Tyrone, for example, the ‘room’ was said to have been used at night by the parents and a cow, while the children and a pig occupied the kitchen (Poor Enquiry [Ireland] Reports, Appendix E, Supplement, 1836, p 391; Gailey 1984a, p 145). Elsewhere, in cottiers’ dwellings in the Moneymore and Ballinscreen areas of Co. Derry, in the years between 1817 and 1827, a partition was said to have separated the part of the house used by animals, such as a horse, cow, goat and pigs, from that devoted to family use (Gailey 1984a, p 145). These arrangements echo the situation mentioned by 13 Doheny, together with James Stephens, John O’Mahony, Charles Kickham, John O’Leary and Thomas Clarke Luby, founded the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) or Fenian organisation, in New York and Dublin, in 1858 (Moody and Martin 1994, p 278). 14 Hely Dutton in his Statistical Survey of the County of Clare remarked that “Cow-houses, even with some of the better kind of farmers, are not to be found”, but no further details about the areas of the county to which his comment referred, or the manner of housing the animals in the absence of cow-houses, are given (Dutton 1808, p 144). 15 For the situation in relation to Claddagh (Galway) houses in the nineteenth century, see Mullane (2009), especially pp 183–184.

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Doheny in relation to a west Cork house in which he had lodged in 1848, and also that which prevailed in many Blasket Island houses, Co. Kerry, in the second half of the nineteenth century. The latter description is, perhaps, the best-known modern account of the practice of keeping animals in houses that were not specifically built to facilitate such an arrangement, unlike the byre-dwellings which, as we shall see, were intentionally constructed for that purpose, and which will be discussed later in this article.

An tOileán Tiar—The Western Island or the Great Blasket The account of the sheltering of animals in Great Blasket island houses at night-time, due to a shortage of outbuildings, is that provided by Tomás Ó Criomhthain, himself a native of that island, in his 1929 autobiography An tOileánach (1929).16 In dealing with the Island houses in general he says that some were larger and had a better appearance than others, while more looked very wretched indeed. He goes on to describe the house in which he himself was born and in which he grew up, as well as the size and interior division of other dwellings on the island, and the use made of the kitchen area of their houses by his own, and other, families, and their livestock (Bannister and Sowby 2012, pp 2, 300–302):17 We were living in a small, narrow house; it was roofed with rushes from the hill above us. There was often a hen’s nest to be found up in the roof with a dozen eggs in it. There was a bedstead in the corner, and two other beds at the far end of the house. Inside the house there were two cows, two pigs, hens with their eggs, a donkey ... and of course all of us [...] Some [houses] were only ten feet long and eight feet wide, and others were up to fifteen or twenty feet in length. In order to divide the house there used to be a dresser across the middle of the house, which came out from the wall on one side, with a corresponding partition joining it from the other side. There used to be two beds below18 them, with people in them. Two pigs would go under one bed and there were potatoes under the other. There’d be a large chest between the two beds up against the gable-end. On the other side of the partition, the kitchen side, was where the family—up to ten of them, perhaps—lived during the day or part of the day. There might be a coop, with hens in it, beside the partition and a broody hen nearby in an old pot. At night there’d be a cow or two, one or two calves, a donkey, as well as two dogs tied to the side of the wall or running all over the house. A house with a large family would have two post-beds over in the corner, or perhaps a bed on the floor [...] There might be two or three dogs lying at the foot of the bed. Any cows would be below them, with their heads turned to the wall. Calves usually had the run of the kitchen, with their snouts to the fire. The donkey used to be tied to the other side of the house, opposite the cows; and the cat, and perhaps a couple of kittens, would be lying by the hob. At night, all the rest of the odds and ends in the house used to be put under the post-bed, which was made of wood or iron, and was several feet above the ground. Some of the houses had no division to make a room. Instead there’d be a post-bed in one corner and a floor bed in the other corner, with a dresser against the wall or up against the gable-end. The pigs, when we had them, went under the high bed. There’d be two or three barrels of fish in every house; and along with all the animals perhaps you’d find a pet lamb or two running around the house as well [...] The better houses used to be from twelve feet in width and from twenty to twenty-five feet in length. There’d be a cupboard and a dresser across the floor in order to make a room out of part of the house, and two high post-beds. In these houses there might be pigs in the kitchen but there was never a sty for them outside.

Further examples from the twentieth century The practice of bringing a large animal, such as a cow, into the kitchen overnight during the winter period, apparently still occurred (though probably exceptionally) in the 1950s. This is indicated for Carrick-on-Shannon, Co. Leitrim, an area typified by direct-entry houses, in a report from a schoolteacher in 1955, in response to the 1951 IFC’s questionnaire on the dwelling house. Referring to a particular elderly farming couple living in that locality the questionnaire correspondent stated (NFC 1565, p 75): I saw the cow at the lower end of the cabin. There was no fitting [...] She lay or stood inside the door in the winter season of the year. The poor old man and woman had such respect for her that they even gave her a drink from a wooden pail before

16

First translated by Robin Flower (Flower 1934; O’Crohan 1934). Seán Ó Coileáin’s definitive edition of An tOileánach (2002) was translated by Bannister and Sowby (2012). 17 Bannister and Sowby’s translation is preferred as Robin Flower (presumably in deference to the islanders), omitted Tomás Ó Criomhthain’s references to the practice of keeping pigs in the dwellings (cf. Flower 1951, pp 2, 26, 27, 28). 18 “Below” signifies opposite the hearth area, and beyond the partition towards the end, or gable, wall of the house.

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she was put out next day. They believed that the cow was deserving of every comfort. Her calf with a gobán [muzzle] to keep him from eating the straw of his bed, was kept on the kitchen floor, tied to a hold [set] fast in the wall.19

That the bringing of smaller animals, such as a farrowing sow, a new-born or sick calf or lamb, or hatching fowl (hens and geese), into the dwelling-house overnight, or for a limited period of time, was formerly more widespread than official documentation indicates, and that it was still occurring in some parts of the country in the first half of the twentieth century, is evident from a number of sources, including, as we shall see, the responses to the 1951 questionnaire mentioned above. While carrying out field research in Co. Mayo in 1935 on behalf of the IFC, the Swedish ethnologist, Åke Campbell, surveyed and sketched a small, windowless, one-roomed dwelling that accommodated calves and fowl at its lower end (opposite the hearth) (Lysaght 1993, p 24, Fig. 3.3; Fig. 8-7). This practice, especially the keeping of hatching fowl in the kitchen, was still to be found in many parts of the west of Ireland at that time and it was still in operation, even in the eastern part of the country, in the 1950s. In 1951, mention was made by a questionnaire correspondent, with reference to the Kiltegan area of Co. Wicklow, that the “very common practice” of keeping hatching fowl and their offspring in the kitchen on a temporary basis, was still carried on “in several houses” in the area. He stated (NFC 1309, p 249): The hens and geese were put “to set” [hatch] in the kitchen—generally under the dresser20—and were kept there while the chickens and goslings were still young. A hay or straw bed was put under the dresser as a bed for the young birds. It had to be changed every day. Mother and chicks went out every day and came back to bed in the evening.

The practice was also known even in large farm areas of Co. Tipperary, though by 1951, the strong farmer and questionnaire correspondent, Elizabeth Plant, was referring to the bringing of a farrowing sow, and laying and hatching geese, into the kitchen, as a bygone activity (NFC 1308, p 241): Up to 40 years ago, many of the people here brought their sows into the kitchen to farrow, and their geese were brought in to lay and hatch. Some houses, including the writer’s home, had a low stillion 21 in the kitchen made with divisions underneath. Into these the geese were persuaded to go in the spring. They objected at first, but after a few days came in of their own accord. It was pleasant when sitting at the fire during the long nights to hear the goose turning her eggs [...]. Geese and sows would not dirty the place in any way and, as far as I know, there is no odour from them.

It is thus evident from the foregoing discussion that, particularly in the west and north of Ireland, the sheltering of large and small animals in the kitchen area of direct-entry rural farmhouses at night or over the winter period, was a common occurrence, especially in the nineteenth century. This measure involved no specific structural configuration of the house, or any specific internal re-configuration of space, other than, perhaps, the erection of a light partition of some kind to create separate sleeping accommodation for the parents of the family, or the provision of coops for hens, or devices on the sidewalls of the house for the tethering of small animals. But there was also, additionally, in parts of Connacht and Donegal, a specific spatial arrangement for the keeping of livestock, particularly milch cows, in the dwelling house, that involved a house-building tradition. Such houses were intentionally built for the purposes of providing common accommodation for family and livestock under the one roof, as will now become evident.

Keeping livestock in the dwelling house: a house-building tradition Buildings combining the dwelling house and cattle byre were in use in parts of the west and northwest of Ireland in the nineteenth century, and in the early decades of the twentieth century. A structure of this kind has been variously termed ‘a kitchen-byre’ (Evans 1939), a ‘combined byre-and-dwelling’ (Ó Danachair 1964, 1970), and a ‘byredwelling’ (Ó Danachair 1957, 1964; McCourt 1970; Gailey 1984a) in Irish vernacular architecture studies. In this paper the term ‘byre-dwelling’ is used when referring to such buildings. Based on documentary sources, material remains and oral tradition, it is evident that the main function of this type of building was, apart from accommodating the family, to essentially house three or four milch cows, both night and day during the hard winter months, and during the cold nights of the spring and autumn seasons, as other livestock, such as sheep and dry cattle, could be kept outdoors for most of the year because of the mildness of the climate in the country generally.22 In its simplest form, the byre-dwelling was a rectangular, one-storey, stone-built thatched structure of the direct-entry kind, comprising a single compartment. According to Ó Danachair, it was about 30 feet long and between 16 and 18 19

The “hold” was often a discarded horseshoe or a ring set in the kitchen side-wall, to which the calf was tethered, usually by means of a short rope tied to a front leg. New-born calves were often kept in the kitchen for a few days after birth so that they could be easily monitored. 20 The dresser held the household delph in its upper part while its lower section was often divided into nesting boxes for hens and geese. This part might be covered with a curtain when not in use (Kinmonth 1993, pp 105–109). 21 A stand on which water and milk pails, and cream vats, were placed (Kinmonth 1993, pp 132–134, 207). 22 Smaller animals might also be accommodated in the byre end, perhaps more so as separate outhouses began to be provided for cows as the nineteenth century wore on.

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feet wide, with two doors placed directly opposite each other slightly more than half way down the front and rear sidewalls of the house. The family space was at the hearth end of the compartment and the livestock were housed at the opposite end, with no major structural division, other than a drain and/or walkway between the family and livestock ends (Fig. 8-8). While this was the basic type, Ó Danachair also stated that the more common form had another unit (a bedroom) behind the kitchen hearth, and perhaps also a bed outshot 23 that provided further sleeping space (Ó Danachair 1964, pp 63–64; Fig. 8-9). Byre-dwellings were described by various outsiders, including members of improving and learned societies and government bodies, in the nineteenth century. The dreary and poverty-stricken aspect of many of these structures, and especially a perceived lack of cleanliness and hygiene due to the presence of animal manure in the building, are frequently mentioned in these accounts (see below). Whether such perceptions actually accorded with the reality in all cases is difficult to evaluate. It can, however, be confirmed that the descriptions of the layout of these structures, particularly those supplied by the inspectors of the Congested Districts Board in the 1890s, accord with the evidence provided by actual standing remains of byre-dwellings surveyed in the field in the twentieth century.

Byre-dwellings: the documentary record In his Statistical Survey of the County of Donegal drawn up in 1801 for the Dublin Society, James M‘Parlan, M.D., commented on the habitations of the peasantry and the custom of keeping livestock in the dwelling house in the absence of outhouses. He observed that “many, very many of the natives of the mountain region, particularly near the sea coast, are miserably lodged” (M‘Parlan 1802a, p 64). He continued (M‘Parlan 1802a, p 65): But in very many, indeed in most parts of even the mountain region, the cabins are tolerably snug, but intolerably unclean, as in general the cattle and hogs herd with the family; and in summer, when all the mountains are dry, a marsh of filth surrounds the cabin doors. Nor does this statement very much differ from that to be made of the champain region;24 for there, though snugness and cleanliness is more predominant, the brute and human beings are not infrequently warmed by the same fire and the same steams.

Remarking that in England an act of parliament prohibited the building of wooden houses because of the danger to persons and property, he continued (M‘Parlan 1802a, p 65): Persons and property, in Ireland, are consumed (though slowly) by filth. But hitherto, no act has enjoined separate habitations for the brute and the man, nor the removal and economy of dung and ordure.

Reporting on the parish of Culdaff in the Inishowen peninsula, Co. Donegal, for William Shaw Mason’s A Statistical Account, or Parochial Survey of Ireland (vol. 2), the Rev. Edward Chichester stated, in relation to the dwellings of the peasantry (Mason 1816, pp 156–157): The cottages are in general extremely deficient in point of cleanliness: as they seldom have a chimney, they are almost always full of smoke. Large heaps of filth lie across the doors; and in some instances, cows and horses are inmates with the family. For obvious reasons, this mode of living must be injurious to the health of the inhabitants.

McCourt (1970, p 8) and Gailey (1984a, p 142) interpreted this last reference as indicating the existence and use of byre-dwellings by poorer farmers in the Inishowen area of north-eastern Donegal, in the early decades of the nineteenth century. By the middle of that century, the use of such dwellings appears to have been concentrated more in the western coastal and highland districts of the county. A local insider account, provided in a memorial addressed to His Excellency the Marquis of Normanby, then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, by Patrick M‘Kye, a national (primary) schoolmaster in Falcarragh, in 1837, detailed the poverty-stricken conditions of the people of the parish of Tullaghobegley West, Barony of Kilmacrennan, in north-west Donegal, at that time. M‘Kye stated that although there were several hundred families in the parish, no more than “six cow-houses”, i.e. separate byres, were in existence (Hill 1868, p 6; Gailey 1984a, p 142). The teacher added (Hill 1868, p 8): Also man and beast housed together, i.e., the families in one end of the house, and the cattle in the other end of the kitchen. Some houses having within its walls from one cwt. to thirty cwt. of dung, others having from ten to fifteen tons weight of dung, and only cleaned out once a year!25

Lord George Hill, an improving landlord, who, in 1838 and later, had purchased ca. 24 000 acres (9700 ha) in the parish of Tullaghobegley West, Co. Donegal, described the houses of his Gweedore estate (which included Gola Island) in 1846, as follows (Hill 1846, p 14; Aalen 1970, p 38): 23

For the distribution of the bed outshot in Ireland, see McCourt 1956; Ó Danachair 1955-1956; 1957, pp 109–111; 1970, pp 102, 104–105; Gailey 1984a, pp 151–156. For an outshot bed still in use in Co. Mayo in the 1950s see O’Dowd 2015, p 159, Fig. 5.1. 24 “champain region”: an expanse of open, level countryside; the author uses the expression to differentiate between the uplands and the more fertile lowlands. 25 1 cwt (hundredweight) = 50.8 kg; 1 ton = 1016 kg = 1.016 metric ton.

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Each consists of four walls built of large rough stones (sometimes they are merely sods), put together without mortar; no chimney, a front and back door, a small aperture in the wall, to be called, in courtesy, a window [...] the cabin, half of which without any ceremony or partition is given up to the cattle.

A Parliamentary Report from 1858 also attested to the use of byre-dwellings in Gweedore (Parliamentary Report 1858, pp 4622, 4748; Aalen 1970, pp 38–39): there was hardly any house that I visited had an office-house outside, but those that had cattle had the cattle in one corner of the dwelling house; one end of the dwelling house was appropriated to the cattle. They mostly keep all their cattle in the house, except some of the better description of farmers, and it is impossible to prevent it; they have an idea that the cattle derive benefit from the heat, and are more easily fed.

Photographic evidence of a small byre-dwelling in use in the Gweedore area around the 1880s also exists. It is a low, rectangular, thatched building of rough stone, erected on sloping ground, with the byre at the lower end and the hearth and living area at the upper end (Gailey 1984a, p 143, Fig. 145; cf. Gailey 1986, pp 136–137, Plate 1) (Fig. 8-10). Gailey also found what he considered to be ‘hints’ in the Ordnance Survey memoirs of Ireland for the parish of Longfield (East) in west Tyrone, compiled in 1834 (Gailey 1984a, p 145; Day and McWilliams 1990, p 132),26 and in those for Ematris parish in Co. Monaghan, referring to 1835 (Gailey 1984a, p 145; Day and McWilliams 1998, p 118),27 of the continued use of byre-dwellings among poorer farmers in those areas. Further west, in the province of Connacht, byre-dwellings were also in use in the nineteenth century. What appear to be early-nineteenth century references to such dwellings occur in James M‘Parlan’s statistical surveys of Co. Mayo (M‘Parlan 1802b, pp 86–89), Co. Sligo (M‘Parlan 1802c, pp 70-71), and Co Leitrim (M‘Parlan 1802d, pp 43–44), respectively—all areas in which byre-dwellings were still in use in the late nineteenth century. In relation to Co. Leitrim, Gailey took the following comment by the compiler of the Ordnance Survey memoirs of Ireland in 1837 for the Manorhamilton area of the north of the county (Day and McWilliams 1998, p 53; Gailey 1984a, p 142) to refer to a byre-dwelling: The cow, horse or ass lives in the same room with the family, and dirt and filth are the common characteristics of their dwellings. In this state of things, some drag out existence for 100 or more years.

The existence and continuing use of byre-dwellings in Connacht in the 1880s is indicated by J.H. Tuke (1819–1896; Fig. 8-11), a banker and a member of a well-known English philanthropic family of the Society of Friends, and an original member of the Congested Districts Board for Ireland (1891–1923) (Micks 1925, pp 15, 171, 174–175). During the Great Famine (in the winter of 1846, together with William E. Forster, and again in the autumn of 1847), he visited parts of the west of the country on behalf of the Society of Friends, especially distressed areas in Connacht and parts of Ulster (Tuke 1848; Kinealy 1994, pp 125–126, 158, 159), as a result of which he developed a certain empathy with the plight of the small farmers and cottiers of Connacht (Tuke 1880, pp vi–vii). This led him to revisit some areas of the province in the spring of 1880, having learned of distressed conditions there in the winter of 1879. In March 1880, while in the Westport area of Co. Mayo, he made excursions to various local parts, and spent a part of one day visiting Kilgeever, “a miserable-looking place”, near Westport, “which had been specially reported upon as needing help”. He was accompanied by a “Mr. H. A. Robinson, one of the additional Inspectors of the Local Government Board”, and a recently-appointed local relieving officer with responsibility for Kilgeever (Tuke 1880, pp 53–54). The following is what he had to say about the byre-dwellings of the area (Tuke 1880, p 54): The houses are built in a very irregular “higgledy-piggledy” manner among the rocks which stand out from the surrounding bog. The heaps of manure which were piled about the doorway were sometimes almost as large as the cabins themselves, and were in process of being removed to the land. Men, women, and children were most industriously at work, but the result to the visitor was anything but agreeable, and the cottages were in a filthy state from the passing to and fro of the people and the cattle. Even the relieving officer thought it needful to caution the people that they were liable to be summoned for so glaring an infraction of sanitary laws. It is a terrible thought that these huge heaps had all been taken from the single rooms, each of which formed a common stye for men, women, children, horses, cows, pigs and poultry! No wonder that in one or two cases I thought that I was entering a very filthy cow-house rather than a human dwelling.

Despite the conditions witnessed by Tuke and others, byre-dwellings remained in common use in west Connacht as the nineteenth century drew to a close. This is evident especially from the reports of the inspectors of the Congested Districts Board set up in 1891, 28 who had been sent into the countryside in the west of Ireland to report on the conditions of the rural poor under several headings, including the state of their dwellings and outhouses. The 26

“dunghill at the doors, broken windows stuffed with straw, pigs, chickens and cows huddled together, the whole enveloped in smoke” (Day and McWilliams 1990, p 132). 27 “one extremity appropriated as a bedroom for the family, the opposite for the cattle, and the centre a kitchen and dining-room for the whole household” (Day and McWilliams 1998, p 118). 28 For a history of the Congested Districts Board, see Micks (1925); for its operation in the west of Ireland see Breathnach (2005).

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continuing existence, use, and layout of byre-dwellings were noted by these inspectors working in parts of west Connacht and west Donegal, although some progress in the provision of separate outhouses for livestock was also reported. A sample of comments, extracted by Ó Danachair from the Congested Districts Board reports relating to Connacht, follows. Ó Danachair (1964, pp 59–60), relating to Pontoon, Co. Mayo: More often the cattle share the living room of the family, their part of the floor space, however, being separated from the rest by an open drain cut and built almost entirely across the width of the room, so as to leave a bridge for the cattle, and passing out under the floor of the wall to the manure heap or pit.

Ó Danachair (1964, p 60), relating to Kiltimagh, Co. Mayo: Cattle are kept in most of the houses in all the congested districts in Mayo. Fortunately it is the universal custom with these people to use large quantities of turf mould (they call it “black mud”) for bedding their cattle and for increasing their manure heaps, and to this practice must be assigned the reason why fever epidemics are not of frequent occurrence among them.

Ó Danachair (1964, p 60), relating to Ballaghaderreen, Co. Mayo29: I am glad to observe that the number of people keeping cattle in dwelling houses, although still very great, is gradually decreasing. Of late years many of them have built out-offices in connexion with their houses.

Ó Danachair (1964, p 60), relating to Ardnaree, Co. Sligo: In one end of the kitchen the cattle are housed.

Ó Danachair (1964, p 60), relating to Tobercurry, Co. Sligo: Cattle are kept in about one third of the dwelling houses.

Ó Danachair (1964, p 59), relating to Castlerea, Co. Roscommon: In many cases cattle are kept in one end of the apartment which is used as a kitchen and living room.

Ó Danachair (1964, p 60), relating to Kiltubbrid, Co. Leitrim: Very few keep cattle in their dwellings.

That the practice was also in existence on Clare Island, Co. Mayo, is mentioned by the medical doctor and ethnographer, Charles R. Browne, at the end of the nineteenth century (Browne 1898, p 62): The end of the kitchen farthest from the fire is used as in the other islands as a sort of pen for cattle and pigs at night; it is paved, and has a small channel running out to drain away moisture. At the time of my visit there were only five or six houses on Clare Island, into which the cattle and pigs were not taken every night.

Byre-dwellings: field research In the first half of the twentieth century, field research was undertaken to locate and survey standing examples of byredwellings. It transpired that some buildings of this kind were apparently still in use to house both family and livestock in particular areas of the Atlantic seaboard region (Campbell 1937, p 224; Ó Danachair 1964, p 67, Plate 1). In addition, former byre-dwellings that had been converted for family use only, and memories of the keeping of livestock in family dwellings, were discovered during fieldwork in many areas of the west and north of the country. In this context, the work of Åke Campbell, Landsmålsarkivet, Uppsala, was significant. Campbell came to Ireland in June 1934 at the invitation of the Irish Folkore Institute (1930–1935) “For the purpose of trying out Swedish ethnological methods in Irish fieldwork” (Campbell 1935, p 57). Though he visited a number of places in Connacht and Leinster in the course of his visit, his main task was to undertake a comprehensive ethnological survey of the small farming and fishing village of Cill Rialaigh, Baile an Sceilg, Co. Kerry. This was the home village of the outstanding Irish-language storyteller, Seán Ó Conaill (1853–1931), whose repertoire Séamas Ó Duilearga had collected in the 1920s (Ó Duilearga 1964; Lysaght 1993, pp 22–31). Campbell chose to survey and sketch Ó Conaill’s house, then occupied by his son Pats Ó Conaill and family, as it was “typical of the village” (Campbell 1935, p 68) (Fig. 8-12). The Ó Conaill house was a converted byre-dwelling—a separate byre with its own

29

Consequent on the Local Government (Ireland) Act, 1896, “The Electoral Division of Ballaghaderreen and Edmondstown in Castlerea Union and County Mayo [was] transferred to County Roscommon” (Clancy 1899, Appendix IV, p 420).

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entrance had been added to the existing dwelling in the 1880s with the former byre-end then becoming a bedroom.30 Campbell noted that “The house as originally built consisted of only one room, the kitchen”, and that it had two doors opposite each other, leading to the front and back of the house, respectively. He added that originally the cattle had been sheltered “under the same roof as the family but in the lower part of the house, an iron fastening for a cow in the back wall of the kitchen now bearing silent witness to those times” (Campbell 1935, p 68). According to Campbell (1935, p 70): Fifty years ago the cattle were removed to an outhouse, and a wooden partition was erected below the doors, which cut off a sleeping-room from the rest of the house. Thus, in the development of the house two innovations went hand-in-hand: the installation of the domestic animals in newly-built houses outside, and the partitioning of the interior of the old building.

Although the cattle had been separately housed long before 1934, this was not the case with the fowl, as he added “The hens are still cooped under the kitchen raca or seat, and hatching hens also find a place there” (Campbell 1935, p 68). Campbell’s sketch of the house exterior shows that it was built on sloping ground to allow for the draining away of cattle effluent at the byre end, from the family and hearth-end of the original one-room compartment. This locating of the byre end on an incline is also evident in byre-dwellings noted elsewhere (Campbell 1937, p 223; Gailey 1984a, p 143, Fig. 145; Gailey 1986, Plate 1, p 137; Ó Danachair 1964, Plates 1, 2; Aalen 1970, p 34). The plan of the house, indicating the arrangement of kitchen furniture, shows the raca or bench seat (5) (numbers as in Fig. 8-12) mentioned by Campbell (1935, p 68) situated against the back wall of the kitchen near the hearth, the dresser (3) against the wooden partition near the back door, and the churn (unnumbered) near the partition towards the front door. At the invitation of the IFC, Campbell returned to Ireland in 1935, accompanied by Dr Albert Nilsson (Eskeröd), Folkminnesarkivet, Lund, in order to carry out more extensive ethnological surveys on behalf of the IFC, with particular reference to traditional rural dwellings. While Nilsson surveyed parts of the east, south, south-west and midland areas of the country, Campbell visited areas of cultural retention in counties Clare, Galway, Mayo, Sligo and south Donegal (Lysaght 1993, pp 22–31). Two articles based on that fieldwork, entitled Notes on the Irish House, appeared in the first (1937) and second (1938) volumes, respectively, of the newly-established and highly influential journal Folkliv (Folk-Liv), a review of Nordic and European ethnology, edited by a leading European ethnologist, Sigurd Erixon (Stockholm) (Campbell 1937, pp 207–234; Campbell 1938, pp 173–196). It is evident that Campbell encountered byre-dwellings still in use during field research in 1935. Campbell (1937, p 224) notes “In some primitive houses, where the cattle still had their places, in the low end, I have found a gutter or conduit going across the low end and leading out through the door”. He also noted that such houses were generally “erected on a slope, the difference in level between the high end and the low end of the house being one, two or three feet” and that “the places for the animals always were at the low end and the fireplace and bedplaces at the high end” (Campbell 1937, p 223). E. Estyn Evans acknowledged the importance and inspirational impact of Campbell’s work on Irish rural houses, stating in 1939 “For Ireland three papers [1935, 1937, 1938] by Åke Campbell break new ground in a virgin field and increase the heavy debt which Irish scientific studies owe to Scandinavia” (Evans 1939, p 207). While Campbell’s work had focused mainly on culturally retentive areas of Connacht and south Donegal, Evans was assiduously at work in north-west Donegal, in search of ‘survivals’, especially examples of what he regarded as the basic house-type “a gabled rectangular building having hearth, bed and byre under the same thatched roof”—what he termed a ‘kitchen-byre’. While acknowledging that the byre end of most houses of this kind in the district was no longer in use as a byre at that time (late 1930s), and that it had been “boarded off to serve as a dairy, store or bedroom”, he found two examples of unconverted kitchen-byres or byre-dwellings at Meenacreevagh in the Errigal upland area, in a part of Co. Donegal where the use of byre-dwellings had been widespread in the nineteenth century. The first was still inhabited and was well preserved. The elderly couple slept in the bed outshot (Fig. 8-13). Thus, the byre-end, although no longer used to house livestock, had not been changed or boarded off from the living area. It was separated from the kitchen space by a paved walkway, by the side of which ran an open stone drain that deepened towards, and exited through, the front wall. Stalls for four animals were still evident at the gable wall—formerly three cows and a horse had been accommodated there. Beyond the walkway towards the hearth lay the kitchen space with its mud floor, a paved area before the hearth, and a bed outshot on the front wall adjacent to the hearth area. Other items of furniture—a dresser and a table—were arranged along the walls, while a bench was placed between the dresser and the bed-outshot thus allowing easy access to both. A door to the left of the hearth formerly led to another unit, a bedroom that had been allowed to become roofless when it was no longer required as the elderly couple used the bed outshot as sleeping accommodation (Evans 1939, pp 210, 211, Figs 1, 2; p 213, Fig. 3; pp 216, 217). The second house, with its byre/kitchen arrangement, and also formerly a two-unit dwelling, was unoccupied by family members and was in use as a stable only when surveyed by Evans (Evans 1939, pp 210, 213, Fig. 4).

30

This development (ca. 1884) was probably linked to Seán Ó Conaill’s marriage in 1882 and the subsequent birth of children. Seán and his wife, Cáit Ní Chorráin, went on to have a large family of six sons and four daughters (Ó Duilearga 1964, p x).

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In Connacht, however, byre-dwellings continued in use, to some extent at least, until approximately the mid-1950s. Caoimhín Ó Danachair included a photograph of a dwelling (a two-unit house; the photograph was probably taken in 1953) from the Rathlackan area of Co. Mayo in his 1964 article on the combined byre-and-dwelling in Ireland (Ó Danachair 1964, Plate 1) (Fig. 8-14). He also suggested in that paper that generally “The last examples of byredwellings in Ireland went out of use in the decade immediately following World War II” (Ó Danachair 1964, p 67; cf. Ó Danachair 1970, p 102). Further field research in north-west Donegal by Desmond McCourt provided additional evidence of byre-dwellings in use in the 1950s, on this occasion in the context of seasonal transhumance. Two adjoining examples of such dwellings, one of which was roofless, were found in the coastal area in Magheragallan townland31 (Figs 8-15, 8-16), near the ruins of about seven others. McCourt (1970, p 9) noted that “These once formed a cluster of byre-dwellings which were used until about twenty years ago [1950s] as a temporary settlement by the people of Meenanillar, Stramackilmartin, Stranabrooey and Seskinbeg when they brought their cattle to graze on the sandy coast plain [machair] (Ir. machaire) each year from 4 June to 4 July, the change of grass being thought efficacious in combatting the disease known as cruppan’.32 McCourt’s field research and his interest in the site and location of specific farmsteads also led to the discovery of a version of the byre-dwelling in particular areas, leading to what he termed “The House with Bedroom over Byre”. He found examples of these dwellings in north-west Donegal including Gola Island (McCourt 1970, pp 3–14, Fig. 1; Aalen 1970), and in the Sperrins area of Co. Tyrone (McCourt 1970, pp 14–16) (Figs 8-17, 8-18). This kind of building has been described and contextalised as follows (Gailey 1984a, p 145): An interesting localised development of the byre-dwelling happened in parts of the north of Ireland. As population development forced construction of houses into physically difficult terrain and onto slopes, byre-dwellings were sometimes put up where it was possible to accommodate a full bedroom over the byre [...]. The floor of the byre was now at a lower level than that of the living end, and so a separate external byre entrance was essential for the cattle.

Byre-dwellings: the postal questionnaire, oral tradition and distribution patterns Meanwhile, the work of the IFC concerning traditional rural buildings was carried forward by C. Ó Danachair from the late 1940s. In this context, a postal questionnaire on aspects of the traditional rural dwelling house, which included a query on the keeping of livestock there, was, as indicated above, issued in 1951. As mentioned earlier, the response to the questionnaire was very significant, amounting to some seven hundred pages in total. Given the extent of this material, a detailed analysis of its content lies outside the scope of this paper. The results may be summarised as follows. The replies to this questionnaire, together with documentary evidence of the above-mentioned kind, field research, and oral tradition, enabled Ó Danachair (1964, pp 62, 64–67) to determine and map the two main areas of byre-dwelling use in the later nineteenth century “(a) north-west County Donegal and (b) the whole of County Mayo with adjoining portions of Counties Sligo, Roscommon and Galway”, and also to indicate the former existence of isolated examples in a few places in counties Tyrone and Armagh in the north, and in counties Kerry and Cork in the south-west of the country. In the course of their fieldwork, Campbell, Ó Danachair, Evans, McCourt, Aalen, and Gailey found extensive evidence of former byre-dwellings, which, on the provision of separate outhouses for the livestock, had been converted for family use only. In many of these dwellings, the former byre-end had been divided from the kitchen area by a light wooden cross-partition, or/and by the use of large pieces of furniture such as a dresser, to form a bedroom, as happened in the Ó Conaill house surveyed by Campbell in 1934 (Campbell 1935, pp 67, 70; Campbell 1937, pp 208, 211–212; Ó Danachair 1964, pp 67–70; Aalen 1970, pp 34–37, Figs 2, 3; Gailey 1984a, pp 145, 148–151; Aalen 1997, p 148, Fig. 7).33 Intermediary stages in this development, before the final exclusion of the livestock took place, were also noted (Ó Danachair 1964, pp 72–73; McCourt 1970, pp 9–11; Aalen 1970, pp 40–44: Gailey 1984a, pp 144–148). Oral tradition, from the questionnaire replies and other archival sources, also pointed to the existence of such houses over a much wider area of the west and north of Ireland than that in which standing examples of such 31

These adjoining byre-dwellings were subsequently reconstructed at the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum (Gailey, p 143, Fig. 146; p 144, Fig. 147 (a); p 246, Fig. 258; p 250, Fig. 265). 32 cf. Ó Dónaill (1977) ‘galar crupánach’ = ‘aphosphorosis’; i.e. a condition, arising from phosphorus deficiency, that leads animals to eat carrion, bones, etc. According to M‘Parlan (1802a, pp 44–45), cattle were moved from the coarse mountain grass in areas of sour [acidic] soils to feed on “sweet [neutral or alkaline] soils” to avoid the cruppan. He continued: “If, however, the cattle should remain a year on this very soil, which cures the cruppan, it induces another not inferior in malignity, called the galar. The galar is bloody urine […]. This disorder by a timely removal to the soil which originally produced the cruppan, is cured, and so on reciprocally.” Transhumance facilitated the seasonal and necessary movement of cattle between areas with acidic and alkaline soils and pastures with contrasting floristic composition (see Costello, this volume; McDonald, this volume). 33 The use of large pieces of furniture to divide the former byre-end of a house from the kitchen area to form a bedroom is also evident in the Loop Head house, a replica of a stone-built fishing/farming family house, with two opposite doors, from south-west Clare, constructed in Bunratty Folk Park, Co. Clare (1963). A drain exit is located at the base of the back wall of the house to the right of the kitchen door as one exits the building. South-west Clare features in distribution maps of byre-dwellings as an area in which traditions of such buildings were found in the twentieth century (Gailey 1984a, p 145, Fig. 148).

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buildings had been recorded (Gailey 1984a, p 145, Fig. 148) (Fig. 8-19). In addition, a related feature, the presence of opposite doors—considered by Gailey (1984a, p 144) to be “an essential element in the use of byre-dwellings”— might indicate an even wider distribution still for the byre-dwelling in the west and north of Ireland in former times (Ó Danachair 1970, p 102; Ó Danachair 1979, p 91; Aalen 1997, Fig. 12, p 151).

Conclusions Official interest in the habits of people in Ireland, including their living conditions and diet, is evident from a variety of statistical surveys conducted in the early decades of the nineteenth century. Among such surveys were those compiled under the direction of the Dublin Society/Royal Dublin Society between 1801 and 1832. Parochial Surveys (1814, 1816, 1819) were also conducted using clergymen of the established church as correspondents. Between 1830 and 1840, parish accounts or memoirs to accompany the new Ordnance Survey maps were produced for the northern parts of Ireland, and these also included information on the living conditions, including family and livestock accommodation, and the diet of the people. Such matters were also dealt with in the Poor Law Reports on the circumstances of the poorer classes in Ireland (1835–1836), and by the Baseline Reports of the Congested Districts Board (1892), which documented in great detail the subsistence lifestyle and the dwelling conditions of the inhabitants of the western seaboard counties in the late nineteenth century. Comments by travellers and others, from different parts of Ireland and from abroad, who visited the Atlantic counties in the nineteenth century, can, with due caution as to their source value, also provide pictures of the living and dietary conditions of the poorer farm families in that part of Ireland at that time. It is evident from these sources that the practice of accommodating livestock in the kitchen area of the house overnight was widespread throughout the north, west and south-west of Ireland in the nineteenth century, something that was corroborated for the Great Blasket Island by Tomás Ó Criomhthain in his early twentieth century autobiography. Replies to a questionnaire issued by the IFC in 1951, which enquired about the keeping of livestock in the dwelling house, indicated the late, though rather exceptional, survival of the practice in relation to large animals, in western seaboard areas. The replies also showed that the keeping of small animals such as a farrowing pig or hatching fowl in the kitchen was practised widely in Ireland and that it was still happening to some extent in the 1950s. The above-mentioned sources also pointed to a traditional house-plan specifically designed for keeping livestock, particularly milch cows, in the dwelling house. This involved a house-building tradition, in the basic version of which, family and animals were housed in one long undivided apartment, the family occupying the end near the hearth, and the cattle the other end beyond a stone walkway, and an open drain that took the animal effluent from the house. The more common type had an additional compartment, a bedroom, behind the hearth wall. Such byre-dwellings were in use in west Connacht and north-west Donegal in the late nineteenth century and isolated examples of their continuing use were reported by field workers until the mid-twentieth century. Field research in the middle decades of the twentieth century also found extant examples of unconverted byre-dwellings, with the family end occasionally still inhabited, after the removal of the livestock from the byre end to external accommodation. More commonly, such buildings had been converted to family accommodation only by the filling-in of the drain and by the erection of a cross-partition to form an additional sleeping space in the former byre area.34 This had occurred in many places across the northern part of Ireland and along the Atlantic seaboard area, thus indicating the former presence of the byredwelling there, something that was corroborated by oral tradition. Perhaps also the occurrence of houses with opposing doors, typical of byre-dwellings, might be taken as evidence of their previous existence in this region. A feature of many of the official, visitor, and even insider nineteenth century accounts about the keeping of livestock in the dwelling was the emphasis placed on the inadequate sleeping space, and also on what were perceived as undesirable sleeping practices, that might, perhaps, arise as a result.35 The often unsanitary condition of houses in which animal manure had accumulated was also remarked on. Nevertheless, it was also the case that innovation impulses arising from the activities of improving societies, government departments and local authorities, and people’s own recognition of the unsuitability of such living and sleeping conditions, eventually led to the removal of cattle from houses of this kind and their conversion into family dwellings only, or their replacement by new houses, from the 34

Surveyed examples of the bedroom over byre version of the byre dwelling found in north-west Donegal and the Sperrins area of Co. Tyrone showed that the byre area under the bedroom remained linked to livestock use and, in some cases, continued to house cattle even after the family part of the house (kitchen and bedroom over byre) was no longer occupied. 35 Schoolmaster M‘Kye in his description of the poverty of the parish of Tullagobegley in northwest Donegal, in 1837, stated that not many of the parishioners could “afford a second bed”, leading to “whole families of sons and daughters of mature age indiscriminately lying together with their parents, and all in the bare buff” (Hill 1868, p 7). The use of a communal bed by all family members, sleeping in a particular order according to their sex and age, was also mentioned by seventeenth-century traveller writers (O’Dowd 2015, pp160–161). The use of a “thorough bed”—a bed made up of cut heath, bent or rushes strewn on the floor, on which the whole family slept, again in a particular order according to sex and age of the family members—with reference to Co. Donegal in the eighteenth to the twentieth century is mentioned by a number of commentators (Walker 1788, pp 145–146; Morris 1939, p 294; O’Neill 1977, p 21; O’Dowd, pp 162–163, 186, 187). For reference to the use of a “thorough bed” in Co. Mayo in the 1840s and later, see O’Dowd 2015, pp 186–187. For its use more generally see Kinmonth (1993, pp 150–152).

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late nineteenth century, and in the early decades of the twentieth century. In this way, the economic and socio-cultural practice of providing space for cattle under the family roof, which seems to have been formerly a widespread custom in north-western Europe, gradually came to an end in the Irish context also.

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—. (1819) A statistical account, or parochial survey of Ireland, drawn up from the communications of the clergy, volume 3. Faulkner-Press, Dublin McCourt D (1956) The outshot house-type and its distribution in County Londonderry. Ulster Folklife 2:27–34 —. (1970) The house with bedroom over byre: a long-house derivative? In: McCourt D, Gailey A (eds), Studies in folklife. Presented to Emyr Estyn Evans. Ulster Folk Museum, Cultra (Co. Down), pp 3–19 M‘Parlan J (1802a) Statistical survey of the county of Donegal, with observations on the means of improvement; drawn up in the year 1801, for the consideration, and under the direction of the Dublin Society. Graisberry and Campbell, Dublin —. (1802b) Statistical survey of the county of Mayo, with observations on the means of improvement; drawn up in the year 1801, for the consideration, and under the direction of the Dublin Society. Graisberry and Campbell, Dublin —. 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Essays in commemoration of Monsignor Michael Moloney. The Thomond Archaeological Society, Limerick, pp 489–498 —. (1970) Irish vernacular architecture in relation to the Irish Sea. In: Moore D (ed) The Irish sea province in archaeology and history. Cambrian Archaeological Association, Cardiff, pp 98–107 —. (1978) Farmer and labourer in pre-Famine County Limerick. Limerick Association Yearbook, pp 34–39 —. (1979) Folk tradition. In: Atlas of Ireland. Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, pp 90–91, 99 O’Dowd A (2015) Straw, hay and rushes in Irish folk tradition. Irish Academic Press, Dublin Ó Duilearga S (eag) (1964) Leabhar Sheáin Í Chonaill. An Chumann le Béaloideas Éireann, Báile Átha Cliath. [First published 1948] Ó Dónaill N (eag) (1977) Foclóir Gaeilge-Béarla. Oifig an tSoláthair, Baile Átha Cliath O’Neill TP (1977) Life and tradition in rural Ireland. Dent, London Owen TM (ed) (2000) From Corrib to Cultra. Folklife essays in honour of Alan Gailey. Institute of Irish Studies in association with the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum, Belfast and Cultra Poor Enquiry (Ireland) Reports (1830s) Appendix E, supplement (1836) HMSO, London Parliamentary Report (1858) Report from the Select Committee on destitution (Gweedore and Cloughaneely) (1858) Parliamentary Papers (1857–1858). House of Commons, London Thompson GB (1984) From a dream to a reality—the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum. In: Lysaght P, O’Dowd A, O’Flynn B (eds) A folk museum for Ireland. Proceedings of a one day conference held in the Conversation Room of the R.D.S, Dublin, on June 9th, 1984. [Department of Irish Folklore], Dublin, pp [1–11] —. (2000) The road to Ballycultra. In: Owen TM (ed) From Corrib to Cultra. Folklife essays in honour of Alan Gailey. Institute of Irish Studies in association with the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum, Belfast and Cultra, pp 7–17 Tuke JH (1848) A visit to Connaught in the autumn of 1847. A letter addressed to the Central Relief Committee of the Society of Friends, Dublin. With notes of a subsequent visit to Erris. Gilpin, London and Linney, York —. (1880) A visit to Donegal and Connaught in the spring of 1880. Ridgeway, London and Hodges Figgis, Dublin Walker JC (1788) An historical essay on the dress of the ancient and modern Irish. Grierson, Dublin

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Figure legends Fig. 8-1 Michael Doheny (1805–1862). From Doheny (1914, frontispiece) Fig. 8-2 Ballingarry, Slievenamon in the distance. From Doheny (1914, facing p 161; reproduced from the Illustrated London News, 1848) Fig. 8-3 The Knockmeldown mountains from Ardfinnan [Co. Tipperary]. From Doheny (1914, facing p 224) Fig. 8-4 Monument at the site of the ‘Priest’s Leap’ in the mountains above Glengarriff on the Cork/Kerry border, from which there is a view of Bantry Bay (photo: Mary Ann D’Cruz; 2/04/2015) Fig. 8-5 A cow and a sow and piglets sharing the living quarters (kitchen) of a family consisting of a father, mother and six children sleeping in a “thorough bed” (from Connery 1837, illustration facing p 46) Fig. 8-6 “Interior of one of the better kind of Irish cottages”. A family of what appears to be three generations consisting of a grandmother, a couple with four children—one in a playpen that consists of a chair on its side, one carried high on the father’s shoulders, and a baby in a wicker cradle minded by an older sister. Farmyard animals include three hens on a high perch to the right of the chimney piece, a cockerel on the interior window ledge, ducks on the earthen floor, a sow and two piglets in the doorway. Other features of note include the spinning wheel, the halfdoor and opposite a substantial dresser with plates and other kitchen utensils. A spade (loy) rests against the dresser. A large black pot is suspended over a peat (turf) fire on an open stone hearth. The drawing is by the renowned Cork-born artist, Daniel Maclise (1806–1870). The illustration is from Barrow (1836, facing p 195) Fig. 8-7 Plan of a small, windowless, one-roomed dwelling (with two smokeholes but with no external chimney structures), at Fallmore, Mullet peninsula, Co. Mayo. It was still in use when surveyed by Åke Campbell in 1935. Calves and fowl were accommodated at the lower end. The beds at each side of the hearth were protected at the ends by wooden screens (after Å. Campbell; courtesy of NFC) Fig. 8-8 Plan of a one-unit byre-dwelling, Binghamstown, Co. Mayo, showing the fire (F) at the gable-end, the kitchen with a small window on the front side-wall, two opposite doors, a drain (without an exit to the farmyard), and a byre with space for three cows (after C. Ó Danachair; courtesy of NFC) Fig. 8-9 Plan of a two-unit byre-dwelling (with bed-outshot), Doolough, Co. Mayo. B, bedroom; F, fireplace; K, kitchen; N, sleeping nook/bed-outshot; X and Y, drain with exit to the farmyard; S, cow stall with space for four cows (after C. Ó Danachair; courtesy of NFC) Fig. 8-10 Small byre-dwelling with a bed-outshot at Gweedore, Co. Donegal, ca. 1880s. The byre is at the low end, to the right of the door; see also Gailey (1984a, Fig. 145, p 143). Other features (several are clearly distinguishable; others not so clear and therefore less certain; the latter are marked with an asterisk) include: a man with wicker basket that may be filled with dung* and a woman bent and gathering or sowing potatoes, or possibly placing dung prior to sowing potatoes. There are two ridges (probably potato ridges; the longer is clearly visible; the shorter* runs from the edge of the photo for a short distance towards the woman; both ridges are partially dug-out) in the lower right-hand side of the photograph. Two children are in a shallow pit that may be used to store potatoes. The ground in front of the woman is largely covered with withering potato stalks*. Remains of a boundary stone-wall run diagonally across the photograph. The main structure (byre-dwelling) has a rather well-maintained thatched roof. The thatch possibilities include marram (muiríneach; Ammophila arenaria), rushes (luachair; Juncus spp. or Schoenus nigricans) or coarse mountain grass (fionnán). The thatch is secured by closely-placed vertical ropes probably made by twisting material similar to that used for thatch. Wooden laths placed on the thatch at the eaves, over which the ropes passed before being tied to pegs on the wall head, prevented the ropes from cutting into the thatch causing it to deteriorate. To the left of the house is a collapsed structure. The front wall consists of turves (scraws). There is an opening facing the house that is probably the result of roof collapse. A substantial tree trunk—it was presumably part of the roof—can be discerned. Another structure, with well-maintained thatch (no chimney is visible; it may be hidden by the byre-dwelling), is partially obscured by the byre-dwelling (image L 440-1; © National Museums Northern Ireland; collection Ulster Folk and Transport Museum (UFTM)) Fig. 8-11 James Hack Tuke (1819–1896) (from Micks 1925) Fig. 8-12 Elevations and plan of Pats Ó Conaill’s house, a converted byre-dwelling, Cill Rialaigh, Co. Kerry (after Å. Campbell 1934; courtesy of NFC) Fig. 8-13 Plan of a byre-dwelling at Meenacreevagh, Co. Donegal (after Evans 1939, p 213; reproduced with permission from Antiquity) Fig. 8-14 Byre-dwelling in the Rathlackan area, Co. Mayo (photo: C. Ó Danachair, ca. 1953; courtesy of NFC) Fig. 8-15 Plan of adjoining byre-dwellings, Magheragallan townland, Co. Donegal (after McCourt 1970, p 10; reproduced with permission from Ulster Folklife)

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Fig. 8-16 The byre-dwelling from Magheragallan townland, Co. Donegal, reconstructed at the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum (UFTM) (photos: M. O’Connell; 5/06/2015; reproduced with permission from the UFTM). a View of the byre-dwelling from the outside. The byre is to the right of the door; b Inside view, byre end of the byre-dwelling. A drain, between the front and back doors, separates the byre end with stalls for three cows from the family accommodation which is partly visible in the foreground; and c Inside view, family accommodation end of the byre-dwelling. Apart from the opposite doors, the single window (not visible) is the only source of natural light Fig. 8-17 Elevation and plan of a farmhouse with a bedroom over the byre, built on a steep incline, from Cruckaclady townland, Co. Tyrone. The byre entrance is at the rear of the dwelling under the bedroom. The cattle (normally four cows and three calves) were tethered along each sidewall. The central longitudinal drain outlet is under the muckingout hole in the byre gable. The effluent drained into a manure pit immediately outside the gable (McCourt 1970, p 15; reproduced with permission from Ulster Folklife; Gailey 1984a, p 146, Fig 150, p 147) Fig. 8-18 Front view of the farmhouse with a bedroom over the byre situated at the lower end, from Cruckaclady townland, Co. Tyrone, as reconstructed at the UFTM (photo: M. O’Connell; 5/06/2015) Fig. 8-19 Map showing the distribution of evidence for byre-dwellings in Ireland in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Areas with standing remains of byre-dwellings and traditions only of byre-dwellings are shown by double and single hatching, respectively. Dashed lines indicate the boundary of the four provinces of Ireland. After C. Ó Danachair; reproduced from Gailey (1984a, p 145, Fig 148) with permission

CHAPTER NINE GENDER AND THE BUSINESS OF CATTLE HUSBANDRY IN POST-FAMINE IRELAND, OR, “WHO MINDED THE CATTLE?” JEAN M. WALKER

Abstract Cowman, dairy maid, drover, these are among the many terms that have been used over the years to classify those who have worked with cattle. Some of them are no longer accurate, and many of them are gender specific. This contribution examines post-Great Famine changes as regards management of beef and dairy cattle in Ireland in gender-term contexts. As farming grew and the farmer became more important as a part of this agricultural industry, the term farmer came to be almost synonymous with masculinity. Census Reports from the 1850s to the 1950s bear this out. As with most theories, the practice was often different, and, in reality, men and women did not always conform to gendered stereotypes. Where large beef herds were involved, droving and outdoor herd management, from calving to market or abattoir, were largely the province of men and boys; on the other hand, in family farms where there were only a handful of cattle to be minded, women and girls were often more closely involved in the everyday running of the enterprise. However, it was not always men who owned the cattle, and it was not they who always conducted the business management of the herd. This contribution asks key questions about the equilibrium between the sexes when women were bosses in a male-dominated business. Different aspects of animal husbandry were regarded as appropriate for men or women, and while women may have had charge of the dairy-cow in order to produce butter or cheese for the household and to maintain or supplement the household economy, as the dairy became larger and more mechanized women became less involved. Even the process of calving a cow, that most female of activities, was seen as no job for a woman. In the twentieth century, the political ideology of the nascent state placed the farm female firmly within the farmhouse, and her menfolk in the farmyard. The custom and practice that were fostered by the state to support this division is demonstrated using contemporary texts, while evidence of how the norm was maintained or subverted is shown through the experiences of vets in large animal practices, mart managers, and male and female farmers. As with many aspects of male and female roles in society, the reality of practice was often different from the theory. Keywords Cattle • Gender • Farming • Masculinity identities • Cattle fairs • Cattle marts • Ireland

Introduction In 1855 there were 3 556 616 cattle in Ireland, by 1900 there were 4 608 550 (ASI 1900), and by 2005 there were 6 390 200 (ASI 1855, 1900; http://www.cso.ie/en/statistics/agricultureandfishing/; also http://www.dippam.ac.uk/; ASI = Agricultural Statistics of Ireland). For much of the earlier part of this 150-year interval, many people in rural areas were limited to rearing a cow and raising a calf each year. A cow could keep a household in milk, cream, butter and cheese, the sale of the calf gave an annual financial injection, while nationally, live-cattle exports were, and remain, a crucial component of the Irish economy. The purpose of this contribution is to observe some of the gendered influences in regard to who looked after the cattle in post-Great Famine Ireland (after ca. 1847) with particular reference to the period before 1973 when Ireland joined the European Economic Community (EEC; now the European Union (EU)). Class and economic standing determined the distribution of livestock and its quality in post-Great Famine Ireland. In the second half of the nineteenth century there were approximately one and a half million milking cows in Ireland (ASI (1899) records 1 443 855). Strong farmers, often tenant farmers, had larger dairy or suckler herds, and large landowners, in some instances, had herds numbering more than a thousand head of cattle on various farms across their estates. In addition, oxen made an important contribution to tillage by providing traction power and thus saving the considerable expense of maintaining horses for ploughing and hauling heavy loads. The labourers on these large enterprises were often the very tenants who kept a single or more cows for their own use. As with any situation where paid labour is involved, especially where the employer is also the landlord of his labourer, the landlord’s business came first. Within this male-dominated, patriarchal tradition, the male hegemony, as defined by Connell (2005) took precedence over males who were outside the hegemonic structure, even when the subaltern males embedded these societal structures within their own domestic culture. These structures were pragmatically deviated from when necessary; whoever was available at home must look after the labourer’s livestock, be that man, woman or child. Thus societal and cultural norms have had a huge impact on how cattle in Ireland were minded.

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The importance of Irish agriculture to the British economy is evident in the attention that was paid by the British government to Irish agriculture in the nineteenth century, and the voluminous state papers on the topic in that period. Some of these papers have been drawn on for this chapter. Newspaper reports have also proved a valuable source of material. Valuable personal testimony has been forthcoming from various individuals in the Meath area who have vivid memories of rural Ireland—often pertinent to Ireland generally—from the 1930s onwards. They include a prominent former cattle dealer and meat-factory owner, a Co. Meath beef farmer and businessman with a rich family heritage in the Irish cattle industry, a well-known auctioneer, and men and women farmers from a variety of social backgrounds. Oral interviews conducted with these people have informed my assessment of gender roles as they relate to the minding of cattle in Ireland in the post-Great Famine period. In terms of academic literature, I adopt an interdisciplinary approach, specifically considering sociological, as well as historical, analysis. Joanna Bourke and Caitríona Clear have been to the forefront in bringing the Irish farm woman into the realm of social history and gender studies, having looked at the role of women and agricultural labour in Irish contexts (Bourke 1993; Clear 2007). Sally Shortall, as a sociologist, has expanded on these themes, bringing women and rurality within the ambit of international studies of gender (e.g. Shortall 1999). The expression of rural Irish masculinity in an historical context is an emerging area for study, and I have drawn on a number of international, as well as Irish, texts. Among studies of the history of farming in Ireland, Jonathan Bell and Mervyn Watson’s study A History of Irish Farming 1750–1950, and their more discursive portrait of the social context and nature of the Irish farm family in the early to mid-twentieth century in Irish Farming Life have proved invaluable (Bell and Watson 2009, 2014, also this volume).

Gender and the business of cattle husbandry in post-Famine Ireland While men consistently, and greatly, out-numbered women at all levels in farming, each has been involved in cattle management as professionals. Often the difference was in the recognition and importance attached to their contribution. It is occasionally possible to locate the intersection between the genders in the business of cattle management and a glimpse of this is afforded us in a number of reports appended to the annual ASI relating mainly to the second half of the nineteenth century. On foot of a number of reports (Report from Her Majesty’s Commissioners on Agriculture 1882; Private Ensilage Commissioners Report 1884-5), the feeding of cut grass, ensilaged, was promoted in Ireland. For a number of years thereafter, data were collected on silage. Respondents gave details of the silo used, how it was manufactured and sited, the type of pasture cut, how it was stored, what heat it achieved, what class of cattle it was fed to, and the opinion of landlord and farmer as to its usefulness. This survey is of value in that the respondents were generally landlords, owners and managers of large beef or dairy herds being reared for the commercial trade. Many of them had control of large estates, were members of agricultural societies promoting farming on progressive and ‘scientific’ principles, and closely managed and monitored their cattle on a constant basis. While it was not obligatory, the majority of respondents gave their name, place of residence, and made general comments about the process of silage-making as they practised it. This locates them mainly within the echelons of Anglo-Irish and upper middle-class society in Ireland, where the extra-political voice of estate owners and strong farmers talking about the management of their cattle rarely emerges. Colonel Robert Caulfield of Colamber, Edgeworthstown, Co. Longford was an estate owner who took a personal interest in his stock that he was fattening to beef. Discussing the silage made, he commented (ASI 1889, p 78–79): Our cattle did not care to eat it at first, but having the outside taken off, they eat it greedily. NB the foregoing experiment [i.e. compressing the cut grass on a raised platform] carried out on a small scale was carried out under my instructions by a constant dead weight pressure with heavy stones over boards, producing a state of very high density; colour of ensilage; olive-green, with a nice aroma. The thermometer—a common one, only registered 130 degrees [degrees Fahrenheit; 54°C].

C.S. Nash, steward for Captain Lyster-Smythe of Barbaville, a large estate in Co. Westmeath, stated that it took thirty men nineteen days to weigh down his silage that he fed to “young cattle out on the land” (ASI 1889, p 89). Many respondents make similar comments, or refer to comments made by their labourers, cattleman or herdsman to evidence some of their statements. For example, Henry McCance, as regards heat of the silage, wrote “No records kept, my man thinks it never got over 160 degrees [degrees Fahrenheit; 71°C]” (ASI 1892, p 113). William Fetherstonhaugh II, Crossmolina, Co. Mayo considered ensilage to be very accessible winter fodder for even the peasant farmer, saying “hay can only be made on fine days, but ensilage can be made on any days which are not too wet for men to stand out” (ASI 1889, p 123). Throughout the country, within this social class, there were female farmers. As women who were single or widowed and in control of their own fortune, they might have wished to run their own operations although it has been noted that they predominated where tillage was involved (Clear 2007, p 17). Bearing in mind that not all the respondents who simply gave initials without a title may be male, and that some respondents failed to give any clue to their identity, the number of women in these silage surveys is, nevertheless, small. Women of high social standing generally enlisted a broker for their financial affairs and a manager or agent for the day-to-day management of their business, while others took a less distant interest. Agent “Mr William Grey for Lady L. Tighe, Woodstock, Inistioge,” in Co. Kilkenny, filled in the silage form appended to the 1889 agricultural census detailing his management of silage making on the estate. Grey says “silo built in 1884. Last season being favourable for haymaking we made no ensilage, as we prefer to use

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hay for feeding if it can be saved without rain” (ASI 1889, p 74). While this, at first glance, gives the impression that these decisions were made in consultation with the landowner, it is impossible to say if that is really the case or only tactfully presented as being so. In the same year Mrs M. Magan of Killashee, Co. Longford (Fig. 9-1) appears to have completed the survey herself and we get a glimpse of her personal cattle-management style on her considerable estate (ASI 1889, p 79): I like ensilage very well and am determined to make some every year. It is admirable for all descriptions of outlying stock, cows, &c. It keeps them in condition and gives a splendid coat. It improves the flow of milk in cows and puts them in a good way for summer grass.

Women would rarely if ever have been involved in directly organising this type of physical labour. In 1892 the agents for five women cattle-herd owners sent in returns, one only sent in her own return, this was Mrs Matilda Saunders Knox-Gore in Ballina, Co. Mayo. She kept milking cows fed on silage, but proffered no opinion as to how satisfactory it was (ASI 1892, p 124). By 1900, very few people were filling out the silage questionnaire. As 1899 was a very good year for hay, many farmers made hay in preference to silage for cattle fodder in winter and had nothing to record, and many respondents merely referred to previous responses. There were only two woman respondents in 1900, both of whose replies were given by their agents. The ultimate reason for fattening cattle was rarely referred to, but in 1899 a Co. Leitrim-based landowner, G.R. Johnston, JP who fed cattle of all ages, was feeding silage to his own cattle but not to those he sold in springtime as silage-fed cattle were considered ‘tender’ by his buyers as indicated by the statement “I do not think the objection holds, but the buyers must be suited” (ASI 1899, p 87). On these farms the hard physical labour was done by agricultural labourers and cattle herdsmen, many of them housed on the estates. Their low monetary wage was usually supplemented by a plot of land on which to grow potatoes, or rear a cow that might be allowed graze with the landlord’s herd and run with his bull, giving the labourer a calf to bring to market every year. At the busy times of the year the permanent help would have been supplemented by casual agricultural labourers, for example, when, as we have seen above, silage was being cut for winter fodder and hay was being made, or when manure was being spread on the land. Tenant farmers, and by 1899 there were 265 205 farmers with holdings of between 15–100 acres (6–40 ha), could manage their cattle and dairy herds with not more than one or two farm-hands and casual labour when it was necessary (ASI 1899, p 10). Overall, by the late nineteenth century, as farmers moved, in the words of d’Alton (2013, p 180), “from corn to horn” and cattle were on pasture for much of the year, the number of permanent cattle herdsmen needed on farms, even where cattle numbers were high, was small. In a response to a parliamentary question in the British parliament in 1910 concerning the number of people labouring in rural Ireland, the then Chief Secretary highlighted the difficulty of accurate enumeration as many male farm-family members may actually be agricultural labourers. The cohort was estimated to be 214 261 males, but it was considered that many who were classed as casual labourers should possibly have been classed as agricultural labourers (NAI 1910).

Farm work When older farming women of today are asked about the work of women with cattle and the amount and quality of work they did, the reply is often “women did everything ... you know … as much as we could do” (Mrs K.H. 2014). But there were limits. Quite apart from her acknowledged first responsibilities to her children and catering for husband and men by having food ready at appointed times, it would have been considered a slight to a man to see a woman engaged in very heavy, dirty or dangerous work, including separating young bulls from older stock, dehorning cattle and castrating bulls. Such tasks were classed, not only as hard work but as ‘dirty jobs’. As the number of cattle in herds increased in the early twentieth century and became ever more labour intensive, herd management could become fraught with danger. As cattle became less used to being handled every day, they reacted unpredictably when corralled, often to the accompaniment of much shouting. Even a normally docile cow could become dangerous when calving, or object to being chained in the byre, as was the general practice. The Longhorn was the favourite breed in Ireland in the early part of the period under consideration (see Bell and Watson, this volume). Their dangerously sharp horns could inflict serious injury if a beast charged with intent to do damage which was not infrequent in the case of large herds. To prevent cattle doing damage to each other, especially if intended for the live shipping market, they might be dehorned. Finlay Kerr, a Department of Agriculture vet, described the operations used in the Weekly Irish Times (26 July 1919): Of brutal character and caused the animals excruciating pain during which they roared and struggled. There was frequently considerable haemorrhage afterwards which caused continued pain for some time.

Bull castration was done when young bulls were destined for the beef market. When a number of beasts were together the noise and confusion level was inevitably considerable and opportunity for the herdsmen to be hurt by horns or hooves was high.

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All these factors led to a work environment that was noisy, loud, dirty, and often physically dangerous. Such adverse conditions, while not necessarily enjoyed by most men, were seen as conditions that, however distasteful, men could withstand more than women, and many men felt that they tolerated these conditions in order to prevent their women from having to do this work. It was also the case that successive labour laws during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, drew attention to, and in some cases limited, the hours and nature of work that were considered appropriate for women.1 For young men, it often gave a chance to display the qualities which they considered important for their achievement of young manhood, including bravery, physical prowess, and, what might in many parts of rural Ireland be termed ‘hardiness’. A hardy boy or a hardy man was seen as one who could withstand such work easily; indeed, attack it with gusto, taking pride in accomplishing the most physically challenging jobs, and pitting themselves against large animals in displays of hyper masculinity described across cultures and ascribed to very young men when undercurrents of violence and tension predominated. Young unmarried agricultural labourers were often seen locally as a volatile force, the history of Irish land agitation and nationalist struggle confirming this perception (Lane 2005). As early as 1870 the Poor Law inspectors noted that discontent among male agricultural workers in Co. Meath in 1870 had been rationalised by a local medical officer as being due to the fact that as the county was primarily devoted to pasture, their work was “not steady and continuous” (Poor Law Inspectors Reports 1870, p 13). This discontented cohort was a strong force for local disruption during the land agitation period. Herding animals on to the road or moving them into fields of crops to cause maximum disruption required men with animal knowledge to conduct operations quickly and quietly in the dark of night. In the early twentieth century, when the agricultural and rural casual labourer became identified with advanced nationalism, they often remained a disruptive force.2

Education The early development of a national-school system for the poor in Ireland assisted in the development of a large force of agricultural workers. From its inception in 1831 the National School curriculum inculcated its pupils with genderappropriate skills for their station in life, with the result that boys and girls were given non-interchangeable education. Boys, almost exclusively, were taught the fundamentals of agriculture and practical skills, while girls were educated in the rudiments of household management and domestic craft with the intention of suiting the children for the types of work that would be required of them as productive members of society. This ideology cemented socially orchestrated divisions in gendered education for generations to come. As the National School system endured across the decades and generations, the sons, daughters, and grandchildren of the first pupils were inculcated in the same way with a similar, if not identical, curriculum and philosophy of role division. This both reflected, and was reflected by, the pattern that developed across Irish society. In a patri-lineal, non-partibel inheritance system, such as became common in post-Famine Ireland, the eldest male inherited the land. This often mitigated scholastically against the eldest son in a family so that he often received less formal education than his younger brothers and sisters who would need to earn their wage, and most likely in the agricultural sector. The Commissioners of National Education (1897) state “The classes were based on texts, theory and rote learning rather than practical activities” and, of the 85 773 pupils examined in 1896, 56 478 (65.9%) passed the test. It is stated in that report (p 35): Instruction in the theory [sic] of agriculture, for which ordinary results fees are payable, is compulsory in all rural schools for boys in 4th, 5th, and 6th, classes. It is optional in the case of girls in schools where the teacher is qualified to give instruction.

The ‘fee for results’ scheme was intended to encourage schools to enter wholeheartedly into their subject. A consequence of these educational policies was that most boys would leave school with at least a smattering of agricultural theory, and although the sentiment might appear to be progressive and open to the inclusion of women in learning agriculture as a subject, circumstances may have mitigated against this in practice, particularly if/when the classes in question were timetabled against subjects that were compulsory for girls. The district inspector of the Bailieborough area, Co. Cavan expressed his dissatisfaction with the purely theoretical teaching of farming, noting that teachers used a “catechism of agriculture” that the children learned by rote. He observed that theories of livestock 1

This legislation began with the passing of the Factory and Workshop Act (1878) and successive amendments (see Greer and Nicolson 2002). 2 A number of incidents are recalled in witness statements given to the Bureau of Military History Accounts/Documents/Images /Audio 1913-1921 searchable online at: www.bureauofmilitaryhistory.ie.

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and dairy management were “fairly taught” but failed to take local methods into consideration so that as soon as the children leave school “they conduct their operations as their forefathers have done for generations” (Commissions of National Education 1897, p 158). Between the 1850s and the end of the century there were up to 47 National Schools that had farms of varying sizes attached. The pupils—all boys—who took examinations were examined on practical as well as theoretical aspects of agriculture. Boys who worked on the farm as agricultural labourers were paid for their labour. In 1892, 666 pupils took the practical paper and 605 (90.8%) passed (ASI 1892, p 35). Of the 868 who sat the practical examination in 1896, 771 (88.8%) received a pass grade (Commissioners of National Education 1897, p 35).

Further education From a public-health viewpoint, as early as 1866, the importance of going beyond the National School system to create a cohort of farmers well educated in scientific herd management became apparent with the emergence of cattle plague across Europe (Anon 1856) and although precautions were taken in the form of disinfection of men and beasts as they left and re-entered the country at the ports, some of these diseases inevitably reached Ireland. International scientific developments in the area of infectious diseases were leading to great advances in the understanding of contagion and infection vectors at this time. These were applied in Dublin by the Dublin Corporation Public Health Department under the auspices of its first officer Sir Charles Cameron and through successive Contagious Diseases (Animal) Acts, and Public Health and Sanitary Acts. These were designed to restrict the movement of live animals, number and quality of slaughterhouses, and disposal of carcasses and offal, and were implemented at incremental stages throughout the nineteenth century when outbreaks of cholera and typhoid occurred among the human population, and during foot and mouth epidemics which occurred sporadically in Britain and Ireland (see Bell and Watson, this volume). It had become clear that the education of food producers was assuming considerable importance. The most prestigious of the agricultural schools for advanced agricultural studies was the Albert Farm in Glasnevin, Dublin, which began as a model farm. By the 1890s, agricultural students at Glasnevin were being taught scientific aspects of livestock health by Sir Charles Cameron and Professor Edmund McWeeney. The practical aspects of cattle management were taught through a system of involving the agricultural students—by definition, all men—in the everyday care of the herd from feeding to dairy management, and students were taken, on a weekly basis, to the Dublin cattle market to learn the business of commercial farming and how to judge cattle and price. These were courses designed to prepare men to farm substantial holdings in a commercial trade, reflecting the sense of purpose and urgency that had been stoked up by Horace Plunkett’s endeavours within the Recess Committee 1895–1896 concerning the state of Irish Agricultural and technical education among those who were the future practical farmers (King 1998/1999, p 21–46). The Albert Farm also ran courses educating National School teachers in agricultural techniques so that they could teach the required curriculum. The examinations for male teachers and monitors included agricultural chemistry and agriculture modules. The proposed examination for first-year second-division male candidates and future teachers of agriculture in National Schools included questions relating to the care of cattle. The Munster Institute3 (Fig. 9-2) specialised in dairy management courses, accepting a considerable number of women for training as dairy maids and dairy ‘instructresses’. They attended shorter courses and were taught basic feeding and nutrition of milch cows as part of their course work. It also gave courses to men in creamery management. After 1896 a plan was mooted to enlarge the Institute with extensive farming acreage, and make it a centre of agricultural studies for the whole of the province of Munster. It was anticipated that a council levy of one penny (1d) would be raised for the Institute and that the Institute would “provide the sons of Munster agriculturists with a training which will fit them to work their own farms on the most approved methods or to undertake in the capacity of stewards or otherwise the management of other farms or estates” (NAI 1900). This raised some protest in other farming areas of Munster, particularly Limerick and Clare. In Limerick, it was reported that a councillor, Mr Nunan “expressed the opinion that the results of this scheme would benefit the undeserving and idle class, and not the class who would be engaged in carrying on the industry” (Cork Herald, 11 June 1900). A similar point was made at a meeting of the Limerick County Council when the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction (DATI) was slated as “humbug” by Councillor Coll, who claimed the project was started “to provide situations for the pets of Dublin Castle” (Irish Independent, 26 June 1900). All the agricultural schools were fee paying and most were residential. Fees charged at the prestigious Albert Farm were lower for young men who came from a background of practical farming, i.e. £25, as against £60 for those who were coming from a nonagricultural background. Demonstrating that perhaps remarks such as those made by Mr Coll (above) may have touched a defensive, as well as a practical chord, agricultural apprentices were also catered for within the agricultural school system. By early 1905 live-in training places were available to them at Athenry, Ballyhaise and Clonakilty. Levels of applications were disappointing, however, and only 63 out of 83 places were taken up in 1906. These apprenticeship courses were also fee paying, with the fees charged being set between £3 and £15 depending on the 3

Also frequently referred to as the ‘Model Farm’; it came into operation in Cork in 1853 (Anon 1917; see also Senior 1952/53; Day 1990).

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size of the parental farm holding. If applicants were not farm owners, and they could demonstrate that they “will be provided with a farm”, they were charged a premium fee of £20. The Athenry School was the cattle sire station for Connacht, distributing at least 40 pedigree bulls on an annual basis at this time, so it is assumed that the apprentices there would have obtained substantial training in the management of strong pedigree bulls. By this time at the Munster Institute the fee-paying women’s courses were for those who “desired to return to their homes”, or who were interested in working in dairies or creameries, or as instructresses in this area. Their applications were assessed, as were the men’s, on the value of the education to their farming enterprise, so the occupation of their father and the size of any landholding or family farm were adjudicated on. The Institute was also beginning its specialism in poultry rearing at this time, an aspect of farming that was of significant importance to women in farming (Beattie 2013, p 138). Bell and Watson (2009, p 286) note that the Munster Institute was the main school for poultry rearing in Ireland in the early twentieth century. This demonstrates that there was a tacit acknowledgement in official circles that women’s role in cattle management was expected to be relatively peripheral in the future of agriculture. In 1907 DATI noted in its annual reports that after completing their studies at agricultural schools, 117 students had been taken on either as inspectors or instructors with DATI or with the Congested Districts Board. Thus a scientifically educated rural lower to middle-class cohort from a farming background was emerging that would not be handling cattle on a daily basis. While these students partook of all exercises in animal handling in college, the real work was done by employed herdsmen and some apprentices who were attending courses, but were also being paid for work at the schools. The apprenticeship schemes were less successful, even after the opening of additional agricultural schools mainly in the western counties at the suggestion of the Congested Districts Board. Boys from farming homes, whose future was as agricultural labourers, were expected by their families to be educated by working alongside their male relatives and older colleagues rather than leaving home to attend training. From this period, and continuing after the establishment of the Irish Free State (1922) and beyond, men whose families could afford it were educated not only for the intrinsic value of a farming education but also for the perceived, and real, necessity of maintaining and improving agricultural standards especially in the dairy and beef-cattle sectors. Other men took what they learned in school and learned the business of farming through informal apprenticeships ‘on the job’ at home, or on other farms. As it was considered that women were by nature suited to domestic provisioning, their education from childhood was extended to the feeding and care of cattle in so far as the knowledge would enhance the well-being of the farming household. Such skills added to the woman’s overall value within the household, her value as a single woman who would leave the farm for urban employment, or, within the dowry system, her value as a bride. Essentially, formal agricultural education was restricted to men, and women were distanced from understanding, or being able to make, informed decisions regarding the wider principles of professional cattle farming, without looking for male support or advice.

So, who did mind the cattle? Initial considerations At any time before the accession of Ireland to the EEC, the majority of the Irish rural people worked within the farming industry or allied trades. The gender division within the livestock management sector from the beginning of the twentieth century was stark, with some categories of cattle workers including only men. The gender differential continued throughout the twentieth century. An accurate measure of numbers is almost impossible utilising census returns which, adhering to societal conformity, persisted in omitting females in farm households as farm workers, rendering women’s work on the family farm officially invisible. It effectively denies that any daughters, granddaughters, sisters or nieces of the 70 853 women classed as farmers or graziers in 1901 worked on the farm, since the 1901 census form failed to record economically unmeasurable spousal assistance. In other annual agricultural statistics reports, e.g. 1908, agricultural workers, farmers and their male relatives are enumerated together, so that the visibility of the female farm proprietor was even more occluded. The first five agricultural employment categories tabulated for the 1901 and 1911 census reports are not ordered in numerical importance, but are listed in descending order according to a perception of social importance, which clearly was seen as an obvious unremarkable thing to do by the class-bound British civil service. Hence the small number of farm bailiffs ranks ahead of the more than 100 000 agricultural labourers, which number itself is acknowledged by the Chief Secretary for Ireland as most likely a significant under-estimation. This would indicate that the “others engaged in agriculture”, numbering in excess of 2000 men and women, must rank among the poorest or most peripheral workers on farms. This system of tabulation was emulated rather than changed after political independence (1922) in census reports of 1926, 1936 and 1946 (Table 1). Some of the “others engaged in agriculture” may have been employed casually by more prosperous farmers as labourers or herdsmen, and, in the years before World War II, harvest migration still took men from their homesteads. While they worked away from home, the hands-on work of cattle minding still had to be done by someone and where possible, even aged or disabled men experienced at cattle were regarded as preferable to women as cattle herds.

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In some remote areas on the western seaboard in Ireland booleying persisted, albeit small scale into the final years of the nineteenth century so for the summer months the care of the cattle of numbers of families or neighbours was a community effort (Costello, this volume; McDonald, this volume). Both male and female children would have been involved in herding cattle, corralling them and ‘blocking gaps’ to prevent straying into fields and especially tillage. It was also the most labour-efficient manner in which to look after livestock while the men were involved in farming, and especially arable farming, at the main homesteads. In 1881 alone an estimated 21 322 men over the age of twenty years (seasonal labourers) migrated from their home area for periods of up to six months, often going for intermittent periods within the space of six months (ASI 1881, p 2). Hence, family members remaining at home must look after the enterprise, garden crop or livestock including cattle. In cases where cattle were housed within the same building as the family (Lysaght, this volume), there could have been no perception that their care was outside the remit of the family as a whole. Bourke (1993) has analysed the role of the woman or female domestic worker in minding the family’s cows and calves in order to support the health of her family and provide an income for her home through the sale of dairy products. These skills were anticipated as being an important part of her life skills from her school days, and her expertise in this area was part of her responsibility and her value to her family and its economic well-being. It was the norm that the woman would keep the house from her earnings, devalued though it was by being termed ‘pin money’. This was understood by the inspectors of the Congested Districts Board 1897–1923 as they pushed for women to add economic value to their enterprises. Ideologies expressed by the Congested Districts Board in relation to gendered divisions of labour with regard to agriculture followed the template enshrined in the National School curriculum since 1831 which inculcated generations of Irish children and adults with a view of what was an appropriate level of interaction with livestock for men and women (but see Fig. 9-3). Bourdieu (2001, p 4) has expressed as “habitus” a system of interactivity that has become so engrained in behaviour as to be seen as the natural way rather than a learned behaviour. In terms of the relationship between men and women and cattle minding in Europe by the end of the nineteenth century, Bourdieu’s theory is exemplified by the progressive entrenchment of a learned socio-cultural behavioural pattern within the Irish agricultural community. Adult women had little formal involvement with cattle management outside the farmyard, and dealing with these large animals, from milking and calving to physically taxing interventions such as castration, bull management and herding, were seen as naturally being masculine roles rather than socially-engineered identification.

Other general considerations Control of the finances was a key factor in who interacted with the world outside the farm gate, and the sale of stock was of extreme importance to the survival of the cattle-farming family. In state politics, successive extensions to the franchise occurred throughout the nineteenth century and the 1884 Representation of the People Act created a uniform householder franchise for the whole of the United Kingdom which included Ireland. It extended the right to vote to all male householders in counties and boroughs. This broadened the recognition of masculine importance in the political world, articulating the state view that male heads of households, whether they were rate-paying or not, were of state-acknowledged importance in the non-domestic sphere; keepers, as it were, of the family vote. Married women farmers did not get recognition for their proprietorship and any mortgage was vested in the male spouse. Bourke (1993) has shown the shift from home dairy to creamery, with its regular cheque to the farmer, removed the impetus for married women to work at home dairying as the money therefrom no longer went in cash to the household management but rather into a farm bank account. During the early years after political independence the impression of farming as a masculine environment became increasingly a reality. Women farmers, although they accounted for up to 18% of all farm owners, were regarded as being outside the norm, were looked at askance by the farming community in general, and did not have the network of other farmers that men had. They also were outside the organisations and associations such as the Cattle Traders and Stock Owners Association, the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society (IAOS), and the Irish Co-Operative Society (ICOS) which supported their male counterparts from the nineteenth century onwards, and, from 1955, the National Farmer’s Association (later Irish Farmers Association (IFA)) (Shortall and Campling 1999). Given that they had the capital to acquire and maintain farms, they were often from different social backgrounds with respect to their male counterparts. By far the most important aspect of cattle farming was the sale of the cattle, and here the essential divergence of gender roles in nineteenth and twentieth century cattle management was most evident.

99

36044

Ag. lab. (in)

121682

1

8

0

402

846

85

78

18289

53485

48488

F

666088

294

2731

539

36446

89963

663

2427

57713

206382

268930

Total

82

100

100

100

98

99

87

97

68

74

82

%M

18

0.3

0.3

0

2

1

13

3

32

26

18

%F

529518

267

1834

697

32733

94295

1638

360

38633

146471

212596

M

106481

4

8

0

167

639

45

9

14135

44958

46516

F

636005

271

1842

697

32900

94934

1683

369

52768

191429

259112

Total

1936

84

98

100

100

100

99

97

98

73

76

82

%M

16

2

0.5

0

0.5

1

3

2.5

27

24

18

%F

498649

348

2055

658

26250

86749

2112

205

34294

138083

207895

M

80971

32

3

0

178

635

24

15

9140

28941

42003

F

579625

380

2058

658

26428

87384

2136

220

43434

167024

249903

Total

1946

86

92

99.9

100

99.3

99.3

89

93

79

83

83

%M

14

8

0.1

0

0.7

0.7

11

7

21

17

17

%F

Abbreviations: M: Male; F: Female; F. (relative): Farmer/son/grandson/daughter/in-laws; F. (other): Farmer/other relative; Ag. lab.: Agricultural labourer (out/in = live-out, live-in). Source: Census Reports 1926, 1936 and 1946 (www.cso.ie). Percentages rounded to nearest whole number except where the percentage is Ryegrasses Timothy Meadow fescue Rough stalked meadow grass Meadow foxtail Yorkshire fog Sweet vernal grass Red clover White clover Other grasses or legumes Non-graminaceous weeds Unidentified material Total yield

1951 0.34 0.10 Nil 1.27 0.33 3.05 0.51 0.18 0.11 0.38 1.07 1.33 8.67

1952 Nil 0.08 Nil 0.09 1.23 3.64 0.28 0.14 0.46 0.60 0.36 1.41 8.29

1953 Nil 0.39 1.69 0.25 0.56 2.15 0.65 Nil 0.60 1.37 1.12 Nil 8.78

1954 Nil Nil 1.79 0.09 0.30 2.15 0.61 Nil 0.05 3.18 0.84 0.78 9.79

Table 11-3 Estimated hay and aftermath yields and the contribution made by individual species and species groups in seasons 1950–1954 from a reseeded sward, not mole drained nor fertilised annually (after Linehan and Lowe 1956). As in Table 11-2, yields (herbage) have been converted to metric units, i.e. tonne dry matter (DM) per hectare (ha). Total yield in 1950: 4.64 t DM per ha (component contributions not available for that year) Species/groups

Yields (kg; dry matter per ha)

Year ----> Ryegrasses Timothy Meadow fescue Rough stalked meadow grass Meadow foxtail Yorkshire fog Sweet vernal grass Red clover White clover Other grasses or legumes Non-graminaceous weeds Unidentified material Total Yield

1951 1.96 0.1 Nil 0.22 Nil 0.20 0.14 0.11 0.34 0.11 0.26 0.19 3.63

1952 0.43 0.25 Nil 0.01 Nil 0.84 0.13 0.28 0.45 0.21 0.63 0.66 3.89

1953 0.43 0.73 Nil 0.20 Nil 3.25 0.38 Nil 0.53 0.73 0.33 0.07 6.65

1954 0.20 2.37 Nil 0.25 Nil 2.16 0.70 0.01 0.05 0.46 0.25 0.31 6.78

Grassland Research in Northern Ireland since the 1940s: New Insights

117

Table 11-4 Estimated hay and aftermath yields and the contribution made by individual species and species groups, in seasons 1950–1954 from a reseeded sward, mole drained and fertilised annually (after Linehan and Lowe 1956). As in Table 11-2, yields (herbage) have been converted to metric units, i.e. tonne dry matter (DM) per hectare (ha). Total yield in 1950: 8.28 t DM per ha (component contributions not available for that year) Species/groups

Yields (kg; dry matter per ha)

Year ----> Ryegrasses Timothy Meadow fescue Rough stalked meadow grass Meadow foxtail Yorkshire fog Sweet vernal grass Red clover White clover Other grasses or legumes Non-graminaceous weeds Unidentified material Total Yield

1951 0.09 2.76 1.14 1.64 Nil 1.59 0.15 0.76 Nil Nil 0.29 0.99 9.41

1952 0.03 2.45 0.35 0.18 Nil 1.38 0.04 0.58 0.49 0.05 1.52 0.63 7.78

1953 0.03 3.00 1.98 0.09 Nil 1.27 0.13 0.49 0.15 0.21 0.21 0.26 7.78

1954 0.05 4.81 0.73 0.09 Nil 0.84 0.14 Nil 0.01 0.98 1.54 0.10 9.29

The Ulster Grassland Society Origins of the Society (after Lowe and Stewart 1985) The idea of a local grassland society was not entirely spontaneous. Indeed, it could be said to have originated as far back as the end of World War II (1939–1945). Following a period of compulsory tillage during the War for the production of crops suitable for direct human consumption there was a great upsurge in interest in getting back to pasture in the traditional grassland areas. There was also renewed interest in the management of pastures for optimum production and maximum profit. It was out of this renewed interest and the realisation of the output potential of grassland in the higher rainfall areas, as opposed to tillage farming, that the British Grassland Society had its origin in 1945. Nowhere was this renewed interest in grassland and its utilisation in the immediate post-war period more evident than in NI. The wartime experience of the difficulties attendant on growing and harvesting tillage crops under the prevailing climatic conditions served to emphasise the suitability of the conditions resulting from the mainly heavy soils, cool climate and adequate, well-distributed rainfall for grass production. In addition, the grass sward has other major advantages. Its production is not just confined to the arable area. It makes use of the headlands, the hedgerows and waste places; and it is always present and ready to synthesise nutrients when conditions for growth are satisfactory. It can be goaded into growth in early spring long before it would be possible to seed arable crops, and it can be retained in productive condition into late autumn or early winter long after most tillage crops have matured and ceased to synthesise. So considerable was the local involvement with the formation and development of the British Grassland Society that, as early as 1948, the fourth annual summer meeting was convened in NI. This very successful meeting was attended by more than 200 members from all parts of the UK and some from abroad. Its great success was clearly seen to lie in the fact that it brought practical grassland farmers, general agriculturalists employed in advisory work and research scientists in specialist subjects together, and the positive interaction was obviously to everybody’s benefit. These contacts across the different interests were essential in establishing systems of grassland farming incorporating the best of both science and practice. This was also seen to be instrumental in adding impetus to research programmes already in progress and in identifying new problems requiring research. Hence it was a logical chain of events that resulted in a local grassland society, the Ulster Grassland Society (UGS), being formed under the umbrella of the British Grassland Society in 1960. The initial proposal letter to form the Society is reproduced in full below with the attendant signatories (from UGS, 25th Jubilee Booklet, 1986):

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118

Department of Agricultural Botany The Queen’s University Elmwood Avenue Belfast 12th November 1959 Dear […] Proposal to form a Northern Ireland Grassland Society For some time now, there has been a feeling amongst a number of people interested in grassland that a Northern Ireland Grassland Society should be formed. Already there are a number of such local societies in Great Britain. Following the very successful meeting of the British Grassland Society in July last, the time seemed opportune to discuss the matter and at the final meeting of the local committee, which organised the British Grassland Society’s Summer Meeting there was unanimous agreement that the possibilities should be explored. It was felt that in Northern Ireland where agriculture is so firmly based on grassland, such a Society would be valuable in bringing together for discussion, farmers, advisory officers, research workers, technical representatives, and indeed, all those interested in the improvement of our grasslands. It could also be the means of attracting speakers of high reputation in specialised fields from outside Northern Ireland. Such a Society could also organise tours to places of grassland interest not only in Northern Ireland but to other parts of the British Isles and the Continent. The Society to be successful would require enthusiastic support, and only if this is forthcoming is it worthwhile proceeding with the idea. In order to test the support, which the proposal would have, the undersigned have arranged for a meeting in the Lecture Theatre, Agriculture Building, Elmwood Avenue, on Tuesday 26th November 1959 at 3 p.m. At this meeting, the possibilities of forming a Northern Ireland Grassland Society will be discussed and, if it is the decision of those present, steps will be taken to inaugurate the Society. As a person interested in grassland, you are cordially invited to be present at this meeting and to register your opinion regarding the proposal. We would also be pleased to welcome any of your friends who may be interested. Should it not be possible for you to be present however, we should be grateful if you would complete the slip below and return it to Mr J Lowe at the above address to reach him not later than 25th November next. By so doing you will let us know of your support and the meeting will be in a better position to decide whether to proceed with the formation of a local society. Yours sincerely Signed:- RC Angus, M Boyd, SJ Boyd, V Courtney, D Cowan, S Dickson, Joan K Dobbs, PA Fitzpatrick, J Gillespie, J Gourley, MA Hadden, W Hamill, JT Kernohan, PA Linehan, J Lowe, TH Lowe, A McAllister, S McConaghy, A McGuckian, T Moore, J Morrison, JT O’Brien, J O’Neill, S Shaw, EG Sherrard, AEW Steen, RH Stewart, W Thompson, EVB Wilson, JA Young.

First grassland conference The temporary committee of the Society arranged a conference on 1st March 1960 to be addressed by a number of prominent speakers on specialised aspects of grass production, management and utilisation. The programme was as follows (first and last lectures at 14.00 h and 19.30 h, respectively): Grass for milk Mr EM Owens (Dairy farmer and former winner of the Baxter Prize) Intensive dairy farming in Somerset Mr Wm. Hamill and Mr Alfred Danton, two well-known local dairy farmers, will lead the discussion New methods of utilising grassland Mr RR Turner (Senior Farms Manager, ICI Ltd) New techniques in using grass for sheep, beef and milk. Mr P Buckler (Supervisor of Farms and Research. Messrs. R Silcock and Sons Ltd) Slatted floors for cattle [no presenter named] Grass for beef and sheep Mr F Jackson (Noted Northumberland cattle and sheep farmer) Methods of cattle and sheep raising on a Northumberland farm Mr J Mooney, leading Co. Meath sheep farmer and Mr M McCauley, a Co. Down farmer noted for the intensive rearing and fattening of cattle, will open the discussion.

Grassland Research in Northern Ireland since the 1940s: New Insights

119

Somewhat disappointingly, in all the papers presented at the annual conferences of the Ulster Grassland Society over its first 25 years, there is not a mention of any of the work reported by John Lowe and others on grassland ecology, the potential value of mixed-species permanent pasture or other environmentally related work. All of the conferences concentrated solely on production.

The measurement of grassland and its output From the early post-war days of grassland research, much effort was directed towards the measurement of grassland production, particularly under grazing (Figs 11-4 to 11-6). Much of this pioneering work must be credited to John Lowe and Paddy Linehan from the Field Botany Division, Ministry of Agriculture. Linehan and Lowe’s (1956) seminal paper in the first issue of the Journal of the British Grassland Society (presumably not chosen to occupy this prestigious position by chance) detailed a substantial sequence of field trials on measurement by, for example, moveable grazing exclusion cages on different pasture types, and measuring and computing such useful attributes as digestibility, starch and protein equivalent. This work was given an international audience at the Sixth International Grassland Congress in 1952 (Linehan 1952) (Fig. 11-5). In a trial reporting the effect of organic and inorganic nitrogenous compounds on yield, chemical composition and botanical constitution of grass swards (McConaghy et al. 1960), sadly botanical analyses are not reported; only clover content.

Advisory output The Farmer’s Advisory leaflets published by the Ministry of Agriculture at that time reflect this message, i.e. sustained emphasis on maximising the output of grassland through high inputs. Leaflet No. 118 (1947) Leaflet No. 90 (1953) Leaflet No. 129 (1954) Leaflet No. 101 (1958) Leaflet No. 84 (1960) Leaflet No. 146 (1961) Leaflet No. 40 (1961)

The manuring of grassland The improvement of grassland Pasture grazing management The making of silage Lime and liming The growing and harvesting of ryegrass seed Grassland husbandry

All of these leaflets highlight the importance of manuring to maintain productive (usually ryegrass-dominant) weedfree pastures. Leaflet No. 90 places an almost religious obligation, extorting its readers thus “Poor quality grass is a liability, it is wasteful of the land on which it is growing”.

The value of clover is recognised By the mid 1960s, NI was establishing a major reputation for clover research. It was a diversion from the concentration on fertiliser trials on grassland and reflected a global interest in the use of legumes to improve the nutritional quality of herbage. Professor Paddy Linehan reporting in the Agricultural Review (Linehan 1957) on the place of clover in modern farming, extols its virtues and lays down the foundation for an influential programme of research into the growing and management of clover. This culminated in a major conference in Belfast in 1969 on white clover research held by the British Grassland Society and published in 1970 (Lowe 1970). In a paper presented at the XI International Grassland Congress, Lowe (1970), comparing the efficiency of pastures and crops for animal production, stepped well outside the bounds of the conventional norm for grassland farming at that time by proposing (after giving sound evidence) “While herbage swards are potentially capable of higher economic nutrient output than crops, it becomes progressively more important with rise in land quality and value that they are grown and fed in a manner, which permits them more nearly to attain their potential. It is suggested that to meet such conditions it may be necessary to discontinue in situ grazing, conserving the total herbage for feeding independent of time of production”, i.e. zero grazing. A concept even today not widely accepted on any but the most intensive dairy farms. Lowe’s contribution to grassland research in NI over a career spanning more than 25 years cannot be underestimated. His Masters and Doctoral theses from QUB reflect his interests admirably (Lowe 1951, 1960). The baton for research into and promotion of white clover was readily taken up by Scott Laidlaw (e.g. Laidlaw and McBride 1992; Bailey and Laidlaw 1999; Frame et al. 1998; Frame and Laidlaw 1999). His research into the factors

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that can contribute to a significant clover content in mixed grass-clover swards (e.g. Laidlaw and Frame 1988) needs to be revisited to direct grassland farmers today towards ways in which more sustainable use of grass swards can contribute to climate-change policies and nutrient-containment targets. The nutrition of the grass and grass-clover crop has been widely researched in NI. The earlier work of Stuart McConaghy (McConaghy et al. 1960) laid the foundation for an era of comprehensive research into the impact of lime, nitrogen (Binnie et al. 2001), phosphorus (Watson Smith and Matthews 2007; Watson and Matthews 2008), sulphur (Stevens and Watson 1986) and other elements (e.g. Bailey and Laidlaw 1999) on soil status and plant nutrition. Amongst other significant grassland research output, the titles of postgraduate degrees from the Department of Agricultural Botany (and the various names it went under) and occasionally other Departments at QUB, reflect the changing climate of grassland research and the substantial output of postgraduate research supervised by what was a relatively small nucleus of university staff working in the field of grassland science (see Annex 1 in References). There is a plethora of published research from ARINI (e.g. Mayne et al. 2000) on aspects of conservation, production and utilisation from grass within livestock systems (Fig. 11-6). The main theme coming through in all this research was the huge effort devoted to one species, namely perennial ryegrass (L. perenne).

Perennial ryegrass breeding Grass seed was at one time an important crop on many farms in NI with production peaking at 30 000 tons per annum in the 1940s, exported mainly to GB. The industry relied entirely upon naturally occurring indigenous grasses (ecotypes) known as ‘Irish Perennial’ and ‘Irish Italian’. In the 1940s new grasses that were higher yielding and of better nutritional quality than Irish grasses were developed by breeding programmes in Wales and Continental Europe. These varieties were not available to local seed growers, and industry representatives quickly realised that the future of grass-seed production in NI could be jeopardised. Subsequently, after strong petitioning by local grass-seed growers and farmers, a forage ryegrass breeding programme was set up by the Ministry of Agriculture at the Plant Breeding Station, Loughgall in 1952, as part of the overall effort to improve grassland production from local farms. The original objectives for the grass breeding programme were to produce locally adapted, high-yielding and diseaseresistant grass strains that would help to improve livestock output from local farms and also to supply the seed industry with replacements for the old Irish (ecotype) varieties. It was recognised that while there were numerous options for helping farmers improve their grassland output, the provision of locally bred grasses was one of the most cost-effective ways of achieving this. During the 63-year period since this project was set up, there has been considerable change in the management of local grassland farms, and the agricultural and environmental policies underpinning these changes. Examples of change are the move from hay to silage, the introduction of rotational grazing, improved soil fertility through the use of fertilizers and slurry, and a greater awareness of nutritional quality. Through close links with local farmers, the seed industry, liaison with the Department of Agriculture and Rural Development, DARD’s advisory wing, the College of Food Agriculture and Rural Enterprise (CAFRE) and Teagasc grassland technologists, the objectives of the Agri-Food and Biosciences Institute (AFBI) breeding programme are routinely discussed and reviewed so as to meet the needs of the modern industry. A major strength of the programme is its close integration within the world-leading Barenbrug forage breeding group, which gives access to new crossing material that has many favourable attributes such as winter hardiness and disease resistance. In NI it is estimated that over 70% of forage seed mixtures are comprised in part or entirely of AFBI-bred varieties. Varieties developed in the programme are widely utilised in the RoI thereby contributing to, and underpinning, Food Harvest 2020, a vision document for Irish Agri-Food and Fisheries proposed by the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, RoI (DAFM 2011). The success of the programme has been due to the vision, skill and output of those who instigated it in the 1950s, and particularly Professor Charlie Wright and its current champion, David Johnston. Grassland farmers in NI are fortunate to have had the benefit of independent grass-variety testing, enabling them to use the most up to date varieties suited to local conditions. The establishment of the NI Plant Testing Station at Crossnacreevy in the 1960s delivered substantial benefits to the industry under the capable hands of R.H. Stewart, Michael Camlin and Trevor Gilliland who succeeded in carrying out and integrating a large volume of research on mainly perennial ryegrass—grown alone, in mixtures and with clover—and with managing the statistical complexity of varietal performance evaluation. The station built on the early work of Linehan and Lowe and developed a worldclass reputation for grass testing. Its repository of well over one thousand varieties of perennial ryegrass alone is an immensely valuable genetic resource in a scenario of climatic and economic uncertainty.

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Joining the EEC (EU), hill-pasture improvement and auditing the grassland resource Entry to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1973 gave agriculture a huge boost. Livestock numbers increased substantially and more effort was put into grassland research. Support for farming in the hills came from the Less Favoured Areas (LFA) EU Directive which targeted additional support to “Infertile land suitable only for extensive livestock farming as being in danger of depopulation and where the conservation of the countryside is necessary”. The LFA Directive supported hill farming, and throughout Britain and Ireland attempts were made to better utilise hill pastures. Less Favoured Areas constituted 70% of the land area of NI and so it fared well from grant aid and support. Because the early form of this support was based on headage payments there was a tendency to overstock some areas resulting in overgrazing, vegetation loss, excessive trampling and soil erosion. The author was directed by the then Department of Agriculture to carry out a survey of pastures on hill farms in NI (McAdam 1983a, b, 1984a, b). An analysis of factors affecting potential productivity from hill pastures identified the role clover could play in hill swards, ‘improved’ by reseeding and properly managed (McAdam 1987). Despite the value of the resource, no comprehensive grassland survey was conducted in NI until 1987. Although the British countryside (England, Scotland and Wales) had been well mapped and surveyed since World War II under the aegis of organisations such as the Countryside Commission and the Institute of Terrestrial Ecology, these organisations had no brief to cover NI. Hence, there is a paucity of information on the loss of key field features and grassland habitats from NI since the intensification that followed 1945 and the subsequent entry to the EEC. The Northern Ireland Countryside Survey was finally reported in 1992 when Murray et al. (1992) drew together a series of habitat surveys carried out between 1986 and 1991. This was based on an underlying land classification and stratified sample of 628-quarter kilometre sample squares (1.1% of the land area). In 1998, the University of Ulster was commissioned to carry out a full re-survey and report the results in 2000. A further re-survey was commissioned in 2005 and reported in 2007 (Cooper et al. 2009). Cooper and McCann (1984) specifically reported on the botanical composition of the grassland land-cover types from the initial survey. They found that agricultural grasslands comprised 96% of the lowland grassland resource and grassland of high nature value comprised only 1.6% of the grasslands surveyed. Their survey also emphasised the high ecological importance of grasslands associated with the marginal uplands. In 1992 the Royal Irish Academy (National Committee for Biology) organised a multidisciplinary symposium on grasslands in Ireland. The publication that followed (Jeffrey et al. 1995) contained 30 papers that spanned a wide range of topics from production and nutrient cycling to various ecological and management issues especially in relation to environmentally-sensitive grasslands in the Burren (Co. Clare), Connemara (Co. Galway) and various parts of NI.

The EU and agri-environmental measures The introduction of agri-environment measures allowed countries within the EU to support the integration of agriculture with environmental objectives. In NI, the Environmentally Sensitive Areas (ESA) scheme was targeted to areas where the countryside might be at risk from agricultural practices and where there were unique habitat and landscape features requiring protection. Agri-environment schemes were unique in that: (a) they recognised that habitat restoration and biodiversity enhancement on farms would take time and so schemes were of ten-year duration; (b) farmers were given advice in drawing up conservation plans for their farms and a high level of support in the implementation of habitat-specific management prescriptions was given; and (c) there was a requirement to monitor the biological impact of these programmes on their ability to deliver objectives and to feed back the results of monitoring into research on management practice (McAdam et al. 2005). The creation of ESAs gave a new dimension to grassland research and created a need for management prescriptions to suit a suite of situations with objectives other than production. Although improvement in species diversity on sensitive grasslands was difficult to detect, scheme participation did halt the loss in biodiversity that was occurring in the wider countryside. So the scheme was largely hailed as a success though Eakin (1994) concluded that Tier 1 cutting-date restrictions for species-rich hay meadows in Fermanagh were too early to permit most species to set seed and the Tier 2 restrictions did not allow late-flowering species to set seed. Eakin’s study was interesting in its cross-disciplinary nature and the conclusion that the scheme operators, i.e. the Department of Agriculture, NI should place more emphasis on the socio-economic profile of the farm owners and managers and be less rigorous in the stipulation of management prescriptions. It was one of the first attempts to try and explain the unique bond between the farmer and

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his land, a particular trait that defies easy definition and regulation but which underpins the very fabric of grassland management and rural life on this island. However, now that farmers were maintaining habitats such as hay meadows, limestone grasslands, species-rich upland pasture, lowland wet grasslands and heathlands for their botanical diversity there was a need to design different sustainable livestock systems which could deliver more from the land. Two such options tried were grazing in woodlands and agroforestry. In NI, agroforestry was developed from the perspective of a grassland system with the trees ‘added on’ to deliver multifunctionality in output and greatly increase the ecosystem services delivered from grassland (Fig. 11-7). This somewhat unique approach may have come about because the research was done in a largely grassland-based organisation (Crowe and McAdam 1999; McAdam 2000; McAdam and McEvoy 2009) and there was a lack of enthusiasm for the system by conventional foresters who did not see it as an economic way to produce quality timber. However, the grasslands route was seen as being the only way in which agroforestry could be sold to grassland farmers as a viable, sustainable land-use option. The concept was tried in the first place in NI as tree cover (6%) was lowest in the EU and there was a need to develop land-use systems that would help integrate the objectives of increasing tree planting on farms while being attractive to livestock farmers. In the mid 1980s, DARD was part of a group of policy makers and scientists across the UK who were interested in the potential of agroforestry (as it was already being practiced in New Zealand) to deliver these goals. The UK Agroforestry Research Network was formed and from this, a National Network Silvopastoral Experiment (NNE) evolved. In this, six organisations participated in an extensive and complex field experiment, which followed a pre-discussed range of management and measurement protocols. The overall aim was to fully investigate the ecological interactions within silvopastoralism. In 1989, AFBI participated in the NNE experiment with a site on its research station at Loughgall, Co. Armagh and an on-farm site (Sibbald et al. 2001). In 2015 agroforestry was finally adopted as an option within the proposed next round (2016–2020) of the Rural Development Programme. This was based on the outcomes and management prescriptions from the AFBI Loughgall programme. In the RoI within the previous Rural Development Programme (RDP) (2007–2013) there was an option to support an agroforestry initiative; however, this did not materialise. The option was reintroduced in the current RDP in the RoI (2014–2020) and this time there is the possibility to be involved in planting agroforestry. The rationale and management prescriptions within this are also based on the NI experience at AFBI Loughgall. Although it is easier to establish silvopasture under sheep grazing, once mature (after ca. 7–8 years), silvopastoral systems are highly suited to cattle grazing (Fig. 11-8). Hence whilst the agroforestry programme may now be seen to be innovative and at last have a future on the island of Ireland within agricultural-support mechanisms, in some ways it is a reflection of the early days of farming on this island when herds of cattle roamed through partially cleared woodlands (Molloy and O’Connell, this volume).

Conclusions The temperate Irish climate affords a grass production advantage, which NI farmers have been able to exploit to their competitive benefit. Grass as a feed for livestock remains the cheapest nutritional source available to dairy, beef and sheep enterprises. With the current pressures on prices for meat and dairy products, the contribution of grass to agricultural output will need to increase so as to ensure that the agri-food sector remains viable, as well as ecologically and socially sustainable (Fig. 11-9). To move from intensive grassland with the sole aim of production to a more mixed, sustainable agriculture will require recognition of the wider ecosystem services that grasslands can deliver (Feehan, this volume; Sheridan, this volume), and a much better appreciation of what the grassland ecosystem can offer. In many cases, this appreciation can be achieved by revisiting the wealth of research carried out on this island and that is equally applicable today as it was over the past 70 years. The current situation is aptly summarised by Dr Sinclair Mayne in his foreword to Frame and Laidlaw’s (2011) book entitled Improved grass management which included the following statement “It is widely recognised that the full potential of grassland-based systems is rarely achieved in practice on the majority of livestock farms, in large part due to the challenges of managing this complex ecosystem”. It is highly appropriate that volume 69 of Grass and Forage Science (June 2014) carried a guest editorial by Dr Scott Laidlaw, one of the most outstanding grassland scientists in NI, who gave his thoughts on “Forage legumes in grassland systems” (Laidlaw 2014). The same issue reports a paper by Phelan et al. (2014) from Grange Research Station, Co. Cork on grazing management of grass-clover swards; it is reassuring, to say the least, that grassland research is still actively pursued on the island of Ireland.

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References Bailey JS, Laidlaw AS (1998) Growth and development of white clover (Trifolium repens L.) as influenced by P and K nutrition. Ann Bot 81:783–786 Bailey JS, Laidlaw AS (1999) The interactive effects of phosphorus, potassium, lime and molybdenum on the growth and morphology of white clover (Trifolium repens L.) at establishment. Grass Forage Sci 54:69–76 Binnie RC, Mayne CS, Laidlaw AS (2001) The effects of rate and timing of application of fertiliser nitrogen in late summer on herbage mass and chemical composition of perennial ryegrass swards over the winter period in Northern Ireland. Grass Forage Sci 56:46–56 Colbert M (2009) A life of Sir Horace Plunkett. Maurice Colbert, Naas Cooper A, McCann T (1994) The botanical composition of grassland land cover types. Contract report to Environment Service, DoE (Northern Ireland) Cooper A, McCann T, Rogers D (2009) Northern Ireland countryside survey 2007: broad habitat change 1998–2007. Northern Ireland Environment Agency, Research and Development Series No. 09/06 Cooper M McG (1960) Grazing management and grassland productivity. The George Scott Robertson Memorial Lecture. Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast, 19 pp Crowe SR (1993) The response of Lolium perenne and Holcus lanatus to shading in relation to a silvopastoral system. PhD thesis (unpublished), Queen’s University Belfast Crowe SR, McAdam JH (1999) Silvopastoral practice on farm agroforestry in Northern Ireland. Scott For 53:33–36 DAFM (2011) Food harvest. A vision for Irish agri-food and fisheries 2020. Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, Dublin. https://www.agriculture.gov.ie/media/migration/agri-foodindustry/foodharvest2020/2020FoodHar vestEng240810.pdf (accessed: 1 November 2015) Daly ME (2002) The first department: a history of the Department of Agriculture. Institute of Public Administration, Dublin Davies W (1952) The grass crop, 1st edn. Spon, London Eakin M (1994) The ecology, management and conservation of species-rich hay meadows in County Fermanagh. PhD thesis (unpublished), Faculty of Science and Technology, University of Ulster, Coleraine Frame J, Laidlaw AS (1999) Managing white clover in mixed swards: principles and practice. Pastos 28:5–33 Frame J, Laidlaw AS (2011) Improved grassland management, 2nd edn. Crowood Press, Marlborough (Wiltshire) Frame J, Charlton JFL, Laidlaw AS (1998) Temperate forage legumes. CAB International, Wallingford Jeffrey D, Jones MB, McAdam JH (eds) (1995) Irish grasslands. Their biology and management. Royal Irish Academy, Dublin Kernohan, JT (1947) Grassland output on a County Down farm. J Br Grassl Soc 2:73–81 Laidlaw AS, Frame J (1988) Maximising the use of legumes in grassland systems. Proceedings of the 12th General Meeting, European Grassland Association, Dublin, pp 34–46 Laidlaw AS, McBride J (1992) The effect of time of sowing and sowing method on production of white clover in mixed swards. Grass Forage Sci 47:203–210 Laidlaw S (2014) Guest editorial: forage legumes in grassland systems. Grass Forage Sci 69:205 Linehan PA (1947) Grassland research and demonstration in Northern Ireland. Agric Progr 22:29–38 —. (1952) Use of cage and mower- strip methods for measuring the forage consumed by grazing animals. Proc VI Int Grassl Cong (Brisbane):1328–1333 —. (1956) Conjoint effects of reseeding, fertilisation, and mole-draining on vegetation and output of permanent meadowland in County Antrim. Res Exp Rec Min Agric N Ireland 4:8–15 —. (1957) The place of clover in modern farming. Agric Rev 2, 12;40-45 Linehan PA, Lowe J (1946) The output of pasture and its measurement. J Br Grassl Soc 1:7–35 Linehan PA, Lowe J, Stewart RH (1947) The output of pasture and its measurement. J Br Grassl Soc 2:143–168 Lowe J (1951) Output, as measured by clipping techniques and changes in botanical constitution of grassland swards under certain systems of seeding, manuring and management. MAgr thesis (unpublished), Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast —. (1960) Agronomic evaluation of white clover (Trifolium repens L.) in grassland. PhD thesis (unpublished), Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast —. (ed) (1970) White clover research. Occasional symposium No. 6 British Grassland Society. Hurley, Maidenhead (Berkshire) —. (1970) Comparative efficiency of pastures and crops for animal production. Proceedings of the XI International Grassland Congress (University of Queensland Press), pp A88–A94 Lowe J, Stewart RH (1985) The first twenty-five years. Ulster Grassland Society silver jubilee 1960–85. A short history. Ulster Grassland Society, Belfast Mayne CS, Wright IA, Fisher GEJ (2000) Grassland management under grazing and animal response. In: Hopkins A (ed) Grass its production and utilisation, 3rd edn. Blackwell Science, Oxford, pp 247–291 McAdam JH (1983a) Characteristics of grassland on hill farms in N. Ireland. Physical relations, botanical composition and production. Report (unpublished), Queen’s University Belfast and Department of Agriculture, Northern Ireland

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—. (1983b) Factors affecting the botanical composition of hill land in Northern Ireland. Record Agric Res (Department of Agriculture, Northern Ireland) 31:71–82 —. (1984a) The definition, distribution, structure and performance of hill farms in Northern Ireland. Record Agric Res (Department of Agriculture, Northern Ireland) 32:19-29 —. (1984b) The utilised metabolizable energy output of grassland on hill farms in Northern Ireland. Grass Forage Sci 39:129–138 —. (1987) A study of the management factors affecting the contribution of white clover to swards for autumn grazing on improved hill land. PhD thesis (unpublished), Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast —. (2000) Environmental impact of agroforestry systems. Agroforestry in the UK. For Comm Res Bull 122:82–89 McAdam JH, Thomas TH, Willis RW (1999) The economics of agroforestry systems in the UK and their future prospects. Scot For 53:37–41 McAdam JH, McEvoy PM, Flexen M, Hoppe G (2005) Biodiversity monitoring and policy support in Northern Ireland. Tearmann (Ir J Agri-environ Res) 4:15–22 McAdam JH, McEvoy PM (2009) The potential for silvopastoralism to enhance biodiversity on grassland farms in Ireland. In: Rigueiro-Rodríguez A, McAdam J, Mosquera-Losada MR (eds) Agroforestry in Europe: current status and future prospects. Springer, Berlin, pp 343–358 McConaghy S, McAllister JSV, Lowe J, Linehan PA (1960) Effect of organic and inorganic nitrogenous compounds on yield, chemical composition and botanical constitution of grass swards. In: Chemical aspects of the production and use of grass. Society of Chemical Industry (Great Britain), Monograph 9, pp 69–85 McDowell KA (1954) Grassland output on a County Londonderry hill farm. J Br Grassl Soc 9:173–181 McEvoy PM (2004) Livestock management in grazed woodlands. PhD thesis (unpublished), Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast McFetridge WA, Boyd M, Kelly M, Linehan PA (1958) Relative production of cultivars (varieties) of perennial ryegrass under simulated pasture conditions. Res Exp Rec Minist Agric N Ireland 7:58–71 Mercer SP (1937) Production of grass seed. Ryegrasses (Lolium species), Crested dogstail (Cynosurus cristatus). Herbarium Publication Series, Bulletin No. 19, Imperial Bureau of Plant Genetics, Herbage Plants, Agricultural Buildings, Aberystwyth Mercer SP, Clouston D (1932) Wild white clover varieties. J Minist Agric N Ireland 1932:1–19 Mercer SP, Linehan PA (1937) New strains of grasses. Progress report on trials with certain new strains of perennial ryegrass and cocksfoot, January 1937. Baird, Belfast, 12 pp Murray R, McCann T, Cooper A (1992) A land classification landscape ecological study of Northern Ireland. Report by the University of Ulster, Coleraine to the Environment Service, Department of the Environment, Northern Ireland, Belfast (unpublished) Muskett AE (1952) Agricultural progress in Northern Ireland since 1922: true co-operation between government, university, and producer. Brit Agric Bull 5(19):2–8 Phelan PA, Carey IA, Humphreys J (2014) The effects of simulated summer-to-winter grazing management on herbage production is a grass-clover sward. Grass Forage Sci 69:251–265 Proudfoot KG (1957) A comparison of total dry matter yields obtained in the first harvest year from five strains of perennial ryegrass under single plant, pure sward, and clover sward conditions. Res Exp Rec Minist Agric N Ireland 6:19–30 Raymond WF (1965) Grassland management for high animal production. The George Scott Robertson Memorial Lecture. Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast, 18 pp Rutherford AA (1958) Strain trials of perennial ryegrass (Lolium perenne L.) for seed production and other growth features. Part I. Res Exp Rec Minist Agric N Ireland 7:47–57 Sheail J (1986) Grassland management and the early development of British Ecology. Brit J Hist Sci 19:283–299 Sibbald AR, Eason WR, McAdam JH, Hislop AM (2001) The establishment phase of a silvopastoral national network experiment in the UK. Agrofor Syst 53:39–53 Smith WG (1899) On the study of plant associations. Nat Sci 14:109–120 Stevens R, Watson CJ (1986) The response of grass for silage to sulphur application at 20 sites in Northern Ireland. J Agric Sci 107:565–571 Toogood W (1897) Pastures and pasture plants, 1st edn. MacMillan, London Turner RR (1948) Grassland output on a dairy farm in County Armagh. J Br Grassl Soc 3(2):93–102 Watson CJ, Matthews DI (2008) A 10-year study of phosphorus balances and the impact of grazed grassland on total P redistribution within the soil profile. Eur J Soil Sci 59:1171–1176 Watson CJ, Smith RV, Matthews JI (2007) Increase in phosphorus losses from grassland in response to Olsen-P accumulation. J Environ Qual 36:1452–1460 Watson WF (1954) The improvement of grassland and its utilisation. George Scott Robertson Memorial Lecture. Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast, 18 pp

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Annex 1 Details of postgraduate theses on grassland research completed under the supervision of QUB staff employed in the Department of Agricultural Botany (at various times, the Department was known by other names) and occasionally by staff in cognate Departments. PhD theses (in chronological order) Wright, Charles E (1956) A study of factors relating to the development of disease resistance of Lolium perenne with particular reference to blind seed fungus (Gloeotinia temulenta) Lowe, John (1960) Agronomic evaluation of white clover (Trifolium repens L.) in grassland Chestnutt, Moore (1969) Studies of inter-specific competition in grassland swards Hayes, Peter (1970) Studies in grasses in monoculture and in competition Orr, John (1971) Influence of certain environmental factor on perennial ryegrass and white clover associations Harun, Raja (1974) A study in growth behaviour of Italian ryegrass cultivars with special reference to recovery after defoliation Weatherup, Colin (1976) Discriminating procedures for biological populations Camlin, Michael (1977) Yield, persistence and competitive ability of perennial ryegrass cultivars in monoculture, mixtures and in association with white clover Wright-Turner, Robin (1979) A study of the variability in rate of water loss from cut leaves of grass Gilliland, Trevor (1983) The use of allozymes of phosphoglucoisomerase for cultivar identification and registration in the genus Lolium Kennedy, Samuel (1984) The use of electrophoresis in the study of competition between cultivars of perennial ryegrass sown as mixtures in the field Hamill, Madeline (1985) Development of new characteristics for identification and classification of cultivars of perennial ryegrass (Lolium perenne) Quaite, Elsie (1986) The production and use of electrophoretically labelled cultivars to investigate intraspecific competition in perennial ryegrass (Lolium perenne) McAdam, James H (1987) A study of management factors affecting the contribution of white clover to swards for autumn grazing on improved hill land Patterson, David (1991) A study of the interaction between grass and clover in mixed grazed swards McMichael, Aidan (1991) An integrated approach to registration and description of herbage cultivars Crowe, Richard (1993) The response of Lolium perenne and Holcus lanatus to shading in relation to a silvopastoral system Casey, Imelda (2000) A study of sward structure development and its influence on bite dimensions of grazing dairy cows Barrett, Peter (2000) The study of physical and morphological properties of Lolium spp. and their influence on herbage intake by grazing dairy cows Coll, Ronan (2001) Elimination of genetic differences as a measure of relatedness and as an indication of essential derivation in Lolium perenne McEvoy, Peter (2004) Livestock management in grazed woodlands Hurley, Grainne (2007) Factors controlling reproductive development in Lolium perenne L. and their influence on mid-season sward quality Weldon, Belynda (2008) (Joint with Teagasc) A study of the consequences of utilising autumn-saved pasture during winter by beef cattle Burns, Gareth (2012) Variation in nutritive quality of Lolium as assessed by near infrared reflective spectroscopy Griffith, Vincent (2014) Assessing the dry matter yield stability, persistency and dominance of perennial ryegrass (Lolium perenne L.) in monocultures and mixtures of grazed and cut swards Hildago, Daniel (2014) Strategies to optimise white clover (Trifolium repens L.) content in grass white clover swards to consistently replace inorganic nitrogen in grazing systems Cashman, Patrick (2015) Towards an understanding of the differential productivity and persistency responses to simulated and cattle grazing managements of perennial ryegrass cultivar genotypes MAgr theses (in chronological order) Lowe, John (1951) Output, as measured by clipping techniques and changes in botanical constitution of grassland swards under certain systems of seeding, manuring and management Proudfoot, Kenneth (1956) Studies of various agrotypes of perennial ryegrass (Lolium perenne) Rutherford, Andrew (1957) A study of a number of trials for measuring the seed yields and associated agronomic features with non-pedigree, Landrace and pedigree strains of Lolium perenne Chestnutt, Moore (1960) Studies on growth features of agronomic importance in certain cultivars of Lolium perenne L. Johnston, David (1982) The amenity turf characteristics of a slow growing red fescue variety Powell, Anthony (1986) An expert system for mixing grass seeds for agricultural use

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Figure legends Fig. 11-1 James Scott Gordon, CBE, DSc (1867–1946) (reproduced with the permission of the Permanent Secretary, Department of Agriculture and Rural Development, Northern Ireland) Fig. 11-2 Agriculture Faculty Building, Queen’s University Belfast, ca. 1952 (from Muskett 1952) Fig. 11-3 Cover of the first issue of the subsequently prestigious Journal of the British Grassland Society Fig. 11-4 Farm workers forking freshly cut grass at the Agricultural Research Institute of Northern Ireland, Hillsborough in the mid 1950s. Photo given by Dr P Hayes—at the time employed in the Field Botany Research Division, Ministry of Agriculture (NI)—to the author in 1980 Fig. 11-5 Experimental equipment used in field trials reported on by Linehan and Lowe (1946) in the first paper of the Journal of the British Grassland Society. The experimental area was on a private farm at Masserene Park, Co. Antrim, and, according to the authors, was “on land which was cultivated in 1944 for the first time in living memory”. The photographs show animals being driven into the weighing enclosure on 23/03/1945 (photo 3); animals being weighed in groups of five on a Pooley weighing bridge “which is sensitive to 7lb [3.2 kg]” (photo 4); animals entering the first area of the experimental field (photo 5); grazing-exclusion cages developed by the authors and used in all their subsequent grassland research trials (photo 6); clippings made on the improved and unimproved swards in a trial area (photo 7); and, Allen motor scythe with a three-foot-wide cut set to mow at a height of one inch (1 foot = 12 inches = 30.5 cm). This motorised scythe remained in use until the 1970s (photo 8) Fig. 11-6 Grass-measuring equipment developed by Lowe and in use in the late 1940s/early 1950s at the Field Botany Research Division, Ministry of Agriculture (NI) (from Lowe 1951, MAgr thesis) Fig. 11-7 Sheep grazing in silvopastoral trials at AFBI’s Horticulture and Plant Breeding Station, Loughgall, Co. Armagh (photo: R. Olave; 2005) Fig. 11-8 Cattle grazing in silvopasture, Loughgall, Co. Armagh (photo: J. McAdam; 2007) Fig. 11-9 Cattle grazing in a rich and diverse pastoral landscape, Co. Tyrone. Landscape quality is greatly enhanced by a pastoral system that depends on, and respects, the well-defined field boundaries dominated by woody vegetation including tall trees. It serves to illustrate the major advantages, for both farmer and non-farmer, accruing from sustainable livestock production systems based on sustainable grassland management (photo: J. McAdam; 2001)

CHAPTER TWELVE THE IMPORTANCE OF GRASSES: PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE HELEN SHERIDAN

Abstract The national vision for Irish agriculture presented within the Food Harvest 2020 Report is one of Smart, Green Growth, where capitalising on natural advantages and adoption of best practices are essential to achieving agricultural growth targets in a sustainable manner. Ireland’s greatest natural advantage is its ability to produce grass and this is reflected by the fact that 81% of the agricultural land of the country is currently under pasture-based agricultural systems. Here we consider some of the changes to Irish agricultural grassland management during the course of the twentieth century and present provisional findings from a current research project (SmartGrass; http://smartgrass.ie) that seeks to address current knowledge gaps through investigation of the potential role of multispecies grasslands in development of highly productive, low environmental-footprint farming systems. Keywords Perennial ryegrass • Species-rich grassland • Multi-species swards • Productivity • Biodiversity • Ireland

Introduction Over the last approximately 60 years, research addressing the challenge of increasing agricultural output from grassbased systems was largely focussed on the use of perennial ryegrass (Lolium perenne). However, this is an aggressive, nitrogen-demanding grass. Therefore, reliance on this species has led to a range of environmental issues such as loss of biodiversity from agricultural grasslands. Reduction of biodiversity in turn reduces the system’s ability to provide some or all of the regulating and supporting ecosystem services that are fundamental to sustainable agricultural enterprises, e.g. nutrient cycling, maintenance of soil structure, pollination, pest control, etc. (MEA 2005; Feehan et al. 2011; Feehan, this volume). In addition, fertiliser inputs represent a very significant proportion of direct costs on Irish farms. Therefore, further reliance on nutrient-demanding monocultures is becoming less economically viable and environmentally acceptable. However, prior to the development of the fertiliser industry, and particularly during the early to mid-twentieth century, much scientific investigation relating to the agronomic value of various grass and forage herb species was undertaken (see Collins, this volume; McAdam, this volume). More recent studies have also shown that biomass production is positively related to increased species diversity within the sward and particularly where the species in question are from different functional groups (Kirwan et al. 2007; Pirhofer-Walzl et al. 2011). This is believed to be due to niche complementarity. In addition, there is evidence to suggest that the inclusion of forage herbs within a sward mixture can add to the nutritive value of the herbage for ruminants. Here we present provisional findings from a research project (SmartGrass; http://smartgrass.ie) that aims to address current knowledge gaps through investigation of the potential role of multi-species grasslands in development of highly productive, low environmental-footprint farming systems.

Agriculture—global and Irish contexts At both national and global scales there has probably never before been so many potentially conflicting challenges for agriculture. The global human population is expected to reach 9.1 billion by 2050 thus requiring food production to increase by 70% relative to 2005–2007 levels (FAO 2009). It follows that ensuring an increased global food supply may have serious consequences for natural resources, resulting from the combination of potential further expansion and intensification of agricultural management of the finite land-base (Royal Society 2009; UK GOS 2011). While hunter/gatherers (Mesolithic peoples) reached Ireland at ca. 8000 BC, shortly after the end of the last Ice Age, the first farmers (Neolithic peoples) did not reach Irish shores until ca. 4000 BC (Molloy and O’Connell, this volume; Woodman 2015; Woodman, this volume). Today agriculture is the largest indigenous industry in the Republic of Ireland1, with almost 140 000 farm holdings and providing 8.4% of total employment. Approximately 65% of the land 1

The statistics quoted refer to the Republic of Ireland unless otherwise indicated.

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area is dedicated to agricultural production and of this ca. 81% (3.63 million ha) is under grassland and is used for pasture, hay and/or silage production (DAFM 2015a). The importance of grassland production is reflected in the predominance of ruminant animal production, i.e. 3.3 million sheep and 6.3 million cattle (CSO 2013). These animals are almost exclusively fed on the national annual grass yield, which is ca. 26.5 million tonnes (King et al. 2013).

Current status of Irish grasslands Despite the fact that ca. 130 grass species occur in Ireland (Feehan et al. 2012), currently L. perenne (perennial ryegrass) accounts for 95% of national forage grass seed sales. Indeed this, together with varieties of Lolium multiflorum (Italian ryegrass) and Trifolium repens (white clover), is the only species included on the national recommended list of grassland forage species (DAFM 2015b). Recommended varieties have been selected due to agronomic qualities such as high dry-matter production, early spring growth, ability to recover from regular defoliation, persistence, high digestibility, carbohydrate and palatability. L. perenne has become the focus of most grassland productivity-based research over the last 60 years (see Elgersma et al. 2000; Tallowin et al. 2005; Chapman et al. 2011; McAdam, this volume) and therefore is the principal species in terms of the agronomic advisory information provided to farmers throughout the country. In practice, this means that little if any distinction is made on the basis of recipient site management and prevailing conditions including soil type, moisture content and soil fertility. As L. perenne is a high nitrogen-demanding species, its productivity largely depends on applied nitrogen (Shiel et al. 1999) and it quickly disappears from swards where this nutrient is in limited supply (Sheridan et al. 2008). Therefore, ultimately its adoption as the species of choice for agronomic re-seeding was, in large part, due to the development of the fertiliser industry (see Collins, this volume) which increased the availability of inorganic fertilisers at relatively affordable prices to farmers.

Fertiliser usage in Ireland In the years following independence from Britain, i.e. 1922 onwards and up to the 1950s, the fertiliser industry remained relatively stagnant, with usage being well below that of other European countries (Walsh et al. 1957; Cooper and Davis 2004). The impact of this, in terms of the agronomic status of grasslands throughout the country, was well elucidated by Holmes (1949) in his report to the then Minister for Agriculture, James Dillon, on the status of Irish grasslands: I saw hundreds of fields which are growing just as little as it is physically possible for the land to grow under an Irish sky. This statement is not intended as a criticism of the competence of the farmers, or of the policy of any government, but it is a commentary on the circumstances which have combined to bring about such a state—more than thirty years of political and economic instability, some sixteen years of hopelessly inadequate fertilizer supply, with the nine years just past during which the compulsory tillage was superimposed upon a desperate famine for fertiliser. It is a miracle that some of the land is able to grow grass at all.

As a result of his observations, he made a range of recommendations for the overall improvement of grassland productivity, among which were: a programme of grassland improvement including measures such as the establishment of a national soil survey; and a review of the fertiliser industry together with a scheme to provide farmers with a reliable supply of inexpensive fertilisers, while also recognising the need to disseminate information on grass productivity and soil fertility that was informed by reliable scientific research. In addition, he recommended that farmers should aim to seed at least one field each year to new pasture (Holmes 1949). Following this report and the new-found focus on expansion within the livestock sector promoted under the various Programmes for Economic Expansion, there was a much more focussed national drive towards increasing the fertility and thus the productivity of Irish grasslands (Daly 2002). Key to achieving this grassland development, according to the Minister for Agriculture, C.J. Haughey, was the increased use of inorganic fertilisers (Minister for Agriculture 1965): About 70 per cent. of the increase in agricultural output envisaged by the Second Programme for Economic Expansion will be derived from commodities based mainly on grass. This expansion can profitably take place only through the more widespread adoption of higher standards of grassland and livestock management based on increased production of high quality grass and adequate supplies of silage and hay for the winter months. For this purpose, a further substantial and balanced increase in the use of fertilisers will be essential.

This was what happened during the period 1951–1972 when a doubling—from 572 000 to 1 338 000 tonnes—of fertiliser usage took place. Sales of nitrogen (N) in particular, rose rapidly during this time, increasing from 10 200 tonnes in 1951 to 96 800 tonnes in 1972. This overall increase in fertiliser inputs was, in part at least, due to subsidies provided by the Government to promote their use (Cooper and Davis 2004).

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Fundamental to this shift in farm practices was the research to develop an understanding of the relationship between soil fertility and grassland productivity. This was initiated by the Department of Agriculture at Johnstown Castle, Co. Wexford in 1946 and continued during the 1950s and 1960s following the establishment of An Foras Talúntais in 1958 with Dr Tom Walsh as its Director. Walsh was also appointed by the Department of Agriculture as head of research and specialist advisory services on soils and grasslands in 1952 (Miley 2008). He was subsequently the first president of the Fertiliser Association of Ireland, which was established in 1968. Under Walsh’s leadership, several experiments, including field trials, were conducted at Johnstown Castle during the 1960s that illustrated the positive relationship between fertiliser input (particularly N) and phosphorus (P)) and grass output, which, in some instances, gave as much as 50% increase in yields (Miley 2008). The establishment of the Irish Grassland Association in 1946 was also a key component of the agronomic improvement of Irish grassland. Increased usage of fertilisers, continued during the period 1973–1990, during which there was a further increase of 38%: from 1 630 000 tonnes in 1973 to 2 250 000 tonnes in 1990 (Cooper and Davis 2004). This was particularly pronounced for N and by 1999 an average of 143 kg N per ha was being applied (Lalor et al. 2010).

European policy Expansion of the livestock sectors and consequent agronomic improvement of grasslands continued with Ireland’s accession in 1973 to the European Economic Community (EEC) and during the years thereafter. During this time, the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) expenditure accounted for the largest proportion of the overall EEC budget, i.e. 89% in the early 1970s versus 42% in 2011 (European Parliament 2011). Much of this spending was to support livestock-based enterprises through a variety of payments such as Headage, which was first introduced in 1975 (EEC 1975) and to ensure a system of guaranteed prices facilitated through intervention (Hamell 2001). While it may never have been the intention, this policy essentially encouraged farmers to ignore the natural carrying-capacity of their lands and resulted in a peaking of livestock numbers. The most dramatic increase was observed for the national sheep flock which almost trebled between 1980 (3.48 million) and 1991 (almost 9 million) (CSO 1997; Cabot 1985). Though not nearly so extreme, the beef and dairying sectors also experienced considerable restructuring during this period, with the average herd-size increasing by 24.3% (Quigley 1994). The overstocking and resultant overgrazing, particularly by sheep, caused significant ecological damage especially in upland western areas (Feehan and O’Donovan 1996; Sheehy-Skeffington et al. 1996). Additional schemes that aimed to aid increased productivity from farm holdings included the Farm Modernisation Scheme (Directive 72/159/EEC) introduced into Ireland in 1974 (DoA 1975). The area of land affected by this had reached 61 500 ha by 1980 (Cabot 1985). While land drainage had been ongoing long before Ireland’s entry to the EEC under the Arterial Drainage Act (1945), entry to the EEC brought the most substantial financial assistance for drainage in the form of the Western Drainage Scheme (Directive 78/628/EEC). This was introduced in Ireland in 1979. Coupled with these developments was an increased drive towards greater mechanisation of agriculture, with tractor numbers growing from 44 000 in 1960 to 145 000 in 1980 (Cabot 1985) and exceeding 157 000 by 1991 (Teagasc 1999).

Grassland diversity The conditions that brought about greater intensity of land use, facilitated through the widespread availability of relatively cheap inorganic fertilisers and coupled with EEC policies regarding land drainage, reclamation, etc., and active encouragement of higher stocking rates, are regarded as largely responsible for the dramatic decrease in biodiversity associated with all trophic levels that has been recognised and reported on in many parts of Europe (e.g. Aebischer 1991; Benton et al. 2002). Indeed, it is now suggested that up to 23% of the diversity once associated with European farmland was lost during the period 1970–2000 (de Heer et al. 2005). With respect to agricultural grasslands, the elevated levels of soil fertility resulting from increased use of inorganic fertilisers causes a competitive asymmetry among plant species (Shipley and Keddy 1994) that favours rapidly growing, nitrophilous species (Thomas et al. 2002) and leads to the exclusion of slower growing and less invasive perennial species (Andrews and Rebane 1994). Most indigenous grasses and herbs cannot compete with L. perenne under enhanced conditions of soil fertility, thus resulting in the current abundance of relatively botanically impoverished swards (Gough et al. 2000; Sheridan et al. 2008; Fritch et al. 2011). Photographs in Fig. 12-1 illustrate the difference in architectural complexity of swards in receipt of high (>150 kg N per ha per year) and low levels (70% L. perenne in the sward (1086 ha), or the slightly more botanically diverse category of improved agricultural grasslands (656.25 ha) (Sheridan et al. 2011). Sullivan et al. (2010) have reported largely similar findings for Co. Galway, with 472 of the total 603 fields surveyed comprised of ‘Improved Agricultural Grassland’ as defined by Fossitt (2000). While the production potential of multi-species grasslands has largely been overlooked during the last 60 years, there has been some interest in revisiting this area in recent years. In particular, the benefits associated with the inclusion of leguminous species are now well understood (Evans et al. 1992; Abberton and Marshall 2005). A number of relatively recent studies have shown that biomass production is positively related with increased species diversity within the sward and particularly where these species are from different functional groups (Kirwan et al. 2007; Nyfeler et al. 2009; Pirhofer-Walzl et al. 2011). This is believed to be due to niche complementarity, i.e. the competitive interactions between species present in the sward are weakened as individual species have different growth habits and therefore use available resources differently to maximise productivity over the growing season (see Silvertown 2004; Purvis et al. 2011). More recently, the Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine has funded a four-year research project SmartGrass to revisit the question of multi-species grasslands and investigate their potential in terms of modern agricultural systems. Experimental plots containing 24 pasture mixes, consisting of one to nine species and representing three functional groups—grasses: L. perenne, P. pratense and D. glomerata; herbs: P. lanceolata, Cichorium intybus (chicory) and Achillea millefolium (yarrow); and legumes: Trifolium repens (white clover), T. pratense (red clover) and Lotus pedunculatus (greater bird’s-foot-trefoil)—were established at University College Dublin farm at Lyons Estate, Newcastle, Co. Dublin, during summer 2013. To date, dry-matter yields have been significantly higher from mixture plots that received 90 kg N per ha compared with L. perenne monocultures managed at the same N-input level, and are similar to the yields from L. perenne plots in receipt of N at 250 kg per ha (Grace et al. 2015; Grace et al. 2016). Grace et al. (2016) have also found that lambs grazed on farmlet plots containing mixtures had higher average daily weight gain and consequently higher weaning weights than lambs that grazed on L. perenne monocultures. In addition, Cuddy et al. (2014) and Duignan et al. (2014) have reported preliminary results that suggest that the plots containing mixtures are better at suppressing weed species and support greater abundance of invertebrates. If the vision for Irish agriculture is truly based on Smart, Green Growth, a shift from reliance on high input monocultures to more botanically diverse swards will be required. While results from this project are preliminary, and persistence is as yet unquantified, the information available to date points to several agronomic and ecological benefits

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of multi-species versus monoculture swards. In addition, the lower N requirement of the mixtures reduces the overall environmental impact compared with the high-input-requiring L. perenne monocultures, while also being economically beneficial for farmers. Acknowledgments The author wishes to acknowledge funding for the SmartGrass project (Smart Grassland Systems— Innovative Management and Technology Development to Maximise Resource Use Efficiency—RSF 11/S/147) provided through the Research Stimulus Fund, administered by the Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine.

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Figure legend Fig. 12-1 Photographs of re-seeded grasslands in receipt of high and low-nitrogen applications, respectively. The former (overview photograph) shows a grassland with low species diversity while the latter (close-up photograph) has many grass species (photos: H. Sheridan (25/08/2002) and A. Helden (18/06/2007), respectively)

CHAPTER THIRTEEN THE MEADOW AT BIRR CASTLE, CO. OFFALY: A RELIC OF THE PAST AND A GLIMPSE OF THE FUTURE IN GRASSLAND MANAGEMENT JOHN FEEHAN

Abstract Until the early twentieth century agricultural grasslands were characterised by high species diversity and superior dietary quality. Their replacement by high-yielding clover-ryegrass swards under more intensive modern systems of agriculture had less to do with forage quality than the ready availability of artificial fertilisers and ease of mechanical management. Traditional grasslands of this kind are increasingly rare, but hence all the more important given their intrinsic value in the contexts of conversation, education and research. An outstanding surviving example in Ireland, the meadow in the demesne of Birr Castle, Co. Offaly, is described. Keywords Biodiversity • Species-rich grassland • Meadow • Conservation • Forage quality • Birr Castle Demesne • Ireland

Introduction The ancestors of domesticated grazers evolved among several sub-families of bovids in the early Tertiary, and diversified in response to the new ecological opportunities presented by the productive grasslands that became widespread under the cooler, more seasonal habitats of mid-Tertiary (Miocene) times. For all but the last instant in their evolutionary history, the diet of these domesticated bovids differed little in nutritional quality from that provided by the species-diverse and nutritionally balanced mixed herbaceous swards of their wild progenitors (Grubb 2005). For most of farming history the grassland sward on which domesticated grazers fed was a semi-natural ecosystem whose productivity depended on climatic, edaphic and topographical factors. Productivity could only be increased by increasing the area grazed rather than increasing productivity levels per se. Even when the basic principles of plant nutrition and the importance of manure in restoring and maintaining fertility came to be understood (see Collins, this volume), all the manure a farm produced was needed on the arable land and little was available for spreading on grasssland. The so-called ‘agrichemical revolution’ that began with Sprengel and Liebig’s ground-breaking research on plant nutrition in the early 1800s and accelerated after Fritz Haber, in the late 1800s, discovered how to synthesize artificial nitrate, brought further substantial change. This resulted in wide availability of artificial fertilizer, but it remained too expensive for use on smaller Irish farms until they came under the umbrella of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) after Ireland’s accession to the European Economic Community (EEC; now the EU) in 1973. Sixty years ago nearly all the farmland to be seen during a train journey across Ireland would have qualified as what we now call High Nature Value (HNV) farmland on account of the diversity of flowering plants, with 40–50 species as often as not in an average field. In the intervening decades these fields have been transformed, mainly through reseeding with ryegrass and the application of fertilisers that nobody could afford in earlier times. General reclamation and drainage, hedgerow removal and field enlargement, the use of other petroleum-derived agrichemicals, changes in grazing breeds (cattle and sheep) and the pattern of grazing, and many other changes in farm practice, including the general abandonment of mixed farming, have all taken their toll on the environmental quality of Irish grasslands. Of course, productivity greatly increased where this is measured in quantity of forage per unit area, without factoring in such other criteria including loss in biodiversity, forage nutritional quality and overall negative impact on the rural environment (Feehan 2015). With the new markets that opened up after our accession to the EEC in 1973 and the creation of a more affluent society in Ireland with greatly increased spending power, the positive effects on farm livelihoods were considerable. But it also had its negative aspects, which included a severe reduction in the abundance of most native species of flowering herbs and grasses; not wiping them out, but greatly reducing their abundance. And this happened slowly and incrementally, almost un-noticed! But it was not just the wildflowers that disappeared from Irish pastures and meadows. Plants are the base of all food chains. Everything else depends on them, either directly if they are herbivores or, at a further remove, if they are

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carnivores. As their sources of food become less abundant, consumer-animal populations decline and, ultimately, as competition for scarce food resources and habitat increases, extinction follows at least for the more vulnerable species. The likelihood is that many rarer species have thus been lost to us because of this diminution of habitat and the loss of resources, especially in the case of species that have specific requirements (McCarthy 2015). The predicament of wild bees is a good example; economically important because bees are responsible for something like two-thirds of all pollination. Bumblebees in particular have developed a close relationship with particular flowering families, and especially the legume (pea) family. Bumblebees and legume-family flowers have become closely adapted to each other structurally over the course of their sixty-million-year history. Legume flowers are important for bees because legume pollen is especially high in protein, and unusually rich in the essential amino acids they can get nowhere else; and they provide abundant nectar. The nectar resource is equally important, because of the sheer quantity of nectar these insects need as adults to fuel their activities. Bumblebees need to maintain a body temperature of 35°C, and they are able to do this by means of the heat generated by their flight muscles, which beat at the scarcely believable rate of 200 times a second. This uses up an enormous amount of energy (ca. 1.2 kJ per hour) which is why the abundance of nectar-rich flowering plants, and not merely presence on a list, is so important. Most of these wild flowers are still common—most of us all familiar with the wide variety of native wild clovers, trefoils and vetches—but it is their abundance that really counts, and most of these flowers are far less abundant than they were sixty years ago (Goulson 2013). There is perhaps no species that reflects the change in farming practice and the accompanying loss in plant and invertebrate diversity more than the corncrake (Crex crex). In the 1950s, meadows that harboured corncrakes in the summer months were so much a part of rural life that it seemed there was a pair in every other field. For older people in rural Ireland memories of June are encapsulated by the call of the corncrake. Today it remains on the check list of birds for only a handful of Irish counties, mainly in the mid- and north-western Atlantic fringe and in the wetlands (callows) of the mid-Shannon basin. The biodiversity of the soil—its fungal communities in particular—have been affected in a way comparable to the familiar flora and fauna that is readily visible on the surface. A group of fungi that are particularly responsive and informative in this respect are the waxcaps—Hygrocybe spp. are particularly important—which are highly sensitive to heightened nutrient inputs. Some species are still common, because they can quickly establish themselves, but only when there is no artificial nutrient input. Other species, however, take decades or even centuries to establish in the soil community, which is why waxcap grasslands with more than one or two species are so important in conservation terms: to be sought out, noted and cherished. But then, apart from its effects on the soil biota—out of sight, hidden and so scarcely noticed—much of the artificial nutrient so liberally applied is in excess of what the target rye-grass can utilise, and so is lost. Being soluble in water, it is lost in runoff and to groundwater and ultimately to rivers and streams, lakes and ponds, where it has had a negative impact on the aquatic fauna and flora comparable to that of changes in farm practice generally on dryland biodiversity. To a large extent, we failed at the time to realise what was happening. And we could have done so had we paid closer attention. Meanwhile, we have gradually come to understand the unintended and unforeseen effects of our actions and begun to adapt our ways and practices to stop the decline in biodiversity and to restore where we can what we have lost. In the case of farmland management we now have all the measures relating to the conservation of biodiversity and habitat quality under the heading of Good Farm Practice: on paper at least, if not always on the ground. There is still a largely uncritical acceptance of the primacy of productivity per grazed hectare, this productivity defined primarily by overall biomass produced by a small number of high-yielding grass and clover cultivars, with less consideration of the deterioration in nutritional quality that accompanied the loss of species diversity in the sward.

The meadow at Birr Castle, Birr, Co. Offaly In the early nineteenth century a new meadow was sown in the demesne of Birr Castle as part of the re-design implemented by the Third Earl of Rosse. This meadow has been managed in a traditional way ever since, providing a rare example of an agricultural ecosystem that was once widespread, and an opportunity to examine in detail the characteristics of such grasslands (Figs 13-1, 13-2). Some ninety species occur in and around the meadow, including twenty grass species (Table 13-1). The meadow is cut once a year, generally at the end of June. No fertilizer is applied. Some 120 round 4x4 bales of hay, each ca. 240 kg, are harvested from an area of some twenty acres (8 ha). This was originally fed to animals on the estate farm, but in recent years has been sold to local farmers who feed it to suckler cows, sheep or horses. It is a highly valued animal feed-stuff. The productivity could certainly be increased through the use of traditional manures without significant loss of biodiversity, but the primary function of the meadow at present is its aesthetic role in the demesne landscape (Figs 13-

The Meadow at Birr Castle, Co. Offaly: A Relic of the Past and a Glimpse of the Future in Grassland Management

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1, 13-2). In addition to this, however, it provides a rare opportunity to study a traditional meadow and to experience the aesthetic contribution these species-rich habitats made, and continue to make, to the traditional landscape. Table 13-1 Flowering-plant species (Latin and common English names) recorded in and around the meadow in Birr Castle demesne Latin name English name ______________________________________________ Achillea millefolium Aegopodium podagraria Aethusa cynapium *Elytrigia repens (Agropyron repens) *Agrostis capillaris *A. stolonifera Ajuga reptans Alliaria petiolata Allium ursinum *Alopecurus pratensis Anacamptis pyramidalis Anagallis arvensis *Anisantha sterilis *Anthoxanthum odoratum Anthriscus sylvestris *Arrhenatherum elatius Arum maculatum Bellis perennis *Brachypodium sylvaticum *Briza media *Bromopsis ramosa *Bromus hordeaceus Capsella bursa-pastoris Cardamine pratensis Carex flacca C. nigra C. sylvatica *Catapodium rigidum Centaurea nigra Centaurium erythraea Cerastium fontanum Chrysanthemum leucanthemum (Chrysanthemum leucanthemum) Conopodium majus Crepis capillaris C. biennis C. vesicaria Crocosmia xcrocosmiflora *Cynosurus cristatus *Dactylis glomerata Dactylorhiza maculata *Deschampsia cespitosa Epilobium montanum Euphorbia peplus Euphrasia officinalis *Festuca arundinacea *F. pratensis *F. rubra *xFestulolium loliaceum (=F. pratensis x L. perenne) Filipendula ulmaria Fumaria officinalis Galium verum G. aparine Geranium robertianum Geum rivale G. urbanum Glechoma hederacea *Glyceria fluitans

yarrow ground-elder fool’s parsley scutch grass common bent creeping bent bugle garlic mustard wild garlic (ramsons) meadow foxtail pyramid orchid scarlet pimpernel barren brome sweet vernal grass cow parsley false oat-grass cuckoo pint (Lords-and-Ladies) daisy false brome quaking grass hairy brome soft brome shepherd’s purse Lady’s smock (cuckoo-flower) glaucous sedge common sedge wood sedge fern grass black knapweed pink centaury common mouse-ear ox-eye daisy pignut smooth hawk’s-beard rough hawk’s-beard beaked hawk’s-beard Montbretia crested dog’s-tail cock’s-foot common spotted orchid tufted hair-grass (wavy hair-grass) broad-leaved willowherb petty spurge eyebright tall fescue meadow fescue red fescue hybrid fescue meadowsweet common fumitory Lady’s bedstraw cleavers herb-Robert water avens wood avens ground-ivy floating sweet-grass

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138 *Helictotrichon pubescens (Avenula pubescens) Heracleum sphondylium Hieracium pilosella *Holcus lanatus *Hordeum murinum Hyacinthoides non-scripta Hypericum androsaemum Hypochoeris radicata Juncus acutiflorus J. inflexus J. conglomeratus Lamium purpureum Lapsana communis Lathyrus pratensis Leontodon hispidus *Lolium perenne Lotus corniculatus Lysimachia nemorum Medicago lupulina *Melica uniflora Mentha aquatica Narcissus pseudonarcissus Orchis mascula Petasites fragrans *Phalaris arundinacea *Phleum pratense *Phragmites australis (Phragmites communis) Plantago lanceolata P. major P. media *Poa annua *P. pratensis *P. trivialis Polygala vulgaris Polygonum persicaria Potentilla anserina P. erecta P. reptans P. sterilis Primula veris P. vulgaris Prunella vulgaris Ranunculus acris R. bulbosus R. ficaria R. repens Rumex acetosa R. crispus R. obtusifolius Sanicula europaea Senecio jacobaea S. vulgaris Sisymbrium officinale Sonchus asper S. oleraceus Stachys sylvatica Stellaria media Taraxacum officinale Trifolium dubium T. pratense T. repens *Trisetum flavescens Urtica dioica Valerianella locusta Veronica beccabunga V. chamaedrys V. persica V. serpyllifolia

downy oat-grass hogweed mouse-ear hawkweed Yorkshire fog wall barley bluebell tutsan cat’s-ear sharp-flowered rush hard rush compact rush red dead-nettle nipplewort meadow vetchling rough hawkbit perennial rye-grass bird’s-foot trefoil yellow pimpernel black medick wood melick water-mint daffodil early purple orchid winter heliotrope reed-grass Timothy common reed ribwort plantain broad-leaved plantain hoary plantain annual meadow-grass smooth meadow-grass rough meadow-grass milkwort redshank silverweed creeping cinquefoil cinquefoil barren strawberry cowslip primrose self-heal meadow buttercup bulbous buttercup lesser celandine creeping buttercup common sorrel curled dock broad-leaved dock wood sanicle ragwort groundsel hedge mustard prickly sow-thistle smooth sow-thistle hedge woundwort common chickweed dandelion yellow clover red clover white clover yellow oat-grass common nettle lamb’s-lettuce (corn salad) brooklime bird’s-eye speedwell (germander speedwell) common field speedwell thyme-leaved speedwell

The Meadow at Birr Castle, Co. Offaly: A Relic of the Past and a Glimpse of the Future in Grassland Management Vicia cracca V. sativa V. sepium Viola odorata V. riviniana

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tufted vetch common vetch bush vetch sweet violet common dog-violet

_________________________________________________________ Nomenclature (Latin names) follows Parnell and Curtis (2012). In a few instances, other Latin names that are commonly used are given in parentheses below the entry for the particular species. Common English names are from a variety of sources; alternative English names are given in parentheses. Trees and shrubs are not included; grass species are indicated by an asterisk.

Conclusions Considerable attention is given nowadays to the conservation of meadows such as at Birr Castle mainly because of their biodiversity. Much closer attention also needs to be given to the economic re-evaluation of these grasslands. This would factor-in such hitherto poorly quantified considerations as nutritional adequacy and the consequent health and welfare benefits; and the possibility of compensating for reduced biomass by extending grazed area onto land that has been neglected, often in order to concentrate intensive production in a smaller, more readily manipulated area, as well as straightforward assessment of direct input costs of seed, fertilizer, and also labour. There is a widespread lack of awareness of the sophistication and productivity of best practice within the agronomic systems prevailing immediately before the triumph of agrochemicals. The nutritional advantage of multi-species grassland may surprise some readers, but will not surprise anybody familiar with the sophisticated agronomic practice of the late 19th and early 20th centuries (McAdam, this volume; Sheridan, this volume). But apart from the nutritional arguments for a re-consideration of the best practice of the era that preceded the ryegrass revolution, there is now a compelling economic argument. With the introduction of the Single Farm Payment replacing the various cattle and sheep premiums, arable aid payments and extensification premium from 2005 (and hence decoupled from production), many grassland farmers are expected to reduce the amount of artificial fertilizer applied to grassland, and, in some instances, abandon it altogether. Under conditions of lower artificial input the positive responsiveness of ryegrass to high nutrient levels is seen only on the very best soils. Under conditions of lower input carefully chosen traditional mixtures perform better. The race for the mind and heart of progressive agriculture was won by the newly ascendant artificial input-reliant approach to farming in the early decades of last century. But it was won by a narrower margin than many of us appreciate, and that narrow victory in the production stakes was dependent on relatively cheap artificial inputs. When that advantage is withdrawn—because we appreciate its cost in terms of hidden environmental, economic and social costs more fully—victory lies with an older approach, endowed with the stamina of a performance that is essentially sustainable (Feehan 2003). In these circumstances serious consideration should be given to the replacement of ryegrass monocultures with a more traditional species-diverse sward that outperforms input-dependent ryegrass under conditions of lowered input and on poorer soils. This will not only give more optimal productivity but will greatly assist agriculture to play its part in meeting the twin EU targets of ensuring that the quality of all water bodies are at a satisfactory level by 2015 as required by the Water Framework Directive, and of halting decrease in biodiversity. It is time to blow the dust off the farming manuals that were relegated to the top shelf with the triumph of ryegrass, and breathe into their pages the new life that our modern understanding of ecology makes possible, in order to develop a regime of grassland management that is more productive under the changed circumstances, is more sustainable in relation to environmental quality, and utilizes the resources of the individual farm to the full. One of the many problems facing us is that we have become increasingly unfamiliar with these more traditional approaches, both in theory and practice. It is as though, when we peer into the past of agricultural history, a curtain of invisibility descends at about 60 years ago, and we think there was nothing of true value before this, before the advent of the prescription farming that so dominates our own time. One area of particular concern is the fact that not only are these methods not being taught or practised, but the notion that they are only marginally relevant is allowed to persist. We need a new research agenda for grassland management, and it is encouraging to see the beginnings of such an agenda in both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland within relevant government departments, and research and teaching institutes, i.e. Teagasc and AFBI, and the School of Agriculture and Food Science, UCD (see McAdam, this volume; Sheridan, this volume).

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References Feehan J (2003) Editorial. Tearmann (Ir J Agri-environ Res) 3:i Feehan J (2015) Reflections on fifty years of natural history. Offaly Historical Studies, Tullamore Goulson D (2013) A sting in the tale. Jonathan Cape, London Grubb P (2005) Family Bovidae. In: Wilson DE, Reeder, DM (eds) Mammal species of the world: a taxonomic and geographic reference, 3rd edn. John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, pp 673–722 McCarthy M (2015) The moth snowstorm. Nature and joy. John Murray, London Parnell J, Curtis T (2012) Webb’s an Irish flora, 8th edn. Cork University Press, Cork

Figure legends Fig. 13-1 Photographs at top show views of meadow at Birr Castle (LHS: ox-eye daisy (Chrysanthemum leucanthemum)-dominated part of the meadow with Birr Castle in the background; RHS: view of grass-species-rich part of the meadow with the structure that supported the ‘Levianthan of Parsonstown’, the giant reflecting telescope constructed by the Castle owner, William Parsons, third Earl of Rosse, in the 1840s. Photograph at the bottom shows J. Feehan (extreme right) explaining the intricacies of grass morphology to AHSI members (from left to right) M. Martyn, R. Sexton, A. Madden, B. Riordan and S. Ó Siocháin, and J. Collins (at edge; partial view) (photo: M. O’Connell; 15/06/2014) Fig. 13-2 Photographs of meadow at Birr Castle. Top: open parkland aspect with mostly young trees; LHS: mature oak (Quercus) in a meadow context; bottom, RHS: detail of meadow showing strongly flowering grasses. The meadow was cut within days of the Agricultural History Society of Ireland visit (photo: M. O’Connell; 15/06/2014)

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Dr Jonathan Bell Ulster Folk and Transport Museum Cultra, 153 Bangor Rd Holywood, BT18 0EU Northern Ireland E-mail: [email protected] Dr James F. Collins Soil Science School of Agriculture and Food Science University College Dublin Belfield, Dublin 4 Ireland E-mail: [email protected] Eugene Costello Archaeology, School of Geography and Archaeology National University of Ireland Galway Galway, H91 TK33 Ireland E-mail: [email protected] Dr John Feehan Syngefield Birr Co. Offaly, R42AE79 Ireland E-mail: [email protected] Dr Louisa J. Gidney 104 Dan’s Castle Tow Law, Bishop Auckland Co. Durham, DL13 4BB United Kingdom E-mail: [email protected] Professor Fergus Kelly School of Celtic Studies Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies 10 Burlington Road Dublin 4, D04 C932 Ireland E-mail: [email protected] Professor Patricia Lysaght School of Irish, Celtic Studies and Folklore University College Dublin Belfield, Dublin 4 Ireland E-mail: [email protected]

Professor James H. McAdam Crops Grassland and Ecology Branch Agri-Food and Biosciences Institute and School of Biology Queen’s University Belfast Newforge Lane Belfast BT9 5PX Northern Ireland E-mail: [email protected] Dr Theresa McDonald Achill Archaeological Field School Dooagh, Achill Island Co. Mayo, F28 HK11 Ireland E-mail: [email protected] Dr Karen Molloy Palaeoenvironmental Research Unit School of Geography and Archaeology National University of Ireland Galway Galway, H91 TK33 Ireland E-mail: [email protected] Professor Michael O’Connell Palaeoenvironmental Research Unit School of Geography and Archaeology National University of Ireland Galway Galway, H91 TK33 Ireland E-mail: [email protected] Dr Helen Sheridan School of Agriculture and Food Science University College Dublin Belfield, Dublin 4 Ireland E-mail: [email protected] Mervyn Watson Ulster Folk and Transport Museum Cultra, 153 Bangor Rd Holywood, BT18 0EU Northern Ireland E-mail: [email protected]

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Dr Jean M. Walker Bye Farm Cloneycavan Ballivor Co. Meath Ireland E-mail: [email protected]

List of Contributors

Professor Peter C. Woodman Archaeology University College Cork Cork Ireland E-mail: [email protected]

INDEX

Names of people (main entries) are italicised; page numbers that refer to figure legends at the end of each chapter are also italicised. Abbeyknockmoy (Co. Galway), 35, 36 Achill (Co. Mayo), 56–64, 65 Agricultural Research Institute of Northern Ireland (ARINI), 114, 126 Agri-Food and Biosciences Institute (AFBI) at Loughgall, 120, 122, 126 agriculture (see farming) Albert College, 96, 130 Albert Farm. See Albert College Annagh (Achill), 59–60, 64, 67 Annals, law-texts, sagas, 45 Aislinge Meic Con Glinne, 47–48 Annals of Ulster, 45 Book of Durrow, 47, 50 Cáin Aicillne, 46–48 Canones Adomnani, 49 Críth Gablach, 47, 48 Legal treatise by Giolla na Naomh Mac Aodhagáin, 44 Navigatio Sancti Brendani, 48 Táin Bó Cuailnge (Cattle-raid of Cooley), 44, 48 Tecosca Cormaic (Teachings of Cormac), 47 Aran Islands, 4 Ardfinnan (Co. Tipperary), 11, 90 Athenry (Co. Galway), 79 aurochs, 12, 13, 52–53, 55 Ballina (Co. Mayo), 94 Ballingarry ( Co. Tipperary), 75 Ballinphuill (Co. Galway), 28, 34 Ballinscreen (Co. Derry), 79 Ballydoo Lough (Co. Galway), 35 Ballymoney (Co. Antrim), 79 Ballynaclogh (Co. Galway), 19, 20, 31, 37, 38, 43 Ballyutoag (Co. Antrim), 67 Baltic, 13 Bandon (Co. Cork), 110, 112 Barbaville (Co. Westmeath), 93 Barna (Co. Galway), 38, 43 Barntick cave (Co. Clare), 23 Barony of Ballynahinch (Co. Galway), 67 Barony of Beare and Bantry (Co. Cork), 4 Barony of Dunkeran (Co. Kerry), 4 Bat’s cave (Co. Clare), 23

Baylet, Co. Donegal, 16, 17, 22 bear (Ursus arctos), 12, 16, 18, 22 Bede, Venerable, 45 beef, 47–48 bees (incl. bumblebees), 136 Bellanasally (Achill), 59–60, 62–63 Bing Maps, 42, 60, 70, 71 Binghamstown (Co. Mayo), 90 Birr Castle (Co. Offaly), 135–39, 140 Blasket Islands, Great Blasket, 80 blood (of cattle), 48 Boate, Gerard, 3–4 Boggeragh Mountains (Co. Cork), 11 Bolinglanna (Achill), 59–61, 65 booleying, 45, 64, 66–72, 98 booley houses (brácaí), 68, 70, 72 booley sites, 59, 65 booley sites (Achill) (list), 59 byre-dwellings in Donegal, 86 grazing rights, 71–72 history, 58, 67 organisation of, 71 British agriculture, 2, 53 civil service, 97 economy, 93 meat trade, 104 tarriffs, 101 British Grassland Society, 115–6, 117, 118 British Grassland Society, Journal of, 115, 119, 126 British Isles, 13, 52, 54 Bunowna (Achill), 59, 60, 65 Bunratty Folk Park, 86 Burrane Lower (Co. Clare), 107 Burren (Co. Clare), 10, 63 Burrishoole estate (Co. Mayo), 58 butter, 47–48 byre-dwelling, 81–88, 90–91 Campbell, Åke, 81, 84 Camus (Co. Tyrone), 79 Cappanawalla (Co. Clare), 10 Cardial settlers (Neolithic), 19

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Carna (Co. Galway), 67 Carrigdirty (Co. Limerick), 16, 17, 22, 23 Carrowgarve (Achill), 60, 61–63, 65 Carrowmore (Co. Sligo), 13 Castlerickard (Co. Meath), 107 cattle abattoirs (see also shambles), 110–11, 112 Aberdeen Angus, 63, 67 breeds, 49–50, 51, 63 bull, 112 bulls, 44, 48, 52, 53, 94, 97 cattle disease, 7, 69 cattle in historical period (after ca. AD 300), 2–11, 33–139 cattle in prehistory (Mesolithic to Iron Age), 12–43 cattle raid, 49 cow (incl. cow in dwelling house/byre-dwelling), 79, 80, 90 cows, 3, 45, 94 dealer, 66, 93, 99–102, 104–5 Dexter, 51–54, 55 diseases, 46, 62, 131 drover, 100, 102–5 enclosure (búaile), 45 fair, 101–4, 107 herding (also husbandry), 45, 58, 63, 69, 92–106 husbandry, gender perspective, 93–94 herds of cattle, 4, 11 Hereford, 63 humerus, 51–54, 55 importance, 3, 23, 38, 44, 92 in dwelling house (see also byre-dwelling), 75–88 introduction to Ireland, 12–24, 38 Irish moiled breed, 49 Kerry, 51, 54, 63 legal aspects, 44–50 Leicester bull, 112 Longhorn, 94, 108, 112 management, 38, 58 mart, 104 milch cows, 44, 75, 76, 92, 94 oxen, 3, 48 pens/shelter walls, 70, 74 production, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 10, 11 sheds/stalls, 7, 33, 45, 77, 78, 79 Shorthorn, 67, 108–9, 112 slaughtering, 4, 37, 49, 108–11 trade, 49 wild cattle of Chillingham, 50, 50 Cattle Traders and Stock Owners Association, 98

Index

Céide Fields, 27, 38 cereal pollen, 28 cereals, 13, 18, 27 cereal-type pollen, 29 Chancellorsland (Co. Tipperary), 20, 21 Cill Rialaigh (Co. Kerry), 84, 90 Cistercian Abbey, Mount Melleray, 6 Civil Survey (1654–6), 4 clachan, 57, 71 Claddagh (Galway city), 76 Clare Island (Co. Mayo), 84 Clew Bay, 57 Cloney (Co. Antrim), 16 Clonfert Bog (Co. Galway), 35, 36 Clowanstown (Co. Meath), 18, 20 Cnoc Mordáin (Iorras Aithneach), 67 Cockle Park (Northumberland), 114, 130 colonisation of Ireland people, 14 Colum, Padraic, 103 Comeragh mountains (Co. Waterford), 77 Commissioners of National Education, 95 Congested Districts Board, 68, 79, 82, 83, 84, 87, 98 Connaberry cave (Co. Cork), 23 Connacht, 4, 49, 79, 81, 83, 84 Connemara, 35, 74 Cork city, 5 corncrake (Crex crex), 136 creamery, 98, 113 cream (see dairy produce, butter) Crossmolina (Co. Mayo), 93 Cruckaclady (Co. Tyrone), 91 Cuillaloughaun (Achill), 60–61, 65 Culeenamore (Co. Sligo), 22 cultivation ridges, 2, 58, 62, 71 dairy produce butter, 5–6, 8, 47, 63, 70 cheese, 47, 92 milk (see also milk production and milking), 3, 5, 8, 44, 46, 63 Dalkey Island (Co. Dublin), 16, 17, 19, 22 deer fallow deer (Dama dama), 20 red deer (Cervus elaphus), 12, 18 roe deer (Capreolus capreolus), 12, 20 Deer Park (Co. Antrim), 20 Denmark, 13, 18 Department of Agriculture (NI), 121 Department of Agriculture (RoI), 104, 130

Cattle in Ancient and Modern Ireland: Farming Practices, Environment and Economy

Department of Agriculture and Rural Development (DARD) (NI), 120 Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland (DATI), 96, 113–14, 130 Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, RoI (DAFM), 120 Derragh Island (Co. Longford), 16, 17, 19 Derryinver (Co. Galway), 35 Devon Commission of Inquiry (1843–5), 58 Devonshire Estate, 110 Dirk (Achill), 60–61, 65 Doheny, Michael, 76–78 Dooagh (Achill), 59–63, 74 Doonloughan (Co. Galway), 67 draft animal. See oxen Dublin Cattle Market, 103 Dublin Society. See Royal Dublin Society dugout boat, 38, 43 Dungannon (Co. Tyrone), 79 Dungarvan (Co. Waterford), 107 Dunmore (Co. Galway), 79 Elderbush cave (Co. Clare), 23 elk (Alces alces), 12 Elm Decline, 30, 32, 37, 38 pre-Elm Decline, 31 Eton Rowing Lake (Buckinghamshire), 54 EU agri-environmental measures, 121–22 EU Directive, Less Favoured Areas (LFA), 121 EU Single Farm Payment, 105, 139 Falcarragh (Co. Donegal), 82 Fallmore (Co. Mayo), 90 farm inheritance, 95 farming agroforestry, 122 arable farming, 5, 3–5, 12, 27–28, 32–37, 57–58, 68, 92–93, 109, 114, 117 gender data, 99–100 income, 67, 98, 105, 131 pastoral farming, 1–2, 5, 10, 27, 32–38, 58, 66, 126 silvopasture, 126 Ferriter’s Cove (Co. Kerry), 16, 17, 18, 22, 38 fertiliser dung, 3–4, 6–7, 66, 78, 82–83, 90 dung-heap, 83 guano, 7 lime (incl. ground limestone), 6, 7, 8, 119, 120 manufacture, 11 manure, 2–3, 4–8, 11, 58, 63 nitrate (incl. nitrogen), 3, 5, 7, 135 phosphate (incl. phosphorus), 2, 1–3, 5, 8, 69, 86, 114–16, 120, 129

145

sand, 2–5, 7–8 seaweed, 2, 8 shell, 2, 4–5 superphosphate, 7 urine, 5–7 watering, 6 Fethard (Co. Tipperary), 77 Flower, Robin, 80 Flowering plant list (incl. grasses and herbs) Birr Castle Demesne, 137–39 Prof. Barnes (TCD), 130 Flowering plants trial swards (Northern Ireland), 116–17 Food Harvest 2020 Report, 127, 131 Fourknocks (Co. Meath), 15 France, 19 funnel-beaker culture. See Trichterbecherkultur (TRB) Galtee Mountains (Co. Tipperary), 68–70 Galway city, 6 Geological Survey of Ireland, 6 memoirs, 6, 8 Giraldus Cambrensis, 45 Glauber, JR, 7 Glenmakeeran (Co. Antrim), 67 Gola Island (Co. Donegal), 86 Gordon, JS, 113–14 Goulding fertiliser manufacturer, 11 grassland biodiversity, 129–32, 134, 135–39 clover (in grassland), 119–20 production, 116–17, 119, 114–22, 127–32 research, 113–22, 127–32 survey, 131 Great Famine, 83, 105 Griffith, Richard, 6, 7, 8 Gweedore (Co. Donegal), 83 Haber, Fritz, 135 Hall, SC and Hall, CH, 59 Hambledon Hill (Dorset), 52–54, 55 hay, 45, 61, 68, 77, 78, 121 hides, 5, 12, 48 Hillsborough (Co. Down), 114 horses, 2, 3 pig (archaeological contexts), 20 Iorras Aithneach, 66–72, 74 Irish Agricultural Organisation Society (IAOS), 98 Irish Co-Operative Society (ICOS), 98 Irish Farmers Association (IFA), 98 Irish Folklore Commission (IFC), 75 Keel (Achill), 56, 58, 60, 61, 65

146

Keem (Achill), 60, 62–63, 65 Kenmare (Co. Kerry), 76, 78 Kilbegly (Co. Roscommon), 36, 37 Kilgreany cave, 16, 17, 19, 23 Killashee (Co. Longford), 107 Killuragh cave (Co. Limerick), 23 Kilshane (Co. Dublin), 15, 21 Kinahan, GH, 8 King Sihtric III, 44 Knockmealdown mountains, 6, 77 Knocknarea (Co. Sligo), 23 Laidlaw, Scott, 122 land agitation in Ireland, 95 Landnam Bronze Age, 37 Neolithic, 32, 37, 38 Lawes, JB, 7 Leinster, 84 Liebig, Justus v., 7 lime-kiln, 4–5, 8, 11, 57 Linehan, Paddy, 115 Longfield (East) (Co. Tyrone), 83 Longford town, 107 Lough Foyle, 4 Lough Gur (Co. Limerick), 15, 20–21 Lowe, John, 116, 118–20 Mace Head (Iorras Aithneach), 68, 72 Magheraboy (Co. Sligo), 14, 38 Magheragallan (Co. Donegal), 86, 91 MAgr theses (QUB), 125 Maínis (Iorras Aithneach), 68, 71 Maínis and Fínis islands, 72 Maínis and Máisean islands, 68 Manorhamilton (Co. Leitrim), 83 Martin Estate (Connemara), 71 Mayne, Sinclair, 122 meat bacon, 47 beef, 5, 47, 63 pork, 47 Meenacreevagh (Co. Donegal), 90 milk production, 38, 46 milking, 46, 70 milking-place (buaile), 66 Moneymore (Co. Derry), 79 Mongan Bog (Co. Offaly), 35 Monivea Bog (Co. Galway), 35 Moryson, Fynes, 3 Mount Melleray (Co. Waterford), 11 Mountrath (Co. Laois), 4

Index

Moynagh Lough (Co. Meath), 16 Munster, 2, 5, 70, 77, 96 Munster Institute, 96, 97, 107 Murray, James, 7 Murrisk (Co. Mayo), 57 Muskerry (Co. Cork), 4 Muskett, AE, 114 National Farmer’s Association. See Irish Farmers Association (IFA) National Schools, 96 Netherlands, 13 Newgrange (Co. Meath), 15 North Ronaldsay (Orkneys), 4 Northern Ireland Countryside Survey, 121 nucleated settlement, 60–62, 71 Ó Conaill, Seán, 84 Ó Criomhthain, Tomás, 75, 87 O’Donnel[l] Richard Sir, 62 O’Flaherty, Roderick, 57, 67 O’Loan, John, 49 O’Malley, 57 Okinawa, 14 Ordnance Survey of Ireland, 6, 8, 58, 68, 87 memoirs, 83 name books, 61 Otway, Caesar, 58 Owenavally (Achill), 61–63 perennial ryegrass breeding, 120 in grassland, 127, 128 PhD theses (QUB), 125 pig (archaeological contexts, incl. wild boar), 13, 18, 21, 37 pig (in a dwelling), 77, 79–80, 83, 84, 87, 90 pig (incl. wild boar), 12, 33, 38, 46, 47 pig disease, 46 placenames in Achill (Irish version), 59 placenames in Iorras Aithneach (Irish/English versions), 70 Plant Testing Station at Crossnacreevy (Co. Down), 120 Plunkett, Horace, 96, 113 Pococke, Richard, 58 pollen, 136 production/dispersal, 32, 33, 35 pollen analysis, 27–38 population density (Ireland), 13 global, 127 Iorras Aithneach, 69 Portrush (Co. Antrim), 75 Poulnabrone (Co. Clare), 23, 26

Cattle in Ancient and Modern Ireland: Farming Practices, Environment and Economy

Priest’s Leap (Cork/Kerry border), 77 radiocarbon dates (mainly cattle bones), 16 radiocarbon dates (pollen profile), 30 Rahally hillfort (Co. Galway), 28, 35–37, 42 Rathlackan (Co. Mayo), 90 Recess Committee 1895–1896, 96 Renvyle (Co. Galway), 43 Representation of the People Act (1884), 98 Ringneill Quay (Co. Down), 16, 17, 19 Rinuccini, GB, 76 Robertson, GS, 114 Rockmarshall (Co. Louth), 22 Rosses (Co. Donegal), 79 Royal Dublin Society (RDS), 5, 109 rundale, 57, 71 Rye, George, 5 Scrahan (Co. Waterford), 6 sheep, 45 sheep-folding, 6 sheep disease, 46 sheep/goat, 21, 38 silage, 93–94, 114, 120 Slievemore deserted village (Achill), 58, 63, 65 'Smartgrass', 127 Smithfield. See Dublin Cattle Market soils, 1–8, 10 erosion, 35 mineral deficiency and toxicity, 2, 3, 4, 7, 69, 72, 86 on Achill, 56 on Iorras Aithneach, 67 paring and burning (incl. sod-burning), 2, 4, 5 peaty, 35, 61 sandy, 69 Spencer, Edmund, 57 Sperrins (Co. Tyrone), 86 Sprengel, Carl, 7

stable isotope, 22, 23, 38 į13C, 22 į15N, 23 Stanihurst, Richard, 3 Star Carr, 12 Statistical Survey (RDS), 6, 79, 82 Stoneyisland (Co. Galway), 19, 28 Strabane (Co. Tyrone), 79 Straffan estate (Co. Kildare), 109 sullage (in Galway as reported by Young), 6 Sutton (Co. Dublin), 16 Swifterbant culture (Neolithic), 13 tallow, 5, 48 Tawnaghmore (Achill), 60–61 Taxus. See yew Trichterbecherkultur (TRB), 13, 18 Trim Mart, 107 Tuam (Co. Galway), 79 Tuke, JH, 83, 90 Tull, Jethro, 5 Tullagobegley (Co. Donegal), 87 Tullahedy (Co. Tipperary), 14, 21 Ulster, 79 Ulster Folk and Transport Museum, 76, 90–91 Ulster Grassland Society (UGS), 117–19 Walsh, Tom, 129 Waterford, Corporation of, 4 waxcaps (Hygrocybe), 136 Westport (Co. Mayo), 79 Wilde, William, 58 wolves (and ‘wolf-fighting’ ox), 45 Woodstock (Inistioge, Co. Kilkenny), 93 World War II, 115, 117 yew, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37 Youghal (Co. Cork), 3 Young, Arthur, 6

147