Catalogue of the Etruscan Gallery of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology [1 ed.] 9781934536254, 9781931707527

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Catalogue of the Etruscan Gallery of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology

Frontispiece: Views of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery, opened March 16, 2003.

Catalogue of the Etruscan Gallery of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology

Jean MacIntosh Turfa

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY

Philadelphia

Copyright © 2005 by University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology 3260 South Street Philadelphia, PA 19104-6324 All Rights Reserved First Edition

Published with the generous assistance of the Samuel H. Kress Foundation.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data University of Pennsylvania. Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. Catalogue of the Etruscan gallery of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology / Jean MacIntosh Turfa.— 1st. ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-931707-52-9 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Etruscans—Catalogs. 2. Art, Etruscan—Catalogs. 3. Italy— Antiquities—Catalogs. 4. Faliscans (Italic people)—Catalogs. 5. University of Pennsylvania. Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology—Catalogs. 6. University of Pennsylvania. Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology—Guidebooks. I. Turfa, Jean MacIntosh, 1947– II. Title. DG12.3.P48U547 2005 937'.5–dc22 2004025996

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper.

Contents Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Bibliographic Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xii Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv PART IA: The Archaeology of Early Central Italy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1. Early Etruscans: A Glimpse of Iron Age and Orientalizing Italy through Artifacts . . . . . . . . 3 2. Warriors and Weavers: The Settlement of Narce and the Early History of the Faliscans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 3. Fragile Records: The Surviving Sources of Etruscan Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 4. Daily Life in Etruria: The Accouterments of War and Peace, Work and Home . . . . . . . . . . 27 5. Greek Potters and Etruscan Consumers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 6. Etruscan Technology and Commerce: The Crafts that Made Etruria Famous, and the Objects of Mediterranean Exchange . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 7. The Art of Worship: Votive Religion and Temple Architecture in Central Italy . . . . . . . . . 45 8. Etruria’s Final Days: Life and Death during the Late Period of Etruscan History . . . . . . . . . 53

PART IB: Tomb Groups Represented in the Gallery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Color Plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . following page 77 PART II: Catalogue of Objects Displayed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289 Concordances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309 Provenance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309 Attributions to Vase Painters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314 Sources from Private Collections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315 Inscriptions in CIE, TLE, and ET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 316 Accession Numbers with Catalogue Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321

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Illustrations [Numbers in bold indicate catalogue entries]

Frontispiece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii FIGURES

1. Map of the major cities of Etruscan Italy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2. Map of Iron Age sites in central Italy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 3. Vulci near Ponte dell’Abaddia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 4. Spearpoint, MS 1525, 107 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 5. Biconical urn with bowl as lid, MS 1598, 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 6. Lunate razor, MS 853, 49 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 7. Fibulae, drago and leech types, MS 1155 and MS 1137B, 9 and 19 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 8. Lunate pendant, MS 1044, 38 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 9. Impasto kotyle with incised bird, MS 2751, 18 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 10. Record photo of the finds from Narce Tomb 43 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 11. “Faliscan kantharos,” MS 2734, 61 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 12. Footed bowl, MS 761, 65 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 13. Set of three bronze pendants, MS 787A–C, 70 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 14. View of tomb entrances in Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis, Orvieto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 15. Lintel from the doorway of a tomb in Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis, Orvieto, MS 3200, 99 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 16. Ornamented horse bit, MS 1637, 110 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 17. Torch-holder, MS 5697, 121 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 18. Red-Figure stamnos, MS 2520, 137 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 19. Etruscan Black-Figure amphora by the Jerusalem Painter, L-29-47, 194, Side A . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 20. Etruscan Black-Figure amphora by the Jerusalem Painter, L-29-47, 194, Side B . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 21. Bucchero kantharos, MS 1284, 192 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 22. View of the Gulf of Baratti, Populonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 23. Map of the Mediterranean world, with findspots of Etruscan exports, sources of imports . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 24. Bucchero “caryatid” chalice, MS 560A, 198 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 25. Ornate bucchero kantharos, L-64-539, 201 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 26. Etrusco-Corinthian oinochoe by the Bearded Sphinx Painter, MS 642, 189 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 27. Cast-bronze basin handle, MS 2314, 217 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

28. Fragmentary sculpture of winged lion, 59-24-1, 229 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 29. Glass vase from Orvieto (MS 2461B) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 30. Attic SOS amphorae, MS 562, MS 561 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 31. Selection of anatomical votives on display . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 32. Figurine of youth, MS 3496, 261 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 33. Profile of votive head, MS 1830, 269 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 34. Map of Etruscan sites of the Late period, as represented by artifacts in the display . . . . . . . . . . 52 35. Nenfro sarcophagus, MS 3488, 294 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 36. Sarcophagus MS 3489, detail of inscription . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 37. Sarcophagus lid, MS 3490 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 38. Sarcophagus, MS 3491, detail of inscription (CIE 5842) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 39. Detail of sarcophagus, MS 3491 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 40. “Record photograph” of the “Toscanella tomb group,” 1896 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 41. Detail of Amphora, MS 2511, 317 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 42. Etruscan Red-Figure jug, MS 2517, 319 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 43. Plan, elevation of Narce Tomb 64B . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 44. Plan of child’s sarcophagus, Narce Tomb 102F . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 45. Plan, elevation, deposition of vases, Vulci Tomb 5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 COLOR PLATES (following p. 77)

1. Hut urn, MS 1601, 5 2. Fibula with amber bead, MS 1519, 7 3. Crested helmet, MS 850, 43 4. Hypothetical reconstruction of an Iron Age Faliscan or Etruscan family 5. Cuirass, MS 851, 45 6. Conical stand and bowl, MS 1221 and MS 1222, 27 and 28 7. Urn with dipinto inscription, 57-3-1, 102 8. Etrusco-Corinthian olpe, MS 714, 106 9. Helmet, “Negau type,” MS 1609, 233 10. Helmet, “Gaulish type,” MS 1606, 109 11. Hypothetical reconstruction of an archaic Etruscan house, with foundation plan 12. Engraved seal, 29-128-542, 116 13. Engraved seal, 29-128-539, 117 14. Engraved seal, 29-128-543, 118 15. Hair spirals, MS 3346A, B, 161 16. Tubular earrings, MS 3344A, B, 166 17. “Horseshoe”-type earring, MS 310, 167

viii

18. Miniature bird, MS 3350, fragment of a 7th century brooch, 225 19. Bead with filigree and granulation decoration, MS 3351, 227 20. Bucchero model “focolare” (brazier) set, 124–135 21. Red-Figure stamnos, MS 2520, 137 22. Necklace, MS 4021, 163 23. A bauletto earrings, MS 3345A–B (bottom), C (top), 164 24. Close-up of granulation on earring, MS 3345B, 164 25. Antefix, MS 1801, from a Caeretan temple, 168 26. Etruscan/Faliscan Red-Figure kylix, MS 3444, 255 27. Terracotta votive head, MS 1830, 269 28. Artist’s reconstruction of an Etruscan temple roof 29. Terracotta architectural sculpture of a griffin, MS 1832, 278 30. Fragmentary terracotta architectural relief, MS 2237, 287 31. Terracotta antefix, MS 1803, 289 32. Terracotta antefix, MS 1804, 291 33. Alabaster urn of Arnth Remzna, MS 2458, 295 34. Nenfro female bust, MS 1428, from the “Toscanella tomb,” 302 35. Glass bowl, MS 1506, from the “Toscanella tomb,” 303 36. Amphora in “ceramica argentata” fabric, MS 2511, 317

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Tables 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Chronology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 The Major Etruscan Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 The Etruscan Alphabet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Top Ten Names for Etruscan Babies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 The Etruscan Pantheon: A Sample of Gods’ Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Some Familiar Etruscan Words, Transmitted via Latin into English . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

Bibliographic Abbreviations Journals and Reference Works

AJA = American Journal of Archaeology ArchClass = Archeologia Classica ARID = Analecta Romana Instituti Danici BABesch = Bulletin van de Vereeniging tot Bevordering der Kennis van de Antieke Beschaving BCH = Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique CIE = Corpus Inscriptionum Etruscarum CII = Corpus Inscriptionum Italicarum CRAI = Académie des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres. Comptes Rendus CSE = Corpus Speculorum Etruscorum CVA = Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum IJNA = International Journal of Nautical Archaeology JdI = Jahrbuch des deutschen archäologischen Instituts JRA = Journal of Roman Archaeology JR-GZM = Jahreshefte des Römisch-Germanischen Zentral-Museum LIMC = Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae Fondation pour le Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae [LIMC]. 1981 on. Zürich: Artemis Verlag. MEFRA = Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome, Antiquité MonAnt = Monumenti Antichi NS = Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità OpRom = Opuscula Romana PBSR = Papers of the British School at Rome REA = Révue des Études Anciennes REE = Rivista dell’Epigraphia Etrusca Rix, ET = Rix, H., and G. Meiser, eds. 1991. Etruskische Texte. Editio minor, I: Einleitung, Konkordanz, Indices, II: Texte. Tübingen: G. Narr. RendAccNapoli = Rendiconti dell’Accademia di archeologia, lettere e belle arti Napoli RM = Römische Mitteilungen SE = Studi Etruschi ThesCRA = Thesaurus Cultus et Rituum Antiquorum TLE = Pallottino, M. 1968. Testimonia Linguae Etruscae. 2nd ed. Florence: La nuova Italia.

Preface Etruscan Culture as Represented in the Collection of the University of Pennsylvania Museum

B

ecause of the enlightened collecting policies of the Museum’s 19th century founders, the objects on display in the permanent exhibition gallery “Worlds Intertwined” were drawn mainly from relatively complete sets of grave goods from the necropoleis of Narce, Vulci, Orvieto, Chiusi, and Tuscania, as well as individual pieces collected in Italy during the 19th century. The finds from the excavated tombs date from the Iron Age through the 2nd century BC. When the grave furnishings reached the Museum, they were accompanied by documentation in the form of written descriptions, inventories, and/or record photographs of cleaned objects grouped by tomb. Although the excavators and intermediaries were careful to keep tomb groups together, in at least three instances, material from a single tomb turned up in both Chicago and Philadelphia. Objects from Tombs B and C at Vulci and from a tomb at Poggio Buco have been discovered recently in both museums, and these are noted in the catalogue entries. In addition to the commissioned groups and acquisitions from private 19th century collections, a loan of Greek, Etruscan, and Roman material was made by the Philadelphia Museum of Art in the late 1920s and 1930s. This added a number of Etruscan objects, particularly pottery, and inventory numbers in the catalogue with the designation “L-n-n” identify this material. It may seem that some excessive details have been recorded about the original collection of materials, especially those from Narce, but our duty is to preserve all possible information associated with objects that are now divorced from their homeland and original contexts. Jean Davison (1972:3–6) provides invaluable information on the minutiae of documentation of the

Narce finds, such as the photo studio where the record photographs apparently were made prior to the shipment of the tomb groups to Philadelphia, and also the types of labels used on the 19th century pieces for shipment. According to the plea made by Ingrid EdlundBerry at the “Etruscans in the Museum” workshop at the annual AIA meeting in Philadelphia, January 2002, all scholars have a duty to record such data as the type of paper tags and labels, color of inks, and handwriting that is found on items from antiquarian trade. In the same session, Marshall Becker made the case for saving and recording the packing materials and other, seemingly modern, contents of urns and other materials shipped to U.S. collections, for comparison to other collections, and possible analysis and recovery of ancient substances. The book begins with chapters on Etruscan culture that link the objects in the gallery with their original chronological periods and with related areas of Etruscan society, religion, and art. The tomb groups are discussed in Part IB. Parallels for specific objects usually have been selected for the closest relationship to the catalogued item (same artist or workshop), the most thorough treatment of an artifact type, or the most recent reference which affords bibliographic background. The most recent bibliography has been preferred; however, older publications also are noted where they have defined a particular category of artifact or offer special insights. Within each section, artifacts have been grouped with all the other items from the same tomb or context. Where human remains are noted for a catalogued urn, they have been assigned the same inventory number as the urn and are stored in the Mediterranean Section.

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

A full study by Marshall Becker, Jean MacIntosh Turfa, and Bridget Algee-Hewitt is in preparation and will include all Etruscan and Italic skeletal materials and associated organic remains in the collection. The catalogue, Part II, is arranged in order of the thematic units in the gallery and presents vital statistics for each object: description, brief discussion of important parallels, and the place of this object or category of objects against the background of Etruscan material culture (or the social customs it expresses). Catalogue entries are indicated in the text by boldface numbers. No museum can ever display all of its holdings; the selection in the gallery is intended to afford visitors and students a glimpse of the variety and heritage of Etruscan culture, spanning nearly the entire 1st millennium BC. Scholars will find, in addition to displays of objects from Narce published by Edith Hall Dohan, items to add to the corpora of known materials (Orvietan tombs, inscriptions, helmets, gems, sculpture, pottery), and a few unusual finds as well, such as evidence of horse sacrifice in classical Tarquinia, ritually “killed” personal belongings (a helmet and mirror), one of the earliest types of votive heads, and a pseudomorph of a raffia-wrapped vase. No doubt our view of Etruscan history and culture will change yet again, when more objects are brought to light—again—from the Museum basement. The Etruscan World Gallery is named in memory of the late Kyle Meredith Phillips, Jr., teacher and Etruscan scholar, who was a Research Associate in the Mediterranean Section of the Museum at the time of

his death in 1988. He broke new ground in the 1960s when, with the encouragement of Ranuccio Bianchi Bandinelli, and the support of the Soprintendenza alle Antichità della Toscana and Bryn Mawr College, he began excavation of the site of Poggio Civitate (Murlo, province of Siena). The discoveries at Murlo opened unexpected vistas onto the early development of art and technology in the north and interior of Etruria, with impact (still being registered) on all subsequent studies of Etruscan history and society. Professor Phillips taught a generation of Etruscan scholars, dozens of whose works are cited here; he would have been embarrassed at the honor shown him, yet pleased, I think, at the groundswell of American and international interest in Etruria that this gallery represents. For general background and history of Etruscan culture (see References): S. Haynes, Etruscan Civilization: A Cultural History (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum Press, 2000). G. Camporeale, Gli Etruschi: Storia e civiltà (Turin: UTET, 2000). M. Torelli, ed., Gli Etruschi/The Etruscans (Exhibition catalogue, Palazzo Grassi 2000–2001, published Milan 2000; editions in Italian and English). G. Barker and T. Rasmussen, The Etruscans (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998). L. Bonfante, ed., Etruscan Life and Afterlife (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 1986). O. J. Brendel, Etruscan Art (2nd ed., with E. H. Richardson and F. R. Serra Ridgway. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1978/1995).

Acknowledgments

A

ny museum-based endeavor is a team effort, and the preparation of this catalogue has been as much a group activity as the installation of the gallery itself. Those scholars, students, and visitors who have helped, advised, and offered comments are too numerous to be named properly here but should know that their interest and efforts are remembered with gratitude. Ann Blair Brownlee, Senior Research Scientist in the Museum’s Mediterranean Section, was responsible for the restoration of the original architectural details of the gallery space (see frontispiece), its modern decorative details, the archival documentation of pieces, and the implementation of designs and reinstallation of the Etruscan collection. She combines expertise in Greek vase-painting with gracious respect for Etruria, and unflagging diplomacy toward scholars of all disciplines. As with the gallery, so, too, this catalogue could not have been written without her constant help and support. Nancy Thomson de Grummond reviewed the manuscript and most diplomatically provided priceless references, corrections, and guidance. Cynthia Reed’s help has been indispensable at all stages of the preparation of both gallery and catalogue; her analysis and photography of Etruscan gold and other metalwork have been invaluable. Roger Thompson, too, has shared generously his expertise as a goldsmith in the examination of jewelry and other objects. Niki Holmes Kantzios, archaeologist and artist, has offered unique insights into Etruscan society and technology in the course of preparing her reconstruction drawings (see Plates 3, 19, and 28). Museum staff and colleagues have shared generously their knowledge of the materials and modern history of the artifacts being prepared for publication, especially Chrisso Boulis, Stuart Fleming, Naomi

Miller, Janet Monge, Kathleen Ryan, and conservators Lynn Grant, Virginia Green, and Julia Lawson, who presented fresh insights in a paper on conservation of Etruscan materials during the 2002 AIA Workshop. Tamsen Fuller assisted with conservation of stone sculpture and mirrors, and her longstanding familiarity with Etruscan art. The new photographs made by Francine Sarin and Jennifer Chiappardi have brought out many details not previously noticed; Charles Kline provided invaluable assistance with the photo archives, while Alessandro Pezzati assisted with archival documentation; Bonnie Crosfield provided much-appreciated logistical support; and Walda Metcalf and Jennifer Quick of Publications contributed their expertise in matters of book production. Colleagues in the Mediterranean Section have shared Etruscan labors without complaint while preparing the other galleries as well: Lynn Makowsky, Irene Romano, Keith DeVries, Donald White, Clio Mallen, Naomi Pitamber, and the student and volunteer workers of 1999–2003. Emeriti G. Roger Edwards and Ellen Kohler have kindly shared their expertise. Josie Hueber has provided unfailing encouragement and support. Annette Merle-Smith and Michael Padgett of the Princeton University Art Museum generously shared time and an inside look at the Etruscan and Italic treasures in Princeton. Visiting scholars and long-term friends of the Museum have shared their findings and offered advice: Larissa Bonfante, Nancy Thomson de Grummond, Richard De Puma, Ingrid Edlund-Berry, Tamsen Fuller, the late Lucy Shoe Meritt, Greg Warden, Nancy Winter. Richard De Puma kindly supplied his new drawings of the engraved mirrors from his CSE volume in preparation. Jon Berkin kindly furnished me a pre-print of his monograph on the

Larissa Bonfante, Elena and Giovanni Colonna, Iefke van Kampen, Ili Nagy, and Erika Simon. My studies in the Manchester Museum, the Liverpool Museum, and British Museum have enriched the study of the University Museum collection, and I owe thanks to John Prag, Margaret Warhurst, Ed Southworth, Judith Swaddling, Ellen Macnamara, and Glenys LloydMorgan for help received over the years. A symposium, “The Etruscans Revealed,” held March 28–29, 2003, to celebrate the opening of the Etruscan Gallery, brought the generous participation and advice of speakers and moderators: Maria Paola Baglione, Gilda Bartoloni, Claudio Bizzarri, Larissa Bonfante, Dominique Briquel, Giovannangelo Camporeale, Nancy T. de Grummond, Richard D. De Puma, Jean GranAymerich, Sybille Haynes, Tom Rasmussen, Stephan Steingräber, Simonetta Stopponi, L. Bouke van der Meer, Bruce Velde, and P. Gregory Warden. Their comments on objects displayed and in storage, as well as the feedback of visitors to the gallery, is a continuing legacy for this and future efforts to illuminate Etruscan and Italic culture.

Murlo bucchero (now Berkin 2003), and over the years has shared his bibliographic and ceramic expertise. Among the many others to whom thanks are due are Richard Ellis, Rebecca Hable, Susan Jones, Alwin G. Steinmayer, Jr., and Karen Brown Vellucci. Katharine Blanchard, Jennifer Furia, and many other Bryn Mawr students and graduates have helped both in the Museum and beyond, as have Margarita Gleba, Lesley Lundeen, Bridget Algee-Hewitt, and Hilary Wills Smith Becker. Margarita Gleba provided new color photographs of the Etruscan landscape, as well as much bibliographic and informational background, especially on textiles and Iron Age Italy. Sybille Haynes most kindly offered advice on bronzes, both from afar and in person. Adriana Emiliozzi, a longtime friend of the Museum, has shared rare documentation as well as the benefits of her extensive research into Etruscan metalwork, and the sites/sources (such as Musarna) of objects in the collection. Traveling scholars who graciously offered insights during their visits to the Museum include William Bains, Cecilia Beer, Evelyn Bell, Claudio Bizzarri,

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Catalogue of the Etruscan Gallery of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology

PART IA

The Archaeology of Early Central Italy

T

he chapters in this section are arranged in the order of the display units in the gallery: “Early Etruscans” to “Etruria’s Final Days,” or from the Iron Age through the period of Etruscan decline and absorption by Rome (in the 3rd–1st centuries BC). The range of Etruscan and Faliscan culture and history is covered in thematic units: “Warriors and Weavers,” which describes the tombs of Faliscan Narce (8th–6th centuries BC) and the society of which they are a microcosm; “Fragile Records: The Surviving Sources of Etruscan Language,” illustrated with inscriptions from the collection; “Daily Life in Etruria”; “Greek Potters and Etruscan Consumers”; “Etruscan Technology and Commerce”; and “The Art of Worship: Votive Religion and Temple Architecture in Central Italy.” 1 Throughout this section, categories are discussed with specific reference to objects that can be seen in the gallery.

Fig. 1. Map of the major cities of Etruscan Italy, with inset of the Italian archipelago. (By permission of Mark Mattson)

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

Table 1. Chronology2 9th–8th c. BC “Villanovan period” = Iron Age

Formal aspects of Etruscan culture evident; beginning of urbanization at the sites of all major Etruscan and Italic cities

ca. 775 BC

Settlement of Greco-Levantine colony of Pithekoussai in Bay of Naples

753 BC

Traditional date of founding of Rome

ca. 725 BC

Beginning of Orientalizing period in Etruscan art, culture (ca. 725–580 BC)

ca. 650 BC

Arrival at Tarquinia of Demaratus and his retinue from Corinth; intensive maritime trade between Tyrrhenian region and eastern Mediterranean

ca. 615 BC

“Lucius Tarquinius Priscus” (son of Demaratus) becomes king in Rome; reigns of Etruscan (and last) kings of Rome (ca. 615–510/509 BC)

600/575–ca. 480 BC

Archaic period in Etruscan art, parallel to developments of Greek Archaic art

ca. 540 BC

Battle over Alalia (Corsica) in Sardinian Sea, fought between Greek colonists and EtruscanCarthaginian alliance

510/509 BC

Rome expels last Etruscan king, Tarquinius Superbus; Capitoline temple dedicated

ca. 480 BC

Classical period in Etruscan art (corresponding to 5th–4th centuries in Greece, especially Athens) (ca. 480–331 BC)

474 BC

Etruscan navy defeated at Cumae by coalition of Greek cities and Italic allies; helmets of Etruscan marines dedicated at Olympia by victorious Syracusans

415–413 BC

Etruscan cities participate with Athenians in disastrous “Sicilian Expedition,” failed attack on Syracuse

beginning of 4th c. BC

Gauls invade Etruria, sack Rome, destroy Etruscan city/colony of Marzabotto

396 BC

Rome destroys Veii after long seige

384 BC

Syracusans sack Caeretan sanctuary of Pyrgi

358–351 BC

War between Rome and Tarquinii; 4th century changes in economies and societies of Caere, Tarquinii, Vulci, etc.

ca. 331 BC

Hellenistic period in Etruscan art, reflecting developments of Greek culture (ca. 331–31 BC)

late 4th–1st c. BC

Late period of Etruscan culture: changes in Etruscan religion, society, politics, culminating in gradual takeover by Rome

295 BC

At battle of Sentinum, Rome defeats an alliance of Etruscan and Italic cities and Gauls

273 BC

Foundation of Latin colony of Cosa as a link in a system of Roman control of Etruria

264 BC

Romans intervene in civil unrest at Volsinii (Orvieto) and take over the city, deporting survivors

241 BC

Roman destruction of city of Falerii

225 BC

Final defeat of Gauls by Romans at Talamone

217 BC

Battle of Rome vs. Carthage at Lake Trasimene; during Hannibalic war, Etruscan cities sympathize with Carthage but must pay taxes to Rome in war materials

191–83 BC

Rome establishes series of colonies from Pyrgi to Bologna, including Pisa, Gravisca, Capua

83–82 BC

Sulla campaigns against pro-Marius northern Etruria; some Etruscans exiled to North Africa

1st c. BC

Some Etruscan citizens are senators in Rome; Etruscan religious “books” translated into Latin

31 BC–AD 14

Reign of Augustus; Maecenas and others promote and study the Etruscan background of Roman culture

AD 41–54

Emperor Claudius, pro-Etruscan, writes Tyrrhenika (now lost)

1

Early Etruscans A Glimpse of Iron Age and Orientalizing Italy through Artifacts

O

bjects illustrating the Italian Iron Age consist mainly of a fine set of tomb groups excavated at Vulci and Narce, mainly depositions of the late Villanovan and Orientalizing periods, and also from tombs excavated at Bisenzio and Cerveteri and obtained from Italian dealers during the 1890s. Although these finds are representative especially of southern and interior Etruria and the Faliscan territory, goods from a wider geographic area are indicative of an exchange network that already included Bologna and the Po region. Most of the parallels cited for such early pieces derive from a small number of sites, especially Veii, Cerveteri, Tarquinia, Bisenzio, Vulci, and Narce. In part this is due to the archaeological history of these areas. During the 18th–19th centuries, these sites were some of the first to be recognized and excavated, whether scientifically or by other methods. Some of the older excavations, such as those of Vulci, now are being published as a result of intensive scholarship conducted in Italian archives and museums. Others, especially Veii and Tarquinia, have had more recent, systematic excavations resulting in published typologies that essentially have made possible the construction of the chronology of the Villanovan period.1 The painstaking work of bringing order to the finds from Villanovan burials owes much to earlier scholars of the European Iron Age, such as MüllerKarpe (1959–1970). More recently, Etruscologists have begun to return to their discipline’s European roots.2 Although Livy the Roman historian spoke of the Duodecim Populi, the “Twelve Peoples” of Etruria, he did not provide a full list of what modern scholars

have equated with the twelve (sometimes fifteen) major Etruscan cities. 3 If the supposed League of Twelve Etruscan Peoples did indeed represent cities, then its membership may have changed over time as the political strength of various centers waxed and waned.4

Table 2. The Major Etruscan Cities modern italian Arezzo Bisenzio Bologna Cerveteri Chiusi Cortona Fiesole Orvieto (Urbs vetus) Perugia Pisa Populonia Roselle Tarquinia Veio Vetulonia Volterra Vulci

etruscan

roman/latin

Arretium Visentium Felsina Bononia Cisra Caere Clevsin/Camars Clusium Curtun– Cortona Vipsul Faesulae Velzna Volsinii Persna Perusia Pisae Fufluna/Pupluna Populonia Rusellae Tarxna Tarquinii Vei– Veii Vatluna Vetulonia Velayri Volaterrae Velx– Vulci

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

Fig. 2. Map of Iron Age sites in central Italy. (By permission of Mark Mattson)

The Early Heartland: Bisenzio, Cerveteri, Vulci, Narce Many of the earliest sites of protohistoric Etruria are near the metal-rich territory of the Tolfa Hills (such as Caere/ Cerveteri), the rich volcanic farm soils of the interior (Bisenzio), and the overland trails and navigable streams that connect the interior to the coast (Vulci and Veii). Another small but burgeoning region of the interior, connected by a network of roads to the other centers, was Narce in the Faliscan territory; in all periods, Narce was characterized by intensive interaction with Etruscan settlements. The culture of Iron Age Etruria (1000–720/700 BC) is termed, somewhat arbitrarily, the Villanovan; this name derives from a site, Villanova di Castenaso, excavated in the 19th century outside the city of Bologna. Villanovan material culture was characterized by a sophisticated metallurgy; fine decorative and functional bronze-working; warriors’ trappings of swords, spears, and body armor; and dark-colored impasto (unpurified native clay) pottery in angular shapes with fanciful plastic ornaments. Archaeological evidence shows that Villanovan culture developed smoothly into the highly urbanized culture of the Orientalizing period, when the Etruscans’ acquisition of the alphabet enables us to identify their unique names and language and thus to prove their identity as “Etruscans.”

The preceding culture, the final Bronze Age, looks like a seamless earlier version of the Villanovan and so it has been termed “Protovillanovan.” Thus the Iron Age people who produced the burial urns, bronze pins, and fanciful pottery were ethnically or genetically the same as those who already were installed in central Italy by the Late Bronze Age (later 2nd millennium BC).5

Fig. 3. Vulci near Ponte dell’Abaddia, showing the deep ravines spanned by an Etruscan aqueduct, with Roman and medieval masonry visible in its upper structure. (Photograph by author)

Early Etruscans

Vulci: The Early Prowess of One of the Most Famous Cities Political events in 18th century Italy and sporadic discoveries of past riches led to the effective plundering, as well as official excavation, of the many necropoleis of Vulci, one of the richest industrial and mercantile Etruscan cities. The city itself now is being studied systematically. Two major cemetery areas lined the roads leading out of town and took advantage of the dramatic ravines cut by the River Fiora. There is an unbroken sequence of tombs at Vulci from the Villanovan period (9th century) into the Roman period, punctuated by famous rich tomb groups of the Orientalizing period (e.g., the “Isis Tomb Group”) and 4th century (the “François Tomb”). Richard De Puma suggests that Francesco Mancinelli Scotti, the excavator who was hired by A. L. Frothingham to supply the Museum in the 1890s, was working in the necropoleis on the eastern bank of the Fiora, for at least some of the time on land owned by the aristocratic Torlonia family.6 In fact, some contents of the 7th–6th century tombs that Mancinelli excavated there became shuffled and are now partly in the Field Museum, Chicago, and partly in the University Museum. Finds from Vulci come from tombs of the Late Villanovan and Orientalizing periods, through the 7th–6th centuries BC. Some designations of provenance name “Canino” for finds in the countryside of Vulci; this was a portion of land in the Vulci necropolis which Pope Pius VII gave to Napoleon’s exiled brother, Lucien Bonaparte, thereafter styled “prince of Canino.” In 1828, peasants made a spectacular discovery of an Etruscan chamber tomb, and Bonaparte commenced massive excavations that gathered thousands of artifacts, especially Greek vases, which would

Fig. 4. Spearpoint with portion of wooden shaft preserved inside, MS 1525, from a tomb at Bisenzio. See 107.

5

be sold and exported to museums and collectors around the world. Because of the situation during the 19th century, many museums today hold some objects from the plundered cemeteries of Vulci; it is rare, however, that documentation exists for their original contexts.7

The Center of Bisenzio: Proto-history on the Shore of a Volcanic Lake Bisenzio (a corruption of Latin Visentium) flourished as a city from the Iron Age, and was abandoned only in the 18th century; Pliny included it in the League of Etruscan Peoples. A Bronze Age hut village has been identified on high ground; the richest finds attest its importance during the Iron Age and Orientalizing periods. The many necropoleis of Iron Age Bisenzio, situated along the western shore of the picturesque, crater-formed Lake Bolsena, have been known for centuries; unfortunately, many of the objects from these graves have furnished the art market. In the Classical period, Visentium was in the orbit of the city of Tarquinia, which lies about 40 km south and nearer to the coast. We do not know which necropolis was the source of the Museum’s finds labeled “Bisenzio,” although their types (urns) and condition (well-preserved grave goods) make it clear that they came from tombs. Frothingham noted on the archival photograph and inventory list that some burials were of the earlier (or more conservative) cremation type; others, made in trenches, showed the progressive tendency in most of Etruria toward inhumation and ostentatious deposition of valuables that developed in the course of the 7th century BC.8 More recent excavations, especially in waterlogged areas such as the site of Gran Carro on Lake Bolsena, have brought to light rare glimpses of dwellings and the perishable belongings of the living to augment the riches of pottery and metal from the many excavated and plundered tombs. At Gran Carro, food remains, textiles, and wooden tools, as well as pottery and metalwork, previously known only from burial contexts, have been discovered in place in a village of the Iron Age. 14C dating of wood from two levels shows habitation from the 13th to the 8th century BC. Farming produced grains such as spelt, legumes such as fava beans, fruits, and nuts. Domestic

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

cattle, the occasional sheep, and wild animals, especially deer, provided meat, probably a rare treat. Oak and maple were cut for firewood and used to build platforms that extended houses out over the lakebed. The affluent, undefended waterfront settlement suffered at least two conflagrations, always a danger in primitive conditions, and also was subject to flooding, unlike most Villanovan-era villages. Gran Carro’s inhabitants moved away at the end of the 8th century, and today scholars speculate that they relocated to one of the historical cities such as Bisenzio, either willingly or by force (as happened several times in later centuries in periods of conquest or political coercion). Even though the objects found at such habitation sites seem simple or few in number, life in Iron Age Italy was far from primitive or free from political and military complications.9 There is little precise documentation about the objects from Bisenzio sent to the Museum in 1896–97. Archival correspondence, including a record photo of the objects, indicates that some, the earliest types, were excavated in “well tombs,” and Late Villanovan and Orientalizing artifacts were excavated from “trench tombs.” The finds were purchased from a dealer, after excavation, and no documentation was available on specific tomb groups.

Cerveteri The historically famous city of Caere (modern Cerveteri), another of the members of the Etruscan League of Twelve Peoples named by ancient scholars, also had its origins in the Late Bronze to Iron Age. Strategically sited for access to the metal deposits of the region of La Tolfa and the sea (via port towns such as Pyrgi), Caere began as an enclave of hut villages and cemeteries in the 9th century BC. Its early wealth is known from princely tombs, such as the mid-7th century Regolini Galassi Tomb excavated in 1836 (most of the finds are now in the Vatican Museo Gregoriano Etrusco). Among the well-known 6th–4th century tombs in the Banditaccia necropolis, en route from the city to the sea, are examples with interiors that depict the details of noble houses, but numerous other burial grounds have furnished evidence of the Iron Age inhabitants. Unfortunately, clandestine excavations have orphaned a large quantity of Caeretan antiquities from their original historical contexts.10

Narce The Faliscan region, often called by its Roman name, the Ager Faliscus, encompassed the settlements of Narce, Falerii (Civita Castellana), Corchiano, and Nepi. Bound to it geographically, and thus politically, are the nearby towns of the Capenates (e.g., Capena), another Italic people. The settlements were situated in a hilly area with many streams running into the Tiber River, the main means of communication, along with many tracks suitable for land travel. Nearby is the famous Mount Soracte, site of an important ancient sanctuary; Etruria begins to the west, with the volcanic Lakes of Vico and Bracciano. There has been nearly continuous occupation in the area since the Neolithic period, but oddly finds are lacking for the 9th century, just before the beginning of the cemeteries that are represented in the Museum. Excavations in the necropoleis of Narce in 1881–97 furnished the core material for the foundation of the Villa Giulia Museum in Rome, the foremost repository of Etruscan and related archaeological materials.11 The three hilltops in the area of Narce show evidence of habitation from the Late Bronze Age through its floruit in the Orientalizing period and down to its abandonment at the time of the Roman conquest of the Faliscan territory in 241 BC. The slopes of all the hills, such as Pizzo Piedi and Monte li Santi, are dotted with the 8th–7th century (and later) tombs of its inhabitants, beginning with well-shaped tombs of the Villanovan period, and continuing in a variety of later types, including trench and chamber tombs. Faliscan ceramics and tombs of the 5th–3rd centuries are also well known, but the Museum’s collections do not include much of this material. For further discussion of the Faliscans of Narce, see chapter 2.12

Chiusi Another member of the League of archaic Etruria, Chiusi was known as the kingdom of Lars Porsenna noted in the story of Rome’s independence.13 Known in Etruscan as Clevsin (Umbrian Camars, Latin Clusium), it lies in the fertile grain-producing zone of the Val di Chiana near Lake Trasimene and is still a thriving city. Chiusi’s Iron Age origins have yet to be documented fully, but the Orientalizing and 6th century art in stone and bronze (see chapters 4, 6) have been studied since the excavations of the 19th century. During the Roman

Early Etruscans

7

for use in life have had the second handle struck off for the burial. The urn was placed in a pit, usually a well-like cylindrical cutting (tomba a pozzo), which at times might have an additional loculus, a smaller pit for the deposition of artifacts. The use of a loculus to hold a special deposit of banquet vases from the funeral feast, as a reminder of the banquets of living aristocrats, was a special feature of Villanovan burials at Veii. This practice was less common in the Faliscan territory but seems to have been favored by some of Narce’s elite. In the course of the 7th century, the trend for inhumation grew, and the trench tombs (tombe a fossa) that it necessitated often also had the loculus, where banquet service from the funeral feast could be deposited. Many of the Villanovan and Orientalizing tombs probably had mounds of earth or other markers raised over them, but later conditions have seldom favored their preservation. Fig. 5. Biconical urn with bowl as lid, MS 1598, from Bisenzio. See 1.

period, its farmland attracted a wealthy group of freedmen, whose terracotta urns are well known (see chapter 8).14

Burial Goods from Villanovan Etruria Although the burials of Iron Age Italy are well known, the spectacular early discoveries remain poorly documented because of the predations of 19th century collectors and excavators. Villanovan funerary rites are characterized by cremation of the body, usually with few or no ornaments in place. The smoldering ashes were then swept up, wrapped in cloth, pinned with fibulae (at least in some cases), and placed in a biconical urn for burial. According to Marshall J. Becker,15 the urn, like most ancient cremation urns, was never large enough to hold 100% of the ashes and bones. Some urns in the Museum still retain a significant sample; in some instances the cremated remains yielded information on the age, sex, or medical conditions of the honored dead of 8th–7th century Vulci and Narce. Sometimes personal ornaments or tools were tucked into the urns before they were sealed with a bowl or ornamental lid. It seems that an urn dedicated for burial could only have one handle; many that originally had been made

Symbolic Identity at the Iron Age Funeral Artifacts that symbolized the important or customary activities of the deceased had a prominent part in the funeral ceremony and were chosen for the small array of offerings actually buried with the ashes. These gifts often indicate the sex and occupation of the deceased—the property of a woman (ornaments, spinning and weaving tools), a warrior (arms, armor, or imitations thereof), or in rare cases, perhaps a priest or priestess (knife or axe used for sacrifices). Since clay helmets and flimsy imitation spindles cannot have been useful in real life, they imply a special production of goods for the grave, as well as the ritual display of symbolic artifacts prior to their actual burial. This in turn is evidence of a stratified society in which certain individuals, families, classes, or genders had formal, publicly acknowledged duties and privileges.16

Good Grooming for Aristocratic Men: Early “Razors” Although their corroded bronze blades tend to elicit modern expressions of discomfort, small, curved “razors” appear in the graves of hundreds of men buried during the Villanovan period. They may have been used to trim hair or beard, rather than shave in the

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

Fig. 6. Lunate razor, bronze, MS 853, from Narce Tomb 43. See 49.

Bisenzio in the Museum. The gifts included amber and faience ornaments, bronzes, spinning and weaving equipment, all placed in the trench with the body; a set of painted banquet vases was left in the loculus beside it.19

Unique Forms of Urns: The Meaning behind the Display of Helmets and Huts modern sense, and seem to have gone out of use in later periods. Lunate or crescent-shaped razors were personal possessions used often in life, and finds have been made of razors carefully preserved inside cases of wood or leather to protect their blades. Many, such as 48, show signs of mending and could be worn hanging from the pin of a man’s fibula or brooch. Like the fibulae, razors evolved gradually in shape and ornament, and can be used as indicators of chronological periods and regional workshops; some probably traveled as gifts or trade items (see 2, 48, 49 for razors).

The Production of Textiles: The Identity of a Worthy Woman The symbolic placing of a woman’s handwork and craft equipment in her tomb expressed the importance of this task in Iron Age (and later) society—without a woman to spin and weave their clothing, the family would have been destitute. In later centuries, women would dedicate their tools and weaving in sanctuaries, a practice followed even by Tanaquil, the Etruscan queen of 6th century Rome, whose wool and spindle were displayed for centuries in the Temple of Sancus on the Quirinal Hill in Rome.17 Thread of sheared wool or retted flax (linen) was spun on a drop-spindle weighted at bottom like a top, then woven into cloth of varying weights on a vertical loom. Much of it was probably a coarse, homespun wool, as may be inferred from the heavy pins used on it. Sometimes women wove fine veils and scarves, and these were pinned with dainty, miniature fibulae of silver or gold (see 91).18 A rich tomb excavated at Veii, Quattro Fontanili HH 11–12, contained an assortment of objects that neatly parallel many finds from Narce, Vulci, and

Rare finds, such as the tomb found at Poggio alla Sala outside Siena, show the rituals of a leader’s funeral. The gathered bones of a smoldering cremation were sealed in an urn; the urn placed on a chair or in a casket and covered with fine cloth.20 The whole assemblage then might be topped with a helmet or other arms or armor. In other cases, a ceramic replica of a functional helmet capped the urn instead; the knob at its apex was often in the symbolic form of a hut, the family home, and must have been read as identifying a man’s status in the community. By analogy to the more familiar Roman social organization, such warriors probably were honored as heads of households like the Roman paterfamilias. Urns made in the form of actual huts, showing the thatched roof, plastered walls, and door, are often associated in Latin-speaking territory with men’s burials. Often they are furnished with miniature sets of dishes, an additional reference to the home life of a family or clan. Hut urns seem to have been more plentiful in Villanovan and later Etruria than in adjacent Latium (the source of the Museum’s example, 5; see also Pl. 1), nor were they restricted to male burials, so some of the social differences between Roman and Etruscan society may be seen to extend at least as far back as the Iron Age.

Distinctive Ornaments for Village Costumes Language and costume were the most obvious identifiers for ethnic and social affiliation in the ancient Mediterranean world, and classical authors noted that both appearance and language made the Etruscans stand apart from other peoples. Etruscan is unrelated to the other tongues of Italy; by the Iron Age, however, intermarriage and shared participation in many cults brought about an exchange of vocabulary words and names.

Early Etruscans

Likewise, the dress of the Italic peoples shows many similarities as well as differences. Although textiles rarely survive and the Iron Age–Orientalizing periods only saw the beginnings of representational art, it is evident that costumes included the use of colored and plaid fabrics, mantles of various types, belts and hats for both sexes, veils and long dresses for women. Men had trimmed beards, women wore a long back braid, and children dressed in smaller versions of the adult fashions.21 Variety in cut, color, and ornament expressed differences of ethnicity, gender, and probably marital and social status as well. The ways in which clothes and ornaments were worn have been demonstrated with finds from the cultures that neighbored Etruria, where inhumation has preserved the placement of ornaments on bodies, in contrast to the situation for Etruria, where cremation was practiced. Pins, especially fibulae, seem to have held transverse cloaks at one shoulder, and smaller ones probably pinned veils and scarves in place around the head. Pendant chains and weights, miniature artifacts, and amulets were hung around the neck or attached to belts to hang down like an apron over a woman’s skirt. In addition to keeping a dress modestly in place, such ornaments probably served to illustrate the lady’s dowry, the family’s wealth, and special attributes, such as an axe-shaped pendant for a priestess. The weighty chains and spiral pendants might have been emblems of a woman’s status in marriage and childbearing, a recently identified European phenomenon which began in the prehistoric period and continued for millennia from the string skirts of Neolithic figurines and bog burials to the modern folk costumes of the Mediterranean and central Europe.22 Bronze ornaments also probably were metal reserves that could be traded, or melted and worked into tools or weapons in times of need.

like many other bronze implements, were usually made by lost-wax casting. A wax model was covered with clay to form a mold into which molten bronze was poured, replacing the wax model. After the casting cooled, the pin was beaten into a spring coil to make it resilient, and additional decoration by incision, engraving, or punching (coldwork) could be added.23 Simple bronze, violin-bow–shaped pins, influenced by Mycenaean Greek types, appeared in the Italian archipelago during the Late Bronze Age; fibulae with curved bows and plain catches were widespread in Etruria as early as the Final Bronze Age (Protovillanovan period). During the Iron Age (Villanovan period), more ornate types developed, such as the fibulae with spiral disc foot, found in burials of the 9th and early 8th century BC (see 7 and 8; also see Pl. 2). The bows as well as the catches offered scope for ornamentation, with the addition of beads of metal, amber, and bone.24 Another mode was to change the contours of the bows into undulating serpentine curves, a Bronze Age design that had a long evolution. Serpentine fibulae developed into drago types, in which the bow is decorated with extra knobs and contours in a dragon-like configuration (9). Both serpentine and drago fibulae are believed to have been reserved for men’s use. Serpentine fibulae were in use through the 9th–8th centuries; drago types continued into the 7th century, concurrent with special women’s designs, the

The Iron Age Fibula: No Mere Safety Pin The fibula, a pin with spring and safety catch, functioned like the modern safety pin. Most ancient Mediterranean clothing types were untailored lengths of cloth that had to be draped and pinned in place. In later tomb paintings, Etruscan costumes also included cut and sewn sleeves, tunics, and the like. Throughout classical antiquity, fibulae were the all-purpose garment fasteners and ornaments used by all. Fibulae,

9

Fig. 7. Fibulae of types associated with men (drago) and women (leech), MS 1155 and MS 1137B. See 9 and 19.

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

Fig. 8. Bronze lunate pendant with stag ornament, MS 1044, from Narce Tomb 23M. See 38.

so-called sanguisuga (leech) and navicella (little boat) types. As the nicknames suggest, leech fibulae have swollen cast bows (some ornamented with beads of other materials, including glass), while navicella versions are open beneath a broad rhomboid bow. The heavy leech bows were cast by modeling wax over a clay core, then picking out the core after the casting cooled through tiny holes that were then plugged. During the course of the 7th century BC, these types developed elongated catch plates (see 12).25 Typical bronze ornaments of Late Villanovan/Early Etruscan women, such as the somewhat standardized leech fibulae and spiral earrings, are illustrated by the finds from Narce, Tomb 18B (19 and 20), and the jewelry of the Narce lady of Tomb 19M (68–81).

Vessels and Utensils of Bronze Preferred in the Age of Iron Since the Protovillanovan period, smiths had been making objects, especially vessels, out of hammered sheet bronze, in addition to the traditional casting of solid objects like axe blades and fibulae. Unfortunately, thin metal objects made from attenuated sheets seldom survive. The rare complete vessels that are known come from tombs. In fact, metallurgists and conservators are able to identify the type of tomb, whether rock-cut, flooded, or trench in soil, by the types of corrosion products formed on such vases. Most metal vessels are now recognized only by the remnants of their cast-bronze handles and fittings. In all periods, wood was used extensively for vessels and furniture, but is seldom preserved.26

Apparently smiths were asked to copy into metal the forms that were already popular, and more easily shaped, in clay. The smith reduced the shapes of bucket and cup to their geometric components (cone, cylinder), constructed these segments, and then attached them to each other by beating and riveting. The small- to medium-sized vessels that do survive imitate the forms of common pottery containers. The outlines of the metalwork are more angular, since they were constructed of separate panels of sheet metal riveted together to form cups with one high-flung handle (kyathoi), boxes of various shapes, or buckets (situlae). The shallow bossedrim basin is a simple, useful shape first appeared at the end of the Iron Age and remained popular for centuries thereafter (see 214). The metalwork of Iron Age Bisenzio is well known; it often incorporated sheet metal vessels ornamented with cast-bronze pendants and figurines, a technique that would continue throughout Etruscan history (compare the later fragments of cistae, 222–224) Many bronze vases, as well as fibulae and razors, show evidence of repairs made during the owner’s lifetime; skillfully worked bronze was always too valuable to discard. The seemingly disjointed method of assembling the Museum’s two Iron Age vessels (14 and 15) shows the maker’s expertise in the handling of bronze, yet lacks a potter’s organic approach to modeling.

The Effects of Foreign Contact, from the Villanovan to the Orientalizing Period By the beginning of the 8th century, the Italian archipelago was attracting wide foreign interest. During the Bronze Age, the metal resources of Sardinia and the natural riches of southern Italy and Sicily had brought exchange with Mycenaean Greece, Cyprus, and the Levant, but the contacts were essentially broken off by the social cataclysms that ended the Bronze Age in the eastern Mediterranean. During the 9th century, Phoenicians, the heirs of the earlier prospectors and metallurgists, returned and by the 8th century had begun to establish colonies in Spain and Sardinia, with Sicily to follow. By the second quarter of the 8th century, Greeks from Euboea and Corinth had joined with the Levantine groups to establish a settlement at Pithekoussai in the Bay of Naples; evidence supports trade in iron with the masters of Elba.

Early Etruscans

Producing metalwork and painted pottery as part of a Mediterranean-wide commercial circuit, the colonists intermarried among themselves and with men and women from the various cultures of Italy.27 By the end of the 8th century, the traditional Greek colonies began to be planted on the shores of southern Italy and Sicily, and a flourishing trade in Greek manufactured goods had developed, including the circulation of trained artists. Foreign artisans ultimately trained Etruscans in their crafts, and a variety of hybrid styles and new media emerged. In the tombs of the end of the 8th through the 7th century, changes are registered in the greater affluence and growth of the Etruscan and Faliscan population, and also in the adoption of a new artistic style influenced by imported goods, materials, and craftsmen. Pale, wheelmade pottery, jewelry, and ivories introduced new motifs such as lush floral ornaments like Phoenician palmettes, gods in human form, and the beginning of narrative scenes. While the art in pottery, gold, or stone remains, it has been the task of scholars to tease out of the artifacts information on the social impact of this meeting between East and West. The adoption of the alphabet from Euboean Greeks (who themselves acquired it from the Phoenicians) is the most profound phenomenon of the period, but the social and political customs that developed as different cultures mingled changed the face of Italian culture and history from ancient Rome down to the present day. New customs included the civic banquet in which warriors or rulers gathered and, no doubt, discussed political or military plans. In Etruria (and Latium before Rome dominated there), women of stature in the community were included with their husbands; this had not been the case in the Near East or Greece, and later the classical authors would record the tradition as shocking. Use of chariots and other military equipment also evolved, and scholars suspect that many political customs, perhaps the institutions of kings, public ceremonies, and processions were influenced, or more realistically, enhanced by foreign contact.28 As evidence, only the trappings of such activities remain—the thrones, parasols, fans, chariots, and ornaments, or representations of these in use.29 Religion too would be profoundly influenced by the introduction of foreign cults, and the architectural and artistic forms of Greece and beyond. The process, of course, was gradual; thus, in many tombs of the 7th century, we see a mixture of objects

11

and art, some in the tradition of Villanovan metalwork, and others imports or imitations of painted pottery and luxuries. They are especially meaningful as evidence of their owners’ personal tastes and identities. Other widely distributed objects characteristic of the Orientalizing period are the fluted bowls, which imitated the forms of Near Eastern metalware, and bronze clasps for baldrics or belts (see 42). These have segments modeled in the forms of female or animal heads derived from the rich imagery of Levantine fertility cults, with wild animals and goddess who were mistresses of beasts. Scraps of the luxury goods can be equally illuminating; the tiny gold bird with granulated details (225), said to be from Cerveteri, was probably one of many that once graced an ornate princely fibula (and cf. 264, a bronze canine). Much more information about the Orientalizing period is provided in the tomb groups excavated at Faliscan Narce. A tomb group, not displayed in full but represented by sample objects, gives a tantalizing impression of the society encapsulated in the necropoleis of Narce. The burial in Narce Tomb 1 took place just after 700 BC, but some of its offerings provide good illustrations of the changes in artistic production at the end of the Villanovan period, under the influence of Greek Geometric and Levantine vases and ornaments.30 The personal ornaments and weaving equipment in Tomb 1, and the complete absence of

Fig. 9. Impasto kotyle (cup) with incised bird, MS 2751, part of the banquet ware from Narce Tomb 1. See 18.

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

male-associated objects, indicate the burial of a very affluent lady of the early 7th century BC. The presence of banqueting equipment such as a conical stand suggests her involvement in the world of the civic banquet; Etruscan (and Faliscan) women took part in their husbands’ activities of governing. The presence of a finely painted biconical urn may indicate

the burial of her cremated husband as well, although this urn had been emptied before it came to Philadelphia. The forms and decoration of the urn, as well as an amphora and cup, are good examples of the archetypical Late Villanovan to Early Etruscan preferences in vessels for the banquet and everyday use. (See Part IB, and nos. 16–18, 61, 139, 142, 154, 179, and 180.)31

2

Warriors and Weavers The Settlement of Narce and the Early History of the Faliscans

The Faliscan Territory and Its Close Relationship with Etruria

T

he fortunes of the Etruscans and the Italic peoples of central Italy always were intertwined, in terms of material culture and religion and eventually in political and military history, as they all resisted and then had to give way to Roman domination. There always must have been intermarriage and exchange between these neighboring groups. By the Late Bronze Age, many pottery and metal types shared the same design, usage, and technology. From subsequent periods, archaeological finds, sanctuaries and cults, representational art, and classical literature all demonstrate the close relationship between peoples across the regions of the Po Valley and Upper Adriatic, the central Apennines and Tyrrhenian coast down to the Tiber mouth, and, with a distinct local flavor, as far south as the Bay of Naples. Costume, art, arms and armor, agriculture, cults and governmental forms contributed to a shared culture and commerce. Their geographic circumstances made it easy for the Faliscans of Narce to partake of Etruscan material culture and exchange; tombs and artifacts of the late 8th and 7th century are, with certain local preferences, clearly comparable to those of Etruria during the Late Villanovan and Orientalizing periods. Relations were especially close between the cities of Narce and nearby Etruscan Veii.1 The Etruscans spoke a language unrelated to the Indo-European, Italic languages of the Latins and Faliscans. This has been taken as evidence of the earlier arrival of the Etruscans’ ancestors in Italy. The Faliscan language, recorded by the geographer Strabo (5.2.9) as $d$Òglvsson (“their unique language”), has been the

subject of intense study since the 19th century.2 It is a distinct, Italic language (not a mere dialect, but related to Latin) recorded in inscriptions, mainly on vases, as early as the 7th century BC, and it is as sophisticated as the language of adjacent Etruria. The epigraphy of the 6th–5th centuries traces the development of Faliscan dialect, always written in the Etruscan script. Some early examples also indicate the literacy of women in Faliscan territory as in Etruria. A number of Faliscan names show the influence/intermarriage of Etruscans in early Faliscan society.3 Monuments, such as the stele of Avile Feluske at Vetulonia,4 and the stylistic influences that surged back and forth in art of the 7th through 1st centuries BC show a constant process of interaction, both social and economic, between the cities/towns of the Faliscans and Etruscan centers, especially Veii and Cerveteri.5 Links between Etruria and the Faliscans continued into the Late period (4th–1st centuries BC), when Falerii, north of Narce, was preeminent, attracting Etruscan artists, like the potters of Genucilia plates and other Red-Figure painters, and the sculptors of architectural terracottas for the 5th–4th century temple complexes of Sassi Caduti, Lo Scasato, Celle, and Vignale.6 Inevitably, the political fortunes of the two enemies of Rome mingled as Rome completed the conquest of Italy. At the end of the 5th century, a formal alliance between the Faliscans, Capenates, and the Etruscans of Veii set the stage for domination by Rome. The first open conflict in 438 BC saw the famous single combat between the Roman champion Cossus and Lars Tolumnius, the king of Veii.7 Just as the Gauls were making inroads against other Etruscan cities, Veii fell to Rome in 396 and Capena in 395;

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Falerii (Civita Castellana) was left isolated to deal with Rome. Periods of unrest and intriguing with Tarquinia against Rome were ended by the Roman destruction of Falerii and Narce in 241 BC, when the few survivors were deported to newly founded Falerii Novi on a low-lying, indefensible site. The 5th through 1st centuries of Faliscan culture are today known from groups of painted vases made in Falerii, and by the fine architectural terracottas found on temple sites in the city (Lo Scasato and Vignale, cults of Minerva, Apollo), and its territory (Celle, Sassi Caduti, cults of Juno Curitis, Mercury). The anatomical votive phenomenon is also evident and shows strong affinities to the cults of Veii. As with some of the Etruscan cities, like Veii, worship continued at numerous cult sites even after the Roman conquest. The only later Faliscan sites represented in the Museum by objects with a secure provenance are Narce (see 195, 214 , 228 , 236 – 238 , 255 ) and Cogion-Coste di Manone, near Falerii, as well as some material said to be from Civita Castellana, and other vases, especially Red-Figure, of Faliscan manufacture.8

Narce, Its Necropolis, and the Faliscan Elite Tim Potter found tantalizing traces of Bronze Age and later occupation along the river terrace below the cliffs of Narce.9 Included were the initial (Apenninic Bronze Age) burning off of vegetation prior to the construction of huts and perhaps a palisade enclosure, envisioned as a temporary or outlying adjunct to a massive, but as yet unidentified, permanent settlement on higher ground. Subsequent deposits in the small area in which the British School soundings were made show the effects of terracing and paving, stockraising (sheep, pigs), and escalating cereal agriculture from the 14th century BC through the Protovillanovan period (12–11th century BC) and into the Iron Age. Even as early as the sparsely documented Protovillanovan levels, there is evidence of long-range networks of exchange in metalwork and imports such as glass beads. Traces of huts, pits and hearths found in the riverbank hint at denser occupation on higher ground; Villanovan style metalwork and pottery, and cereal pollens show a pattern similar to that known at sites such as Veii and Lago di Vico, for the first centuries

of the 1st millennium. Increased population, signaled in part by great quantities of domestic refuse dumped very near the habitations, covered Monte li Santi as well as the Narce acropolis and river terrace. Small settlements grew up along the Treia River, keeping pace with similar nuclei that surrounded the future Nepi, Falerii, and Capena (this is attested by field surveys). In Potter’s site, traces of rectilinear, masonry architecture show the last habitation on the low-lying site occurred during the 7th century, contemporary with what appears to be the heyday of the Iron Age necropoleis excavated in the 19th century. From the second half of the 7th century, this area was used only for burials, developing from sporadic burials to an enclave of well-built masonry tombs used during the 7th–6th centuries. Traces of buildings and tile and pottery manufacture mark two later occupations, during the 4th–3rd centuries BC, ending soon after the Roman conquest, and again during the 1st–3rd centuries AD.10 The cemeteries of Narce, in part because they were out of the way during the medieval and early modern periods, have preserved a glimpse of what Early Etruscan life also must have been like. A perusal of volume 4 of Monumenti Antichi, dated 1894 and published in 1895, shows the results of the Italian excavations of the Narce necropoleis and provides a good impression of the riches that must have graced the adjacent Iron Age settlement, which remains as yet unexcavated. Many tomb groups excavated at Narce during the 19th century reached other museums, such as the Field Museum in Chicago, and those in Florence, Paris, Copenhagen, Berlin, and Berkeley. 11 These collections spanned several generations (8th–6th centuries BC) and several necropoleis at Narce; there is a strong local character to each site, with visible differences in wealth and chronological development of artifacts. The more recent excavations and museum evaluations bear this out. The objects typical of the Museum’s Faliscan collection recurred in hundreds of tombs as personal belongings and gifts of the dead as well as remains of the funeral banquet: tall, conical stands with punch bowls; metal tripods holding basins or braziers; drinking and feasting sets of vases; men’s armor and women’s jewelry; spinning and weaving equipment; and miniature versions of adult vases and ornaments for the rare burials of children. They represent a chronological span of perhaps four to five generations of the families of Narce,

Warriors and Weavers

and many of the people represented by grave goods must have been friends, relatives, or neighbors in life. The earliest sources of the tomb groups in the Museum are the so-called well-tombs (tombe a pozzo) with cremated remains placed in an urn at the bottom of a well-like pit. As the fashion changed to inhumation, trench tombs were dug; some contained bodies placed in wooden coffins; there is evidence also for the re-use of tombs for a second burial, probably of a relative.12 Most of the Narce tomb groups in the Museum fall in the period of the first half of the 7th century BC, with some overflow on both ends.13

Man, Woman, and Privileged Child in Early Narce Plate 4 is a hypothetical reconstruction by N. Holmes Kantzios of a small family costumed according to finds from the Narce and other Iron Age cemeteries. All are in processional costume, wearing full armor or jewelry; the lady takes advantage of the time to continue spinning with a drop spindle similar to 3. Mother and daughter wear leech fibulae in appropriate sizes, while the warrior’s cloak is fastened with a drago-type brooch. The early finds from Narce include three groups of objects from Tombs 43, 19M, and 102F; they represent a warrior member of the ruling class a woman, possibly his wife, who was symbolized by her prowess at spinning, and a small child, probably a little girl. The tomb (Tomb 25) of a couple buried at Vulci during the first half of the 7th century BC offers poignant evidence on both ancient lives and the “new” Orientalizing trends in representational art that flourished in 7th century central Italy. The wife’s urn is 40; her husband’s urn with spherical lid, 39, is one of the rare, early examples of a sort of abstract portraiture practiced in funerary art.14 The smaller urn, slightly later and more svelte in style, contained the cremated remains of a small, female teenager. The array of cups suggests a funerary ritual.15 Other standard accouterments of elite Italic society at the dawn of the Orientalizing period, including spits for roasting banquet meats, bronze belts, and ornamental cups, were among the finds from Vulci Tomb 42F. The rich assemblage included 22 widely assorted vases: impasto jars, amphorae, bowls and cups, bucchero cups, and painted bowls and plates of Greek

15

inspiration. The two spits suggest a man’s burial, although three belts may imply more than one individual present, most likely the warrior’s wife.16 The dating of some of the painted vases otherwise would be placed in the early 7th century, but many scholars have insisted on an 8th century date because of the three bronze belts associated with the tomb group.17 The daily activities of Etruscan women, as well as the tradition of the banquet and ceremonial display of valuable household goods, are illustrated with finds from a tomb of the end of the Villanovan period, Vulci Tomb 66. The tomb held the cremated bones of a young woman in a biconical urn. Her grave goods included numerous vases, both impasto and painted; fibulae of leech type; silver and bronze ornaments; and six spindle whorls. While she was still characterized by the symbolic tools of spinning, her Red-on-White ware krater ( 25 ) portrayed the added dimension of a matron’s presiding over her family or perhaps public banquets, since it would have been used as a mixing bowl for wine drunk at special meals.

Life in Late Villanovan and Orientalizing Italy: Traditions of War, Wheels, Banqueting The earliest finds of horse harness in Villanovan burials are token fragments of bronze tack, especially bits. The bits are paired, however, as if to symbolize two horses, namely the team of a biga or two-horse chariot. A few later burials of the Orientalizing and Classical periods (e.g., Populonia, Tumulo dei Carri) did include the chariot itself and a pair of sacrificed horses, of a small breed no doubt used in racing. We do not as yet have any actual war chariots, since these would have been heavy and relatively unaesthetic. It seems that the finds in graves are all either the parade vehicles of rulers (like the Monteleone chariot in New York’s Metropolitan Museum) or racing chariots, perhaps used in the funeral games.18 The impetus to bury an aristocrat with a chariot or token thereof, seems to have come from Phoenician influence; chariot burials with evidence of lavish funeral banquets are a phenomenon of the Phoenician colonial scheme, well known in Cyprus (Salamis) and southern Spain. While the use of a chariot was limited to male rulers in the Near Eastern kingdoms, the Mediterranean cultures showed a wider use of wheeled

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

vehicles, with a percentage of the Etruscan and Italic princely tombs containing chariots or carts buried with women of high status as well as men.19 Narce Tombs 105F and 7F, the rich burials of a woman and a warrior, include the unmistakable fragments of chariot wheels and hardware.20 The Narce warrior of tomb 43 stands at the beginning of chariotry in Etruria, as symbolized by the token offering of two very fine, early bits among his grave goods.

The Narce Warrior: Tomb 43 The showpiece of the group of Narce Tombs represented in the Museum is undoubtedly the set of grave goods of the warrior of Tomb 43. His striking bronze armor and tokens of his prowess in owning/driving a chariot as well as vases symbolizing the public banquet, all set him apart as one of the leaders—if not outright rulers—of his generation. Unfortunately, little documentation is available on Narce Tomb 43, in which were found the fine assortment of armor, bronzes and vases of the so-called Narce Warrior.21 It seems likely that it was disturbed in antiquity, as some vases (especially the fine footed bowl, 56) were broken. In the absence of any urn or cremated remains, it may be that this trench tomb, one of the Museum’s oldest Narce tomb groups, was one of the early examples of the practice of inhumation, but this cannot be verified. The finds include the remains of two

helmets (see Pl. 3), a breastplate and bosses perhaps for a pectoral, a large bronze ring and lid of a vase, a pair of bits, and a large bulla. In addition to two razors (see Fig. 6, above), are three footed cups, a large footed bowl, and a red ceramic pilgrim flask that probably originally had a leather or fabric strap. While nearly every object represents a man—razors, armor, bits—two spindle whorls were also found in the group,22 as well as four leech fibulae (50 and 51). A growing number of token artifacts usually associated with the opposite sex have been found in Villanovan burials and may indicate some ritual in which a female family member dedicated a token possession to her kinsman or spouse (and vice versa— note a fragmentary drago fibula.)23 The next generations of the society of the Narce warrior might almost be illustrated by a famous older find, the funeral stele of Avile Feluske from Vetulonia, and dated to the 7th century BC. Incised on it is the image of a warrior in armor of a generation or two later. He wears a modified, crested Corinthian helmet and carries a round shield; the double axe he brandishes would have been, by that time, ceremonial.24 The inscription names him and the person who dedicated his monument. 25 Pozzetti (1999) has argued that Avile’s surname (nomen) is an indicator of his ethnic origins—“The Faliscan”—and provides graphic illustration of the mobility of aristocrats through Etruscan and Italic society of the Orientalizing period.

Other Warriors’ Burials

Fig. 10. Record photo of the finds from Narce Tomb 43, made prior to shipment to Philadelphia.

Narce Tomb 2, of about a generation later than the Narce warrior’s, was a trench with the body buried facing north and oriented in relation to a woman’s tomb, Narce Tomb 1. It contained a large variety of vases, and a single bronze shield. Its lack of other types of objects, and the somewhat homogeneous character of its 22 vases of impasto, and red and black ware, are suggestive of either past disturbance and robbery, or perhaps a different sort of funerary rite. Dohan noted a spear, razor, and two fibulae in the dealer’s record photo of this tomb group, made before it was shipped from Italy, but these did not arrive in Philadelphia and their whereabouts remain unknown.26 The decoration of the shield with palmettes and the shapes of some of the vases place this tomb of a younger acquaintance and fellow warrior firmly within the 7th century BC.

Warriors and Weavers

Arms and Armor Although spears and swords are fairly common in Villanovan graves, and several examples were found in the tombs of Narce, no actual weapons were found in Tomb 43. Either they were lost at some time, or they were never deposited, since the helmets and cuirass, along with the vases, were said to have taken up all the available space in the trench. The fragmentary condition of the warrior’s footed bowl indicates some disturbance, perhaps even plundering for useful metals long before the 19th century excavation. The warrior’s crested helmet (43) is one of the latest in the development of this type, and its exaggerated outline places it stylistically close to some helmets found at Veii. The three prongs on each side of the crest, although giving the correct appearance of the original, are almost certainly not the original parts, although they are ancient and contemporary with it. Other crested helmets show these projections, probably designed to trap a short-sword blow, invariably constructed from cylinders of thin, sheet metal; the Museum’s are flat, solid-cast bars, like the decorations on tripods or furniture. They probably were added as replacements for damaged projections by the restorer in Rome before the goods were shipped from Italy. The warrior’s cap helmet (44), now identified by its surviving bronze bosses, has lost its original bronze knob and wicker cap, but may be identified by comparison with finds from central Europe and from a waterlogged tomb at Verucchio. 27 The presence of two different helmets raises the question of their different meanings within the symbolism of the funeral. Was one (the more comfortable cap helmet?) for serious use and the other merely parade armor? Or did one indicate a higher rank, and thus membership in two different levels of military hierarchy, such as local militia and some greater federation? His poncho cuirass (45; see also Pl. 5) is unique in the armament of Iron Age Italy and must have been specially designed for his use, presumably in a dangerous situation like battle, where it was needed to protect him from missiles while he commanded from a stationary position. It is too restrictive to permit completely active combat, although it has served as a model for military historians’ reconstructions of fighters of the time of Romulus.28 The swords from other Narce tombs, all short, stabbing weapons with straight iron blades, bronze-

17

wrapped scabbards, and wooden or bone handles, are very corroded and fragile.29 Knives or daggers found in Villanovan and later burials are sometimes taken as evidence of priestly status, since they occasionally appear in women’s tombs as well as men’s and would have represented the activity of cult sacrifice.30 An iron knife with bone handle was considered important and personal enough to have been placed inside the urn with the cremated bones of Narce Tomb 23F. 31 Marshall Becker has identified the fragments of rib, femur, and other bone now adhering to the metal as those of a woman or adolescent.32 Forensic studies caution us to evaluate the gender associations of objects only after the human remains have been analyzed. The warrior elite of Etruria and the Faliscan region were part of a much wider world, accessed through trade, diplomatic missions, and religious pilgrimages. The rare technique of the Narce warrior’s cap helmet links him to the chieftains of central Europe by its rare technique. It might even have been a gift to or from a visiting fellow ruler. Examples of crested helmets of Etruscan type, similar to the Museum’s, have been identified as far afield as the great international sanctuaries of Greece at Delphi and Olympia, as have other arms such as Villanovan shields and spearheads. Whether they were dedicated by Greeks victorious over Italians, or by visiting missions from Villanovan central Italy, cannot be known. Even items like fibulae and horse harnesses (perhaps in some cases attached to gift horses) circulated widely and have links to finds in the sanctuaries and sites of Europe and the eastern Mediterranean.33

Aristocrats at the Banquet The century or so following the end of the 8th century BC saw the shaping of the Etruscan society that was to remain in place for the remainder of Etruscan history. Foreign contact, including intense interaction with Greek colonists, led to the development of the city across Etruria. This in turn provided the template for urbanization, political organization, and systematization of religious cults throughout central and Adriatic Italy, and stimulated an elevated and sustained artistic production. The means by which political, social, and religious organization came about often included social gatherings and the lavish entertainment of rulers (and their wives).

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The importance of the banquet in this crucial period is an effect of the emergence of social classes, or gentilicial (clan/extended family) organization, which led to a stratified, aristocratic urban society. It is symbolized in representations of the banquet made just after this formative period. For instance, the famous Murlo frieze plaques, dated ca. 575 BC, show banqueters on couches, being served from a huge cauldron on a stand.34 The format of such scenes owes much to Corinthian painted vases, but details of the utensils and furniture, and the participation by women, show that this custom had been adapted for Etruscan society.35 Expression of one’s exalted status was very important in these formative years, and was extended (for the sake of the family’s prestige) to the semi-public ceremony of the funeral banquet. Another tomb at Narce (Tomb 7F) has furnished dramatic evidence of the “Homeric” banquets and funerals that characterized Early Etruscan society as Greek and Phoenician influence increased. A centerpiece for the feast was the stand and mixing bowl used for wine; many were large, made to stand on the floor (59 and 60; see also Pl. 6). A smaller tabletop stand (27, 28) from Narce Tomb 7F illustrates the early Orientalizing style in art, with White-on-Red images of acrobats performing with horses and modeled Atlas figures “supporting” its bowl. The situation signaled by conical stands and deep punch bowls was more complex than is evident today, since they were made in many sizes, only some of which were even useable. Bartoloni (1997) notes Greek as well as Near Eastern influence on the Italian production of these prestige items and has shown that of those in graves that can be identified as to sex, at least half (slightly more at Narce) belonged to women rather than men. While we tend to see them as punch bowls for wine, the original Near Eastern applications were broader. In addition to serving wine36 they were also depicted in use for boiling and serving meat. The adoption of the conical stand in Italy extended both the use and symbolism of cauldron/stands to include women and wine. In a well-built house at the Latin site of Ficana, the find of a discarded banquet set in impasto, containing 4 griffin cauldrons and stands, 30 chalices, and numerous plates, covered footed bowls, and cookware, has been interpreted as evidence of a civic banqueting tradition held in the associated building.37 The large

stand, imitating in less costly material the bronze stands of Eastern courts and Phoenician commerce, would have stood on the floor between another of the new accouterments, tall banquet couches. These also mimicked the customs of the exotic East, replacing the original practice of sitting on chairs or stools at low tables, as seen in early funerary images.

Fig. 11. Faliscan kantharos of impasto, with ornate handles, MS 2734. See 61.

In addition to the conical floor stands, smaller, more ornate stands also were used; their size and elaborate decoration were designed for use on a tabletop, where they would be seen at close range (compare 27 and 28). Still other stands were so small that they must have been intended as miniatures, for symbolic dedication in tombs. A small example (87) was buried with the little girl in Narce Tomb 102F perhaps serving as a reminder that, had she lived, she would have fulfilled a role as the wife of a leader and presided at civic banquets. Narce Tombs 1, 70M, and 105F contained several vases representing the fine dining and formalized drinking engaged in by the elite of Iron Age and Orientalizing Faliscan, as Etruscan, society (see 36, 59, 60, 62).

Warriors and Weavers

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The Narce Lady: Tomb 19M The Narce excavations uncovered a rich burial near Tomb 43, which was probably that of the husband of the lady buried in Tomb 19M. Since her artifacts are slightly later in date (determined stylistically), it would seem that she survived the warrior. Two striking instances of objects produced in the same workshops are also indications that the two were related or had received ceremonial gifts from the same sources. The warrior had with him a large footed bowl (56) made in the same workshop as one belonging to the lady (65), and the lady’s bronze-clad fan (67) came from the same source as the large bronze bulla in the warrior’s tomb (55). Because “his” bowl portrays a mistress-of-horses and hers depicts a male version, they may have been wedding or betrothal gifts exchanged by this pair. If this is so, then the presence of a second, and more ornate, footed bowl (66) with another master-ofhorses figure on it might represent a second marriage by the young widow, but this is purely conjectural. The lady’s grave goods include eight pottery items: two footed bowls, two fluted cups, a conical stand and its

Fig. 12. Footed bowl, MS 761, from Narce Tomb 19M. See 65.

Fig. 13. Set of three bronze pendants, MS 787A–C, from Narce Tomb 19M, perhaps weights for a scarf. See 70.

mixing bowl, a painted jar, and the painted biconical urn which probably held her bones, although it is now empty. She also had large bronzes: a tripod stand, a fluted bowl, and a large fan. The rest of her goods were ornamental, including a large number of fibulae in bronze, silver, and glass, bronze pendants, pins, bracelets, and coil earrings (not displayed; cf. 20), and a number of beads of amber, glass, and faience, probably worn as a necklace. The display of symbols of power, such as furniture and exotic materials, as well as indications of ritual behavior, like attendance by a fan bearer, has been identified in several women’s tombs in Latium and Etruria (Acqua Acetosa Laurentina, Veii, Caere, Praeneste, Castel di Decima, Verucchio). These symbolic offerings for special women have been equated with a similar level of power to that of the men whose tombs in Etruria and Latium have been labeled “princely.” 38 A drago fibula39 found in this burial may have been a token of a husband or other family member. It is closely paralleled in an example from Tarquinia, Gallinaro fossa tomb 9, of a rich warrior of Tarquinia Period III.40 Dohan noted that the presence of an iron sword in the record photograph taken before shipment from Italy, but this has never been found and might have been mistakenly placed in the photograph.41 While a prominent feature of most women’s burials of this period is the display of instruments used in textile production, the lady of Tomb 19M either did not have common spindle whorls or loom-weights in her funeral or they were not recovered from the tomb. A small, hollow conical bronze element42 might have been the tip of a wooden distaff but is not like more complete

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examples recognized at Veii.43 It may be that the Narce lady, who, to our knowledge, was only the second person in the excavated necropolis to have a fan that required a fan bearer (see 67), did not require implements of weaving to confirm her place in society. Her ornamental pin (69) seems to imitate the appearance of a spindle but was too fragile to have been used for spinning.44

More on the Status of Narce’s Women: Narce Tombs 105F and 23M When excavated, this trench tomb45 contained a biconical ash urn, 2 bowls on stands, and 18 vases (mainly footed bowls and drinking/serving vessels), 8 rocchetti (textile implements), an ornamental spindle whorl, several bronze pendant ornaments, a bracelet, and fibulae (including one serpentine type fibula, MS 909, usually associated with male costume). One other object seems to represent the high status and mobility of the deceased—the much deteriorated wooden and iron tire from the wheel of a chariot (MS 904). The man’s fibula might be a token offering, but the set of rocchetti, implements for specialty textile production, signals the grave of a woman, who was characterized as a weaver. The tomb’s size, average for the necropoleis of Narce (about 1x2x1.5 m), precluded the deposition of a complete chariot, but the presence of a dismantled, wheeled vehicle (or parts of one) indicates the high status of this lady weaver and her coveted mobility.46 While chariots have been identified in over 250 tombs in Etruria and Latium (7th–5th centuries BC), most belonged to men and were either parade or racing vehicles. Of the dozen or so linked to women, this fragmentary example sets one Faliscan woman in an elite category among her sisters. The display of two conical stands and bowls, normally used in large banquets according to the Greek custom for the mixing and dispensing of wine drinks, must have indicated to those attending her funeral that she had shared with her husband the duties of entertaining at civic functions and perhaps in governing. In Iron Age Etruria and the Faliscan region, elite women could also own the utensils for social feasting, presumably an indication that they shared the privileges and duties of governing with their husbands. In addition to fine vessels, many of the Narce ladies owned unique assortments of ornaments, and one of the most affluent among them was the personage buried in

Tomb 23M. In this trench tomb was a variegated set of painted vases and personal ornaments of bronze, silver, gold, amber, faience, and glass, as well as an unusual, and as yet not conclusively identified, bronze utensil ( 141) probably associated with women’s work and textiles.47

Children in the Archaeological Record: Narce Tomb 102F Evidence of children is relatively rare in the archaeological record. Fortunately, many grew up and appear as adult burials, but rare finds of the tombs of elite children have been made. One such illustration of a special Iron Age child is the assemblage from Narce Tomb 102F, identified as a child’s because of the rite of inhumation in a stone sarcophagus only large enough for a toddler. Although no bones remained for scientific study, it was identified as that of a little girl because of the jewelry found in situ. The tomb was located near the top of a ravine in the slope of Monte lo Greco and consisted of a small trench containing a rectangular tufa sarcophagus with slab lid (not sent on to the Museum). The sarcophagus was slightly narrower at the foot, measuring 31 to 22 cm wide by 85 cm long, and only 15 cm high. In it were all the items of jewelry.48 The fibulae were scattered over the upper torso, as if securing clothing or a shroud, with two bracelets with fibulae attached, and the two coil earrings placed symmetrically on either side of the head/shoulder area. If the sketch made by Frothingham is correct, then the three miniature bullae, which one would expect to have been a necklace, were found down around the knees. Bullae are often depicted in later art worn tied around the arm—a leg bracelet would be unusual; perhaps the ornaments were merely packed within the clothing or shroud of such a small child. Some of the artifacts were very fragile: fragments of composite fibulae of bronze wire with amber discs, two beads of glass and faience, and small fragments of silver, gold, and bronze appliqués. The gift of gold and silver jewelry in addition to bronze items, as well as the tiny sarcophagus, shows the very unusual and high status of this child, who died after infancy but before becoming a full-fledged member of the Narce community. An impressive fifteen vases, all small in scale, were buried with the little girl; they included a painted amphora, impasto cups of one or two handles, a set of six

Warriors and Weavers

footed bowls, and a miniature, painted conical stand. The small size of the pottery illustrates the practice of offering miniatures for funerals of children who died before they could accumulate normal, adult-sized vases.49 Miniaturization was a common phenomenon in adult tombs of Iron Age Latium and eventually was also practiced at Veii, often with objects like model swords and shields made for the graves of adults.50 Another burial at Narce, now in the Villa Giulia, offers a poignant example for comparison. Monte lo Greco Tomb 18, a trench with walled loculus filled with banquet vases, contained a sarcophagus with the bodies of a woman and a little girl; the child was placed beside her mother and wore smaller versions of the lady’s bronze belt, fibulae, and necklaces.51 Potter found that the cemetery that superseded the river terrace settlement at Narce had

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begun with adult burials of the mid-7th century, but continued into the mid-6th century with predominantly children’s burials in stone sarcophagi.52 This suggests the segregation of neonates and small children, but also a more complex custom at Narce.

The Continuation of the Narce Necropoleis Burials in the Iron Age necropoleis at Narce continued through the Archaic period (6th century BC), and are represented by some groups in the Museum.53 Some of the later tombs must have been quite monumental, with mounds or entrances ornamented with stone statuary. Narce Tomb 21 included a fragmentary sphinx statue (228).

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Fragile Records The Surviving Sources of Etruscan Language

B

ecause the Etruscans took advantage of the organic materials in their environment for the media upon which to record their documents, few long texts have survived for us to study. While it is patently untrue that the Etruscan language is undeciphered, much less is known of it than of Greek or Latin. The original wealth of literature, daily notes, and correspondence recorded on parchment, wooden and wax tablets, and even cloth, are lost; only the more cryptic forms of labels, dedications, and tombstones remain. One rare exception is the famous “Zagreb mummy binding,” a linen book of religious rituals preserved when it was ultimately used in Egypt to wrap the mummy of a young woman sometime during the 3rd–2nd century BC. Other long inscriptions include the “Capua tile,” an early 5th century terracotta tablet from a set recording religious formulae to be invoked on certain holidays; and the Perugia cippus, a stone block recording the settlement of a land dispute in the region of Perugia, and originally placed as a sacred boundary marker during the 3rd–2nd century BC.1 The sacred character of land is further shown in a recent discovery, the Tabula Cortonensis, a bronze tablet commemorating what appears to be the mortgage and sale of a parcel of land by a group of men and women.2 Of the thousands of Etruscan inscriptions known today, most are very short, providing names of men and women as owners, donors, or recipients of objects or tombs; it is this category that is represented in the Museum’s collections. The inscribed objects include a fragment of a 6th century vase recording a woman’s name, sarcophagi and urns of the Hellenistic period, and a lintel block from a 6th century tomb with the proclamation of its owner’s name. There is also a mirror with the engraved names of characters in its mytholog-

ical scene ( 250). As further evidence of Etruscan literacy, there are also styli, implements for daily use in inscribing wax tablets. While many actual wax tablets have been found (even fragments in a wrecked merchant ship),3 none yet retain the fragile inscriptions of notes, letters, or invoices that must have formed the majority of Etruscan communications. The convenience and simplicity of using perishable media have fostered inadvertently the campaign of extermination once waged by the Etruscans’ Greek and Roman enemies, although archaeology has begun to restore some of the complexities of their intellectual world.

The Etruscan Language Language, as well as costume and customs, set the Etruscans apart from the other ethnic groups of central Italy. The Italic peoples spoke Latin, Oscan (around Pompeii), Umbrian (at Gubbio/Iguvium), and other closely related languages. Greek could be heard among the colonists of southern Italy, and the Semitic languages, Phoenician and Aramaic, came with colonists and traders in the Italian archipelago. The Italic tongues are Indo-European languages, like modern Greek, Italian, and English. But Etruscan belongs neither to the Indo-European nor to the Semitic group. The likeliest explanation is that the Etruscans’ ancestors entered Italy long before the speakers of Indo-European languages, but since writing only arrived in the 8th century BC, hard data are lacking. Social interaction among the groups led to borrowed and loaned words, such as Latin nepos, converted to Etruscan nefts (now English “nephew”).

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Table 3. The Etruscan Alphabet

possible, with some acquaintance of the alphabet, to read the names of the persons in the inscriptions.6

Voices Preserved: The Provenance of Etruscan Inscriptions

Romans acknowledged their debt to Etruria for certain still-recognizable terms and concepts, such as atrium (Etruscan ay re), taberna, histrio (for an actor, whence our “histrionic”), and even persona, borrowed from the Etruscans’ masked character fersu, which derived from Greek prÒsvpon (“face”). The Etruscan alphabet was adapted from the earliest Greek alphabet brought to Italy by colonists, probably those who settled in the Bay of Naples; their Euboean alphabet was still a novelty in the 8th century, recently borrowed from the Phoenicians, who had invented it shortly before 1000 BC. Etruscans soon dropped letters for which they had no sounds, like “o” and “b,” and had to add or reassign letters for sounds that only occur in Etruscan. As in Phoenician (and other Semitic languages like Hebrew and Arabic), Etruscan was written retrograde, from right to left. After one or two generations, the Greeks would reverse the direction, as would the Romans, the reason that we read left to right today.4 Etruscans retained retrograde writing until near the end of their history; some epitaphs inscribed in Etruscan letters but running left to right are evidence of the gradual infiltration of Latin speech and Roman culture into one old city after another.5 Since most surviving Etruscan inscriptions are simple formulae incorporating personal names (“X gave me to Y” or “here lies A daughter of B”), it is often

Etruscans, like most peoples whose territory covered a wide geographical area, probably spoke in a variety of dialects and regional accents. Certainly the written language reflects diversity in its letter forms and spelling conventions, and also shows the effects of change over time. While Etruscan inscriptions began early in the 7th century BC, the earliest in the Museum’s collection are from the 6th century BC. By the 3rd to 1st centuries BC, Etruscan epigraphy registered the influence of Latin, as Etruria gave way to Romanization. When writing was first acquired during the era of the princely tombs, it was a prestige marker, used to inscribe names on valuable objects. Writing tools, like inkwells and tablets, were placed in wealthy tombs.7 Seventh century inscriptions are rare; they usually appear on valuable objects like gold brooches or on fine vases marked as gifts, probably for betrothals, weddings, or state occasions. Many early inscriptions are iscrizioni parlanti, “talking inscriptions,” in which a statement is made in the first person, as if by the object itself, proclaiming, “I was given by” or “I belong to.” 8 One such talking object is the lintel from a tomb, while another early find is a fragment of a vase which conspicuously does not speak (100). Both come from tombs at Orvieto. Two other inscriptions, also funerary, lack provenance but are identified by the typology of the urns on which they are written.9

“Urbs vetus,” the “Old City” of Orvieto-Volsinii One of the most affluent and historically significant cities of the Etruscan League was Volsinii (Etruscan Velzna), now identified with the charming medieval city of Orvieto which perches atop a plateau commanding access to the strategic Tiber valley north of Rome. Its destruction and relocation by the Romans (to the indefensible lakeside site of Bolsena) following their intervention in a slave revolt in 263 BC, have obliterated much of the original city, which was resettled during the medieval period. Recent studies have brought to light the

Fragile Records

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sanctuary where the Etruscan cities met, if a site (Campo della Fiera) in the plain below the city may be identified with the historical references.11

Naming Conventions in Etruria Most of the known Etruscan inscriptions label an object or building with a name, whether that of the god to whom it was dedicated, or the human man or woman to or by whom the object was given or erected. Naming conventions tell a great deal about a society and the values set Fig. 14. View of Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis, entrances to tombs. within families and political units. (Photograph by Margarita Gleba, 2002) Since the early 7th century, Etruscans affluent enough to write or own inscribed objects formed a complex or plan of the razed archaic city by tracing the still-preserved stratified society in which one needed more than a first, underground water system.10 Perhaps the best known or given, name by which to be publicly identified. The features of Orvieto are its two major necropoleis name of the founder of a family could be adapted as that (Crocifisso del Tufo and Cannicella), laid out like family’s “last name” or gentilicial name; in other cases, an ethnic adjective or other distinction might become housing developments just below the cliff on either side the surname (like Creices, “the Greek,” for instance).12 of the city. They form a grid of masonry tombs, each inscribed with the founder’s name. Women also used the double names, each child being The stone lintel (99) marked the tomb dedicated by given a name by the parents (see 102, also Pl. 7). In Velthur Hulchenas in the Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis. contrast, Roman women were known only by their father’s His family name is well documented among the leaders name (as Tullia, the daughter of Marcus Tullius Cicero, of the Etruscan cities, and the tomb erected by his grandfor instance). Many aristocratic Etruscan families included daughter was identified not far from his. the names of father and mother, or even grandparents, in The contents of the tombs (many plundered by their titles; but although women might list themselves as Roman soldiers and modern clandestini—those who steal antiquities) show a populous, affluent citizenry that was also, both male and female, literate. The tombs of 6th to 5th century Orvieto also have preserved many of the finest products of Athenian vase painters and a wide array of Etruscan ceramics and bronzes (see chapters 4–6). A sample of the decorated temples of Volsinii is discussed in chapter 7. It possibly formed part of the Fig. 15. Stone lintel from the doorway of a tomb in the Crocifisso del Tufo necropFanum Voltumnae, the famous olis, Orvieto, MS 3200. See 99.

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some man’s wife (puia), no man’s inscription has yet been found naming himself as someone’s “husband.” In fact, that Etruscan word still is not known.13

also an Attic SOS transport amphora (see Fig. 30, below) and the Attic Black-Figure olpe (MS 4800) incised mi racuy u´s .16

Other Etruscan Inscriptions in the Museum

Table 4. Top Ten Names for Etruscan Babies

Single letters or signs are often found incised or painted on Etruscan artifacts. The use of a single letter or number by artisans and merchants as a commonplace means of denoting ownership, distribution, or value further attests to the wide diffusion of literacy in Etruria from the 7th–6th centuries down to the end of the 1st century BC, when Latin had supplanted Etruscan for monumental and commercial use.14 Another object with Etruscan inscription in the Museum is a silver plaque incised laris : murcnas and said to have been found near Mancini Tomb B in the Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis of Orvieto.15 There are

Some names remained popular throughout Etruscan history, while a few continued even longer, and some may be recognized from Roman versions. boys Lars, Larth Vel, Velthur Sethre Arnth [Latin: Arruns] Avle [Latin: Aulus]

girls Larthi, Larthia Velia, Velelia Ramtha, Ravnthu Hasti, Fasti Thania, Thanchvil [Latin: Tanaquil]

4

Daily Life in Etruria The Accouterments of War and Peace, Work and Home

T

he condition or recorded contexts of most pieces show them to have been deposited in tombs, some after a lifetime of use and others probably obtained or made especially for funerary deposition (like terracotta jewelry). The exhibition of pieces from the Vatican collections that toured during the 1990s (“The Etruscans: Legacy of a Lost Civilization from the Vatican Museums”) provided a representative sampling of all aspects of Etruscan life, from the Villanovan through Hellenistic periods.1 The cities represented by these personal finds include Orientalizing and Archaic Bisenzio, Narce, Vulci, Orvieto, and Chiusi (described in chapters 1 and 2), and a few other famous members of the Etruscan League such as Tarquinia (often designated by its postantique name, “Corneto,” in old documentation). Like Caere/Cerveteri, Tarchna (Roman Tarquinii) was a major commercial city with a famous navy; today it is best known for its painted tombs. (See also chapters 7 and 8 for more finds from Tarquinia.) The bucchero production of 6th century Chiusi was especially prolific and imaginative; Orvieto is known for the quantities of fine Attic vases and Etruscan painted ceramics found in its tombs.2 The fine helmet of Picene type ( 108 ) is of unknown provenance, but a bronze finger ring and bulla amulet (162, 169) were said to have been found in tomb(s) at Ascoli Piceno, the home of the famous warrior tribes, the Italic-speaking Piceni, many of whose customs, like chariotry, banqueting, and fine metalwork, clearly derived from Etruscan influence and interaction. A simple but elegant hand-mirror (148) is said to have come from Praeneste (modern Palestrina), to the south of Rome. Another later piece,

the Genucilia plate with a painted lady’s head (136), is said to have been found in a trench tomb at Ardea. Both towns were in Latin-speaking territory, with close ties to Rome, the Faliscan region, and southern Etruria.

Real Life? Or Its Resemblance? One specifically funerary ritual involving prized personal possessions also is represented in the collection, the defacing of personal belongings, the mirror 256. In the ancient Mediterranean, there were many opportunities for lavish giving: religious dedication, tribute, guest gifts and funerary offerings. There were also many occasions on which giving or disposing of the actual object was either not possible or economically desirable. In place of live sacrifice, for example, one donated a figurine representing the appropriate animal; jewelry of gold foil might safely be used to adorn a body for burial; perfume vases might not have as great a capacity as their size implied. Objects made specifically for the grave are sometimes recognized by their materials, such as the gilded terracotta beads and medallion ( 104 and 105). Although such ornaments were sometimes worn in life, they are too flimsy to take much use and must represent cheap versions of valuables that were to remain with the living. The terracotta jewelry, carefully molded to duplicate fine metalwork and even covered after firing with a layer of gold or silver, was sometimes even worn by the living.3 After Classical antiquity, the next use of “costume jewelry” would not come until the time of the French bourgeoisie of the 19th century. Most finds of terracotta “jewels,”

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however, are from tombs. In the Classical world, including Etruria, the appearance of real life carried special significance. Some 4th–3rd century Etruscan tombs held imitation gold or silver vessels, made in clay to resemble family heirlooms for the one-time ritual of hand washing practiced at a sacrifice or funeral.4

A Man’s World: Warriors Become Citizens The accouterments of war that were so much in evidence in Iron Age funerals did not disappear immediately from ritual display when the warriors’ hut villages fused into the early Etruscan cities. Even though arms training and warfare may not have been part of a daily routine for the new citizens, they remained necessities and were still reflected in the symbolism of a life celebrated in the funeral. Much that was placed in the grave was, of course, real, and in Etruria, nearly all finds of arms and armor have come from tombs. Later family tombs, such as the Tomb of the Reliefs and Tomba Giglioli at Cerveteri (later 4th and early 3rd centuries BC) depict the family’s arms as if hanging on the walls, probably in imitation of the actual homes of aristocrats, who were proud of the historic past of their clan. The tradition of burying a warrior with his weapons begun during the Villanovan period was continued through most of Etruscan history. Funerary inscriptions and other symbolism show that a man’s life increasingly came to be dominated by statecraft and social obligations, as the military autonomy of the great cities waned and was eclipsed by Rome.

Images of the Warrior-Citizen: Vulci Tomb B The Villanovan warrior and his increasingly urbanized successors did not live entirely for war; the preponderance of objects in rich warriors’ tombs represent the peacetime socializing (and no doubt politicking) that was the formal banquet. A rich tomb of the mid-6th century BC, excavated at Vulci (Tomb B) has produced, along with the utensils from a warrior’s funeral banquet, a fine image of citizen-soldiers marching in step and in uniform (see Pl. 8). Later

tomb paintings assure us that such special events reflected, in food and serving utensils, the lavish feasts of the warrior’s lifetime. One of the tomb groups purchased in 1896–97 through Frothingham was unwittingly divided and a portion shipped to Chicago. Part is now in the Field Museum, while another portion of the finds, mainly vases, is in Philadelphia. Richard De Puma analyzed the Vulci B Tomb Group and published the record photograph in the hope that scholars at other institutions might recognize the dispersed vases and bronzes in other collections.5 The original groups of at least 29 vases of bucchero, Etrusco-Corinthian and other painted wares (some Greek imports), and metal goods (including a fibula and spearpoint) were excavated by Mancinelli in a chamber tomb on the Torlonia land at Vulci in 1895. De Puma suggests, on the basis of gender-associated objects, that a husband and wife had been buried there in the mid6th century BC. In addition to the warrior olpe, there were a fine theriomorphic perfume vase ( 150 ), a Corinthian ring aryballos (186), and two bucchero kantharoi (192, 232).

Becoming the Adversary: Armor of Different Ethnic Groups When meeting an enemy of a different culture on the field of battle, a warrior needed to be well prepared. The history of the development of arms and armor in Italy shows that soon after a new adversary appeared, his alien equipment was copied or countered by new developments in Etruscan armor. Thus, soon after the Gauls invaded at the beginning of the 4th century BC, imitations of their jockey-like cap helmets appeared among the Etruscan military (see 109).6 In the 6th century, the Picene people of the Adriatic shore began to assert themselves (they would later be feared and then recruited into the army of the Roman Republic), and soon their distinctive, cauldronlike helmets would stimulate new designs in Etruria.7 Early in the 5th century came the most distinctive and widely circulated products of the armories of Etruscan cities like Arezzo, the so-called Negau helmets, named for the findspot of a consignment of them (see Pl. 9). They were shipped all over central and northern Europe by the arms dealers of Italy (see 233). Unfortunately, the collection of helmets of archaic and classical Italy is without exact provenance, but

Daily Life in Etruria

their excellent condition is evidence that all were found in warriors’ tombs. Some, like the jockey helmet (109, and see Pl. 10), show the marks of deliberate damage, for committal to the tomb rather than battlefield injuries. Two other, slightly earlier helmets from Italic warriors’ tombs display Corinthian inspiration in their design.8

The Horse: Still an Elite Essential Horse ownership began to be symbolically attested in tombs of the 8th century with placement of bits or even a chariot (see chapter 2). This statement of elite skills continued to be made during the funerals of the 6th–5th century BC and was still a very important aspect of a noble Etruscan’s life and identity. Horse trappings became more ornate, and images of horsemanship seem to have been prized on vases, both domestic and imported. The sacrifice of horses always was rare in Etruria (less so in other parts of Italy and the Mediterranean). With the Orientalizing and Archaic bronze horse tack, regional differences in design show some interaction between cities, either as trade or gifts. As the corpus of published bits grows, study of the typology allows the dating and geographical association of pieces such as 110, which have lost their original contexts. In this case, a warrior buried near Lake Bolsena owned at least one set of horse harness that had been made by a smith in Vetulonia to the north; whether the harness was given or taken by him, along with the horse for whom it was made, cannot be known. Horse and chariot racing, to judge from

Fig. 16. Ornamented horse bit, MS 1637. See 110.

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existing representations, were always popular in Etruria and had additional significance in funeral games.

Peaceful Pursuits: Statecraft, Business, Athletics With the increasing urbanization of Etruria, men’s lives changed considerably during and after the 7th century. While they would still be called upon to defend their homes in times of war, such as the Gaulish incursions at the beginning of the 4th century, later slave revolts and civil wars, and the Roman wars of acquisition, the role of warrior lost definition and citizens became politicians and businessmen (and -women). Education and the pursuits of cultured leisure, like Greek-style athletics, music, and philosophy, grew to occupy a larger amount of an affluent city-dweller’s day. It is not surprising that the Accouterments of such pursuits—athletic equipment, games, musical instruments, and symbolic items from public life—also should appear in their tombs.9

Not Ordinary Furniture: The Statesman’s Folding Stool The fragments of bronze hooves and occasional wooden, or even ivory, stool legs found in Etruscan tombs from Bologna throughout Tyrrhenian Etruria are highly evocative of the status of their owners and not normal home furnishings. While funerary beds and carts, ornamental chairs, and tables have been found in tombs, the folding stool, sella curulis or curule chair to the Romans, must have been carried in the funeral procession to symbolize the civic role and political or legal power that the deceased once held. Processions like that carved on the side of the “Boston Sarcophagus” of Ramtha Vi´s nai, now in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts,10 show men in civilian dress escorted by servitors who carry fasces, the axewith-rods symbol of high magistrates, as well as the stool with curved legs. As early as the beginning of the 6th century, such stools, many of which could be folded and carried, were used by men in governmental or other official meetings (compare the dignitary at the funeral games of the Tomba degli Auguri, Tarquinia). 11 Roman sarcophagi later also would depict consuls and senators who were authorized to use these stools as signs of their rank.12

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Seals for Men (and Women): Affairs of Business, Personalized Signs

The Athletes’ Games, Continued in the Afterlife

During much of antiquity, the sealstone, in various forms, was important as a personal amulet and signature. Made in valuable stones like jasper, carnelian, or onyx, and bearing the owner’s choice of emblem, they could not be falsified as easily as handwriting. Seals were often mounted on “rings” which were not for the finger, but were swivel rings probably worn on a thong around the neck. The original gold, silver, or bronze mounts survive less often than the stones themselves, most of which have tempted collectors and copyists since ancient times. Most of the Etruscan seals in the Museum have come from the famous collection of the 19th century industrialist and scholar, Maxwell Sommerville (1829–1904). He formed his collection after the Civil War, while traveling extensively in Europe and the Near East, and gave it to the Museum, along with an endowment for its care. Most of the Sommerville gems are Classical, but there are several very fine examples of Etruscan glyptic art. Sommerville published several works on the collection.13 Like most Etruscan sealstones, the Museum’s are in the form of a scarab with natural details carved with different degrees of accuracy; the flat bottom surfaces hold the intaglio image. Sealstones 113 and 118 retain their original ancient mounts; some others have 19th century mounts left in place to protect the gem. The a globolo style of carving, in which the main forms of a figure are drilled to save time carving, is a hallmark of the Etruscan glyptic industry of the 4th century BC. A fine carnelian seal of early a globolo style depicts the fusion of the old elite warrior’s lifestyle with the amusements of the “new” citizen (see Pl. 12). In the chariot scene engraved on it, the vehicle is the racing triga. This three-horse chariot was derived from military usage in which two horses pull the vehicle, while a third, unencumbered by the chariot’s weight, actually carries the armor that will protect the team and driver.14 Triga racing would become popular in the Roman circus. The seal intaglios include mythical or legendary characters and scenes, such as Hercle; warriors who might be heroes or men (see Pl. 13); monsters like the griffin (see Pl. 14); and animals from the hunt, sport, or pets. Seals, like their owners, expressed interest in a range of common activities or mythological and religious symbolism, reflecting the tastes and sights familiar in the Etruscan world.

For young men who were not yet warriors, businessmen or politicians, one sure indicator of identity was the practice of athletics, which probably also encompassed other forms of a Greek-style education. Images of funerary games appear in Etruscan painted tombs, on vases, and on other grave goods. The practice of hanging objects on the walls of tombs with iron nails, presumably in imitation of the houses of the living, is well known in Etruria. This is depicted on the walls of the Tomb of the Reliefs at Cerveteri and recognized in numerous finds of objects now attached permanently to the rusted iron nails.15 Athletes and bathers, both male and female, used strigils with a rubdown of oil, drawn from a small jar like an aryballos or lekythos (see ornate archaic versions, 186 –188). During the Late period, contemporary with the model strigil (119), the forms of popular vases had changed, and alabastra or small jars of bronze or silver were carried on a loop of chain (see 151). Such implements of personal hygiene derive from the subculture of Greek athletics; with the finds of athletic equipment, Greek athletics and also philosophy and forms of education came to Etruria.16

The House and the World of Etruscan Women The design of the Etruscan house, the prototype of Roman/Pompeian atrium houses, was well correlated to the life of the family. The reconstruction by N. Holmes Kantzios shows the outer, more public, areas adjacent to the front entrance (see Pl. 11). The dining room and more private rooms (office, bedrooms, storage) were arranged around a courtyard used for domestic work. Her design is based on the houses of 5th century Marzabotto and on the traces of 6th century houses excavated on the Palatine hill, Rome, beneath the homes of Late Republican aristocratic families. Vedia Izzet has emphasized that “the way in which a society builds its houses is never arbitrary,” and that Etruscan society’s perceptions of the family, the household, and urban life may be read from their design.17 Many Etruscan tombs of the later 6th and 5th centuries offer a glimpse of what Etruscan tables must have looked like on special occasions such as weddings

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and holidays, as well as funerals. Undisturbed tombs offer a visually striking assortment of locally made Etruscan bronze vessels and utensils such as basins, pitcher, dippers, jars, and buckets.18 Etruscan tombs of the 6th–4th centuries (and later) often were furnished with fine, imported Greek vases, especially Attic Blackand Red-Figure; Etruscan bronze and silver vessels and utensils; and more exotic objects in glass and ivory, gold and silver. Other objects, especially useful in tombs, serve to remind us of the differences between the Etruscan period and today: the only sources of light in the darkened streets of an ancient city were torch holders carried by servants; candelabra and lamps, filled from special spouted feeders (see 308), provided smoky, acrid illumination to banquets or late-night tasks.19

Ceramics and the Ancient Household: Etruscan Pottery and the Taste for Imports With respect to the terminology of vases, Greek names are used here only when the vase is an exact version of a common Greek shape, thus kyathos for a cup with a single high-flung handle. A hybrid shape is simply a cup. Based on the inscriptions in Etruscan on a number of early vases it is clear that the names modern scholars have abstracted from Greek literature and applied to vase shapes are not always those that were used by ancient consumers.21

Chiusine Specialties for Home and Tomb The focolare (brazier) group of objects, including the vase set in Plate 20, was said to have been a single tomb group excavated at Chiusi, but this cannot be proven. The focolare is a ceramic version of a portable hearth, filled with reduced-scale replicas of banquet dishes. Such sets are characteristic Chiusine products in heavy bucchero pesante of the later 6th century BC.22 The small vases included in each set can differ slightly as to types, but spatulas and ladles are favorites.23

Women’s Work and Dress Images of Past Lives Fig. 17. Bronze torch holder, MS 5697. See 120, 121.

The Archaic and Classical Banquet Service Ancient wine had to be strained for drinking and was normally served mixed with water and sometimes spices. As shown by the frying pans and other utensils of the Tomb of the Reliefs, the painted Tomba Golini of Orvieto, and actual objects found in other tombs, Etruscans valued a well-prepared meal that included roasted meats and sauces as well as wine and bread. Fine metal and ceramic serving ware appears in representations, as does the kylikeion, a sideboard or table displaying the family’s best dishes.20

Since so many vases were destined for funerals, wedding gifts, or cult use, they often are decorated with scenes of myth or legend, some recognizable to us as well-known Greek stories, others undoubtedly derived from Etruscan folktales or literature, now lost. Even if the subjects were gods and goddesses, though, they usually wore the same clothing and performed tasks similar to those of mere (Etruscan) mortals and thus can provide us with some images with which to reconstruct everyday life.24

Women’s Work: To Spin and Weave As noted in reference to Iron Age Italy, the family’s need for clothing and other textiles probably kept most Etruscan and Italic women constantly spin-

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ning, even carrying their wool or linen flax with them to spin as they walked, rode, or cared for the children. Affluent women probably did their share too, although they may have spun finer materials for veils or ribbons. Servants and workshops (in later days) took over the manufacture of everyday cloth. Wool was probably the most common fabric; linen was produced around Tarquinia and in other marshy areas, where flax grew.

Fig. 18. Red-Figure stamnos, MS 2520, with images of a maenad (here) and Menerva (see Pl. 21): the religious aspects of women’s lives merged with the everyday in figures like Menerva, patroness of crafts. See 137.

After spinning thread with a drop spindle, weighted like a top, the weaver would make her cloth on a stationary warp-weighted loom. Although the textiles and wooden loom rarely survive, fired clay loom weights and spindle whorls do. The collection does not include Etruscan loom weights, but the Museum’s spool-like rocchetti, in the early days at least, probably served as weights in smaller constructions or may have been used with cards to weave special pieces of cloth, like ribbons, belts, or decorative borders. Such items, in richly dyed woolen

threads, were used to enliven clothing of more comfortable linen, which is difficult to dye.25

The Etruscans’ Famous Footwear The art of early Etruria shows men and women well shod and ready to travel; since most people would have walked long distances regularly, good footwear was essential. Etruscan women, especially, are shown in calf-length dresses with high boots with pointed toes, fully prepared to enter into the everyday world of action. The soft, slipper-like shoe with pointed toe was a specialty of Etruscan archaic costume and figured frequently in representations of ladies and goddesses. We know that such shoes were indeed worn by normal people; the footprints of some Etruscan women, tiny by modern standards, along with those of barefoot men, were preserved at the site of Poggio Civitate (Murlo) when, at the end of the 7th century BC, they all ran for their lives from a fire, leaving the prints in clay tiles that were drying under the roof of the Southeast Building.26 Fashion, too, was essential, and a category of platform-soled sandals evolved that was purely Etruscan (see 143). They were so unusual that even the sophisticated women of Athens sought the shoes called by Aristophanes “tyrrhenika”: hinged, thick soles that clattered on paved streets and called attention to the golden laces on tiny feet. A famous Greek statue in Athens may have shown these rarities on a proud owner or goddess.27 The earliest illustration of footwear appears on a fine Etrusco-Geometric tripod pyxis, a box with feet, that was popular in Italy early in the 7th century BC (see 142). Its slippers, and delicate ornament inspired by Greek vases, would have distinguished a Faliscan lady’s valuables, cosmetics, or medicines. Sturdier Footgear for Travelers, Soldiers, Workers During the later centuries of Etruscan culture, footgear for men included a variety of types for special occupations, many of which continued in use during the Roman period. The costume selected for portrayal on the statue(ette) of a man or god, like the fragmentary 144, undoubtedly conveyed additional messages to those familiar with daily tasks: the shoes of a statesman would set him apart from a common laborer

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for instance. Consider Propertius’s Elegy 4.2, in which the Etruscan god Vertumnus changes identity according to elements of his costume, although shoes are not mentioned specifically.

almost like a subtle advertisement for their other products. The ensemble of such items is useful today in dating them or the pieces they portray, such as stamnoi, alabastra, perfume pins, etc.31

The Pleasures of the Boudoir: Cistae, Perfume, Mirrors, Jewels

Jewelry

In Classical antiquity, appearance held more than fleeting or romantic significance; women were displaying their dowry jewels or their husband’s wealth in their costume and ornaments, stating publicly their family’s social status. A worshiper might have to go barefoot before the gods, as we see in votive figurines, but in the formal society of the ancient Mediterranean, there was little room for casual attire. The inclusion of a woman’s jewels and personal treasures in her tomb was a statement of the family’s wealth and esteem for her and must have been considered important to her afterlife or memory. Images of women primping in front of a mirror also showed that these ladies were important enough to employ (or own) servants, and that they enjoyed the leisure in which to spend time on their appearance.28 Personal belongings taken to the tomb sometimes show the wear or repairs of long-term use in life. Sometimes inscriptions were engraved when they were given as gifts, like the Ficoroni cista from Praeneste, which proclaims it was given by the owner’s mother, Dindia Macolnia. It also was repaired and held the daughter’s toilette implements.29 Many valuable metal grave goods, especially those from the region of Orvieto, are inscribed with the word, ´s uthina, “belonging to the tomb.” Paul Fontaine has suggested that this was done to prevent their being confiscated in times of turmoil during the later period of Etruscan history, when one government or another might try to requisition metal to be converted into arms.30 There is considerable evidence, in the interchangeable parts and offhanded treatment of engraved surfaces, that the canisters known by the Latin term cistae were manufactured on a sort of assembly line. Some of the best known workshops were s ituat ed in Vulci and later Pra eneste . Occasionally, the engravings on cistae or mirrors depict other products of the same metal workshops,

Early Jewelry from the Tombs of Narce and Elsewhere Early fasteners, like the bronze fibulae of the Villanovan and Early Etruscan periods, can tell us more about costume than meets the eye. The weight and coarseness of the pins, for instance, indicates the weight and type of fabric on which they would have been used, implying a wide range of materials from coarse wool to fine, sheer linen. By the period of the Narce tombs, central Italy was fully involved in a complex circuit of trade; glass beads and faience amulets are the only remaining visible tokens today. The Baltic trade is signaled in the archaeological record by finds of carved amber jewelry and amulets; the size and clarity of the amber pieces, many worked in the style of their Adriatic distribution centers, must have been a marker of value, worn proudly by the recipients. (See chapter 6 on the trade in exotica from the Eastern Mediterranean and Europe.) During the Iron Age, the earliest forms of ornaments were fibulae and simple pendants in bronze or other materials. There were rare examples of necklaces or pendants of amber, glass, or faience beads. During the end of the 8th and early 7th centuries, silver came to be used more frequently for fibulae, miniature balsamaria, perfume vases with intricate designs, stoppers, and chains.32 Pectoral plaques of gold foil and ornamental necklaces, as well as spiral earrings, began to appear in tomb offerings of Early Orientalizing date (see 20 and 95). The bronze miniature dog(?) figure (264) may have come from the bow of a fibula of Orientalizing style. The miniature gold bird (225) with granulated details may have been one of many on an ornate 7th century brooch. Gold Jewelry, 6th to 4th Centuries BC While small ornaments of gold were found in the early Narce tombs, it seems that precious metals were in relatively short supply; they were restricted to gold wire

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for earrings or to wrap a small bronze fibula, or gold foil used to form ornamental brooches. With the “princely tombs” of the mid-7th century BC came more lavish use of precious metals, for vases as well as jewelry. By the 6th century BC, gold hair spirals (see Pl. 15) and earrings appeared quite frequently as funerary goods; bracelets and necklaces using gold and silver filigree, and curios such as scarabs also appear. Bronze seems always to have been used for fibulae and also for other ornaments such as earrings. The 4th century is represented by a succession of characteristic earrings, and by a necklace that is the decorative heir of the Eastern-influenced balsamaria and pendants of the Orientalizing period. Typical of Archaic jewels are ladies’ disc earrings (see those depicted on the female head antefix, 280), and intricate a baule earrings that resemble a carpetbag or purse, and were usually decorated in filigree and/or granulation (see Pls. 23, 24). In addition to the pair of a baule earrings (164), another example (226) illustrates granulation technique. Earring shapes evolved over time, from tubes or hoops (see Pl. 16) to large, “horseshoe” or “grape cluster” (a grappolo) forms constructed of sheet gold (167; see Pl. 17) and also worn by the heads of later antefixes (see 168, 288, and 289; also see Pl. 25). Necklaces, too, show elaborate construction techniques; the 4th century example, 163, has mock vases (with heads emerging; see Pl. 22) instead of the working perfume flasks of earlier days. Finger rings in both precious metals and bronze were popular in Etruria from the 6th century on, for both men and women. (Compare the gold swivel rings for pendent sealstones 113 and 118.) The bronze volute ring (162) probably was worn by a Picene warrior, on analogy to finds in burials on the Adriatic shore.33 Supernatural Protection—Amulets or Jewelry? Bullae (“bubbles” in Latin) were worn as early as the late Iron Age and continued in fashion to the end of Etruscan history. They were adopted by Romans as protective amulets for children and animals, and when a Roman boy became an adult citizen, he dedicated his gold bulla to the household gods. Although Roman references suggest that they were like “medicine bags” containing such charms as live lizards, extant examples are now either broken or empty. (See 55 for a fine early bulla.) Other examples of bullae were fashioned

like functional miniature vases with tiny perfume dippers in their caps; those on the 4th century necklace (163), however, are imitations, hollow behind.34 Amulets came in many other shapes and materials, such as amber and faience. Shapes like hands or feet (such as 173), or scarabs (some not carved as seals) probably were felt to convey magical powers, good luck, or healing. The grotesque yet benign Egyptian dwarf “Bes” probably retained his original duty of protecting women in childbirth (see 172).35

Daily Companions: The Animal World of the Etruscans Most Etruscans lived much closer to land and animals than people do today, and were accustomed to see both farm and wild animals on a daily basis. These included sheep, goats, and cattle, as well as the horses so prized by aristocrats. The animals were wild rabbits (rather hares), boar, deer, and waterfowl; these were a source of special imagery matched to elite landowners who could hunt at will. Wild delicacies were also a part of the funeral banquets depicted in the painted tombs and vases of early and late Etruria. Dogs were frequent companions in field and home—hounds for hunting, and little lapdogs like terriers appear in ornaments as early as the 7th century (see 185). Late Iron Age impasto and painted vases carry stylized images of horses and birds, especially a longnecked, plump-tailed waterbird that may be a duck, goose, or heron.36 Fantastic creatures like lions (with and without wings), sphinxes, and griffins entered the repertoire of native artists through imported images from Greece and the Levant. The domestic chicken, reproduced in the bucchero finial of a 6th century vase (183), was a latecomer to the Classical world, having been introduced from Asia only at the beginning of the Archaic period. Doves probably were kept for food, like modern pigeons, but in art they always retain their association with gentle or romantic behavior (see, in addition to the figurine, 182, the fine bronze handle on which a dove escapes the jaws of a snake, 122 ). Familiar animals continued in Etruscan art, both monumental and private (e.g., jewelry), from the Late Iron Age to the end of the Etruscan period. In addition to the objects described here, see the seals with images of boar, horses, and dog (115, 116, and 117).37

5

Greek Potters and Etruscan Consumers

W

hen pottery of pale clay painted with geometric patterns first reached Italy, it had a strong impact on local potters. The vectors for such imports were networks of settlements like the colony of Pithekoussai in the Bay of Naples, a joint enterprise of Euboean and Corinthian Greeks, and Syrians and Phoenicians of the Levant.1 Eventually, toward the end of the 8th century and through the 7th, many elite funerals included the display and offering of at least one cup made in a style that had been stimulated by Greek chevron skyphoi. Thereafter, light-toned clay thrown on the potter’s wheel would become an important feature of the Etruscan home, banquet, and funerary offerings—even though the earlier, native form of impasto as well as its offshoot, black bucchero ware, continued to develop and be used extensively, for many more generations. The next Greek ware to alter the Etruscan market was the Black-Figure pottery produced in Corinth (where a Potters’ Quarter has been excavated, providing evidence of the work of many of the artisans whose works were exported to Italy). To a lesser extent, other cities active in Mediterranean commerce, such as Miletus and Rhodes, also are represented by vases collected in Etruria. The new wares were decorated in Orientalizing style with friezes reminiscent of tapestries depicting fantastic or exotic animals amid lush foliage and flowers. They were potted in useful and elegant shapes such as olpai (pitchers without spouts), trefoilmouthed oinochoai (for wine), plates, and assorted unguent jars (alabastra, aryballoi, animal shapes). The pretty jars in closed shapes surely were traded for their contents of perfume, cosmetics, or drugs; the value of the container served as an additional guarantee of the quality of its contents. Very soon, during the 7th century, EtruscoCorinthian wares were first produced. Some were made

by Greek expatriate potters, such as the “Swallows Painter,” followed fast by a second and third generation of native artists. We have no inscriptions or names for these craftsmen, so scholars have assigned them arbitrary names, such as the Painter of the Large Rosettes (209 and 211) or the Bearded Sphinx Painter (189; also see Fig. 26). The thriving industry saw workshops spring up in Vulci, Caere, and Tarquinia, with some painters circulated between them, although after the boom came a period of stagnation, as their style waned in the face of the new, Athenian imports reaching consumers in the 6th century BC. The varied styles and intense narratives of Attic Black- and Red-Figure vases, some (like the infamous Euphronios krater in the Metropolitan Museum of Art) of truly monumental proportions, appealed to a burgeoning class of affluent consumers and collectors. In Vulci, schools grew up to produce Etruscan versions of the finely potted shapes and intricate painted scenes of Greek mythology and whimsy. The Paris and Micali Painters worked in distinctive styles, and many lesser artists found large markets clamoring for their goods. The simpler Group of Orvieto, produced in that city (see 213), and the Jerusalem Painter (194) whose products were favored in the territory of Chiusi, typify the results of Etruria’s fascination with Greek vases. In Athens, some pottery workshops focused on the Etruscan export trade, apparently responding to market research, by imitating Etruscan and Italic impasto or bucchero shapes, such as kyathoi or “Nicosthenic” amphorae, in the hard, brightly figured Attic fabric. Often, the vases have scenes of Dionysiac revels, banquets, or maenads and other female figures, as if Greeks expected Etruscans to prefer situations of drunkenness, revelry, or women sharing the stage with

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Fig. 19. Etruscan Black-Figure amphora by the Jerusalem Painter, L-29-47, Side A. See 194 (also 117).

men. 2 As with 193, often, the wine god Dionysos himself drinks his wine from a kantharos, the twohandled cup that imitates Etruscan bucchero. Classical scenes of myth, legend, and theater would recur in the

Fig. 20. Etruscan Black-Figure amphora by the Jerusalem Painter, L-29-47, Side B. See 194 (also 117).

next wares to be developed, the Red-Figure style of the 5th through 3rd centuries BC.3 Red-Figure fabrics produced in Caere, Falerii, and other cities followed the developments of later Attic pottery and art.

Fig. 21. Bucchero kantharos, MS 1284, from Vulci Tomb B. The most commonly exported and widely identified Etruscan vase type. See 192 and 232.

6

Etruscan Technology and Commerce The Crafts that Made Etruria Famous, and the Objects of Mediterranean Exchange

Fig. 22. View of the Gulf of Baratti, city and cemetery of Populonia, famous for its metal industry, commerce, and rich archaic tombs. (Photograph by Margarita Gleba, 2002)

A

t one time it was said that the Etruscans maintained a “thalassocracy,” hegemony over travel and transport on the seas around the Italian archipelago and beyond. Aristotle (Politics 3.5.10–11) commented upon their treaty alliance with the Carthaginians, creating the image of the two major rivals of Greek colonization and commerce as being allied to prevent the expansion, or at times survival, of the Greek colonial cities of Sicily, south Italy, and southern France.1 What made the Etruscans competitive, in addition to their prowess at shipbuilding and seafaring, were their products; many of these commodities are no

longer visible in the archaeological record, such as timber, leather, cloth of wool and linen, foods such as wine and grain, and also certain luxury or manufactured goods. Even the Greeks, in the persons of the Athenians Kritias and Pherekrates, commented on the desirability of Etruscan metal tableware (Athenaeus 1.28b, 15.700c). Fashions such as Etruscan shoes were also bought and imitated (see 143). Although they are not always as elegant as the products of Greek artists, many Etruscan bronze vessels and utensils circulated throughout the ancient world, for they were made of the highest quality, heavy metal, and were worth

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Fig. 23. Map of the Classical Mediterranean world (and periphery), with findspots of Etruscan exports marked. (By permission of Mark Mattson) their weight in bronze. Bucchero vases, and sometimes Etrusco-Corinthian painted wares, also traveled the world, turning up even in the Potters’ Quarter of ancient Corinth, a city famous for its own pottery production. A survey of these objects in the Museum’s collections shows why they seemed exotic, well designed, or especially well made to the Etruscans’ contemporaries. The goods discussed here have been selected as representative of the most typical Etruscan products, often found in tombs, and many of types known to have been circulated in the Greek, Punic and European cultural spheres. They come from several sources, including the tombs of Narce, Vulci, Cerveteri, Orvieto, and Chiusi, as well as some other well known cities. A fine basin handle (217, Fig. 27) was found at Cortona, another interior city, perched, like Chiusi and Orvieto, atop a well-defended plateau.2 A mirror ( 218) is said to have been found at Vetulonia (Vatluna), a city on the coast of northern Etruria that flourished during the Orientalizing and

Archaic periods from its foundries and trade in metals. The mirror probably was made during the later 4th century BC, while the city was improving economically again after a period of decline.3 Ascoli Piceno provides evidence, in the decorative fibula (239), of the Adriatic amber trade. Corinthian and Attic vases and Phoenician faience beads and amulets found in tombs at various cities illustrate some of the foreign imports sought by the Etruscans.

Pottery The most commonly found clays of central Italy, used since the Bronze Age, have been termed “impasto.” They are usually fairly coarse and of dark or muddy color, ranging from tan through reds, browns, and grays. The material has dictated to some extent the forms and ornamentation of vases, making it possible to create objects with projections and ornate handles, and to cut, impress, or stamp decoration on the surface.

Etruscan Technology and Commerce

Since such dark fabrics do not show paint well, many Etruscan and Italic artisans chose to create textured surfaces; they sometimes impressed pigments or studs into the bodies of their vases. The next step was to create an even darker and more fine-textured fabric, the bucchero of Archaic Etruscan ceramics. Painted vases became popular only after the stimulus of Greek imports, although the Italian clays that could be used for pale backgrounds are generally duller or darker than the clays of Greece. Granules of minerals are visible as inclusions in all of these fabrics and are usually of volcanic origin, including mica and obsidian; but since the fabrics of the Museum’s vases have not been analyzed in the laboratory, the inclusions are here referred to as “sparkling,” “glassy,” and by their color. Most bucchero vases, except for those in unusual forms, were made using a potter’s wheel as were an ever-increasing number of impasto vases, which had developed centuries earlier in a handmade and pitfired tradition (see the Villanovan biconical urns of chapter 1). All painted vases, following their Greek prototypes, were made on the wheel, and this has not been separately designated in their descriptions below. The study of pottery is a very large discipline and cannot be treated fully here; for background, readers are referred to the works cited under individual entries. Modern excavations are beginning to identify the actual workshops and kilns for pottery manufacture, as, for instance, a 3rd–2nd century kiln at Cetamura and a 2nd century factory of everyday wares at Chiusi.4

39

Fig. 24. Bucchero “caryatid” chalice, MS 560A, from Vulci Tomb 5. See 198.

Bucchero Vases There is certainly a connection between the manufacture of shiny, black bucchero pottery and the famous Etruscan metalworking industry, although, as Gran-Aymerich has demonstrated, the situation was originally much more complex than a simple imitation of valuable metal vases.5 Bucchero vases were first produced as rarities, though of less value than metalwork, for the princely tombs of the 7th century BC. By the later 7th century and throughout the 6th, they formed an important part of the industrial and commercial phenomenon of Etruria; they became standardized in form and were exported all over the Mediterranean and adjacent regions (see Fig. 21, and 192, 232). The later 6th century “baroque” phase of bucchero pesante had heavy forms and abundant molded decora-

Fig. 25. Ornate bucchero kantharos from Chiusi, L-64-539. Molded reliefs depict the “mistress of wild beasts” and busts (protomes) of sirens or sphinxes. See 201.

tion, including many pieces that can only have been for display. Bucchero continued to be produced for domestic consumers until the end of the 5th century, especially in a distinctive gray fabric at Orvieto. There was also a certain funerary cachet to the use of bucchero, at least during the 6th century, and it appeared in certain rare forms for religious ritual and votive dedications.6

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The Chalice, an Etruscan Native Form The chalice and the related form, known by its later Greek name, kantharos, are native Italian/Etruscan designs, found in impasto. They are first developed fully in the bucchero fabrics of later 7th and 6th century Etruria. Many variations appeared, their decoration influenced by imported Levantine and Greek art, with motives such as the figure of a nature/fertility goddess. In Etruscan, the chalice shape seems to have been called y afna, according to inscribed examples in many fabrics; it evolved from a footed chalice to a footless bowl.7 An example of a bucchero version of the chalice is 101. During the late 7th–early 6th centuries, the form was often ornamented with figures of goddesses, for instance, as 198. Spanti is the Italo-Etruscan term for plate; the kantharos, the quintessential symbol of Etruscan culture (see Fig. 21), may have been known as zavena to judge from inscribed examples, such as a bucchero kantharos incised with horses found in a Caeretan tomb. It proclaims mlac mi zavena, “I am the pretty kantharos,” as well as mi mulu, “I was given.” 8 Whether more ornate forms would have been assigned different names, or been called “beautiful” (mlac), remains an open question.

Imitations of Corinthian and Attic Pottery The phenomenon of Etrusco-Corinthian painted pottery ran its course from about 630 through the 6th century BC, in the wake of massive importation of true Corinthian pottery that had begun around the beginning of the 7th century. In the 8th century, Corinthian vases and potters of the Late Geometric period had already been seen on Italian shores, beginning with the establishment of the colony of Pithekoussai in the Bay of Naples (ca. 775 BC), and the foundation of Syracuse in Sicily (ca. 734 BC).9 There were several workshops in the southern Etruscan cities, including Caere, Vulci, and Tarquinia. They produced painted vases, often with lively or hastily drawn yet comic figures, as well as polychrome patterns; the shapes also imitated those of the Corinthian Potters’ Quarter (though often with too heavy or too many moldings or other ornaments). One of the first to work in this style at Vulci was the “Bearded Sphinx Painter” of the later 7th century BC (all names are stylistic attributions, following the custom adopted by researchers for unknown Greek painters); one of his vases is 189.10 As time went on,

Fig. 26. Etrusco-Corinthian oinochoe by the Bearded Sphinx Painter, MS 642, from Vulci Tomb 26. See 189. the demand for such vases increased and was met by several groups of highly skilled potters, although many of their vases were only hastily decorated—no doubt to meet a high-volume market. One such was the Pittore delle Macchie Bianche (“Painter of the White Blobs”; see 210), who followed close behind the Workshop of the Large Rosettes in the thriving industry of Vulci. Works from the potteries of Vulci, Caere, and Tarquinia circulated throughout the Mediterranean. At Vulci, vast quantities of pottery in this style and the later Black-Figure imitating Attic vases were churned out for the affluent, domestic market. By the time the style petered out at Caere after the mid-6th century, it had ceased to include narrative scenes or finely detailed figures, and most late finds are globular aryballoi with fat waterbirds or hastily painted cups and plates. Because the original Corinthian vases, such as aryballoi, were simply shipping containers for fine perfumes (like the irinon, iris scent of Corinth or the attar of roses from “Rhodes”), their elegant containers were a type of guarantee of the quality of the contents, it seems likely that the Etrusco-Corinthian versions also were intended to advertise fine perfumes, cosmetics, or medicines.11

Etruscan Technology and Commerce

41

Stoneworking

Fig. 27. Castbronze basin handle, MS 2314, from Cortona. Etruscan bronze vessels usually have solid-cast rather than hollow handles. See 217.

Bronzeworking Although little is known of Etruscan mining and metallurgy for the boom period of the 8th–7th centuries, the zones of metal ores and the ports through which they passed were clearly thriving during the 7th–5th centuries BC.12 Most of the most famous products of the foundries and armories of 6th–4th century Vulci are represented in the Museum’s collections. Missing are the unique and widely distributed “Schnabelkannen,” sharply beaked jugs with finely cast palmette and figural handles, and a few later shapes such as “frying pans.” Some of the earliest Etruscan bronze utensils to be widely distributed were the bossed-rim basins that began during the 8th century BC and continued for centuries. Numerous other vases, such as the Sant’Anatolia mugs, stamnoi, and oinochoai, and utensils, from tripods to censers and torch holders, were produced in Etruria, especially at Vulci, and exported around the Mediterranean.13 The armor and, no doubt, weapons forged in the foundries of Arezzo circulated throughout Italy and into northern Europe.14

The specialty industry of stone carving, so important in the development of Greek art, was greatly influenced in Italy by the character of the local resources of stone. Where Greece has plentiful sources of fine-grained limestones and marbles, central Italy has much coarser volcanic stones and different types of limestone like pietra fetida, full of voids (some containing sulfurous gas) and coarse inclusions that prevent fine details or polished surfaces. The Chiusine limestone was fine enough to permit rather fine, small-scale, and shallow relief carving, as for the fragmentary cippus 230. At Vulci, coarse stone (tufa, nenfro) led to larger, bolder forms, as in the stone tomb guardians like the Museum’s winged lion (229). Early and less sophisticated attempts at monumental sculpture, also in funerary contexts, result in lively but somewhat eccentric products, such as the fragmentary Narce sphinx ( 228). During the late period, an “alabaster” was tapped, as seen in the Hellenistic sculptures of the urns of Volterra (although the Museum does not have examples of these). The large urn of Arnth Remzna

Goldsmithing Although the mineral resources of Etruria do include some gold, it seems to have been used for ornaments only after contact with cultures from the Eastern Mediterranean that had long traditions of prizing precious metals. Etruscan Archaic jewelry is well known for its use of granulation technique, the application of decoration in miniature beads of gold by colloidal soldering (see Pls. 17, 18). They also employed the full variety of techniques and designs from the 7th century on, including filigree, repoussé, and inlay.15

Fig. 28. Fragmentary sculpture of winged lion, 59-24-1, almost certainly the guardian of a tomb in the region of Vulci. See 229.

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(295) is an unusual example of stone (alabaster) used in preference to more popular terracotta by the aristocratic families of Chiusi. The coarse and dark stones of Etruria had a distinct effect on the sculptures found as tomb guardians, sarcophagi, urns, and other monuments, causing artists to carve in bulging forms, compact outlines, and highly stylized details. Many pieces probably were covered with a layer of stucco or paint to offset this, as seems to have been the case for sarcophagi and the Tuscania bust (302, Pl. 34).16

Etruscan Commerce While there always must have been a thriving exchange throughout central Italy and beyond, for basic agricultural products and breeding stock, and for specialties of metal technology. The later Iron Age (8th century) and Orientalizing period (ca. 720–600 BC) furnish the most dramatic evidence of the development of longdistance commerce and its effects on Etruscan and Faliscan society. From the days of early Villanovan longships, as seen in the models in Tarquinian graves,17 modes of sea transport developed into sailing merchant vessels and warships of different design. Overland and river routes caused the sites of the major cities such as Veii, Chiusi, and Falerii to burgeon into the first urban centers. The fishermen of the Etruscan shore probably used small craft similar to the 6th century boat model in bucchero (231) a type of craft sailed by the little boys on the walls of the Tomb of Hunting and Fishing at Tarquinia.18 Some of the best evidence of early trade comes from finds of shipwrecks of the period 600–500 BC off the Italian and French coasts, especially when the assortment of goods in them is compared with terrestrial assemblages in tombs or sanctuaries. The cargoes exchanged with other Etruscans, Italic neighbors, and foreigners varied widely; those most easily recognized are today the best documented—painted vases of Greek manufacture, exotic materials such as ivory and glass from the Levant or Near East, and amber from the Baltic.

since timber, leather, cloth and foodstuffs have decayed, and metal ores have been smelted and re-used. In contrast, the smaller manufactured goods, vases and exotic materials, such as amber or ivory, which were exchanged for them have remained identifiable. Beads and small trinkets of glass, such as eye beads and faience amulets imitating Egyptian valuables, were made and/or circulated by Syrian and Phoenician traders and their Carthaginian heirs. Amber from the Baltic actually entered Italy over the Adriatic Alps and was disseminated by way of the Adriatic coast and Apennine passes. At the beginning of these routes, many of the largest or finest pieces were acquired by local personages and have survived as showy ornaments in their graves, such as 239, the large amberclad fibula found at Ascoli Piceno. Amber carvings from various parts of Italy show by their style that they were carved by artisans of the Adriatic cultures, such as the Picene peoples (240–242). Manufactured goods that were valued in Etruria included vases painted in Corinth and Athens in the Black-Figure techniques of the 7th–6th centuries. Statistical studies of their findspots show that many Greek pottery workshops deliberately targeted the market of Etruscan Italy, designing shapes and images known to please their customers. The picture of Etruscan industry and commerce, linking foreign

From the Levant, Greece and Europe: Imports to Early Etruria In the course of the 8th century, Iron Age Etruria opened up to foreign commerce. The prize commodities of Etruria rarely are recognizable in the archaeological record,

Fig. 29. Blue and yellow glass vase of Phoenician manufacture, from Orvieto (MS 2461B), early 5th century BC. Displayed in the Greek Gallery.

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Etruscan Technology and Commerce

imports and the mining of Etruscan minerals, is emerging very clearly from the recent excavations of the coastal site of Castellina di Marangone.19

Luxuries from the Near East: Glass and Faience In addition to the fine 7th century products of the Levant, a very fine, early 5th century blue and yellow glass vase of Phoenician manufacture (recalling Egyptian glass types but of the shape of a Greek amphora) is in the collection (MS 2461B). The strong, bright, and permanent colors of glass are preserved in this example (Fig. 29); colors brighter and more permanent than the earth tones readily available for dying woolen cloth or painting pottery must have been much rarer in antiquity than today. Faience, a product made in molds from a mixture of glass sand, clay, and pigments, was an old Egyptian specialty, recreated and traded during the 1st millennium BC by the Phoenicians and Carthaginians. Since it had to be baked but not completely melted, its best products are small, solid objects like figurines, beads, and amulets; such small, bright blue, green, or yellow trinkets are among the first foreign goods to systematically be acquired in Etruria and the Faliscan territory. Several of the ladies of Iron Age Narce owned strings of faience beads or little amulets in the shape of a bird and dog (181, 185) or in the form of the Egyptian gods Bes and the Pataikoi (171 and 172).20

The Influence of Glass The appearance of brightly colored glass beads, usually in blue and yellow, made a great impression on Etruscan and Faliscan tastes when such athyrmata (baubles) became available through Phoenician or Syrian traders during the Late Iron Age. As attested in the tombs of early 7th century Narce, assorted beads were worn on necklaces or threaded on leather strips. They were formed of molten glass, and the “eyes” pattern inset by pushing glass strands of contrasting colors into the surface of rolled beads. Small vases, perhaps to hold exotic perfumes, were also made in early industries, at first imported from the Levant or Egypt (by the agency of Phoenician traders), but soon a glass factory somewhere in Etruria began to make core-formed beads and vases. The first indication (see 80 ) of native production of this technically

demanding material (for which glass sand, pigments, and possibly even clay had to be imported) are the finds of Etruscan and Faliscan fibulae with swollen, leech-type bows not made of metal, but formed of bicolored masses of glass modeled around the curved wire bow. Since the fibula type is purely Italian, and the glass has to be pressed onto the curved wire while still hot, it is clear that the pins were made in Italy.21 For a brief time thereafter, during the 7th–6th century BC, that factory or some other produced a number of miniature glass “hedgehog” vases, actually tiny jugs with surfaces pulled out to form spines all over.22 The industry seems to have waned during the Classical period and begun again with quite different forms and techniques, as seen in the very fine and very early glass bowl found in the “Toscanella tomb” (302). Prior to the Hellenistic production (that led to the variety of Roman glass vases), however, most glass must have been imported into Etruria from the Eastern Mediterranean (Phoenicia, Syria, Rhodes). One fine example of such an import is the blue and yellow glass amphora found in a 6th century BC tomb at Orvieto.23

Amber Since the sources of fossilized resin amber can be analyzed, we know that all of the ambers identified in Etruscan (and Faliscan) finds originated in the Baltic, and thus traveled a long route through Europe and down the Adriatic shores of Italy. Many different goods must have changed hands before pieces of amber came to the Tyrrhenian centers as curios, amulets, or beads, some used to decorate fibulae or other objects of standard, local types. So long was the route that the Italian recipients of amber probably could not have identified its true sources. Greek legends refer to amber as the waters of the Eridanos River (now the Po), the tears of the children of Helios, wept for their brother Phaethon after he crashed from the sky.24 There is no amber in the Po Valley, but that must have been the farthest point known where amber could be procured. Certainly, those who were closer to the sources or the routes, such as the Picene people of the Adriatic, acquired larger pieces of amber and made them into more exotic items, such as the carvings (240–242) and the huge bow of a fibula from a lady’s tomb at Ascoli Piceno (239). For the simpler beads that reached Etruria, see Plate 2, and 156–160. The emerging aristocrats of Narce and Etruria generally had to be content with

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

Fig. 30. Pair of Attic SOS amphorae, used for shipping olive oil, from Vulci Tomb 5 (MS 562, MS 561). MS 562, inscribed, is displayed in the Greek Gallery.

small amber beads fitted onto the bows of fibulae or made into pendants for necklaces and earrings (see jewelry of chapters 1,2, 4).25

Prized Goods Taken in Trade: Greek Vases While transport amphorae filled with rich Athenian olive oil, wine from the Greek islands, or dried fish from the Punic Atlantic formed the bulk of many ship’s cargoes and the mainstay of Mediterranean trade, it has been, until recently, the decorative, Greek painted wares that have drawn the attention of scholars and collectors. It is the utility wares, however, such as the amphorae designed to transport liquids and perishables stacked in the holds of ships, that offer better prospect of dating the cargoes. There was less reason for them to be kept as heirlooms, and they were often used and discarded in great quantity. Many of the Greek vases in the Museum came from the tombs of their Etruscan owners/collectors. During the 18th–19th centuries, the cemeteries of the great Etruscan cities, especially Vulci, were being explored. In the Greek homeland, continuously inhabited since Classical times, not much relevant, systematic excavation had taken place, and many famous Greek fabrics, like Attic Black-Figure, were often identified as Etruscan. Modern art historical scholarship and scientific analytical techniques have rectified the picture, but the intrinsic value of the Greek painted wares remains as fascinating to modern viewers as it was

to the Etruscans. While there is some indication that noble Greek families sold off such valuables as Panathenaic Prize Amphorae (likely during the troubles of the Peloponnesian War), most Corinthian, Attic and other Greek vases (Euboean, Laconian, Rhodian/Milesian, etc.) entered Italy as part of a Mediterranean-wide system of maritime exchange. Some vases were used as containers of precious substances, but most were high-quality tablewares sought by those who could afford to display their social status. Vulci emerged as one of the biggest consumers of Greek products and rapidly developed its own BlackFigure industries to meet the demands. Caere and Tarquinia, as maritime powers, also developed intense markets for actual and imitation Greek wares. While the Etruscan taste for things Greek continued, in importation of Attic Red-Figure wares and some later vases (as in ladies’ fashions, for instance), the intensity of the relationships between Greek and Etruscan art and economics are greatest in the Archaic period. One early association is with the Athenian Black-Figure workshop of the potter and painter known as Nikosthenes, best known for its dealings with Etruria. (See 244 and 245; also 191 [Theseus Painter] and 193.)26 The impact of Greek Classical art of the 5th–4th centuries BC is seen not only in imported Athenian vases but in the influence on Etruscan sculpture and metalwork.27

7

The Art of Worship Votive Religion and Temple Architecture in Central Italy

T

he Etruscans were respected by other cultures for their piety and religious learning; the Roman state on occasion sought the advice of Etruscan priests in matters of civic rituals and divination. It appears, also, that the earliest non-Greek cult buildings and monumental temples to be erected in Italy were those at the famous Etruscan sanctuaries. Votive offerings and their dedication by inscription also were stimulated by Etruscan practices. Objects illustrating Etruscan religion include parts of the decoration of actual temples or sanctuaries, mainly in the form of their terracotta roof revetments (sets of examples from Orvieto, Cerveteri, and Tarquinia), and votive offerings, such as bronze figurines and terracotta anatomical models.

Objects of daily use such as hand-mirrors, seals, and painted vases might also be decorated with scenes of religious rituals or myths.1 In addition to Vulci, other cities are linked with this evidence. From Praeneste in the Latin territory, comes a fragmentary mold for a large ketos, the snarling head of a sea monster that once decorated a temple. Praeneste is situated on a major thoroughfare connecting Etruria with southern Italy, and since the Orientalizing period it partook of Etruscan material culture, especially developments in the terracotta and bronze industries. Praeneste was famous for its oracle at the sanctuary of Fortuna Primigenia, which still dominates the city today; it suffered during the 1st

Fig. 31. Selection of anatomical votives on display.

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century BC in the Civil War, but by then had become fully Romanized.2 Painted vases with scenes of worship or myth were made in the Faliscan city of Falerii (modern Civita Castellana). Known as Falerii veteres (“the Old Falerii”) after its population was forcibly moved by their Roman conquerors in 241 BC, the city’s culture, like that of other Faliscan settlements, had been visibly Etruscan except for their Latin-like language, written in an Etruscan alphabet. The flourishing of the Faliscan economy during the 4th and early 3rd century BC has furnished several kinds of fine painted vases, as well as temple terracottas.3 Perugia, for which little is known of the earliest periods, is well represented by the artistic products of its 4th century and Hellenistic industries of bronzes and stone sculpture. A fine mirror acquired at Perugia (250) is a rare illustration of a Greek myth. An angular bronze figurine in a nostalgic Geometric style (260) must have come from a votive deposit at some as yet undiscovered sanctuary, a later expression of a tradition of metal offerings of human forms in an abstracted style. Many scholarly approaches to such votives are possible: the aesthetic and technological, defining workshops, principles of design and circulation of goods, as well as an anthropological interpretation of the meaning and behavior defined in specific deposits and their location. This is not possible, however, with isolated museum pieces.4 Because of its strategic, interior location above the middle Tiber valley in the ethnic region of Umbria, Perugia was important in the later history of Etruscan culture. Involved in the intriguing of other cities, Perugia too would fall to Rome, but during the 4th–1st centuries BC, its wealth was seen in the now famous Hellenistic tombs (such as the Tomb of the Volumnii) and many Etruscan inscriptions (including one of the longest, the Perugia cippus).5

Religious Beliefs: Divination There were many ways to consult the gods or read the messages of the cosmos, including inspection of the entrails of a sacrificial animal, especially a sheep’s liver. For such practices, models were made with the names of relevant gods inscribed, and some funeral effigies show the deceased proudly holding their models. A famous mirror, now in the Vatican, shows a winged

demigod, Chalkas, “reading” a victim’s excised entrails as he stands on rocky ground.6 Other images show specially costumed diviners with livers or observing natural phenomena. Non-violent means of interpreting the gods’ will included augury, observation of the sky and the flight of birds, or the casting of lots such as leafshaped metal sortes. Etruscan dice, the prototype of the Museum’s own game pieces, were generally found in tombs and no doubt used in everyday games of chance; in funerary contexts they probably also carried a divinatory connotation.7 To Etruscans who saw the message of gods in clouds, birds, and entrails, nothing was really the result of chance.8

The Ritual of Worship Processions, music, chanting, and incantations were all part of Etruscan worship, as indicated in references in the Zagreb linen book and the Capua “tile,” both calendars listing services to be performed for various Etruscan cults.9 In addition to sacrificing an animal, then butchering, cooking and serving it to the assembled congregation, Etruscan priests and priestesses made offerings of food, liquids, and incense. The Etruscan word for incense (tur or tura) came along with the precious resins (frankincense, myrrh) from the exotic East, brought originally by Phoenicians and Syrians. The Zagreb mummy binding says: rachth tura, nunthenth cletram ´s renchve tei fa´s ei—“prepare the incense, offer with the decorated cup these breads.” 10

Sacrifice and Divination Many religious festivals culminated with the sacrifice of a victim, usually a sheep, pig, or bull; while the celebrants roasted its flesh and feasted together, specialists studied the entrails. Images of the animals, altars and processions are common, but portrayal of the actual killing and butchery is relatively rare.11 One unusual scene on a mirror (250) suggests the procedures in the context of a story borrowed from Greek tragedy, the expiation of Orestes after his pursuit by the Furies, for the murder of his mother, Clytemnestra. Engraved hand-mirrors are one of our best sources of images of Etruscanized Greek mythology.12 See 295 for the funerary portrait and urn of a man belonging to a priestly organization; Arnth Remzna is

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The Art of Worship

Table 5. The Etruscan Pantheon: A Sample of Gods’ Names Names often indicate which gods were borrowed from Greece, such as Apollo, and which were native to Etruria (Turan, Usil, Cel) and only later linked with the gods of other peoples. (See White et al. 2002:30.) etruscan

roman

greek

Tin Uni Menrva Sethlans Turan Turms Nethuns Fufluns Cel Selvans Usil Tiur Aplu Aritimi

Jupiter Juno Minerva Vulcanus Venus Mercurius Neptunus Bacchus (Tellus?) Silvanus Sol Luna Apollo Diana

Zeus Hera Athena Hephaistos Aphrodite Hermes Poseidon Dionysos Gaia Helios Selene Apollo Artemis

costumed as a religious official wearing a himation, garland, ring, and special hat that are usually associated with augurs and those who officiate at divination rituals.

The Gods and Demons of Etruscan Belief Although it is not feasible to display images of all the gods in the Etruscan pantheon, several of the most popular or important mythological figures are represented in the collection. The most common sources for the iconography of Etruscan myths are painted (especially Red-Figure) vases and ladies’ engraved handmirrors. By the Archaic period, in addition to the major, “Olympian” gods, whose Etruscan forms had become linked to the imagery of well-known Greek gods (Tinia=Zeus, Uni=Hera, Turan=Aphrodite),

Etruscans had adopted the worship of Dionysos from Greece, equating his personality with that of Etruscan Fufluns. They also depicted Hercle/Herakles as one of their own heroes. Another heroic adaptation from Greek legend were the Dioskouroi, Kastor and Pollux, who were also very popular in Rome. Other favorites were explicitly Etruscan—the lasa, male and female beings who appear during important events or activities in a person’s life, especially as helpers for a bride or matron as she beautifies herself.13

Sons of Tinia: The Tiniasclenar (Dioskouroi) The name Dioskouroi in Greek means “sons of Zeus,” referring to Kastor and Pollux, the brothers of Helen of Troy. Certainly, a pair of youthful warriors/horsemen was worshiped in Italy from quite early times, and their images seem to match the identities of the twins. An Attic Red-Figure kylix dedicated in a sanctuary at Tarquinia says itun turuce venel atelinas tinas cliniiaras (“thus dedicated Venel Atelina to the sons of Tinia”) and has been read by some scholars as denoting the Dioskouroi.14

Lasa, the Etruscan’s Good Fairy In Etruscan art there are many representations of lovely, often nude, winged female creatures (and some male). The lasa are occasionally named and carry helpful utensils, such as perfume jars and ladies’ jewels, as on 253, 256 (boy), 306, and 324. They seem to attend important moments in life and serve as supernatural helpers.15

Bacchic Worship in Etruria: Dionysos, Satyrs, and Maenads The introduction of Bacchic cult from Greece into Etruria seems to have occurred during the Archaic period, when funerary monuments, other art, and dedications begin to show the god (see Pl. 26), his companions, or symbols such as the ivy vine. A mirror depicting Dionysos and Semele (255) illustrates a favorite theme in Etruscan mythology, the god’s power over death. From later literature and Greek burial rituals, it has been deduced that Bacchic cult, with the

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

story of Ariadne’s apotheosis, included beliefs in some form of immortality after death.16

Heroes: Greek Herakles, as Hercle, an Etruscan Favorite The stories of the all-too-human hero Herakles who gained immortality by his service and obedience to the gods were as popular in Italy as in Greece. The selection of stories depicted in Etruria includes many common in Greece, and some others that did not survive in extant ancient literature. The legends of Hercle are illustrated by a mirror (256), engraved seals (114 and 257), and the simpler bronze votive figurines (258 and 259).17

Votive Figurines: Men and Women in the Act of Worship Figurines in bronze and terracotta have been found almost exclusively in sanctuaries in Etruria; the inscriptions on many show that they were dedicated to a variety of different gods by men and women, sometimes marked clen cexa (“on behalf of [my] son/child”). It is possible that images of animals (see 264–267) were at times substitutes for the costly sacrifice of a live victim, but the interpretation of the anthropomorphic figures is less secure. Some are probably men and women, the

worshipers themselves; others have the costume or attributes of gods (e.g., Hercle with club and lionskin). Some styles vary, with “geometric” angular or slightly abstract versions of male, female, and animal figurines rendered in bronze centuries after the end of the Iron Age and first appearance of Geometric style.18 Votive deposits of the 7th–6th centuries BC more often include images of wild animals, probably alluding to the aristocratic or mythical hunt.19

Anatomical Votives: The Gods Concerned with Human Suffering? The notion of asking the gods for healing of human ailments is universal, but the Etruscans’ method of dedicating terracotta and bronze models of body parts as a step in the process of cure is highly distinctive of their religion from the 4th–1st centuries BC. There is some evidence of anatomical votives from the 6th century onwards, usually in small bronze models (legs) dedicated in shrines in the north and

Fig. 32. Bronze figurine of a draped youth, MS 3496, said to have come from Tuscania. See 261.

Fig. 33. Profile of female terracotta votive head, MS 1830. See 269 and Plate 27.

The Art of Worship

interior of Italy. In the 4th century, Greek worship of Asklepios led to the concerted practice of making and donating anatomical models, this custom had already begun in Etruria, Latium, and Campania before the arrival of Asklepios and tended to focus on many other gods. The figurines included here lack provenance, but are typical of deposits found in southern Etruria and Latium. These votives included statues, swaddled babies, heads, and half-heads (made to hang on a wall), and all manner of external body parts. In addition to those in the Museum’s collection, common types include male and female genitals (internal and external), and even polyvisceral plaques depicting an array of internal organs, a type that does not appear in Greece. Women’s heads show fashionable hairstyles and jewels; some men’s heads are capite velato (“with head veiled”), a mode typical of Roman religious ritual for men.20

Architecture: Temples Sheathed in Terracotta Etruscans and their Italic neighbors used local building materials to good advantage. Greece was rich in marble and limestone, but Etruria offered abundant timber. While tombs could be carved in the coarse volcanic bedrock, Etruscans preferred timber and unbaked mud brick for comfort and ease of construction. (During the Late period, all-masonry structures would come into fashion.) To protect the walls and roofs from the elements, Etruscans adopted the Corinthian invention of terracotta roof tiles, with accessory terracotta forms used to sheath the ends of tile rows (antefixes), revetment plaques to cover horizontal beams, and simas to function like rain gutters (see Pl. 28). The wooden roofs were assembled in such a way that the ends of the gables remained open to the elements, to allow circulation of air through the heavy roof timbers. This created a second, “insert” roof that ran perpendicular to the main roof and was itself ornamented with tiles and antefixes of a smaller scale. Such heavy roofs also carried statues (acroteria) and plaques covering the cut ends of the heavy ridge and parallel beams (columen, mutuli). The weight of lavish decoration was inconsequential compared to that of the necessary tiles. In addition to painted ornament, of course, the revetments allowed scope for the development of sculptural ornamentation as well.21

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The variety of colorful terracottas adorning temple roofs began with the molding and firing of clay. Sculptures were probably often made on or near the construction site, and molds from these have been found at several sanctuaries. The Latin-speaking city of Praeneste, with its heavy veneer of Etruscan culture, was famous for its sanctuary of Fortuna Primigenia and also had other important shrines. A fragment of a mold for the decoration of a monumental temple is said to have been found there, although its exact source, undoubtedly a temple site, is not known. An earlier, extremely fine acroterial figure of a griffin came to the Museum without provenance, but is very likely of Italian origin; its bright and intricately painted coat is proof that many of the details fashioned for temples would have been seen only by the Etruscan gods (see Pl. 29). All the Etruscan architectural terracottas are being studied by Nancy Winter for publication of a complete corpus of Etruscan revetments.22

A Succession of Styles from Early Caeretan Temples: Female Head Antefixes The plateau occupied by the ancient Caere (Etruscan Cisra) has been accessible to farmers and clandestini ever since antiquity, and many museums possess examples of its monumental art derived from early 19th century excavations. Several large temples existed within the city walls, and several more major sanctuaries, some for healing cults, scattered around the valleys beyond. Now lacking exact provenance, the pieces almost certainly came from the ruined sites of the temples themselves, or more likely from special dumps where “de-accessioned” yet still consecrated decorations and votives were given burial in sacred ground.23 Luce (1920) linked the Museum’s pieces with excavations supposedly conducted by Jacobini in 1869 while Cerveteri was part of the Papal States, and they were placed on the art market with no documentation of what was said to have been the foundations of a large temple. The Museum’s antefixes were purchased in Rome in 1897 by Frothingham. In addition to several museums in Italy, terracottas related to the Museum’s also reached the Louvre, Berlin Antiquarium, British Museum, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (Copenhagen), and Metropolitan Museum (New York). Even without the ruins of the temples, much can be learned about their construction from the terracottas themselves.

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Silen-head Antefixes from Tarquinian Temples Antefix 282 is earlier in type and style than the rest of the pieces, represented by 283 and several fragments, both silens and maenads, in the Museum’s collection; it seems to have come from the same site as the rest and presumably had been used on a different structure in the sanctuary.24 Elizabeth de Grummond notes that male and female antefixes from the same production series as 283 were found at the famous temple site of the Ara della Regina, the focus of the city cult of Tarquinia.25 It may have been dedicated to the adopted Greek goddess Artumes.26 By the 6th century, monumental cult buildings were erected in the shrine. The famous, huge temple, source of the terracotta sculpture of the winged horses, was built in the 4th century and remodeled during the 3rd century BC. Our antefixes are of the appropriate scale for that temple.

A Temple at Orvieto: Terracotta Revetments and Acroterion Several fragmentary terracottas, typified by 284–287 and bought by Frothingham in 1896, were

said, according to his correspondence, to have been excavated at Orvieto, “by Signor Mancini, an antiquarian of that city.” They represent the roofing and decoration of a large monumental building, presumably a temple, erected or redecorated during the 5th century BC (see Pl. 30).27 The four terracottas illustrate an openwork cresting, hanging curtain, revetment plaque, and either a tableau antefix or another decorative relief such as a mutulus plaque from a sizeable and highly decorated temple in latest Archaic/early 5th century style. The cresting (284) incorporates a tall plaque to cover the sloping beam of the gable end of the roof, with a cresting above it that is openwork for the sky to show through. The revetment plaque ( 285 ) covered a slightly smaller, horizontal beam. Another form of terracotta sheathing is the cortina pendula or hanging curtain (286), intended to hang below the edge of an especially exposed beam. The relief (287) may be from a large antefix with narrative tableau on it, or a similar sort of composition of two or more figures from another part of the roofing system. The terracottas were identified by Arvid Andrén as sporadic finds; parallels exist in Orvieto and the

Museo Archeologico, Florence.28 The maenad sculpture has been identified by Claudio Bizzarri, Simonetta Stopponi, and Margarita Gleba (visits to the Museum, 2002, 2003) as Orvietan fabric and probably from the same site as the revetments.29 In 2000, Simonetta Stopponi began excavations on the outskirts of Orvieto and has unearthed mechanically related pieces in the context of an important extramural shrine that might be identified with the literarily famous Fanum Voltumnae. Finds thus far at the site of Campo della Fiera include a paved road, a Late Republican piazza, remains of masonry walls and terraces, architectural terracottas of the Archaic and later periods, and a medieval church.

A Set of Discarded Terracottas from a 4th Century Temple in the Territory of Caere Andrén identified a group of terracottas, comprising antefixes, revetment plaques, and terminal tiles with crestings, as a set made as part of remodeling or a repair campaign in the late 4th to early 3rd century for a sanctuary in Caere.30 Some of the pieces acquired by the Museum in the 1897 purchase derive from that group, including 168 , 288 – 292 , although not all elements of revetment reached Philadelphia. The full decorative program of the temple’s terracotta sheathing included large shell antefixes that enclose the heads of satyrs and maenads (see Pls. 31, 32). Several examples of these came to the Museum, including one of the less common versions, a black female maenad with correspondingly different color scheme (289, Pl. 31). The exotic ethnic identity, usually rendered, as here, simply by a different color scheme used on a molded relief with non-Negroid features, was employed in the decoration of a number of sacred buildings, such as the sanctuary at Pyrgi.31 There is also a floral-ornamented revetment plaque (292) designed to cover and protect horizontal beams, such as architraves. The height of the plaque indicates the height or depth of the wooden beam, ca. 50 cm, implying a temple with very deep beams and thus undoubtedly of large size. Its imposing decoration would fit a very important cult, although its partially Dionysiac imagery was so popular that it could have appeared on almost any monument. An openwork cresting would have covered the raking sima or cornice gutter of the temple, with orna-

The Art of Worship

mental whirligigs and tendrils that let daylight shine through. Examples acquired by other museums (the University Museum does not own these types) show a winged female creature in long robe superimposed on the cresting at intervals; below her, on the cavetto molding of the heavy beam, swam a sea monster with open mouth, in style rather similar to the monster whose head was molded at Praeneste (277).32 The original temple may have had three-dimensional acroteria, statues crowning the peak and corners of the roof; fragments of these excavated at the Vigna Parrocchiale sanctuary at Cerveteri show that they were winged ladies like those of the cornice reliefs.33 Another antefix of more delicate style and smaller scale (168) also was found in the Caeretan deposit; it may have been used on the insert roof of the temple, while the other pieces were all on the exterior. The reconstruction drawing (Pl. 28), intended as a very hypothetical version of this building, omits the acroteria and relief plaques that would have covered the cut ends of the major beams since there is no way to reconstruct the placement of fragments on a building whose site and plan have never been found. The set of satyr and maenad antefixes was published by Luce, with a full list of pieces in the collection, including

51

those not included here, with the varied color scheme of each tabulated.34 An Antefix from the Insert Roof? The fine antefix 168 (see Pl. 25) was found with this set of terracottas, and by its scale may have come from the insert roof on the gables of the original temple. It has a shell-like, smaller backing of ivy leaves and lotus, and a more finely detailed female head wearing jewelry similar to that of the large maenad type. As suggested in the drawing (Pl. 28), the set of antefixes from which she comes might have been used in the tiled, insert roof of the Tuscan-style temple with its broad porch and deep overhang. Since the insert tiles and antefixes were on the façade of the temple, they would have been seen by all visitors and thus were designed to a more elaborate plan. The fine detail of this antefix, with actual-size earring, blushing cheeks, finely colored strands of hair, and frame of ivy leaves sacred to Dionysos, contains much more detail than a human observer could have seen from his vantage point on the ground, suggesting that ancient temples were really designed for the delight of the allseeing gods.

Fig. 34. Map of Etruria noting sites/sources of material documenting the Late period (late 4th–1st century BC), as represented by artifacts in the display. (By permission of Mark Mattson)

8

Etruria’s Final Days Life and Death during the Late Period of Etruscan History

T

he 4th century in Etruria already showed the tendencies of economic and political downturn that would gain momentum through the “Late” period, defined as the 4th–1st centuries BC. This chronological period is more difficult to define. Each city fell at a different date under the sway or outright military conquest of the Roman state, but a new spirit was evident in religion, art, and society by the mid-4th century. It corresponds to the developments of the Greek Hellenistic period. During the last quarter of the 20th century, scholars began to scrutinize the chronology of this period, offering more precise dates for the thousands of painted and BlackGloss vases, relief-carved urns and sarcophagi, and other art works that now fill museums. The evidence of inscriptions shows, too, that the Romanization of Etruria proceeded at a different pace in each city and town, as Latin gradually supplanted Etruscan as the written word.1 In the mid-3rd century revolt at Volsinii when freed slaves took control of the city, the old values were still important, even to the rebels. According to the Roman historians, the upstart rulers emphasized the significance of military command and the civic banquet, as well as claiming for themselves the new right to marry a member of a different class.2 Although these institutions had their origins in princely Iron Age Etruria, the family system and civic organization of the Etruscan cities seem to have preserved or reassigned some aristocratic traditions even into the period of Romanization. As other evidence of social change late in the 4th century and through the 3rd, the character of grave goods tends to be showy. Tombs contain painted vases and relief-decorated sarcophagi and urns, but there is nothing comparable to the “princely” burials of the 7th–6th centuries BC. Instead of offering quantities of

gold jewelry, arms, furniture, and chariots, Etruscans during the 4th–1st centuries seem to have concentrated their wealth (and display), in their lifetime, in civic, religious, and household life. In the tombs, there are more token offerings of specially painted vases with scenes of fantasy, cult, or the afterlife, and sets of BlackGloss tableware, perhaps bought just for the funeral. Urns and sarcophagi express more expensive tastes, but the representations featured on them are part of a stock repertoire—whether of dramatic scenes from myth and legend, ornaments like rampant monsters, or a rather standardized “portraiture.” After the 4th century, there was a sharp decline in truly unique commissions by eccentric families, such as the mid-4th century Tetnie family’s “Boston sarcophagi.” 3 The objects in the Museum from the last centuries are from a slightly different set of cities than those that furnished illustrations of early Etruscan and Faliscan culture. The region of Tarquinia was prosperous during the Villanovan through Archaic periods; it seems to come again into prominence in the Hellenistic period, to judge from the finds of wellappointed tombs and sanctuaries. The populace seems to be scattered in affluent, small towns like Musarna and Montebello, as well as in the metropolis itself.4 An additional problem in appreciating the art and values of later Etruscan society lies in the materials used. Too often, organic materials have disappeared from the archaeological record. The more permanent stone and terracotta have weathered or lost their coats of plaster and paint, and now appear coarser than when made. Brightly painted funerary vases tend to lose their pigments, and bronze mirrors are corroded, making it difficult to read their engraved designs. On rare occa-

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sions, however, colored glass survives, and even pseudomorphs (impressions or mineralized replacements of straw or cloth) can supply hints of the richness and general affluence of late Etruria. The terracotta sarcophagus fragment (294) is said to have been found at Corneto, thus in the necropolis of ancient Tarquinia. By its political accommodation of Rome during the 3rd century BC, when Rome was actively acquiring other domains by military means, this city was able to maintain a certain level of affluence. The medieval and modern city visible today is much smaller than the ancient original. A series of fine sarcophagi in stone and terracotta, and a number of tombs and sanctuary sites attest the continued importance of Tarquinia as a center of artistic production during the last centuries BC.5 Outlying cities in the social and artistic orbit of Tarquinia were Tuscania and Musarna, represented here by the set of nenfro sarcophagi with reclining portraits from family tombs at Musarna.6 In addition to the sampling of offerings from a tomb at Tuscania ( 302 – 316 ), the necropolis of Montebello, another of the newly affluent smaller communities in this region, has furnished a collared urn from a family burial in one of two chamber tombs discovered there. Many terracotta urns of Hellenistic type, such as 296–301 (and see Pl. 7, 102), today lack provenance, but can be shown by their fabric and style to have been made in the territory of Chiusi. Although conquered by

Rome in 295 BC, Chiusi continued to thrive throughout the Late Republic and Empire; during the Sullan period, however, it did not escape partisan problems. A large class of wealthy landowners gradually formed around Chiusi; many were drawn from among the freedmen, or were of foreign birth, who came to farm this rich grainand wine-producing region. It may be their social background and uncertainties that led them to choose the mass-produced, molded terracotta urns, and the standardized repertoire of scenes depicted on them. The urn of the priest Arnth Remzna stands out for its material, limestone, and the inscribed title of its owner (Pl. 33). It was found in the necropolis of Colle on the outskirts of the city of Chiusi. Remzna’s title of zila y , although qualified by the unparalleled term ´s cupitnue´s , serves to recall the formalization and stratification of Etruscan—as Roman—society of the Late Republican period (the last centuries BC). The multiplication of titles, at least some with urban, federal political, or judicial power, is a hallmark of the funerary inscriptions of later Musarna, Tarquinia, and Tuscania.7 The simpler urn (only its lid preserved) is inscribed for Lar Cnaeve in forms that resemble Latin and is said to have been found at Montepulciano, one of the hilltop settlements in the rich agricultural zone of Chiusi. Some vases and bronzes with fantastic imagery were made in the territory of Orvieto and others at Chiusi. Some Red-Figure wares are of Faliscan manufacture, denoting a period during the 4th century BC

Fig. 35. Nenfro sarcophagus, MS 3488, from Civita Musarna: the lid and chest are actually from two different sets, both from the same family tomb. See 293.

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when Falerii, not far from Narce, was a flourishing industrial city, trading throughout Latium, Etruria, and beyond. Religion formed an increasingly important aspect of family and public life, part of the cursus honorum for many ambitious Etruscan men. (See chapter 7, and for late period, Simon 1997.)

Late Etruscan Portraits and the New Order of Society During the Late period, both inhumation and cremation were practiced according to family and city traditions. Sarcophagi in local or imported stone were favored in the region of Tarquinia, including Musarna; some examples of terracotta sarcophagi made there were occasionally shipped to other parts of central Italy. Rectangular urns in terracotta and stone, with small scale versions of the reclining effigy, were favored in Chiusi (terracotta) and Volterra (alabaster). The stone urn of Arnth Remzna shows the deceased in the headgear of an augural priest; this goes beyond the simpler traditions of ethical portraiture to show his particular distinction in religious service. Although portraiture had an increasing semblance of realism coupled with the softened, almost impressionistic, style dictated by the use of coarse stones like nenfro, the Etruscan artist never captured the photographic likeness that we expect today.8 While the types and details of the human figures depicted gained greater variety, they still are seldom identifiable as a single individual. They do maintain the typing of youth or age, with details such as costume and jewelry perhaps selected by the subjects themselves. Inscriptions, much more common than in the 6th–5th centuries, often describe a person in terms of family or career; in many cases funerary art remains underappreciated as its materials have deteriorated in burial. Montebello Tombs 1 and 2 (297) offer another view of the offerings and modes of funeral and burial that characterized the families of Late southern Etruria. (See Part IB for a description of these tomb groups.)9

The Families of Musarna and Late Sarcophagi A necropolis with the tombs of the Aletna and related families in the countryside of Musarna has furnished examples of the Hellenistic style translated

Fig. 36. Sarcophagus MS 3489, from Musarna, detail of inscription: “Larth Thvetlie, son of Arnth died aged 24 years.”

into the coarse Etruscan stone sculpture of southern Etruria. In excavations in 1898, Francesco Mancinelli Scotti opened several collapsed tombs in the area of Musarna. Although they had been plundered in antiquity, they still held stone and terracotta sarcophagi; many were removed to an unused granary near Viterbo, some were kept by the landowner, Alarico Piatti, and one was given to the Municipio of Viterbo. In 1900, under the auspices of Hector de Castro, then American consul in Rome, half the remaining sixteen sarcophagi were put on a sailing vessel for Philadelphia, and the other eight were shipped to San Francisco. Of the Philadelphia cargo, five are in the Museum, and others went to the Fogg and Peabody Museums in Boston.10 The other Musarna stone sarcophagi in the collection are shown in Figures 36–39.

The Romanization of Late Etruria: Names of Literate Etruscans As more urns and sarcophagi came to be inscribed with names during the 3rd–1st centuries BC, gradual changes in the conventions of naming took place. Many families became bilingual; others adopted Roman or Latinized names, or embraced Latin-speaking in-laws; still others seem to have mingled Etruscan names and

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Fig. 37. Sarcophagus lid, MS 3490, reclining woman with fan, inscription no longer preserved.

Fig. 38. Sarcophagus, MS 3491, from Musarna, detail of inscription on end of chest, Cainei larth larthal (CIE 5842).

Latin writing conventions. Thus, the Velimna family of Perugia came to label their urns in both languages (using the Latin form Volumnius). Two urns in the Museum’s collection portray the adoption of Latin

Fig. 39. Detail of sarcophagus, MS 3491, from Musarna; original paint on lid with reclining woman, disclosed by conservation (by Tamsen Fuller, 2002).

names (Avle Latine or Aulus Latinus, son of Villina) and the left-to-right writing convention as well as the names of Latin speakers that must have connoted political or economic success (Lars Cnaeve).11

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Tuscania (“Toscanella”) Modern Tuscania overlies the ancient city that, at least since the Archaic period, controlled the road connections linking Tarquinia and Volsinii with each other and the sea. An Iron Age hut settlement also has been identified on the site, but the floruit of the city seems to have come during the Late period under Roman control, as was also the case with Musarna. Although there is evidence of ambitious urban construction, Tuscania remains better known through its necropoleis. The roads outside the settlement were lined with richly ornamented chamber tombs cut in bedrock, like the famous Tomb of the Curunas family which offers many parallels to the Museum’s “Toscanella tomb.” Close relationships among the sarcophagi, urns and other sculpture of this area show a shared tradition.12 The “Toscanella Tomb”: The Family Funeral in Late Etruria In April of 1896, when the stone door slab of a chamber tomb in the necropolis of Tuscania was opened, excavators saw a room about 6 m square. The tomb had six rectangular trenches in the floor closed with terracotta tiles and numerous vases placed on top of them. Also in the tomb was a large nenfro bust of a draped woman, or more likely a goddess, rendered in a late style (Pl. 34).13 Although skeletons seem not to have been retrieved from the graves, personal belongings were inventoried along with the vases (302–316). Of over 100 objects which came to the Museum, three are bronze handmirrors (304–306), indicating the burials of at least three women here with other family members.14 Other offerings included several bronze utensils, vases, and a rare glass bowl, one of the first of its kind (Pl. 35). Although the shipper’s record photo shows a single skull (balanced atop other objects), the skull has not been located.15 Several rich tombs in the region of Sovana/ Musarna/Tarquinia/Tuscania offer parallels to the array of artifact types, as well as mechanically related pieces, as is the case for the Black-Gloss vases. One such tomb is the so-called Tomba del Sileno of Sovana, a rock-cut chamber tomb which held dozens of vases, and bronze utensils including mirrors and strigils, placed on its benches and floor. 16 A 3rd century tomb in the “Rosavecchia” necropolis of Tuscania furnishes a parallel for the Museum’s ladle (307). The Rosavecchia

Fig. 40. “Record photograph” of the “Toscanella tomb group” made in Italy before shipment to Philadelphia in 1896.

tomb also held Black-Gloss and plain ceramics, bronze vessels and mirrors with lasa and the Dioskouroi.17 Black-Gloss Pottery from the Tuscania Tomb (310–316) As the taste for painted banquet wares was waning in the 4th century, a simpler, but technically highly expert fabric, Black-Gloss, came into fashion (310–316); it continued in popularity from the end of the 4th century down into the 1st century BC. Early finds and the similarities to Greek Black-Gloss wares have left this fabric with the old term “Campanian” although now important factories are recognized for some of the northern Etruscan cities. The best known workshops were probably those of Volterra, which exported these vases all over Italy. Volterran wares were distinguished by slight differences in the shiny, opaque black coatings applied to their metal-inspired forms. The fabric allowed for different types of decoration, such as the spiral wire impressions that lightly mark the tondos of some bowls or the color effect of a red tondo on a black body made by special

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treatment in stacking the vases in the kiln. Many examples even have appliqués of heads and figures made with impressions taken from silver or gold wares.18 The shapes are named according to the typology developed by Jean-Paul Morel 19; there is a greater variety of specialized shapes for the diverse tasks and foods found in the sophisticated households of Late Etruria.20

Vases: Fantasy for a World Grown Cold and Roman While Black-Gloss tableware was the elegant daily and banquet service of the living, dramatic and sometimes comical painted fabrics were still available; their somewhat fugitive coloring has often been interpreted as work produced especially for the funeral, since it would not have held up well to frequent handling. The scenes and plastic decoration of such pieces are often dramatic reflections of more monumental art used for cult and funerary display. The tradition of fragile vases, imitating metalware, even to the use of gilding or silvering, began in the 5th century. RedFigure styles are the source of later Etruscan painted wares like the Genucilia plates and Volterran kraters of the 4th and 3rd centuries BC ( 318 – 322 ). The amphora, 317, must have been a less expensive version

Table 6. Some Familiar Etruscan Words, Transmitted via Latin into English (See Pallottino 1992A; Bonfante and Bonfante 2002:passim.) english

latin

etruscan/source

atrium autumn

atrium autumnus

chain form

catena forma

histrionics letter

histrio littera

military personal

militaris persona

people

populus

tavern satellite

taberna satellites

ayre (names: Autu, Autamene) caynai Etr. version of Greek morfÆ (histri–) Etr. version of Greek d$fy°ra (Etr. -it endings) fersu (from Greek prÒsvpon) (names: Puplies, Pupluna) taberna zatlay

of “silvered ceramics” (ceramica argentata), its plastic sea monsters and floral ornament painted in bright colors rather than washed with silver in a 4th century Orvietan workshop (Pl. 36).21

Personal Property

Fig. 41. Detail of amphora in “ceramica argentata” fabric, MS 2511 (see Pl. 36), from Orvieto, with plastic sea monsters (ketoi) for handles. See 317.

While tombs of the Late period are seldom as lavishly furnished as those of early Etruria, they do often hold, in addition to standard sets of dishes (like those of the Tuscania tomb), personal items that must have been used by the deceased. These are usually items from the boudoir, like mirrors (Tuscania tomb 304–306, and 148, 218, 250, 252–254, 256, and 324), and cistae or other containers, perfume, cosmetics, and jewelry. Some had rather florid cast or painted ornaments like the capped Amazons’ heads of the small vessel, 323. (For cistae, see 146 and 147, 222–224.) It is no accident that many of the personal and household goods, especially bronzes and

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Fig. 42a, b. Etruscan Red-Figure jug, MS 2517, with images of women, and a lasa (above, right) who carries a situla similar to the bronze vessel, 323. See 319.

jewelry, that were found in the Roman ruins of Pompeii and Herculaneum appear to be later versions of Etruscan utensils and ornaments; the Romans were the heirs of Etruscan technology and housekeeping.

The Legacy of Etruscan Culture The influence of the Etruscans on the culture of ancient Rome, medieval Europe, and the modern Western world will never be fully acknowledged, since so much of it has been thoroughly integrated into our own background. Much, too, was lost or deliberately supplanted as the land of Etruria was absorbed by Rome. Etruscan art and architecture did not disappear overnight from Tuscany; through the Middle Ages and Renaissance, tombs, bridges and artifacts remained

visible or were rediscovered, to influence artists from Giotto and Nicola Pisano to Michelangelo and their contemporaries.22 Nor did Etruscan language, myth, or science vanish completely with the loss of political autonomy. An unplumbed depth of Etruscan invention and innovation lies behind modern literacy and the “Latin” alphabet—“Roman” numerals, vocabulary words, the use of bronze statuary, portraiture, metal and wooden technology, engineering, shipbuilding, and even traditions of medicine. The Romans themselves acknowledged the contributions of Etruria to the fields of art and especially religion. For some tangible examples of Etruscan survival, see the architectural terracottas from a sanctuary at Minturnae, the bronze votive figurines from Nemi and elsewhere, and the replicas of Pompeian bronzes.

PART IB

Tomb Groups Represented in the Gallery

T

he tomb groups for which some documentation exists are described below. They are in alphanumeric order arranged by city location, rather than by their relative chronological order. The concordances provides provenance information, as do the catalogue entries on certain urns and sarcophagi (e.g., Musarna, 293), which obviously derive from tombs, although their original locations or grave groups have not been fully documented.1 The tombs at Montebello, Narce, Tuscania, and Vulci were excavated only a year or less prior to their exportation to Philadelphia, and it appears that most materials were kept together and labeled properly (but see Vulci Tombs B and C). Tomb groups designated below include: Chiusi (“Tomb 2”) Montebello (Tombs 1, 2, region of Tarquinia) Narce (Tombs 1, 2, 7F, 18B, 19M, 21, 23M, 24M, 42M, 43, 64B, 70M, 71M, 102F, 105F) Pitigliano/Poggio Buco (Tomb 26) Tuscania (“Toscanella Tomb”) Vulci (Tombs 5, 25, 42F, 66, B, C) Vulci, Osteria, Scavi della Società “Hercle”

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Chiusi “Tomb 2” See the discussion under 124–135 of this group of objects, poorly documented and not necessarily all from the same 6th century tomb. (Compare the information on similar Chiusine material in Chicago, De Puma 1986:60–74, 107–8.)

The Montebello Tomb(s) In 1896, the Marchese Levaggi commissioned Francesco Mancinelli Scotti to excavate several tombs discovered on his land in the region of Tarquinia, in a necropolis in the Colle dei Poggialti at Montebello. Archival correspondence notes that a group of objects sent to the Museum in 1897 were from “escavazioni fatte in Tenuta Montebello ai Poggia.” A chamber tomb, 4 m square, was opened on 5 June 1896. It contained two tile-sealed trenches in the floor, designated Tomb 1 and Tomb 2, although the original inventories do not specify which collared urn was in which trench (see Ellis 1979:2–3, 52–53). In Trench 1 were two sealed, collared urns containing cremated bones (see 297), one jug-like vase with bones, and a bronze urn also containing cremated remains. The first fossa also held approximately 50 ceramic vases of various shapes, several bronze vessels and other fragments, and 6 iron strigils, “interriti a due armille di bronzo, due per due.” It seems likely that the now very corroded strigils may have been used as decoration on the walls, like the terracotta strigil (119). “Montebello Tomb 2,” the second trench, contained a similar, apparently contemporary, assemblage, including a single sealed, collared urn, also with cremated remains. The human bones from both Montebello tombs have been studied by Marshall Becker (forthcoming).

Narce Tomb 1 Designated Tomb 1 for the Museum’s inventory, this was excavated by Mancinelli in 1896 in the necropolis just south of the ridge called Monte li Santi, near the road connecting Narce with the modern town of Compagnano. The location was known then as the property of the “Arcipretura Vocabolo il Sagramento.” The tomb comprised a trench with curved ends,

oriented east-west and cut into the top of a hill; after the burial, it was filled with soil and then covered by large, squared slabs of tufa. Mancinelli said that a body with its personal ornaments had been stretched out with head to the east; objects, mainly vases, had been placed on top and beside it, and in the loculi of the trench’s curved ends. Its rich goods may have been mingled with those of Narce Tomb 2 during preparation in Italy, but the objects published by Dohan were selected for secure provenance, supported by the excavator’s letter of September 17, 1897, and by record photographs. See Dohan 1942:54–63, pls. 28–32. While there originally may have been a few more objects, the verified inventory includes 34 vases of impasto and painted fabrics, 10 bronze fibulae, an ornamental bronze spindle, and a rich selection of ornaments in silver, gold, faience, and amber. These included a silver chain or necklace with tiny vases designed to hold perfume, a set of four bronze fibulae with bows in the shape of horses with monkeys on their backs, and much more jewelry in precious materials. The vases form a wide array of amphorae, bowls, jugs, cups, and plates (see 16–18, 61, 139, 142, 154, 179, 180); in combination with the feminine ornaments, they distinguish a lady with some amount of civic power as symbolized in the banquet vessels. A painted biconical urn ( 16 ) is a late echo of the Villanovan tradition, but retains both handles and held no remains when it arrived in Philadelphia. Stylistic dates for the vases range through the first half of the 7th century; some of the fine jewelry has parallels from princely tombs of mid-century Etruria and Latium. (An oinochoe,180, from the Tomb 1 group had been sent to the University of California, but was later returned to maintain the integrity of the Museum’s group.)

Narce Tomb 2 Tomb 2 (Dohan 1942:52 fig. 33), a trench with the body buried facing north and oriented in relation to the woman’s tomb, Narce Tomb 1, was probably filled a generation after the burial of the Narce Warrior (Tomb 43). It contained a large variety of vases, and a single bronze shield. Its lack of other types of objects, and the somewhat homogeneous character of its 22 vases of impasto and both red and black ware, is suggestive of either past disturbance and robbery or perhaps a different sort of funerary rite. Dohan noted a spear,

Tomb Groups Represented in the Gallery Displays

razor, and two fibulae in the dealer’s record photo of this tomb group, made before it was shipped from Italy, but these did not arrive in Philadelphia, and their whereabouts remain unknown. The decoration of the shield and the shapes of some of the vases place it firmly within the first half of the 7th century BC. (See Dohan 1942:52–54.)

Narce Tomb 7F Excavated by Mancinelli on the slopes of the Monte lo Greco necropolis, Tomb 7F was a large, round-ended trench tomb closed with stone slabs (Dohan 1942:67 fig. 40). Most of the objects had been placed at the eastern end of the burial, near the head of the corpse. The rich goods, indicative of an elite warrior, included three ornamental conical stands and bowls (one designed to stand on the floor), the others for use on a tabletop. Footed bowls and assorted cups and amphorae comprised the other vases; a bronze bowl and set of four spits completed the banquet service. A shield, spear and dagger, razor, fibulae, and amber beads also were present. The selection of goods may be dated to the first half of the 7th century BC. (See Dohan 1942:67–73, pls. 35–37; Luce 1921:119 no. 34, 124–25 no. 62.)

Narce Tomb 18B The designation Narce 18B actually comprises the offerings from two well-tombs excavated by Annibale and/or Fausto Benedetti “on the slope of a hill opposite Monte lo Greco.” In addition to two urns, each of which still contained cremated human remains, there was also a small amount of pottery, glass beads, a silver ring, two bronze bracelets, bronze pendants and chains, a pair of earrings, and fourteen fibulae (including two miniatures). All the objects are consistent with women’s grave goods of the beginning of the 7th century BC. An independent study of the bones, in progress by Marshall J. Becker, supports the identification of the grave goods as female; one urn (MS 1130) held the burial of an elderly woman, the other (MS 1131) a younger lady. (For a full inventory, see Dohan 1942:11–13, pl. 4) See 19, 20, 138, 153, and 155 for a spindle whorl and personal ornaments from this burial.

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Narce Tomb 19M The Narce excavations uncovered a rich burial situated not far from that of the Warrior (Tomb 43); it seems likely that Tomb 19M was that of his wife. Apart from the note that it was excavated by Mancinelli, nothing more is known of it. A few objects photographed with this tomb group had been later listed as belonging to Tomb 23M, but the information was corrected by Dohan (1942:35). The lady’s grave goods (63–85) include a pair of footed bowls, two fluted cups, a conical stand and bowl, a painted jar, and a painted biconical urn, as well as large bronzes: a tripod stand, fluted bowl, and large fan. The rest of her goods were ornamental, including a large number of fibulae in bronze, silver, and glass, bronze pendants, pins, bracelets, coil earrings, and a number of beads of amber, glass, and faience, all consonant with a date early in the 7th century BC. A drago fibula (MS 776, Dohan 1942:39, pl. 19 no. 43) in poor condition, may have been a token from a husband or other family member (for a similar example, see 9 ). It is closely paralleled in an example from Tarquinia, Gallinaro fossa tomb 9, of a rich warrior of Tarquinia Period III (Hencken 1968: I, 351, fig. 349h). Dohan (1942:40 no. 52) noted the presence of an iron sword in the record photograph taken before shipment from Italy, but this has never been found and might have been mistakenly placed in the photograph. For the complete assemblage, see Dohan 1942:35–41, pls. 18–20.

Narce Tomb 21 The only documentation on this tomb, a note made by Frothingham, indicates that the fragmentary stone sphinx head (228) was found outside a trench tomb. He later indicated that a gold necklace and Black-Figure vase were found here in addition to the objects that were sent to the Museum: a redware olla, a bucchero amphora, and two other vases. See Dohan 1942:77–78.

Narce Tomb 23M One of the most affluent women of her generation at Narce was the personage buried in Tomb 23M. In a trench tomb excavated by Mancinelli was a very wide

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assortment of painted vases, and personal ornaments of bronze, silver, gold, amber, faience, and glass, as well as an unusual and as yet not conclusively identified bronze utensil. For an unusual bronze tool, glass beads, amber beads, and a painted vase, see 141, 156–160, 177 ; additional glass beads, probably Phoenician imports, are discussed at 238. Her other belongings include 34, 35, 37, 38, 173, 174, 181, and 185. The wealth of jewelry, fibulae and pendants, and the exclusive association of the tool type with women’s graves throughout central Italy, indicate a woman’s burial. Her nine painted vases (most from the same workshop), including a biconical urn and an olla decorated with deer, attest to her high status in Faliscan society of the early 7th century BC. The advanced technology of her silver wire earrings has been studied by Warden (1978). (On the group, see Dohan 1942:41–46, pls. 22–23; Luce 1921:120 no. 37, 122–23 no. 57.)

146). Since no urns were found, it is difficult to deter-

mine the identity of those buried in the tomb. The razor (2) and fibulae indicate a man, but the ornaments (including silver hoop earrings) suggest the presence of both husband and wife in the obviously disturbed tomb. See 237 (and also Dohan 1942:30–32, pls. 15–16; Luce 1921:123 no. 58) for faience ornaments from this tomb from the beginning of the 7th century BC.

Narce Tomb 43

Narce Tomb 24M, excavated by Mancinelli, lacks any documentation beyond its inventory of 31 objects. The contents comprised several 7th century vases, a fine set of personal ornaments, including a bronze cheese-grater pendant, tweezers, and bullae, fibulae, and jewelry of silver and gold, and several amulets of faience and amber. All are intact although slightly eroded and encrusted. See 171 and 172 for faience amulets from this tomb; for the entire group, see Dohan 1942:32–35, pl. 17 (also Luce 1921:119 no. 35, 124 no. 61).

One of the oldest burials (end of the 8th century BC) in the group represented at the Museum, Narce Tomb 43 has little documentation beyond the notation of Frothingham that it was a trench tomb. The absence of an urn may mark it as an early inhumation burial, but this cannot be verified. The broken footed bowl, 56, might be the result of past disturbance, and we cannot assume that the artifacts preserved represent the total of the warrior’s gifts. The finds (including 43–58) include the remains of two helmets, a breastplate and bosses perhaps for a pectoral, a large bronze ring and lid of a vase, a pair of bits, and a large bulla. In addition to two razors, there are three footed cups, a large footed bowl, and a red ceramic pilgrim flask that probably originally had a leather or fabric strap. While nearly every object represents a man—razors, armor, bits—two spindle whorls were also found in the group (Dohan 1942: 8–9 nos. 21–22, pl. 1), as well as four leech fibulae (50–51). See Dohan 1942:7–11, pls. 1–3; Luce 1921:125 no. 64, 126–27 no. 72. White et al. 2002:14–15 nos. 16–19.

Narce Tomb 42M

Narce Tomb 64B

Although the group of objects labeled “Narce 42M” are known to have been excavated in 1895–96 by Mancinelli, no other information was preserved with them. They include a conical stand and bowl of Orientalizing style, nine other vases in impasto, a razor, a number of bronzes, fibulae, fragmentary ornaments of silver and gold, and a long necklace(?) of simple faience beads with pendent amulets in the form of Egyptian gods, including the lion-goddess Sekhmet. A tantalizing sheet bronze hoop seems to have come from a small barrel or perhaps a wooden predecessor of the cylindrical “cista” containers found in later tombs (see

When excavated by Benedetti in 1896 a hillside chamber tomb with short dromos in the Pizzo Piede necropolis was found to have two skeletons on benches/beds along the walls, and a third body buried in a sarcophagus with gabled lid. It was said to have been plundered in antiquity; only tiny fragments of gold, and many vases, deliberately shattered, were left behind. The 38 vases that remained include three fine conical stands of large scale, and many aryballoi, jugs, cups, plates, and amphorae in impasto, bucchero, and painted (Etrusco-Corinthian) fabrics of the mid-7th century BC. (Dohan 1942:73–77, pls. 38–39; Luce

Narce Tomb 24M

Tomb Groups Represented in the Gallery Displays

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urn was covered with an angular bowl to protect the bones of a woman (see Becker, forthcoming).

Narce Tomb 71M This tomb, replete with a fine selection of ornate vases and bronzes, was excavated by Mancinelli but noted only as a well-tomb. It held a biconical urn covered with a bowl and containing some cremated remains, probably of a small woman who died in her thirties (study in progress by Becker). The burial was accompanied by a wide selection of impasto vases, including several cups, and two spindle whorls, and three rocchetti, a corroded bronze spindle of the same fine manufacture as that on display from Bisenzio (3), a pair of spiral bracelets, and other bronze fragments of the end of the 8th to the beginning of the 7th century BC. Dohan 1942:15–18, pls. 6–7. See 13 for a bronze bracelet from this burial.

Narce Tomb 102F Fig. 43. Plan, elevation of Narce Tomb 64B (after Dohan 1942:73, fig. 45).

Narce Tomb 102F, a trench found near the top of a ravine in the slope of Monte lo Greco, was identified as a child’s because of its small scale and the rite of

1921:128–30 nos. 77–79.) For an incised chalice and amphora on display, see 175, 195.

Narce Tomb 70M Narce Tomb 70M was one of the oldest of the pitlike well-tombs excavated by Mancinelli at Narce; it had a loculus for offerings in addition to the pit for the urn (Dohan 1942:14 fig. 7). The offerings comprised two bowls with openwork ornament (MS 871 is the companion piece to 62), three other impasto vases, a spindle whorl, and a selection of men’s and women’s small bronzes (razor, leech fibulae, bracelets) of the end of the 8th to the beginning of the 7th century BC. (See Dohan 1942:14–15, pl. 5.) In the pit, a heavy, lentoid

Fig. 44. Plan of child’s sarcophagus, Narce Tomb 102F (after Dohan 1942:47, fig. 29).

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inhumation in a tufa sarcophagus only large enough for a child, as well as the use of miniature ornaments and vases. Jewelry found in situ (although no bones remained for scientific study) was taken as evidence of a little girl. The rectangular sarcophagus with slab lid (not sent on to the Museum) was slightly narrower at the feet, measuring 31 to 22 cm wide by 85 cm long and only 15 cm high. In the sarcophagus were all the items of jewelry (see drawing, Dohan 1942:47 fig. 29). For goods of the early 7th century on display, see 86–95. See Dohan 1942:46–48, pl. 23 (also Luce 1921: 119–20 no. 36; 124 no. 59) for the complete tomb group, and discussion in Part IA of children’s burials in Iron Age Italy. Many other ornaments were very fragile or fragmentary including composite fibulae of bronze wire with amber discs, two beads of glass and faience, and small fragments of silver, gold and bronze appliqués. Fifteen small vases were buried with the little girl; they include a painted amphora, impasto cups, a set of six footed bowls, and a miniature, painted conical stand. See a miniature one-handled cup or kyathos (86) and the conical stand (87).

Narce Tomb 105F This was a trench tomb with rounded ends (see Dohan 1942:49 fig. 31) and contained a biconical ash urn, a large conical stand and olla (59 and 60), a smaller stand and olla, as well as eighteen vases (mainly footed bowls and drinking/serving vessels), eight rocchetti, an ornamental spindle whorl, and several bronze pendant ornaments (see 36), a bracelet, and fibulae (including one serpentine type fibula, MS 909, usually associated with male costume). One other object, a badly deteriorated wooden and iron tire from the wheel of a chariot (MS 904), is another indicator of the high status of this lady buried shortly before the mid-7th century BC. See Dohan 1942:49–52, pls. 24, 25.

Pitigliano/Poggio Buco Tomb 26 The contents of a tomb “excavated on the Pacelli property at a place called Poggio Buco to the northeast of Vulci” were inventoried by Frothingham under the designation “Vulci 26,” and linked by Dohan (1942:102) to the nearby settlement of Pitigliano. While Pitigliano might be regarded as a suburb of the

large ancient city of Vulci, De Puma (1986:54–55) more accurately characterizes Poggio Buco separately, as the necropolis of the Etruscan town of Statnes/Statonia, and the source of this tomb group. Through painstaking comparison of archives, he has shown that the tomb group in Philadelphia, like the one in the Field Museum, almost certainly was excavated by Vincenzo Pacelli on land belonging to I. Sadun (see De Puma 1986:54 fig. 13). Preserved were parts of a “servizio per due,” consisting of ten vases all in Etrusco-Corinthian fabric: one pair each of pyxis, cup, oinochoe, and large and small olpe. Unfortunately, no metal objects or other potential indicators of the gender, age, or identity of the couple were preserved; the vases range in date from the last quarter of the 7th through the first quarter of the 6th century BC. See Dohan 1942:102–4, pl. 51. For vases from this tomb, see 189 , 210 , 212 . (For the site and territory of Pitigliano, see Camporeale 2000:275–76.)

Tuscania: The “Toscanella Tomb” A chamber tomb with a room about 6 m square was excavated in April of 1896 in the necropolis of Tuscania; it had a stone door-slab, and six rectangular trenches in its floor that had been closed with terracotta tiles. The contents included numerous vases (Black-Gloss and other fabrics), several bronze utensils, and a rare glass bowl (303) placed on top of them. Also in the tomb was a large female bust in nenfro (302). Although skeletons seem not to have been retrieved from the graves, at least some of the personal belongings were inventoried and sent to the Museum. Of over one hundred objects, three are bronze handmirrors, indicating the burials of at least three women here with other family members. They differ in stylistic date by about one generation each, beginning with 304, made during the later 4th century BC. Other finds show a chronological range through the 3rd century and perhaps into the 2nd century BC. (See Fig. 40, “Record photograph” of the “Toscanella tomb group” made in Italy before shipment to Philadelphia, 1896; also White et al. 2002:3 fig. 2.) Richard De Puma, in preparing the CSE volume that will present these mirrors, noted that there may have been a fourth mirror found in the tomb, according to his reading of the record photograph. If so, that mirror never reached the Museum, but its presence

Tomb Groups Represented in the Gallery Displays

would indicate that there were four women and just two men buried in this tomb. No weapons or other indicators were present, though it seems likely that the others were men. A skull shown in the record photo has not been located. (A study is in progress by Ann Blair Brownlee and the author on this tomb and its documentation.) The selection displayed includes 302–316.

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half of the 6th century BC. The sketch plan shows the caryatid chalice (198) placed on the single bench on the right wall of the lefthand chamber. Another offering is the very fine Early Corinthian amphora with “Frauenfest” and other scenes, MS 552 (see Dohan 1934:523–28 nos. 1 and 3; and De Puma 1986:26–34, 106).

Vulci Tomb 25 Vulci Tomb 5 Tomb 5, excavated by Mancinelli on land owned by the Torlonia family, was a four-chambered rock-cut tomb with a large, but plundered, array of vases remaining in it, with bone fragments scattered among them. These include some fine Attic and Corinthian imports, such as an inscribed SOS amphora (MS 562) and Early Corinthian vases (MS 547, MS 548, MS 552, MS 553, MS 554, MS 555); the aryballos (149) must have been from one of the earlier depositions. For full inventory and illustrations, see Dohan 1942:97–102, pls. 51–54. For other finds from Vulci Tomb 5, see 187, 198, 209, 243. The dates of the vases range from the last quarter of the 7th through the first

Dohan was able to ascertain that this tomb group came from one of three well tombs excavated by Mancinelli in the early necropolis of Vulci that had been discovered on the property of Prince Torlonia. It includes a pair of biconical urns of the early 7th century; 39, with its unusual lid, appears slightly older in shape. Although it was empty when it arrived in Philadelphia, its companion ( 40 ) contained the cremated remains of a small, young woman, who probably died as a teenager or soon thereafter (Becker, forthcoming). Mixed with her bones were a bronze ring (from a chain?) and some small metal fragments distorted by burning; they must have been placed on her body on the pyre. It seems likely that this was the

Fig. 45. Plan, elevation, deposition of large vases, Vulci Tomb 5 (after Dohan 1942:98, fig. 65).

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grave of a husband and wife, containing some bronze fragments (chains) and fourteen other impasto vases, of which many were one-handled cups, some in miniature (Dohan 1942:81–82, pl. 43). The urn ( 40) is presumed to be that of his wife.

Vulci Tomb 42F Vulci Tomb 42F was said to have been a trench tomb; although Frothingham indicated that the largest, plainest vase in the group was a cinerary urn, no remains were preserved in it. The rich assemblage of the first half of the 7th century BC includes 22 widely assorted vases—impasto jars, amphorae, bowls and cups, bucchero cups, and painted bowls and plates of Greek inspiration. Two spits (29) suggest a man’s burial, although 3 belts (including 30 and 31) may imply more than one individual present, most likely the warrior’s wife. Numbers 30–33 illustrate the early version of Orientalizing art (see Dohan 1942:93–97, pls. 49–50).

Vulci Tomb 66 A note from Frothingham describes this as a well tomb excavated at Vulci; along with a biconical urn containing cremated bones and a small amount of damaged personal belongings that may have been on the pyre, it held 13 vases. The urn (MS 563) with bowl-lid contained the remains of a very small, young woman, who died at about 21 (+/– 5) years of age (Becker, forthcoming). In the urn were a sherd from a redware vase, 2 bronze fibulae damaged by the cremation fire, some bronze and iron bosses with nails (probably from a wooden vessel), and the spindle whorl (22). An additional 5 whorls (21) seem not to have been in the urn. The young woman also was given a finely decorated bronze bracelet, an iron bracelet, bronze chains and pendants, and silver chain-ornaments of the early 7th century BC. See Dohan 1942:84–88, pls. 45–46. For objects displayed, see catalogue 20–26.

Vulci Tomb B A chamber tomb containing a large number (at least 29) of Etruscan and imported Greek vases, was excavated by Francesco Mancinelli on the property of Prince Torlonia in 1895. Some of the contents of the tomb were sent to the Museum in 1897, but painstaking work by De Puma and Brownlee has shown that the contents actually were more widely dispersed, with some now at the Field Museum. Among the goods were also a spindle whorl, metal spearpoint, and a bronze spiral bracelet. The vases may be stylistically dated to the first half of the 6th century BC and were taken by De Puma as evidence of a burial around midcentury, or possibly two burials of a man and woman within that period. See 106, 150, 186, 192, 232 for vases of various types from this tomb.

Vulci Tomb C Among the tomb groups brokered by Frothingham for the Field Museum is one labeled C, said to be a chamber tomb and studied by De Puma 1986:35–53, 107. Most of the rich assortment of goods seems to have reached Chicago, although a few pieces were shipped to Philadelphia. The tomb was surely that of a warrior, as attested by the spearpoint in Chicago, along with his wife, who once wore the sandals (143). It is possible that other depositions also had been made in the chamber tomb, which on excavation held nearly 40 vases (bucchero, Etruscan painted fabrics, imports), several large bronze vessels, jewelry, and other metalwork. De Puma suggested, based upon gender-associated objects and stylistic dating of vases, that the lady was buried about 560 BC and the man ca. 530 or thereafter.

Vulci, Osteria Necropolis, Scavi della Società “Hercle” A bucchero vase (197) comes from one of the tombs in this necropolis. For background on the authorized excavations of the “Hercle” Society at Vulci, see Vulci 1972; the Museum’s vase is not illustrated, however.

Notes to Parts IA, IB

PART IA 1.

2.

For details on specific tombs/tomb groups, see Part IB. (For overall background on the history of Etruria, and ancient historical sources, see Camporeale 2000A: 11–13, 35–41; Haynes 2000: passim; Torelli 1986A and 1981.) For more details, see Camporeale 2000A:xiii–xvii; Hall 1996:367–68.

9.

10. 11. 12.

PART IA, CHAPTER 1 1.

2.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

8.

See Bartoloni 2002; Camporeale 2000A:71–79; Haynes 2000:1–45. For Tarquinia, see Hencken 1968A and 1968B; and later studies, such as Buranelli 1983, and Mandolesi 1999 (with full bibliography.) Veii, the focus of an early project by the British School at Rome, and continuing Italian excavations published in Notizie degli Scavi (NS) (1963 on) is represented in the publications by G. Bartoloni et al., refining the chronology set by J. Close-Brooks (1979). Bietti Sestieri (1998, 2000); Pallottino et al. 1992B; also Bartoloni et al. (2000). For description of Italian prehistory and landscape studies, see Barker and Rasmussen (1998) and references therein. See Haynes 2000:135–37; Herodotus (1.94) calls them cities in Greek. See Briquel 2001 and 1993:88–89; Camporeale 2001; Colonna 2001; Maggiani 2001; Torelli 1981. See Moser 1996. De Puma 1986:21, see map p. 20 fig. 5. On Vulci, see N. T. de Grummond in de Grummond 1996B:119–20. See Camporeale 2000A:259–69; N. T. de Grummond, F. R. Serra Ridgway in de Grummond 1996B:231–32, 1180–81. For additional background, see Riccioni 1979; Moretti Sgubini, ed. 2001B, and Neppi Modona, ed. 1977. See Camporeale 2000A:299–301; F. Delpino in Cristofani, ed. 1985:38–39; Delpino 1977. For a good

13. 14. 15. 16.

17. 18.

19.

20. 21. 22.

map with locations of the necropoleis of Bisenzio, see De Puma 1986:15 fig. 3. For Gran Carro see Tamburini 1995; on landscape, agriculture and essentials of life in early Etruria, see Barker and Rasmussen 1998. See F. R. Serra Ridgway in de Grummond 1996B:264–65; Camporeale 2000A:223–34. For background, maps, see Camporeale 2000A:234–41. See G. Nardi in Cristofani, ed. 1985:185–86; also Moretti Sgubini et al. 1998. For Narce excavations, see especially, Baglione and Brolli 1998, with full bibliography of this region and period. Other sources: Dohan 1942; Davison 1972:3–6. A. Cozza in Barnabei et al. 1895:cols. 113–14, 161–62 lists the names of the various “sepolcreti” surrounding Narce. See Colonna 2001. See F. R. Serra Ridgway in de Grummond 1996B:278–79; Camporeale 2000A:312–25. Becker 1996 and forthcoming. For methods of interpreting funerary evidence for social conditions, in the Latin settlement of Osteria dell’Osa, see Bietti Sestieri 1992:240ff. and passim. For discussion of social issues linked to artifact types, see Haynes 2000:chapters 1–2, and references below. Pliny, Natural History 8.194. See Aman 2000:194. For Etruscan and Italic textile production and symbolism, see Pt. IA, chapters 2 and 4, and Bartoloni et al. 1997:96–100. For further discussion of the bronze spindles, all probably from the area of Bologna, but distributed throughout central Italy, see under 3. NS 1965:123–39 and A. Berardinetti Insam in Moretti Sgubini, ed., 2001B:98–105; she suggests a date at the end of the 3rd quarter of the 8th century. See A. Rastrelli in Bartoloni et al. 2000:196–99. See Bonfante 2003. On the craft and social/ideological implications of weaving, see Barber 1994.

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23. For fibula technology, see Toms 2001:96–105: other methods, such as bivalve molds, have also been identified. 24. Called by Toms (2001:94) the “composite arch bow” type, which originated at the beginning of the Iron Age. 25. For illustrations of the progression of fibula types, see Jucker et al. 1991:56–68. See Toms 2001, and Bietti Sestieri 1982:6–12, 20–23 nos. 1–51 for early typology to mid-7th century BC. For background and plates of artifact typologies in general, see Guidi and Piperno 1992. The full development of fibulae is traced in the classic Sundwall 1943, to be supplemented with excavation reports and volumes in the Prähistorische Bronzefunde series, such as von Eles Masi 1986. The typology of 6th century and later fibulae is analyzed by Guzzo 1972. 26. See the Villanovan wooden bowls and boxes found at Tarquinia (Kilian 1977) and the Orientalizing furniture from Verucchio (Bartoloni et al. 2000:230–31 nos. 253–54, 365–67 nos. 524–30. 27. See Ridgway 1993, 2001. 28. See Stary 2001. 29. See Bartoloni et al. 2000, and Emiliozzi 1997: passim; Rathje 1994 and Sinos 1994. 30. Dohan 1942: pls. 28–32. 31. For background on the Orientalizing phenomenon in central Italy, see Haynes 2000:47–133; Camporeale 2000A:79–87, 105–11; Rathje 1979, 1983, 1990, 1994, 2001; and works on the sites noted in the catalogue. PART IA, CHAPTER 2 1. 2.

See Baglione and Brolli 1997. See Pallottino 1987 and Giacomelli 1978 with references. 3. See Giacomelli 1978:519–21. 4. Poccetti 1999. 5. Cf. Baglione 1991:756–58. 6. Cf. Del Chiaro 1957, 1974: passim; discussion under 236, 255, 317, 322. 7. Livy 4.17ff.; see Potter 1976:29–35. 8. Cf. Beazley 1947: passim. For brief, illustrated treatment of Faliscan archaeology, see Moretti Sgubini et al. 1998. 9. Potter et al. 1976:315–21. 10. For a recent study in this region, see the work of the British School at Nepi, di Gennaro et al. 2002. 11. See Dohan 1942:1–2; Davison 1972:3–6; De Puma 1986:109–12; Gaultier 2001; Moretti Sgubini et al. 1998:10–18, 30–37; Baglione 1991; Pallottino et al. 1980:231–54.

12. Davison 1972:5. 13. Davison 1972:16–31; Dohan 1942:105–9; and updated chronology of the recent Italian studies cited below. See the map of Faliscan settlements in Davison 1972: Fig. B, after Banti 1973:65 (see latter for other maps also). Many related objects, and detailed analysis in Roberts 1974. For a brief, full treatment of the Faliscan people, see Moretti Sgubini et al. 1998. 14. Cf. Camporeale 2000A:286, 283 fig. 55, 102–5. 15. Compare the urn and cups from the other tomb groups excavated at Vulci by Mancinelli and now in the Field Museum: De Puma 1986:21–25, pls. 3–5 (Vulci Tomb A, dated ca. 700 BC and slightly earlier than the Museum’s). 16. See Dohan 1942:93–97, pls. 49–50. 17. Cf. Donati and Michelucci 1981:64 n. 11; on the dating, see discussion by Mangani and Paoletti cited at 33. 18. For full background and illustration of chariots in early Italy, see Emiliozzi 1997. See also the bits and partial remains of a sacrificed team, in chapter 4 (110 and 111). 19. For “princesses” see Rathje 2001, and Narce Tomb 105F in Part IB. On the general European phenomenon of chariot burials beginning in the 8th century, see Piggott 1983:138–94; also Pare 1992. 20. Dohan 1942:51, 70, pls. 24 no. 23, and 37 no. 27). Eleven other chariots are known from the Italian excavations in the Narce necropoleis; three of these were in women’s tombs; see Emiliozzi 1997:330–31 nos. 203–13. 21. Cf. White et al. 2002:14–15 nos. 16–19. 22. Dohan 1942:8–9 nos. 21–22, pl. 1. 23. Dohan 1942:39 no. 43, pl. 19, in Tomb 19M. On gender tokens, see Bartoloni 1989; see also 140. 24. See Macnamara 1987:132 fig. 81. 25. Rix, ET Vn 1.1. 26. Dohan 1942:52–54. 27. Bartoloni et al. 2000: 359, 366–67 no. 529. 28. Connolly 1981:fig. on 91. 29. See Dohan 1942:19–20, pl. 8 nos. 15–16 (Tomb 109F); 70, pl. 37 no. 25 (Tomb 7F, associated with fragments of a chariot and a shield). For better images of the original appearance of such swords, see Bietti Sestieri 1982, and Stary 1981. Compare the assemblage of metal arms, armor (including linen-lined shoulder plate) and horse tack in the Tomb of the Warrior of Tarquinia, just slightly earlier than the Museum’s (Kilian 1977). 30. Cf. Dohan 1942:20 no. 17, pl. 8 [Tomb 109F], and 59 no. 58, pl. 32, a ceremonial axe in Tomb 1. 31. Dohan 1942:23 nos. 21–22, pl. 11. 32. See Becker forthcoming.

Notes to Part IA, Chapter 3

33. See Naso 2001; von Hase 1997. 34. MacIntosh 1974B:27–29 fig. 2; Haynes 2000:123 fig. 105. 35. See Rathje 1989, 1990, 1994, with earlier references. 36. Cf. Rathje 1979:fig. I.3. 37. See Rathje 1983. 38. Rathje 2001; Guldager Bilde 1994. 39. MS 776, Dohan 1942:39, pl. 19 no. 43, in poor condition; see 9. 40. Hencken 1968B: I, 351 fig. 349h. 41. Dohan 1942:40 no. 52. 42. Dohan 1942:37, pl. 20 no. 12. 43. For illustrations of such typical markers of respected womanhood, see 3, 21, 22. 44. On the practice of spinning and weaving wool and linen in Etruria, see the discussion at 138–41 in chapter 4. 45. Dohan 1942:49 fig. 31. 46. See Dohan 1942:49–52, pls. 24–25. 47. See 34, 35, 37, 38, 141, 156–60, 173–74, 177, 181, 185, 238 for some objects from her tomb; Dohan 1942:41–46, pls. 22–23. For analysis of the symbolic gifts in the tombs of Iron Age women (and secondary gifts they placed in the graves of their menfolk), see Nielsen 1998. 48. See drawing, Dohan 1942:47 fig. 29. 49. Dohan 1942:46–48, pl. 23. On Late Villanovan children’s burials, see De Angelis 2001; she suggests that individuals under 20 years of age were buried in a variant ritual to full adults. Bartoloni et al. (1997:92) have noted that at Veii, infants under 3 years of age may not have had their own tombs, in accordance with literary sources indicating that mourning was not undertaken for them in early Rome (Plutarch, Numa 12; Cicero, Tusculan Disputations 1.39.93). In cases where the child is buried in some sort of formal ritual, the presence of valuables, such as jewelry, or a lavish urn or furnishings, probably indicates the loss of a very privileged offspring of a powerful family (cf. Roman examples of the 9th through 7th centuries BC, Fayer 1982:138, 281–82). 50. See discussion of Berardinetti and Drago (1997:48, 37 notes). 51. Barnabei et al. 1895:138–39 fig. 56. Torino and Fornaciari (2000:61) have shown that the practice of little girls wearing miniature jewelry was evident, seven centuries later, among the victims of Herculaneum. 52. Potter 1976:66–75, 311. 53. For the painted, bucchero and impasto vases from the Archaic tombs of Narce, see Dohan 1942:73–80, pls. 38–41.

71

PART IA, CHAPTER 3 1. 2. 3. 4.

5.

6.

7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

12. 13.

14.

15. 16.

See Roncalli 1985, and references below. See Agostiniani and Nicosia 2000. Cristofani 1996:35–37 fig. 9. In fact, people read narrative art in the same way as they perceive the written word, so Etruscan paintings should be viewed from right to left as well; see Small 1987. See 301 (and 300) for urns belonging to the Latinized (if not actually Romanized) residents of Late Republican Chiusi. For background on the Etruscan language, see Bonfante and Bonfante 2002, and Bonfante 1990; a useful, brief introduction is Richardson 1986. Other surveys: Pallottino 1986; Agostiniani 2000; Bagnasco Gianni 2000; Camporeale 2000A:190–206. The main collections of Etruscan inscriptions are: TLE and Rix ET. These draw from the ongoing Corpus Inscriptionum Etruscarum (CIE), begun in 1893, and continued in the Rivista dell’Epigraphia Etrusca (REE) in the journal Studi Etruschi. See Bartoloni et al. 2000:309–26. Agostiniani 1982. For other Etruscan inscriptions in the Museum, see Dohan and Fiesel 1935. See Bizzarri 1998. For background, bibliography, maps, see Stopponi 1994 and 1991 and Camporeale 2000A:301–12; on history, see F. R. Serra Ridgway in de Grummond 1996B:833. The necropoleis and cult were treated at length in the third volume of Annali della Fondazione per il Museo “Claudio Faina” (1987), entitled “Santuario e culto nella necropoli di Cannicella. Relazioni e interventi nel convegno del 1984.” See Briquel 2002. For a sampling of the social and political history that may be read from the names of funerary inscriptions, especially those of the region of Chiusi, source of the Museum’s terracotta urns and the urn of Arnth Remzna, see Benelli 1998. See chapters 7 and 8 for inscriptions on urns and mirrors of the Late period; see also two simple graffiti, possibly an ‘a’ and an ‘x’ scratched onto two vases, probably in the potters’ workshops (204, 210). Cf. de Grummond 2000:31–36 (“sigla”) and Bare et al. 2000. Rix, ET Vs 2.53. See Dohan and Fiesel (1935); also Dohan and Hoenigswald (1942) for some other Etruscan objects bearing inscribed names, not all of which are genuine.

72

Notes to Part IA, Chapter 4

PART IA, CHAPTER 4 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

10. 11. 12.

13.

14. 15. 16.

17. 18.

19.

20.

21.

Reference is made to Buranelli 1992 for rich comparanda to the selection of objects in the Museum. See Brownlee 2003 for Attic imports from Orvieto, now in the Museum. Lunsingh Scheurleer 1982. Krauskopf 1995. De Puma 1986:26–34. For the Gauls, see Grassi 1991 and Vitali 1987. For the Picenes, see Naso 2000, Brizzi 1994 and de Juliis 1994. See Luce 1920A:70–72 figs. 44–46 (MS 1608 and MS 1534). For Etruscan politics and the city, see Camporeale 2000A:151–57, with bibliography; also Haynes 2000: passim. Haynes 2000:289 fig. 232b. Steingräber 1986: pl. 19; see Jannot 1993. Schäfer 1989: pls. 1–6. For the civic procession with symbolic objects in Etruscan funerary art, see Steingräber 2002:141–43. For the collection, a history, with full references, is supplied in Berges 2002:11–20 (English summary 69–70). For full citations to these seals in Sommerville’s own works, see Berges, as for brief background on the typology and technology of gems (2002:21); for Etruscan seals in general, see Zazoff 1983:214–59, and Zazoff 1968:1–16; Boardman and Vollenweider 1978:48–65. See Turfa and Steinmayer 1993. See Blanck and Proietti 1986:50–51, fig. 38, with list of parallels. See van der Meer 1986; note the handle of a 4th–century strigil in the British Museum depicts a female athlete scraping herself: Haynes 1985:312–13 no. 176. Izzet 2001:41. See the assemblage from the “Tomba grande” of the Giardini Margherita necropolis in Bologna (Morigi Govi and Vitali 1982:302; Pugliese Carratelli and Pallottino 1986:fig. 63. For background and further references, see Rallo 2000; Camporeale 2000A:166–80; Buranelli 1992:74 no. 39 (past interpretations suggested the torch holders as instruments of torture!). For illustration of kitchen routine, see the Tomba Golini paintings from Orvieto, Buranelli 1992:66–70. On table service, see Bouloumié 1986; van der Meer 1984. On the choice of vases available to Etruscan householders, see De Puma 1986:8–13; on Etruscan vase

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27. 28. 29.

30.

31. 32.

33.

names, see Lazzarini 1973–1974; and discussion of vases in chapter 6. The oval form of focolare, and an assortment of similar utensils in heavy, late bucchero, are illustrated by Hayes 1985:116–17 nos. C107–C110, and dated to the second half of the 6th through early 5th century BC (citing the Museum’s focolare set under C108). Compare the ladle and spatula in Siena, Cimino 1986:80 nos. 194–95, pl. 45. These were in the group of a slightly different focolare, Cimino 1986:77 no. 186, collected in the area of Castelluccio di Pienza. De Puma (1986:65 nos. CA 8–12, pls. 21–22) discusses a set from Chiusi, with slightly different vessels, but similar “flatware” of a palette/tessera, spoons, and spatulas. See Rallo 1989:15–33 (“Fonti”); and for a survey from the 10th through 1st century, Nielsen 1998 and 1989. For background, see Camporeale 2000A:180–89. For information on rocchetti and early Etruscan textiles, see Gleba 1999; von Eles 2002:230–32; 9th century Latin rocchetti, Buranelli 1992:46. Also Bonfante 1975:11–17 and passim; for general and comparative background, see Barber 1991. (Margarita Gleba and Richard Ellis have kindly examined the textile equipment on display and some possible Etruscan textile samples for a study in progress.) On women and textiles in the period of the 7th century Narce tomb groups, see Bartoloni 2000; and Torelli 1997. On more aspects of the evolving forms of “women’s work,” see Rallo 1989:147–56 (“Classi sociali e mano d’opera femminile”). See the color photo in Etruscans: Italy’s Lovers of Life, 78 (Alexandria, VA: TimeLife Books, 1995); Nielsen 1987:figs. 6–7. Touloupa 1973. For background, see de Grummond 1982 and 2002. See Bordenacche Battaglia and Emiliozzi 1990:211–26 no. 68, pls. 297–314. A new interpretation, however, has been proposed by de Grummond [forthcoming], in which the daughter is the goddess Persephone, daughter of Demeter. Fontaine 1995. The number of mirrors so defaced is small, only fifteen according to the latest count, by de Grummond 2002:309. For a survey of feminine costume and ornaments, see Bonfante 1989; and Rallo 1989:173–79. The fine pendants of Narce Tomb 1 were too fragile to be displayed, but see drawing of one 1942:58 no. 50, fig. 36. For background on Etruscan jewelry, see the references

Notes to Part IA, Chapter 5–6

34.

35. 36. 37.

in chapters 4 and 6, especially Cristofani and Martelli 1983, and Higgins 1980:135–52. On bullae, see Warden 1983, and Palmer 1996 and 1998 (especially for Roman usage); statuette of a boy wearing a bulla, and a gold example, Buranelli 1992:86–87 nos. 44–45. On the tradition of amulets, in such materials as shark teeth, coral or shells, see Cherici 1999. Treated by Skalsky 1997. An array of animal representations appears in Buranelli 1992:162–83.

PART IA, CHAPTER 5 1. 2. 3.

See Ridgway 2001. Cf. Scheibler 1995:178–79 figs. 156–59. Cf. Bizzarri 1999.

PART IA, CHAPTER 6 1. 2.

See Turfa 1986. Collections of bronzes from Cortona are displayed in Leiden and Cortona’s Museo dell’Accademia Etrusca. See Camporeale 2000A:325–30; Bruschetti et al. (1996); van der Meer (1977). 3. See Camporeale 2000A:351–62; N. T. de Grummond in de Grummond 1996B:1162. 4. Cetamura: de Grummond 2001; Chiusi: Pucci and Mascione 1993. In addition to works cited below, see Camporeale 2000B and Gaultier 2000. 5. See Gran-Aymerich 1995; he calls this the “luxury prototype paradox.” 6. See Gran-Aymerich 1997. For background and references on bucchero fabric, collections and corpora, see Gran Aymerich 1992:5–6, 19–20, and 31–32. Ramage 1970; Rasmussen 1979; Gran Aymerich 1982:17–18 and 37–40, and Bonghi Jovino, ed. 1993 (the last is also especially relevant for study of trade in bucchero). 7. Colonna 1973–74:133–34. 8. See M. Cristofani, REE in SE 56 [1989–90]:357–58, following Colonna 1973–74:149, note 81. 9. See Ridgway 1992. 10. For early painters, see Szilágyi 1992. 11. For the technique and development of painted, figured vases in Etruria (8th–3rd centuries BC) see various authors in Martelli, ed. 1987:9–64. For the fabric of Etrusco-Corinthian vases, which contains mica and other volcanic products, as do impasto and bucchero wares, see Bossière and Moguedet 1995. 12. This is seen in the finds from sites in the interior and the Tolfa region, e.g., Brocati 2000.

73

13. On metalwork and the cista production line, see the ongoing Corpus of Le Ciste Prenestine by various authors (Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Rome 1979 on). 14. The reason for the German word Erz, meaning “metal,” see Bonfante and Bonfante 2002: 24. For illustration of the array of products from the metal workshops of Etruria, both utensils and statues, see Haynes 1985; Cristofani 1985; Jurgeit 1999; Hostetter 1986; and Testa 1989. Metallurgy: Craddock 1984. 15. For a brief survey of techniques, and illustrations, see Formigli 1985; also the contributions of various authors in Formigli 1995; and in Hackens and Winkes 1983 (especially Richard and Sadow 1983). 16. For the material and technique of later sculptures, see Maggiani 1985:212–20; on details of the stones used in Archaic sculpture, and continued in nenfro sarcophagi, etc., see references cited at 228–30, 293, 295, 302. 17. The earliest belonged to a woman: Hencken 1968A:30–31, 48, 136, pls. 76–77. 18. Steingräber 1986: pls. 41–42; and cf. a model in the Vatican, Buranelli 1992:179 no. 156. For the development of Etruscan seafaring, see articles and references in Bonino 1989; Turfa and Steinmayer 1999 and 2001. 19. See Gran-Aymerich and Prayon 1996. 20. See Hölbl 1979: I,254–68; and Uberti 1988 on Phoenician glass vases, beads, amulets. (For suggestions on the mode of some early exchange, especially of metals, see Turfa and Steinmayer 2002.) 21. Grose 1989:81–82. 22. Martelli 1994. 23. Cf. Grose 1989:96–99, color figs. Compare the glass vases excavated at Orvieto (Bizzarri 1966:25 fig. 12). 24. See Forte, ed. 1994. 25. For discussion of amber in Italy, see Negroni Catacchio 1989, and Warden 1994; also Mastrocinque 1999 (with references on Late Bronze Age Adriatic amber and trade). 26. For Archaic trade in Etrusco-Corinthian ceramics and their contents, see Frère 1995 (with reference to simpler perfume vases, of types not displayed in the gallery). Trade in general: Gras 1985; Turfa 1986; Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche 1985 (Commercio etrusco arcaico: includes amphorae, Isola del Giglio merchant wreck); Cristofani 1985A; Gras 2000 (with references); Pallottino et al. 1992B. For the wide diffusion of Etruscan bucchero pottery, especially the kantharoi, see Renard and Bouloumié 1979; Bonghi Jovino, ed. 1993.

74

Notes to Part IA, Chapter 7

On the popularity of certain Attic painters in Etruria (with recent references), see Gilotta 1997 (on an amphora with athletic iconography). For commercial aspects, new finds, see Paribeni 1993:265–70, pl. 2. On other Nicosthenic pyxides in Orvieto, see Wójcik and Roncalli 1989:133–40. 27. See the discussion of objects in chapters 4–8, and for background, see Haynes 2000 and Brendel 1995. PART IA, CHAPTER 7 1.

2. 3. 4.

5. 6. 7. 8.

9.

10. 11. 12. 13.

14.

15.

16. 17.

See also chapter 8. For background and further references on religion in Etruria, in addition to references below, see Torelli 1986B and 2000; Camporeale 2000A:129–50. See L. Richardson, Jr., in de Grummond 1996B:932–33. See E. Hill Richardson in de Grummond 1996B:423. For a sample of the types of information to be sought in votive assemblages, see, for instance, Stoddart and Whitley 1994. See F. R. Serra Ridgway in de Grummond 1996B: 877–78; Camporeale 2000A:337–43. See van der Meer 1979 and 1987:160 fig. 73; 5–15, 163–71. See also Colonna 1993A; and Maggiani 1982. Cf. Potter 1994:26–27. For more on Etruscan religion, see Gaultier and Briquel 1997; also Torelli 1986B and 2000; and Pfiffig 1975, with earlier references therein. Comparative information may be gleaned from such Italic sources as the Iguvine Tables, from the region of Umbria; for brief description, see Wilkins 1994. Bonfante and Bonfante 2002:87. Cf. van Straten 1995:4–7. See de Grummond 1982; van der Meer 1995. See also the figures, whether of lasa or the death goddess Vanth, frequently depicted on urns and vases of the Hellenistic period, as nos. 295, 296 and 320. For background on the Etruscan use of images to portray gods and heroes, see van der Meer 1995; Gaultier and Briquel 1997; and LIMC entries on specific heroes. TLE 156; Rix ET Ta 3.2; Bonfante and Bonfante 2002:71, 77, 114 no. 19. On the Etruscan Dioskouroi, see de Grummond 1991 in addition to references at 252. On the essentially Etruscan characters, see Rallo 1974; Sowder 1982:114–15; also publications of Etruscan mirrors, where they were favorite subjects. See De Puma 1982 (also for Hercle). For the full range of images of Hercle/Herakles, see the entries in LIMC.

18. On the types of votives and shrines characterized by them, see Turfa 1999/in press; Richardson 1983; Galestin 1987; Colonna 1970; Maetzke 1957. On votive figurines (usually terracotta) of species frequently used as sacrificial victims (cattle, pigs, sheep), see Colonna, ed. 1985:33–35 no. 1.18 (P. Bocci Pacini). 19. Romualdi 1981; Colonna, ed. 1985:162–64 no. 9.2; Cristofani 1985:247–50, 78–87 nos. 2.2–2.21. 20. On anatomical votives, see Fenelli 1975; Turfa 1994, 1999/in press; and Turfa 2005. For medical aspects, see also Baggieri 1999; Tabanelli 1963. For a sample of the array of anatomical models, both internal and external, to be found at the major Etruscan sanctuaries with healing cults, see Comella 1982; Potter 1989; Potter and Wells 1985. 21. For monumental temples and other structures, see Donati 2000; Turfa and Steinmayer 1996; Andrén 1940; and Rystedt et al. 1993 (now an ongoing series of conferences). For background on Etruscan architecture of all types, see Colonna 1986; Steingräber 2000; and Prayon 1986. For recent finds showing the diversity of forms in Etruscan sanctuaries, see Colonna forthcoming. 22. Dr. Winter has kindly advised on the terracottas; her ongoing research will provide a thorough treatment of the groups of material represented here only by the more dramatic pieces. 23. See Andrén 1940:10–14. 24. See the record photo of the consignment of antefixes from Corneto made in Italy before they reached the US, where some of the other silen heads and female antefixes were dispersed to other American collections: de Grummond 2000–2001:9 fig. 3 provides analysis of the full set of roof terracottas with emphasis on the fine, female head antefixes of the 4th century structure of a Tarquinian sanctuary. 25. E. de Grummond 2000–2001. 26. See Colonna, ed. 1985:77. 27. In fact, the terracotta dump must be the one unearthed in 1876, while in 1886, traces of the Roman road and buildings were identified. See the drawing made by Count Cozza before the terracottas were dispersed, Andrén 1940:195 fig. 31. 28. Andrén 1940:194–202. 29. For other fragmentary, and different revetments from the same Orvietan group, see Luce and Holland (1918). All architectural terracottas from Orvieto will be treated in the corpus compiled by Nancy Winter and in the study of Campo della Fiera terracottas by Simonetta Stopponi;

Notes to Part IA, Chapter 8, and Part IB

30. 31. 32.

33. 34.

see also excavation publications by S. Stopponi and C. Bizzarri (2002–on). Andrén 1940:53. See Serra Ridgway 1990 and references to 289. For a reconstruction and photo of the happy monster and lovely goddess, see Andrén 1940:53–54 fig. 21, pl. 19 fig. 60 (Copenhagen) also Luce and Holland 1917:299 fig. 2. Mengarelli 1936: pl. 26 no. 4. For an impression of the original appearance of a full set of terracottas on a temple, see the drawings of the slightly smaller, later structures at Cosa, see Scott 1992.

PART IA, CHAPTER 8 1.

See Torelli 1981:251–78; Camporeale 2000A:90–94 and references therein. 2. See Cherici 1995:125; Massa-Pairault 2000; Heurgon 1964:59ff. 3. Haynes 2000:287–95. 4. For background on Tarquinia in all periods, see Camporeale 2000A:242–51. On tombs and types of Hellenistic period finds in the region of Tarquinia, see Jolivet 1999 and the works reviewed there. 5. Cf. F. R. Serra Ridgway in de Grummond 1996B: 1072–73. 6. For background, see Camporeale 2000A:251–59. 7. See Maggiani 2001. 8. On the thorny issue of defining portraiture, see Gentili 1994:171–83. 9. For recent treatment of a group of tombs of the Late period at Tarquinia, with sarcophagi, inscriptions, sculpture and artifacts, see Linington et al. 1997 and Serra Ridgway 1996. 10. For a complete account of the Alethna family tombs, unraveling past archival information and family relationships, see Emiliozzi 1993:114–15 no. 237, figs. 4–5, to compare the format and style of the sarcophagus lid, 293. 11. For background on the “Latinization” of Etruria, see Benelli 1994; Kaimio 1972. On the end of Etruscan history, see Bonfante 1999.

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12. See A.M. Sgubini Moretti in Cristofani, ed. 1985:306–8; Rasmussen 1991. 13. Contra the depiction of ancestors’ portraits until a late date, see Steingräber 2002. 14. Richard De Puma notes that there may have been a fourth mirror found in the tomb; its presence would indicate that there were four women and just two men buried in this tomb. The mourners had left on top of the sealed graves sets of Black-Gloss and other bowls and vases, including banquet wares and unguentaria. 15. A study is in progress by Ann Blair Brownlee and Jean MacIntosh Turfa on this tomb and its documentation. 16. Arias et al. 1971. 17. See Bini et al. 1995: I,94. 18. For a selection of fine Black-Gloss banquet service from a tomb at Volterra, see van der Meer 1977:36–39; also Pasquinucci 1972. For tomb groups with a similar selection of vases, see A. Parrini in Maggiani 1985:192–99 no. 260 (Spina, Valle Trebba tomb 858, dated ca. 300 BC). 19. Morel 1971. 20. For a sampling of Black-Gloss comparable to the Museum’s, see Melucco Vaccaro 1970; Morel 1985. For a late factory and references to a factory producing the next development in Etruscan ceramics, red gloss “Arettine ware,” see Pucci and Mascione 1993. 21. On the styles and techniques of later Etruscan vase painting, see Harari 2000B. 22. Cf. Camporeale 2000A:13–33, 207–11; Bule 1996; de Grummond 1996A and 1986. PART IB 1.

For other tomb groups from Narce and Vulci in the Museum’s collection, see Dohan 1942, and De Puma 1986:110–12, also Davison 1972:3–6. A study in progress by Ann Blair Brownlee (and see Brownlee 2003) will identify some groups of material, especially those including Attic vases, excavated from tombs at Orvieto, Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis (see 176), although none can be established as complete tomb groups as in the case of the Narce finds.

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Color Plates

C1

Plate 2. Fibula with disc foot and amber bead, MS 1519. See 7.

Plate 1. Hut urn, MS 1601, said to have been found in Latium, “between Albano and Genzano.” See 5.

Plate 3. Bronze crested helmet, MS 850, from Narce Tomb 43. See 43.

Plate 4. Hypothetical reconstruction of an Iron Age Faliscan or Etruscan family, featuring some of the artifacts from the Narce tomb groups in the University of Pennsylvania Museum. By Niki Holmes Kantzios.

C2

Plate 5. Bronze cuirass, MS 851, from Narce Tomb 43. See 45. Plate 6. Small conical stand and bowl, MS 1221 and MS 1222, from Narce Tomb 7F. See 27–28.

Plate 7. Terracotta urn with dipinto inscription, 57-3-1, from the region of Chiusi. “Thania Anainei [wife of] Apias.” See 102.

Plate 8. Etrusco-Corinthian olpe, MS 714, from Vulci Tomb B. See 106.

C3

Plate 9. Bronze helmet, “Negau type,” MS 1609. See 233.

Plate 10. Bronze Celtic-inspired helmet, MS 1606. See 109.

Plate 11. Hypothetical reconstruction of an archaic Etruscan house, with foundation plan, by Niki Holmes Kantzios. (Based on finds from Marzabotto, Roselle, and Rome [Palatine hill].)

C4

13

12

14

15

17

16

18

19

Plate 12. Carnelian engraved seal from the Sommerville Collection, 29-128-542. See 116. Plate 13. Carnelian engraved seal, 29-128-539, depicting youth with horse. See 117 and 194. Plate 14. Banded agate engraved seal, 29-128-543, depicting griffin. See 118. Plate 15. Gold hair spirals, MS 3346A, B. See 161. Plate 16. Pair of gold tubular earrings, MS 3344A, B. See 166. Plate 17. Gold “horseshoe”-type earring, MS 310. See 167. Plate 18. Gold constructed and granulation-decorated miniature bird, MS 3350, a fragment of a 7th century brooch said to have come from Cerveteri. See 225. Plate 19. Gold bead with filigree and granulation decoration, MS 3351. See 227.

C5

Plate 20. Bucchero model focolare (brazier) set, MS 1355–1363. See 124–135.

Plate 21. Red-Figure stamnos, MS 2520, with image of Menerva, patroness of crafts. See 137.

Plate 23. Gold a bauletto earrings: MS 3345A, B (bottom), C (top). See 164, 226.

Plate 22. Gold necklace, MS 4021. See 163.

Plate 24. Close-up of granulation on a bauletto earring, MS 3345B. See 164.

C6

Plate 26. Etruscan/Faliscan Red-Figure kylix (cup) from Cogion-Coste di Manone, MS 3444. See 255. Plate 25. Antefix, MS 1801, from a Caeretan temple. See 168 and 288–289.

Plate 27. Early version of female terracotta votive head, MS 1830, of the type invented at Veii using molds designed for antefixes. Fifth century BC. See 269.

Plate 28. Artist’s reconstruction of an Etruscan temple roof, based on terracottas from Caere in the Museum and related finds (see 288 –292). Reconstruction by Niki Holmes Kantzios.

C7

Plate 29. Fragmentary terracotta sculpture of a griffin, MS 1832, probably an acroterion from an Archaic Etruscan temple. See 278.

Plate 30. Fragmentary relief of a running or dancing woman, MS 2237, probably part of a tableau-antefix or other relief from a temple at Orvieto. See 287.

Plate 31. Terracotta antefix, MS 1802, depicting a black maenad, from a temple in the region of Caere. Note the horseshoe/grapecluster earrings, and see Pls. 17, 25. See 289.

Plate 32. Terracotta antefix, MS 1804, depicting a satyr, from a temple in the region of Caere. See 291.

C8

Plate 34. Nenfro bust of a woman or goddess, MS 1428, from the “Toscanella tomb.” See 302. Plate 33. Alabaster urn of Arnth Remzna, son of Arnth, MS 2458, said to be from Colle, in the territory of Chiusi. See 295.

Plate 35. Glass bowl, MS 1506, from the “Toscanella tomb.” See 303.

Plate 36. Amphora in “ceramica argentata” fabric, MS 2511, from Orvieto, with plastic sea monsters (ketoi) for handles (see detail in Fig. 41). See 317.

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Catalogue of Objects

1.

VILLANOVAN BICONICAL URN MS 1598A, B Fig. 5 Bisenzio A (urn): Restored nearly complete from very many fragments; about 3/4 of rim and a few body sherds restored in plaster. Very friable. (Note that older restoration, which had to be retained in some places due to fragility of urn, was incised to match original decoration, while new omits them.) Preserves complete profile. Very coarse impasto, dull, light red core with abundant fine white inclusions; mottled brownish black on surfaces. Traces of white pigment filling incisions. H. 32.7; Diam. base 10.4; est. Diam. rim 17.6 cm; Handle W. 7.7 cm. H. with lid in place 38.5 cm B (bowl): Mended nearly complete from many fragments; missing one knob from rim. Impasto, heavy but not coarse in texture; some fine mica particles; surfaces grayish black, biscuit reddish tan where it is exposed by breaks. H. 13.2 complete (with handle); H. to rim 8.8; Diam. rim 20.6; Diam. base 8.5 cm White et al. 2002:10 no. 9 9th century BC

A: Handmade, biconical urn with flat base, sagging lower body, bulging upper body and broad, flaring rim. Single thick, upturned horizontal handle (round in section) set on shoulder. Incised decoration on upper body drawn by righthanded artist. Decoration of conventional type: on lower body, single row of adapted seated-figures pattern (large, linked V-shapes drawn with triple, parallel grooves) set below five horizontal pairs of impressed concentric circles. On upper body, band of enclosed, double step-meanders framed between two bands of double-grooved borders enclosing diagonal impressions (slanting to left), made with small tube of spiral wire. (Compare actual, more tightly coiled wire tube, 24.)

1: MS 1598A, B B: Deep, heavy bowl on flat base, with slightly in-turned rim; thick, upturned handle, round in section, rising above rim. On either side of handle, an ear-shaped vertical lug set about palm’s-breadth beyond handle. Incised decoration: around outside of rim, single row of adapted seated figures drawn with triple lines. Interior has finger-indented circle corresponding to outline of base. Incised pattern originally filled with white pigment—traces are preserved near handle. The incised pattern on the bowl corresponds to Hencken’s “complex patterns of two seated figures” (Hencken 1968B: I, 30 fig. 16 no. SS77), common in Villanovan I and II of Tarquinia. For a fine example of the seated figures motif, see 26. Compare the decoration of a heavy urn found at Vulci, Falconi Amorelli 1983:38–39 no. 4. See Hencken 1968B: I, 298–99, for Selciatello Sopra grave 77, fig. 289; the profiles of urn and bowl are more attenuated and presumably slightly later than the Museum’s. Similar decorative patterns have been identified in the urns of Cerveteri (Pohl 1972:303–4 figs.

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282–84). A more elaborate example from the 9th century Cavalupo necropolis of Vulci shows the bulging profile and similar surface decoration (with the addition of plastic “breasts”), Pallottino et al. 1980:32–33 no. 6. The extremely friable nature of these urns results from the method of their manufacture, since they were hand-modeled and fired in a hearth-like pit at lower temperatures than the wheelmade and kiln-fired vases that replaced them in the course of the later 8th and 7th centuries BC. A close parallel to the shape of both urn and bowl (differently decorated) are the urn and lid supplied by a dealer in Bisenzio to Frothingham for the Field Museum. De Puma (1986:16–18 nos. BZ 1 and 2) noted that the Chicago vases probably came from the San BernardinoPolledrara or Porto Madonna cemeteries of Bisenzio, and this seems likely for the Museum’s pieces also. Citing Delpino, he indicates a date before ca. 800 BC for the urn, representing the earliest Villanovan phase of the Bisenzio cemeteries. The sagging contours of the urn are characteristic of Bisenzio, and similar shapes occur in the Caeretan necropoleis.

2.

RAZOR MS 1186 Narce Tomb 42M Intact, although all edges of the blade are extremely chipped. Corroded, with a fine, dark bluish green patina overall. Bronze L. 11.8; Max. Pres. W. 4.0; Diam. of circular handle 2.3; Th. 0.1 to 0.2 cm Luce 1921B:123 no. 58C; Dohan 1942:31, pl. 16 no. 14; Bianco Peroni 1979:98, pl. 49 no. 594 Late 8th century BC

Thin razor with large, circular handle, flattened shaft, and tapered blade beaten into slight crescent shape, with wide, rectangular shoulders. Inner curved edge much fresher than outer edge and has, near its midpoint, drilled hole 0.3 cm in diameter. No decoration, but very carefully finished and polished. Cast in univalve mold. Shape and handle type are not the more common versions seen in Etruria; cf. Bianco Peroni 1979:96–100, pls. 48–49 nos. 577, 584, 585, and 601 (Tarquinia), no. 579 (Populonia), and no. 595 (Veii). The drilled hole in the razor blade, certainly ancient, is paralleled in other examples, for instance, a slightly later razor (Grotta Gramiccia type) from Camin: Zampieri and Lavarone 2000:147, pl. 1 fig. 4 no. 256. Another example at Veii Quattro Fontanili Tomb Z 15A (NS 1965:181 fig. 85) has two holes near

the edge. Holes in the blade seem to have been an integral feature of some early razor types, cf. Bianco Peroni 1979: pls. 18–22. The razor from the warrior’s tomb at Veii, Grotta Gramiccia Tomb 575 (Berardinetti and Drago 1997: 48–49 fig. 14) also has a drilled hole in the blade. Numerous finds in tombs show this version of the lunate razor beginning early in the Iron Age in Etruria 2: MS 1186 (second half of the 9th century), whence it was dispersed (during the first half of the 8th century) through other parts of Italy including the Faliscan territory. The closest parallels seem to be from Veii and Tarquinia, where one repaired example was found in Selciatello Sopra tomb 202, dated to Tarquinia IB (second half of 9th century). Bianco Peroni dated the Museum’s example of her “lunate Vulci” type as contemporaneous with Tarquinia II, second half of the 8th century BC. This razor of early type is much closer in shape to a small knife; later razors will develop into a crescent or circular format. The other grave goods found with the razor seem slightly later in style, but it is quite possible that this grave group was mixed during shipment to the Museum.

3.

SPINDLE MS 1524 Bisenzio, said to have been found in a trench tomb. [In black ink on shaft, “1754”] Intact; fine, creamy to blackish green patina overall. Bronze, cast and beaten L. 22.5; Diam. shaft 0.6 to 1.1; Diam. whorl end 4.7; Diam. end knobs 1.6 to 1.7 cm Late 8th–early 7th century BC

Very fine spindle constructed expertly from sheet bronze. Shaft, round in section and hollow, tapers at both ends. At one end, thin, conical terminal set off by series of nine rounded and sharp-edged rings pushed down over end of shaft; at opposite end, another conical knob set off by five varied rings, above large whorl-like segment that was constructed as hollow, flaring cone of sheet bronze. Seams, longitudinal on shaft, and edges encircling underside of whorl are even today barely visible, since they

Catalogue of Objects

3: MS 1524

were so carefully joined and polished. The conical whorl weights spindle so that it is comfortable to spin with whorl pointing down. Spindle must have been constructed around core of organic material, but there is no indication of its composition. X-ray studies (see below) of other spindles show bronze rod as central spine around which spindle was constructed. Another spindle of this type, quite fragmentary, was found in Narce Tomb 71M, along with three rocchetti, two spindle whorls, and assorted bronze personal ornaments and many vases (see Dohan 1942:17, pl. 6 no. 22). The urn in Tomb 71M still held the cremated bones of the spinner, a small woman with broad cheekbones, who died at around 30 years of age, near the end of the 8th century BC. (See M. Becker, forthcoming.) Compare the spindle placed near the right hand of the lady buried along with a child in Narce, Monte lo Greco Tomb 18 (Pasqui 1894:441 no. 16, 139 fig. 56). A spindle surely from the same workshop was placed in a Villanovan IIB (later 8th century BC) tomb in Tarquinia’s Monterozzi necropolis (Hencken 1968B: I, 188 fig. 173g; cf. p. 264 for another); this rich burial held many male artifacts (axes, belt, pilgrim flasks, knife), but may have incorporated a token from his wife or from a burial disturbed by those digging his tomb. Another spindle was interred in Caeretan Sorbo tomb 8 (Pohl 1972:105–7 fig. 88 no. 2). See also Veii, Quattro Fontanile necropolis tomb KK LL 18–19 (NS 1963:238–39 fig. 106.i); the spindle in tomb HH 11–12 (NS 1965:132–33 fig. 54,aa) had been carefully mended. Close-Brooks (1965:53–64, see 57 fig. 5 no. 49) used the spindle as a type fossil of her Veii IIB period. Many more examples could be cited, for instance, Verucchio Tomb 31 no. 15 (Gentili 1985:104, pl. 55). Much has been written on the identification of Iron Age women as spinners and weavers, and a large body of data is being built up from funerary finds in Etruria, Latium, and Campania. See, for instance, Bietti Sestieri and De Santis 1992:496; Baldoni 1993:39. That the original workshop that produced these spindles was in the territory of Bologna is clear from the numbers of them found in women’s burials there (Bartoloni et al. 2000:279 no. 350), and further indicated by the close asso-

83

ciation of the technique and details of the spindles with other industries at Bologna. Dozens of ornamental pins from the necropoleis of Bologna have identical conical, ringed ends, and must have been made by the same artisans. (See Carancini 1975: pls. 63–66, especially pl. 63). A technical study of related pieces from Bologna is that of Follo 1969. Do these spindles, found in a few dozen Etruscan and Italic burials at settlements throughout the peninsula, represent customs of marriage, diplomacy, or commerce? The design and manufacturing technique are so distinctive, and the chronological range so well defined, that they must have come from a single source, probably a workshop in the Po region. How such objects, clearly not part of war or pilgrimage and not normally associated with statecraft in historical societies, came to be distributed among women of many different centers remains unknown. Perhaps they represent dowry or wedding/betrothal gifts to women for whom marriages were made beyond the boundaries of their home territory; or possibly they were gifts carried to the ladies of the ruling groups of cities visited by diplomatic missions from the north. The comfortable feel of these spindles in the hand and the intriguing yet simple ornament make it obvious why they were valued belongings.

4.

BICONICAL URN WITH LID IN FORM OF A CAP-HELMET MS 1600A, B Cerveteri A (urn): Restored complete from three fragments (rim). Impasto, coarse and micaceous but not as coarse as that of lid; mottled dull light black. H. 34.4; Diam. rim 16.8; Diam. base 9.3; W. handle 7.7 cm B (lid): Mended from many fragments, with small portion restored in plaster; missing crowning knob. Surfaces show light encrustation, especially below. Coarse impasto, very friable, with many sparkling inclusions, dull reddish core, dark brown surfaces, burnished; decoration in white paint. Pres. H. 10.1; Diam. rim 23.8; Pres. Diam. of knob at break approx. 6.0 cm Dohan 1933:151–54, pl. 3 8th century BC

A: Biconical urn with high shoulder, tapering neck, flared, horizontal rim, and small, thick, upturned horizontal handle (round in section) on upper shoulder. Incised and impressed

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4: MS 1600A, B decoration forming five metopes on widest part of body (below handle): within combed square with deep border, central combed square framing an incised pattern of cross with two diagonals forming set of triangles; over incisions, large diagonal cross formed with circular impressions, apparently made with small metal boss. Decoration rapidly executed; traces of white pigment remain in incised horizontal band on top of shoulder. Line of hatching on neck made by diagonally impressing short length of spirally coiled wire; on neck above it, up to base of rim, combed meander pattern. B: Large, conical lid for cinerary urn modeled in shape of cap-helmet, with plain edge; hollow, cylindrical extension on top originally terminated in large knob, probably in shape of hut. Ridges encircling top and bottom are linked by four vertical ridges to form metopal background for geometric ornament, painted in white over dark, burnished surface. In center of each field, swastika or cross of interlocking parallel lines above sets of upright triangles framed by horizontal lines. This “helmet” is much larger than a real helmet would have been, no doubt to fit over the wide rim of the urn. Such imitation or symbolic helmets in pottery or bronze are associated exclusively with male burials, and are frequent at Tarquinia. Compare Selciatello Sopra, grave 10, Hencken 1968B: I, 289 fig. 273a. Many close parallels found in the Sorbo necropolis of Cerveteri probably came from the same workshop as the Museum’s helmet; on the evidence of very fragmentary examples, they came into funerary use by the middle or third quarter of the 8th century BC (Pohl 1972:3–4 tomb 2, fig. 1). This shape is unique to the area of Caere, with the hut-like knob at the apex

only occasionally used in nearby Tarquinia and Vulci. (Pohl found that the reticulated surface decoration links the helmet to the domestic vases of the nearby mining territories of La TolfaAllumiere.) For nearly complete helmets, very close to the Museum’s, see Pohl 1972:70–72 fig. 57 (Tomb 264), 111–12 fig. 92 no. 2 (Tomb 30), 119–120 fig. 99 no. 2 (Tomb 64), 191–93 fig. 170 no. 2 (Tomb 397) with hut apex (also 27 fig. 23); also 214 fig. 189, 247 fig. 241, and 256 fig. 255. The simpler ceramic cap-helmet occasionally used at Veii (e.g., Tomb W 15, NS 1965:164–66 figs. 74 and 75.a–b) is characteristic of the earlier period, Veii I. A similar example in Amsterdam (Brijder et al. 1989:49 fig. 32), unprovenanced but preserving fine painted decoration, has been dated stylistically to the 8th century BC. Close parallels to the urn have also been excavated in the early necropoleis of Cerveteri (Pohl 1972:167–68 fig. 145, and 305 fig. 288 motif no. 51). On the typology of the combed and punched metope pattern, see Pohl 1972:18 type 7d, nos. 1–3, pl. 35 no. 3, and cf. pl. 5 no. 2 (from Vulci). The decoration of the urn, in contrast to the helmet-lid, is associated with the burials of both men and women, beginning with Caeretan Villanovan I.

5.

HUT URN MS 1601A, B Pl. 1 Said to have been found “between Albano and Genzano” (territory of Latium) Door mended complete from four fragments; hut mended from two large fragments, cracked across “floor”; pointed tips on ends of “rafters” are broken.

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Catalogue of Objects

The “rafters” represent the extra poles that would have been placed on top of the thatched roof of a real hut to hold the thatch in place over the rafters, and the finials of these shafts represent the ornamental ends of roof poles. See Rystedt 1983:160–64; also Danner 1993. Bartoloni et al. (1987:124, 197–205, pl. 44) illustrate parallels from the area of Castel Gandolfo, noting they are difficult to date and may range through Latian I to IIA or later (9th century BC). Cf. Bartoloni 1986:247 fig. 6. Compare the hut urns from the cemetery in the Roman Forum, Colonna et al. 1976:114–15 no. 25.2, pl. 15 A no. 2 (tomb GG); also the urn from tomb 129 at Osteria dell’Osa (Bietti Sestieri 1979:29–31 no. 2, pls. 4 and 28.2; Bietti Sestieri 1992:90 fig. 4.6). For other Latian hut urns, see Buranelli 1992:40–43 nos. 1–5. Similar, simply contoured hut urns were used in some graves of Tarquinian Villanovan I (ca. 900–750 BC), though they are not from the same workshop as the Museum’s: cf. Hencken 1968B: I, 240–41 figs. 218–19. 5: MS 1601A, B

6. Impasto, dark coarse gray to dull black, with abundant small sparkling inclusions. A (urn): H. 27.5; Diam. of roof 32.9; L. of roof 31.7; Diam. of base 29.5 cm B (door): H. 11.7; W. 11.2 cm Museum Journal 1920:28 case XXIX no. 161; Luce 1921B:146 no. 161; Bryan 1925:179 no. 14, fig. 4; Dohan 1933:151–54, pl. 3; Gierow 1964:393–95, fig. 233.I; Bartoloni et al. 1987:105 no. 172, fig. 81, pl. 44c; White et al. 2002:10 no. 10 9th century BC Large, heavy urn modeled in one piece, in form of simple hut, with cylindrical body, conical roof with pronounced overhang, and plastic decoration of ridgepole and three pairs of crossed “rafters.” Peaked roof forms “blind” triangle on each end, above ridged pattern of divided rectangle that is open just inside each lower corner to indicate vent-area of real hut. Nearly square doorway has molded surround. Broken ends of roofpoles are round in section and were originally crossed and projected outward, like horns or bird heads preserved on other hut models. Door flat, nearly square slab of clay with rounded corners and vertical loop of clay in its center; shallow horizontal groove incised through it to accommodate fastener such as stick or cord which secured it through two holes pierced in sides of door molding. Faces of door surround are flattened and extend down to base of urn, resembling simple door posts. Floor and walls of hut are smooth and undecorated. Visible groove made by stick used to pierce string holes in doorway (Diam. of string holes 0.6 cm).

FIBULA AND RINGS 50-1-62 No provenance. Gift of Mrs. R. Hare Davis, 1950, from the Collection of R. Hare Davis Intact; corroded with fine, blackish green patina, with small patches of rough corrosion overlying it. Bronze, cast and hammered Fibula: L. 4.3; H. 2.5; Th. of bow 0.4; Diam. of rings 1.4, 2.1 (two) 2.2 cm 9th century BC

Fibula with slightly swollen bow, catch plate formed of small disc folded in half, and large spring of only one coil. Incised decoration on bow: thin pattern of sets of transverse and diagonal lines; transverse parallel lines over center. Pendant from pin are four plain rings of different dimensions: largest wire, beaten flat and joined; others are cast, round in section.

6: 50-1-62

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This is the type of the fibulae ad arco semplice, arco ingrossato; compare Sundwall 1943:92 fig. 97 (B II a b 26), 97 fig. 106 (B II a c 2); von Eles Masi 1986: pls. 14–15 for general type. See Toms 2001:109–11 and figs 13–14, Group 2, 10th to early 8th century types. The form was popular in the Latin zone ca. 900–770 BC, on the evidence of tomb groups at Osteria dell’Osa (Bietti Sestieri 1979:50–51 no. 46, pl. 27 nos. 9–10; Bietti Sestieri 1992:92 fig. 4.8) links them with female burials and costume. The disparate set of rings does not appear (to modern eyes) to have been designed as part of the fibula, but may have been intended as a display of wealth, rated in the weight of bronze one owned; alternately, some rings may have been sewn to the cloth of a garment, to save wear and tear on the fabric when fastening it.

7.

FIBULA WITH DISC FOOT AND AMBER BEAD MS 1519 Pl. 2 Bisenzio Fibula nearly intact, edges of catchplate chipped. Corroded dark green overall. Amber bead eroded, mended from two fragments. Bronze and amber Pres. L. 12.9; H. through bow 3.6; Max. Pres. W. of catchplate 5.9 cm. Bead: L. approx. 3.3; Diam. 1.7 cm White et al. 2002:11 no. 11 9th–8th century BC

Fine fibula with very slightly swollen bow (arco ingrossato), long pin, and catch plate beaten into spiral disc. Bow, although (now) smooth on top, has traces of very fine cold-worked decoration of alternating transverse

bands of lines and hatching. Disc foot, smooth on its underside, engraved above with fine patterns: for outer border, band of hatching between fine concentric lines, band of outward pointing triangles inscribed with horizontal lines; on either side, rectangular panels of hatching and lines. Center of catch has two quartered and hatched squares near bow, and farther out, pair of Maltese crosses with inscribed lines and hatched edges. More noticeable detail, however, is ancient mending of this piece: both spring and catch had broken, and spring of two coils re-attached with two rivets, broken end having been beaten flat to form an attachment plate. Original angled and curved attachment of disc remains, beside (now off-center) attachment, curving, flattened plate of bronze attached through disc and bow with two rivets through each. Ovoid bead carved of amber, its surface incised in patterns of intersecting panels of diagonal grooves, threaded onto long pin in antiquity before bronze became brittle. Compare the coldwork on discs in Sundwall 1943:115–23 figs. 145–161 (passim). For parallels to both shape and ornament, see Toms 2001:102 fig. 12, 107–108 nos. 2–3 in the Ashmolean, second half of 10th to first half of 9th century BC. Bietti Sestieri (1986:11, 23 no. 43) shows an ovoid glass bead on a similar fibula (discussion 10–11 no. 39). This type (Sundwall 1943:117 fig. 149, B III f) was popular throughout Etruria, Latium, and Campania during the 9th century BC. Other examples are from Veii, Quattro Fontanili phase 1 (NS 1965:57, 61, 63 figs. 5 no. 5, and 7 no. 3). Cf. Jucker et al. 1991:57 no. 42, which also shows ancient repair, and has a bracelet attached (cf. 8). Compare the amber beads, now strung as a necklace, from Bisenzio, Cristofani and Martelli 1983:76, 251–52 no. 7, dated to the third quarter of the 8th century BC. Textile-like patterns, cast or cold-worked onto fibulae designed to pin cloth, are not uncommon and should serve as reminders of the art once executed in perishable materials and now lost. The Iron Age world, its huts hung with patterned textiles, its denizens wearing distinctive plaids and twills, must have appeared much richer than the impression we form from its metal and ceramic goods displayed in museum cases.

8.

7: MS 1519

FIBULA WITH DISC FOOT AND BRACELETS ATTACHED MS 1520, MS 1530A, B Bisenzio Intact; edge of disc foot of fibula very chipped. Fibula has creamy, dark blue green patina. Bracelets are now dull, brownish bronze color.

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Catalogue of Objects

Bronze MS 1520 (fibula): L. 10.4; H. approx. 2.7; W. of catchplate 5.1 cm MS 1530A, B (bracelets): Diam. 5.3 and 4.8, Pres. H. 0.9 and 1.4; W. of wire band 0.4; Pres. Th. of sheet less than 0.1 cm 9th–8th century BC Fibula, said to have been found with two bracelets attached to its pin, entirely hammered from sheet of bronze, with small, lozenge-shaped section of bow beaten out flat, spring of two coils, long pin, and disc foot beaten out from complex-curved band that forms catch. Seam in spirally worked disc foot evident; its upper face bears fine incised ornament: outward-facing wolf’s teeth around spiral center, which joined by hatched rectangle emanating from its center to broad border of alternating concentric bands of lines and hatching. In central zone, two hatched Maltese crosses flank diagonally hatched figure resembling bird boat, but executed with straight lines and right angles. Bracelets are thin, spirally coiled bands cut from a bronze sheet, with ends trimmed to symmetrical points. Edges show short diagonal cuts left when strips were cut with a blade from a sheet of bronze. Each bracelet forms a double coil and preserves very slight traces of herringbone incision down center of outer face. The fibula is of the type of the preceding, although it differs in having the bow made of wire hammered into a small, flat lozenge at its top, reminiscent of, but not really duplicated in, the fibulae of northern Italy (e.g., Golasecca culture). It may be that the bow was designed to be sheathed in some other mate-

rial. Compare the disc foot fibula and ornaments from the tomb of a little girl in the Villa Bruschi Falgeri necropolis at Tarquinia, see Moretti Sgubini 2001A:90 fig. 105. Cf. Toms 2001:107–8.

9.

FIBULA OF DRAGO TYPE MS 1155 Fig. 7, left Narce Mended nearly complete from four fragments; chipped. Corroded brownish to creamy light green, with traces of metallic golden color. Bronze Pres. L. 10.6; H. 3.9; W. through bow 1.7; Diam. of attached ring 1.4 cm White et al. 2002:11 no. 12 (left) End of 8th–early 7th century BC

Fibula of drago type, with angular, serpentine bow ornamented with two pairs of transverse round knobs alternating with pointed extensions; long thin catch plate, no spring; thin ring molding to serve as stop for pinned cloth. Still attached to bow, small ring of bronze wire, presumably part of some pendant ornament, perhaps in organic material.

9: MS 1155 The drago type is a development of ad arco serpeggiante fibula widely favored in Villanovan male fibulae. A complete example was in warrior’s goods of Verucchio Tomb 37, Gentili 1985:120, pl. 62 no 13. Two examples were found in famous Tomb of Warrior at Tarquinia, dated ca. 700 BC, contemporary with Narce warrior (see next section): Kilian 1977:30 nos. 26–27, 42 fig. 6.1–2 (one originally retained a silver ring).

10.

8: MS 1520 (top), MS 1530A, B (bottom)

FIBULA OF LEECH TYPE MS 1516 Bisenzio Single piece, preserves all but tips of pin and catch plate. Corroded creamy light green to black metallic;

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hole in underside of bow marks loss of patch and erosion of hole used in casting process. Bronze Pres. L. 9.5; H. 6.5; W. through bow 3.7 cm Mid-8th century BC Large, fine leech-type fibula with hollow swollen bow (clay core removed during manufacture), spring of two coils, slightly elongated and folded catch. Fine decoration on upper surface of bow: pattern of three transverse rows of concentric circles impressed in wax before casting, alternating with cold-worked transverse bands of incised lines, hatched lines, and herringbone bands.

10: MS 1516 Close parallels are known from Vulci Tomb 66 (Dohan 1942:86, pl. 46 no. 20). A slightly smaller example was found in Quattro Fontanili Tomb JJ 17–18, along with spinning equipment and the cremated bones of an adult and a child (NS 1963:219–20 fig. 93 q,r). See discussion by Toms 2001:111–13, 106 fig. 15, Group 3, examples in the Ashmolean, dated to the early and mid-8th century BC. Compare a Tarquinian example (Hencken 1968B: I, 189 fig. 174c, Monterozzi, Villanovan IIB, late 8th century).

11.

Bronze and amber Leech fibula: L. 3.7; H. 2.2 cm. Composite fibula: H. 3.2; L. 7.5; Pres. W. of amber 0.6 cm. Amber ring: Diam. 3.3; Th. 0.8 cm. Links of chain: Diam. approx. 1.0 and 0.4 cm First half of 7th century BC As preserved, and thus as deposited in antiquity before materials deteriorated, this ornament consists of length of chain of single round links of bronze wire, with fibula fastened through each end, and two more lengths of chain, of different sizes, dangling asymmetrically from chain. (The smallest chain is attached by two larger links to main chain.) On one end is small leech fibula, on other what remains of composite fibula formed of bronze wire, originally with graduated beads strung on it to create leech-type bow. One elliptical segment of amber remains; it has three large drilled holes, through one of which wire bow is threaded. Amber shows many additional tiny drill holes parallel to bow and encircling center. They may have functioned as means of enhancing color of bead by play of light. Small ring around pin perhaps functioned as stop for pinned cloth. Wire bow mended where it broke at weak point, joint between bow and catch. Large amber ring with central spine is also strung on fibula. Each link of the chains formed of length of bronze wire, round in section, cut diagonally, and the ends beaten together. Small leech fibula appears to have been cast solid, with slightly elongated catchplate, spring of three coils, and the upper face of the bow marked by deep grooves cut and impressed into the wax before casting: at either end, transverse lines as if wrapped, and in the center,

COMPOSITE FIBULA, LEECH FIBULA AND CHAINS MS 1521 Bisenzio What remains, of some more elaborate ensemble, is nearly intact, bronze elements solid, finely patinated gray green to brown metallic in color, although it is not possible to determine how much more there was originally of chain. Large fibula is mended from two fragments and is missing all but one of beads from its bow. Amber ring is mended from three fragments, and both ambers are dull and chipped.

11: MS 1521

Catalogue of Objects

depressed spine framed on each side of the bow by double diagonal slashes surrounding an impressed circle with indented center. Small leech fibulae with linear decoration and impressed bull’s-eyes are common in the tombs and hoards of the late 8th century, as for instance, the tombs of Veii and the Ardea hoard cf. Peroni 1967: pls. I.9 46–(5) through 46(7) nos. 43–54. The “composite” fibula (ad arco rivestito) with symmetrical catch, clearly contemporary with all-bronze leech types, was common in the first half of the 7th century BC and continued for awhile in some parts of Italy (von Eles Masi 1986:83–84 nos. 708ff., pl. 48). A related fashion was the bow with glass bead formed in leech shape (see 80).

12.

89

wax before casting, of central longitudinal lines flanked by pairs of merging curving lines resembling pattern of veins in leaves, or leaves bundled together. Fibulae of this type seem to have been favored in the region of Volterra, and were produced in varying sizes up to that of the Museum’s example: see Kilian 1977:93 fig. 19, especially no. 13. Much smaller versions of this type were placed in Veii, Monte Michele Tomb B (Cristofani 1969:25 fig. 6), dated to the first quarter of the 7th century BC. Compare Bietti Sestieri 1979:78–79, pl. 15 no. 115A. A very similar large fibula was found with the famous Montescudaio urn, see Nicosia 1969A:372–74 fig. 1, pl. 90. Nicosia suggested a more exact chronology for this type based upon tomb groups and not extending beyond the 3rd quarter of the 7th century BC.

FIBULA OF NAVICELLA TYPE MS 1718 No provenance Single piece, missing part of spring and entire pin; small hole through bow; corroded dark green and encrusted. Note traces of impression of pin in corrosion products adhering to inner surface of catch plate—showing that fibula was closed when buried, and perhaps not pinned through any heavy fabric at time. Bronze Max. Pres. L. 18.0; Max. Pres. H. 8.2; W. through bow 4.9 cm 7th century BC

13.

BRACELET MS 821 Narce Tomb 71M Intact; corroded greenish black, surfaces rough. Bronze Diam. 7.3; Depth 1.8; Th. of tube 0.9 to 0.6 cm Dohan 1942:17 no. 21, fig. 10, pl. 6

Heavy, open-coil bracelet with overlapping ends made from tapered sheet of bronze rolled into tube, elliptical in section and probably formed over core of organic material that remains sealed inside. Both ends are worked into small, finely molded knobs (Dohan: “bead and reel ornaments”). Very finely executed cold-worked pattern over entire outer face: wolf’s-teeth at ends, then, framed by cross-hatched blocks, alternating panels of wolf’s teeth and herringbone set off with punched bull’s-eyes. Fine patterns, similar to those of contemporary fibulae, seem to mimic intricate textile patterns.

12: MS 1718

Very large cast-bronze fibula of navicella type, has large swollen bow open below, its ends closed and conical; elongated catch plate tapering to a rounded knob of irregular shape. Top surface of bow decorated with a simple pattern, incised in

13: MS 821. Drawing after Dohan 1942: 17, fig. 10.

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Bracelets, both cast and constructed of sheet metal and all slightly different, are frequent gifts in the necropoleis of Vulci, Veii, and Narce, and elsewhere (e.g., Tomba del Duce, Vetulonia). From a Narce tomb: Roberts 1974:58–59 fig. 21a, no. 4134 (solid). (Cf. Falconi Amorelli 1983:192–95 nos. 336ff.)

14.

ANGULAR SITULA MS 1509 Bisenzio, said to have been found in a trench tomb Mended nearly complete (complete profile) with few chips missing; dented and cracked; corroded dark green mottled with black; one handle carrier chipped and restored in modern material. Bent but retains integrity of shape. Bronze, hammered and cast H. 21.6 (approximate due to bent condition); Diam. rim approx. 17.4; Diam. base 13.6; W. of handle 19.0; H. of handle approx. 9.6; H. handle carriers 2.8; W. handle carriers 4.7 cm Second half of 8th century BC

Tall situla with angular shoulder, nearly straight, wide rim, broad, flaring and collar-like foot. Base cut from single piece of sheet, then beaten over conical form; rounded bottom beaten

up from single sheet; remainder of body cut from separate piece of sheet bronze (thus four pieces for vase). Upper body fastened with vertical row of large flat-headed rivets; lower body also attached to upper section with horizontal row of same rivets; long vertical crack through body mended at same time with same broad rivets; on inner surface, rivets are held by curving rectangular plate of bronze. Another repair on shoulder has an elliptical piece of sheet bronze covering crack and held with two smaller, slightly different rivets. Two handle carriers are formed of round wire bent in loop, hammered flat and flaring at both ends; handle is length of round wire tapered at each end and bent into gooseneck to fit carriers and lie flat against neck. See Delpino 1977: pl. 13a (Olmo Bello necropolis, fossa tomb 8) for a very close parallel in shape, dated to the second half of the 8th century. The Olmo Bello example, made of two carefully riveted sheets of bronze, shows repoussé surface decoration (Pallottino et al. 1980:79 no. 86). Our simpler and mended version was probably a less valuable product of the same workshop. A situla made by a similar technique was found in a burial of Tarquinian Villanovan II along with a bronze kylix similar to 15. See Hencken 1968B: I, 262–63 fig. 246b. Although it is possible that this situla was used, broken, and mended during the owner’s life, its condition makes it equally likely that it was broken during manufacture, and the smith simply carried on to produce a vessel still worth its weight in metal. The design and construction technique show a great deal of care and expertise that seem at odds with the very large and obvious mends.

15.

VILLANOVAN FOOTED KYLIX MS 1510 Bisenzio, said to have been found in a trench tomb Intact, although corroded, with small holes in places; preserves some polished surfaces with fine, green to black patina. Base dented below handle. Corrosion on underside of foot appears much coarser, and mottled bright green to cobalt blue. Bronze, hammered and cast Diam. rim 20; H. with handle 19.9; Diam. base 11.9; W. handle 3.9 cm Late 8th century BC

14: MS 1509

Fine, large one-handled cup on tall, conical foot with thin, everted edge; angular, deep body with recessed tondo, sharply carinated shoulder and low, upright rim, slightly everted at top. Wide strap handle, cut from rectangular sheet, riveted to interior of rim, its rounded lower end riveted to underside of shoulder. Interior rivets are smaller, heads of both pairs of rivets

Catalogue of Objects

91

The method of assembly of the cup is interesting, though not unusual for Villanovan metalwork: it consists of two sheets of bronze for the body and one for the handle riveted together, with the truncated conical base thrust into the bottom of the bowl and held either by solder or simply cold-forged in place.

16.

RED-ON-WHITE PAINTED BICONICAL URN MS 2730 Narce Tomb 1 Mended nearly complete from many fragments (missing a few chips). Surfaces slightly discolored (grayish) in places. Well-levigated, creamy buff clay, with matt red paint mottled orange to black. Bumps on surface represent air pockets or impurities within clay when it was fired. H. 47.4; Diam. rim 16.7; Diam. of foot 12.0; W. of handle 9.0 cm Luce 1921B:130 no. 80D; Dohan 1933:155, pl. 6; Dohan 1942:54–55 no. 3, pl. 29 and frontispiece (incorrectly lists inventory number as MS 2930) Early to mid-7th century BC

15: MS 1510

round. On handle, decoration of rectangle with central spine rendered in lines of dots punched up from underside. Incised row of upright wolf’s-teeth along outer face of rim. Lower end of base (about 1 cm deep) uniformly discolored black, and might reflect original presence of wax or paint, now lost. Possible trace of damage during use is dent made in edge of base below handle; condition of corrosion there shows this ocurred in antiquity. A very similar bronze kylix was found in Villanovan IIB Tarquinia (Hencken 1968B: I, 162, 164 fig. 149q, Selciatello Sopra grave 93,woman’s burial). Another example, also from a lady’s tomb (Tarquinia, Monterozzi, ibid., 190 fig. 175a) shows the fine wolf ’s-tooth rim ornament favored in Villanovan metalwork. (See also a warrior’s burial, ibid., 196 fig. 177a.) Hencken (264) found that this cup shape only occurred during Villanovan IIB at Tarquinia. Fragments of a similar piece were found in Tomb GG 16–17 of the Quattro Fontanili necropolis at Veii (NS 1963:184 fig. 70.h, 186). Compare the slightly heavier bronze kylix from a tomb in Orientalizing Vulci, Falconi Amorelli 1983:161–63 no. 213. The short chronological span and predominance of finds suggest a single workshop of one or two generations, perhaps in Tarquinia or possibly in Bisenzio.

Biconical urn of attenuated shape, wheelmade, with flaring cylindrical foot, elongated body, thin horizontal handles set on shoulder, and wide, flaring rim. Painted decoration combines Geometric elements with Orientalizing motifs. Lower body and foot have sets of lines, bands, and band of vertical lines. Top of rim decorated with sets of six transverse lines; outer face of rim solid red; neck has frieze, between bands and lines of red, of four deer moving to right; three graze with heads down, fourth turns to look backward. Handle zone has band of chevrons, with sets of vertical lines framing and running over handles. Below handle zone deep floral frieze of pendent “Phoenician palmettes” set off by hatched pendent triangles. Within one of palmettes are painted two rhomboids, one of wavy lines, one hatched; in palmette beneath backward-gazing deer, small curving, hatched and dripped line interpreted by Dohan as tiny lizard. Below, overlying painted bands of lower body, are three sets of vertical lines. Dohan noted that if this urn, like its Villanovan predecessors, had been used for ashes of deceased, it was unusually left with both handles, Villanovan custom having been to use one-handled urn or to break off one of two handles. Fabric, paint, and technique of the hatched handle zone are comparable to that on 33, a cup possibly from the same workshop. The large scale (and value) of such painted urns, as well as the freehand painted technique ensured that no two were

16: MS 2730

Catalogue of Objects

quite alike. Compare the fine urn from Vulci, attributed to the “Workshop of the Vulci Biconical [Urn],” Martelli 1987:69, 245 no. 7.2 (with references); the Museum’s has much more flamboyant, Orientalizing ornaments and is a generation later in date.

17.

SPIRALLY GROOVED AMPHORA MS 2737 Narce Tomb 1 Intact. Fine-textured impasto with large amount of extremely fine sparkling particles, surfaces mottled dull light to dark chocolate brown. Parts of surface retain burnishing lines. Black slip ends just inside neck. Traces of red pigment filling incisions were noticed by Dohan, but have faded. H. 13.5; Diam. rim 7.4; Diam. base 5.3 cm Luce 1921B:130 no. 80A; Dohan 1942:56 no. 10, pl. 30 7th century BC

Squat wheelmade amphora with flat base, band handles, plain rim, and finely incised decoration executed after polishing, but before firing. Spiral, grooved pattern set inside an interrupted arc of parallel incised lines; at open top of arc, circle (“wreath”) framed inside and out with circle of dots. Multiple grooved bands form an inverted V beneath each handle. Filler of crescent line enclosed in dots (“garland”) at each side of handle bases. Incised line around inner surface of rim, and five incised lines along handles.

17: MS 2737

93

Compare the dark impasto amphora in Paris, Gran Aymerich 1982:28–29, pl. 3 no. 1–2, pl. 6 no. 1, which has the same surface treatment. Gran Aymerich links this type to southern Etruria, ca. 710–680 BC, and discusses fabric and decorative motives. Compare Veii, Casale del Fosso tomb 816 (Buranelli, Drago, and Paolini 1997:78 fig. 42) and the selection of spirally grooved amphorae from Pantano di Grano (de Santis 1997:figs. 12, 21, 26.) The spirally grooved amphora is a staple of later Villanovan–Early Etruscan ceramics, carried over into the bucchero fabric of the Archaic period. Early examples circulated to sites like Pithekoussai, while the later bucchero versions are found as far away as Carthage and beyond (cf. von Hase 1983:187–94; Beijer 1978:7–21).

18.

KOTYLE WITH INCISED BIRD MS 2751 Fig. 9 Narce Tomb 1 Intact; rim very slightly chipped; surfaces preserve some of original polishing. Impasto fabric, mottled dark brown to salmon; burnishing marks overall. Much red pigment preserved in the incised designs. H. 8.4; Diam. rim 9.2; Diam. base 3.8; W. handle 4.4 cm Luce 1921B:130 no. 80E; Dohan 1942:56 no. 17, pl. 30; White et al. 2002:13 no. 15 First half of 7th century BC

Fine wheelmade bowl, close in shape to Corinthian kotyle, has flat base, deep body, slightly inset rim, and two flattened, horizontal handles (unlike Greek prototypes). Incised decoration: row of dots between two lines just below rim, teardrop or leaf pattern drawn with triple line under each handle, and single “Villanovan bird” walking to right on each side of body. Bird has curved neck, looped head, elongated tail, sketchy two-toed feet; its body filled in with dots. A very similar, slightly smaller kotyle was found near the head of a little girl’s skeleton in the Caeretan Sorbo Tomb 118 (Pohl 1972:275–76 fig. 270 no. 1) which included a spirally grooved amphora similar to 17. Camporeale (1991:51–52, pl. 27 no. 47) discusses this type, which was common in the Falisco-Capenate territory during the first half of the 7th century, citing the Museum’s piece as one of the earliest versions. The kotyle in Geneva, like others, also retains red pigment in the incised ornament. A similar piece was found in Monte Abatone Tomb 352 at Cerveteri, dated mid-7th century BC (Bugli 1980:224–25 no. 52). On the heron motif popular in Italy from the early 7th century, following its development on Greek painted pottery, see

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Heavy leech fibula cast with hollow core, swollen bow, double-coiled spring, thin pin, and broad catch plate folded from narrow disc. Fine decoration over entire upper surface of bow consists of alternating narrow transverse bands of contrasting levels of relief, with surfaces alternately plain and with incised herringbone. Of note, fine finishing technique— small, rectangular bronze plug in undersurface of bow still covers hole whence clay casting core removed, and is so carefully smoothed and polished that it is still barely discernible.

19: MS 1137B

Camporeale 1991:18 under no. 16, with references. Birds were very important in Etruscan and Italic divination; waterbirds, whether ducks or herons, became popular subjects in Etruscan painting, both on vases and in tombs, but they are usually so highly stylized that their exact species—if there ever was one—cannot be identified.

In spite of their labor-intensive manufacture and decoration, fibulae of this type are quite common in Etruscan and related burials of the last Villanovan phase, for instance at Veii, where they occur in women’s burials of the Veii IIA period in the Quattro Fontanile necropolis (NS 1965:72 fig. 13j, tomb AA 12A; 109 fig. 37r, tomb FF 14–15). See general discussion in Adam 1984:143 nos. 195, 197. The weight of such fibulae implies their use on fairly coarse fabrics of heavy weight, like wool homespun cloaks; they would have torn finer weaves.

19.

20.

18: MS 2751

FIBULA OF SANGUISUGA (LEECH) TYPE MS 1137B Fig. 7, right Narce Tomb 18B Single piece, nearly intact; missing end of pin; catch plate slightly chipped. Cleaned to dark bronze metallic color, with a few small patches of bright creamy green adhering to surfaces. Bronze, cast and beaten Max. Pres. L. 7.6; Pres. H. 4.8; W. through bow 2.8 cm Dohan 1942:11 fig. 2, pl. 4 no. 10; White et al. 2002:11 no. 12 (right). Late 8th century BC

SPIRAL EARRINGS MS 1148A, B Narce Tomb 18B Mended nearly complete from many fragments. Missing small pieces, including one end of one earring; corroded, with rough, mottled black patches, but still preserving traces of metallic bronze. Bronze Diam. 4.7; W. of wavy ends approx. 0.7; Th. of wire 0.1 cm Dohan 1942:12, pl. 4 no. 29 Late 8th–early 7th century BC

Catalogue of Objects

lentoid, with irregular edges; hole off-center, raised edge around hole on one side, traces of hasty burnishing B: Diam. 2.4; H. 1.5 cm. Mottled yellowish tan through reddish black; biconical, with slight ridge at joint. Carefully burnished C: Diam. 2.6; H. 2.6 cm. Mottled dull, dark reddish brown to black; truncated biconical with seven fluted surfaces on each side D: Diam. 3.3; H. 2.3 cm. Dull black mottled with dark red; heavy, angular lentoid, with surfaces roughly smoothed, then burnished in circular strokes E: Diam. 2.5; H. 1.7 cm. Creamy chocolate brown with carefully polished surfaces; angular, truncated biconical; on each face bordering spine, an impressed decoration made with bit of spiral wire forms zigzag pattern like outline of flower Dohan 1942:87, pl. 46 nos. 40–44 End of 8th–early 7th century BC

20: MS 1148A, B

Pair of spirally wound earwires made of two lengths of beaten wire originally joined at one end, and with open ends folded over for length of 4.1 cm, and beaten and crimped into zigzag pattern. The earrings would have hung down nearly to lady’s shoulders, especially if they held pendants. The earrings almost certainly originally held amber discpendants, on analogy to other, more fragmentary examples from Narce in silver and bronze (see Dohan 1942:31 no. 17, pl. 16; 43 no. 30, pl. 22; 58 no. 49, pl. 32; possibly Vulci [tomb 22] 91 no. 31, pl. 48); also the little girl’s earrings, 95). Compare Falconi Amorelli 1983:188–89 nos. 316–17. Cristofani and Martelli illustrate gold examples (as hair spirals) from Iron Age Veii (1983:29–30 fig. 3.4). Most spectacular find of earrings are those from Verucchio, Predio Moroni Tomb 23, composed in the same design, in gold wire, with large amber discs: Gentili 1985:73, pl. 32 nos. 7–8. (The owner of the Verucchio earrings was buried with horse bits, axes, and a crested helmet, in addition to the rich jewelry placed in the urn.) See color illustrations in von Eles et al. 1994:186. Similar bronze wire earrings are known from Tarquinia (Selciatello Sopra grave 107) in the Villanovan IIB period, Hencken 1968B: I, 164–65 fig. 150b. Also Veii Quattro Fontanili Tomb HH 14 (NS 1965:141–43 fig. 60.o, said to belong to a woman 25 years of age, p. 235). The placement of similar earrings on the bodies of women interred in trench graves in southern Italy provides the clue as to how this fashion was worn, since, in this period, most Etruscan and Faliscan burials were cremations.

95

Set of five impasto spindle whorls all slightly different in size and appearance, presumably to match spun threads of different weights and perhaps colors. Their size and weight indicate that, when mounted on thin wooden spindles, they were used to produce woolen threads. There may be slight traces of wear on burnished surfaces around hole for spindle, but it is not possible to say whether it results from ancient use or simply erosion.

21, 22: MS 582A–E, MS 563B (clockwise, third from left)

21.

SPINDLE WHORLS MS 582A–E Vulci Tomb 66 All intact; surfaces slightly encrusted. Impasto clay, fine textured, with abundant, very fine black, white, and sparkling inclusions A: Diam. 3.1; H. 1.3 cm. Dark grayish brown;

22.

SPINDLE WHORL MS 563B Narce Tomb 66, said to have been found within urn containing cremated bones Intact; slightly encrusted and top of hole very

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slightly chipped. Dark brown, dull, fine-textured impasto H. 1.8; Diam. 2.8; Diam. of hole 0.4 cm Dohan 1942:87, pl. 46 no. 45 End of 8th–early 7th century BC Truncated conical whorl with seven-faceted surface set off with slight ribs. This whorl does not seem to have been cremated with its owner, but was, according to excavator, placed inside urn while others were not. It is easy to see that this, with the five examples above, formed set of spindles in one woman’s personal trove, since each one is different in size, shape, and weight and was probably used for different type of thread. The one with the best balance (MS 582 E) is noticeable for its finely decorated surface. Spindle whorls in a variety of simple shapes and fabric colors are nearly ubiquitous in the tombs of Late Villanovan and Orientalizing Italy. As analyzed in the region of Veii, spindle whorls almost never appeared in tombs until a sudden development late in the 9th century BC, when one burial included a record 96 whorls; in the same period, rocchetti and wooden distaffs were also offered. During the 8th century, virtually all burials of women and girls included textile equipment. See Bartoloni et al. 1997:96–100; NS 1965: passim for the Veii necropolis; and Bietti Sestieri 1992:108–9 on social implications of “weaver sets”—at Osteria dell’Osa, the fluted or faceted whorls occur with great frequency in tombs of the 7th century. See Pt. IA, chapter 4, for spinning and weaving in Etruria.

23.

BICONICAL SPIRAL PENDANTS MS 575 Vulci Tomb 66 Selection from what appears to have been a set of eight bronze spiral ornaments. Apparently intact, although loosened from original shape. Bronze. All corroded with traces of bright aqua green encrustation, but patches of dark metallic brown preserved in places. L. ranging from 11.3 to 13.6; Diam. of each piece from 0.8 to 2.1 cm Dohan 1942:86 no. 26, pl. 45 End of 8th–early 7th century BC

Sample from eight biconical tubes made of spiral coil of beaten wire (triangular in section), some lengths slightly heavier than others. See discussion under 24.

23, 24: MS 575 (top), MS 576 (bottom)

24.

TUBULAR SPIRAL PENDANTS MS 576 Vulci Tomb 66 Selection from what appears to have been a set of 20 ornaments. Varying lengths suggest some are broken. Bronze. Corroded, with patches of bright aqua green and metallic brown L. ranging from 5.8 to 6.5; Diam. 0.5 to 0.8 cm Dohan 1942:86 no. 27, pl. 45 End of 8th–early 7th century BC

Sample from 20 fragmentary bronze wire coils, cylindrical in format, with smaller, matching fragments. Thin, tubular coils of bronze wire made by beating out cast length of metal beaten from triangular section to somewhat flattened strip. They form hollow tubes with flattened interior surface, and presumably were strung on string or leather as pendent weights. At Tarquinia examples of the biconical pendants appear during Tarquinia IIA period, along with other personal ornaments similar to those in the Museum’s grave groups from Vulci and Narce (Hencken 1968B: I, 138–40, fig. 127f “spindleshaped beads”). Small fragments of tubular coils as well as sets of biconical coiled pendants were found in the necropoleis of Vulci, Falconi Amorelli 1983:190–91 nos. 325–27, and 204 fig.

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88 nos. 331, 332, 334 (some restored as a necklace). For illustrations of similar ornaments worn by Italic natives of the south, such as tubular wire spirals sewn into a headdress or capelet, see Bianco et al. 1996:152–53 no. 2.13.4, 116 color, from Alianello-Cazaiola tomb 316, Oenotrian culture, 7th century BC; 65 color plate, tomb 324; also 113 color plate, set of biconical spirals (tomb 309) restored as a belt. Oenotrian ladies were buried in a complex and heavy “parure” of metal ornaments covering their shoulders and skirts, its weight suggesting to the excavators that it was a ceremonial dress not normally worn by the living. Drawings of the graves and restorations of the ornaments as they were probably worn: De Juliis 1996:114–15 figs. 108–109. Other spirals, probably from same workshop, were found in Narce Tomb 71M (Dohan 1942:16–17 nos. 16–19, pl. 6). The two types of spirally twisted ornaments seem to have been parts of a larger hanging ensemble, perhaps a so-called chatelaine worn suspended from a belt or apron. Those known in Etruria are usually associated with the burials of cremated women, while similar ornaments have occasionally been found in situ on the skeletons of women buried in the contemporary cultures of southern Italy.

25.

nating metopes are empty or with boxed, cross-hatched hourglass (double-axe?) pattern. One broad red band around base of neck. The shape of the Museum’s krater is very close to that of painted vases from Tarquinia (Duranti 1998). It well may have come from one of the busy workshops of Tarquinia that made both impasto and Red-on-White Orientalizing vases, although this style also was made in the Faliscan territory. A parallel for the metopal hourglass pattern is Falconi Amorelli 1983:117–22 figs. 48 and 51 no. 116. Matteucig 1951:26 no. 35, pl. 5 no. 9, fairly close in shape, was found in Tomb B, dated to the second quarter of the 7th century BC. Pellegrini 1989: pls. 35–40, especially 60–61, pl. 39 nos. 191–92, illustrates an array of “globular ollae on feet” of similar form, although none identical to the Museum’s.

RED-ON-WHITE “KRATER” MS 566 Vulci Tomb 66 Complete except for one section of rim and a few small sherds on body, restored in plaster. Encrusted on parts of body and bottom interior. Traces of fingerprints smoothing body. Has been treated with modern consolidant to preserve surfaces. Very coarse, heavy reddish impasto with many large dark brown, and fine white, black, and sparkling inclusions. Paint dull, matt reddish orange over thick creamy slip. H. 23.3; Diam. rim 18.3; Diam. foot 11.7; Max. Diam. body 22.0 cm Dohan 1942:85 no. 7, pl. 45 End of 8th or early 7th century BC

Handmade krater or mixing bowl (Dohan: “Lydion,” Duranti: “olla”) on short, conical base with flaring foot, its upper edge slightly upturned; spherical body, short, wide neck, widely flaring, everted rim. Exterior surface covered in thick, creamy slip, with red painted decoration over it; everted rim and interior are reserved. Two broad bands on base and lower body are covered with pattern of trapezoidal metopes. On spherical body, between broad red bands, alter-

25: MS 566

The shape and to some extent decoration of these banquet vases derives from Late Geometric Euboean pottery that circulated through Campania and reached Etruria around the time of the foundation of the colony of Pithekoussai. They must have been conversation pieces and serving bowls for special occasions, informed by the Greek practice of the men’s symposion. A few have narrative decoration, as on a krater from Bisenzio (Martelli 1987:75 no. 18, ca. 700 BC). Delpino 1997, with earlier references, has linked the emergence of this type in Villanovan Etruria to the introduction of Greek wine and symposium customs, as this originally imitated the form of the Greek Geometric krater. The

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phenomenon marks a time of profound change in Etruscan society, as those who displayed such vessels thereby proclaimed their links with the elite world of foreign alliances and intricate social and political customs.

26.

ingly abstracted motif of pair of seated figures at a table or gameboard, either a married couple or two warriors, began earlier in Villanovan art; see Hencken 1968B: I, 29; Jannot 2002. Compare the urn, no. 1, for a different version of this image.

ONE-HANDLED JUG/MUG MS 571 Vulci Tomb 66 Complete except for top of handle (broken off); slightly encrusted. Black, well-levigated impasto, with abundant, very fine specks of mica; traces of burnishing remaining H. 14.3; Diam. rim 11.8; Diam. foot 6.2 cm Dohan 1942:85, pl. 45 no. 9 End of 8th century BC

Handmade small jug with wide, flaring mouth and neck, rounded body tapering to conical foot. High-flung handle with strut probably had horned or winged upper section, now lost. Carefully incised and impressed decoration: pattern of five wolf’s teeth on interior on each side of rim. On top of shoulder, between combed lines, row of seated figures in Villanovan style, all facing to viewer’s right and probably made by impressing small strip of spirally twisted wire. Just below widest part of shoulder, larger row of seated figures also to right, these drawn with combed lines. Compare the jug types found at Vulci, Falconi Amorelli 1983:74–78 nos. 40–42; although not identical to the Museum’s example, they illustrate the homemade character of this form. A slightly simpler version occurs at Tarquinia (Hencken 1968B: I, 297 fig. 288e). The stylized and increas-

26: MS 571

27–28, FALISCAN WHITE-ON-RED PAINTED CONICAL STAND AND BOWL SET 27.

CONICAL STAND MS 1221 Pl. 6 Narce Tomb 7F Mended complete from several fragments; chips restored in plaster. Dark orange red impasto clay, carefully burnished overall; creamy to white slip fugitive in places. Dohan noted that clay of plastic decoration contained more inclusions than that of wheelmade stand itself. H. 28.0; Diam. rim 20.5; Diam. base 17.9; H. of bowl section 6.3; H. of atlas figure approx. 10 cm Luce 1921B:154 no. 238; Dohan 1942:68–69 no. 3, figs. 41–42, pls. 35–36; Brendel 1995:40 figs. 20–21; Micozzi 1994:286 no. F36, pls.73, 74.c; White et al. 2002:12 no. 14 First half or mid-7th century BC

Very finely decorated, wheelmade conical stand for tabletop use. Hollow, with flaring base, nearly cylindrical shaft set off at top and bottom by round molding; angular spherical bulb, shallow, flaring bowl. Molding at top of shaft joined to bottom of bowl by two hand-modeled atlas figures standing with legs apart, convexly curved bodies, backs and elbows resting against central bulb, and arms stretched overhead. Their faces are simply modeled but appear very prognathous, recalling other humanoid figures in clay and bronze. Finely executed whitepainted decoration covers exterior of stand: bodies of atlantes are covered in horizontal stripes, their hair, eyes, noses, mouths marked in white. On stand, each plastic section and molding marked with white line. Upper surface of base has zigzag between lines; short vertical strokes over top molding of shaft, upper half of bulb has metopes with crosses inside, juncture of bulb and bowl has irregular zigzag band below band of radiating zigzags and hatched triangles. Exterior of bowl has line around upper edge, band of waterbirds (herons?) with long thin beaks and heavy, rounded tails walking to left, above band of stepmeander. Main figured scene on lower shaft: two charioteers(?) with two-horse teams, flanked by standing man on each side. All men stand with solid, frontal bodies, thin, rubbery limbs

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suggesting the procession of a ruler rather than a warrior’s departure for battle. Another possible identification of the scene is a performance of horsemanship (sans chariots) by professional acrobats, who are echoed in the plastic figures on the stand. On a visit to the Museum in 2002, E. Simon suggested that the figures may be acrobats, and has urged a date later in Orientalizing style than that suggested in some earlier scholarship. The floor-model companion stand from this tomb (MS 1219), decorated with cutout patterns, paint, and four atlas figures, must have been designed as part of the matching elaborate banquet set. (See below for parallels.)

27: MS 1221

28. and prognathous heads turned to viewers’ right, with legs apart, arms bent at elbows, and hands held up at head level, all five fingers outstretched. Dohan interpreted angular, broad knees and squared crotches of figures as sort of tunic. The “charioteers” appear to balance delicately on rumps of their two outward charging stallions, which are rendered with long necks and muzzles, slim bodies, stiff genitals, and extremely attenuated, curving legs. Manes are lines extending stiffly at right angles from head and neck; long thin tails curve across each other at ground level. Outlines of all figures are traced with line of dots; few extra dots are spread in fields between. Attenuated male figures holding the reins or bridles of horses were featured in the heroic scenes of Greek Geometric vases, and adapted in much Italian Iron Age art. There is no indication here of a chariot, but on analogy with other early representations, the horse team with carefully placed “driver” may be shorthand for the aristocratic warrior’s full chariot rig (just as the symbolic offering of paired bits in graves must stand for the deceased’s ownership of a driving team). The standing man would then represent the team’s groom. It is interesting that no arms or armor are shown in this scene, perhaps

WHITE-ON-RED PAINTED BOWL MS 1222 Pl. 6 Narce Tomb 7F Mended from several fragments; bottom restored in plaster Deep red impasto fabric; red wash on surface, and over it, creamy, somewhat fugitive white paint on exterior. H. 12.4; Diam. rim 25.4; W. of inner flange 1.4 cm Luce 1921B:154 no. 238; Dohan 1942:69, pl. 35 no. 4; White et al. 2002:12 no. 14

Wide-mouthed bowl with nearly conical base; narrow, internally flanged rim presumably made to hold lid (not present). Surface, especially exterior, carefully burnished and painted in two bands of contiguous pairs of concentric circles (inner circle of each thicker). The bowl fits very well into stand. Micozzi places the stand and bowl in her Type C. The style of painting, with dots outlining important figures, is not especially common in White-on-Red style, but cf. Micozzi 1994: pl. 57 no. C192, pl. 67 no. F20. The tubular bodies of the acrobats/telamones on the bulb of the stand have many cousins in the plastic handles of Faliscan vases, cf. Hayes 1985:42–43

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no. B20, a kantharos from Orvieto, dated to the mid-7th century or slightly earlier. Compare the modeled figure of a “master of horses” on the rim of a footed bowl, Camporeale 1991:40–41, pl. 20 no. 33: he stands on an arched support rather than the rim of the vase. That figure has studs similar to those in several of the Museum’s other Faliscan vases (cf. 58) and may be from a related workshop—nameless now, this figure was popular in 7th century Faliscan art. Camporeale, citing the Museum’s bowls from Narce Tombs 19M and 43, gives background on Faliscan traditions of horsemanship. Benedettini (1997) discusses the series of ornate stands used in the Faliscan territory (and southern Etruria) in the course of the 7th century BC. She notes (1997:13) that of the large number of stands with painted decoration, only 21 are rendered in Whiteon-Red technique, the specialty of a workshop(s) in Narce, beginning at the end of the 8th century BC; the concentric circles motif of the bowl is confined to a very few examples at Narce (15 note 54). Benedettini (1997:28 note 114; 29 note 119) places the Museum’s set in her Type VII of the end of the Early Orientalizing style, with reference to Caeretan models. She notes the rarity of human figures in these objects, which links them to our single Narce workshop. Stands with human figures were found only in three attested warriors’ tombs (two in the University Museum), and one lady’s burial. She discusses the Museum’s stand (p. 31) and finds the “signore tra i cavalli” very unusual. Micozzi (1994:107 note 236) links its style of figure drawing with the kardiophylakes in bronze made in the Capenate territory. See Benedettini (1997:55–66) on the social significance of these stands for the emerging aristocracy of early Orientalizing Faliscan Narce; as Narce ceased production in the mid-7th century, the Etruscan workshops of Caere and Vulci carried on awhile longer. Clearly the stand set from Narce Tomb 7F was the specially ordered conversation piece of a commanding personality.

29: MS 692A, B Iron spits are rectangular in section, with sharp-edged flanges partway down, and tips beaten flat into ornamental leaf-shaped spearpoints. Distal ends are worked into blunt points. The flanges functioned as stops when spits, weighted with meat, were suspended on firedogs. The serving of roasted meat, probably a treat even for the powerful, was an important part of the funerary feast and the civic banquet, as attested by finds of plates and of roasting spits in aristocratic graves throughout Etruria. The practice was especially common in central Italy (Etruria, Umbria, Picenum) from the 8th through 4th century BC. (Cf. Veii Quattro Fontanili tomb HH 11–12 [NS 1965:132 no. cc].) Stary (1979) discusses spits deposited in graves in Etruria. Close to the Museum’s is the iron spit from the Montagnola tomb at Quinto Fiorentino; see Caputo 1965: pl. 121. The ornamental spearpoint ends are unusual. Compare the simpler, mid-6th century set of spits from the famous Tomb of the Chariot of Monteleone di Spoleto (Perugia) in the Metropolitan Museum, New York: Bonfante and Roncalli 1991:184–85 nos. 3.17–3.19.

30. 29.

SPITS MS 692A, B Vulci Tomb 42F Very oxidized; surfaces bumpy and chipped. B missing tip of point. Surfaces have been given (2002) a modern, protective coating similar in color to fresh wrought iron. Iron A: L. 102.5; L. to flanges/stops 34.5; spearhead L. 12.0; W. approx. 3.8 cm B: L. 101.3; L. to flanges/stops 27.6; spearhead L. 9.24; W. approx. 3.4 cm Museum Journal 1920:26 case XXV no. 125 (“throwing spears”); Dohan 1942:95 no. 26, pl. 50 Early 7th century BC

VILLANOVAN BELT MS 690 Vulci Tomb 42F Fragile, extremely corroded; broken at both ends and now strengthened with modern material to protect the bronze sheet which, in corroding, is separating into thin layers. Bronze W. 11.2; Pres. L. 43.5 cm Museum Journal 1920:26 case XXV no. 125; Dohan 1942:95 no. 25, fig. 64, pl. 50 Early 7th century BC

Lozenge-shaped bronze belt with straight ends (now broken) must have been secured with leather beneath. On its outer

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parallels much later in the 7th century metalwork of Etruria. Strøm 1971:44–45 type AII illustrates the figured parallels among Orientalizing metalwork, especially shields. (Cf. comparanda to 46.) Presumably such belts were buried in clasped position, perhaps around the urn, such that tension and ultimate disintegration of their leather backing may have caused extra damage. (At Veii, belts were usually placed in the urn, or laid over or beside the body, rather than fastened on costume, see Bartoloni et al. 1997:100).

31.

30: MS 690 surface carefully executed repoussé and punched relief decoration: entire outline punched with three rows of dots framing set of concentric bosses (three set horizontally on each end, three pairs set vertically in center); between these, three horses all running to left. Horses are drawn with heavy rectangular muzzles, arched rumps, front and back legs braced forward, long thin tails, and short, upstanding manes. A second belt of this type (MS 689, Dohan 1942:95 no. 24, pl. 50) was also found in Tomb 42F, but is not catalogued because of its fragile condition. The somewhat attenuated shape of this belt indicates a later development from the 9th century design of the Villanovan belt, as seen in the famous and very wide Benacci belt in Bologna, Bermond Montanari 1961:71–72 no. 89, pl. 5. The size of the belts, and the lack of eyelets to match the hook at one end indicates they were worn on leather backing; rare examples are known in other materials, such as horn. It is interesting that much of the figural decoration of Villanovan art, like these horses, runs from right to left, or retrograde, like Etruscan writing, yet this began in a period preceding the adoption of the alphabet in Etruria. (Cf. for later art, Small 1987.) Other horses do, however, face right: Falconi Amorelli 1983:161 no. 215, figs. 70, 72 (bronze vase). It is problematic that the decoration, in contrast to the shape of the belt, has

RECTANGULAR BELT MS 691 Vulci Tomb 42F Missing one edge, corroded and very fragile; mended with modern backing materials. Bronze L. 69.0; (Pres. Diam. approx. 37.0); W. 2.8 cm. Perforations set 4.0 and 8.5 cm from broken edge Museum Journal 1920:26 case XXV no. 125; Dohan 1942:94–95 fig. 63 no. 23, pl. 50 Early 7th century BC

31: MS 691

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31: MS 691

Rectangular bronze belt with at least one end cut in simple point and drawn out into thin, in-turned hook. Two perforations near other end fit hook. Repoussé and punched patterns over outer surface: dotted outlines and boxes overall, with bosses (concentric circles) fairly evenly distributed along center. Assortment of patterns between bosses includes triangles, zigzags, sunbursts or rays, curved and straight lines of dots or circles; in second panel after clasp, pair of stick-figures with spread legs and raised arms stands near boss outlined with triangles like sunburst of 12–13 “rays.” (See drawing.) We may estimate that belt’s intended wearer had about 26–27 inch waist, measured over her woolen homespun garment. Although rectangular belts are less common, one (with ring ends and hooks lashed onto its outer surface) was found in Narce Tomb V, now in the Field Museum. See Davison 1972:40 no. 10, pl. 4.d–g; it had been placed in the olla of the first burial with the bones. The presence of belts of two types in a single female burial is seen at Veii, Grotta Gramiccia Tomb 732, Berardinetti and Drago 1997:51–52 fig. 19. At Veii, the lozenge-shaped belts often were folded and interred within the cinerary urn, and have been taken as a personal symbol of the deceased. Buranelli, Drago, and Paolini 1997:69, 73 fig. 20, illustrate the other occurrence of the two types together in the rich female tomb 1032 of Casale del Fosso.

32.

CUP (ITALIC KYATHOS) IN BUCCHERO MS 649 Vulci Tomb 42F Intact; polished surfaces very well preserved. Early, carefully reduced bucchero fabric (not sottile), black throughout, with very fine white inclusions. Finely burnished overall. Outside Diam. 9.3; H. of bowl, foot to rim, 3.65; Total H. with handle 8.1 cm Dohan 1942:94 no. 9, pl. 49 Early 7th century BC

Small, handmade, angular cup with low bowl, small ring base, sharp omphalos on interior, sharply carinated shoulder. Burnished thoroughly overall. Carination plain except for short length of blunt incised notches on either side of handle. Complex handle with flared “shoulder” facing interior has hatching along outer edges and several bands of hatched lines

32: MS 649

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across back, interior of shoulder, and rim. Interior of rim has single wolf’s-tooth pattern on each side of handle. Most of hatched patterns were made by impressing small length of spiral wire into burnished surface. Compare the more ornate cup from Pantano di Grano Tomb 3, De Santis 1997:136–38 fig. 26.8, parallels at 138 no. 7. A group of kantharoi of this type, less precisely potted than the Museum’s, were found in the necropolis of Chiavari (Melli 1993:116 fig. 5, discussed 114, with references). The distinctive Etruscan bucchero fabric, created by reduction firing to deprive the vase of oxygen, began over a period of time, as may be seen in earlier impasto vases that are coarser and mottled in color but show the trend to create dark or black wares from carefully levigated Italian impasto clays. This cup shows the evolution from earlier shapes with high handles and is still handmade, although later bucchero was made on the wheel and more attenuated.

33.

ETRUSCO-GEOMETRIC SKYPHOS MS 680 Vulci Tomb 42F Intact; one handle slightly chipped; slight white encrustation, especially on interior and one side, as if cup had been lying tilted to one side. Dull, dark tan, well-levigated fabric. Matt paint, thin in places, fired brown to bright orange; marks of brush or swab as paint swiped around lower body; paint dribbled beside one handle. H. 7.8; Diam. rim 13.0; Diam. base 4.6 cm Dohan 1942:94–95 no. 22, pl. 49 Early 7th century BC

Wheelmade cup imitating Greek shape, skyphos, slightly irregular in profile; flat base, thin, slightly everted rim, two thin, upturned horizontal handles (round in section) on shoulder. Concentric fingermarks on interior, with slight boss in center. Painted inside and out with matt paint mottled from light orange to dark brown: base reserved (but splashed), lower body solid but dilute, showing surface where paint swirled on with cloth; handles solid on outer side, within reserved band marked by alternating sets of vertical lines and herringbone pattern; two lines around outer rim, top of rim line, two broad concentric bands on interior, with boss reserved. Compare the fabric and paint of the biconical urn, 16, probably from the same early Orientalizing workshop. Potting of this vase is quite good imitation of Greek fabrics, but the clay is a bit bumpier than genuine Corinthian or Euboean vases, and the matt paint, applied rather thick, does not

33: MS 680 match Greek models. Compare the series of cups, none quite so carefully rendered, from the tombs at Poggio Buco: Pellegrini 1989:73–74, pls. 47–50 nos. 234–245; Bartoloni 1982: Tomb II, 30 no. 2, pl. 11c (dated early second quarter of the 7th century BC) and passim. A close parallel was found at Sovana, see Mangani and Paoletti 1986:33–34, pl. 29 no. 4, there dated by comparison to Narce Tomb 42F to the end of the 8th–early 7th century BC. Actually this pattern is considered subgeometric, although it was based upon the Euboean chevron skyphoi of the early days of Greek colonization. Common in the tombs of Tarquinia and Vulci, the type was popular from the late 8th through the first half of the 7th century BC.

34.

COMPOSITE FIBULA WITH PENDANT MS 1046A, B Narce Tomb 23M A (pendant): Metal parts of pendant corroded but nearly intact: missing portion of wire suspension ring. (Suspension ring and amber bead too fragile for inclusion here.) H. approx. 4.0; Depth 0.9 cm B (fibula): Bronze fibula mended nearly complete from several very fragile and corroded fragments. Beads that were strung on fibula bow are mostly missing; single amber bead remains, now badly eroded, cloudy with pitted surfaces. Bronze and amber L. 4.6; H. approx. 2.0 cm Dohan 1942:43 no. 18, pl. 22 Early 7th century BC

Fibula with wire bow strung (originally) with beads of amber and perhaps bone (missing), and elongated catch plate.

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Suspended from pin by large loop of fine bronze wire was pendant constructed of sheet bronze: single sheet folded in half to form trapezoid, and decorated in imitation of cheese grater, marked with trapezoidal outline of dots on each side, framing field of regular, horizontal rows of punchmarks made from behind. The “grater” held together across its lower edge by four tiny wire rings (one 34: MS 1046A, B missing) clasped through holes punched in both sides. Finds of actual cheese graters (which look very modern, cf. Buranelli 1992:77 no. 43) have been made in several of the “princely tombs” of 7th century Etruria and environs, and scholars have associated them with the courtly (“heroic”) society of the Homeric epic, in which ladies of the noble house grate cheese to make a hot punch for their warrior menfolk at banquet. Finds of such implements at the early Greek and Levantine settlement of Pithekoussai suggest the means by which such elaborate lifestyles were introduced to native Italy. On this society and custom, see Ridgway 1997. Actual grater: Minto 1921:49, pl. 37 no. 3 (Banditella tomb X). A number of Faliscan and Latin women seem to have worn pendants like this as a symbol of their status in aristocratic society, while many Etruscan tombs contain the real tool as part of a useable banquet set. See 38.

35.

Fragments of large and elaborate pendant ornament composed of chains formed of links in three graduated sizes, with six solid-cast, bud-like pendants of three different designs. Original piece, perhaps worn over skirt like an apron or chatelaine, much larger than remaining fragments. MS 1066 is chain composed of two or three joined rings of identical size, branching at one end into two similar chains. MS 1048 is chain made of rings of same size and joined in pairs, two in line, then two sets branching, each holding two solid-cast pendants with large round eyes, straight shafts and rough, spherical drops (note piece of sprue left on one bead as it was broken from mold for multiple casting). MS 1069a and MS 1071 are shorter lengths of chain of links about half diameter of previous sections; one length branches into two identical chains, other holds two different solid-cast pendants at one end. One pendant fusiform, other biconical, and both are smaller than first set of pendants. MS 1069B consists of fragments of chain of much smaller links, preserving at least one branching section. A set of chains and pendants perhaps from the same workshop came from another Narce tomb, now in Copenhagen: Roberts 1974:58 fig. 21a. Chains of a type similar to the larger segments could also be used to suspend censers and other vessels of sheet bronze which rarely survive in burials—compare Bologna (Bermond Montanari 1961: pl. 11). A more complete

ORNAMENTAL CHAIN AND PENDANTS MS 1048, MS 1066, MS 1069, MS 1071 Narce Tomb 23M Apparently fragmentary; corroded but in good condition. Dark blackish green patina. Bronze MS 1048: L. of ensemble approx. 6.6; Diam. of chain rings 1.5; L. pendants 2.5 cm MS 1066: L. of ensemble approx. 16.5; Diam. of rings 0.9 cm MS 1069A: L. of chain approx. 18.0 cm (MS 1069B is very short length of smaller links, some of which are too fragmentary for inclusion here. Diam. of links 0.5 and 0.3 cm) MS 1071: L. of pendants 2.3 and 1.7 cm Luce 1921B:123 no. 57J; Dohan 1942:43 nos. 23–26, pl. 22 Early 7th century BC

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Catalogue of Objects

and slightly enigmatic example of such a set of chains and pendants was found in Tarquinia, in the famous Tomba del Guerriero (Monterozzi necropolis), dated to Villanovan IIB (end of 8th century BC): Hencken 1968B: I, 206 fig. 185d; Kilian 1977:36 no. 67, 42 fig. 6.6. Such chains are joined in several places, forming several different circles, and were either hung like a net from a person’s belt or were draped over the neck of a vase or other object. See the lengths of linked chains of multiple rings from the Vulci necropoleis, Falconi Amorelli 1983:196–97 fig. 85. Pendants of the same type are illustrated in Paris, Adam 1984:132 nos. 166–67. That such well-made chains, beaten from cast-bronze wire, were not merely funerary in use is indicated by a fragmentary triple-link chain excavated in the settlement of Gran Carro on Lake Bolsena in a stratum dated by C-14 to the early period, ca. 1250–835 BC. (See Tamburrini et al. 1995:189 fig. 59 no. 2261, pl. 22. The links are of the same diameter as the largest in the Narce ornament.)

36.

PENDANTS MS 908 Narce Tomb 105F Of set of six pendants, only three are catalogued; others are fragmentary; all are corroded dark greenish black. Bronze L. from 2.8 to 2.6 (complete) to 1.8 (fragmentary): two intact, one broken on suspension ring; those not included here are more corroded and missing most of suspension ring Dohan 1942:51 no. 31, pl. 24 7th century BC

A slightly different set of pendants from similar ornament to preceding. Bud-shaped, solid-cast pendants in two sizes have large round suspension ring, thin shaft and rounded conical drops. The heavy, solid bronze drops seem to survive well in Narce burials, and this set of six may indicate symmet-

36: MS 908

105

rically designed pendant ornament (a few fragments of chain links may have accompanied them—see Dohan 1942:51, pl. 24 no. 26). Compare the numerous pendants hung in pairs from a large, branching section of chain found in the Tomb of the Warrior at Tarquinia (ca. 700 BC): Kilian 1977:36 no. 67, 42 fig. 6.6. In a man’s tomb, it may have ornamented a vessel or other object.

37.

THERIOMORPHIC PENDANT MS 1038 Narce Tomb 23M Intact (horns may be chipped); corroded dark green mottled with metallic brown, surfaces rough. Bronze H. 2.6; L. 4.4 cm Dohan 1942:43, pl. 21 no. 29 7th century BC

Heavy, solid-cast pendant formed of two protomes in form of rams set back to back, joined at shoulders, with large suspension ring between them. They have long, sharply pointed muzzles, large, tightly curling horns, short legs, and flat, pointed hooves. On one side at junction of two bodies, surface forms cylindrical projection with rough round boss on its end, presumably remnant of casting sprue. Sharp edges of feet, horns, muzzles make this an unlikely piece of everyday jewelry.

37: MS 1038

The double-bodied creature, usually a domestic bull or sheep, was a favorite motif in many parts of early Italy. Compare the finial (pierced, no suspension ring) from an Orientalizing tomb at Bologna, suggested as the finial for a handle, Bartoloni et al. 2000:357, 360 no. 507. Lloyd-Morgan (1986) outlined the situation of these types of figures, best known in the slightly larger examples replete with iron suspension rings, from the Picene territory. They have been found in women’s graves of the later 7th and 6th centuries,

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and were suspended from fibulae or necklaces, much like that belonging to the lady of Narce 23M; the double body may well have had amuletic value.

38.

LUNATE PENDANT MS 1044 Fig. 8 Narce Tomb 23M Nearly complete; one corner chipped and missing suspension ring; small holes eroded in back surface; one pendent ring or chain missing. Corroded, but remains brownish bronzy color. Bronze W. 11.3; H. 5.5 cm. Diam. of suspension ring 1.4 cm Dohan 1942:43 no. 21, pl. 22; White et al. 2002:11 no. 13 Early 7th century BC

Semicircular bronze pendant formed of folded sheet held together by tiny bronze rings through holes punched in its curved edge. Two larger rings set in its upper corners would have served for suspension; eight punched holes and extra links of smaller wire chain remaining in seven of them indicate that pendant once had small lengths of chain dangling from its curved lower edge. Outer surface of one side has decoration beaten from behind (repoussé): pair of concentric, bossed circles framing stag set at slight angle and facing viewer’s right. It has straight legs, long muzzle, upright ears, and four-pronged antlers held straight out over its back. Lunate pendants of sheet bronze, both decorated and plain, seem to have been favorites among the ladies of early Narce. See Baglione and Brolli 1990:79 fig. 7 no. 4 (tomb V.7). Other folded lunate pendants were buried with the lady of Narce Tomb 19M (71–72). Lunate pendant of folded sheet bronze, punched like the “cheese-graters,” was found in Tarquinia (Selciatello Sopra grave 157, Hencken 1968B: I, 142 fig. 129a), there dated to Villanovan IIA.

39.

BICONICAL URN WITH SPHERICAL LID MS 588A, B Vulci Tomb 25 Urn mended complete from several fragments, missing handle and chips from surface. Very encrusted (white) inside and out; much of original surface has spalled off due to leaching of salts (now arrested by modern treatment). It is so weathered that it is not apparent whether one handle was deliberately broken off. Lid intact; slightly chipped, cracked; marked in black ink, in an old-fashioned European hand, inside lid: “No. 10” and “160.” Extremely coarse impasto, light orange mottled to dark orange brown; pebbles, dark brown inclusions; surfaces were originally smooth. Lid same fabric, with reddish, black, white and sparkling inclusions evident. A (urn): H. 37.1; Diam. base 11.9; Diam. rim 22.3 cm. Diam. of string holes 0.4 and 0.5 cm B (lid): H. 14.6; Diam. rim 19.9; Diam. of spherical knob 11.5; Diam. of hole in top of sphere 1.8; Diam. of string holes 0.4 cm, both Dohan 1942:81 nos. 3–4, pl. 43 First half of 7th century BC

Large, handmade biconical urn with flat base, rounded shoulder, slightly convex neck, and very widely flaring, deep rim. Two drilled string holes on opposite sides of rim match

39: MS 588A, B

38: MS 1044

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holes drilled in lid—thus made for funerary use. Seems likely that handle broken off at or before time of deposition, since scars are overlaid by sections of encrustation similar to that on rest of vase. Bright fabric, lack of surface decoration, and very obviously matching and unusual lid characterize a very late version of Villanovan biconical urn. Shallow conical lid with broad, flaring everted edge; large hollow sphere set on top. Lid made on wheel; sphere made separately and attached; top of sphere has a round, carefully trimmed hole. Pair of small, round string holes pierced in opposite sides of lid match holes in urn. Ceramic lids of this type are explained by finds of the mid7th century BC “princely tombs” of bronze “busts” made of sheets of metal beaten into a sphere for head, cylindrical neck, and rounded shoulders. See Colonna 1977:200–201 fig. 2, pl. 40a–b, citing Delpino et al. for a painted version of such an urn, which seems to be unique to the territory of Vulci and Saturnia. Donati 1989:34–39 no. 1, fig. 10, pl. 6 (male burial in Tomb II, compare urn from Tomb III, 36–37 no. 2, fig. 11). Camporeale (2000A:286, 283 fig. 55) indicates a date of the end of the 8th or first quarter of the 7th century BC for the Saturnia example. Urns completed with an aniconic spherical lid reprise richer versions topped with a metal bust with spherical “head,” and some even had model arms set through the handles of the urn (see Cristofani 1985B:214–15, 288–89 nos. 107–9, bronze spherical “busts” and hands, from tombs at Marsiliana d’Albegna and Vulci). Also Caffarello 1993:317–18, pls. 1–2.

40.

40: MS 602A, B

Handmade biconical urn of very attenuated form slightly widened for shoulder, slightly flared at plain rim. Remaining horizontal handle round in section; old scar indicates second handle broken off. Thin, convex lid has tall, thin cylindrical handle set off-center and topped with conical knob. Circular burnishing marks on lid. Inside urn were found fragments of bronze chain and of blue glass bead.

BICONICAL URN AND LID: THE URN OF A FAMILY MEMBER MS 602A, B Vulci Tomb 25 When received, urn still contained the cremated bones of a young woman; these have been studied (Becker, forthcoming) and are stored with study collection. Both urn and lid mended nearly complete from few fragments, sections restored in plaster. One handle broken off, probably in antiquity. Impasto; large quantity of sparkling inclusions. Urn mottled dark grayish brown, lid reddish to brow. A (urn): H. 36.7; Diam. of rim 16.7; W. of handle 8.0 cm B (lid): Diam. 15.5; H. through knob 4.2 cm. H. assembled approx. 52.2 cm Dohan 1942:81 no. 1, pl. 43 7th century BC

41.

FLUTED BOWL MS 1302 Narce necropolis (tomb not known) Bronze, corroded green, with mottled surfaces including bronze/gold color and emerald patina. Missing chips, including area of base of handle attachment. Interior shows old conservation with plaster, fiberglass, etc. Diam. rim 15.9; average H. 5.7; Diam. ring base 6.7 cm Mid-7th century BC

Deep bowl on flat base with ring molding on outer face, corresponding to dimple and groove on interior. Flaring wide rim, fluted body (23 ribs). On rim are traces of attachment of vertical handle, two small, drilled holes (empty) at rim, with single rivet still fastened just below them, its round head protruding on interior surface of rim. Point of lower

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ence of rings in some of the later pieces for suspension from wall hooks. Many of the “princely tombs” held large numbers of identical fluted cups in metal or ceramic, suggestive of a group of equals at banquet expected to drink toasts, in the manner of the Greek symposion. See Bartoloni et al. 2000:288–89 no. 370 (from Palestrina). A very close parallel comes from the famous Casale del Fosso Tomb 871 at Veii: Buranelli, Drago, and Paolini 1997:69–70 fig.10.

42.

CLASP WITH HORSE HEADS MS 2321A, B Chiusi. Coleman Collection Intact; edges of A slightly chipped. Corroded creamy light green through blackish green overall. No traces of wear on articulating surfaces of clasp. Bronze A (rings): H. 6.4; W. 6.3; Th. 0.9 cm B (hooks): H. 6.4; W. 5.4; Depth 3.6; Th. 0.9 cm L. when fastened approx. 10.0 cm Coleman Catalogue: no. 51 or 87 7th century BC

41: MS 1302

attachment missing; handle probably an upturned band of sheet bronze. Fluted drinking bowls of precious metals were a favorite in the royal courts of the Near East, and the graceful form was adopted rapidly in Etruria, produced both in bronze, precious metals, and pottery (see 64). Bronze versions of the fluted bowl began to appear in Late Villanovan Etruria, and continued well into the 7th century BC, spawning imitations in ceramics; see Jucker et al.1991:25 no. 5. Eleven bronze fluted bowls were found hung with iron nails on the walls of the main room of the Regolini Galassi Tomb (Pareti 1947:236–37, pls. 20–21 nos. 199–209). In aristocratic houses, presumably the family plate, along with arms and armor, would have been displayed on the walls. Other close parallels are the 19 found in the second and fifth deposits in the Tomba del Duce, Vetulonia: Camporeale 1967:44–48, 136–37, nos. 17, 115–21, pls. E.10, H.8, and I.6 and 33. Camporeale, who noted two types, pointed out the pres-

Cast bronze clasp with two prongs fitting into round rings; both sides emerge from openwork rectangles formed of rods with flanged joints. Open rectangles must have accommodated leather straps or belt. Two hooks are elliptical in section, molded with schematic horse head in relief, ending in blunt, grooved muzzle; ears, mane, and huge bulging eyes are marked with shallow grooves; underside of heads smooth.

42: MS 2321A, B

Catalogue of Objects

Von Hase (1971) has noted the eastern inspiration and wide diffusion in Etruria of this type of hooked buckle. While not found in the “princely tombs,” it seems to have been popular for both men and women during the 7th century BC. Placement on a skeleton buried in the Pietrera tomb of Vetulonia (1971:35 fig. 38) suggests that, for men at least, it may at times have been used for a baldric slung over one shoulder (the right in this burial), but more evidence is needed for any conclusive understanding of this part of costume. Compare the horse heads on the Pietrera clasp (von Hase 1971:5 fig. 2), and an example of uncertain provenance, Turfa 1982:178 no. 47, pl. 18. Jucker et al. (1991:79–80 no. 95) note that clasps such as these, ornamented with protomes of horses or felines, have been found in the tombs of both men and women; they have been variously understood as part of horse harness or as baldric or belt clasps. A very similar clasp was found in Tomb C at Poggio Buco (Matteucig 1951:32 no. 32, pl. 23 no. 8). The tomb group has been dated (p. 60) on evidence of painted skyphoi, to the mid-7th century BC.

43–58, THE NARCE WARRIOR: TOMB 43 43.

VILLANOVAN CRESTED HELMET MS 850 Pl. 3 Narce Tomb 43 Mended nearly complete from several pieces; dented and chipped. Corroded with rough surfaces, mottled black through creamy green and blue.

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Bronze H. 43.0; Max. W. of crest 37.5; Max. W. through bars at base 40.5; open bottom of helmet 24.3 x 15.5 cm. Length of decorative bars 8.5 to 7.0; H. of hollow interior of helmet approx. 18; W. of flange inside base 3.0–3.5 cm Furtwängler 1905:255 no. 4; Frothingham 1910:109–10, pl. 14 left (record photo of tomb group); Museum Journal 1920:26 case XX, no. 64; Luce 1920A:68–71 fig. 43; Luce 1921B:125 no. 64, with other references; Dohan 1933:155, pl. 4; Dohan 1942:7 no. 6, pl. 2; Stary 1981:204, Beilage 5, Karte 1; White et al. 2002:14 nos. 16–17 Last quarter of 8th century BC Crested helmet made of several sheets of bronze, cut out and decorated by hammering and repoussé, then bent and assembled by folding over edges and riveting them together. Helmet and crest are made of two sheets, folded and joined without attention to fact that decoration on opposite sides doesn’t quite match. (One side of cap has wolf’s teeth and bands of hemispherical bosses, but other has linear pattern.) On lower sides of cap, rectangular sheets were riveted (three rivets on each side) over joint of cap with three projecting, cast-bronze rectangular tabs, which have broadened outer ends. Upper part of cap plain, with bands of decoration on lower half; crest has several bands of lines and small bosses of various sizes following its contours, with plain upright triangle and large hemispherical boss in its center.

43: MS 850

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The helmet now appears as though it could never have been worn, as the elliptical opening is too small, and the mode of construction such that it did not have fittings to hold a leather liner. It might have been worn over a separate cap, and its present elliptical outline is due to some crushing during burial. Certainly, many, though not all, crested helmets were designed to be worn. Most Villanovan helmets, like those of Tarquinia, Veii, and Volterra, were formed with a hollow central spike or cone as the spine of the crest, but the Museum’s example (and one at Veii) with hemispherical calotte comes late in the series and seems more decorative in purpose, perhaps meant to be carried in procession or worn only briefly. For an even more exaggerated profile, see the helmet from the necropolis of Veii, Bartoloni et al. 2000:232–33 no. 259; Saulnier 1980:20–21 no. 4. Stary 1981:22–23 describes the typology, noting that (unlike the Museum’s) many helmets do have holes in the lower edge for attachment of straps. The development of these helmets is discussed by von Hase (1988), who illustrates the Museum’s (197 fig. 2, no. 4, 202) as one of the latest examples. A rare find at Verucchio shows that prototypes had horsehair crests; fragments of the bronze versions have been found as far away as Hallstatt, Delphi, and Olympia, where they must represent both commerce and statecraft or military conflicts (see von Hase 1988 and references under the shield, 46). A very illuminating parallel comes from a warrior’s tomb found outside Volterra in northern Etruria. The grave goods are a slightly more extravagant and better preserved, condensed version of the society of late 8th century Italy. In addition to a functional crested helmet, the Volterran “Tomba del Guerriero” held a pair of horse bits ornamented with horse figurines, a double-sided pilgrim flask (canteen) of leather and bronze, a sword and spear, and bronze vessels and ornaments, including one leech fibula (perhaps a token of a female family member). See Torelli 2000:64–65, 539–40 no. 12; Cateni 1998. Closer to Narce, the tombs of Veii have yielded evidence of similar warriors’ funerals, such as the famous Casale del Fosso Tomb 871: Buranelli, Drago and Paolini 1997:69–71 figs. 8–14. It contained bronze and ceramic vases, furniture, and a helmet and shield, the patterns of which seem slightly simpler than the Museum’s.

44.

BOSSES FROM CAP HELMET MS 864A–F Narce Tomb 43 All pieces chipped on rim. E is broken in two pieces, outer surface has bubbly corrosion; missing part of rim. C and E are larger, Pres. Diam. 7.8 and 8.0; rest

44: MS 864A–F

are Diam. 7.0 cm. Depth through boss 1.2 to 1.4 cm. Diam. of hollow post 0.6 cm. F: Intact, preserving flat washer (2.0 x 2.0 cm) cut from sheet metal in pentagonal shape; hollow post and rivet are still attached. Bronze, corroded dark greenish to black; surfaces rough in places, although back surfaces usually preserve more of original finish. Frothingham 1910:109, pl. 14; Luce 1920A:68–71 fig. 43; Luce 1921B:127 no. 72I; Dohan 1942:8 no. 8, pl. 3; Stary 1981:204, Karte 1 Last quarter of 8th century BC A set of six large, round bosses with conical studs are all that remains of man’s cap helmet almost certainly made of wicker; it may have had knob on top, although none was found. Bosses would have been arranged symmetrically around circumference of cap, with two slightly larger ones (C and E) set on opposite sides. Process of manufacture was in fact very complicated: smith put washer (trapezoidal, as preserved on F), cut from thin plate of sheet bronze, on inside of cap, then inserted rod-like backing of conical boss through wicker cap. He then hammered rivet through stud on inner face and through conical boss on outer plate, hammering down both ends. Some analysts have suggested that this off-center rivet would cause force of direct blow to attached boss to be deflected somewhat, but it seems more likely just a secure way of fastening all disparate parts. Dohan (1942:8–10) already noted the similarity to central European, Hallstatt-type cap helmets, and the close affinities of Villanovan culture with developments in arms and armor across the Alps have been emphasized by subsequent excavations. Stary (1981:204) outlines the origins and development of this rare find: it may link little Narce with the elite of

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Slovenia, Hallstatt, and central Europe, although its rarity has decreased with recent archaeological finds. A spectacular find, in waterlogged conditions, of a complete cap helmet with bosses like these has settled the long-debated question of what function they performed in Villanovan Italy. (In the absence of the organic backing materials, explanations had ranged from shield bosses to horse blinkers.) For the fine helmet from Verrucchio, necropoli Lippi tomb 85, see Bartoloni et al. 2000:359, 366–67 no. 529. Scholarship on the Verucchio cap helmet suggests its close affinities with Hallstatt Europe of the late 8th and 7th centuries (cf. Egg 1988A:216 fig. 6). A fresh analysis of metal bosses from old excavations might show that these helmets were not uncommon in Italy, but have not been recognized until the waterlogged conditions of Verucchio preserved the fine woven wicker caps to which they were affixed. (Cf. Kilian 1977:46 fig. 10 nos. 4–5, 7–8.) For the European original versions (with technical studies of wickerwork), see Egg et al. 1998. 45: MS 851

45.

CUIRASS (FRONT SECTION) MS 851 Pl. 5 Narce Tomb 43 Preserves front plate only; mended from several fragments and restored, and still very fragile (some 19th century plaster could not be replaced safely). A 19th century restorer attached corroded fragments of repoussé sheet bronze to modern copper backing, then filled gaps and smoothed rough edges with green plaster. Missing several pieces, especially from shoulders. Corroded mottled green. Bronze H. approx. 47.0; Max. W. (across shoulders) approx. 45.0; Depth approx. 13.0; W. of fastener tab approx. 3.0 cm Furtwängler 1905:255 no. 4; Frothingham 1910:109–10, pl. 15 left; Dohan 1933:155, pl. 4; Dohan 1942:7 no. 7, pl. 2; Stary 1981:205; Connolly 1981:93 fig. 6; 91 reconstruction, color fig.; White et al. 2002:15 no. 18 Last quarter of 8th century BC

Long cuirass, front section preserved, made of sheet bronze, with straight shoulders and curved lower edge rolled under; covered on outer surface with repoussé decoration. Edge surrounding neck crimped outward. On wearer’s left side, fairly high below arm (18 cm below upper edge of shoulder), is preserved a small horizontal tab of sheet bronze, also deco-

rated with small bosses, for fastening cuirass loosely (if it were not very loose, wearer would not be able to bend, since it must have extended over ribs and waist). Tab cut in one piece with cuirass front, and tiny section of sheet bronze, held to its back edge with two rivets set through an extra tab of bronze, is all that remains of back plate or fastener. Front of cuirass contoured with sharp central peak running its full length. Decoration composed of bands of small bosses and wolf’s teeth following contours of cuirass, like gorget below neck, and in concentric ellipses over chest. Decoration similar to that of crested helmet, but not identical. Stary has noted that this cuirass is so unusual that its wearer must have been a ruler as well as a warrior. There are no exact parallels of its form, and it must have been made especially for the Narce Warrior, and fitted carefully to him. The Late Villanovan geometric decoration loosely matches that of the crested helmet, and a number of near-contemporary bronze shields are known with similar designs of triangles and bossed bands, although no shield seems to have been in Tomb 43—perhaps the warrior’s tasks were such that, while he needed protection, a shield would not have been feasible for him to carry. The decoration is a standard type of Late Villanovan metalwork, found on vessels as well as armor (compare the decoration of the fan from the warrior’s tomb at Veii, NS 1965:178–79 fig. 83).

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

SHIELD MS 2728 Narce Tomb 2 Mended and restored nearly complete from very many fragments. Some of 19th century plaster backing has been left in place due to extreme fragility of heavily corroded bronze sheet, now mottled blackish to creamy light green. Bronze Pres. Diam. 56.7 (with plaster filler); Diam. of central boss 12.5 cm Dohan 1942:53 no. 23, pl. 26; Camporeale 1967:33 no. 12; Strøm 1971:29 no. 37, fig. 35; Geiger 1994:99 no. 93, pl. 88 First half of 7th century BC

Large, round shield made of single thin bronze sheet, slightly convex, worked in repoussé from back in alternating concentric bands of small bosses, plain bands, two bands of loose palmettes of seven fronds, and border band of enclosed ninepetaled rosettes, around central hemispherical boss set in an eight-spoked, raised wheel ornament. Palmettes seem to run with open petals toward left, or retrograde as Etruscans would read, rather than upright or pendent from borders. Other examples of shields of this type show that handles were set directly onto the sheet bronze with heavy rivets, and the shield appears too thin to have served in heavy combat, although it would have deflected arrows and spears reasonably well. A surprisingly modern-looking handle, made from cutout bronze sheet folded over an organic (wooden?) core, with conical rivets remaining, was found in Narce Tomb 7F (Dohan 1942:71, pl. 35 no. 29: MS 1237, Total L. 20.0; L. of handle grip only approx. 15.0; Depth approx. 4.5 without bosses; Th. of grip 2.7 to 2.9 cm. Attachment plates curve very slightly to fit the contours of shield like the Museum’s. See Geiger 1994:79–80 no. 54, pl. 56). Thus at least one other Narce denizen, the sword- and spear-bearing warrior buried with fine banquet ware (see 27) also had shield of this type. Strøm assigned this shield to her type B III 1, the only one of its kind, and dated Narce Tomb 2, following Dohan’s analysis of its pottery, to the first half of the 7th century, “and early rather than late within the period” (1971:170–71). This would place the shield and its assemblage at about the period of the Bernardini and Barberini Tombs at Palestrina, and perhaps a bit older than the depositions in the Regolini Galassi Tomb at Caere. It appears to be stylistically slightly later than the ritually destroyed shield found in the deposit at Tarquinia Civita (ca. 680 BC), interpreted by some scholars as the votive offering of a ruler on behalf of the Tarquinian state: Bonghi Jovino and Chiaramonte Treré 1997: pls. 125–26.

46: MS 2728 Geiger (1994:99 no. 93, pl. 88), in the corpus of sheetbronze shields, places this shield in the first quarter of the 7th century, noting that, as in the case of Narce Tomb 19M, the metalwork in Tomb 2 is distinctly earlier than the vases. A very close parallel, said to have come from Leprignano in the Capenate territory adjacent to Narce, is in the Vassar College collection: Hill 1982:589, pl. 79 fig. 1. Compare a larger shield with simpler geometric ornament from the second deposition of the Tomba del Duce of Vetulonia: Camporeale 1967:32–38 no. 12, pls. F.6 and 5.a–b. Edge of extremely thin sheet bronze was folded back around a circle of bronze wire; some retain cast-bronze pendants on the inner side. Camporeale noted that they are widespread throughout Etruria, Latium, Campania, Umbria, and the Picene territory, with a higher concentration in Etruscan tombs, especially at Vetulonia, Bisenzio, Tarquinia, Veii, and Chiusi. In some cases it appears that shields were buried on a warrior’s chest. The other famous example is from the Tomba del Guerriero at Tarquinia, Kilian 1977:26, 29 no. 1, fig. 2.1, 44 fig. 8.1. (It is decorated with concentric circles, and has a handle similar to that cited above from Narce 7F.) A very well preserved shield, retaining riveted handle and characteristic bronze pendants (similar to 68), is in Copenhagen, said to have come from Narce: Brijder et al. 1989:43 figs. 22–23. Shields of several generations (8th–7th centuries BC), although none identical to the Museum’s, have been found in burials throughout central Tyrrhenian Italy, at Cumae, and on the Adriatic coast, as well as in the Greek international sanctuaries. See Stary 1981:28–31, Karte 12.

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47.

PECTORAL PLAQUES MS 854–855 Narce Tomb 43 Preserved are 30 rectangular plaques of varying sizes, and 3 round, bossed plaques; all corroded from bronze metallic to mottled green and black. Most chipped or otherwise fragmentary. Bronze Average dimen. for complete rectangular and square plaques are 3.5 x 3.4 to 1.8 x 1.2 and 1.5 x 1.3 cm Luce 1921B:127 no. 72J; Dohan 1942:8 nos. 9–10, pl. 3 Last quarter of 8th century BC

Since there is no information on pattern of disposition of plaques when they were excavated, it is only possible to reassemble them arbitrarily, in symmetrical arrangement. It is likely, on loose analogy to other pectoral ornaments, that they were sewn or wired onto garment of cloth or leather in symmetrical pattern, keyed to graduated sizes of rectangular plaques. Three round plaques include one that is more ornate, with bossed edge in addition to central boss, and all have central rivets as if for attachment to heavier or more exposed segment of garment. All rectangular plaques have small, round holes punched in all four corners; all marked with crosses and/or borders formed of repoussé dots, while largest

plaques also have raised, central concentric bosses. Two fragmentary round bosses were also found in tomb and were illustrated by Dohan (1942: pl. 3 no. 9) among these plaques, but they may not have been attached to same object, and have not been included here. These plaques obviously could not have afforded any protection to a warrior in battle and may have been purely decorative; if they were indeed pectoral ornaments, they might have been attached simply as decoration to a garment or piece of armor incorporating a sheet of bronze beneath. Compare the fine gold pectoral ornament applied to the curved rectangular kardiophylax found in the Warrior’s Tomb at Tarquinia, found on the chest of the skeleton: Kilian 1977:26–27 no. 2, fig. 1. For an illustration of plaques arranged as a large pectoral which can only have been worn for ritual or funeral, see the gold pieces excavated at Castel di Decima (Colonna et al. 1976: pl. 61).

48.

LUNATE RAZOR MS 866 Narce Tomb 43 Corroded deep dark green; slightly bent, most of outer edge of blade missing, chipped. Bronze Max. Pres. L. 8.6; L. of handle 4.3; Diam. of suspension hole 0.3 cm Luce 1921B:126 no. 72F; Dohan 1942:8 no. 19, pl. 1; Bianco Peroni 1979:163, pl. 83 no. 1038 (includes drawing of MS 866) Last quarter of 8th century BC

Razor formed of thin, crescent-shaped blade with handle flattened piece of wire attached with two rivets at top of blade; handle has suspension hole in top. On blade (near handle,

48: MS 866

47: MS 854, 855

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opposite side), hastily incised decoration of border of parallel lines, herringbone, and hatched triangles now difficult to discern, but clearly overlain by riveted handle, which is shown to be an ancient repair. Most of outer, cutting edge missing, but inner curve would fit very broad lunate form, perhaps even broader than blade of other razor (49). Some burials show that razors with pierced handles could be worn suspended on the pin of a fibula. Ancient repairs to valuable or much-used personal equipment, such as razors, fibulae, and (later) mirrors are fairly common. At Veii, a lunate razor had plates of bronze riveted on to strengthen its “blade”: NS 1963:245, 249 fig. 113.k. Many examples of repairs are evident in all of Bianco Peroni’s razor types (cf. her pl. 52). That this handle is a repair is evident by its differing from the shape of early razors with separate handles—they are made from a longer piece of wire or plate, doubled over, twisted and fastened on both sides of the blade. This is a much simpler handle. Blade itself has the pronounced curve of Bianco Peroni’s Polledrara lunate razor type of the second half of the 8th century.

Bianco Peroni 1979:138, pl. 68 no. 837 (includes drawing of MS 853); White et al. 2002:15 no. 19 Last quarter of 8th century BC Lunate razor cast in one piece with ring handle on ribbed shaft. Lower tip of hammered, crescent-shaped blade slightly blunt. Top of ring handle finished with cast, curved projections resembling outward-facing birds’ heads. Set of tiny, regular notches on outer edge of blade, near handle stalk, might be traces of wear, which are otherwise lacking; handle area even seems to show rough edges where flash never trimmed. Deep curve of blade diagnostic of chronological type. Bianco Peroni included this razor in her group of lunate tipo Veii, dated to Tarquinia IIB, second half of 8th century; the type was apparently a specialty of the region of Veii, thus also of Narce. The handle ornaments are generally described as ornithomorphic. The affluent warrior of Veii, Quattro Fontanili Tomb Z 15A, had a similar razor: NS 1965:178, 181 fig. 85.z.

50. 49.

LUNATE RAZOR MS 853 Fig. 6 Narce Tomb 43 Intact, in excellent condition, patina very dark to creamy green overall, with areas of coppery metallic color showing through on one side of blade. Bronze, cast and hammered L. 10.8; Max. W. (blade) 7.1; Diam. of handle ring 2.0; Th. of blade 0.1 cm Luce 1921B:126 no. 72F; Dohan 1942:8 no. 18, pl. 1;

49: MS 853

FIBULA MS 856A Narce Tomb 43 Missing pin and part of catch plate; corroded greenish black mottled with golden metal color. Bronze Max. Pres. L. 5.5; Pres. H. through bow and spring 4.0; W. through bow 2.1 cm Luce 1921B:126 no. 72E; Dohan 1942:8 no. 13, pl. 1 Last quarter of 8th century BC

50, 51: MS 856A (top), B (bottom)

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bit segments 9.6 and 10.1 cm Luce 1921B:126 no. 72D; Dohan 1942:8 no. 20, pl. 1; von Hase 1969: pl. 20 no. 243 Last quarter of 8th century BC

Leech-type fibula with folded, slightly elongated disc catch. Transverse bands of herringbone in alternating directions over bow. Preserves small rectangular hole in bottom of bow for extraction of core (plug now missing). See next.

51.

FIBULA MS 856B Narce Tomb 43 Corroded with very rough surfaces, brownish black with traces of gold-colored metal; preserves bow, except for chips, part of catch plate, but no spring or pin. Mended from two fragments. Holes in bottom of bow. Bronze Max. Pres. L. 6.2; Pres. H. through bow 3.7; W. through bow 2.5 cm Luce 1921B:126 no. 72E; Dohan 1942:8 no. 16, pl. 1 Last quarter of 8th century BC

Leech fibula with folded, slightly elongated disc foot. Neat, rectangular hole on undersurface of bow for extraction of clay casting core retains its bronze plug. Alternating smooth and herringbone transverse bands over top of bow with rectangular panel in center overlying transverse bands—in it alternating longitudinal plain and herringbone bands. The presence of a set of leech fibulae, usually associated with feminine costume, suggests an offering by a female family member, presumably a wife. Finds of small personal belongings such as spindle whorls or fibulae in men’s tombs occurred at Narce, Veii, and elsewhere during the 8th–7th centuries, and included men’s serpentine fibulae, arms, or tools placed in women’s burials. A pair of spindle whorls also came from Narce Tomb 43 (not catalogued, see Dohan 1942:8–9 nos. 21–22, pl. 1). On gender associations in the tombs of this region, see G. Bartoloni et al. 1997:96. See 10 on leech fibulae: the catches of these are slightly longer, thus later in date. Compare the fibulae of the later 8th century in the Ardea hoard, Peroni 1967: plates I.9 46–(2) through 46(5), see no. 39.

52.

HORSE BIT MS 852A Narce Tomb 43 Intact, corroded dark green mottled with brownish copper color. Bronze Total L. 24.3; Outer Diam. suspension rings 4.2; L. of

Bit cast in solid bronze as set of four segments linked by rings: two bars ending in large ring at each end, and joined at center by rings; outer ring of each linked with larger cast ring. Outer faces of all parts marked with diagonal grooves. Solid casting method must have been more difficult than usual technique of hammering cast segments into joining loops.

52, 53: MS 852A (top), B (bottom)

53.

HORSE BIT MS 852 B Narce Tomb 43 Intact, corroded dark greenish black with traces of brown/rust-colored encrustation. Bronze Total L. 23.7; Outer Diam. suspension rings 4.3; L. of bit segments 9.6 and 9.8 cm Luce 1921B:126 no. 72D; Dohan 1942:8, pl. 1 no. 20; von Hase 1969:38, pl. 20 no. 243 Last quarter of 8th century BC As 52, but very slightly smaller.

Bits and rings appear to have been cast by lost-wax method, so that they are seamless—a feat of casting that makes them stronger than bits that have been welded for attachment (contrast 110). A similar but unprovenanced example is von Hase 1969: pls. B and 17 no. 193. These

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represent von Hase’s “Dreiringknebel” type from Tarquinia, although the Museum’s Faliscan find lacks the cheekpieces (others are from Veii). Parallels with dated tomb groups match this type with Iron Age Veii II and Tarquinia II. See Grotta Gramiccia Tomb 449: Berardinetti and Drago 1997:57–58 fig. 27. They are not common in central Italy, but do have affinities with the horse harnesses of Iron Age Europe. Compare a similar cast bit with openwork cheekpieces, von Hase 1969: pls. B and 17 no. 193, said to be from Italy; also 31, pl. 17 nos. 187–89 from Tarquinia, Tomba del Guerriero, which has other affinities with Narce Tomb 43. See also Kilian 1977:34–35 nos. 54–55, 45 fig. 9.2–3, and comparanda, 51 fig. 16.12–13.

55: MS 865

55. 54.

RING MS 857 Narce Tomb 43 Intact; corroded black. Bronze, cast solid Max. Diam. 11.0; Diam. of interior 8.3; Th. of cast ring 1.2 cm Luce 1921B:126 no. 72G; Dohan 1942:8 no. 12, pl. 3 Last quarter of 8th century BC

Large, heavy, solid-cast ring with 14 spherical bosses on its outer face, set in an asymmetrical pattern to create two gaps beside single isolated boss. It appears as if asymmetrical setting of bosses was to accommodate leather harness straps or the like. Heavy cast rings with knobs or points appear occasionally in 8th–6th century burials, but none of chariots excavated so far have contained such pieces.

Large bulla (lentoid pendant) made from single sheet of bronze, cut and folded over to leave long tubular segment at top; an iron rod runs through tubular top, and now adheres to top of its inner surface, as if it hung vertically long enough to corrode in place. Round pendant has wide, flat edge held together with six large rivets with spherical heads that protrude on one side. The spherical heads of the rivets on this pendant, which is so large it may have been worn by a horse, match closely the rivets on the fine fan handle belonging to the Narce lady of Tomb 19M (see 67); in fact, the objects were almost certainly made in the same workshop for parade or ceremonial use by this couple. Very close in shape and execution, but without the ornamental rivets, is the smaller complete bulla from Veii Quattro Fontanili Tomb II 9–10 (NS 1965:203, 215 fig. 104.nn). See the discussion of bullae at 170.

56.

54: MS 857

BULLA PENDANT MS 865 Narce Tomb 43 Corroded dark green mottled with reddish brown. Part of convex back surface missing due to corrosion. Bronze and iron Diam. bulla 5.5; Max. Pres. Depth 2.2; Diam. rivet heads 0.6 cm Luce 1921B:126 no. 72H; Dohan 1942:8 no. 11, pl. 1 Last quarter of 8th century BC

FOOTED BOWL, FRAGMENTARY MS 859 Narce Tomb 43 Mended complete except for foot; nine joining fragments with portion of lower bowl restored in plaster. Chipped; some traces of light encrustation, but much of original burnished surface remains.

Catalogue of Objects

56: MS 859

Heavy but fine-textured brown clay with abundant, large reddish brown inclusions, also abundant very fine white inclusions, and extremely fine sparkling inclusions. Surfaces mottled in firing from blackish to light orange brown. Traces of burnishing strokes (longitudinal in interior and in straight lines following contours around outer surface.) Pres. H. to rim 9.2; Pres H. through ornament 16.4; W. of ornament across rim 19.0; Diam. rim 20.0 cm. (Rim slightly pinched by modeling of ornament.) Luce 1921B:126 no. 72A; Dohan 1942:7 no. 1, pl. 1 Last quarter of 8th century BC

117

Handmade footed bowl with angular body, sharply carinated shoulder, and concave rim that flares slightly outward at top. Modeled in one piece with rim is figure of woman between two horses; surfaces highly burnished. Scar where flaring tall foot was attached furnishes evidence of method of construction: bowl was formed with blunt conical bottom; base was then scored in two roughly concentric circles with blunt blade, and then more deeply scored across circles in cross pattern to facilitate bonding of footed base (compare 65). Six concentric circular grooves impressed with fingers in tondo of bowl. Figures modeled and pulled up from shoulder and rim: tall human figure with cylindrical body, spherical head, and tubular arms outstretched to hold muzzles of two horses. Horses’ bodies and manes pinched up, while legs and long, arched tails, attached at tips to rim, are round in section. Surfaces of figures smoothed and without detail. While many of the Faliscan bowls of this type (each one different due to the hand modeling) have very distinctly depicted male figures—the “master of horses”—whether a god or a hero, this bowl just as deliberately does not. Made in the same workshop and fabric as that belonging to the lady of Narce Tomb 19M, it was intended to portray the “mistress of horses,” his female counterpart. This could well be a betrothal or wedding gift between man and wife in the ruling class of Late Iron Age Narce. For comparanda and further discussion, see 65. For discussion of this Faliscan fabric type, with reference to the Narce pieces, see Berggren 1986. The practice at Narce of continuing to hand model vases when the wheel was available speaks to a deliberate artistic and cultural tradition. The affinities of finds of similar vases in the Veii Vaccareccia necropolis and not in Quattro Fontanili may indicate ethnic or familial links. Berggren notes that the wide variety of distinctive pieces in the Faliscan tombs must represent the idiosyncrasies of personal belongings and special commissions; the well integrated mixture of foreign and native elements is uniquely Faliscan.

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

PILGRIM FLASK MS 858 Narce Tomb 43 Intact; one side shows surface cracks and encrustation, other preserves highly polished finish. Impasto deep orange red, very careful traces of burnishing overall—almost color of Arretine “glaze.” H. 21.0; Diam. body approx. 16.0; Diam. rim 4.0 cm Museum Journal 1920:26 case XX, no. 72B; Luce 1921B:126 no. 72B; Dohan 1942:7 no. 2, pl. 1 Last quarter of 8th century BC

Pilgrim flask made by hand in two halves and joined before firing. Groove extends around outer face of body, covered by three small loops (center bottom and forming shoulders on top) to carry cord or strap. Lentoid body fairly shallow and ends in straight, broad cylindrical neck with plain rim. The fine red color and burnishing recall pilgrim flasks of Phoenician Red Slip ware that were ultimately inspiration for this vase. The technique of assembling the body from separately potted halves was also a Phoenician trait. In Italy, the flask was offered in funerals for several generations, and appears in both impasto and bucchero (although the parallels lack provenance) in the collection in Geneva, Camporeale 1991:21–22, 138, pl. 11 no. 21, pl. 104 nos. 139–141. Camporeale cited the Museum’s vase as the oldest example of the form and supplies parallels for it in bronze. A very fine example recently excavated in the Late Villanovan Tomba del Guerriero of Volterra shows the inspiration for pottery flasks: a double leather canteen bound in sheet bronze, see Torelli 2000:539–40 no. 12. The ceramic versions are found in the region of Veii, Narce, and the Etruscan heartland, as at the necropolis of Lago d’Accesa (tomb 27), see Levi 1933:70 fig. 24, 111–12 fig. 30b.

58.

KYATHOS WITH METAL BOSSED DECORATION MS 862 Narce Tomb 43 Intact; missing a few metal bosses and very slightly encrusted. Bosses chipped and corroded dark green. Heavy impasto, dark brown mottled light orange on inner surface. Abundant sparkling and black inclusions. H. to rim 6.3; H. through handle 10.2; Diam. rim 10.7; Diam. foot 5.5 cm Dohan 1942:7 no. 3, pl. 1; Moser 1984:18–19 no. 5 Last quarter of 8th century BC

57: MS 858

Handmade cup with conical flaring foot, shallow angular body, sharply carinated shoulder, and very low vertical rim. Shoulder was formed with three small triangular knobs spaced along rim and midway from handle. Single row of bronze bosses resembling tacks with domed heads was inserted into shoulder, and continued flaring upward to outline both sides of handle. Horned handle with strut has irregular horizontal ridges facing interior; thin hole was pierced through top of handle at base of horns. Highly burnished surfaces inside and out; four vertical grooves quarter interior in addition to concentric groove with partial traces of fingerprints. A nearly identical plain cup comes from Narce Tomb V in Chicago: Davison 1972:44 no. 20, pl. 6.c; it also has affini-

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bowl). Conical base open below, but bulbs are finished as complete spheres. A deep, ribbed bowl, MS 884, fits into stand (see below).

60.

RIBBED BOWL (OLLA) MS 884 Narce Tomb 105F Mended complete, with very small restorations. Red impasto, same as stand, although slightly brighter orange red on surfaces; also highly burnished. H. 26.0; Diam. rim 20.0 cm Luce 1921B:154 no. 243; Dohan 1942:49 no. 2, pl. 25 First half of 7th century BC

58: MS 862 ties with an even more ornate, and unusable, cup from the Museum’s Narce Tomb 70M (62). “Horned” handles on cups were also very popular at Veii, to judge from the numerous examples found in the Quattro Fontanili tombs of the 8th–7th centuries BC (NS 1963: passim). “Horned kyathoi” are also found in the burials of the region of nearby Capena, as well as in Iron Age (IIA) Rome (Esquiline necropolis), see references given by Davison.

Deep, nearly spherical bowl or jar (olla) with ring base, tapered lower body, ribbed belly set off top and bottom with sharp ridges; on top of wide shoulder, two ridges; flaring, wide everted rim. Body has vertical ribs or fluting overall; thin ring molding around base of neck. Compare an example from the early excavations of Veii, Delpino 1985:197 no. 4, pl. 1 no. 4, about half the size of the

59–60, CONICAL STAND AND BOWL SET 59.

CONICAL STAND MS 882 Narce Tomb 105F Mended complete from many fragments (cracks filled with modern material). Dark brownish red, dense, fine-textured impasto, wheel- and handmade. Surfaces highly burnished. Many knife and point marks made by artisan in cutting openwork decoration. H. 68.5; Diam. of basin 37.5; Diam. base 31.5 cm Luce 1921B:154 no. 243; Dohan 1942:49 no. 1, pl. 25 First half of 7th century BC

Tall, hollow conical stand with cut-out and bossed decoration has flaring smooth base, tapered conical shaft set off with large hemispherical bosses below, and three rows, framed by round moldings, of arrowhead-shaped cutouts. Two large, hemispherical elements (“bulbs”), also set off by moldings, are pierced with a row of round holes around center; upper element a deep, angular basin set off with a row of hemispherical bosses just below flaring rim. (The bosses are concave on interior of

59, 60: MS 882, MS 884

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Museum’s. Benedettini 1997:63 fig. 13 illustrates parallels to the conical stand in her 7th century Type IX B, each individualized by a slightly different combination of cut-out triangles and knobs. Compare the red ribbed olla on tall foot from Tarquinia, Monterozzi tomb 6337, Moretti Sgubini 2001A:98 fig. 115, well dated to the end of the 8th–beginning of the 7th century BC. Close parallels, slightly later and modified with smooth lower bodies to fit into stands, were widely diffused in the Latin region, with others appearing nearby at Caere: see Bietti Sestieri 1979:92–95, pl. 21 no.151A, with references (from tombs 62 and 76, dated ca. 630/20–580 BC). For interpretation of similar ornate examples: Siegfried 1986; cf. Pryce 1932: pl. 6 no. 2b.

61.

61: MS 2734

FALISCAN STYLE KANTHAROS MS 2734 Fig. 11 Narce Tomb 1 Mended nearly complete from many fragments; missing about 1/3 of foot, and parts of rim and body restored in plaster. Chipped, but retaining much of highly burnished original surface. Light reddish brown impasto with traces of sparkling inclusions and brown grits; fired mottled dark reddish to grayish brown. (Darker coloring especially noticeable on handles.) Burnishing marks very carefully placed; fingerprints on underside of base. H. to rim 16.5; H. through larger handle 21.0; Diam. base 10.0; Diam. rim approx. 15.7 (attachment of handles makes rim irregular); W. through both handles approx. 23.0 cm Luce 1921B:130 no. 80B; Dohan 1933:(155), pl. 6; Dohan 1942:56–57 no. 21, pl. 30; White et al. 2002:16 no. 22 First half of 7th century BC

Wheelmade, two-handled deep vase (kantharos). Wide, flaring conical foot, angular lower body, shelf-like, sharply carinated shoulder and concave, tall neck with slightly flaring rim. On shoulder ledge, between handles, three triangular projecting bosses each with triangle cut into upper surface and aligned with ring of six larger, upright countersunk triangles on neck; one blunt ridge separates shoulder and neck. Two blunt grooves surround flaring rim on exterior. High-flung handles each made of two ropes of clay (round in section) twisted once at level of rim and bent into triangular ram’s head, ends finished with spirally twisted ram’s horns. Groove sets off two ropes as they merge into ram’s head on top, and there slight tooling to set off

horns. Interior has blunt, conical boss in tondo set off with set of double grooves forming cross pattern. The tall-necked angular form with triangular projections on its shoulder and intaglio triangles on the neck/body was popular in deep cups or kantharoi in Faliscan areas, cf. Hayes 1985:42–43 no. B20, a kantharos from Orvieto, dated to the mid-7th century or slightly earlier (with anthropomorphic handles). Each such vase is unique because of the amount of hand-modeling, but similar treatments of handles occur through the Latin, Faliscan, and Capenate region, for instance, Roberts 1974:86–87 fig. 71 (human figures), 96 figs. 92–93 (lion’s heads); Bietti Sestieri 1979:182, pl. 46.7 (different kantharos form, but similar twirled handles form ram’s heads, dated 730/20–630/20 BC). Cf. the head on a footed bowl, Pryce 1932: pl. 5 no. 2.

62.

ORNAMENTAL FOOTED CUP MS 873 Narce Tomb 70M Mended nearly complete from several fragments; chipped, surfaces worn or eroded. Heavy impasto fabric mottled light to dark brown, with grayish core; traces of burnishing. H. to rim 6.5; H. through handle 10.2; Diam. rim 12.4; Diam. foot 6.2 cm Dohan 1942:14 no. 7, pl. 5 End of 8th–beginning of 7th century BC

Shallow cup on conical foot, with sharply carinated shoulder, very low upright rim, high-flung, horned handle with strut attached at rim. Lower body has four Z-shaped cuttings such that it can never have held any substance.

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8th century BC). A close parallel to the pattern of the Narce cups comes from Veii, Quattro Fontanili Tomb Z 15A (NS 1965:174 fig. 80.l, 176 no. l), although the shape is a bit simpler. The warrior of Veii Tomb Z 15A had bronzes, a crested helmet and spear, and numerous other vases placed along with this one in the loculus apparently reserved for the funeral’s banquet ware.

63–85, THE NARCE LADY: NARCE TOMB 19M 63.

ETRUSCO-GEOMETRIC BICONICAL URN MS 758 Narce Tomb 19M Intact except for chips missing from rim; painted surfaces scuffed but well preserved. Heavy, dark reddish brown impasto to grayish brown at core; abundant fine dark brown, white, and sparkling inclusions. Outer surface covered with creamy slip; matt orange red paint over slip. H. 34.0; Diam. rim 18.5, Diam. base 10.0 cm Dohan 1942:35–36 no. 1, pl. 18 Early 7th century BC

Handmade biconical urn of simplified, angular shape has flat base, sharp shoulder, widely flaring rim, and two large, up-

62: MS 873

Interior tondo cut with deep swastika shape centered on punched circle with bronze stud, swastika surrounded by an impressed pattern of concentric circles with punched centers, another line of impressed bull’s-eyes runs around foot. Pattern recurs, with centers studded with single row of bronze studs on shoulder and handle (mostly corroded or missing). On outside of handle, and on foot, pattern framed in carefully executed hatched lines, probably made by impressing side of tube of very fine, spirally coiled wire. On top of handle, three bronze studs (diam. 0.5 cm; mostly corroded); each horn has thin vertical piercing (Dohan: “string holes”), now empty. Inner face of handle has impressed horizontal ribbing. Two short slash marks across center-bottom of foot, made before firing. Compare the extravagantly un-useful openwork cups placed in the famous Tomba del Guerriero at Tarquinia (Hencken 1968B: I, 215–18 fig. 191k–l, Villanovan IIB, late

63: MS 758

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tilted horizontal handles, round in section. Slip covers outer surface, ending unevenly on underside of rim. Painted decoration in red over creamy slip: bands of different width over lower body; on upper body, between thin lines, zigzag pattern of solid lines and hatched bands. Beneath each handle, panel of zigzag; between handles, upright, cross-hatched triangles. On outer face of each handle, set of seven parallel horizontal contour lines ending in semicircle. Traces of white semicircles (Dohan: “festoons”) on upper face of rim, on bare fabric (with white splashes extending into neck). The presence of both handles is unusual in Villanovan style cinerary urns and may be related to finely painted decoration, perhaps an attempt to avoid damaging it, or simply a later version of funerary custom in which traditional adherence to a single handle was no longer considered important. The finely drawn, painted decoration of this urn and an olla in the tomb, in addition to the presence of the fluted cups of distant Near Eastern inspiration but local Faliscan manufacture, signal a date in the early Orientalizing rather than the Villanovan period.

64.

Dohan 1942:36 no. 7; pl. 18 Early 7th century BC Handmade shallow fluted bowl with ring foot, low body of 16 angular flutes, and short, straight rim very slightly everted. Fluting shows in interior as grooves, and base of interior has two concentric circular ridges above foot. Compare a similar bowl, originally probably on a taller cylindrical foot, from Poggio Buco (Pellegrini 1989:45, pl. 24 no. 115) dated to the first half of the 7th century BC, and related to the fluted bowls that imitate metal prototypes (55, pl. 32 nos. 162–165). Pellegrini links the type to Vulci, although the fabric of the Museum’s bowl is not the Poggio Buco whiteslipped ware. See 41 for the bronze version of this originally Near Eastern form that began in examples in precious metals.

65.

FLUTED BOWL MS 1713 Narce Tomb 19M. (See Dohan 1942:36 on provenance.) Intact; rim very slightly chipped. Traces of thick, reddish encrustation on one side of rim and shoulder, perhaps from rusting iron object near it in tomb? Interior and underside of foot show tan encrustation. Fine-textured impasto, dark brown, with abundant traces of very fine sparkling particles. Burnishing marks evident overall, and most surfaces appear highly polished. H. 6.7; Diam. rim 13.0; Diam. foot 6.4 cm

Heavy handmade carinated bowl on very high conical, fenestrated foot; large plastic ornament on rim representing male figure, with tubular legs spread apart and arms outstretched, holding muzzles of two confronted horses. Tall, tapering rectangles cut from sides of tall foot. Figures carefully modeled and pinched from vase rim. The “man” has blunt, rounded head, while horses show long cylindrical muzzles against thin, vertically pinched necks and tall manes. Their tails arch down and merge with rim, creating an openwork pattern. Fabric same and burnishing technique also matches that of 56.

66.

64: MS 1713

FOOTED BOWL MS 761 Fig. 12 Narce Tomb 19M. (See Dohan 1942:36 for correction of an erroneous 19th century mend.) Mended complete from many fragments (bowl and figure intact). Surface slightly eroded. Dark brownish to black impasto, gray at core; highly burnished inside and out. H. to rim 18.7; H. with ornament 25.5; Diam. rim 22.2; H. of foot 11.8; Diam. foot 12.9 cm Dohan 1942:36 no. 6, pl. 18.6; Moser 1984:16–17 no. 3; White et al. 2002:16 no. 21 Early 7th century BC

FOOTED BOWL MS 763 Narce Tomb 19M Preserves complete vase (rim chipped, restored), but ornaments damaged. Missing: man from waist up, tips

Catalogue of Objects

123

21.5; Diam. foot 14.3 cm. Diam. of chain links approx. 3.5 cm Dohan 1942:36, pl. 18 no. 5 Early 7th century BC 66: MS 763 Handmade bowl on tall, conical fenestrated foot with widely flaring edge. Plastic decoration set on rim, and three loops pulled up from sharply carinated shoulder held sets of pendent rings all in same fabric, of which one set of two rings (with central spine) remains. Sharp ridge sets off junction of foot and bowl; interior has pattern of finger-impressed lines radiating out from two concentric grooves in center. Standing on rim is master of horses, small figure (legs and waist preserved) whose feet stand on an arched loop of clay; on each side is modeled horse with long tail joined to rim, and front feet nearly touching man’s feet. Horses’ muzzles very long and must have merged with man’s (missing) hands; short ears and thin manes pinched out from necks/heads. Impressed rope pattern, made with fine spiral wire, delineates man’s wide Villanovan belt and horses’ bridles; an impressed pattern of small bull’s-eyes/bosses surrounds top and bottom of outside rim of bowl and runs over back of plastic figures; on rim, perpendicular lines of bosses and rope pattern link two rows of bosses. A simpler footed bowl made in similar technique, with impressed grooves on the interior, includes ceramic pendent rings: see Veii Quattro Fontanili Tomb HH 7–8 (NS 1965:189, 193 fig. 93.a). A more ornate version, with pendent chains and a team of four plastic horses, was found in the 19th century excavations of grave groups now in Villa Giulia: Gamurrini 1894:198–99 fig. 85, and Pasqui 1894:403–5 no. 11 (Petrina tomb 4, warrior’s tomb). See also Pallottino et al. 1980:238 figs. 320–21 (Petrina tomb 34, there dated to second half of 7th century). The Faliscan workshop of these bowls seems never to have made two alike.

67.

of horses’ muzzles, one mane restored. Presumably missing chain from two (of three) loops; slight traces of encrustation on surfaces. Some traces of white filling in ornaments. Micaceous impasto, dull black to brownish black, mottled reddish brown on foot. H. to rim 19.9; H. with ornament 26.0; Diam. rim

FAN HANDLE MS 766 Narce Tomb 19M Two fragments represent entire bronze socket (missing wooden shaft) and one of two(?) plates between which would have been feathers of fan. Bronze. Corroded dark blackish green with dull, bronze to green surfaces on inner side. L. of handle 24.0; Diam. of bottom of handle (open) 1.7; attachment plate 3.5 x 5.5 cm. Plate L. 17.0; W. 18.6; holes (Diam. 0.2) set 1.2 and 1.1 apart. Pattern of holes in sheet is 5 x 1.2 cm. Est. complete H.

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67: MS 766

greater than 37.0 cm Museum Journal 1920:27 case XXVI, no. 151G; Dohan 1942:37 no. 11, pl. 19.11; Guldager Bilde 1994:12 fig. 10, cat. No. 8 Early 7th century BC Large trapezoidal sheet of bronze with repoussé lines of bosses has rectangular pattern of pierced holes on narrower end, and must have been fitted to conical handle with aid of other panels in bronze or wood. Single rivet or pin (both tips missing) protrudes through both sides near bottom. Handle itself made from plate of bronze worked into tapered cylindrical hollow shape with flat, rectangular plate on end. Attached to the plate with two rows of three domed rivets is the remainder of thin, plain sheet. Manner of manufacture interesting: the artisan covered the plate entirely with vertical rows of repoussé bosses of alternating sizes, with perpendicular row of bosses across the straight edge, and only after completing the decoration did he cut the curved edge and attach other pieces. Six rivets securing handle of fan identical in technique to those on large bulla (55) from Tomb 43. The two fragments, repoussé plate and conical handle, do not join directly, and probably had several layers of organic materials and more bronze plate, some separating and others linking them. Pin and four holes in plate (the holes form narrow, elongated rectangle) cannot be aligned with any rivets or hole in handle.

A simple bronze ferrule found in the tomb might be from the end of the fan, but it does not appear to be of the same scale or fabric as the recognizable fragments; likewise another conical end-piece in bone and bronze has no indication of its original use and for reasons of conservation has not been catalogued. See Dohan 1942:37, pl. 20 nos. 12 and 13 (MS 794 and MS 793). The ultimate appearance of the fan, held by a tall wooden shaft, would probably have resembled that of fans depicted for ladies of high status in later tombs and friezes, from the Murlo procession frieze (MacIntosh 1974B:33–35) to the Tomb of the Shields at Tarquinia (ca. 350 BC, Steingräber 1986: pl. 146), and the Boston sarcophagus of Ramtha Vi´snai (Haynes 2000:289 fig. 232b). The 4th century Tomb of the Reliefs at Cerveteri also shows such a fan, with long bronze handle and side-struts, as if hanging on the back wall in a place of honor; see Blanck and Proietti 1986:22 fig. 11, 24, color pl. 16a. The Caeretan relief approaches the size of the large Narce fan when it held feathers. The extravagant plumed fan was a feature of 7th century princely tombs, such as the eponymous Tomba dei Flabelli at Populonia, while ivory fan handles were found at Marsiliana d’Albegna and Praeneste, and an intricately carved wooden handle was buried at Verucchio (see Bartoloni et al. 2000:242–43 nos. 282–84; Torelli, 2000:472). A fan excavated in the lady’s burial of tomb 149 at Acqua Acetosa Laurentina (Bedini 1990:55–56 no. 20, pl. XXV) has a long handle and round center decorated in repoussé with concentric rows of inscribed bosses and dots that are very close in style and technique to the ornament on the Narce warrior’s pectoral plaques (47); a bronze-covered footstool there is similarly decorated (Bedini 1990:54–55 no. 19). See Rathje 2001 on interpretation of the funerary ritual. There may have been one other Narce personage buried with a fan of similar outline to the Museum’s: see Guldager Bilde 1994:12 fig. 9, cat. No. 5 (Pasqui 1894:420 no. 20). A trapezoidal fan handle, decorated in slightly later style, was found in a tomb at Trevignano Romano, Colonna 1970:23–26 no. 10, pl. 7 (dated to the mid-7th century by M. Moretti). The Trevignano and Narce fans had been made locally, perhaps in response to the demands of local women for copies of oriental imports, and while reflecting the elite koine of the 8th–7th centuries, do not conform in design. A similar fan was made at Veii for the occupant of Monte Michele Tomb 5; it had been propped by its wooden shaft against the back wall: Boitani 1985:546–47, pl. 101a. A trapezoidal panel said to be from a fan was found in the famous Casale del Fosso warrior’s Tomb 871 (Veii): Buranelli, Drago, and Paolini 1997:69–71 fig. 11.

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68.

SET OF SIX PENDANTS MS 784A–B, MS 785A–B, MS 786A–B Narce Tomb 19M Bronze, corroded, but largely intact metal, black to dark greenish black H. of all 6.1; W. 3.4 to 3.6; Th. 0.3 to 0.4 cm Dohan 1942:37 no. 14, pl. 20; Geiger 1994:73–75 no. 46, pl. 53 Early 7th century BC

All six pendants were cast in the same workshop, and possibly the same multiple mold; they all show traces, to varying degrees, of sprues and casting flash that resulted from molten metal being poured rapidly into molds which, in some instances, it did not perfectly fill. Back of each smooth and very slightly convex, so mold was an open one, probably made of stone. At top of each pendant is an irregular broken edge showing where they were detached from casting. Outline of openwork pendants is schematization of more complex pattern, perhaps bird-boat surmounting triangular female figure with small, upraised arms. Whole pattern finished by very large ring connected by thin neck and by tops of “heads” of birds with curving out-turned “beaks.” Pendants flat on back surface, but with raised ridges outlining and forming spines for patterns on upper surface. They would have been suspended by rings from some metal object, often edges of sheet-bronze ornamental shield, but in this case, probably rim of bronze tripod stand or vessel (cf. Dohan 1942:37 and pl. 18.9–10). Nearly identical pendants, in a set of four pairs, were found in a young warrior’s Tomb LL 12–13 of Veii, still dangling from a loop of sheet bronze that had probably once attached them to an ornamental bronze shield (NS 1963:243–46 fig. 111.hh). They show the same technique of casting and could well have come from the same workshop as the Museum’s. Geiger (1994:73–75 no. 46) includes these pieces in the corpus of ornamental shields, although no recognizable shield fragments accompanied them; they are

mechanically related to a set found on the shield in Bisenzio Olmo Bello tomb 10 (Geiger 1994: pl. 46). Noting that the vases in Narce Tomb 19M are later in date than the metalwork, Geiger dates the deposition of Narce 19M to the period 700–680 BC; the pendants and the artifact they decorated must have been in the family for some time by then. Pendants of this type have been found on shields, tripod stands, and even horse bits (e.g., von Hase 1969: pl. 4 no. 41). Other pendants of this type were found attached to the handles on a bronze biconical cinerary urn from a tomb at Vulci, Falconi Amorelli 1983:159–62 no. 211.

69.

SPINDLE-SHAPED PIN MS 800 Narce Tomb 19M Presumably complete, chipped. Bronze and bone(?) Max. Pres. L. 19.2; Diam. of bead/whorl 2.9; H. of bead 1.6 cm. Bead/disc set approx. 1.5 cm below one end. Bone disc approx. 0.3 cm thick Dohan 1942:38 no. 17, pl. 20 Early 7th century BC

Thin bronze wire square in section, with “whorl” formed of two hemispheres of sheet bronze with disc of bone between, small conical bone bead on outer end, and short cylindrical bead of bone opposite longer length of wire. Small decorative rivets through bronze hemispheres secure halves through edges of

69: MS 800. Drawing after Dohan 1942:38 fig. 28.

68: MS 784A–B, MS 785A–B, MS 786A–B

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bone disc. Wire shaft and “spindle-whorl” are too flimsy to have been used in actual spinning of normal linen or wool threads, and the fine surface decoration and color-contrasted ornament imply purely ornamental, symbolic purposes. (Confirmed from examination of pin by Margarita Gleba, 2000.) Repoussé surface decoration of two partial hemispheres of bronze whorl executed with punched dots to form band of metope-like panels with alternating bossed circles enclosed in upright or down-turned semicircles. Edges of bone disc and beads are plain; they might have been colored or polished shining white to contrast with golden bronze of shaft and whorl. Compare a bone and bronze fragmentary example from Tarquinia (Gallinaro Fossa 8, Hencken 1968B: I, 348 fig. 347 c,h), where it was found near the left arm of a woman’s skeleton, along with a bronze rod decorated with bone discs (fig. 347b). Hencken dated this rich burial to the early Orientalizing Tarquinian Villanovan III period of the early 7th century BC. A number of pins of similar date from the region of Bologna appear quite similar to this, with the bone disc at center; compare Carancini 1975: pl. 93 nos. 3112 to 3252, also pls. 94–96, discussed 358–65. Closer are two pins from Casteldebole Tomb 3, Forte and Eles 1994: pl. 5 nos. 57–58, dated 8th–7th century BC.

70.

PENDANTS MS 787A–C Fig. 13 Narce Tomb 19M Preserved nearly intact; MS 787A missing one pendant; all treated with modern coating. Bronze L. of biconical segment 5.4 to 5.5; L. of pendants 3.0 to 3.2; Diam. of hole through shaft 0.3 to 0.4; Total L. when hanging approx. 8.4 cm Dohan 1942:38 no. 26, pl. 20; White et al. 2002:15 no. 20 Early 7th century BC

70: MS 787A–C

Very carefully made set of three pendants formed of vertical, truncated biconical bead with lower end worked into three large, downward curving flat rings from which hang solid-cast, angular biconical, bud-like pendants. Thin, solid-cast rings atop pendants secured in eyelets by hammering. (Eyelets were cut and then pinched back together.) Surface decoration on beads series of concentric grooves on shafts on either side of central swelling. These beads very sharp-pointed and angular compared to some others. In the burials of contemporary Tarquinia and Veii are many examples of these and related cast-bronze pendants, many in groups of three, as here. Biconical beads, with or without cast-bronze pendants, have large holes as if suited to hold string or leather cords. The frequency of triple sets might indicate a triangular scarf, perhaps of fine wool, like those still worn in the eastern Mediterranean and held in place by tossing one corner across the neck and over the shoulder. Modern examples have coins sewn on the corners; thus weighted, a scarf or shawl would stay in place even in the wind without being tied or pinned. In a woman’s burial at Loreto Apruntino (tomb 9), a pair of heavy, bud-like pendants had hung over each shoulder, while a veil or scarf was held over the back of the neck by many small fibulae; see Cianfarani 1976:59, 57 (drawing), pl. 59. Cf. Hencken 1968B: I, 163ff. Several parallels are known in the Quattro Fontanili necropolis of Veii: Tomb KK 15 (NS 1963:228–29 fig. 98.d) had a bronze rod held in place by an amber bead at the bottom of the pendant. Others at Veii, including sets of three, some of which had ancient repairs, and some found on the chest: NS 1963:238 fig. 106.j; NS 1965:129, 135 fig. 55.s; 202, 214 fig. 103.dd; 220, 224 fig. 112.l.

71.

PENDANT MS 767 Narce Tomb 19M Intact except for slight chips on edges, corroded dull, brownish green to bronze metal color. Bronze H. 4.5; W. 8.4; Diam. of suspension rings 1.2 cm Dohan 1942:38 no. 19, pl. 20 Early 7th century BC

Semicircular or lunate pendant folded in half from a sheet of bronze, its edges punched with five holes on each side, through which chains or rings would have been fastened. Two larger rings for suspension remain in upper corners. No surface decoration. See next entry.

127

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Dohan 1942:38 no. 15, pl. 20 Early 7th century BC Pendant ornamental comb cut and worked from sheet of bronze. Rounded upper section with three square tabs, each pierced for suspension, one retaining single wire ring; straight lower section was scored very rapidly and roughly until cut through; at side of each lower corner, small square projection. On upper portion, three round bosses were beaten up from one side. Cleaning in 2002 revealed presence, on concave side, of fine, cold-worked pattern: sunburst design formed of hatched lines radiating from circular depressions, and straight bands just above teeth. The fine golden color of metal seems to indicate different alloy or finish for this piece from that of other bronzes at Narce. 71, 72: MS 767 (bottom), MS 768

72.

PENDANT MS 768 Narce Tomb 19M Intact; only slightly corroded, with small patches of creamy green over dark bronze metallic color. Very tiny cracks in or near edges, folds. Bronze H. 3.0; W. 6.0; Outside Diam. of suspension rings 1 cm Dohan 1942:38 no. 20, pl. 20 Early 7th century BC

Semicircular pendant folded in half from sheet worked in repoussé on one half, with three concentric semicircles of dots; edges crimped flat and pierced on each side with five holes for rivets. Large wire suspension rings preserved in each upper corner. Sheet pendants folded into semicircles are not uncommon in the graves of Narce and Veii (e.g., Quattro Fontanili Tomb II 9–10, NS 1965:202, 214 fig. 103.gg). See 38 for discussion.

73: MS 1058

See NS 1965:129, 135 fig 55.r, from Veii Tomb HH 11–12, for a comb of the same type and size, with fragments of a chain attached. Combs were probably useful for fleas or lice since the prehistoric period, when this shape appears in bone or wood. See an actual wooden comb of Final Bronze (11th century BC) found in a woman’s wooden coffin at Celano (loc. Paludi, tomb 4): Colonna 1999:183–84 no. 7.

74. 73.

PENDANT IMITATION COMB

FIBULAE (group of five from original set of seven)

MS 1058 Narce Tomb 19M Corroded and chipped, missing one lower corner and most of teeth; patches of green to red corrosion, but most of surfaces shiny, golden metallic. Bronze; possibly different alloy or surface treatment has caused it to retain shiny golden color Max. Pres. H. 4.8, Max. Pres. W. 5.6 cm

MS 769A, B, C, E, G Narce Tomb 19M Corroded mottled dark green/black/metallic color. B mended complete (pin glued); others intact. Bronze L. approx. 4.3 to 3.7 cm Dohan 1942:39 no. 42, pl. 19 Early 7th century BC

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74, 75: MS 769A, B, C, E, G; MS 770B

From group of seven matched fibulae, in varying states of preservation, five included here. Solid-cast form is of modified navicella bow with sharp knobs projecting on each side of pinched top, spring of two coils, and plain, elongated catch plate. Surface decoration: grooves around knobs, impressed bull’s-eye with recessed center on top of bow, transverse grooves over remainder of bow. Two more fibulae (fragmentary) from this set, MS 769D and F, not catalogued here (they appear in Dohan’s pl. 19 as no. 41 [there numbered MS 769] and no. 42, the fragmentary piece in top row of plate). The grooved decoration may originally have held inlay of pigment or organic material, now missing. These fibulae fall early in the development of the knobbed, navicella type, prior to the extreme attenuation of both bow and catch (loosely, Sundwall 1943:224–28, type G III b). Compare Jurgeit 1999:590 no. 1005, pl. 275, with references. As may be expected, parallels occur at Veii (Quattro Fontanili Tomb JJ 8, NS 1965:206, 218 fig. 107 no. i); Close-Brooks (NS 1965:61 fig. 7) placed the type (ad arco schiacciato) in Veii IIA–IIB. Varieties of this shape, which was also very popular in the Italic territories through the 7th century, have been found as far afield as the sanctuary at Olympia (Philipp 1981: pl. 20 nos. 1058–60).

75.

L. 5.1; H. 2.8 cm Dohan 1942:39 nos. 36–37, pl. 19 Early 7th century BC Bronze fibulae of navicella type with edges of solid-cast bow extended slightly, three-coil spring, and slightly elongated catch. Surface decoration of transverse lines at each end of bow, and set of fine, parallel longitudinal lines over center top of bow.

76.

FIBULA MS 877 Narce Tomb 19M Intact (pin chipped). Surfaces mottled black. Silver with bronze wire ring Fibula: H. 2.0; L. 3.2 cm. Wire ring: Diam. 0.8 cm Dohan 1942:39 no. 38, pl. 19 (incorrect number: MS 887) Early 7th century BC

FIBULAE MS 770A, B Narce Tomb 19M Missing pins; corroded creamy green to reddish color. Bronze

76: MS 877

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Small leech-type fibula constructed of sheet silver, with hollow, smooth bow in low arch, small folded disc for catch, and thin bronze wire ring fastened around bow just above spring. Fine seam visible on underside of bow. Outer surface of disc foot appears to have been punched with border of single row of dots. This shape (a sanguisuga ribassata—a flattened leech shape) is distinctive of other areas of Italy, particularly the northern region of Este, which maintained a very distinctive style of metalwork: von Eles Masi 1986:76–77 nos. 649–650, pl. 44, variety B, from tombs of the mid-8th through early 7th century at Este. Although rare in the south and perhaps an article of gift or exchange, the type is seen in tombs of Veii IIB.

77.

FIBULA WITH HANGER MS 791 Narce Tomb 19M Nearly intact; fibula has cracked catch plate and tip of pin missing. Corroded black. Bronze Fibula: H. 1.0; L. 1.7 cm. Ring: Diam. 1.0 cm. Pendant: H. 2.0; W. 2.3 cm. Max. Pres. H. of ensemble approx. 3.5 cm Dohan 1942:38 no. 28, pl. 19 Early 7th century BC

Miniature fibula with leech bow and slightly elongated catch, has small bronze ring strung on pin; pendent from ring is curved length of fine flattened wire (0.25 cm wide), now in symmetrical, complex curve with ends running horizontally or parallel to pin. Ends of wire pendant were cut so that it is forked. The wire form

seems like something that might be used to attach lightweight object of different material (cloth or wood?) to this tiny hanger. Compare miniature fibula with hanger in little girl’s tomb (90); also Veii Quattro Fontanili Tomb KK 10–11, NS 1965:220, 224 fig. 112.e, 236 (belonging to a 25-year-old adult).

78.

FIBULA, COMPOSITE TYPE, WITH PENDANT ORNAMENT MS 781 Narce Tomb 19M Pendant intact; fibula missing part of pin and catch, and all but two of amber beads from bow. Bronze corroded black to dark brown. Bronze and amber Fibula: Pres.H. 1.4; Max. Pres.L. 2.8; Diam. of beads 1.2 and 0.8 cm. Pendant: L. 5.0; W. 3.9 cm. When assembled/worn, Max. Pres. H. at least 5.5 cm Dohan 1942:38 no. 29, pl. 19 Early 7th century BC

Small fibula of composite type, made with wire bow and slightly elongated catch. On bow were strung beads/discs in other materials, of which only two, of amber, preserved; they appear to have been placed near catch end of the bow. Hanging from the pin is miniature cast-bronze pendant in the shape of an axe of sacrificial type with long shaft, bent top ending in flaring blade on one side (its edge carefully tapered), and an upright waterbird with elongated raised beak and tilted tail on the other. On each side of the blade is small impressed bull’s-eye pattern. Ceremonial and miniature versions in amber, metal, etc., of this type of axe have been found in graves in the Po region

77: MS 791

78: MS 781

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and beyond, see Bartoloni et al. 2000:238–40. A similar pendant axe was found in Bologna, Romagnoli Tomb 10 (beginning of 7th century BC, Bianco Peroni 1976:92 no. 523, pl. 71C no. 17). Such symbolic items must have been charged with deeper meanings, associated with the personages who wielded functional versions for war or sacrifice, although the Narce lady’s identity as priestess cannot be proven. A further intriguing association is offered by Babbi (2002:448–49 fig. 11) who has demonstrated a link between these Italic and Etruscan ornaments and Iron Age Sardinian types of miniature pendent workmen’s tools.

79.

FIBULAE, COMPOSITE TYPE WITH AMBER-BEADED BOW MS 774A, B Narce Tomb 19M A: preserves nearly complete wire fibula, retaining apical section of composite bow; catch chipped. Bronze corroded green to black; amber dull, chipped B: missing part of pin, catch; retains 3 loose beads on bow Bronze (wire and sheet), amber A: L. 3.6; H. 2.2; Diam. ring 0.7 cm. B: Max. Pres. L. 3.5; H. 1.8; Diam. ring 1.6 cm Dohan 1942:39 nos. 34–35, pl. 19 Early 7th century BC

79: MS 774A (right), B

Very fine fibulae, with graduated, contoured beads of amber strung on wire bow and alternating with thin discs of sheet bronze. Round catch, spring of three coils. On A, an apical bead framed by set of three bronze discs on each side, followed by an amber bead and at least one more bronze disc (both ends have lost rest of beads). B less well preserved. Pendent from pin of A is small, fine wire ring; larger, thin ring is pendent from pin of B.

80: MS 772A, B

80.

FIBULAE, COMPOSITE TYPE WITH GLASS BOW MS 772A, B Narce Tomb 19M Each single fragment of bow, preserving small length of bronze wire and chipped but nearly complete glass bow. Bronze corroded creamy green; glass dull and probably discolored to cream and brown. Bronze and glass Max. Pres. L. 3.7 and 4.4; Max. Pres. H. through bows approx. 2.2 cm Dohan 1942:39 nos. 39–40, pl. 19 Early 7th century BC

Pair of fibulae made of thin bronze wire, rectangular in section (approx. 0.2 cm thick); bit of wire protrudes from B. Each bow formed of single bead of glass modeled around arched wire and joined on its underside, with slight projections on each side; twocolored herringbone pattern formed of rod of dark glass with applied, light-colored marvered threads forming herringbone or festoon pattern overall. It is likely that dark color was originally bluish, and creamy sections originally white or yellow. (Erosion of dark glass in places shows that light was originally applied over it.) Fibulae composed of a wire bow on which formed a single bead (“runner”) conforming to the shape of a leech-type bow are known throughout Etruria, and it has often been suggested that they derived from a factory in Italy. Instead of stringing beads onto a cold wire bow, these fibulae had to be formed on the wire itself, and since its shape is so distinctively Etruscan, it must be assumed that the entire fibula was made in Etruria. (They are known at Veii and Narce, as well as Marsiliana d’Albegna, Vetulonia, Chiusi, and Verucchio.) See the fine examples from Bologna, Arsenale Tomb 11/1191, Bartoloni et al. 2000:297, 300 nos. 403–6 (with references). Cf. Bologna Benacci Tomb 888 (found with a spindle, Bianco Peroni 1976:74 no. 372, pl. 71B no. 4, grave group of the end of the

Catalogue of Objects

8th century BC). Sundwall 1943:193, fig. 311, F II c 7. A fine, complete example in Toledo is illustrated by Grose 1989:70, 87 no. 36. On the Etruscan glass industry, see Pt. IA, chapter 6.

81.

131

in an example (not as elaborate as the Museum’s) from Tomb I at Poggio Buco, dated to the first quarter of the 7th century BC. (Bartoloni 1982:26, pl. 10 no. 28, also pl. 13.a–d and passim.) See also 13.

BRACELETS MS 779A, B Narce Tomb 19M Intact; very corroded, with rough surfaces, retaining dull, dark bronze color with small patches of light to dark green and black. Bronze A: Diam. 8.3; B: Diam. 9.4 cm Dohan 1942:38 nos. 22–23, pl. 20 Early 7th century BC

Pair of bracelets of roughly similar size, but made by two quite different techniques. A: hollow construction, coil of tapered tubing with solid blunt ends. Decorative incisions on outer surface: wolf’s teeth and parallel lines. B: solid-cast with blunt ends. Bracelets of this size and shape, executed by varying techniques (cast solid, constructed of sheet, decorated or plain) were characteristic offerings in tombs of both men and women in central Etruria and Faliscan territory during the early 7th century BC, as

81: MS 779A, B

82.

BEADS MS 1083 E–G Narce Tomb 19M Single fragments, missing most of top/tube; surfaces dull, eroded. No trace of original silver elements (if they were present). Amber L. 2.9, 1.7, and 1.6 cm Dohan 1942:39 nos. 44, 49, 48, pl. 20 Early 7th century BC

Bud-shaped conical beads of slightly varying sizes (which probably reflect size of amber nodule from which each was carved). Conical bead with cylindrical neck, terminating in horizontal tube, pierced vertically and tube horizontally. Thin molding sets off top of conical section and top of neck; this pronounced on largest bead, E. Similar amber bud-shaped beads have been found in the tombs of Veii, in some cases lying over the chest as if they had been worn in a necklace. See NS 1963:237, 240–41 fig. 107.cc. A necklace from the Circolo dei Monili tomb at Vetulonia contained some pendants probably from the same workshop as the Museum’s, with amber spacers of different type: Falchi 1891: pl. 7 no. 1.

82, 83, 84: (clockwise from right) MS 1083G, MS 799A, MS 1080D, MS 1083E, MS 799B, MS 1083F

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BEADS MS 799A, B See photo with 82 Narce Tomb 19M A: Intact(?); surfaces dull and eroded. A seems to retain fragment of silver through tubular top. B: mended complete from two fragments, retains filling (amber?) in vertical pierced hole. Amber and silver L. 1.9 and 1.7 cm Dohan 1942:39 nos. 46–47, pl. 20 Early 7th century BC 85: MS 806A–C

Beads of identical type to preceding.

84.

BEAD MS 1080D See photo with 82 Narce Tomb 19M Mended complete from two fragments; chipped, surfaces eroded and dull. Amber L. 2.2 cm Dohan 1942:39 no. 45, pl. 20 Early 7th century BC

Slightly more rounded bead of identical type to above; retains original remnants of amber shavings from drilling of its vertical channel. The amber necklaces of Faliscan ladies (cf. 156, 160) represent the end of long trading network, recalling the story told by Odysseus (Odyssey 15.415–416) in his guise of victim of Phoenician kidnappers, that a trader came to the palace showing his mother a necklace of gold and amber, and the lady offered him a price for it—that would almost certainly have been paid in textiles she had woven or decorated. Did the Narce lady’s necklace come from some such exchange of goods?

85.

A: clear to whitish iridescent glass bead of irregular, oblong shape, appears to have molded impression on one side, perhaps of seated animal(?). B: irregular teardrop shape with large central hole seems to be chipped at both ends. It may have formed shape of duck’s head with openwork eye, emphasized by curving lines of light color (creamy, perhaps originally yellow) laid over dark purplish (once blue?) bead. C: single spherical bead of dark (brown to purple?) glass with three adjoined circles of lighter color (now light green) over its surface.

86–95, THE NARCE CHILD: NARCE TOMB 102F 86.

MINIATURE KYATHOS MS 1005 Narce Tomb 102F Mended nearly complete; missing parts of handle and rim restored. Surfaces very eroded. Brown impasto with very abundant sparkling inclusions and white and dark grit H. to rim 2.7; Diam. rim 5.2 cm Museum Journal 1920:26 case XVIII, group 36; Dohan

BEADS MS 806A–C Narce Tomb 19M Intact; all chipped, surfaces eroded. Glass (necklace) A: W. 2.2 cm B: Max. Pres. L. 1.9; Th. 0.6 cm C: Diam. 1.8 cm Dohan 1942:40 nos. 50–53, pl. 20 Early 7th century BC

86: MS 1005

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88.

1942:48 no. 15, pl. 23 First half of 7th century BC Miniature cup or kyathos with one handle and very slight ring base, carinated shoulder and flaring rim, high-flung handle. A much simpler version of the Italic kyathos (32). Compare the more ornate, adult-size cup from Veii Tomb C, dated ca. 660–630 BC: Cristofani 1969:70, 26–27 fig. 8 no. 7, pl. 9.4.

87.

MINIATURE CONICAL STAND MS 993 Narce Tomb 102F Intact, surfaces somewhat encrusted in places with black over the usual whitish coating. Paint slightly chipped or worn. Fine-textured grayish tan to reddish brown impasto with abundant sparkling inclusions, rough brown grits and finer white inclusions. Creamy slip and matt orange paint H. 12.5; Diam. base 11.5; Diam. rim 11.2 cm Museum Journal 1920:26 case XVIII, group 36; Dohan 1942:47 no. 1, pl. 23 First half of 7th century BC

Small conical stand with wide, flaring foot and bowl, each with wide, flat rim; two conical sections attached with flattened, hemispherical bulb. Rim has shallow sharp flange on top, perhaps to take lid. Cream to yellowish slip over which design painted in thick lines of matt orange: on bowl and flaring base, zigzags between broad lines; broad line around spherical center element; creamy slip covers interior of bowl down to hole but not into sphere.

Miniature bullae cut from bronze sheet, dapped and folded over to form hollow lentoid pendant with cylindrical top. Preserved corroded to one side of top carrier of both A and C is single tiny jump ring that must have been strung on original thong or string to form necklace. Pendants could have held some substance, but now empty.

88: MS 1017A–C See 170 for discussion of bullae. A very fine set of at least 12 ornate gold foil pendants from a Narce woman’s tomb group now in Copenhagen may be the ultimate version of such ornaments: Roberts 1974: 60 fig. 22a, no. 4139.

89.

87: MS 993

SET OF THREE BULLAE (PENDANTS) MS 1017A–C Narce Tomb 102F Intact; corroded dark metallic to black. Bronze, sheet and wire A and C: H. 1.0 cm. B: H. 0.9 cm. Depth approx. 0.4 cm Dohan 1942:48 no. 31, pl. 23 First half of 7th century BC

FIBULA WITH PENDENT RING MS 1013 See photo with 90 Narce Tomb 102F Nearly intact: missing only tip of pin. Corroded surfaces rough, mottled black with traces of coppery metallic color on bow. Bronze Fibula: H. 0.9; L. 1.65 cm. Ring: Diam. 1.1 cm Dohan 1942: 48 no. 21, pl. 23 First half of 7th century BC

Miniature fibula of beaten bronze with simplified navicella bow, elongated catch plate, and small wire ring suspended from pin.

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91: MS 1019–1022, MS 1024–1027 89, 90: MS 1013 (right), MS 1012

90.

See 74 for the simplified navicella-type fibula of an adult woman (those of the Narce Lady of Tomb 19M are slightly earlier, with fuller bows).

FIBULA WITH RING AND HANGER MS 1012 Narce Tomb 102F Intact; corroded metallic to black in color. Bronze Fibula: H. 0.8; L. 1.2 cm. Ring: Diam. 0.7 cm. Pendant: H. 1.7; W. 3.1; W. of band 0.3 cm. Total H. of assembly approx. 2.7 cm Dohan 1942:48 no. 22, pl. 23 First half of 7th century BC

92.

FIBULA MS 1014 Narce Tomb 102F Intact; pin very slightly bent at tip. Gold H. 0.9; L. 1.8; Depth (W. of bow) 0.3 cm Dohan 1942:48 no. 24, pl. 23 First half of 7th century BC

Miniature navicella fibula constructed from sheet bronze, attached by single ring to pendant of folded, flattened wire. Wire pendant, trimmed to forked ends, folded into an eyelet shape ending in horizontal extensions as if to hold pendant of organic material such as wood or fabric. See 77 for an adult’s version of this.

Miniature fibula constructed of gold, in same shape and size as set of bronze ones, has modified navicella-type bow and elongated catch plate. Bow and catch plate constructed of gold sheet, with spring and pin formed from piece of gold wire inserted in back edge of bow. Compare 89 and 90.

91.

93.

SET OF EIGHT MINIATURE FIBULAE MS 1019–1022, MS 1024–1027 Narce Tomb 102F Varying states of preservation of identical fibulae from intact (MS 1020) to bent (MS 1022). Others chipped, missing pins and or springs. All corroded black to green, with patches of golden metallic color showing through. Bronze Complete examples such as MS 1020 are H. 0.9; L. 1.9; W. of bow 0.5 cm Dohan 1942:48 no. 23, pl. 23 First half of 7th century BC

Set of matched miniature fibulae constructed with bows of simplified navicella shape (due to difficulties of scale), all with elongated catch plates. They are so small that the formal typological categories should not be rigidly applied.

FIBULA MS 1018 Narce Tomb 102F Nearly intact: missing tip of pin and catch. Corroded

92, 93: MS 1014 (right), MS 1018

Catalogue of Objects

metallic color to black, surfaces rough. Bronze, cast and beaten H. 1.5; Pres. L. 2.3; W. of bow 1.0 cm Dohan 1942:48 no. 25, pl. 23 First half of 7th century BC Miniature fibula with solid-cast broad bow of navicella type, spring of three coils, and elongated catch plate. Similar in type, but heavier than other fibulae.

94.

Fine hammered bronze wire, round in section, coiled into approximately five–six coils, with both ends simply folded back parallel to last coil. No amber discs were found with the earrings, although some fragments of amber did come from the grave, and adult versions of this type have been preserved with large, pendent amber discs (cf. 20). The Narce Lady also had spiral earrings (not catalogued). A close parallel from Narce are Roberts 1974:58–59 fig. 21a, no. 4132. The simplest version of coil earrings is seen in an early example in the tomb of a middle-aged woman from Veii, QF Tomb AA 14–15B (NS 1965:79–80, 232.

BRACELET MS 1008 Narce Tomb 102F Intact; corroded creamy to dark green; still quite heavy. Bronze Diam. 5.1; Diam. of bronze 0.5 cm Dohan 1942:48 no. 16, pl. 23 First half of 7th century BC

Simple bracelet of cast bronze, formed of solid rod (round in section) curled and joined smoothly at ends in sort of scarf-joint. Another bracelet found in sarcophagus (not included here) was similar in size but of slightly different appearance, with simple pattern of hatching or diagonal grooves on outer surface; the two probably formed a pair. See Dohan 1942:48 no. 17, pl. 23 (MS 1007).

95.

135

COIL EARRINGS MS 1009 and MS 1010 Narce Tomb 102F Mended complete from several fragments; corroded creamy green to black. Bronze Max. Pres. W. of coil approx. 1.0; Diam. 3.0 and 3.2 cm. Wire approx. 0.01 cm thick Dohan 1942:48 nos. 18–19, pl. 23 First half of 7th century BC

94, 95: MS 1008 (left), MS 1009–1010

96.

STYLUS MS 1746 Said to be from Etruria Intact, although weathered at tip. Bone, showing traces of cellular structure at tip. Partially discolored green, presumably from proximity to corroding bronze. Pres. L. 9.3; W. of hand 0.9; Diam. of shaft 0.5 cm (Cf. Museum Journal 1920:30 case XXXIII, no. 220: “group of ivory styli”) 6th–5th century BC

Small stylus with cylindrical shaft ending in flattened human hand rendered in shallow relief; tip of thumb sharp-edged, tips of fingers end in rounded profile. The hand was obviously intended for use as an eraser to smooth lines in wax of writing tablet. Angle of thumb and its sharp edge might even have been useful for inscribing lines as in modern ruled paper—it could have ruled surface with lines approx. 0.6 cm wide. Surface of stylus is today very highly polished and comfortable to hand, perhaps reflecting 96: MS 1746 polishing of frequent use. (A second stylus of the same type is in study collection: MS 1747, without provenance.) That these implements ending in a flat human hand are styli seems evident by their size and feel in

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the hand. Amulets featuring a human hand usually show a closed fist or other gesture, and do not have the long shaft (cf. Moscati 1986: 48, pl. 18 no. B5, from Tharros). Similar simplified hands appeared during the 7th century on fine spoons of ivory placed in elite tombs: see Bubenheimer 2000: pls. 2–3. For a different, 6th century stylus in bronze, see Bruschetti et al. 1996:103 no. 257.

97.

shaft and/or the stylized animal finial: Morigi Govi and Vitali 1982:206 top. A slightly more three-dimensional version is the stylus from the François Tomb at Vulci, F. Gaultier in Buranelli 1987:138–39 no. 43, now in the Louvre. Pose of the bird may depict a stork or crane in a mating ritual, in which some species arch the head and neck backward, over the back. Storks initiating this pose are illustrated by Kushlan (1998:75 fig. 8, 83 fig. 7).

STYLUS MS 1742 Said to be from Etruria Intact although eroded and cracked across pointed end. Bone, yellowish ivory in color with traces of light red and black paint remaining in incised pattern on upper shaft. Shaft highly polished. Pres. L. 15.2; Diam. of shaft 0.6 to 0.9; H. of finial 2.9; W. of finial 1.3 cm (Cf. Museum Journal 1920:30 case XXXIII, no. 220: “group of ivory styli.”) 4th century BC

Long stylus with shaft oval in section, and set off from finial by series of three convex moldings between deep concave segments. Upper shaft carefully incised with grooved band with pattern of superimposed, spiraling sets of lines and diagonal hatchings, as if representing basketwork or lashings. The finial, set atop one more narrow molding, seems to represent flattened and smoothed form of preening or posturing bird, such as stork or heron, with arched neck and long tapering beak; keyhole-shaped cut-out delineates neck, body, and legs. Groove separates beak and body, and short horizontal grooves cover “legs.” (Another stylus of this type is also in collection, MS 1741, without provenance.) See Messerschmidt 1932: 97: MS 1742 511–17, 513, pl. 25 no. I–17, for nearly identical bone stylus excavated in chamber tomb at Perugia. Etruscan bronzes in the grave goods give date of the early 4th century BC for the burials. Two bone styli from Bologna retain simplified versions of the hatched

98.

STYLUS MS 1740 No provenance Intact; slightly discolored overall, grayish green to tan, as if from contact with corroding bronze, also a trace of iron rust stain near writing tip. Bone L. 11.1; Max. Diam. 0.9 cm (Cf. Museum Journal 1920:30 case XXXIII, no. 220: “group of ivory styli.”) 2nd–1st century BC

Elongated conical shape with thin tip for writing, and beveled at wider end to conical point. Presumably broader end was for smooth erasures. Nicely weighted to rest in hand while writing; preserves finely polished surface. A bone stylus with doubleconical end was found in Tarquinia, Fondo Scataglini Tomb 35: see Serra Ridgway 1996:56 no. 381, pls. 39, 127 no. 66, pl. 227. Compare the simple design of the bone styli from the pottery workshop of Aesis at Jesi (Ancona), NS 1996–97:234 nos. 685–88, there dated ca. 120/110 to 50/40 BC.

99.

98: MS 1740

LINTEL FROM DOORWAY OF TOMB MS 3200 Fig. 15 Orvieto, Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis, “Tomba Mancinelli B,” grave group purchased through Frothingham (1896–97) Broken into several fragments (six large pieces),

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edges very friable; preserves (although extremely weathered) right top edge of lintel block, but missing last section of inscription (perhaps 30 cm or more), including final letters of name. Back surface shows traces of tool marks of original cutting. Back surfaces of different fragments of widely varying thicknesses, yet smooth, as if some had been trimmed after block was set in place to accommodate door of tomb. Tufa (local bedrock), very weathered overall Pres. L. 1.90 m; Pres. H. 53 cm. Letter heights 8.0 to 12.5 cm. Precision of measuring impaired by extremely coarse character of stone, with numerous large voids and inclusions of obsidian and other materials. CIE 5004; Bates 1905:165 no. 1; Rix, ET Vs 1.99; White et al. 2002:23 no. 35; L. Bonfante in REE (Studi Etruschi—submitted 2/2002) Ca. 550 BC Large rectangular lintel block of doorway of typical tomb of ashlar masonry in necropoleis of Orvieto. Block appears to have finished vertical edge after last letter on its lefthand side, indicating that last few letters of inscription had been carved into adjacent block. Some other tombs in Orvietan necropolis have this feature, although it is not especially common. Retrograde inscription: mi vely urus hulxenas kav[ies] “I am [the tomb] of Velthur Hulchenas Kavies” The letter forms are common to 6th century Orvieto and show the style adopted for monumental inscriptions carved in stone, while the shape and treatment of the lintel slab are standard in the tombs of Crocifisso del Tufo. The form of the family name, Hulchenas, is archaic; this family would later be recorded in other cities, such as Tarquinia, with the spelling Hulchnie (in the famous 4th century Tomba dell’Orco): see Rix 1963:298. Additional name, possibly originally Kavies, is less common: most inscriptions are contained on single blocks and do not continue onto the next. The layout of the necropolis and the inscriptions themselves indicate that this burial ground was planned and built by subscription, like a housing development (and within the city itself, there is some indication of housing tracts for citizens probably of the same

99: MS 3200

social class). The names on a few other lintels, both in Crocifisso del Tufo and the Cannicella necropolis, show that even women and persons of foreign origin or ancestry, such as Celts, could purchase a tomb—and thus own Etruscan land—in the territory of Orvieto, indicating a relatively open and diverse society during the prosperous 6th century. In a neighboring quarter of the necropolis was found the tomb of a relative of Velthur, possibly his granddaughter (and if so, one of the 5–10% of Volsinian women property owners there): CIE 4966, TLE 245; Agostiniani 1982:245; Rix, ET Vs 1.28. (That inscription reads mi larthia hulxenas vely uruscles—see SE 30 (1962):48, 147 no. 20. The original publication was a drawing of the inscription made by the famous scholar G. Golini during his tunneling in 1876, but her tomb itself was first excavated by Mario Bizzarri in 1961, when it held only fragments of pottery and two gold rings supposed by their size to be for a child.) For a suggestion of what the Orvietan necropoleis once held, see the scientific excavations published by Bizzarri (1962:136–51, inscriptions, and 1966). A study of the Orvietan tomb groups in the Museum (apparently mingled during shipment to Philadelphia) is in progress by A. B. Brownlee.

100. SHERD FROM BUCCHERO VASE, WITH INCISED INSCRIPTIONS MS 1628 Orvieto, Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis Mended from three smaller sherds, preserving small segment of rim, but broken on all other sides; edges slightly abraded; preserves partial traces of highly polished surfaces inside and out.

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Fine bucchero sottile fabric, dark black throughout; surfaces burnished and highly polished Pres. L. 6.7; Max. Pres. W. of fragment 2.4; Max. Pres. W./chord of finished edge 1.0; Th. 0.25; inscribed “box” 6.5 x 1.0 cm. Letters on interior approx. 0.4 to 0.6 cm high; on exterior, approx. 0.4 cm high Bates 1905:167–68 no. 10; Luce 1921B:152 no. 227; E. Fiesel, note to Lehmann-Hartleben 1935:80. (This cites inscription on exterior as name “sphinx,” but spelled atu, now recognized as a´su, for archaic form of cross-bar sigma. Correct reading given in Fiesel 1936); G. Buonamici, REE in SE 11 (1937):443–44 no. 1, but incorrectly inserts mi before name; TLE 766 (incorrect insertion of mi); Agostiniani 1982:526 (follows TLE 766); Rix, ET Cr 2.42 (mi inserted); Bagnasco Gianni 1996:310–11 no. 303, 335, 374 (follows TLE 766); L. Bonfante, forthcoming: gives correct reading without mi) Early 6th century BC Fragment from large, thin-walled open vase, with thin straight rim, slightly thicker at broken lower end. Curve very shallow, convex side decorated with an incised, inscribed image, main inscription on concave, smooth interior side. On outer surface, traces of original incised decoration: below four grooves encircling rim, traces of scene with sphinx or similar creature walking to viewer’s right. What remains is front leg with feline paw, angled backward as if striding; body shows rounded shoulder and convex-curved wing; two wavy, slanting lines for creature’s long hair curls. Written vertically, from rim down, over creature’s back, retrograde Etruscan inscription a´s u. On inner surface, written vertically from rim down, another retrograde inscription, framed in rectangular “box” of three straight lines, rim forming

righthand border, another inscription, woman’s name: y anakvilu´s sucisnaia. The incised image of sphinx was executed before vase was fired, and it may be that names were also inscribed in advance, although this has not been determined. The letter forms, including the early cross-bar S, and the spelling of the name Tanaquil indicate the mid-6th century or perhaps even slightly earlier. Rix has attributed it to the territory of Caere; although this is by no means certain (cf. Bagnasco Gianni 1996:334), the bucchero vase shape, a large, thinwalled chalice or kantharos with incised images, is characteristic of Caeretan art. The name Tanaquil was quite popular for Etruscan girls; it is derived from Thana and cvil and probably means “gift of the goddess Thana,” and is frequently attested in southern Etruscan inscriptions. This inscription was incorrectly attributed to the schema of “speaking inscriptions” which announce “I am of so-and-so” like the Orvietan tomb lintel. Position of the main inscription down the interior of the open cup or bowl is so unusual that past scholars working from photographs naturally assumed that it was broken and originally began with the mi of a standard inscription. There is a finished edge, however, so that the line begins with y. Use of a sort of cartouche enclosing the name (with the rim as the fourth side of the rectangle) is also a bit unusual for this early period. A complete example of the vase shape from which this sherd was broken is offered in entry 101 for very general comparison; the chalice is not as thin-walled as the original vase of 100, and it is not decorated (the Museum collection does not include such fine, early bucchero sottile showpieces, which are best known from the tombs of Caere and Vulci). Although slightly later and coarser in type, it nevertheless gives a good impression of the original object and positioning of this inscription.

100: MS 1628

Catalogue of Objects

101. CHALICE L-64-306 No provenance. Loan from Philadelphia Museum of Art, original inv. no. 03-1518 Traces of blue and white paper label on exterior, and red-edged white paper label on interior of foot.] Mended complete from four large fragments; surfaces eroded. Bucchero, black, with abundant traces of very fine white and sparkling inclusions. Traces of fingermarks inside foot. H. 15.1; Diam. rim 15.8; Diam. foot 12.2 cm (Early) 6th century BC Deep chalice on tall, hollow, widely flaring foot set off below junction with body by single sharp-edged convex molding. Lower body smooth, shallow, upper body deep, widely flaring, and set off by sharply carinated shoulder decorated with fine diagonal notches (made with wedge-shaped point, working from right to left). Blunt groove mirrors carination on interior, three shallow grooves encircle middle of exterior. Several chalices, perhaps from the same workshop, have been identified in the Poggiali Collection in Florence: Cherici 1988:57–59, pl. 14 nos. 51–55, pls. 38–39. Ramage 1970:24–27, type 4c, describes the development of chalices. Rasmussen (1979:98–99, pl. 27 no. 138, chalice type 2d) notes that the form of the Museum’s example was very common in southern Etruria from last quarter of the 7th through the first half of the 6th century BC. The chalice is probably one or more

101: L-64-306

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generations later in manufacture than the vessel from which the inscribed sherd derived, but should serve to give an indication of the original object’s appearance. The tall, simplified chalice form was popular from the late 7th to late 6th centuries BC, while the original whence the Museum’s inscription came was probably a late 7th to early 6th century form.

102. RELIEF-DECORATED URN WITH DIPINTO INSCRIPTION 57-3-1A, B Pl. 7 Said to have been found in the vicinity of Chiusi: an author of CIE saw urn in shop of a Sienese antiquities dealer, but it had disappeared by time of publication (1902), and was listed as “whereabouts unknown.” It was in U.S. by 1892, when it was originally lent to Philadelphia Museum of Art by Mrs. W. S. Stewart, and was donated to University Museum in 1957. Intact, although expectably chipped and paint worn. Bottom surface of lid encrusted in elliptical pattern corresponding to opening of urn. Fine-textured terracotta, very light orange (nearly flesh color), with abundant paint A (chest): W. 17.9; L. 32.1; H. 21.0; H. of inscription 2.2 cm. Opening 22.0 x 7.6 cm. B (lid): L. of plinth 34.8; W. 19.0; Th. 1.4; H. through head of effigy 10.0 cm. Height of urn with lid in place approx. 31.0 cm CIE 1680 (incorrectly read as y ana instead of y ania); Rix, ET Cl 1.1191 (Rix personally corrected reading); White et al. 2002:24 no. 36 2nd century BC Rectangular chest molded and hand finished with flat, smoothed back, sides, bottom; top opening pared, elliptical in outline. Front molded with smooth flat borders across top and bottom, and framed on each side by simplified Aeolic or Corinthian pilaster in relief, with dentils pendent from upper border (painted golden yellow). Pilasters stand on tall rectangular bases and have single flute on each, with upright volute-foliage relief outlines retaining red paint (now pinkish as it overlies white slip). In recessed central panel is fine relief head, frontal, with soft oval face, plump lips, and an arched hairline beneath soft Phrygian cap from which emerge bird’s wings placed flat against background. Below wings, pair of extended bovine ears, below which long, tasseled ribbon floats in loose curves across background. Pair of sharp-edged acanthus leaves emerge from below chin. Eyebrows, upper lids, mouth, and hair carefully painted on relief, with an additional curl of hair rendered in paint only as it trails onto each cheek. Dark red groundline on lower edge of

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of pillows. White slip overall, traces of brushmarks visible in slip. Red for hair and eyes, ochre border pattern(?) on mattress, pink or red on pillows, traces of pink on her coverlet. Retrograde inscription painted in red from right corner on front edge of lid:

y ania: anainei: apia´s a “Thania Anainei wife of Apias” 102: 57-3-1A, B

recess. On chest, white slip overall; red painted column details, hat and hair, facial features, veining of leaves; ochre for dentils; blue green on wings and point of cap; black on relief background, with black line on lower edge of relief field. Possible trace of splashed blue green paint on top surface of chest. Marshall Becker (2001 visit) noted that a small amount of lime plaster and wood shavings, typical packing material apparently placed in the urns by the 19th century dealer, was present, but no trace of the cremated bones noted in old records remained at the time of his study (Becker, forthcoming). Lid plinth-like, a rectangular slab with relief of a reclining woman on top. She leans on her left side, propped on two pillows with tasseled corners, her right knee raised, right shod foot peeping from under a sheet-like coverlet (not her dress, since it is rectangular). Her right arm lies across her torso holding cover at her left shoulder; drapery falls in crescent folds over her chest. Her hair parted in center and pulled into a topknot, and relief has traces of her left ear or earring. Three round vent holes pierced in backs

The fantasy female head panel, since it was drawn from a mold, has many “mold-siblings,” mechanically related urns from same production line, undoubtedly a workshop in area of Chiusi. In addition to identical chests from region of Chiusi, there is a close variant that distinctly represents Medusa, in Leiden; see A. Rastrelli in Maggiani 1985:111 no. 124. As noted there, this subject, a pleasing decorative motif rather than a narrative scene, is not especially common. The type is defined by Körte 1916:216, pl. 144 no. 12. Fantasy creatures combining human, animal, and floral parts were favorite ornamental motives in Etruscan art from later 4th century on and can be shown to have continued in Roman art. It appears that dealers/excavators in the 19th century, probably prior to 1883, excavated the burial ground of Thania’s extended family in the environs of Chiusi. Several urns and tiles, some now in the Chiusi Museo Archeologico and other museums, carry the names of members of the Anainei family: see CIE 1678–88. The large family is known under several variant spellings (e.g., Anaini) for dozens of men and women, most in Chiusine territory, and some in Siena and Volterra. The nomenclature and grammatical form for the feminine name are

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typically Chiusine (cf. Rix 1963:215ff.), and Thani and Thana were very popular names for the Anainei family.

103. OVOID URN WITH INCISED INSCRIPTION MS 3428 Provenance not documented, but according to de Simone (1966) “quasi sicuramente da Tuscania.” [In black ink, written vertically above the Etruscan inscription: “1000” (in 19th century European handwriting)] Intact; was very severely cleaned and emptied of presumed contents during 19th century handling. Coarse, light orange impasto with abundant sparkling and glassy black grits tracked from wheel turning. Fingermarks evident on base. H. 37.6; Diam. rim 24.7; Diam. base 10.9 cm. H. of incised inscription approx. 2.7 cm Bates 1905:167 no.9, fig. 9, pl. 22.2; Museum Journal 1920:27 case XXII, no. 102; Luce 1921B:134 no. 102; de Simone 1965:168; C. de Simone, REE in SE 34 (1966):364–65 no. 3; Rix, ET AT 1.63. (Rix designates it in the Ager Tarquiniensis.) 2nd–1st century BC Large, sturdy urn with deep, ovoid body, flaring everted rim with convex upper surface, small flat base. Flaring everted rim rounded on top; flat round base. Very expertly made, fingerridges inside. Running retrograde around widest part of body is large inscription, incised after firing (Fig. 103b): caes · v · v · telmu (caes · v[el] · v[elus] · telmu) “Vel Caes [Gaius] Telmu, freedman of Vel” The urn is well made and as large as other types of containers for cremated remains, but of a utilitarian type used for storage rather than the highly decorative vessels often used for burials. It probably reflects the economic status of this man’s family in contrast to the affluence of aristocrats or wealthy landholders, as seen in the sculpture-decorated urns of his contemporaries (see Pt. IA, chapter 8). Urns of similar shape were common in the region of Tarquinia-Sovana-Sutri-Tuscania-MusarnaNorchia, in chamber tombs of the 2nd–1st century BC (Barbieri 1999:22–27 fig. 17, especially nos. 91–116, and 49–51 figs. 65–67). Also Emiliozzi 1974:224–29, pls. 161–62, 165–68, especially no. 431 (“olla ovoidale”). Falconi Amorelli 1987:figs. 7 no. 18, 13 no. 6, and 15 nos. 28–31, similar vases from burials of the late 3rd to 1st centuries BC. The form also attested in quantity

103: MS 3428

in the region of Sutri during the second and first centuries BC: Duncan 1965A:78 fig. 11; and 1965A:155–57 figs. passim. The 3rd century “Tomb of the Silen” at Sovana included several smaller plain vases of this shape, apparently used for storage of foodstuffs or other goods deposited in the tomb; see Arias et al. 1971:64 figs. 9–10, 76–78 figs. 29 and 31, nos. A5, A7 (cf. 104–5 figs. 52, 54; 108 fig. 55). As observed in earlier studies, the letter forms and punctuation of the inscription, in addition to the shape of the urn itself, point to the Late period of Etruscan epigraphy. De Simone stated that the urn surely comes from Tuscania and linked the gentilicial name “Caes” with the Latin praenomen Gaius, presumably the name of Telmu’s former master. This would constitute one of several instances of the derivation of a gens/family name, like our modern surnames, from the praenomen (given or first name) of one ancestor or patron of the family (cf. Rix 1963:349ff.), a practice that seems to have been traditional in southern Etruria and the territory of Tarquinia. The third name or cognomen of this man was Telmu, derived from the Greek name Telamon (since Etruscans did not pronounce the letter o, they substituted u). The better-known inscriptions for Roman liberti or freedmen show the same formula as this inscription, in which the man’s name when

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he was a slave has been converted into his cognomen upon his being freed; such persons often adopted the name of their former master (in this case Vel) as well. De Simone suggested that the affinities of the naming conventions with those of Late Republican freedmen, as well as the letter forms and vase shape, spoke to a date in the 2nd–1st century BC. Slightly earlier inscriptions use the Etruscan terms lautni and lautniy a for male and female freed-persons, while a few bilingual epitaphs allow us to equate the Latin libertus/a with these terms of manumission. (Still earlier, Etruria had quite different conditions of slavery, not directly equivalent to what is known of later Roman customs.) Given the time period and this man’s Greek name (implying that he was Greek or at least non-Etruscan), he probably was enslaved as a prisoner of war, and his former master’s part-Latin name would imply that this came about through one of Rome’s Mediterranean campaigns of conquest. Five other Etruscan inscriptions show the name Telmu, but all refer to the legendary Telamon or his son, Ajax, the strongman of the Trojan War (Rix, ET Vs S.11, Cl S.16, Vc 7.20, OA S.1 and OB S.2). In one image it labels Telamon’s elderly figure as he converses with his son and nephew Achilles; in others, it is a patronymic labeling the image of his son “Eivas Telmunus”—Telamonian Ajax. A foreign slave named after the giant-slaying hero Telamon (meaning “sufferer” or “supporter,” like the word for a baldric in Greek) might have been a laborer or guard…certainly, the appearance of the sturdy yet inexpensive vase and the literacy of its erstwhile occupant mask the trials in life of a slave finally freed. A nearly identical urn, MS 1124, slightly smaller and of similar fabric, unprovenanced, is now under study: it bears, in addition to a fragmentary textile pseudomorph, the incised inscription petrui telmus—“Petrui [wife] of Telmu.” (It has a number inked on the shoulder in the same hand as the label on Telmu’s urn, “1001.”)

104. BEADS (FOUR) MS 5440A–D No provenance Three beads intact, fourth (A) is mended complete from two fragments. All preserve traces of gold on surface (especially D); all partially covered with thick, creamy tan encrustation. Terracotta, pinkish orange, fine textured; gilded L. 2.7 to 2.8; Diam. 0.4 to 0.5 cm Hellenistic Long, thin tubular beads with thin, shallow moldings at ends were hand-rolled and pierced longitudinally with fine

104, 105: MS 5440A–D (top), MS 5442

hole. Outer surfaces show remnants of covering of thin gold foil. Terracotta ornaments, sometimes with real gold coatings, are not infrequent among Etruscan and Greek, especially Tarentine, grave goods, where they must have been a cheaper replacement for jewelry in precious metals. There is, however, some evidence of such “paste” jewelry, some of it very intricate, having been used by the living. The phenomenon is known for the later 4th century BC and Hellenistic period, especially in Ptolemaic and Tarentine examples. See Lunsingh Scheurleer 1982.

105. MEDALLION MS 5442 No provenance Intact; relief surface covered with thick, creamy yellowish encrustation. Terracotta, pinkish orange, gilded Diam. 1.7; Th. 0.3 cm Hellenistic Thin round medallion molded with fine relief on upper surface and smooth, slightly concave back, and retaining apparent traces of red pigment (jeweler’s rouge?). Relief is convex boss with thin beaded edge; on boss, coin-like image of Menrva head in three-quarter view, turned to viewer’s right. Traces of gold foil on her neck(lace), right earring, and hair/helmet.

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106. ETRUSCO-CORINTHIAN OLPE, THE “WARRIOR OLPE” MS 714 Pl. 8 Vulci Tomb B Mended nearly complete from several fragments; segment of rim at handle attachment has been restored in plaster. Missing two chips from body; slightly abraded and encrusted overall. Near front of vase, on painted scene, is blemish filled with white, calcareous material, where an impurity caused surface to spall in firing. Very well levigated, pale orange buff clay, similar to real Corinthian fabric but warmer in tone; extremely fine sparkling and glassy black particles may be seen under low magnification. Paint is matt, dull chocolate brown, with added dull purplish red and creamy added white, now slightly yellowish. H. 25.1; Diam. base 9.3; Diam. rim 13.3; W. handle 2.5; H. handle approx. 10.7 cm Furtwängler 1905:256 no. 10; Luce 1921B:57 no. 34; Dohan 1934:527–28 no. 3, figs. 5–6; Hanfmann 1940:n. 9, fig. 3; Brown 1960:n. 11; Radan 1963:33; Szilágyi 1967A:n. 35, pl. 113 nos. 3–4. Also Szilágyi 1967B; De Puma 1986:29 no. VB 5; Moser 1984:58–59 no. 35, and color cover; Stary 1981: II, 130, pl. 11 no. 3; Szilágyi 1992:83 no. 13, pl. 23.d; White et al. 2002:19 no. 28; Moser, CVA forthcoming Ca. 600 BC Olpe with ovoid body on flat base with sharp-edged circular recess at center, single plain modeling on exterior edge. One ring around base of flaring neck; beveled rim, broad, vertical band handle with slightly raised upper edges. Painted decoration: in recess of base, in dilute orange, large solid circle surrounded by one narrow circle; edge and outer face of base, orange circle from which radiate short, thick, irregular tongues more than rays. Lower body solid brown, applied in concentric circles and partly dilute; this also covers remainder of exterior, though it is more orange as it rises. Painted over brown/orange: on lower body, red lines between two sets of three white lines; band of 23 warriors in file or dance to left, with white lines for borders/groundline; band of tongues on shoulder pendent from wide white line. Tongues incised, with red paint over brown for alternating units. Handle zone is framed in white, with large white dot rosettes (six petals) at corners, two more rosettes just above it on neck, and another on center of neck. Top edge of rim is reserved, entire mouth of olpe is solid dilute orange. Handle is mottled dark brown on outer face, orange on inner side.

106: MS 714

Warriors at center of this piece are lively, eye-catching by their movement and alternation of color, even though they are very summarily drawn, with single incised outline for body segments: legs, helmeted heads, and round shields held covering rest of their bodies. All march with right (background) foot forward, and left on tiptoe, left leg showing tiny knobby knee; Corinthian helmet with long nosepiece, sweeping cheekguard, and straight nape covers all of their heads except for mouth and chin, shown in incision. Detail is emphasized by alternation of colors: both shield and legs either white or red, with helmet of opposite color, and face usually left orange/brown of back-

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less expensive armor and fight shoulders together in the pushing match (with spears) that was the hoplite phalanx. (For background, see Hanson 1989, 1991.) The phalanx never quite caught on in Etruria as it did in the more “democratic” cities of Greece. (It depends on men of like status able to afford their own body armor to defend their land, a system that did not match the social structure and land tenure of Iron Age Etruria.) For a brief time it was the fashion in Etruscan art (cf. the identically armed infantry of the Tragliatella oinochoe, Martelli 1987:270–72 no. 49, and Stary 1981: II, pl. 9). As Szilágyi cautions, the Museum’s vase and its cousins cannot be taken as proof of the adoption of hoplite military tactics, since it so evidently reprises Corinthian vases. The class of polychrome Etrusco-Corinthian vases was produced originally in Caere and Vulci, where it is likely that the Museum’s olpe was made. After the watershed production ca. 600, the polychrome technique was relegated to the merely ornamental, mass-produced vases that fed a larger market during the 6th century BC.

107. SPEARPOINT

ground. Single warrior, just to right of center front, is different; his helmet is red, as are his leading right leg and forward half of his shield, while left leg and back half of shield white, shield divided nearly in half vertically. Hand-drawn figures show variety in angle of set of their legs, suggesting the degree to which they are hurrying or strutting. Szilágyi (1992:88–91) places this vase in his group of unattributed polychrome vases, of which many are olpai. Compare, for instance, the fine olpe with warriors by the Garovaglio Painter in the Villa Giulia (Martelli 1987:103, 272 no. 50, there dated ca. 630–600 BC). Szilágyi notes that our artists must have been inspired by the now-famous category of vases, like the Chigi vase, which depicted the then-novel lines of the hoplite phalanx, said to have been invented in Corinth (around 640–630 BC, according to the dates of the first vase images of it: Stary 1981: II, pls. 9–11). Cross-currents of artistic influence were of economic importance, but more significant is the adjustment in behavior which such images imply. A group of identically uniformed soldiers on foot, trained to march in step, reflects a new social group of a different status from the elite mounted or chariot-driving warrior who battled like a hero with sword in hand; these warriors have

MS 1525 Fig. 4 Bisenzio, said to have been found in a “trench tomb.” Three fragments: an intact bronze spearpoint, a sharpened wooden shaft broken off beyond point, and bronze wire wrapping on wooden shaft. Bronze is corroded, but retains fine patina and surfaces, dark to light greenish brown; blade very slightly chipped. Wood is in excellent condition where it was protected by metal, preserving slight traces of tool marks, although perhaps fire-hardened and smoothed; below, it is cracked and discolored, dark brown, black, and rusty red. Bronze, spearpoint and wrapping; shaft carved from wood (Naomi Miller kindly examined this and other wood pieces in Museum, 2001–2002, but piece is too well finished to be identified as to species.) Max. Pres. L. (total) approx. 28.8; L. of spearpoint 24.8; Diam. of end of socket 2.6 to 2.8; Max. W. of blade 4.5 cm. Max. Pres. L. of wooden shaft 20.5; Max. Pres. Diam. of shaft 2.0 cm. Diam. of hole for pin in both point and shaft 0.4 cm. Wire wrapping on wooden shaft forms cylinder 2.6 high, and 2.7 in outer diameter; wire itself is approx. 0.2 cm in width White et al. 2002:18 no. 25 Later 8th century BC Shaft of wood, sharpened to thin conical tip, is drilled with round transverse hole matching that cast in spearpoint, which was once affixed by metal pin (not present). Leaf-

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shaped spearpoint has thin blade, rounded below, with large angular spine of four facets on each side, ending in heavy, long socket, octagonal in section. Third fragment is coil of ribbed wire (cast, then worked into long band, but remaining triangular in section); it was originally wrapped in eight turns around wooden shaft to hold it in place below point. The careful carving and smoothing of wood has removed imperfections that might have permitted non-destructive analysis and identification of its species. Compare a faceted spearpoint of the same size found in a warrior’s burial with bronze cap-helmet, Hencken 1968B: I, 195–96 fig. 176c–d; it contained fragments of the wooden shaft and also a bronze ferrule to balance the other end of the spear. The spear belongs to Tarquinia Villanovan IIB. A similar example at Veii came from Quattro Fontanili Tomb CC DD 19 (NS 1963:158 fig. 53.f, 162) and also retained wood inside the bronze point; it had a conical bronze ferrule sheathing the end of the spear so that it could be planted in the ground or used as a counterweight to help in handling the weapon. Also Veii Tomb DD 16B, NS 1963:170 fig. 61.a, and others. Minto 1921:257–58, pl. 27 no. 8, tomb XXXII. A similar spearpoint was dedicated, whether by Greeks or Etruscans, in the sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia, a shrine patronized, at some inconvenience, by political and diplomatic missions as early as the 8th century BC. (See von Hase 1997:309 fig. 13.1.) Spears of this size and weight would have been for battlefield hand-tohand, used to thrust at enemy soldiers from a line, rather than the javelin that would become the mainstay of the Roman legions. Most Early Etruscan warriors had spears, while few were buried with swords. A close parallel in Karlsruhe has fine decoration around the socket, and a relatively high lead content (2.28%) which may indicate that some spears were only for parade use: Jurgeit 1999:159–60 no. 203, pl. 79. Wooden shafts preserved in spearpoints from the 7th–6th century tombs of Vetulonia had been carved from maple, box, and viburnum (Fasolo 1938).

H. 17.8; Diam. of brim 26.4 cm (W. front to back 25.6; W. across temples 26.4). Diam. of bosses 4.7 and 4.8; Tabs to anchor crest: 1.6 x 1.1; thickness 0.2 cm. Interior dimensions for head: Diam. across temples 20.5 cm Museum Journal 1920:46 case VIII, no. 4 or 5; Luce 1920A:75–76 fig. 49; Luce 1921B:213 Early 6th century BC A fine helmet of distinctive, so-called Picene type, hemispherical with flaring everted brim, curving ridge on each side frames hemispherical boss that would have been worn just above temples; small, rectangular, and pierced tab projects near brim on front and back and would have anchored crest. Edge is hammered flat, vertical. Interior is plain, showing grooved reverse of side ridges. It is clear from this that entire helmet was worked up from sheet metal rather than cast (like many other helmet types). Traces of golden brown encrustation around top of interior might have been formed as leather liner decayed, but this cannot be proven. Interior of helmet is quite large and must have been designed to accommodate padding and/or liner. Single small round hole was drilled through brim, off-center on one side; it might represent some means of attachment for chin-strap or liner, but there is no mark opposite it. The helmet was very carefully made in rather complex process that may have been intended to make it as strong as possible to withstand actual combat. Calotte was beaten up from single sheet, with ridges beaten up from interior. Each hemispherical boss was worked from sheet bronze,

108. PICENE-TYPE HELMET MS 1607 No provenance Nearly complete; missing several pieces from cranium and brim. Some cracks were mended with modern material such as fiberglass prior to 1999–2002 conservation of pieces for exhibit; small portions of old material have been left in place. Corroded creamy to blackish green, with rust stains inside from iron rivets. See below on other, ancient damage. Bronze, with lead filler and iron rivets

108: MS 1607

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then filled with lead and anchored by thin bronze rivet that shows on outside of boss; whole boss was then attached to helmet with large iron rivet that penetrates interior and is affixed in lead. Tabs at nape and front were inserted with thin tongue that was clenched on interior. Decoration on top surface of brim resembles pseudomorph, perhaps in encaustic paint that has now disappeared. Band of enclosed ovolo 1.2 cm wide encircles rim. Surface of ovolo is whitish, with darker brownish encrustation marking corner outlines. Although Luce noted larger ornament on front of this border, it is not visible today. Single transverse strike mark on one side of cranium is ancient; cut mark is approx. 3 cm long, with adjacent damage to raised crest probably part of initial blow—either combat blow of longer blade or symbolic “killing” of helmet to consecrate it for burial. A fine helmet in the British Museum may have been made by the same Picene armorer: see Egg 1988B:227–30 (Buckelhelm mit Kehle). The distinctive type is clustered in the Picene territory, but single examples are known from other Italian sites, well dated by tomb contexts to the first half of the 6th century BC. Compare a helmet of Picene IVA (first decades of 5th century BC) found at Montelparo, Naso 2000:252 no. 440. Stary 1981: I, 245–46, 256–57; II, Beilage 8 nos. 4–5, map 11, W 15; notes that there is great variety in the Picene helmets of the first half of the 6th century BC. This presumably attests to the individuality of the fighting style and personal commissioning of helmets—each one made to order for a different warrior. Under such circumstances, a helmet could be fitted carefully, with attention to the shock-absorbing lead-filled knobs protecting the sides of the head. An earlier version of this type “with hemispherical calotte” that originated in Etruria during the 7th century is also in the British Museum: Stary 1986:25–26, 30 no. 2. A simpler version of about the same size as the Museum’s, and with the deep “neck,” was apparently placed as an offering in the Torlonia Collection from a sanctuary on Lake Fucino; see Campanelli 2001:50–51 no. 16. The addition of hemispherical knobs, probably correlated to a particular style of sword fighting, seems to have been a Picene development, and the helmet in London is attributed by Stary to the region of Ancona, ca. 600 BC. Our helmet, also Picene, is later in the typology, when relief contours and larger knobs developed (cf. Stary 1986:26, 30 no. 3). Compare Jurgeit 1999:120–21 no. 155, pl. 56 (from Talamone, on the Tyrrhenian coast). See Naso 2000:157–58, pl. 41 for a Picene helmet from Novilara preserving an organic liner: an outer layer of goatskin and an inner spiral packing woven of rushes and probably impregnated with pitch or the like. Traces of a (bovine) leather strap adhere to fasteners.

109. JOCKEY-TYPE HELMET MS 1606 Pl. 10 No provenance Nearly complete, mended and dented, badly cracked and battered at top, with crude modern repairs in lead solder, copper plate, strips, copper wire and rivets. Ancient rivets for hinge plates present, but both hinges on helmet now modern. Left cheek flap modern restoration, right is ancient. Hole in front made in antiquity. Bronze Pres. H. approx. 18.0; L. front to back 26.3; W. 20.8; dimensions of cheek-flap, 14.0 high, 13.3 cm wide. Depth of interior 17.8; L. interior, front to back, 23.0; W. interior through temples 20.3 cm. H. when cheeks hang down approx. 32 cm. Hole pierced from inside out through front of helmet is round, Diam. 1.0 cm Museum Journal 1920:46 case VIII, no. 3. Luce 1920A:73–75, fig. 47; Luce 1921B:213 no. 3; White et al. 2002:18 no. 26 End of 4th century BC Cast helmet with hinged, attached cheek flaps—one ancient, but damaged by modern repair possibly made by 19th century dealer (file and chisel marks, modern copper hinge); left cheek flap is modern replacement. Ancient rivets remain from both original hinges and some other addition in two now-crumpled layers of sheet bronze on underside of brim, anchored by two large rivets through nape. Brim rivets rounded on outer surface, clenched on interior to hold ring or other fastening of strap or flap to protect nape. Through center front, large round hole was pierced in antiquity from inside to outside, leaving ragged edges projecting on outer surface—presumably for nailing helmet to wall as trophy or onto tomb wall. Other marks of deliberate ancient damage are round dent made just below hole from outside, and other shallower sword or tool-made dents on left back and cranium. Helmet is slightly conical, with cast and finely decorated brim and deep cheek-flaps with double-curved outline. Brim has cast, decorative edge of twisted rope pattern, above it, row of beading, several grooves, and band of hatching running completely around helmet; an extra band of wolf’s-teeth between raised borders has been inserted across wider brim section. On front, over border, are vertical bindings as if on wreath. On one edge of brim, partial fingerprint was left on wax of rope border. There is slight additional coldworking to retouch detail on cast borders. The crumpled addition on the interior nape seems to have been an adjustment to the finely cast and ornamented helmet, probably added to further protect the back of the wearer’s neck from blows or sunlight. Several other helmets of this type,

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109: MS 1606

found in Gaulish graves in Italy, also have features like this, which probably held a strap, liner, or neck covering. Stary (1986:27, 35 no. 22) offers a summary of this type of helmet, derived in 4th century Etruria and southern Italy from Celtic/Gaulish prototypes that originated in 5th century western Europe; a helmet from Vulci in the British Museum is close to the Museum’s in type and decoration. Compare a helmet said to have come from a tomb at Montefiascone (Messerschmidt 1932:521–22, pl. 29 no. V-1), also cast bronze, with wreath-like decoration on the edge. See further Coarelli 1976. Our helmet’s form and cheekpieces fit Coarelli’s type C (1976:164 fig. I) which he placed in the later 4th century through first decades of the 3rd century BC. A close parallel, retaining the rosette knob, was found in Benacci Tomb 953 at Bologna (Vitali 1992:292–94 no. 17, pls. 37, 69). Well-preserved traces of metal fittings on the inside of the brim at the nape show what the Museum’s example once had: a small, rectangular loop riveted on the interior held a ring on each end so that leather straps and/or liner could be adjusted. The tomb was dated to the first years of the 3rd century BC, and the manufacture of the type C helmets from ca. 330 to the beginning of the 3rd century BC. Some examples of these helmets retain inscriptions in Etruscan or other languages, e.g., Vitali 1992:359–60 no. 13, pl. 55 (Gallic); or Martelli, REE in SE 48 (1980):359–62. Some examples show deliberate punctures (Vitali 1992:359–60 no. 13, which has one cheekpiece

pierced from the outside in, perhaps for wall-hanging). See also a complete helmet from a rich tomb at Perugia (Monteluce Tomb 3/V/1887: Cherici 1995:131 no. 8, fig. 11). Cherici notes that armor was associated with the bronze implements of the aristocratic banquet in the classical period in Perusine tombs, indicating the civic aspects of military command. Armor with holes obviously not made in battle has been identified at Olympia and other Greek sanctuary sites as having been used in construction of victory trophies, although these are rare among Etruscan votives. Tombs of the 4th century and later (Tomba dei Rilievi, Cerveteri; Tomba degli Scudi and Tomba Giglioli, Tarquinia) have modeled and/or painted armor displayed on the walls, presumably reflecting a practice of hanging family armor on display in the home, but actual armor used in such a fashion is not documented. (See the imitation strigil, 119, made in terracotta and surely hung on a tomb wall.) Armor was displayed as a status indicator as early as the Villanovan period, when it was deposited in warriors’ graves, and by the 7th century BC, the Regolini Galassi Tomb (Cerveteri) was decorated with a row of bronze shields on each corridor wall. Another possibility is that this helmet was deliberately damaged in the funerary ritual to make it impossible to re-use or deconsecrate. The cracks on the crown and missing knob also may be evidence that the helmet was very deliberately and forcefully struck several symbolic blows at the time of burial.

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110. ORNAMENTAL HORSE BIT MS 1637 Fig. 16 Said to have come from a site near Lake Bolsena (archival photograph, 1896–97) Intact; corrosion on surfaces rough, bright green through black; many traces of bronze metal color show through. One vertical edge of one cheekpiece has small triangular notch, apparently present since antiquity, but it is not clear whether it was casting flaw or deliberate notching. Bronze Max. Pres. L. approx. 26.5; L. of bit alone approx. 20.0; Diam. of outer pendent rings 4.4 and 4.6 cm. Ornamental cheekpieces are 6.3 wide and 6.0 cm high Dohan 1914:216 and fig. 107; White et al. 2002:19 no. 27 7th century BC Horse bit of snaffle type formed of two segments of solid cast bronze joined at center as intertwined rings, and each length then twisted together to form rod with spiral grooving which ends in two flattened segments curved one over other to form wide ring. From ring hangs heavy, solid-cast ring with raised spine, and attached to it is small ring formed of bent, heavy sheet bronze. On inner side of each snaffle, hanging from large round hole, is solid cast ornamental cheekpiece: rectangle with raised edges and ridges around hole and radiating to four corners and center top and bottom. Top edge of plaque has an openwork design of central loops and corner loops ending in an outturned horn or bird’s beak. The center emblem probably derives from palmette pattern. Von Hase 1969:17–18, pl. 7 nos. 66–73, especially 73 from Vetulonia, Poggio alla Guardia. The type with cast rectangular cheekpieces seems to have been produced only at Vetulonia. Von Hase describes ornamentation as bird heads, but additional projections in center suggest a stylized palmette or other complex composition as their pictorial origin. They are probably to be dated to beginning of Iron Age III, thus 7th century BC. The

110: MS 1637

Poggio alla Guardia bit was said to have been found in a tomba a pozzo with traces of pyre and pair of fine bits mixed with the warrior’s cremation burial: D. Levi in NS 1928:48–49, fig. 1.

111. ORNAMENTAL BITS, CHEEKPIECES, AND TEETH OF A PAIR OF HORSES MS 1757 horse bits; MS 1758 horse teeth Corneto (Tarquinia), said to have been found in tomb Bronze pieces intact, corroded mottled creamy green, with patches of fine patina; and partially encrusted with white deposits. Iron bits and horse jaws very fragmentary. See below. Bronze with iron, and equine bone/teeth Cheekpieces: H. 9.3; W. 12.2; Th. 0.4 thru plate to 1.4 cm through points. Depth of cheekpieces with bits adhering 3.9 and 3.4 cm. L. of separate iron bit 8.5; Depth through section of bit and molar approx. 6.4 cm Teeth in jaw fragments are approx. 10.4 x 4.0 cm and 6.8 x 5.4 cm; loose teeth from 6.6 to 5.4 cm in length through roots Bates 1902: pl. 14 (corrected by Hall 1914). Hall 1914:216 and fig. 107; Museum Journal 1920:30 case XXXIII, no. 221.); Luce 1921B:152 no. 221 5th–4th century BC Cheekpieces are four separate pieces of cast bronze, each intact; three of four also have fragments of iron bits (varying lengths), heavily corroded rusty red, and adhering where bits passed through central hole in cheekpiece. One additional fragment of iron bit has fragmentary section of equine molar adhering, attached by very thick, chalky white concretion. Remaining teeth consist of two sections of jaw containing three and four teeth, partially covered and filled with white concretion (including cutting surfaces), and five separate teeth, all with roots; outer (buccal) faces of all teeth slightly stained green near gum lines. Fragments represent ornamental cast-bronze cheekpieces and iron bits from harness of two horses, presumably a chariot team, along with part of lower jaw, with incisor teeth and one molar, of one of horses, molar adhering at iron bit, with chalky accretion. Some of remaining teeth, upper incisors not attached to any other pieces, are duplicates that belonged to second horse. (It has not been possible to link upper incisors with molar attached to a bit, and not all fragmentary teeth are displayed.) Harness of second horse is represented by two cheekpieces, one of which also has fragments of rusted iron bit adhering in central hole. Cheekpieces semicircular, with upper indented edge worked

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into an ornamental pattern of a central, upstanding spearpoint motif, framed by three-and-a-half low curved waves pointing toward center. Top rectangular tabs of cheekpieces pierced with rectangular holes (0.6 x 0.6 cm) to carry leather harness straps, and center is pierced with an oval to round hole, approx. 2.1 cm in length, which carried solid iron bit, round in section (approx. 1.8 cm pres. diam.). Each bit ended, on outer side of cheekpiece, in an eye holding an iron ring, through which reins passed. (Diameter of ring, now approx. 4.5 cm because of corrosion effects, would have been somewhat smaller when in use). Paired cheekpieces, one with a portion of teeth/jaw adhering, which retain iron rings belonged to one horse, while other two, which underwent a different microclimate during burial, have not preserved more than a tiny fragment of iron bit, left inside one bit burr. Inner surface of each cheekpiece is covered in a series of short conical barbs; number and pattern of barbs shows that all four pieces were cast in slightly different molds. Teeth appear evenly but strongly worn, with clear evidence on molar of wear produced by iron bit in prolonged driving. All belonged to a mature if not older animal. The green stains probably resulted from bronze corroding near teeth, as if harness had been in place when animal was killed, as demonstrated also by molar remaining concreted to bit. Kathleen Ryan has kindly assisted with the identification of these remains in the Museum, and suggests, for identification of the form of horses’ jaws and placement of bits, Anthony and Brown 1989:103 fig. 3 (illustrates a snaffle bit in place in a horse’s jaw in the gap between incisors and premolars). The Tarquinia team must have been killed rapidly and fallen with their bits still in place, since part of one horse’s dentition is concreted to the bit at the first premolar. Cheekpieces somewhat similar to these are shown in representations in use for draft animals, presumably military and chariot horses, but also mules used to provide a smooth ride for ladies and the infirm. A curious cheekpiece is shown on the

111: MS 1757 bit cheekpieces (left); MS 1758 horse teeth (above)

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Attic Red-Figure krater fragment (attributed to Polygnotos) found in the settlement of the Etruscan port of Adria; two mules wearing sunshades pull the chariot of Laios in the story of Oedipus, and the near mule has a crescent-shaped, burred (dotted) brass on the strap of his bridle. (See Harari 2000A: pl. 29; also Anderson, 1961: pl. 22b—compare simpler Greek spiked bit attachments, pls. 20, 21b, 22a, some used by Amazons.) Style of the decorative cut-out “spearpoint” outlined in the center of the cheekpieces has distant parallels in the cast-bronzework of the feet of Etruscan cistae and related vessels, for instance, Jurgeit 1986:48 nos. K 15,1 and K 16,1–3, pl. 26a–b. Jurgeit attributed these stylistically to a northern Etruscan foundry, and their closest parallels fall within the 5th century BC. Horses, usually a delicate racing team, were sacrificed in funerary ritual for some 7th–6th century Etruscan and Italic burials, as part of the aristocratic display and deposition of chariots and celebration of “Homeric” type funeral games emulating practices in Phoenician-influenced 9th century Cyprus and 8th century Iberia (Quesada 1997; Littauer and Crouwel 1997). Sacrificial burial of horses continued in certain Italic cults of the late Republican period, although it is not known for Etruria proper. Azzaroli (1972:295–99) cites horses in tombs or otherwise buried. The stylistic date of the Museum’s bits, however, places them in the 5th–4th century BC, and they seem to have come from a tomb, given their condition. More careful recovery of Etruscan tombs may extend the date for this practice. (See for instance, a reference to a horse skeleton placed in the entrance of a 4th century chamber tomb at Perugia, Messerschmidt 1932:511.)

112. FOLDING STOOL (FRAGMENTARY) MS 1650 No provenance Metal parts complete; both knees intact, slightly corroded and chipped, patina dark metal color. Of four feet, two of each design, one of each preserves complete profile, and one is missing tip(s) of extension. Both long feet mended from two fragments. Feet corroded, slightly pitted; two shorter ones are dark metallic color; longer feet show fine, blue green patina. In open bottom of one long foot is grayish concretion perhaps traces of lead used for mounting. Bronze, cast Knees: L. 13.3 and 13.8; W. 4.7 and 4.8 across wider end; Depth 3.0 and 3.5 cm (measured as length of nail). Feet, shorter: H. and Pres. H. 10.5 and 10.2; Diam. of wooden leg, measured as length of rivet

112: MS 1650

approx. 3.2 (on complete example); L. x W. of hoof 4.1 x 3.3 and 4.3 x 3.5 cm. Feet: H. 18.0, and Max. Pres. H. 14.7; hooves 4.0 x 3.5 and 3.7 x 3.3 cm 6th–5th century BC Each element is cast in one piece, and was attached to wooden legs by nails (knees) or rivets (some remain in feet). Two shorter feet have closed soles (now pitted, cracked), and thin extensions ending in palmette cutouts, with large round hole in each for rivet. Two larger feet are open beneath, slightly rough inside, and end in elongated, thin bands with plain, leaf-shaped ends. On one foot, complete bronze rivet runs through both plates, as it originally secured wooden leg. On longer feet, palmette outline is framed by cut-out, upturned triangles. Two knees are hollow, curved, and semi-cylindrical, cast with fluted shafts and thin, grooved border on wider end. Through each end of knees extends long, thin bronze nail. A fragmentary tip of a similar stool foot (MS 615) came into the collection from Vulci, along with the tomb group designated Vulci Tomb 51, although it is clearly later in date than the other goods in that tomb, and was not included in Dohan’s inventory. Fine wooden or even ivory folding stools of this design have been preserved in tombs in the area of Bologna, as Morigi Govi and Vitali 1982:291 (Certosa) and 306 (the famous “Tomba dello sgabello” of the Giardini Margherita necropolis, of the end of the 6th century). Close to the Museum’s stool fittings are those in Jurgeit 1999:204–5 nos. 307–10, pls. 102–3; she lists several Etruscan tombs with finds of such stools, dating this type to the 5th century on the style of its decoration.

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113. SEAL (WARRIOR) MS 3354 No provenance. Gift of John Wanamaker Intact, very slightly worn. Chalcedony, gray striped, in gold ring mount Diam. ring 1.9 (bent); Total L. of ring with seal 2.0; W. of gold band 0.6; L. of seal approx 0.9; H. of seal 0.6 cm 5th century BC Very small seal on ancient gold swivel that was formed of broad band of sheet gold, worked with raised ridges on edges and center of its outer surface. Ends of gold band trimmed to circles, convex, with single gold rivet through scarab forming boss on ends. Traces remain of original decoration: spirally twisted wire outlining round ends; and at juncture of boss and band, two large granules, one at each corner. Traces of discoloration surround this area, perhaps from granulation process, or possibly marking more granulation now lost. (Inner face of ring is plain, concave.) Scarab is tiny, very dark purplish brown chalcedony, heavily banded in white of varying breadth. Scarab body is simplified, carved only with wing covers, feet, and thorax, but not winglets, etc. Oval seal surface with plain grooved outline; in it, warrior kneels facing viewer’s left; his left leg trails behind him, his left arm is bent at elbow, hand on waist; right hand raised with open fingers before his face. He is nude or possibly in muscle cuirass, with broad-brimmed helmet. The gold swivel ring recalls in its technique some of the a baule earrings of late Archaic style (ca. 500–480 BC), in which a beaten band is decorated with thin ribs and a small amount of granulation, as, for example, Cristofani and Martelli 1983:169 nos. 146–47 (ca. 500 BC). Pose and style of the warrior intaglio, which shows fine detail for the muscu-

113: MS 3354

lature of chest, etc., is earlier in style than the beginning of a globolo technique and, while it cannot be conclusively identified in the absence of special attributes, closely resembles the figures of doomed heroes such as Kapaneus or Tydeus. The pose of arms and legs akimbo might be running or athletic activity, but the helmet seems to indicate death in battle: see the seals illustrated by Krauskopf 1974:40–43, pls. 18.1 through 19.4. (Without his shield, Kapaneus cannot be confirmed.)

114. SCARAB SEAL (HERCLE/WARRIOR) 29-128-1775 No provenance. Sommerville Collection Intact; in modern brass swivel mount. Carnelian L. 1.3; W. 0.9; Th. 0.7 cm Berges 2002:24 no. 19, pl. 6 3rd century BC Smooth scarab with very light incision for winglets, feet, wing cases, etc., engraved scene within thin line for border. Warrior stands in three-quarter view, facing viewer’s right, his forward (right) leg bent at knee, arms out from his sides, right arm down, grasping sword or club, left arm raised from elbow, with thin, trailing line below it (representing bow?). He wears helmet with round calotte and thin brim (like Picene- or Negau-type helmet?), his face downcast. Warrior’s pointed toes cut onto thin border. The globolo style is evident in treatment of hands, knees, elbows. Berges suggests comparison with the despondent Herakles in Copenhagen, although the Museum’s seal lacks enough details for a conclusive identification as the hero. Cf. Zazoff 1968:122 no. 226, pl. 43.

114: 29-128-1775

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115. SCARAB SEAL (BOAR) 29-128-1779 No provenance. Sommerville Collection Intact; in modern brass or copper swivel mount. Carnelian or sardonyx, dark, clear reddish brown H./Depth 0.8; L. 1.4; W. 1.1 cm Vermeule 1956:no. 77; Berges 2002:24 no. 23, pl. 7 3rd century BC (Berges)

116. SCARAB SEAL (CHARIOT SCENE) 29-128-542 Pl. 12 No provenance. Sommerville Collection Intact; very slight chips on edges of scarab. Carnelian, slightly mottled with white on engraved face (Berges: sardonyx) H./Depth 0.8; L. 1.5; W. 1.1 cm Sommerville 1889:702 no. 542, pl. 45; Sommerville 1901: plate opposite p. 36 (engraving); Zazoff 1968:153 no. 459; Berges 1999:22 color fig. 11; Berges 2000:668 color fig. 10; Berges 2002:23 no. 13, pl. 4 and color pl. II; White et al. 2002:17 no. 24 Late 5th–early 4th century BC

Deep scarab with hatched lower edge, careful relief for head, thorax, winglets and wing cases, eyes, and hatched border on thorax. Within wide hatched border, plump, lively wild boar trots to right, his forward legs bent and raised, his snout tilted upward and mouth slightly open. Below his forelegs, ball or fruit appears as if he were kicking it. Ball is clearly drilled, as are boar’s snout and back; his body is finely modeled, with thin legs showing tiny drill holes to make trotters and joints. Line of fine bristles runs down his back. Boar’s snout and ball cut border. The fine detail in both scarab and intaglio seem more indicative of early Etruscan seals, but Berges has linked the a globolo technique to the 3rd century BC. Compare the fine, early 5th century sows on Greek gems, Boardman and Vollenweider 1978: pl. 15 nos. 81–83. In configuration and demeanor, the boar on the Museum’s piece is similar to a fine, 6th century version painted on an amphora in Stockholm; when impressed in wax, the Museum’s seal would also have faced left like this boar. See Edlund 1986:435 fig. 2. She notes that boars were used as shield devices with strong social and political connotations for clans, factions, or cities.

Fine, tall scarab with relief for head, thorax, wing cases, fine winglets, legs, bristles on feet, and hatched lower border. Edges and sides of scarab appear worn as if from handling. Intaglio, within fine, narrow hatched border, shows charioteer driving three-horse team (triga) to right, large dog running to left below their feet. Scene is rendered in a globolo style, with drilled hemispheres for driver’s head, chest, thigh, and for chest and haunch of horse and dog. Only three heads of horses differentiated, although each, tossed at different angle, is sensitively rendered. Thin incision is used for legs, arms, reins, and tails. Driver wears brimmed helmet; his chariot is merely represented by fourspoked wheel and pole. Dog’s head is finely modeled, with boxy muzzle, whiskers, and flattened ears; far horse has fine,

115: 29-128-1779

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thin mane, while collar is visible on forward horse. Driver holds both reins and goad or whip. Berges notes this as very careful work of the early period of development of a globolo style. The driver’s helmet confirms that this is the old militarily inspired triga race in which a military charioteer could show his ability to control not only the two draft horses, but also a third, outside horse in traces only. In the distant past, the third horse would have been barded, carrying armor to shield the driver and team from spears and arrows on the field of battle. See Turfa and Steinmayer 1993:3–4.

117. SCARAB SEAL (YOUTH WITH HORSE) 29-128-539 Pl. 13 No provenance. Sommerville Collection Intact; very slightly chipped on edges. Carnelian, burnt and now mottled opaque dark to light pinkish gray. (Vermeule, Berges: colored sardonyx. Chrisso Boulis [examination in Museum, 2002] and JMT suggest burnt carnelian.) H./Depth 0.9; L. 1.6; W. 1.2 cm Sommerville 1889:701 no. 539, pl. 45; Sommerville 1901: plate opposite p. 36 (engraving); Vermeule 1956:no. 72; Zazoff 1968:196 no. 1245; Berges 2002:24 no. 15, pl. 5 and color pl. II Early 4th century BC Deep scarab very carefully carved with bottom border of wolf’s-tooth pattern; legs, thorax and head carefully modeled and incised, but domed top only barely preserves outlines of wing cases. Within border so finely hatched that it resembles rope pattern, scene of youth walking horse to left. The youth looks back over his shoulder and extends his right hand backward over horse’s back. Horse turns his small head away; details include his long, thin tail, fine thin legs, and reins. Rendered in a globolo style, with evident drill marks for horse’s shoulder, rump, and for man’s head and both shoulders. In contrast, finely incised detail was used for hooves, legs, mane, and man’s arms and legs. Berges noted that the figure might represent one of the Dioscuri, although this cannot be confirmed in the absence of any distinguishing attributes. The motif of the youth with horse was very popular in Etruria—see 194, a painted vase, of the beginning of the 5th century, with a very similar composition. Burnt condition may indicate that this seal formed part of the costume of its owner during his or her cremation, as other examples are known of burnt yet fairly well-preserved seals.

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118. SCARAB SEAL (GRIFFIN) 29-128-543 Pl. 14 Sommerville Collection. Said by the collector to have come from Corneto Intact; in ancient swivel mount. Banded agate, pale, creamy gray with traces of white band on upper surface of scarab. (Vermeule: chalcedony-onyx; Berges: burnt sardonyx; Chrisso Boulis [examination in Museum, 2002] and JMT suggest agate.) Gold ring. Total W. of ring 2.2; L. of ring with scarab 2.5; scarab L. 1.7; W. 1.1; H. 0.8 cm Sommerville 1889:702 no. 543, pl. 45; Sommerville 1901: plate opposite p. 36 (engraving); Vermeule 1956:no. 73; Zazoff 1968:178 no. 926 (“Kerberos”); Berges 2002:23 no. 12, pl. 4 End of 5th–early 4th century BC Gold swivel mount is ancient, formed from band with four ridges on its outer face, ends cut into disc-shape and decorated on outer edge with band of spirally twisted gold wire; anchored with gold pin/rivet. Ridges, as well as fine transverse grooves left from working gold, show through on interior face of ring. Scarab carved from banded agate cut horizontally to give two-toned effect, like that of cameo. Scarab is finely detailed, with beaded lower edge, simplified legs, and carapace. Within an oval, finely hatched band, griffin running to right, its body in very exaggerated serpentine curve, paws with drilled pads, thin serpentine tail, attenuated legs, open mouth. Wing tip, crest, paws cut border. Berges has compared the fine gold swivel ring to that on another small Etruscan scarab, Zazoff 1983:249 no. 218, pl. 63 no. 3a. For a similar (3rd century) rampant griffin, see Henig et al. 1994:68 no. 113, with references.

119. MODEL STRIGIL MS 1643 No provenance. Almost certainly an ornamental version from wall of a tomb Strigil mended complete from three large fragments; now chipped and abraded, slightly encrusted. Hook apparently broken at both ends, and extremely corroded, now adheres to terracotta handle. Iron (hook) and light orange buff, very fine-textured terracotta (strigil) Strigil: L. 19.8; Max. W. 3.5; Depth through handle 3.9 cm. Hook: L. 7.3; Depth 4.2; Pres. Diam. 0.8 to 1.3 cm Luce 1921B:151 no. 212 4th–3rd century BC

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approx. 23.8; H./Depth of prong section approx. 5.5; Diam. of end of shaft 2.1, Diam. interior 1.6 cm Cf. Museum Journal 1920:30 case XXXIII, no. 209 Later 5th century BC

119: MS 1643

Concave strigil blade with blunt, slightly rounded tip, handle formed round in section, and curved and tapered into 180° angle to attach to back of blade, then tapering off below. Bent hook, of elongated Z shape, is now attached at 90° angle to handle, so if this represents its original relationship to strigil, then hook was set horizontally into wall or had more complex bends to it that have now broken off. Its present relationship to strigil shows that it hung for long time and fused with terracotta in original position. Actual use or decorative display of strigils indicated the owner’s participation in Greek-style athletics and probably, by extension, with a gentleman’s education, if not always in Greek philosophy. Compare the actual tomb group excavated at San Giuliano with a fine metal strigil found with numerous other offerings on the bench of the chamber tomb: P. Villa d’Amelio in NS 1963:42, 44 fig. 43 no. 12. A fragile bronze strigil of similar shape, purchased in Italy in 1897, is in the collection: Dohan and Hoenigswald 1942:fig. 1. For background, especially of the 3rd–2nd centuries BC, see Tagliamonte 1993.

Heavy torch holder on long shaft hollowed beneath to hold wooden pole/handle; single pair of holes pierced through shaft near its end, just above thin beaded molding, to take horizontal pin (approx. 0.3 cm diam.) to secure (lost) pole. Lower third of shaft is smooth, slightly conical, set off at each end with thin fascia below beaded ring. Rest of shaft is octagonally fluted, ending in an open hexagonal ring of six rounded semicircular segments, flattened top and bottom, and each terminating in an S-curved, outward facing bird’s head, beak of which is drawn into an elongated point. Heads schematic, with smooth contours suggesting outline, cheeks, and bill of duck or other waterbird. They resemble out-turned prongs of candelabra, although configuration of spikes would not accommodate actual burning candles. The finely finished bird-head prongs may denote one of earlier examples of this utensil type, which is now to be identified as a torch holder. Past interpretations suggested a meat-hook, but prongs are too fragile for such use, and a mirror engraving in New York seems to show it as a torch: Bonfante 1997:no. 6a, on which torch is carried without a wooden shaft to light farewell of Admetos and Alkestis. For full discussion of type and debate, see Jurgeit 1999:515–16 no. 865, pl. 250. An assortment is illustrated by Adam 1984:69–72 nos. 70–73; many examples have socket worked as a snake’s head from which shaft and prongs emerge (cf. Haynes 1985:186 no. 107). The utensil type apparently began as early as 7th century, as attested by a much simpler version in a tomb at Marsiliana d’Albegna (Minto 1921: pl. 42 no. 4, tomb xiv). Fine versions have prongs worked as claws emerging from a bird-like talon, see Beazley and Magi 1939: II, 213–17, no. 87, pl. 63.

120. TORCH HOLDER MS 1390 Chiusi Mended nearly complete from six fragments; one prong restored in modern materials. Tips of two prongs broken. Shaft is bent; corroded overall, bright blue to dark green, with patches of creamy green encrustation. Traces of 19th century mending with copper pins, solder, etc. Bronze Pres. L. (slightly bent) approx. 46.5; Max. W. through prong section

120: MS 1390

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121. TORCH HOLDER MS 5697 Fig. 17 No provenance. From the Henry C. Lea Collection, gift of Nina Lea Single piece, nearly intact; missing only tips of seven prongs; some prongs bent. Heavy metallic greenish to reddish encrustation on tip of one broken prong. Corroded mottled green to black; creamy green shows through small chipped patches. Bronze; no trace of wooden handle Max. Pres. L. 36.6; Max. Pres. W. through prongs 22.0 (both dimensions close to complete original size); Depth of pronged section approx. 11.5; Diam. of end of socket 2.4; Diam. of opening for wooden pole approx. 1.8 cm Cf. Museum Journal 1920:30 case XXXIII, no. 209; White et al. 2002:20 no. 30 5th–4th century BC

rim merging through trapezoidal segment (recessed above and below) into handle rectangular in section, curved downward, and ending in finely modeled finial. Finial is bluntmouthed snake’s head out of which dove struggles to escape, head first; surface details, cast and retouched, are snake’s scales, neck muscles, curled lips, teeth, and bulging eyes, as well as dove’s feet, wings, flight- and back-feathers, beak, and eyes, all in miniature. Single row of small, punched circles outlines top of “exergue,” trapezoidal extension that joins rim and handle. Outward facing dove appears likely to escape serpent’s maw. This is a much more elaborate example than most funnels/strainers found in tombs; utensils were prized for banquet service and are shown in use in tomb paintings, as well as being deposited among grave offerings. For a full discussion, under a simplified version of this strainer (with duck’s head finial), see Jurgeit 1999:448 no. 757, pl. 225. The fine detail of feathers of escaping dove appears in some 5th–4th century

Large, heavy torch holder has smooth conical lower shaft, hollow to take wooden pole/handle, but without any pin-holes or other means of attachment. Upper shaft, set off below by single beaded molding, is spirally grooved and ends in an open flat-sided ring from which emerge seven thin, inwardly curving prongs, round in section and ending (where preserved) in fragile, sharp points. Flattened vertical strut rises from junction of shaft and ring, parallel to shaft and ending in two prongs also in same plane; joint of extra prongs is marked by simple rounded and flattened knob. Only other decorative effect is rounded molding and grooves that set off each prong from large ring.

122. FUNNEL/STRAINER HANDLE (FRAGMENTARY) MS 1665 Said to have come from site near Lake Bolsena (annotated archival photograph) Single piece, slightly chipped, but heavy, solid metal; most of bowl is missing. Fine turquoise patina; mottled blue, with brown and white encrustation. Also thick section of reddish encrustation on curve of handle may indicate presence of an adjacent iron artifact in tomb. Bronze L. 31.5; Diam. of bowl 9.6; Depth of curved handle end 5.7; Pres. Depth of bowl/funnel approx. 3.1 cm Luce 1921B:215 no. 12 5th century BC Once splendid piece, solid cast handle and outer rim and bowl of large strainer or funnel has broad, heavy, thickened

122: MS 1665

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candelabrum figurines, compare boy holding a goose Haynes 1985:204, 296 no. 138, or earlier finials of a duck and a dove on candelabra from Spina (Hostetter 1986:15–17 no. 1, pl. 3d; 99–100 no. 69, pls. 73g, 96a.)

123. WINE STRAINER MS 1394 Chiusi Single fragment, missing only pieces of curved bowl and all of sieve bottom. Badly corroded, pale whitish green to dark green to cobalt blue (interior), with sections of dark coppery metallic color showing through on bowl, and very pitted. Where traces of a relief remain on handle, surface is a greenish light brown. Bronze Pres. L. 31.0; Diam. of bowl 15.0; Pres. Depth of bowl 3.8; Diam./W. handle end 3.1 cm. Th. of handle 0.4 cm Second half of 5th century BC Once very fine cast-bronze strainer with shallow lentoid bowl with thin rounded rim, its tondo worked into thin strainer (missing), and with long, flat horizontal handle ending in flat

ring, its outer end set off with two curved horns or bird heads. Upper surface of handle, from bowl to almost midpoint, had very shallow but finely drawn relief on its upper surface, warrior running in energetic pose to viewer’s right; his bare legs visible just above large leaf or amphora shape with pointed tip toward distal end of handle. On shoulder, pendent from rim, single band of finely drawn ovolo with double outline. Handle ring may have had decoration, but is too corroded and pitted to retain any now. Such instrumenta are common tomb goods, as for instance, in the metal banquet service of Bologna Certosa tomb 108 (mid-5th century BC; Morigi Govi and Vitali 1982:292–93; also 302 vetrine 34). A close parallel was excavated in the intact tomb no. 21 of the La Pedata necropolis at Chianciano, near Chiusi: Paolucci and Rastrelli 1999: I,74 no. 21.15, pl. 132; see discussion there (68, 71) of the metal banquet services found in Chiusine tombs of the 5th–4th centuries. Also Paolucci et al. 1997:48 fig. 36, dated to the second half of the 5th century BC. Similar strainers have been found in tombs across northern and central Italy; Bini et al. 1995: I,79–81 nos. 4–5; II, pl. 45. Cf. Adam 1984:67–68 nos. 67–68 for more complete, simply decorated examples. For an assortment, see Jurgeit 1999:452–58 nos. 765 ff., pls. 227–30.

124 –135. FOCOLARE, MODEL BRAZIER SET

123: MS 1394

MS 1355 through 1363 Pl. 20 Chiusi, said to be “tomb 2.” (Not fully documented, but undoubtedly part of tomb furnishings.) According to labeling on archival photograph, focolare set and other bucchero vases were “excavated in winter of 1895–96 in part of necropolis of Chiusi which is near Chianciano. All but two of larger vases belong to group centering around focolare.” (The vases not belonging would be MS 1370 and 1371, not exhibited; those apparently found in same tomb are MS 1355–1369.) Bucchero pesante fabric, charcoal gray mottled black to lighter gray, fairly fine in texture, with abundant small white and sparkling inclusions. Surfaces originally highly polished; smaller pieces are darker black; fingermarks and burnishing evident in places. The small to miniature vases found inside focolare are all heavy and show no sign of wear; although fabric colors vary slightly, they were probably all made in same workshop. Museum Journal 1920:24 case XVII, no. 30; Luce 1921B:117–18 no. 30; White et al. 2002:20 no. 29 Mid- to second half of 6th century BC

Catalogue of Objects

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124–135: MS 1355–1363

124. FOCOLARE TRAY MS 1355 Mended complete from many fragments (a few sherds restored in plaster). Only traces remain of highly polished surface. Max. H. 19.0; H. to rim 16.0; Diam. of basin 42.4; W. through handles 51.0; Protomes, mold dimensions approx. 6.5 x 6.5 cm Nearly round vessel has flat bottom set on four flat trapezoidal supports. Basin-like body is cut away in semi-oval in front and rim at corners is set off by female protomes. Back has a pointed pediment ending in volutes at corners; two smaller versions of pediment spaced along rim. On short sides, two horizontal and slightly down-turned handles, round in section. Underside is smooth and flat. Tray was assembled with a wheelmade body, molded protomes, and handcut pediments. Female protomes have elongated triangular faces, a raised straight ridge of hair over forehead, upturned eyebrows, and tresses framing face; their style is of a much earlier type than form of focolare and its vases (a characteristic of Chiusine bucchero pesante vessels).

125. PALETTE OR MODEL TRAY MS 1358 Mended nearly complete from four fragments, missing

two corners, cracked. L. 15.9; W. 8.5 cm. Th. 0.8 cm Handmade, upper surface flat, lower surface plain and slightly convex. Corners of tray have been cut and smoothed with recesses to create in-curved decorative corners, and shallow groove, hastily inscribed with blunt-edged tool, outlines entire upper surface. Impressions of potter’s fingers run transversely across back surface, as if s/he held it in left hand while decorating upper surface. A more elaborate version of this shape is seen in the representations of meat trays (some with juice wells) seen, for instance, in tombs such as the Tomba dei Rilievi, where the color scheme suggests wooden trenchers painted red (Roman, lanx). Cf. Blanck and Proietti 1986:41, pls. 9, 19d.

126–131, SET OF THREE COVERED BOWLS 126. MS 1362A: BOWL Mended nearly complete from two fragments (part of foot restored in plaster). H. 6.5; Diam. rim 11.4; Diam. base 7.0 cm Low pedestal foot, very low carinated shoulder, slightly convex body and plain rim; shallow groove inside corresponds to offset shoulder. Irregular burnishing marks on interior; bottom of foot not polished.

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127. MS 1362B: LID Intact, although badly eroded, chipped. Diam. 10.4; H. 4.5 cm. H. of bowl with lid in place approx. 11.5 cm Conical lid with conical knob ending in spherical finial is made of fabric very close to impasto, dull, mottled gray with an orange tan core; abundant traces of very fine sparkling and larger, dark brown inclusions. Lid fits inside rim of bowl without fitting flush. Assembled height of this set matches that of more decorative bucchero lid and bowl, 128 and 129, and it is possible that impasto lid was made as replacement for this casually matched set.

Small, plain bowl is nearly conical, on low, flaring foot, with plain rim. Lid is of different fabric, although it fits rim tolerably well. Lid may have been made as an afterthought or replacement.

131. MS 1360B: LID Mended complete from several fragments; chipped, cracked. Dull, light to medium gray impasto, fine in texture, with abundant sparkling and white inclusions. Traces of fingermarks on underside. H. 3.1; Diam. 8.0 cm Thin lid with straight edge, rounded center topped by conical knob with flared and flattened top. No other decoration.

128. MS 1361A: FOOTED BOWL Intact; slightly chipped, and with deep scratches on tondo made probably by modern attempts to clean encrustation from surface. [On bottom of foot, an old paper label, white with red edge, written in black handwriting, “I.C.” above “38”] H. 7.0; Diam. base 7.4; Diam. rim 11.0 cm Heavy, small bowl on low, beveled pedestal foot, with sharp ridge on low, carinated shoulder, slightly convex body and incurved rim. Lid fits reasonably well, although it is very slightly different in fabric and treatment.

132. MS 1359: BOWL Intact; preserves fingermarks and burnishing marks. H. 2.6; Diam. rim 9.0; Diam. base 4.6 cm Shallow bowl with rounded ring base, low, angular shoulder and broad, slightly convex everted rim.

133. MS 1363: FOOTED BOWL Intact; one chip on rim. H. 9.7; Diam. rim 11.4 (widest diameter 11.7); Diam. foot 8.2 cm

129. MS 1361B: LID Mended complete from three fragments; slightly chipped, surfaces slightly worn. H. 5.0; Diam. 11.2 cm. H. of bowl with lid in place approx. 11.5 cm Rounded lid with tall, thin conical knob, has thin flange on underside which conforms to interior of rim of bowl. Upper surface has very shallow relief of three pendent seven-leaved palmettes pendent from volutes, separated by tongue with central groove. Incision with blunt tool for retouching relief and also for single curl curving out from each side of tongues, and single circle of zigzags along upper rim. Traces of fingermarks on underside where clay was pressed into mold or piecemold to form three palmettes in low relief on upper surface.

130. MS 1360A: FOOTED BOWL Intact; short crack running through body. H. of bowl with lid in place approx. 8.5 cm

Bowl with flaring, conical foot with beveled outer edge, low shoulder set off by two sharp moldings; convex body with plain rim, single groove around center of body and below rim. Although simple in form, proportions and surface finish make this fine vessel. Two scratched lines on underside of base, an upright intersected by an oblique, resemble part of an Etruscan A, and were probably made before firing, but do not seem to be deliberate letter.

134. MS 1356: LADLE Mended complete from several fragments (one chip restored in plaster); surfaces chipped, worn. Same fabric as spatula and tray L. 14.4; Diam. bowl 7.0; Depth 2.3 cm Small, heavy model ladle with rounded bowl with in-turned rim, handle round in section with curved, hook-like tip to make it rest upright on flat surface.

Catalogue of Objects

135. MS 1357: SPATULA Intact. L. 15.1; Max. W. 3.2 cm Model spatula is hand-modeled from slab of clay, rounded on back surface with slight raised spine, and flattened on upper side to form broad “blade” tapered at center, with long, triangular “handle” trimmed at tip to triangular arrowhead shape. Blunt tip may be broken. Single blunt-edged groove outlines blade and handle.

136. GENUCILIA PLATE MS 2841 Ardea, “Tomba a fossa,” excavated by Francesco Mancinelli Scotti in 1897; objects from three fossa tombs were mingled. Single piece, missing approx. 1/3 of foot; slightly encrusted. Fine-textured pinkish buff to tan clay, with slightly lustrous dark brown to dilute chocolate brown paint H. 5.3; Diam. rim 14.7; Diam. foot 7.3 cm Holland 1933–34:9, pl. 2 no. 39; Beazley 1947:175 no. 5; Del Chiaro 1953:259 and plate opposite, fig. 8; Del Chiaro 1957:269–70, pl. 21 fig. a First half to mid-4th century BC “Genucilia plate” with fairly high pedestal foot with molded edge; slightly down-turned rim. Shallow depression for tondo is mirrored on underside by shallow blunt groove set off

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below by broad band of paint. Outer edge of foot also has solid band, as does outer face of rim. On top, female head facing left is painted in tondo, her profile set off by solid filling; surrounding it, set off by narrow reserved band, wave pattern of six points. Lady is painted in sketchy yet lively, near “impressionist” style of 4th century BC, with plump chin and neck, full lips slightly down-turned at sides, thin, sloping and tapered nose, single down-turned line for eyebrow above parallel angled lines for eye folds; she wears her hair in netpatterned, spherical sakkos at nape, with dark section of hair below it; over forehead, double fillet or diadem of one plain, one spotted band; from swag of hair over her ear falls single large spiral curl, and hair over crown of head is indicated by two tapering zigzag lines, presumably reflection of “Melonfrisur” or cornrow-type hairstyle. Her ear (or an earring?) is rendered by two concentric oval lines that seem to peep from behind her curl. For a summary of the workshop of the Genucilia plates, see Bacchielli (1986) with references therein. The first examples of the group have more finely drawn female heads, and are named for one plate, in Providence, Rhode Island, painted with the Latin name “P. Genucilia,” presumably that of a lady who was commemorated in the image. Del Chiaro, in the definitive study of this group of ceramics, named one of his workshop divisions for this plate, the “Group of the Pennsylvania Genucilia Plate no. MS 2841,” and illustrated another attributed example in the Villa Giulia (1957: pl. 21 fig. b). This group was transitional, made in the Faliscan workshop after the breakaway of the Caeretan artisans. Our plate’s lady wears the net sakkos, which was thereafter replaced with a palmette-decorated version, indicating the change in fashions in central Italy in the later 4th century.

137. ETRUSCAN RED-FIGURE STAMNOS

136: MS 2841

MS 2520 Pl. 21, Fig. 18 No provenance Intact, except for mending of one handle; although seriously damaged and pitted by surface spalling from salts in fabric. Small sections of painted exterior worn or eroded. Interior surface shows thick dark gray and white encrustation, perhaps relating to original contents, or to buildup of salts. Numerous traces of potter’s fingermarks, where small pebbles dragged around surface as vase was thrown. Traces of fingerprints visible under black glaze. Fine-textured orange buff clay with very fine dark brown inclusions. Lustrous deep black to dilute glaze, and added white

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H. 28.9; Diam. base 12.9; Diam. rim (through flanged edge) 17.6 cm White et al. 2002:21 no. 32 4th century BC Large stamnos with flattened ring base, broad body, short neck, and flared, flange-like rim set off on top with thin ring molding; two horizontal, upturned handles (round in section). Base wiped with thick to dilute paint on underside; outer face of base, lower body solid black; thin reserved band below and slightly broader band on top of shoulder frame scenes on body; shoulder border is painted in dilute lines with upright tongues, centers dotted with white paint. Handles, neck, and interior of rim solid black; concave outer surface of rim also painted with simple upright tongues with white dotted centers. On body, each handle is set off above and below with reserved circle outlined with added white dots. Below handle, rising from groundline, nine-leaved palmette with white-outlined center; from groundline to shoulder on each side, thick tendril from which emerge stylized palmettes and trumpet flowers; traces remain of added white punctuating details of flowers. Upper large trumpet flowers turn inward to frame scenes, on one side, woman or sedate maenad in peplos with single central vertical stripe sits on rocky seat, facing left. Her hair is pulled into bun at nape and apparently wrapped in plain sakkos. In front of her, facing to right, grazes fawn, whose body is slim, white, with dilute dashes overall for his spots (rather resembling shorn sheep). Woman contemplates white twig that she holds up in front of her, while balancing on her left shoulder thyrsus (that looks rather like distaff full of wool) topped with dilute curved lines for foliage; white indicates fringed ribbon tied to staff. More white appears in delicate lines for contours on rocks, stems and dotted flowers on which fawn grazes; dotted cross in white is set in field in front of her. White for woman’s skin, wreath or fillet; fine dilute lines for her features, drapery, spiral bracelet on each lower arm. Sensitive details are deer’s neatly foreshortened head, and human eye similar to eye of maenad. Opposite scene, similarly framed, shows standing Menrva proceeding to left, as shown by her white feet on groundline, but with her upper body turned nearly frontal, her right arm held forward with drooping hand, her left bent at elbow and holding upright her spear, rendered, like thyrsus, in added white only. Her round shield is seen from behind her skirt, its outer, convex face turned to left; rendered in white, it has dilute yellow details of dashed rim, and round face/boss partially visible on its center. Menrva, her arms and face outlined in dilute, wears peplos and mantle carried across waist and over her left elbow, as well as tall conical helmet with long, flowing plume; aegis is suggested by simple circle on front of her peplos, with cartoon-like features

set off by added white. Dilute lines over her white skin indicate simple sandals, spiral bracelet, and armlet. Contrast the fluffy sheep on the stamnos of the Diespater painter, Pugliese Carratelli and Pallottino 1986:fig. 587; Martelli 1987:193 no. 143.1 (380–360 BC). A more carefully executed version of the stamnos, with satyr and maenad scene, fugitive white objects and slightly different profile, is in the Louvre, attributed to the prolific Caeretan American Academy Painter: see Martelli 1987:204, 318 no. 151, ca. 325–300 BC.

138. SPINDLE WHORL MS 1143 Narce Tomb 18B Mended complete from two fragments; slightly chipped and encrusted. (Illustrated with modern wooden shaft.) Heavy, fine-textured impasto clay, fired deep black overall, with surfaces burnished to high polish Diam. 2.8; H. 2.2; Diam. of hole 0.6 cm Dohan 1942:13 no. 33, pl. 4 7th century BC Faceted, truncated conical whorl has seven faces, flat ends, and is pierced to fit on thin shaft. In spinning, weight of whorl is determined by type of fiber being spun, so that a larger, heavier weight indicates coarse, heavy cloth such as wool or linen sailcloth. This whorl, once threaded onto a wooden stick, is about average for spinning everyday woolen thread.

138: MS 1143

139. SPINDLE WHORL MS 2782 Narce Tomb 1 Intact; very slightly chipped and encrusted. Heavy, fine-textured impasto clay, fired grayish black overall, and with surfaces highly burnished Diam. 2.7; H. 1.6; Diam. of hole 0.5 cm Dohan 1942:59 no. 65, pl. 32 Early to mid-7th century BC

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Catalogue of Objects

139: MS 2782

Faceted, truncated conical whorl has eight concave faces, slightly concave base with shallow concentric groove, and is pierced to fit on thin shaft.

140. SET OF “ROCCHETTI” MS 603A–G Vulci Tomb 25. (Although not listed in Dohan’s inventory of this tomb, the rocchetti do appear in the Museum ledger entry for it, and were almost certainly part of the grave goods, perhaps omitted accidentally from the dealer’s record photo.) All intact, slightly chipped and encrusted. Impasto, heavy and varying in color from dark orange to grayish tan to black (see below) (Cf. Dohan 1942:81–82, pl. 43) 7th century BC Set of seven rocchetti of varying sizes, two styles, and different weights. They were probably used for making textiles of different weights and sizes. A: both ends domed and scored with cross; dark brownish gray. L. 5.0; Diam. 2.4 (ends) and 1.6 (shaft) cm. B: both ends domed and scored with irregular cross; dull brown to gray to black. L. 4.6; Diam. 2.3 (ends) and 1.8 (shaft) cm. C: dark grayish black. Smooth, domed at both ends. L. 4.9; Diam. 2.3 (ends) and 1.9 (shaft) cm. D: dark mottled brown to black, with abundant traces of fine sparkling inclusions. Both ends domed; blunt incised cross on both ends. Green mark on one end might be trace of corroded bronze. L. 4.8; Diam. 2.3 (ends) and 1.6 (shaft) cm. E: reddish orange, traces of longitudinal burnishing and angular planes; flat ends. L. 4.2; Diam. 2.3 (ends) and 1.8 cm (shaft). F: black, steeply domed ends, marked with incised cross. L. 4.6; Diam. 2.2 (ends) and 1.5 (shaft) cm. G: flaring to flat ends; mottled dark brownish red to black. L. 5.2; Diam. 3.1 (ends) and 2.0–2.3 (shaft) cm.

See examples from Veii (NS 1965:210, 223 fig. 111.a, Tomb KK 10–11 both domed and flat-ends in same group of 16). In Monte Michele (Veii) Tomb A (which also contained a spear, Cristofani 1969:17 no. 6, 19 fig 2, pl.2.2) was a set of 15 in a slight range of sizes, all same fabric, domed and with a transverse central hole, with a single unpierced rocchetto with flat ends. One of the pierced examples had a fragment of bronze wire or rod adhering to the hole. Most rocchetti not pierced, but each set appears to have been uniquely adapted to its user’s preferences. The presence of large numbers of rocchetti in burials is not uncommon at Veii, where at times they may be a token offering of a dead warrior’s wife: cf Berardinetti and Drago 1997:56–57 fig. 26, Grotta Gramiccia Tomb 521, of an armed warrior, had 13 rocchetti placed near his right foot, opposite the spear situated at his left side. They appear in chamber tombs throughout Etruria through the Archaic period; cf. a set of 9 from Cerveteri, Monte Abatone Tomb 352 (end 7th–beginning 6th century) Bugli 1980:221 no. 24. For the latest experimental reconstruction of rocchetti in use (at Verucchio), see von Eles 2002:230 fig. 104. That rocchetti were used in addition to trapezoidal loomweights and their warp-weighted upright loom is also indicated by recent finds of broken rocchetti of assorted shapes and decoration in the ruins of the 6th century “House of the Impluvium” excavated at Roselle (Donati 1994:139–40, figs. 8, 25, 27, and 32, nos. 71, 242, 279, 357–58). While many weaving implements were discarded in wells or outside, several were found in the upper strata of different rooms or the courtyard, along with whorls and loomweights. That

140: MS 603A–G

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even great ladies could be associated with spinning and weaving is suggested by such finds as the 130 rocchetti said to have been found in the so-called Isis Tomb of early 6th century Vulci, in the British Museum (see Haynes 1977:29, pl. 11a.)

141. IMPLEMENT, FOR WOMEN’S CRAFTS MS 1060A, MS 1060B, MS 1045 Narce Tomb 23M Apparently complete, nearly intact: rivets that originally attached twisted sections have broken off. Somewhat corroded, but retains rusty brown metallic color. Wire clip moves easily along plates which it secures. MS 1045 is main section, MS 1060A, B are separately made “arms” once attached with rivets to MS 1045 (no rivet remains in MS 1060 B, most of rivet remains in MS 1060A). When assembled, three pieces fill an area approx. 16.0 x 5.5 x 4.5 cm Bronze, cast, hammered and twisted, and riveted MS 1045: Max. L. 14.4; Max. H. approx. 6.0; dimensions of central plate section 10.1 x 1.7; Th. through plate section approx. 0.3 (each plate approx. 0.1) cm MS 1060A, B: H. 5.0 and 5.4; W. 5.7 and 5.8; Thickness of twisted wire approx. 0.3 cm Dohan 1942:44 nos. 35–36, pl. 21 7th century BC Central section is pair of flat, rectangular plates with rounded corners, one of which fits into cast groove of opposite piece. Rivet on one end of rectangles holds them together; “clip” of thin folded wire (round in section, with pointed tips) holds panels together, but slides to allow them to part, presumably to trap some element of different material (lost) between panels. End of each rectangle is hammered into narrow plate at right angles, and its end is attenuated and twisted into curving wire, tip of which is rolled into tight circle. Two separate, leg-like pieces made of identical twisted wire, beaten into small oval plate at its midpoint and rolled to form an eye at each tip. Plates and elbows on larger piece pierced with round holes through which were set roundheaded rivets which once held them all together, wires functioning like curving arms so that each end of central plate was either supported or pendent from three arms. Eyes at tips of arms appear too thin to have been used to suspend object, but, on analogy to other bronze ornaments, could have held pendent chains or loops.

141: MS 1060A, B, MS 1045

Compare implement from Narce Monte lo Greco Tomb 18, which also was secured by wire wrapped around its plates and was restored by excavators as a weaving implement: Barnabei and Pasqui 1895:390–91 fig. 180. There, the implement was placed in the sarcophagus above the head of a woman buried with a bronze spindle near her right hand. There are perhaps 20 examples, all slightly different in ornamentation, known for the tombs of Etruria and central Italy for the period of the 8th through 6th centuries BC. Most of these have rounded corners, forming an oval, rather than rectangular, plaque, and they have a curving wire-like extension with decorative pendent chains. They are invariably of bronze, although the fine example from an undocumented tomb at Vulci, in the Collezione Massimo, has the two swivel plates attached by an iron nail or rivet. See Bartoloni et al. 1997:98–100. Also Falconi Amorelli 1983:196, 199 fig. 86 no. 354; Falconi Amorelli 1968:no. 39; Hencken 1968B: I,103 fig. 90g (Selciatello Sopra tomb 141). Minto 1921:256–57 figs. 23, 23bis, pl. 42 no. 5. At Verucchio, excavated finds prompted the experimental archaeology group to use these implements in weaving patterned braids or borders: see von Eles 2002:231–32 section 4.10.7 and figs. 106, 107.

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142. ETRUSCO-GEOMETRIC TRIPOD PYXIS AND LID MS 2732A, B Narce Tomb 1 Box (A) mended nearly complete from several fragments, with one foot restored in plaster; lid (B), mended from four fragments, preserves approx. 1/4 of original, including two segments of rim, but lacks apex, which is completely restored in plaster. Parts of glaze fugitive but entire pattern remains visible. Clay deep tan in color, mottled slightly from pale yellow to pinkish tan: discoloration appears only on some sherds, thus is an effect of post-deposition conditions on one side of vase, not noticeable on lid. Clay is very well levigated; sparse brownish and white inclusions visible under magnification. Some fingermarks visible under paint of interior. Paint, dark chocolate to reddish brown, ranges from slightly lustrous through very dilute in original application, is fugitive on discolored side of pyxis, especially on segment that is missing its foot. H. of pyxis 11.4; H. with lid was only slightly greater, perhaps 15.4 as with restored lid; Diam. rim 14.0; H. of body of pyxis 6.6, H. of feet 6.2; Diam. of lid 15.6; D\W. of flange on inner surface of lid 12.9 cm Furtwängler 1905:255 no. 8; Dohan 1933:155, pl. 6; Dohan 1942:55 no. 4, pl. 30; White et al. 2002:21 no. 31 Early 7th century BC Finely wheelmade and painted pyxis on three feet. Shallow cylindrical body with straight sides and plain rim, set on three tall legs formed of trapezoidal panel tapered at bottom to attach to three-dimensional, hand-modeled shod foot (a simple convex oval with flat back and sole). Two simple horizontal handles, round in section, set just below rim. Lid is slightly convex and almost certainly terminated in knob or boss; approx. 1.2 cm from rim, on interior surface, is thin, sharp flange that fits easily rim of pyxis. Painted ornament: lid interior reserved; exterior, alternating bands of thin concentric circles and broader, reserved bands containing sets of S-curved lines. Pyxis: bottom, broad solid band painted in concentric circles, with central set of concentric circles in thin lines. Interior: solid chocolate brown except for reserved band near bottom of wall, and thin reserved band just below rim. Exterior: four bands of ornament between sets of three thin concentric lines: bottom three bands have sets of S-curves, upper band, slightly deeper, has alternating panels of vertical lines with solid double axes, and reserved panel of dotted criss-cross motif. Handle zone is

142: MS 2732A, B

reserved, outlined in rectangle in thin line. Top of rim has single brown line. Legs painted on outer face only, with some paint overlapping onto side edges: panel has upright Phoenician palmette of three enclosed petals, with curved petals pendent below, and top corners of trapezoid with solid pendent triangle in each. Shod foot is entirely covered in crossed lines simulating either sandals or grid-like textile pattern. This pyxis, part of the rich grave goods of the lady buried in Narce Tomb 1, was probably made in the same workshop as the painted biconical urn (see 16), which has similar fabric and decoration. Tripod pyxides were not especially common, and others show bovine hooves instead of shoes. They must have been rare gifts or showpieces. Much simplified pointed shoes emerge from the trapezoidal feet of tripod bowls in White-onRed fabric from a tomb at Capena (Micozzi 1994:294 nos. Ca16–19, pl. 85.b.), also a simpler tripod plate in the C. A. Collection (Camporeale 1991:59 no. 54, pl. 38a,c), the latter dated to the first to second quarter of the 7th century BC. Compare the earlier boot/vase from a Villanovan tomb (no. 135) in Bologna’s Via Savena necropolis, dated to the 8th century BC and derived from a Bronze Age European ceramic tradition (Morigi Govi and Vitali 1982:226).

143. SHOE/SANDAL SOLES, FRAGMENTARY MS 1651 Vulci Tomb C Much of the metal frames of two sandals, with traces of wooden soles, now altered in chemical composition: left foot, two complete pieces (toe section previously mended from two fragments); right foot, instep

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and toe section 2/3 mended complete from two or more fragments, heel mended 2/3 complete from three fragments—right foot missing parts of hinge area on both halves. Iron extremely corroded and encrusted (small pebbles and traces of fossilized chaff adhering in corrosion products). Iron and wood (decomposed) Left foot: heel frame L. 15.1; W. 6.3; Pres. H. 2.5 cm (heel section preserves traces of wooden sole and footbed surface at very back of heel. Instep/toe frame: L. 12.1; W. 10.9; Pres. H. 2.1 cm. Preserves one iron nail projecting down through outside bottom corner (near hinge). Bottom surface preserves impressions of wood grain running parallel to axis of foot and visible as thin surface of fossilized wood pierced by multiple nails, at point of toe. Right foot: heel frame reassembled Max. Pres. L. 13.5; Pres. W. approx. 6.4; Max. Pres. H.(near hinge) 4.8 cm. Instep/toe frame: L. approx. 11.7; Max. Pres. W. approx. 9.5; Pres. H. 1.8 cm toe preserves impressions of wood grain in bright orange layer on underside. Heel preserves ample traces of thick wooden sole, hobnails and footbed De Puma 1986:52–53 no. VC 53–58; Brownlee and Turfa 2001 Second half of 6th century BC Iron armatures from hinged, platform-soled shoes or sandals, retaining traces of wooden soles, iron frames, and hobnails. Fragmentary armatures show that upper surface or footbed of sandals was slightly rounded in section, like modern horseshoe, and pierced with several nails (rounded heads) securing thick block of wood below; it appears there was similar metal frame ending in large hobnail-ended rivets to form sole. Thicker sections of corrosion at connecting ends of both frames represent traces of hinge plate, possibly of sheet bronze, which clamped both sections together; hinge, on analogy with other examples, was probably of leather. Footbed may have been of leather or may have been polished upper surface of wooden platform sole. Estimated length of the complete frame (measured on left foot) was approx. 28.0 cm. Soles were at least 5 cm high, and possibly a bit taller. Allowing for the framework, and estimating the size of the actual footbed, the Vulci lady would have worn a modern American size 6 wide shoe. Sandals of this sort would have been treacherous to wear on country roads or in farm fields; their design must be intended for highly noticeable walking on hard surfaces, such as hardened or paved urban streets, where they would raise the wearer’s feet above the debris of the streets, while attracting attention to the clattering noise they made.

143: MS 1651

For a brief period, ca. 550 BC and a little later, platform shoes seem to have been popular in central Etruria, and especially in the region of Bisenzio and Vulci; they have been found on buried bodies and in tombs, including a famous pair from Bisenzio, Olmo Bello tomb 80, now in the Villa Giulia (Pallottino et al. 1980:88–89 no. 107). The Villa Giulia example, about the same size as the Museum’s, preserves most of the wood, which still bears traces of the marks made by the wearer’s toes. Fragmentary armatures found in Tomb G at Poggio Buco (Davison 1972:53 no. 98, pl. 24 no. 22) preserve a nail at least 4.5 cm long, indicating the minimum depth of the lost wooden sole on this pair of slightly smaller size than the Museum’s. Another pair (Davison 1972:44 no. 68, pl. 24 no. 6 with references) comes from Tomb F, which contained slightly older artifacts than G, and has been dated to the second quarter of the 6th century BC. Bonfante (1975:59–60, 130–31 n. 7, fig. 140) has noted the fashion trend for this footwear during the Archaic period. They are even mentioned as being sought after by Athenian women and may have been identified on a statue in Athens; for the numerous examples preserved in Greece, and discussion, see Touloupa 1973:122 nos. 10–19. A later version of this type was found in the “Tomba della donna con i sandali” among the tombs with façades like Greek temples (Tombe doriche) at Norchia, dated to the second quarter of the 3rd century BC. The shoes (21.7 cm long and 3–4 cm thick) were identified as poplar wood, with iron hobnails and hinges and leather laces; they had belonged to a woman of about 19 years,

Catalogue of Objects

buried with a newborn. See NS 1996–97:347 fig. 16, 354 nos. 18–21, 361–63. A variation in the National Museum, Copenhagen, without provenance, is made in bronze and wood: Brijder et al. 1989:130 fig. 124. (On preservation of wood by iron corrosion products, see S. Angelucci in Bonamici et al. 1994:240.)

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This is a fragment of a very fine male statuette of the type frequently dedicated in Etruscan sanctuaries; as yet, none have been found in homes or public buildings, although the Roman historians indicate they also stood in public squares. Compare the soleae, or soft sandals, worn by a street musician in a Roman mosaic, Goldman 1994:103 fig. 6.1 no. x.

144. FOOT, FRAGMENT OF STATUETTE MS 1698 Said to have come from a site near Lake Bolsena (archival photograph shows it on a round, torusmolded base to which it was not originally attached) Broken off across lower calf, missing parts of sole and ankle. Corroded, dull brownish black. Traces of lumpy pale gray green metallic substance on interior of toes and sole may be remains of lead once used to affix it to base. Bronze Max. Pres. H. 9.3; L. along sole 8.9; Max. W. of sole 4.2; Diam. of (broken) top of leg approx. 3.7; Th. of casting, approx. 0.4 cm 4th–2nd century BC Foot probably broken from fine statuette (perhaps about one quarter lifesize) is hollow, open below, and portrays shod right foot of standing male figure (no indication of any drapery). Foot stands firmly on thick sole that conforms to its contours; wears soft leather shoe with high, pointed back with vertical seam, soft smooth sides that leave lower arch and toes bare. It is attached over upper arch by soft straps that tie over long downturned tongue with scalloped end. Big toe is deeply delineated and splayed, and all nails carefully rendered, squared as for male foot. Ankle very smooth and rounded.

144: MS 1698

145. ETRUSCAN RED-FIGURE STAMNOS MS 2521 No provenance Intact; some surfaces slightly abraded, and reserved decoration on one side seems to be eroded, perhaps from water. Pink to tan clay, rather soft, with large quantity of inclusions: very fine white, small glassy black, coarser dark brown. Paint is semi-lustrous, black to brownish dilute. H. 28.7; Diam. base 11.4; Diam. rim 17.0 cm Beazley 1947:301, sub pp. 145–46, compared to MS 2517 (319) 4th century BC Large stamnos with nearly spherical body, broad, low flanged pedestal foot, wide mouth with profiled, everted rim, and two thick, upstanding horizontal handles (round in section). RedFigure decoration is drawn in thick lines, with heavy hand: broad dripped dilute band around center bottom; foot and lower body solid black; main body has scene between reserved bands, upper band decorated with pendent tongue pattern that is echoed on outer face of rim. Shoulder and neck, solid inside and out; several round drips visible on reserved inside of body. Beneath each handle, pointed upright palmette of 17 leaves; beside handles, from top to bottom of zone, thick curvilinear tendril from which emerge palmettes and tubular flowers. Framed by floral ornament, two different, simple figured scenes, each with figure proceeding to left. Smaller scene, framed by coarser, larger flowers, shows nude male lasa (Beazley: “Eros”) walking to left on straightened left leg, with right leg bent and foreshortened. His lower torso is plump, his chest narrow, and framed by large outstretched wings. He holds in front of him large alabastron in his left hand, and raises his right, which probably held a perfume pin. He looks with attention upward and ahead, his hair falling behind in short ponytail; he

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appears to have ring around his right ankle, rather than shoes. Although paint has disappeared, surface beneath it is better preserved, retaining contours of his arms and genitals. Floating in field below each wing is round flower of different type. Opposite scene is slightly more elaborate, showing young woman of squat proportions running to left in front of an altar; she carries in her raised right arm rectangular object with soft folds that suggest pillow or folded drapery, while her left arm is

held languidly out and behind her. Her eye is drawn wide open beneath an arched brow, and her loose, short locks pulled up in ponytail. Her peplos billows around her at hemline, and has single central broad band from neck to hem. Low altar behind her is typically Etruscan, with plinth-like top and bottom set off by heavy half-round moldings. In field on either side float four different simple flowers. This portrayal suggests Etruscan open-air worship at a small altar such as may be found in many sanctuaries, although the woman might be a maenad rather than a normal human worshipper. The lasa figure, more often female, is a common one for women’s boudoirs and is especially frequent on engraved mirrors, such as 148. Alabastron would have contained cream perfume to be dipped out with a long ornamental pin or spatula, perhaps with its finial matched to that of the lady’s mirror handle (cf. Turfa 1982:178 no. 50, pl. 19c). The style is well paralleled among vases defined in Beazley’s “Late Red Figure stamnoi” group, a large number of which were found at Vulci and may have been made there, although other centers are also likely.

146. FEET FROM BRONZE CISTA MS 2345A, B Said to be from Chiusi. Coleman Collection Intact, although corroded, pitted and chipped. A: H. 16; W. across feathers 9.1; approx. depth through rivets 1.1 and 1.2 cm B: H. 16.8; W. across feathers 9.2; approx. depth through rivets 1.25 and 1.0 cm B preserves section of sheet metal approx. 8.6 x 5.3 cm Bronze, cast and sheet Coleman Catalogue: 9 no. 56 5th century BC(?)

145: MS 2521

Two feet from cista or related vessel of large size (the curve of wall is very shallow), in form of tall hooved legs ending above in an upright feather framed by pair of outspread wings. Cast feet preserve rivets, with B retaining small portion of sheet bronze from vessel itself. Rivets hammered over on interior, with much free space between their ends and preserved sheet bronze, leaving room for wooden vessel. Two rows of flight feathers were incised for lower border of wings; from their parting rises single feather or palmette with blunt edges. Groove marks rounded hoof, above which leg is smooth and straight, set off about three-quarters of way up by pair of downward curling hooks or volutes. Cast feet were fashioned in wax very hastily, leaving surfaces very rough behind, and B has casting flaw in leg—one side appears as if wax had melted slightly at edge.

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167

147: MS 1634

146: MS 2345A, B

There are few close parallels for this configuration, although hooves (on short legs) and wings, feathers or feathery palmettes may be found on the feet of several vessels. It seems likely that this cista or bowl was a special commission or perhaps a repair fitted to a vessel rather taller than average. Compare the low wings on feline paws of Praenestine cistae and basins discussed by Jurgeit 1986: pls. 17–25; closest are 40–44 nos. K 12,1–3 and K 12,11–13, while no. K 12,23 shows a version that has been simplified into a sort of hoof, perhaps a recasting for repair. Compare also the flat-footed stance and floral curls of a Gorgon basin foot, pl. 47d. Style and parallels of Jurgeit’s grouping, linked to a northern Etruscan foundry, imply a date in the 5th century for the Museum’s less-ornate examples.

147. HANDLE FROM BRONZE CISTA MS 1634 No provenance Intact; corroded dark green to black. Bronze, cast Max. H. (includes tabs) 6.7; L. 15.3 cm. W. across attachment plaques 3.2 and 3.15 cm Luce 1921B:216 no. 28 4th–3rd century BC Cast bronze handle for cista, nude female athlete with long thin body, pointed breasts, incised lines for belly and genitals, buttocks, legs below, crossed body necklace made of single line of dots, upswept hair in curls over forehead. Leaf-shaped plaques end in thin feathery palmette, with grooves for sharp partial volutes/curls, two grooves down center and one to outline leaf. Short, rectangular tabs beneath hands and feet pierced with

round holes (0.3 cm), as if for insertion of pin to anchor after insertion into thick wooden lid—tabs are 1.7 and 1.4 cm long/deep. Casting flaw (void) in corner of right jawline. The acrobat, male or female, was a favorite in handles for cistae from the late Archaic products through the 4th century. Bordenacche Battaglia and Emiliozzi 1979:90–91 no. 20, pls. 110–111 (New York, private collection); and 126–30 no. 36, pl. 157 (British Museum) are very close, although the British Museum piece has been shown to be a forgery.

148. HAND-MIRROR 86-35-14 Said to be from Praeneste. Gift of George and Henry Vaux Intact; corroded creamy through dark green, with rough surface, with sections of shiny metallic golden color. Has been drilled for materials sampling. H. 29.2; Diam. disc 16.8; L. of handle 10.1; thickness of disc 0.03 cm De Puma, CSE forthcoming 4th century BC Hand-mirror, with disc and handle cast in one piece, is nearly flat, with plain edge on reverse, fine, incompletely cast pearled edge on reflecting side; reflecting surface only slightly convex, flat, nearly rectangular exergue, and flat tapering handle with straight edges ending in stylized doe’s head. Muzzle is rounded, and slight relief appears on sides for doe’s ears. Engraved decoration, on reflecting side, large lotus rising from volutes with pendent buds covers exergue and extends slightly onto reflecting surface. No decoration on reverse.

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148: 86-35-14

The early Praenestine shape with squared-off extension and the casual floral engraving support a date in the 4th century for this serviceable mirror. Hand-mirrors, favorite votive gifts among Greek women (even courtesans), were viewed differently by Etruscans; as highly personal belongings, they were usually placed in the grave with their owner, often marked ´suthina (“grave offering”) so that they could not be misused. A recent find sheds light on the Etruscan attitude toward mirrors and personal reflection; in a grave (ca. 300–280 BC) in Orvieto’s Cannicella necropolis, a woman was buried in a coffin with her head turned to her left side, and her bone-handled mirror placed directly in front of her face as if she were looking at her own reflection—but with the engraved, not the reflecting side toward her eyes; see Bonamici et al. 1994:209, 228, pl. 32c.

149. ETRUSCO-CORINTHIAN ARYBALLOS, DEER MS 558 Vulci Tomb 5 Mended nearly complete from several fragments (missing head and tips of two hooves); ample traces remain of thick, creamy encrustation that must have surrounded legs (to depth of about 2 cm). Very fine textured buff to grayish buff Corinthian clay, with chocolate brown paint solid to dilute Max. Pres. H. (through neck) 7.2; L. 14.3; Max. W. (shoulders) 4.4 cm Luce 1921B:51 no. 8; Dohan 1942:99 no. 9, pl. 52; Moser, CVA forthcoming 6th century BC

Finely made aryballos in form of couchant deer, presumably doe, with wheelmade body tapering to modeled legs folded beneath, and thin, elongated upright neck. Just below break across neck, broad collar-like band of paint; rest of upper body and sides covered evenly in close rows of tiny painted dots. Short triangular tail is modeled in relief and painted solid brown. Thin legs carefully modeled with cloven hooves and reserved except for solid brown on knees, heels, and hooves. Traces of longitudinal burnishing lines visible on reserved belly. Corinthian theriomorphic vases of this type were quite popular during the 6th century BC, and were imitated in Etrusco-Corinthian fabric, e.g., Cimino 1986:41, pl. 11 no. 55 (second quarter of 6th century BC); Beazley and Magi 1939: I, 75 no. 86, pl. 27; see discussion by P. Bocci Pacini in SE 41 (1973) 131–33. Amyx (1988:512–16) has cautioned against rash attributions to Corinth, especially for vases in the form of does with removable heads. Our example, however, appears especially similar to Corinthian clay and shows much finer modeling as well as technique for the painted spots that is quite close to that of genuine Corinthian plastic vases in the form of comasts,

149: MS 558

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sirens, sphinxes, and animals. Contrast the coarser versions of Higgins 1959: pls. 36–37. Compare the Etrusco-Corinthian does from Poggio Buco, Pellegrini 1989:124–25 nos. 410–11, pl. 85, dated to the period ca. 560–540 BC. Szilàgyi 1998:643–45, pls. 234c–f, 235a, 239f, g, 245b–d, illustrates doe and related aryballoi in his 6th century groups of the “Grandi Cicli Tardivi,” but all are less carefully potted and painted than the Museum’s.

See De Puma’s discussion of the form of a dead hare, popular in East Greek perfume vases of the Archaic period. Like the Museum’s, all the close parallels are now considered Etruscan; Higgins 1959:53–54 no. 1688, pl. 36 (under no. 1687) placed the type in the first half of the 6th century.

151. ALABASTRON 150. ARYBALLOS, HARE MS 702 Vulci Tomb B Mended about 3/4 complete from three fragments (missing left leg, parts of back, right foot); chipped and slightly encrusted. Well-levigated clay, mottled pinkish to grayish buff, with very fine black inclusions; matt paint fired black to reddish orange, with traces of added purplish red (on ears) Pres. L. 16.3; Max. W./Diam. approx. 3.7 across flanks; Depth through head 4.2; Diam. of rim 2.2 cm Luce 1921B:51 no. 8; De Puma 1986:32–33 no. VB 25 (based on archival photo, pl. 7); Moser 1984:48–49 no. 29; Moser, CVA forthcoming Mid-6th century BC Aryballos in form of a dead hare, with thin paws held together in front/top, beside a vase neck and flat rim set as an extension of horizontal body; body is wheelmade and modeled in form of an animal with rounded haunches tapering sharply into tiny ankles and flat, paddle-like paw(s). Hare’s tiny head, long, thin neck and large, oval ears shown drooping back over body, forming an open loop. Incised groove marks line between two vertically extended ears. Upper body and sides, down to wrists/ankles, covered with parallel lines of tiny painted dots in black to orange which continue over neck; black circles and dots for eyes, added purple for band around top of neck and sides of ears. On upper surface and edge of rim, tongues in black.

MS 3150 Narce, tomb not identified Mended complete from two large fragments; very encrusted overall. Thick salt deposits on surface appear shiny, silvery in color, but examination by conservation department shows that this is not deliberate, ancient coating, as is known for some other vases of Late period. Light yellowish to pinkish buff fine-textured clay H. 22.0; Max. Diam. lower body 5.0; Diam. rim 6.6; Diam. opening 1.4 cm 4th–3rd century BC Alabastron of heavy clay with thick walls, has slightly bumpy, elongated body, blunt bottom, slightly offset shoulder, and wide flaring rim with narrow neck. Very small round indentation in center of bottom; traces of horizontal smoothing/ fingermarks from manufacture. It is very similar in appearance to the perfume vases carried by lasa figures on ladies’ mirrors, and on the stamnos, 145. Compare the alabastra carried by two female lasas on a handmirror in Wabash College, Indiana (300–275 BC, De Puma 1987: 138, 142 no. 1:19).

151: MS 3150

152. FIBULA

150: MS 702

MS 1722 No provenance Intact, although underside of bow may be eroded to some extent; corroded pale creamy green to dark cobalt blue; encrusted. Bronze H. 4.6; L. 7.0; W. across bow 4.1 cm Late 8th–early 7th century BC

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152: MS 1722

153: MS 1150A, B

Fibula of slightly modified leech type has steeply arched swollen bow widened across center; spring of three coils, and slightly elongated catchplate. It probably had hole in underside of bow through which core was removed, but corrosion has obliterated and extended opening. Visible on interior surface are traces of irregular, dripped bronze casting. Entire upper surface of bow is covered with cold-worked decoration: pairs of transverse grooves simulate wrapping at both ends; short transverse panels of herringbone on sides overlain by longitudinal bands with stamped circles; center top has cross-hatched square framed by two tapering lines of herringbone. Although pin still preserves fine point, it is clear that heavy fibulae such as this (the pin is approx. 0.3 cm in diameter) can only have been used with rather heavy, coarsely woven fabrics, such as homespun wool. See the discussion of leech fibulae under 10, 50, and 51. Such finely decorated bows are known in Tarquinia IIB, as well as the cemeteries of Veii.

band of herringbone covering surface. Catch of B is less carefully finished, distorting bow. Each fibula holds small ring of hammered sheet bronze. See 6 and 89 for discussion of this type; the matched, lightweight pair appears to be for use with the fine fabric of a veil or other ornaments.

153. PAIR OF FIBULAE WITH ORNAMENTAL RINGS MS 115A, B Narce Tomb 18B Intact; slightly corroded but preserving dark brownish bronze color overall, with small patches of dark green corrosion. Bronze A: Fibula: L. 1.5; H. 0.7 cm. Ring: Diam. 2.1; W. of band 0.4; Th. of band less than 0.1 cm B: Fibula: L. 1.5; H. 1.0 cm. Ring: Diam. 2.0; W. of band 0.3; Th. of band less than 0.1 cm Dohan 1942:12 nos. 23–24, pl. 4 (B there numbered MS 1150) Miniature fibulae of modified navicella shape and elongated catchplate, fastened around small ring made of thin sheet bronze with cold-worked ornament on outer surface: single

154. NECKLACE MS 2763 Narce Tomb 1 Intact; beads slightly encrusted, surfaces eroded, may have faded in color. Bronze pendant corroded, mottled brown to creamy green; traces of smooth surface amidst abraded or eroded surfaces. (Mancinelli’s documentation states that pendant belonged with beads, as it has been mounted for display now.) Faience, with bronze pendant Est. L., if strung as a single strand necklace, approx. 84.2 cm. Individual beads approx. 0.5 diam., 0.2 thickness. Bronze pendant: H. 2.0; W. 1.8 cm Luce 1921B:127 no. 73G; Dohan 1942:59 no. 59, pl. 32 Mid-7th century BC Beads vary in color and finish, dull, pale white, creamy light green, and dark vitreous turquoise; one bead is smaller, creamy golden tan, and another is set of three that were not fully severed and still adhere to each other. Heavy bronze pendant is cast (solid) in form of three fused, egg-shaped solids, with small hemispherical projection at their lower joint, and flat, rounded loop at top, by which pendant is suspended. While the pendant is not closely paralleled, solid bronze pendants of various shapes, including bud- or scepter-shaped, are frequent in the tombs of Veii, Tarquinia, and elsewhere. Faience beads in this simplest form are found in numerous burials of the late 8th through 7th centuries, and are a hallmark of the new eastern contacts forged at the beginning of

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it is not known how they had been arranged in life. The eye beads are of Phoenician manufacture, flattened hemispheres of clear, deep blue color, each with three decorative “eyes”— circles of matt white glass—impressed onto its surface.

154: MS 2763 the Orientalizing period in Tyrrhenian Etruria. On the technique and variety of faience manufacture, begun in Bronze Age Egypt, but reaching Etruria through Iron Age Phoenician products, see Nicholson 1998.

155. NECKLACE OF EYE BEADS (AND OTHER BEADS) MS 1141 Narce Tomb 18B Of “about 100 beads” (20 of which were fragmentary) listed in document sent to Museum, 74 remain. Most surviving beads intact (one small eye bead has split) or partially eroded, leaving some dull surfaces and faded colors. The second largest glass bead is cracked and chipped; all slightly encrusted. Traces of iridescent film on some surfaces. Glass, transparent, whitish or blue and white or amber colored L. of eye beads, strung, approx. 31.0 cm. L. of larger beads (not eye beads) when strung, approx. 4.0 cm. Largest individual beads are 1.8, 1.6, 1.0 and 1.0 cm in diameter. Eye beads are approx. 0.5 to 0.7 cm in diameter Dohan 1942:13 no. 35, pl. 4 7th century BC Set of 74 small eye beads of slightly graduated sizes, strung as necklace, with four different plain hemispherical glass beads (white to dull reddish amber in color) strung in center, although

155: MS 1141

Compare finds of beads from the tombs of Villanovan Tarquinia (Hencken 1968B: I, 138–40, fig. 127a) where, as at Narce, eye beads were apparently worn with plain, clear, or white glass beads. A fine selection, similar to the Museum’s, was excavated in the Caolino necropolis (tombs 3, 4, 12) of Sasso di Furbara: Brusadin Laplace and Patrizi-Montoro 1992: color fig. 26 opp. p. 264. Small eye beads appear in many of the late Villanovan burials of Etruria, e.g., Veii, Quattro Fontanili tombs HH 15 and II 15 (NS 1965:145–51, figs. 63.j and 66.f) representing necklaces of 7 and 28 eye beads strung with other beads (of glass and amber, similar to other Narce pieces). (Veii Tomb II 15 was identified as that of a five-yearold child, NS 1965:235.) Size and appearance of the beads at Veii are very close to the Narce set, and probably indicate the same source. Numerous other tombs and collections contain these once-popular beads: cf. Cimino 1986:136–37 nos. 405–6, pl. 76. Camporeale 1969:101. Also Veii, Grotta Gramiccia warrior’s Tomb 575, Berardinetti and Drago 1997:48–49 fig. 14. Maggiani 1973:78–79, pl. 26. Cf. the later (4th–3rd century) versions of these beads, Moscati et al. 1988:745 nos. 945–47, in the Villa Giulia. (See also 238.)

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156. AMBER BEADS MS 1080A–C See photo with 157–160 Narce Tomb 23M Intact, although chipped. Amber, now with matt, dull surfaces, and possibly darker in color than originally, ranging from dark blackish red to brownish red A: H. 2.2; W. 1.2; Th. 0.8 cm B: H. 1.9; W. 0.9; Th. 0.8 cm C: Pres. H. 1.4; W. 0.8; Th. 0.7 cm Luce 1921B:123 no. 57I; Dohan 1942:44 nos. 45–47, pl. 21 7th century BC Set of amber beads of similar shape, probably originally strung with others in necklace (see below). Each is pendent bead of flattened ovoid shape with bottom drilled to accommodate an inserted finial; top is worked in series of thin moldings ending in molded ring below tubular, horizontally pierced top. In broken top of C, traces of metal pin set vertically instead of horizontal piercing of others. The effect is of bud or seed and probably was emphasized by addition of silver knob or loop on bottom. Dohan (1942:44 no. 45) detected a wooden core within thin silver tubes in all three beads, but this is not discernible now. Some amber beads from Narce Tomb 19M (see 82) are probably from the same workshop. Strong 1966:52 no. 21, pl. 8, illustrates a necklace said to be from a tomb in Rome, with assorted beads, noting they were common in central Italy during the 7th century BC.

157–160, SET OF TRAPEZOIDAL AMBER PENDANTS FROM A NECKLACE A group of amber beads from Tomb 23M at Narce were probably worn as a necklace. All in this section intact or complete, chipped, and eroded. Amber, surfaces now matt, dull, darker than originally, mottled from dark red through yellowish orange. 7th century BC

157. AMBER BEAD MS 1078 H. 2.5; Max. W. 1.7 cm Luce 1921B:123 no. 57I; Dohan 1942:44 no. 54, pl. 21 Trapezoidal, solid pendant constricted at top, with two grooves framing suspension hole; top surface of suspension ring has three transverse grooves.

158. AMBER BEADS MS 1079A–C A: H. 1.6; W. 1.3; Th. 0.4 cm. A is solid, thin trapezoidal pendant with horizontal piercing near top for suspension thread; outer surface carved with five shallow, slanted vertical grooves that resemble fluting; back surface smooth B: Pres. H. 1.2; W. 1.1; Th. 0.4 cm. B is solid trapezoidal pendant with four smooth, straight sides. Traces of thin horizontal piercing visible in broken upper face. C: Pres. H. 1.3; W. 1.1; Th. 0.4 cm. Same description and condition as B Luce 1921B:123 no. 57I; Dohan 1942:44 nos. 56, 58, pl. 21

159. AMBER BEAD MS 1081F H. 2.3; W. 1.0; Th. 0.75 cm Fine pendant of narrow trapezoidal shape, has drilled horizontal piercing for suspension, and flat back surface. Other three sides and bottom carved with shallow vertical grooves. Luce 1921B:123 no. 57I; Dohan 1942:44 no. 55, pl. 21

160. AMBER BEADS MS 1083I, J, K I: Pres. H. 1.5; W. 1.35; Th. 0.4 cm. Solid trapezoidal pendant with smooth back, and front surface carved with five shallow vertical grooves. Traces of thin horizontal piercing visible in broken upper face. J: Max. Pres. H. 1.4; W. 1.5 cm. Mended from two fragments, preserves most of pendant except for suspension section. Part of flat trapezoidal pendant with smooth faces. K: Max. Pres. H. 1.2; W. 0.9 cm. Mended from two fragments, preserves most of pendant except for suspension section. Part of small, flat, trapezoidal pendant with smooth faces. Luce 1921B:123 no. 57I; Dohan 1942:44 nos. 57, 58, pl. 21 Trapezoidal pendants of amber (along with tubular beads and one foot-shaped pendant) were found in Veii Quattro Fontanili Tomb II 9–10 over the area that must have been the chest of the inhumation burial, as if originally strung with a variety of pendants in a necklace or other decoration (NS

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Luce 1921B:209 no. 9 (probably) End of 7th–early 6th century BC Pair of hair spirals constructed from lengths of plain and twisted gold wire, one twisted wire between two plain wires to form narrow coiled band; each end is decorated with single stamped gold disc with wire border on its convex upper side (back side flat). On front side of each piece, each coil is decorated with set of same wire-encircled discs: each spiral has four coils; set of four dots on each coil—end of band is included in one set of four; on A only, on opposite side, single dot on lowest coil. Band is single plain wire folded in half around single strand of twisted wire; one end is U-shaped fold, other is cut off straight.

156–160: (top row) MS 1078, MS 1081F; (bottom row) mixed: MS 1080A–C (ovoid), MS 1079A–C and MS 1083I–K (trapezoidal)

1965:212 fig. 101, 215 fig. 104.aa). A necklace of similar beads (cf. 157) found in a tomb at San Martino in Gattara (Ravenna) further illustrates the Adriatic side of the distribution of fine amber: Bermond Montanari 1969:216–17, 219 fig. 3, a necklace of 40 amber beads on a woman’s skeleton in tomb 4. For a fine necklace of trapezoidal pendants of this type, see that found in Alianello-Cazaiola tomb 316 (Oenotrian culture, 7th century BC), see Bianco et al. 1996:115 color plate, 153 (cf. bud-pendants on necklace from another tomb there, 117, 161). A more regular, elaborate necklace with trapezoidal pendants from 7th century Praeneste is illustrated by G. Bordenacche Battaglia, in Pallottino et al. 1980:330 no. 11 (another such, from the Castellani Collection, is in the British Museum).

Compare the more ornate spirals from Cerveteri (Villa Giulia) and in the British Museum, which have two twisted wires and granulation on the discs: Cristofani and Martelli 1983:126, 276, nos. 80–81, dated to the last quarter of the 7th century BC. As they indicate, such spirals are found in the tombs of all the major Etruscan and Faliscan centers. See also G. Bordenacche Battaglia in Pallottino et al. 1980:331 no. 16, there dated 6th century BC, from Caere.

161. HAIR SPIRALS

162. FINGER RING

MS 3346A, B Pl. 15 No provenance. (Other gold jewelry obtained at same time is marked “Cerveteri,” but this cannot be confirmed.) Gift of John Wanamaker Intact (presumably B is missing one disc to form matching pattern to that of A. Slightly bent, but in excellent condition. Gold A: Pres. H. approx 1.3; Max. Pres. Diam. 1.6 cm B: Pres. H. approx 1.5; Max. Pres. Diam. 1.7 cm Both: W. of band 0.1 to 0.2; Diam. of applied discs 0.25; Th. of band approx 0.05 cm

161: MS 3346A, B

MS 1570 Ascoli Piceno, said to be from a tomb Nearly complete; one volute missing. Corroded to dull, bronze metallic color, mottled with black. Bronze Diam. 2.2; W. of band 0.3; H. of decoration 1.3 cm Early 6th century BC Ring made of thin band of metal, flat on inner face, slightly convex on outer; both ends of band were split, and their ends curled outward to form four volute-like terminals. Ring is slightly bent in one direction, but diameter suggests either large person’s

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hand or possibly its use as hair ring instead of finger ring. Its modern size would be approximately 7–8. The rings are now known from the graves of warriors in the Picene region: Colonna et al. 1999:216 no. 209, from 162: MS 1570 Campovalano Tomb 69 (diam. 2.25 cm), dated by a large body of material, including a chariot and arms, to the period 600–570 BC. Jurgeit 1999:614–15 no. 1077, pl. 282, illustrates a ring of this type, with extra pairs of volutes (see references there).

163. NECKLACE

granule sets off tips of loops and hooks; round eyelet on other half is fashioned in similar manner. The spacers, covered with waffle pattern of repoussé, rectangular sheets folded over form into three-dimensional rectangular tube with pendent set of three and one squares, also folded, forming sort of reversed crenelated outline. The small elements of these and all pendants, attached with fine twists of gold wire, certainly ancient, as breaks show it is present where modern restorer could not have reached without destroying it. Four pendant types, all assembled from thin sheets forming hollow beads, strung through holes in upper parts and attached originally with thin, spirally twisted wire. Seven small lentoid bullae made of single layer of foil, and with concave, open backs; floral pendants made in similar fashion; and two types of ornate vase with female head emerging. Two pendant types, of which seven, preserved for each, are piriform vases with female heads with long locks of hair emerging; atop each head is rosette. Half have conical vase fluted or ribbed vertically, and half have

MS 4021 Pl. 22 No provenance Mended with unobtrusive modern materials, and mounted as if strung and complete. Several pendants bent and damaged; at least six pendants may be missing from section that is preserved; several spacers missing (to judge from necessary matching with pendants). Gold L. of necklace, strung as if continuous and complete, approx. 29.0; W. of necklace (= H. of largest pendants) 2.5; L. of acorn fasteners alone 2.4; L. of rectangular spacers (best preserved) 1.4 cm. (Cf. Luce 1921B:209–11 nos. 29, 34); White et al. 2002:22 no. 33 4th century BC Fine, but fragile necklace composed of 23 pendants of four types with rectangular spacers, all constructed from repoussé or stamped thin gold sheet; clasp separately made, constructed pair of acorns, one pair with wire hook, other with wireformed circle. It is not possible to tell how many more pieces were originally in necklace, but clearly, if it was strung symmetrically, a few pendants and several spacers missing now. Acorns, elongated cones ending in single small sphere (constructed, not granulation), and caps worked with same grid-like cross-hatched pattern that is found on all spacers. Between each pair of acorns, traces of spirally twisted wire joining them, and probably originally forming an attachment to anchor necklace. Thick wire was bent to form hook set off by an extra loop at each side, with spirally twisted wire wrapped around all joints and covering seams, and single

163: MS 4021

Catalogue of Objects

plain vase; heads differ slightly between two types, as if form for making them was shape of an entire bead. (Both faces have sidecurls like those common in 4th–3rd century votive heads, etc.; one face is plumper in cheeks.) The striated vases have sevenpetal rosette with smooth center, smooth vases have rosette with cross-hatched center atop head. The striated vases have tonguepatterned collar joining head and vase, while on other type, she wears thick necklace of close-set tongue-like pendants. Two vase pendant types, double sided, constructed with smooth backs that have round hole at center; each vase is pierced horizontally at three places (side and base of rosette and side of head) to match spacers. Fourth pendant type, with two examples preserved, is floral, pendent palmette/acorn with calyx and hatched body, cut from foil worked in repoussé with floral design, open and concave on back. The tradition of necklace pendants formed like vases with female heads originally derived from Levantine (Phoenician) types, and is seen in Orientalizing jewelry, as in a piece from Praeneste in the Villa Giulia Castellani Collection (G. Bordenacche Battaglia in Pallottino et al. 1980:329 no. 10 [7th century BC]). A close match for the acorn fasteners comes from the 6th century Val Berretta tomb 56 in the territory of Vetulonia: Curri 1977:264, pl. 57f–h. (Curri’s references show the origins of the acorn clasps in the 7th century, and either the Museum’s fastener was grafted onto a 4th century necklace by the dealer in Rome, or the simpler acorns are so basic in design that the type does not show much change after the Archaic period.) Pendants in the form of vases with heads, in a different composition, were found in tombs in the region of Volterra, and at Pescia Romana, and have been dated to the second half of the 4th century: see Cristofani and Martelli 1983:237, 316 no. 265, with Fiumi 1957:481–83 figs. 6–7.

164. A BAULE-TYPE EARRINGS MS 3345A, B Pls. 23, 24 No provenance. Gift of John Wanamaker A is left ear, B is right ear: outer side is flat complete circle; inner side is open. Palmette fronts thus both face forward. Missing earwire and part of clasp/tube; both slightly dented and few tiny holes, but essentially intact. Missing (probably) silver wire for attachment. Gold A: Diam. 1.5; B: Diam. 1.4; Both: Depth same as diameter; Width 1.3 cm. B slightly smaller than A but also has been more damaged, dented Luce 1921B:209 no. 15 (probably); White et al. 2002:22 no. 34 (bottom) Second half of 6th century BC

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A pair of small cylindrical earrings in shape of “carpetbag” (a baule/bauletto) constructed of gold for right and left ears. Sheet of gold forms band with ends bent inward; its outer end is also covered with flat circle with repoussé bosses, set off with twisted wire where it joins earring. On each end, hinge was formed of thin tubes of sheet gold cut in centers to leave openings where gold earwire was beaten into thin plate and hinged around silver wire, now missing, which they enclosed. Hinge on front is hidden by cutout gold sheet in form of seven-leaved upright palmette set between large volutes; leaves, hearts of palmettes, volutes, all outlined with twisted wire. Remainder of band is outlined in flattened wire folded in tight loops, in “ribbon candy” shape, set perpendicular to sheet of gold. It also forms borders for three channels running length of sheet, and set into these are single rows of applied, constructed spheres. Top of each sphere is inset, with fine granules adhering. First four horizontal rows of spheres further decorated with alternating spheres covered in granulation, for total of eight rows of three spheres each, half of them more extensively granulated. These a baule (or a bauletto) earrings must have been custommade since they fit right and left differently; each pair, constructed with filigree and granulation, would have taken several days for the goldsmith to make, and differs slightly from all others. In some cases, the differences have been taken as an indication that the earrings were measured by weight, and all gold dedicated for their manufacture had to be used, even if in superfluous details. Compare a fine left earring preserved in the Vatican, Scarpignato 1985:48 no. 42, slightly more ornate, about the same size as the Museum’s. Those illustrated in Cristofani and Martelli 1983:166–69 nos. 143–47, are more ornate, but all fall within the Archaic period, and have been found throughout Etruria. The use of the ribbon-candy filigree bands set perpendicular to the surface of the cylinder, seen on no. 147 (from Volterra) appears to be a later development, placing these earrings around the beginning of the 5th century BC (Cristofani and Martelli 1983:292–93).

165. TUBULAR-TYPE EARRING MS 3349 No provenance. Gift of John Wanamaker Dented slightly, and if it had any internal earwire, that is now missing; likewise, no pendant on the pendent ring. Constructed of sheet gold, wire, twisted wire, and granules. Diam. front to back 1.9; H. 2.0; Diam. hole for earwire approx. 0.4; Diam. of pendent ring 0.8 cm Luce 1921B:209 no. 11 (probably) 4th century BC

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Curving tube of sheet gold decreases in diameter at back, is widest at top front; end of tube may have been crimped and simply inserted in hole. Top has wrapping of very fine spiral wire; below it, constricted sphere with circumferential line of twisted wire so fine that it resembles 165: MS 3349 beaded molding; more wire wrapping sets off top of tube, then on surface V-pattern of large granules, inside which is longitudinal ring of sheet gold which holds large pendent ring of double-twist wire. Bottom point of V is formed of three applied discs of gold set off with tinier granules. Earrings of this type (“a tubo”—see Formigli 1995:14 fig. 1.1a; 30 fig. 4.1) with a single pendent ring seem to have been so popular that they were produced in bronze in addition to precious metals, and accompanied their owners in the tomb, especially in Orvieto, Tarquinia, and other cities. Compare Cristofani and Martelli 1983:224, 311–12 no. 242, a pair from Volterra, dated ca. 330 BC. See Bonamici et al. 1994:220–21 no. 9, fig. 63a, a woman buried wearing the earrings, with full references. The type seems to have begun in gold in the last quarter of the 4th century especially in northern Etruria, and continued in gold and bronze through the first half of the 3rd century BC. Compare a fine bronze pair, Moretti Sgubini 2001A:105–6, fig. 133. A tubular earring with delicate surface relief in filigree is illustrated from the Portone necropolis of Volterra: Fiumi 1957:380 no. 4, 385 fig. 17, tomb k, dated 300/280–240/230 BC.

formed of sheet gold which taper toward “back” for insertion into large hole in “front” hidden behind large sphere of sheet gold. On sphere, twisted wire covers joint of two hemispheres; on tube on both sides of sphere are bands of alternating smooth and twisted wire. On front or outer surface of tube running just below sphere is three-dimensional floral decoration of six delicate, folded triangular petals formed of wire and sheet, topmost petal folded down over center instead of outward, to form loop from which pendant could hang (no pendants preserved on this pair, though common elsewhere). On surface just below this flower, is sharp palmette of nine leaves formed of wire and soldered to surface; surface adjacent to leaves appears granulated, but microscopic examination shows it to be merely stippled instead. For an earring with a similar floral carrier, still holding a pendent ring, see a find from the necropolis of Todi, Becatti 1935:not in text, but pl. 38 no. 6 cites it as in the Todi museum.

166. TUBULAR EARRINGS

Large horseshoe/grape cluster–type earring constructed of two layers of gold foil, with added gold wire decoration for attachment, had hollow tube that was crushed at narrow end and inserted into cylindrical back. Semicircular or horseshoe-shaped upper section and lower section like pendent bunch of grapes are set off with borders of dapped bosses and granulation. Large sheet was dapped into pattern of convex hemispheres, then wire was applied to it, then flat back attached. Fine spiral wire outlines all decorative elements. Large, central oval boss had an applied vertical band on each side ending below in an applied disc; lefthand band remains. In horseshoe pattern above it is row/border of small spheres; beside and below boss are sets of larger spheres resembling grape clusters. Each large sphere is set off with set of three smaller, dished hemispheres. Of spheres, many flattened or broken and now appear concave. Some small holes in backing may have been created during burial, but others were formed when pieces

MS 3344A, B Pl. 16 No provenance. Gift of John Wanamaker Intact, although dented, and slightly chipped; if there was any separate earwire, it is now missing. Gold A: H. 2.8; Diam. of tube 2.5; W./Diam. of end sphere approx. 1.0; Diam. of earwire/hole 0.45 cm B: H. 2.9; Diam. of tube (dented) 2.4; other dimensions same as A Luce 1921B:210 no. 26 (probably); White et al. 2002:17 no. 23 (top) 4th century BC Tubular earrings (“a tubo decorato”—Formigli 1995:14 fig. 1.1b) with large sphere set on one end, constructed of tubes

167. EARRING, “HORSESHOE” OR “A GRAPPOLO” TYPE MS 310 Pl. 17 Provenance perhaps Orvieto. Gift of Francis C. Macauley Single piece, crushed to about one-half of its original depth and with some bits of decoration chipped off; part of earwire missing. Gold foil H. 4.7; W. 2.6; Pres. Depth (now crushed) approx. 1.0 cm Luce 1920C:363 fig. 8; Luce 1921B:208 no. 5; White et al. 2002:17 no. 23 (bottom) Mid-4th century BC

Catalogue of Objects

were attached. Earwire is formed of tube of sheet gold set perpendicular into center back and curved to fit into hole below. For such earrings in use, see the fine female head antefix below (168). A terracotta votive head in the British Museum further illustrates the use of such earrings, Macnamara 1991:49 no. 60; Turfa 1994:212 nos. 167: MS 310 10–11. These were extremely popular earrings during the 4th century BC, frequently represented on architectural and votive terracottas, paintings, and statues, and frequently found in tombs. A mold for producing clay versions to add to the terracotta sculptures has even been identified: Andrén 1955–56. A very similar pair of earrings, larger but only slightly more ornate than this one, came from a tomb at Vulci, now in the Museo Etrusco Gregoriano (Vatican): Cristofani and Martelli 1983:211, 307, no. 219, dated ca. 350 BC (compare the drawing, 63 fig. 11). These earrings show the same sort of damage to the constructed gold spheres, while retaining the complete vertical “strap” elements. Compare the earrings from Vulci, Camposcala necropolis, S. Le Pera Buranelli in Buranelli 1987:205 no. 77, which incorporated perfume compartments on the underside.

168. ANTEFIX WITH FEMALE HEAD MS 1801 Pl. 25 Cerveteri. (Almost certainly from a deposit of temple revetments. See Andrén 1940:53, on original find. Also see discussion of 288.) Preserves about 2/3 of front of antefix, including left corner and small portion of cover tile on left side. Entire face and top of headdress/shell frame preserved; missing lower right corner and parts of rim of frame. Missing earring and corner on viewer’s right side. Plaster restorations provide complete outline and standing base with part of curve of original tile. Terracotta, painted. Clay fabric is yellowish tan with large amounts of large reddish brown and small black and white inclusions; also some sparkling golden inclusions. Paint is brownish red, orange, and yellow. Pres. H. (approximates original) 26.5; Max. Pres. W. approx. 19.5; est. Max. W. 23.5; Max. Pres. Depth approx. 10.0 cm including cover tile Andrén 1940:58 type IV:7, pl. 20 fig. 67; White et al.

177

2002:frontispiece Later 4th century BC Antefix with rectangular plinth base, female bust set in shell-like frame composed of undulating tendrils with alternating ivy leaves and lotus flowers, ending at top in single spherical bunch of ivy berries. Female head has oval face, large rounded eyes (left and right distinctly different in contours), waving hair with central part, with single volutelike curl atop each ear. In shallower relief, horseshoe-type earring is preserved on her right ear, and single lock of hair trails down at side of neck and bust. She also wears torque necklace like choker, with central knot or finial and molded surface, and large diadem crowned with three small spheres, its surface covered with seven bossed circles (or stylized rosettes). Painted decoration: yellow on diadem, necklace, and earring; red on hair, red or brown forming dentil border on lower edge of base opposite orange dentil frieze at upper edge of plinth. Reddish brown for eyes, lids, brows; orange for lips, vertical strokes of pale, pinkish orange for cheeks. The use of color hatching to create contours and shading, as on the cheeks, and the delicate pastels and muted tones of the colors on this piece recall the bolder versions seen in the 4th century painted tombs, such as the Tomb of the Shields at Tarquinia (Steingräber 1986: pl. 148). While it is possible that it was used on a different building in the Caeretan sanctuary that housed the temple described under 288, the scale makes it possible that antefixes of this pattern decorated the smaller protected insert roof in the gables of the large, main temple. The fine detail and coloring could be better admired on the façade of the temple, but would still have been fairly remote from her human viewers.

169. BULLA MS 1573A Said to be from a tomb at Ascoli Piceno Mended nearly complete from two fragments; missing chip from bottom edge. Corroded dark green to reddish with patches of metallic bronze color showing. Bronze H. 4.3; Diam. 3.6; Th. through center of discs, 2.1; W. of suspension loop 0.6 cm 7th–6th century BC Bulla cut from single piece of sheet bronze and folded over to make hollow lens-shaped pendant with thin tubular suspension loop at top. It is fastened by single rivet (bronze, reddish in color) piercing both sides through center of discs. It is fairly heavy, but could have been worn comfortably by human; its

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169: MS 1573A 170: MS 1668 contents may remain inside, although it is not actually sealed, because of chipped edge. Corrosion products on upper, inner face of loop, where thong or chain would originally have been placed for suspension, are different color and texture, thin, very dark teal blue, as if that area had been in contact with very different type of material as it corroded. Compare the simple bulla used as a pendant on a leech fibula in Veii Quattro Fontanili Tomb MM NN 19 (NS 1963:261, 257 fig. 119.c, child of six to eight years). Another early parallel is the smaller, complete bulla from Tomb II 9–10 (NS 1965:203, 215 fig. 104.nn).

170. BULLA (not displayed in gallery) MS 1668 Said to have come from site near Lake Bolsena (archival photograph) Intact; small debris inside rattles, is probably earth, but could be other materials. Covered with dark green patina, mottled reddish black; where patina is chipped, bright, creamy light green shows through. Bronze Total H. 7.2; Diam. 5.7; Depth 2.6; Diam. of suspension hole 1.2 cm 4th century BC or Hellenistic Large bulla is constructed of two cast and beaten discs fastened together on their flattened edges with three small rivets, two at top, through notched upper borders, and one through bottom border, just off-center. Small, dimpled depression is set in center of each disc, as is found in some mirrors and vases. Set across top of disc is long suspension tube with transverse moldings, one at each end and pair over its center. Hole it provides would be large enough for chain, leather, or cloth to tie it to statue or horse— it is rather heavy to have been worn as personal ornament.

This bulla is much heavier than others, and well may have been intended for a statue or a horse (cf. 55).

171–172, SET OF FOUR AMULETS 171. PATAIKOI AMULETS MS 1092A–C Narce Tomb 24M Intact; slightly eroded. Faience, mottled pale, creamy green with matt surfaces, to dark turquoise with vitreous finish H. 1.6 to 1.7; W. approx. 1.0; Th. approx. 0.5 cm Luce 1921B:124 no. 61D; Dohan 1942:34 no. 30, pl. 17; Hölbl 1979: II, 89 nos. 412–14 First half of 7th century BC

172. BES AMULET MS 1092D Narce Tomb 24M Intact; eroded. Faience mottled creamy green

171, 172: MS 1092A–C (left), D

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H. 1.8; W. approx. 1.0; Th. approx. 0.5 cm Luce 1921B:124 no. 61D; Dohan 1942:34 no. 29, pl. 17 (see references p. 35); Hölbl 1979: II, 85 no. 397 First half of 7th century BC Set of four tiny faience amulets horizontally pierced through head or neck for stringing; A through C are Pataikoi, similar in type, while D has sharper relief, retaining large, bearded head of Bes with feather crown, long beard and large ears, curving elbows and knees, on plinth-like base; contours of crown, head, shoulders, and back are carried over onto back surface of piece. Other three crouching figures are more schematic, with flatter backs, simpler heads, and no feather crown. Hölbl (1979) identifies A through C as Pataikoi, and only D as the figure of Bes. Bes was a hybrid creature, part lion, part dwarf, with double arms and legs, a mane, and a tall, feather crown, while the Pataikoi are associated with the Egyptian god Ptah. Compare the faience Pataikoi illustrated in Hölbl’s pls. 47/4–5 and 48/1–4 (from Narce, Vulci, and Falerii), and the Bes amulet of his pl. 60/3 (from Narce, Falerii, and Capena). (Compare color pl. VI.1 and 2.) These parallels are surely from the same workshop and trade sources. Hölbl (1979: I, 100–101) notes their use as amulets and their wide circulation in the eastern Mediterranean (in Greek sanctuaries as votives) since the 9th century, following their use and production in Phoenician cities as early as the 12th century. During the 7th–6th centuries, many were produced in faience factories probably located in Rhodes or nearby, although the technology, and in many cases, distribution, is associated with Phoenician commerce. See also 237.

173. AMULET, FOOT MS 1077 Narce Tomb 23M Intact; slightly eroded, dry and friable. Amber, now dull, dark reddish orange L. 2.4; H. 1.2; W. 0.8 cm Luce 1921B:123 no. 57I; Dohan 1942:44 no. 44, pl. 21 7th century BC Bead or amulet carved of amber in shape of shod human left foot has smooth pointed toe, narrow heel tapering upward into nearly rectangular tab that is drilled horizontally for suspension. The surfaces smooth, with deep, slightly rounded indentation across sole to delineate instep. Lack of details on upper surface indicates soft shoe with pointed toe rather than bare foot. This bead, like the scarab below, may have been hung on the amber necklace described above. The electrical properties of amber (it feels warm to the touch at all times, unlike other

173, 174: MS 1077 (right), MS 1081A

stones) may have suggested its helpfulness for conditions like arthritis, but we know too little about the medical understanding of the 7th century to recognize this as an anatomical model: it is probably a shod foot and might symbolize walking, travel, or a bride’s trip to her husband’s home. Compare the simple foot pendant, found with other elements of necklaces, over the chest of a burial at Veii Quattro Fontanili, Tomb II 9–10 (NS 1965:202, 215 fig. 104.aa11).

174. AMBER SCARABOID BEAD MS 1081A Narce Tomb 23M Intact, although chipped at both ends, and eroded to dull, matt surfaces. Amber, dark reddish orange Max. Pres. L. 1.9; W. 1.5; H. 0.8 cm Luce 1921B:123 no. 57I; Dohan 1942:44 no. 43, pl. 21 7th century BC Oval bead, in schematic approximation of scarab, is flat beneath, with low vertical sides carved with shallow horizontal grooves; convex upper surface is incised with plain central oval framed on both sides by panel of diagonals, loosely similar to wings of scarab. Bead is pierced longitudinally with rather large hole (diam. 0.5 cm). The burgeoning luxury industries of the society of the late 8th–early 7th century BC combined local materials with foreign designs, as here in the production of a scarab-like bead in amber, known from many examples in Etruscan tombs. Only the shape resembles the Phoenician/Egyptian amulet type. An example from a tomb at Veii is a slightly more ornate version of this production: NS 1963:216, 221–22 figs. 90 and 94.k, from Tomb JJ 18–19B. The Veii “scarab” was found in place on the chest of a child’s skeleton, along with numerous other beads that once formed a necklace. See Hölbl 1979: I, 224–26; II, pl. 148; he notes the distribution of amber “scarabs” throughout Etruria beginning in the mid8th century BC.

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175. FALISCAN AMPHORA WITH HORSE MS 935 Narce Tomb 64B Mended approximately 2/3 complete, from several fragments; missing most of one side of body and center of base (preserves neck and handles intact, and complete profile). One chip from lower rim; most of picture on one side missing, but traces show it matched obverse. Traces of 19th century mending with small rectangular patches of paper or fabric glued across edges of adjoining sherds; traces of grayish plaster in hole on base. Impasto, mottled dark gray to light chestnut brown, with many fine white, reddish brown, and extremely fine sparkling inclusions; incised and burnished Pres. H. base to rim 31.5; Pres. H. through handles approx. 33.0; Diam. base 10.5; Diam. rim 13.0 cm Luce 1921B:129 no. 77C; Dohan 1942:74 no. 8, pl. 39 Late 7th century BC Large, wheelmade amphora of characteristic Faliscan type, with globular body on very low disc base, with broad, slightly conical neck and flared rim. Two large, high-flung and twisted handles from top of shoulder to rim formed of single rope of clay, round in section, twisted once to form tight loop, under surface of which is pulled out to join rim.

175: MS 935

Entire outer surface was burnished (marks evident on neck), and decorated with heavy lines incised with blunt tool: vertical bands of 9 to 11 parallel lines from base of each handle ending at same level on lower body; set of 11 parallel diagonal lines flare outward from base of rim to frame main field, below volute palmette with drooping sepals (pendent from foliage or feathers at neck), large horse in profile facing viewers’ right; in upper corners of field, rosette formed of four crossed S-shaped lines. Horse has very large head with thick muzzle, long body, and rubbery, thin legs, and long thin tail. Two lines for nostril, mouth is short straight line with zigzags for lips, vertical hatching for broad mane, and single volutelike pattern on his haunch. On each side of handles as they attach to shoulder, rosette formed by large incised depression surrounded by punched dots. By the late 7th century, horses and wheeled vehicles were widespread, although still very valuable, in Etruria and the Faliscan region; while the details of figure drawing used for him derived ultimately from Near Eastern and Greek prototypes, his comical stance and expression are characteristically Italic/Etruscan. The best parallels for this extravagant vase were found in the necropoleis of Narce; see Dohan’s discussion (1942:76 no. 8).

176. ETRUSCAN BLACK-FIGURE NECKAMPHORA MS 2491 Orvieto, possibly from the Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis Mended nearly complete from several fragments; missing one handle and parts of adjacent figured scene, although preserving complete profile, intact neck and base. Hard, well-levigated yellowish buff clay with traces of irregular reddish brown inclusions, and abundant, extremely fine, sparkling, and glassy black particles, and covered overall (except for small reserved section on base) with very dilute wash of dull orange tan; also has paint of similar color running from dilute to deep orange red to dull brownish gray. Also traces of added white and added creamy orange. H. 34.5; Diam. base 10.0; Diam. rim 12.6 cm Furtwängler 1905:256 no. 13; Hall 1914:222–26, fig. 113; Luce 1921B:84 no. 44; Dohrn 1937:145 no. 37; Camporeale 1984:94–98 no. 10, pl. 34a, b (This and related Orvietan grave groups, obtained in 1897, are under study by A. B. Brownlee.) 6th century BC

Catalogue of Objects

Large amphora of attenuated shape, decorated in Etruscan Black-Figure style and showing influence of multiple archaic styles of Greek painting. On deep ring base, with convex outer face and large boss on underside, very tapering lower body, nearly spherical at shoulders, joining in thin rounded molding with flared neck and rounded rim flat on top. Handles distinctly elbowed, round in section, set on center of neck and upper curve of shoulder. Painted decoration: on underside of foot, top of boss is reserved, most of underside has creamy, pinkish orange wash; outer surface of foot dark brown, rays over creamy slip on lower body, tips touching broad brown band. Just below widest part of body, broad band of floral frieze, back to back palmette (of 8, 9, or 10 leaves) and lotus flower set alternating up and down and joined by horizontal tendrils; centers of palmettes and lotus have orange overpaint; all parts of frieze outlined in incision. On shoulder, figure panel on each side is set off by solid brown panels surrounding handles (these extend over neck to rim). On neck, in reserved panel on each side, a larger version of mirror-image lotus-palmette frieze, linked by tendril; in brown with incision for all, and traces of added white for hearts of palmettes and bases of lotus. Neck ring and both outside and inside of rim brown; interior of neck dilute creamy light brown. In shoulder panels, an identical scene of youth on horseback confronting startled deer. Nude youth riding to left, without saddle and far forward on horse’s shoulders, pulls

181

hard on reins as his horse raises its front feet, arches its neck, and opens its mouth as if screaming at hooved animal in front of him, which also proceeds on hind legs toward left, but turns its head backward, and raises its front hooves, looking directly at horse. Wild animal, young, still-spotted deer, has short, slim muzzle, long soft pointed ear, and short tail; elliptical spots cover its neck and body. There are slight differences in sketching and painting of two sides. Incision for outlines of all figures, youth’s hair, eyes, leg muscles; horse’s tail, muscles, bridle; deer’s muscles, jaw, spots. Blob of paint under horse of darker, damaged side might have been leaf. Added white for some of deer’s eyes and spots (others in more or less dilute brown/orange), horse’s eye, teeth, ear lining, reins, and rider’s eye, and for horse’s upstanding, scalloped mane (fugitive on one side). The youth has short hair, outlined on one side and with dashed lines for strands on other. Drawing style, while somewhat hasty and comical, is very lively and seems to indicate some incident in which young unarmed rider encounters an angry, yet normally harmless, wild beast, whom his horse feels obliged to threaten with teeth and hooves, as taut attention of deer seems to show his willingness for fight. This amphora may be ascribed to the late 6th century workshop known as the “Gruppo di La Tolfa,” by an artist identified by Beazley (1947:11). As Camporeale has shown, scenes showing or alluding to deer hunts were popular in Etruria since the Late Villanovan period. As with this

176: MS 2491

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example, many 6th century Etruscan vases, in various fabrics, depicted the same part of the stag-hunting process, the pursuit of a lone deer. The hunter on horseback is less common. This type of scene was influenced by Attic vase painting, in which it is frequent; the Etruscan image of a mere fawn rearing up to frighten its would-be attacker, is an original, and humorous reaction to more conservative scenes of the aristocratic hunt. (Other works probably by the same artist, include Fairbanks 1928: pl. 60 no. 550 [youths with a huge dead hare and deer, ornament simpler].)

177. PAINTED OLLA MS 1032 Narce Tomb 23M Intact; slightly discolored in places. Dense orange clay with abundant reddish brown, glassy black, and very fine golden sparkling inclusions, fired light orange tan. Fingermarks in many places. Creamy to yellowish slip and matt paint now mottled grayish brown through bright orange, in distinct vertical pattern on one side, reflecting differential firing conditions. H. 17.4; Diam. base 6.7; Diam. rim 14.0 cm Luce 1921B:120 no. 37A; Dohan 1942:42 no. 3, pl. 21; Donati 1991:922 no. 3, 925 fig. 4, discussion 930 Early 7th century BC Very expertly handmade deep jar with flat base, angular lower body and bulging shoulder, broad, everted and flaring rim with rounded edge. Fine decoration in bands of paint (mottled overall) and slip. Creamy slip on bottom, with edge of base in paint continued into two broad solid bands on lower body, alternating with narrow bands of cream. Framed in brown lines, band of cream with alternating segments of vertical lines and herringbone; above it, two bands of short diagonal lines between broad solid bands (reserved fields creamy slip). Main scene on shoulder is row of eight deer on baseline of hatched upright triangles, with pendent hatched triangles above. Deer, their bodies facing viewers’ right, look backward with curving necks and reserved eyes; their legs folded beneath them as if they were resting or trussed. Floating in field over each deer’s back is long zigzag; between each deer above and below, floating Xinscribed rhomboid. On upper shoulder, three wavering bands of orange alternate with creamy slip; outer face of mouth solid orange; top surface of rim has five sets of seven slashes pendent from rim into mouth. It is likely that all nine painted vases from Narce Tomb 23M were made in the same workshop, since their fabric and painted

177: MS 1032

decoration all seem to match; a bucket-like situla from the group (MS 1034, Dohan 1942:42 no. 4) shows a pair of snakes winding around its rim, but this jar is the only other piece with painted wildlife. On the deer motif, see Donati (1991), who places it stylistically at the end of the 8th century BC, noting it is the only example of this type with a scene of multiple deer, rather than stamp-like single ornaments. He indicates the origins of the motif in Scythian or related art of the 8th century, noting its relative rarity in Italy. It constitutes yet another example of the very wide contacts of the Faliscans of early Narce.

178. ORNATE KANTHAROS (not in permanent display) MS 2378 Canino (territory of Vulci). Coleman Collection Mended nearly intact from many fragments; fabric eroded and very friable. Bucchero pesante, now dull charcoal black, with abundant very fine white and sparkling inclusions Pres. H. to rim 11.8; H. with handles approx. 20.0; Diam. base 8.8; Diam. rim approx. 15.0 cm Coleman Catalogue:35 no. 153; Luce 1921B:115 no. 3 6th century BC Bucchero kantharos has broad foot, conical pedestal base with single central ring molding; shallow body, deep walls with relief molded decoration, plain rim, and molded band handles topped with perpendicular ridge with central groove, knobbed top, and half-knobbed tips. Walls have single file of animals in

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178: MS 2378 low relief between two sets of molded ridges: two confronted boars with tall ridgebacks and large eyes, separated by crude, upright tongue or petal; boar on right of each pair has more detail: bristles on head and back ridge, and large tusks, perhaps emphasizing difference between male and female or wild and domesticated? Boars with huge barrel-shaped bodies and long, dainty legs are characteristic of Archaic Etruscan art; compare the carved and stamped versions of the 6th century: Camporeale 1984:83–92, pls. 27a, 28b. Domesticated swine were probably closer in appearance to such boars also, cf. a bronze votive figurine from the Fonte Veneziana deposit at Arezzo, Colonna 1985:177–78 no. 10.2.20. For the form of the ornate kantharos with decorative handles, see under 201.

Large, shallow wheelmade plate with round base pared to form six concentric grooves; wide, slightly offset rim marked by round moldings. Upper/interior surface has solid red tondo, solid bands on outer diameter and overlapping rim. On outer side, at center of base, painted eight-spoked wheel or star; concentric circles around base and offset rim frame figured register; rim is solid red. Strutting counterclockwise around body in reserved field, seven “Villanovan [water]birds” with arched necks and drooping tails, reserved eye, two-toed feet curved beneath their bodies as if running. Heavy, elliptical bodies solid. Last bird is marching into net or snare, lattice pattern of large triangles that overlap to form diamond-shaped boxes each with central dot (upper border of snare is straight, lower contour is zigzag). Note two large suspension holes at joint of rim and shoulder. The plate would have been hung on wall with bottom out, thus displaying painted bird frieze. It is likely that this plate is by the same hand or workshop as other vases from Narce, 16 and 142. Web-footed waterbirds began their long period of popularity with Late Villanovan painted patterns; on Archaic versions in the hunt, see Camporeale 1984:69–70. The Heron class of subgeometric painted vases which preceded the Museum’s has been treated by Leach (1986). She places the original production center at Caere, and shows that its distribution (and imitation) was part of an economic association comprising Caere, Veii, and Narce. Compare a plate from Laghetto I Tomb 65 at Cervetri, dated,

179. FALISCAN RED-ON-WHITE PLATE MS 3071 Narce Tomb 1 Mended complete from 13 fragments; chips filled in plaster. Creamy buff to pinkish buff clay, well levigated, abundant fine black and white inclusions; matt red paint mottled orange to very dilute H. 4.0; Diam. 30.8; Diam. base 10.4 cm. Suspension holes are set 2.5 cm apart Dohan 1942:55 no. 6, pl. 31; Brendel 1995:38 fig. 17 (provenance incorrectly ascribed to Cerveteri); Micozzi 1994: pl. 76 (photo only, cf. under 287 no. F42) Mid-7th century BC

179: MS 3071

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with several other painted vases, to the second half of the 7th century BC, Bugli 1980:259 no. 19. Snares or nets appear occasionally in Etruscan painting, as on a later (6th century BC) Black-Figure jug in Frankfurt (Camporeale 1984:118 no. 22, pl. 52a–c) on which a dog chases a rabbit or hare into a net; several large waterbirds also appear on the vase. Fowling in the marshes must have been a favorite practice in early Etruria. (On the use and manufacture of linen nets in Etruria and the Faliscan territory, see references in Camporeale 1984:11–12.) An olla in red-painted fabric in Amsterdam, said to be from Cerveteri, has a net-pattern framing waterbirds on its shoulder: Brijder et al. 1989:84 fig. 71, dated ca. 675–650 BC; 85–88 on the motif of waterbirds in Orientalizing Etruscan art.

180. OINOCHOE 36-15-1 Narce Tomb 1. (Received from the University of California in exchange for MS 1314.) Mended nearly complete from many fragments; missing pieces from body but preserving profile and decoration. Dull yellowish tan clay with very abundant small black, reddish brown, and white inclusions. Matt orange paint of varying dilution H. 25.7; Diam. base 7.1; W. rim 6.9 cm Dohan 1942:55 no. 5, pl. 30 (explains different inventory number due to exchange) First half of 7th century BC Fine small oinochoe with flat disc base with straight edge; tapering ovoid body, conical neck pinched into slight trefoil rim; thin vertical handle formed of rod of clay round in section. Painted decoration: bottom reserved, outer edge of base and lower body solid, belly covered in thin parallel lines above baseline of solid orange. In reserved field on top of shoulder, single line of four “Villanovan birds” walking to viewers’ right; lead bird, on far right, cranes its neck to look backward. Birds have long, thin S-curved bodies, drooping tails, pointed heads with reserved slits for eyes, doubly curved lines for two-toed feet. Lower and upper neck covered in thin parallel lines framing lozenge pattern with dotted centers. Outer face of mouth is solid; outer face of handle has three vertical lines on reserved background. This oinochoe, while not as angular in shape as its Greek Late Geometric and Protocorinthian models, shows an interest in precision of Greek painting techniques, while adding the curves and movement of a frieze of strutting waterbirds. Its fabric and technique link it to the workshop or tradition of several other painted vases from Narce, and particularly from Tomb 1. Compare

180: 36-15-1

the variety of combinations of more or less Greek shapes and motives (bands, thin lines, lozenges, rays, waterbirds) on the vases from Laghetto tomb 65 at Cerveteri, Martelli 1987:83, 256 nos. 28.1–3, of the Heron class, popular in the first half of the 7th century BC. The shape of the Museum’s vase is a bit crisper, though no closer to Euboean or Protocorinthian originals, while the attenuated, prancing herons with spur-like feet and reserved eyes are especially close to these Caeretan examples.

181. AMULET, BIRD MS 1039 Narce Tomb 23M Intact, although chipped on beak and right wing. Colors have faded/altered. Faience, originally two colors, green or blue and white

181, 185: MS 1039 (left), MS 1040

Catalogue of Objects

L. 2.4; H. 1.5; Max. Pres. W. 1.6; Diam. of hole 0.3 cm Museum Journal 1920:26 case XIX, group 57; Luce 1921B:123 no. 57 0; Dohan 1942:44 no. 38, pl. 22 7th century BC Small bead modeled in faience in shape of resting bird, has diamond-shaped body pinched into flat short tail and pulled into neck, and head set in an S-curve over back. Horizontal hole is pierced through wings and body. Faience had color effect that can still be seen on underside: creamy (yellow or white?) for wings and sides of neck and head, dark (blue or green?) for body and tail. Quite similar bird beads were found in a grave of Villanovan IIB (late 8th century?) Tarquinia (Hencken 1968B: I, 164 fig. 149g, Selciatello Sopra grave 93). Cf. later, dove-like glass beads, pierced horizontally: von Bissing 1938:299–300, pl. 59 no. 61c, from Vetulonia, “ripostigli stranieri del Poggio alla Guardia,” in Florence Museo Archeologico (Falchi 1891: pl. 5 no. 6). Found with it were glass beads like those from Narce. Moretti Sgubini 2001A:90 fig. 109, a swan bead from a child’s tomb of the 8th century BC.

182. DOVE FIGURINE MS 5282 No provenance Very corroded, broken beneath breast and across legs, presumably in antiquity since the same corrosion covers the scar. Bright green, crusty corrosion overall. Bronze L. 2.9; Pres. H. 1.8; W. 1.2 cm 5th–4th century BC Solid cast figure of dove standing or resting is slightly turned, leaning toward its left side—irregular pose suggests that it once formed part of larger composition or was finial to multisided object, now lost. Rounded head, short neck and bill, short, upturned tail, and wings folded against body,

182: MS 5282

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meeting over back. Traces of engraved or cast lines for eyes, feathers. Although quite small, it captures restful pose and alert gaze of familiar bird. Bird figurines in bronze were frequent votive offerings, and also were used as finials on utensils like candelabra. See Colonna 1985:34, 49 no. 1.17 for bronze votive bird; Hostetter 1986:99–100 no. 69, pl. 73 for a larger dove candelabrum finial, with discussion of other representations and their significance. (See 122 for a fine dove and references.)

183. ROOSTER FINIAL FROM LARGE VESSEL MS 2504 Orvieto Intact except that peg for attachment is broken off just below body; slightly encrusted. Illustrated with with MS 2503. Bucchero pesante clay, possible traces of white around eyes perhaps from paint. Dark grayish black with light gray core visible in break. Molded but extensively finished by hand Pres. H. approx. 16.0; L. 14.5; W. 5.8; Diam. of peg 1.5 cm 6th century BC Large, heavy molded and modeled figure of rooster originally made with cylindrical peg in bottom for insertion into the lid of large vase. Somewhat angular body with long, thin neck, small head, beak, wattle and angular comb; broad oval area for wings, curved tail with upstanding, curved plume over tip. Shallow relief for tail, wing and neck feathers, comb, beak, and eyes. Ample traces of burnishing and tooling to set off the molded grooves of feathers, body contours. One large round hole horizontally pierced into the hollow body through back of tail, another pierced vertically through bottom of body to the front of the peg, thus under breast, probably served as vents during firing. Shallow grooves suggest lines of the feathers with additional transverse grooves over base of tail. An identical rooster finial, MS 2503, is in the Museum’s study collection; the roosters were made as separately finished pieces for insertion into the hollow knob of a vase lid or corner, and so they often turn up disembodied in later collections. The jaunty angle of wings, tail, and comb, and the formalized parallel grooves for the entire feather coat are closely paralleled in the lid finial of an amphora “probably from Orvieto” in the Royal Ontario Museum; see Hayes 1985:81–83 no. C32, dated to the late 6th century BC. (Hayes cites both the Museum’s roosters as parallels for the

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in air and arches over his back to fall against his right flank, forming loop. Grooves mark muscle in his right shoulder, his right foreleg is unnaturally thick and stumpy. His curly chest hair, eyes, ears, and horns, as well as genitals, hooves, and tail tip show slight modeling as well as accenting grooves. Hooves flat beneath. Such figures are usually found in votive deposits, and it has been suggested, in the case of animal figures, that they represent an offering of the same species, or the substitute for same. Compare the simpler cattle in terracotta and bronze from the sanctuary at Ghiaccio Forte (6th–4th centuries BC), Colonna 1985:158–59 nos. 8.4.A3 and 8.4.B4. 183: MS 2504 (left), MS 2503

185. DOG AMULET ROM vase.) See bucchero pesante amphorae in Athens: each lid has a rooster (Guzzo 1969: pl. LXV). Donati 1968:341 no. 164, pl. 77f (hydria with lid and finial). Such finials were especially popular on the bucchero of 6th century Orvieto, see Bizzarri 1962:122 fig. 38.

184. BULLOCK FIGURINE MS 507 Orvieto. Gift from the Collection of Francis C. Macauley Intact; corroded blackish green with some encrustation over top surface. One slight void, casting flaw, is visible over his left shoulder where metal has been abraded slightly. Bronze; traces of bright golden metallic color on tail L. 6.7; H. 4.0; W. 2.3 cm 4th century BC or later Solid-cast figurine, without base, of lively bullock stepping vigorously forward with front left hoof raised, his weight carried on other three legs, his head with short little horns and broad poll, turned down and to his right. His tail curls

MS 1040 See photo with 181 Narce Tomb 23M Intact, although chipped, especially on right ear and left hind leg. Faience, bicolored L. 3.8; H. 1.9; W. 1.4 cm Museum Journal 1920:26 case XIX, group 57; Luce 1921B:123 no. 57N; Dohan 1942:44 no. 37, pl. 22 7th century BC Bead in form of a comical dog is carefully modeled with barrel-shaped body, broad shoulders, short straight legs, cylindrical muzzle, small thin, upturned ear(s), and short tail curled over back to form a small loop. Neck is deeply constricted. Bead is pierced horizontally through muzzle and below tail, thus any string would have traveled through bead in a curved line. Body is dark, with white lines over torso and legs, and a large patch of vitreous yellow glaze covering face (not muzzle), ear(s), and shoulders. Hand modeling, missing right ear, and slanting muzzle make it appear that dog was turning to his or her left; there is a great deal of motion in figure. The shape of this figure is suggestive of a small pet, perhaps a lady’s lap-dog rather than a hound-like hunting dog who would have had longer legs and leaner torso. In style and technique it is clearly related to the faience bird amulet (181), although the hand modeling of such little things makes each one unique.

186. CORINTHIAN RING ARYBALLOS

184: MS 507

MS 699 Vulci Tomb B Handle restored in plaster; surfaces worn and slightly crackling, very eroded, especially on one side.

Catalogue of Objects

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186: MS 699

one in Etrusco-Corinthian pottery, although two Etruscan ring aryballoi were found in another tomb at Vulci (see 187). The cosmopolitan character of Vulci is well expressed in the variety of imports and imitations of Greek ceramics found there.

187. ETRUSCO-CORINTHIAN RING ARYBALLOS

Buff clay, fugitive dark lustrous brown and added dark purplish red H. 6.9; Diam. 5.8; Depth 2.4; Diam. rim 2.2 cm Luce 1921B:51 no. 9; De Puma 1986:28 no. VB 2 Mid-6th century BC

MS 560 Vulci Tomb 5 Intact; rim slightly chipped, and paint faded in places. Dull, tannish buff clay, with matt chocolate brown paint, fugitive in places H. 8.9; Diam. 7.3 cm Luce 1921B:51 no. 9; Dohan 1942:100 no. 14, pl. 52; (Beazley 1944:31.); Szilágyi 1998:619 no. 66, pl. 239.c; Moser, CVA forthcoming 6th century BC

Finely potted ring aryballos with small, flat rim. Painted decoration in brown: open center solid; rays on neck and rim; dots on edge of rim; on body, around hole, concentric lines framing thick row of tongues, marked by close short incised lines. Animal frieze around outside: from left, panther with frontal face confronts ram or antelope with lowered head, large curving horns. Field covered with dots and rosettes. Red for parts of animals, fine incision for their faces and larger rosettes. Attributed by Cornelis Neeft to the Blaricum Painter, the most prodigious painter of ring aryballoi, who seems to have worked with the Dolphin Painter’s workshop (Transitional/Late Corinthian). See Neeft 1977–78:143–49 on painter; Ure (1946) for the basic definition of this group of vases produced in Corinth (as the Museum’s) and Boeotia. Curio-like containers for perfume were quite common in Mediterranean (perhaps the Museum’s ring vase held famous irinon, iris-scent of Corinth, which actually probably had an aroma like violets). See De Puma for references to other finds of ring aryballoi in Italy; as he notes, the form is not a frequent

Ring aryballos with wheelmade body, rather long neck, and small, flat rim. Rim has rays on upper face and dots on its outer edge; surrounding hole, solid bands with incised lozenge pattern. Outside of ring is painted with frieze of one bird (at neck) and three deer, walking to right. Waterbird is of common type with heavy body, small head and feet; stags have large, heavy bodies, tiny heads and legs, and incision marks outlining shoulder and flank; dark blobs fill field around animals. Attributed by Szilágyi to the Toronto Group of the Cycle of the Galli Affrontati (“Confronted Roosters”), a workshop linked to Caere on the basis of statistical studies of this widely diffused late group (see his discussion, 1998:634–41). A second ring aryballos from the same workshop, MS 559 (Dohan 1942:100 no. 13, pl. 52), was buried in the same tomb as this example; it has rosettes only. See Mangani 1986:38, pl. 48 nos. 3–6, from Castro in the territory of Vulci. The form is derived from ring aryballoi made in Middle Corinthian workshops (and continued into Late Corinthian I); it is not especially common in Etruscan

.

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188. ETRUSCO-CORINTHIAN ALABASTRON

187: MS 560 pottery, so the presence of two vases seems like either the choice of an Etruscan collector, or a set of objects bought in some haste for the funeral. For references on the Corinthian and Etruscan ring aryballoi, see Szilágyi 1998:357 note 191; and comments in previous entry.

188: MS 2990

MS 2990 Ardea, chamber tomb 1, excavated by Francesco Mancinelli Scotti in 1897 (contained traces of several depositions, 7th through 3rd centuries BC) Intact; very slight chip at handle base, very slight scratches on surface. Dull, dark pinkish buff to tan clay; paint dull matt brown to dilute, with dull brownish added red; added white now creamy tannish. Abundant extremely fine sparkling inclusions H. 17.6; Diam. rim 4.8 cm Luce 1921B:56 no. 32; Holland 1933–34:6–7, pl. 1 no. 4; Moselli and Tortorici (1982); Szilágyi 1998: 557 no. 8, pl. 216.e (with full list of earlier citations); Moser, CVA forthcoming Ca. 575–560 BC Large alabastron with small, almost conical dimple in base, ovoid body, narrow neck, small, flat rim, lug handle below rim. Rim tilts very slightly inward. Concentric brown lines around dimple and bottom, last forming groundline for

Catalogue of Objects

animal frieze that covers entire body; thin tongues over neck end at line around upper body; tongues on upper rim matched by dots on outer face of rim. Two very large felines seem to share head; their profile faces with tiny ears, round eyes, short mane, and wrinkled muzzles share solid segment of red paint that underlies both heads. Carefully incised, hatched band, representing their manes, joins their ears in straight line across top of painted heads. Incision also defines front of each profile head, wrinkled muzzle, eye, and stubby neck/mane. Red also serves for few stripes on their flanks and large shoulder patch that, like stripes, is outlined by incision. The shoulder patch is set off with an outline of white dots. Righthand feline has mane or collar formed of three parallel lines of white dots; left lacks mane. Below their muzzle(s), three blobs, upper actually bull’s-eye, lower two incised in an X; other blob rosettes float in field. Large rosette on reverse is set below large waterbird with wing extended as if in flight; incision for eye and wing feathers, added red on bird’s shoulder. Deliberate distinction between left and right felines, with long mane on only one, might suggest mated pair. Attributed by Szilágyi to the Burrell Painter, one of the masters of the third-generation Etrusco-Corinthian workshops of Vulci (see Szilágyi 1998:558–64). Szilágyi named this painter and his contemporaries the “Epigoni,” artists who trained in the third generation of Etrusco-Corinthian workshops in the city of Vulci, in other words, painters whose education was wholly from other Etruscans working in the fully developed style of this technique.

189: MS 642

189

189. ETRUSCO-CORINTHIAN OINOCHOE MS 642 Fig. 26 Vulci Tomb 26 (Pitigliano). [In faded brown ink on underside of foot: “No. 954”] Mended nearly complete from many fragments; few sherds restored in plaster (belly and top of handle); surfaces worn or chipped in places. Preserves complete profile and decoration.

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Catalogue of the Kyle M. Phillips, Jr., Etruscan World Gallery

Light yellowish to tan fabric; matt to lustrous paint mottled light black to deep orange; with reddish purple overpaint; much incision H. to rim 25.2; H. with handle 27.0; Max.W. rim 11.8; Diam. base 8.7 cm Luce 1921B:54 no. 23; Dohan 1942:103 no. 5, pl. 51 (incorrectly printed as MS 643); Szilágyi 1992:98 no. 20, pl. 30.d (with other references); White et al. 2002:25 no. 39; Moser, CVA forthcoming Last quarter of 7th century BC Ring base beveled underside; slightly ovoid body with broad shoulder, thin molding ring at base and top of neck, broad trefoil mouth. High-flung handle formed of three ropes of clay. Painted decoration: exterior ring base solid brown, rays on lower body, broad dark band bordered by lines, animal frieze between dilute lines, band of scales on lower shoulder, scales incised into mottled solid band, incised teardrop centers covered with added red; on top of shoulder, set off by reserved line, row of tongues incised into solid mottled band; pattern of added red alternating on groups of four tongues. Neck and mouth orange inside and out, with traces of white dot rosettes on exterior mouth. Handle painted solid on outer surface, reserved underside; top edge of rim reserved. Animal frieze parts under handle: to right, walking lion follows large boar; panther walking left faces boar; two confronted grazing male antelope, panther with head sideways bites flank of right antelope. Entire field covered in neat dot rosettes. Added red for animals’ shoulders and haunches. Incision on heads, paws, lower legs, boar’s ridgeback, largest rosette. Szilágyi (1992:95–122) places this oinochoe in the earliest production of Etrusco-Corinthian vases, attributing it to the Bearded Sphinx Painter, whom he suggests was initially active at Vulci, moving to Caere during his later career (based on the findspots of an equal number of his vases at each city and the stylistic development seen in them). If he did move to Caere ca. 600 BC, then the Museum’s oinochoe was made in Vulci during the last quarter of the 7th century BC. (For the eponymous amphora by this painter, also placed in a tomb at Vulci, see Martelli 1987:110 no. 60.1.)

190. BUCCHERO KYATHOS MS 1374 Chiusi Mended from many fragments; missing chips, sherds from rim, body, base, handle, but preserving complete profile. Surfaces now very dull, as if from water wear or over-zealous cleaning. Black bucchero fabric as thin as bucchero sottile,

190: MS 1374

although not so highly polished H. to rim 6.8; H. through handle 13.3; Diam. rim 10.5; Diam. base 5.0 cm Second half of 6th century BC Cup on very low, thin ring base, thin-walled, conical, attenuated body, high-flung handle with conical knob; single groove on each side of exterior of handle. A wide variety of ornaments complete the handles of these bucchero kyathoi with bodies that otherwise are closely paralleled in Attic kyathoi: cf. the (unprovenanced) kyathoi with assorted handle finials in Camporeale 1991:135–36, pl. 103 nos. 133–35. This kyathos shape was identified in the bucchero of Cerveteri by Rasmussen (1979:113–14 type 1h, 147, pl. 35 no. 195), who noted that a large number probably came from Vulci. Our example is slightly later than those of Rasmussen’s Caeretan tomb groups, and its handle is closer in form to those of cups with squat bodies and flaring rims, as Camporeale 1991:132–34, pl. 102 nos. 128–31. Conical “button” atop the high-flung handle seems to be a preference of the potters of Vulci, where tomb groups of the third and fourth quarters of the 6th century provide a date for this type. Compare Hayes 1985:78 no. C26. A nearly exact parallel was excavated in the Orvietan necropolis, Tomb 2 (Bonamici et al. 1994:114–17 no. 27, fig. 44b, 175, pl. 19b, with further references). The vase was more widely distributed in southern Etruria than the region of Chiusi; several closely dated tomb groups show it in use throughout the second half of the 6th century BC. Rasmussen 1985:35, notes that this type is confined to Vulci in the second half of the 6th century; see his comment on Chiusine involvement in the Attic vase circuit (p. 39).

Catalogue of Objects

191. ATTIC BLACK-FIGURE KYATHOS L-64-540 No provenance. Loan from the Philadelphia Museum of Art, original inv. no. 14-332 Mended complete from several fragments (chips restored in 2002). Attic red clay with fine shiny, metallic black glaze and added red and white H. to rim 6.8; H. through top of handle 13.6; Diam. rim 10.8; Diam. base 5.15 cm Beazley 1956:519 no. 16; Eisman 1975:81 top illustration Ca. 525–500 BC Cup (kyathos) with pared, beveled ring base, has curving conical body with thin rim, high-flung band handle. Handle has thin spine over its center and ends in fine relief of pendent palmette facing interior; conical knob on topmost surface. Black

191

bands on inside and outside of ring base, and band on lower body; entire interior and handle black. On reserved outer wall, procession to right: draped bearded man looks back over his shoulder, carries walking stick; nude youth with short mantle draped over left arm dances in mannered pose; draped maenad with krotala (castanet); youth standing, with short mantle, looks back at her; nude youth stoops, carrying large transport amphora on his back, youth with mantle over shoulders looks back at him; standing maenad with swallowtail drapery plays flute. Whole scene is entwined with garlands (lines framed by dots), both maenads wear chiton and himation, have white added for skin, red for wreaths, as do all male figures. Also red on neck of amphora. Incision is minimal: drapery folds, faces, some male musculature. Maenads’ eyes, red dots within incised almond-shapes. Beazley attributed this vase to the Theseus Painter, whose career spanned a generation at the turn of the 6th–5th century BC. Added detail of the relief palmette surely recalls both metalwork and the floral ornaments in the repertoire of Attic painters. The Attic kyathos is another form which clearly derived from Etruscan pottery of impasto and bucchero; it appeared in the workshop of Nicosthenes around 530–525 BC in Black-Figure technique and was carried over into Red-Figure products during the first generation of the 5th century—so, like the Nicosthenic amphorae, it must have been a popular design. The “spiked knob” on the top of the handle was also copied carefully from Etruscan prototypes, and this too has suggested to scholars the perceived dependence of the Nicosthenic shop on the Etruscan market. Like the kantharos, the Etruscan kyathos illustrates that Greek exporters tended to choose Vulci as the artistic center to emulate—just as the potters of Vulci were busily producing imitations of Attic Black-Figure vases! The findspots of the Athenian imitations are nearly all in Italy and none in the Greek homeland, and indicate the manufacture of these and related vases, like Nicosthenic amphorae, specifically for export and sale in Etruria. Rasmussen 1985:35–36, suggests that Nikosthenes intended his products specifically for the market of Vulci.

192. KANTHAROS

191: L-64-540

MS 1284 Fig. 21 Vulci Tomb B Intact; rim very slightly chipped; very slight encrustation. Bucchero, dark black to gray at core, with abundant traces of fine white and sparkling inclusions; surfaces highly polished, traces of fingermarks on base H. with handles 12.0; H. to rim 8.0; Diam. rim 14.8; Diam. foot 6.7 cm

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De Puma 1986:30 no. VB13 or VB15; Moser 1984:27 no. 12; White et al. 2002:28 no. 44 Mid-6th century BC Kantharos in regular bucchero fabric (bucchero normale), on low, flaring foot with narrow junction with body; low, carinated body, angular flaring rim, and two slim, high-flung band-handles (upper face of handles slightly concave). The shoulder has impressed arched notches, and two thin grooves carefully incised at top of exterior rim. Entire vase is highly burnished, with less attention to interior of foot. Three bucchero kantharoi seem to have been placed in Vulci Tomb B; one is 232, the third is in the Field Museum (De Puma 1986:33 no. VB 26). The kantharos form might be taken as a trademark or type fossil of Etruscan cosmopolitan culture and trade of the mid-6th century BC, since it was made in several cities, including Vulci, and has been found all over the classical world. (On trade in kantharoi, see Pt. IA, chapter 6.) This was the archetypical Etruscan vase, offering, and tradegood, and has been found in virtually all contexts in Italy and in many sites in other parts of the Mediterranean. Rasmussen (1979:104–6, pl. 32 no. 169, type 3e) has established a date for the type from the last quarter of the 7th century through the third quarter of the 6th century, based on tomb groups at Cerveteri. Our example was probably made around 550 BC, almost certainly in Vulci, the main, but not the only, production center for this quintessential archaic vase. The Attic imitations of this kantharos form, sometimes attenuated with a tall or trumpet-shaped foot, began tentatively around 575 BC, although few examples have been found in Attic territory (even though many genuine Etruscan bucchero kantharoi were deposited in the Potters’ Quarter and shrines of the city of Corinth, and at the Greek sanctuaries: MacIntosh 1974A). The kantharos was subsequently imitated in Boeotian pottery and in Athenian Black- and Red-Figure wares, and is often depicted in the hands of the god of wine, Dionysos, as on the Attic Black-Figure amphora displayed here. (See Rasmussen 1985:33–34, 38; Rasmussen 1979:105–6; Courbin 1953.)

and most of figured scene on side B. Attic Black-Figure fabric, fine red clay with shiny, metallic black glaze and added red and white H. 42.6; Diam. rim 18.4; Max. Diam. of body 28.0 cm Hall 1913:152–53 no. 5, fig. 131; Luce 1921B:76 no. 59 Ca. 525–500 BC A fragmentary Attic Black-Figure neck-amphora on which Dionysos is depicted holding kantharos of Etruscan inspiration. On neck, lotus-palmette chain; on shoulder, tongues; palmettes and tendrils under handles. Fillet at base of neck. Dionysos and

193. ATTIC BLACK-FIGURE NECKAMPHORA MS 4834 Orvieto Mended from many fragments; preserving most of neck, rim, shoulder, and handles with parts restored in plaster. Lower body and base entirely missing; preserves small portion of shoulder and scene on side A,

193: MS 4834

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dancing maenad face each other, goat stands behind Dionysos facing maenad, who with her right hand extends her krotala over goat’s head. Grapevine forks and cascades between god and maenad from top of register. Dionysos extends toward her large kantharos with tall foot in his right hand, with little finger extended. His left hand, emerging from his wrapped himation, is extended palm down over goat’s horns. On reverse, two Amazons. On left, one Amazon with crested helmet and spear; her round shield (device: tripod?) is at left, leaning against one of under-handle palmettes. Tip of her scabbard may be preserved just to right of shield. On right, upper body of draped Amazon with flowing hair; she holds round shield (device: ivy wreath). The image of a familiar kantharos depicted in the hands of the Greek god Dionysos became a commonplace in the mythical representations of Archaic Greek art. (For the Etruscan adoption of Dionysos/ Fufluns, see 254.) The form of the kantharos held here is the Attic version rather than an Etruscan bucchero example; it may be recognized by its attenuated pedestal foot and curving handles. A number of Attic vases buried in Etruscan tombs at Orvieto depict Dionysos, many featuring the kantharos in his hand: see Wójcik and Roncalli 1989:253 no. 126.2 (Painter of Munich 1519, end of 6th century BC). Research in progress by A. B. Brownlee indicates that this and some other Attic and related vases may be linked with their original contexts, among the Orvietan tomb groups which came to the Museum in the late 1890s. Dietrich von Bothmer (letter of January 21, 1985) has noted that a fragment in Göttingen (R 28 a,b,c) joins the Amazon on the left. The Göttingen fragment gives the end of the left Amazon’s scabbard and part of her spear, part of the shield and the middle of the Amazon on the right, and the head and neck of a dog between the two Amazons.

194. ETRUSCAN BLACK-FIGURE NECKAMPHORA L-29-47 Figs. 19, 20 No provenance. Formerly Hilprecht Collection. Loan from the Philadelphia Museum of Art, original inv. no. 7-29-6-56 Mended complete from many fragments; edges of some sherds slightly chipped; surfaces slightly encrusted. Dull yellowish orange clay; paint matt dark brown to brownish black, trailing to dilute on palmettes

194: L-29-47

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H. 47.9; Diam. rim 17.9; Diam. base 13.3 cm White et al. 2002:26 no. 40 Ca. 500–490 BC Tall neck-amphora with large disc foot; strap handles with double grooves on outer surface. Black painted decoration: sets of three palmettes in mirror-repeat pattern under handles; two palmettes on each side of neck, band of palmettes (four and three) on each side of handles. Above side with two youths, shoulder band of three palmettes alternating with upright lotus; on opposite side, above youth with equine, shoulder band of four palmettes. Shoulder separated by two lines; figural register on double groundline; lower body has solid band and line above solid base with edge of foot reserved. Rim has single bands below lip and on outer surface. On body, youth and horse walking to left toward small plant or shrub of two stems with dots for foliage; eyes, dots in almond-shaped reserved areas. The silhouette style makes it impossible to tell whether youth or horse is nearest viewer. The youth has his right hand on horse’s neck, and his left raised as if to slap its flank. On reverse, two youths facing each other, both looking to left; figure on left gestures with his left hand down, his right raised in mannered gesture, as if dancing, with two corners of small mantle falling from his right elbow. The youth on right is nude and holds both arms down, elbows flexed, and away from his sides. (All three figures have short hair.) A very close parallel, with matching lid, has been identified in the Museum of Chianciano Terme (its reverse shows two youths in conversation). It was excavated in chamber tomb II in the Via Montale necropolis, where it had been set in a niche and held the remains of a woman and a spindle, while other niches held the burials of two men, game equipment, and assorted vases of the beginning of the 5th century BC. See Paolucci and Rastrelli 1999:83 no. II.6, pl. 135 (with full references); (color plate in Paolucci et al. 1997:33 fig. 20). The Jerusalem Painter, named for the modern location of one of his works, probably worked in Chiusi, as his vases are found in that region and at Orvieto. For other examples of the distinctive style of the Jerusalem Painter, see Cappelletti and Roncalli 1992:106–8 no. 33. Compare the amphora and stamnos depicting athletes from the Gruppo di Monaco 883, which suggests more openly the style and ornaments of the Athenian prototypes of these vases (Martelli 1987:180–81 nos. 133–34). The youth with horse was a very popular motif for many generations of Etruscan art and is often identified with one or both Dioscuri, although without any attributes, the identity of the youths on the Museum’s pieces cannot be

confirmed. As evidence of the popularity of this motif, see the fine scarab with intaglio, 117. Another setting for the youthful horseman is the late 4th century engraved mirror; see De Puma 1993:32–33 no. 10, 104–5 figs. De Puma argues for a genre scene rather than a myth.

195. CHALICE MS 953 Narce Tomb 64B Intact except for chips from rim and foot. Surfaces dull in places. Buccheroid impasto fabric. Dull brown to blackish brown with abundant white and sparkling inclusions. Traces of filling in incisions with white paint overlaid with red—traces of white and pink now remain. H. 11.0; Diam. rim. 14.5; Diam. base 7.5 cm Dohan 1942:75 no. 27, pl. 38 Mid- to later 7th century BC Wheelmade chalice has hollow cylindrical pedestal base ending in flared foot; tall, slightly flaring rim joins base at plain, sharp-edged carination. Interior and exterior carefully burnished. Incised decoration of row of overlapping circles pendent from thin line; center of each semicircle is incised with smaller semicircle; above them and just below rim is single line of incised continuous loops.

195: MS 953

Camporeale 1991:20, pl. 10 no. 19, links this type of chalice to Veii IIIB, during the mid- to 3rd quarter of the 7th century, although it seems to have been popular in the Faliscan area also.

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Catalogue of Objects

196. SPHERICAL CINERARY URN AND LID MS 3257D, E Orvieto Urn and lid mended complete from very many fragments; small portions restored. Chipped; surfaces worn in places, but preserve some paint or slip. Dull, dark red impasto with abundant fine dark, light, and sparkling inclusions; creamy pale yellowish white slip overall on exterior and on one side of interior of rim; note finger or drip marks on interior behind one handle. Urn: H. 32.7; Diam. rim 14.2; Diam. base 15.8; H. of snake handles 9.0; Depth of handles approx. 5.0; W. of handles 1.7 cm (Total H. 39.5 cm with lid in place) Lid: H. approx. 9.0; Diam. 15.9; L. handle 8.6 cm Early 6th century BC Large urn with spherical body tapering slightly toward bottom; wide, flaring conical base; straight, short vertical rim slightly rounded at top. Two vertical plastic handles modeled in form of snakes, actually single vertical loop handle with second one set above it and its lower end tapered and set atop loop, as if it were snake’s blunt head. Two separate, applied snakes, each formed from single rod of clay curled to left, also with blunt muzzle. One snake has large round eye in black paint; one head of one handle has short gash across eye area. Painted decoration in white and black: below handle zone, black band, and below it, an upright wolf’s-teeth pattern in dark and light, drawn with very precise lines. Possible traces of red band at base of neck. Lid is plain cylinder with domed top; handle is rod of clay folded into one loop at center, each end looped back and ending in tapered, upturned serpentine muzzles that face each other. On one head is single gash as if for eye(s). Creamy slip applied thickly over snakes. On each side of lid, perpendicular to handle, is small applied snake, short coil with head pointing to viewer’s right, matching larger applied snakes on urn. If snakes were less stylized, blunt muzzles might be identified with vipers, but this is unlikely. See the fine urn excavated in a tomb at Orvieto: Camporeale 1977:220, pl. 47a. (The other vases in that assemblage seem to belong to the 7th century BC.) Camporeale noted the distribution of these vases in the territory of Chiusi, interpreting the fine urn at Orvieto as an import there, although the addition of our urn’s provenance may indicate even closer, regular ties between the Chiusine and Orvietan economies, since such a personal choice, whether made by the future “occupant” or the family, would seem to be determined on family, ethnic, or religious grounds. More abstract

196: MS 3257D, E

versions of the snake handles, on similar urns, show the emphasis on calligraphic patter, Hayes 1985:123–24 nos. C118–19, dated to the early 6th century BC. An example with Chiusine context is Blinkenberg and Friis Johansen 1937: pl. 209 no. 6, from a tomb outside Chiusi at Poggio Fontecucchiaia.

197. JUG 68-36-2 Vulci, Osteria necropolis (“Hercle” society excavation I, prior to 1968). (See Vulci 1972, although the Museum’s vase is not illustrated.) Body and handle intact, but missing most of rim (restored in plaster); surfaces slightly crackling and encrusted. Buccheroid impasto fabric, very close to bucchero: dark, shiny black with highly polished surfaces, although slightly mottled grayish in core and surface H. through top of handle 26.2; Diam. base 5.5; W. handle 2.3; circumference 47.0 cm Mid-7th century BC(?) Oinochoe of modified “Phoenician” form, with tapering ovoid body, small, flattened ring base, elongated, narrow conical

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neck and small outward-flaring rim pinched into small spout. Vertical handle formed of two ropes of clay with central groove (slightly tooled), attached to rim in semicircular raised section. Single thin ridge at top of neck under spout, another at base of neck; three blunt, shallow grooves encircle top of shoulder. Above grooves, on shoulder, single file of rouletted fan patterns opening to right; at top of neck, another set of rouletted fans pointing downward, like rays of Corinthian painted vases. Fans have 13 to 14 lines each. The tall-necked oinochoe was inspired by Phoenician vases that occasionally reached Italy (as well as Cyprus and Spain) in silver or bronze examples, as found in the princely tombs. The form became popular just before bucchero was produced, as shown in fine impasto examples made in Caeretan workshops at the end of the 8th and early 7th century: Gran-Aymerich 1992:27–28, pl. 3 nos. 6–7 and 8–9; the early pieces have Phoenician palmettes and other more intricate motives, while the bucchero production favored simpler patterns. (The shape was also used for EtruscoGeometric painted wares.) The incised and rouletted patterns, probably all filled with red pigment, are a relic of metalwork too, and originated with the earliest versions of this form, found in the “princely tombs” of mid-7th century Etruria, beginning ca. 680–650 BC, according to GranAymerich 1995: pls. 1 and 7.1. For the beginning of this type, see Ramage 1970:6–9, 32–33, 59 fig. 21.5. The type is similar to Rasmussen (1979:75–77, pl. 7 fig. 27), considered his oinochoe type 2a

common during the second to fourth quarter of the 7th century BC, with many parallels at Veii; the rouletted fans are slightly later in that period than more elaborate decoration. Compare the later example, in different fabric, from Narce Tomb 1, Dohan 1942:77 no. 2, pl. 40. Compare the patterns of rouletted fans illustrated by Gran-Aymerich 1982: pls. 18–19. Compare a slightly earlier example from a tomb at Carthage: Thuillier 1985:fig. 415.

198. “CARYATID” CHALICE MS 560A Fig. 24 Vulci Tomb 5 Mended complete from a few fragments; very slightly encrusted. Dull, grayish to yellowish gray bucchero with orange mottled areas. Fine-textured clay with abundant sparkling and fewer white inclusions H. 15.3; Diam. rim 14.5; Diam. base 13.0; caryatids approx. 9.3 cm high Luce 1921B:51 no. 9.; Dohan 1933:166, pl. 7; Dohan 1942:99 no. 5, pl. 52; White et al. 2002:24 no. 37 Early 6th century BC Tall, conical foot flaring to wide base that supports five caryatids; figures, flat behind, fronts molded in low relief of female figure grasping her very long locks, with straight neckline, oval face, large almond eyes. Carination carefully notched—cut with chisel-edged tool. Decoration incised on body: fans in imitation of rouletting, with hatched lines for five-leaved fans, center band of vertical lines between double horizontal lines, just above carination, two lines of zigzag. Very fine, although not true bucchero sottile, either in fabric or decoration. Compare the simplified form of caryatid whose wings have become volutes at the sides of her skirt, Pryce 1932: pl. 12 no. 9, and chalices pl. 12 nos. 1–2.

199. ORNATE CHALICE

197: 68-36-2

MS 2382 Chiusi. Coleman Collection Mended nearly complete; body intact except for slight chips on rim; base mended from several sherds, with small section of edge missing. Fine black bucchero clay with large amount of white and sparkling inclusions; surfaces highly burnished inside and out, except for underside of conical, openwork foot

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200. FLUTED CHALICE MS 2384 Chiusi. Coleman Collection Mended nearly complete from several fragments; missing one section of rim. Preserves most of original highly burnished surface. Fine dark black fabric, very fine sparkling inclusions, traces of reddish black in broken core; very dark shiny black surfaces H. 12.8; Diam. rim 13.6; Diam. base 8.0; Th. of rim 0.03; Dimension of molded figure: length of tip of nose to inside curve of wing 3.5 cm Coleman Catalogue:13 no. 115 Early 6th century BC

199: MS 2382

H. 19.4; Diam. rim 16.0; Diam. base 11.1 cm. Mold dimensions: relief of warrior 6.5 cm high; rams approx. 3.0 x 5.3 cm Coleman Catalogue:14 no. 128 Early 6th century BC Chalice of standard shape with sharply carinated and flanged shoulder, flaring, straight body/rim; conical foot, pared with straight edge, is ornamented by openwork decoration. Between four vertical panels of molded relief of striding warrior, sets of superimposed trapezoidal and triangular “windows” have been cut. Relief is molded with nude longhaired warrior walking to left, long spear held upright before him; his left arm, bent at elbow, is held out behind him, hand hanging down. Details in relief indicate hairline, profile, genitals, thigh, hands, feet. Base joined body in cylindrical section with triple molding below and single flat-sided molding above. Shoulder is ridged flange, and wide flaring wall has molded decoration also, with interior smoothed so that molding does not show on inner surface. On outside of rim, one ridge forms groundline and two more above frame impressed relief ornament of four kneeling rams facing right and alternating with two upturned tongues or flutes molded in deep relief from interior of bowl. Smooth relief for ram’s muzzles, eyes, horns, hooves, thighs, tails; slight retouching of limbs on some impressions. (See discussion below under 201.)

Fluted chalice on hollow pedestal foot with widely flaring base, with two thin moldings on outer face of foot and two flaring moldings around top of pedestal. The shallow lower body is molded with 27 convex flutes or ribs emanating from two concentric grooves. Upper body has thin walls, is slightly flared and molded with six wide, convex flutes, on each of which is shallow relief impressed with single mold: siren protome facing right. Rim is set off with two thin ridges above sirens, and above that an irregular band of incised zigzag beneath two thin grooves. Interior is plain except for deep groove corresponding to fluted shoulder. Each right-facing siren is composed of wing arched over her back, rounded chest, tilted head with oval face in profile, sloping nose, and almond eye with arched upper lid. Her hair is gathered with band behind bean-shaped ear, and falls in thick plaits down her back/shoulder. Incision sets off relief: one row of flight feathers on outer edge of wing, lines of hair

200: MS 2384

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running over crown of head, and vertical tresses; on some, ear, eye, profile, mouth and/or chin retouched with incision. The smoothly fluted body and molded siren protomes of the chalice are not the commonest types in bucchero of this period; they do show affinities with the more elaborate kantharos (201) and might be from the same workshop. (See also 101 for a complete example of the basic 6th century chalice form in bucchero.)

201. ORNATE KANTHAROS L-64-539 Fig. 25 Chiusi. Loan from Philadelphia Museum of Art, original inv. no. 14-335 Mended complete from many fragments; small cracks filled with plaster. Some surfaces no longer shiny, with fine cracks. Very fine dark black bucchero fabric with abundant, extremely fine white particles. Original surfaces finely polished, with traces of burnishing lines overall. H. to rim 11.3; H. with handles approx. 18.2; Max. Diam. rim 14.5; Diam. base 8.0; W. of handles through heads of panthers 3.1; Max. Depth of handles approx. 4.6 cm White et al. 2002:25 no. 38 6th century BC Very fine, ornate thin-walled kantharos assembled with wheel- and mold-made body, and applied molded and handformed handles. Pedestal base on broad flaring foot has single round molding just below joint with shallow body. Smooth, sharply carinated shoulder, convex walls with molded relief on exterior ending in deep, flaring fluted rim (three flutes each side of two handles). Handles, broad trapezoidal straps on exterior, as on standard kantharos, but on interior side, oval molded reliefs in form of potnia theron (“mistress of wild beasts”). Thin perpendicular flange acts as strut connecting upper back of relief to strap handles. Abundant decoration: exterior base of handles set off by shallow impressed herringbone pattern of horizontal groove flanked by line of blunt, retrograde hatching. Molded relief of handle is dulled at joint with rim, where it was attached: goddess is frontal, with oval face, two long tresses over shoulders, large ears at right angles to head; she grasps forepaws of two confronted dangling panthers at waist level; panthers face viewer and struggle with flexed hind legs kicking at each other. Incision or grooves for added detail: on female figure, straight hairline and straight hair above forehead, facial features (almond eyes, straight mouth), hatching on tresses, fingers, lines for sleeves or capelet; eyes, ears, muzzles of panthers.

201: L-64-539

On exterior of cup, three parallel lines incised just below rim (as on plain kantharoi), and relief, above single round molded line, of three molded sphinx or siren protomes, facing right, on each side of handles. Figures have “Ionian” profiles of sloping nose, plump cheek, large almond eye, with shoulder-length scored tresses pulled and fastened behind ears with fillet; protome is formed by curved and upswept convex section with feathers marked as slanting grooves pendent from its underside. Retouch/incision for feathers, hair, facial features, and profiles. Molded impressions, all different due to slight overlapping of some figures and slight differences in clarity of impression compounded by great variations in retouched lines, with some heads appearing very crude in comparison to better impressions. Interior shows slight concave areas corresponding to molded features; all plain surfaces originally polished and very shiny. The imaginative mixing of elements in this vase is a characteristic of bucchero products of the 6th century in the region of interior Etruria, especially Chiusi-Siena-Murlo. A kantharos perhaps from the same workshop, with similar profile, relief handle, and fluted rim (although with a simply fluted body) collected in the area of Castelluccio di Pienza, is in Siena: Cimino 1986:84 no. 206, pl. 49. Cf. Guzzo 1969:297 no. 33, pl. 64a, from Chiusi. A kyathos from the Murlo Lower Building combines a fluted body with similar handle: Berkin 2003:39 no. 22, pl. 6. The potnia theron motif has been identified as Valentini’s Type A, common in the region of Chiusi-Siena and Vulci during the early 6th century BC. See Valentini 1969:418 nos. 1–2, pl. 105. Hayes 1985:109–10 under no. C89, illustrates a fluted kyathos with similar potnia theron handle (a dull impression implemented by incision) and sphinxes on the body, in the Ella Riegel Museum,

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Bryn Mawr College (no. P-173). These ornate compositions of elaborate but old Orientalizing images seem to be characteristic of the bucchero production of Chiusi and the interior of Etruria. For molded protomes that are sphinx-like, cf. Marzi 1993: pl. 10a.

dated to the period of Middle Corinthian style (Matteucig 1951:43 no. 47, pl. 17 no. 16). A cup in Toronto (Hayes 1985:79 no. C27), made in a grayish bucchero fabric similar to the Museum’s, has a similar deep rim; Hayes noted its similarity to another kyathos in the study collection, MS 1295 from Narce. See also Dohan 1942:78–79 no. 7, pl. 41, from Narce Tomb 65M.

202. KYATHOS MS 3214 Orvieto Intact; surfaces rather encrusted, and where not encrusted, very dull as if eroded by water. Bucchero fabric, dull black to grayish black with abundant fine white and sparkling inclusions H. through handle 16.1; H. to rim 8.8; Diam. rim 12.7; Diam. base 6.3; Depth handle 4.3 cm 6th century BC (first half?) Kyathos-type deep cup with very flaring conical pedestal base; deep flaring rim; on lower body, two bands of incised thin five grooves; handle round in section, flattened on top and decorated with conical knob on top. The shape of the Museum’s example is Rasmussen’s kyathos type 4b (1979:115–16, pl. 36 no. 204), most common and canonical of its category, popular during first three quarters of 6th century BC. The simple form with a smooth body that is reminiscent of Greek (“Ionian”) cups and an angular, high-flung handle with flattened crest or button on top seems to have been made in Caeretan workshops, and probably elsewhere. (Tarquinian examples were more ornate.) A parallel from Poggio Buco Tomb F, associated with bucchero kantharoi and other vases, has been

202: MS 3214

203. ORNATE GOBLET MS 3423 Canino (territory of Vulci). Coleman Collection Mended complete from five fragments; edges slightly chipped. Bucchero fabric, black with fine white and sparkling inclusions; surfaces burnished H. to rim 10.4; (plaques 2.5 x 2.2, 2.4 x 2.5, and 2.5 x 2.7); Diam. rim 12.5; Diam. interior of bowl 8.8; Diam. foot 8.8; W. through two plaques at rim 13.5 cm Coleman Catalogue:14 no. 125 6th century BC

203: MS 3423

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Goblet composed of bowl with plate-like, horizontal rim set on pedestal foot with beveled edge. Rim is set with four vertical squared plaques with stamped shallow relief of roaring lion(ess?) on outer faces. Two narrow round moldings on lower foot, set of three round moldings on upper foot. Tracery relief on top of rim in form of stylized, continuous volute pattern. Lions all face right, with open mouths, almond eyes, leaf-shaped flattened ears, no trace of male mane, tongues protruding from open, fleshy feline lower jaws. De Puma (1987:65–67 no. CA 13) calls this form a compote and illustrates a fine, slightly later version from a Chiusine tomb group in Chicago; he notes its popularity in Vulci, Orvieto, and Chiusi. Cf. similar versions of this shape with human-head plaques, Donati 1968:325, 329 nos. 6 and 56, pls. 73d, 75b. A relief panther mask appears on a simpler goblet, said to be from Chiusi: Fairbanks 1928:218 no. 650, pl. 87. For the stamped pattern on the top surface of the rim, see the plates/bowls from the Lower Building at Poggio Civitate (Murlo), Berkin 2003:70–73 nos. 90–102, pls. 18–19, ornament type 12.

204. SPHERICAL OINOCHOE MS 1349 Chiusi Intact, with only slight traces of encrustation. Pale gray to creamy yellowish gray Orvietan bucchero fabric, well levigated, with traces of fine white and sparkling inclusions. Marks inside rim where a pebble dragged while pot was being thrown. H. through handle 17.1; W. rim 9.1; Diam. base 6.9; W. handle 2.2 cm Later 6th century BC Small, heavy oinochoe with spherical body, ring base with pared edges, wide conical neck, flaring rim slightly pinched for spout; vertical handle formed of two joining parallel rods of clay, creating depression down center. Thin incised X slashed across bottom before firing. Compare the oinochoai from Narce Tomb 65M (Dohan 1942:78 nos. 3–4, pl. 41). Similar oinochoai were lost or discarded in Well E (level II) of the House of the Impluvium at Roselle, so we know that these favorite tomb offerings were also a part of daily life: see Donati 1994:17, 122, fig. 5, pl. 9 nos. 17–18 (no. 17 is of gray bucchero). This corresponds to Rasmussen’s oinochoe type 7a (1979:84–85, pl. 16 no. 62), a very common form of the first half of the 6th century, made in several centers, although the gray fabric of the Museum’s links it to Orvieto. The type was most common during most of the 6th century BC,

204: MS 1349

although it began in fine, shiny black bucchero of Cerveteri at the end of the 7th century (see Gran-Aymerich 1992: pl. 28 nos. 1–6). Very many bucchero vases have letters or marks incised on their bases, as for instance an otherwise unrelated bowl from the same context, Donati 1994:fig. 6, pl. 11 no. 27. The incised single letter, number, or symbol (such as a fivepointed star) on the base of a vase is not uncommon in Etruscan pottery, although the incision made before firing must carry a different meaning from that made after the vase was purchased. Since X is the symbol for the number 10 in Etruscan, it has been suggested that some marks represent prices, tallies, or other

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mercantile marks. (See Sassatelli 1993:202–4; also Pandolfini and Prosdocimi 1990.) A 2nd century factory near Chiusi had vases incised before firing, marked la, ar, and ve, and excavators suggested they were acronymns for Lars, Arnth, and Vel, perhaps names of potters (Pucci and Mascione 1993:382, pl. 14).

205. OINOCHOE MS 2506 Chiusi Mended nearly complete from several fragments. Bucchero pesante fabric, shiny black, wheelmade with molded decoration H. 34.3; Diam. base 19.1 cm Second half of 6th century BC Large oinochoe (wine pitcher with spout) of bucchero pesante fabric, has flaring ring base, heavy ovoid body, tall neck and flaring trefoil rim; band handle is set off at rim by rotella on each side, outer face of which is marked in relief with concentric circles. Around neck, three ring moldings; on shoulder, band of large tongues in relief; relief-decorated band around body is set off with two flat moldings above and two thin ring moldings below. Decorative register has frieze in relief of three horse protomes to right alternating with three felines walking to right. Horse has large arched eye and lines for muzzle, deep, wavy ridges covering long oval section of neck and running in straight lines to horizontal edge over eyes. Felines, presumably roaring lions with sleek or no manes, stride to right with high haunches and tails curled over their rumps; their bodies well molded but with little indication of musculature, and no retouching or incision. (Horse heads have some retouch.) The type of tall oinochoe with ovoid to cylindrical body, large rotelle, and figured frieze set off by sets of moldings appears in many variations. Gran-Aymerich 1992:103, 105, pl. 42 nos. 1 and 6–7, associates them with Chiusi and Orvieto, dating them ca. 560–530 BC. (The main frieze of Louvre C 630 alternates similar horse heads with feline heads that confront them, in a favored Etruscan design of predator and prey.) Large horse heads very close in configuration to the Museum’s are on an oinochoe of bucchero pesante in Toronto: Hayes 1985:84 no. C35, from Orvieto and dated to the mid-6th century BC. See also De Puma 1996: pl. 304, also with couchant feline handle relief. The large rotelle, ring neck, and segmented body show affinities with the Chiusine production studied by Battignani 1965:297 no. 38, pl. 66d, type A. Hayes suggested the derivation of the figural motif from Attic Black-Figure Horse-head Amphorae, citing another bucchero vase, MS 2388, also from

205: MS 2506 Chiusi and in the Museum’s study collection. The form of the oinochoe on display is closer to Hayes 1985:85 no. C37 (from Mancini’s excavations at Orvieto), with more ornate rotelle and handle, but showing the ovoid segmented body with tonguelobed shoulder set off by ridges above a sphinx frieze.

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206. PITCHER AND LID MS 1342A (vase), B (lid) Chiusi Mended complete from very many fragments; very small pieces restored in plaster. Bucchero pesante fabric, black to dark grayish black, exterior surfaces highly burnished, with traces of burnishing strokes evident overall. Circular fingermarks visible inside lid. Lid ornaments rather grayer than rest of vase. A (pitcher): H. 30.0; Diam. base 9.8; Diam. rim 7.3; W. handle 3.7 cm. B (lid): Diam. 8.2; H. through “handle” 8.8; W. of handle protome 5.4 cm. H. of vase with lid in place approx. 36.5 cm. (Mold dimensions for panthers approx. 3.1 x 4.6 cm) Mid- or second half of 6th century BC Pitcher similar to spoutless olpe, on flaring foot with beveled outer edge, has ovoid body, tall cylindrical neck ending in straight rim that is pinched very slightly for spout. Heavy vertical band handle has molded relief on outer face, couchant lion with incised collar or mane, heart-shaped ears and large almondshaped eyes, its front paws also lightly incised. Where handle merges with neck, neck is encircled with triple convex molding, over which handle appears to have long, arm-like attachments

ending in snake heads in low relief, with incised eyes and scales at mouth and neck; below, handle appears to merge with neck in single curl or volute in low relief. Incised on central round molding of neck is band of metopes with double axes. Front, lower neck below spout carries relief female head, nearly triangular in outline, with straight, protruding chin, straight mouth, short nose, and large almond eyes below long, arched and hatched brows. Long ears set to side and triple locks, outer ones curled like Hathor locks, each covered with line of diagonal notches. Thin incised lines set off relief of eyelids. At juncture of neck and body, two thin ridges; on shoulder, register of alternating tongues or petals with central groove, and line of impressed, crouching panthers facing right, with heads turned to face viewer. Incision for felines’ outlines, ears, eyes, tails, and curl on chest. Incised, open curls (three) run down each side of relief tongues or floral elements. Below shoulder, another band of triple round molding incised with alternating metopes of double axes and triple sigmas. On lower body, above loosely molded set of several shallow round moldings, register with four lotus palmettes impressed in shallow relief against smooth background. Lid has slightly convex sides, domed top set off with complex molded handle: rising from low relief volutes at one side, tubular handle with central spine and herringbone hatching joins an upright plaque of rounded trapezoidal shape, its top crowned with double conical knob. Plaque’s outer face has female head in relief with Hathor-

206: MS 1342A, B

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Catalogue of Objects

locks ending like upright volutes where they touch lid; face is an elongated oval with receding chin, and two long, straight tresses; straight line across lower edge of neck and hair. Incised decoration of line of zigzag between two plain lines is at lower edge of lid’s rim, and outer edge of its top. A neck fragment from a similar oinochoe in Toronto shows a bearded male head on its neck, highly burnished surfaces, and finely incised details: Hayes 1985:89 no. C45. Many handles in bucchero pesante fabric carry the couchant feline, often in such dull impressions that it is difficult to compare them. A slightly later(?), simpler olpe with heads on the lid and neck is Donati 1968:352 no. 266, pl. 79d, in Chiusi. For the panther relief, see a lid for a similar oinochoe, Pecchiai 1967:511–12 no. 68, fig. 18, pl. 88b. Grooved tongue relief alternating with other elements appears on other forms of Chiusine manufacture, e.g., a kyathos, Pryce 1932: pl. 19 no. 3; see pl. 19 nos. 7–10 for simpler versions of the pitcher with lid.

207. “FRUITSTAND” MS 2500 Orvieto Mended nearly complete from three large fragments, missing one corner including its finial (restored in outline only); slightly encrusted, preserving some shiny surfaces. Four modern drill holes through broken sides of tray fragments were used in an early conservation effort. Bucchero pesante, thick-walled, with abundant traces of white and shiny inclusions H. to rim 17.0; H. through finial 18.7; Diam. base 10.3; L. of tray 17.5; W. of tray 10.4; Depth of tray approx. 6.7 cm Mid-6th century BC Semi-cylindrical tray on tall, flaring pedestal foot. Three round moldings below junction of pedestal and tray; outer face of foot grooved. Tray, an open, curved segment set perpendicular to base, is set off with four teardrop-shaped cutouts on each side; and molded heads at corners of outer surface. Female head finials facing outward show two tresses falling on each side of face, with incisions on hair, mouth, eyes, and line of zigzag on flat-molded band between them. Break between body and pedestal foot exposed mode of manufacture of these vases: top of pedestal and bottom of bowl were roughly scored in spiral pattern while leather hard and then fastened and smoothed by hand modeling. “Cylindrical supports” in many decorative variations are frequent among the grave goods of Chiusi and Orvieto for the second half of the 6th century BC, and the shape even turns up in Greek Black-Figure repertoires. Hayes 1985:107–8 nos.

207: MS 2500

C87–C88, illustrates a simpler, and a more elaborate version with horse protomes, comparing the knobbed version to MS 2501 (not displayed). For full discussion, see Camporeale 1970:73–77; his fragmentary no. 51 has openwork treatment similar to the Museum’s. The female protomes of the our stand are similar to those found on many bucchero pesante pieces from Chiusi and beyond.

208. STRAINER (“INFUNDIBULUM”) MS 2387 Chiusi; Coleman Collection Intact; handle very slightly worn on upper surface, and nozzle very slightly chipped; a crack runs partly

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208: MS 2387

around lower body. Heavy, fine-textured bucchero fabric, now dull charcoal color, with abundant traces of very fine sparkling inclusions H. to rim (handle relief projects slightly beyond) 7.5; L. with handle 20.0; Diam. rim 11.6; Diam. nozzle (outer) 2.0 cm. W. handle 2.7 to 3.9 cm Coleman Catalogue:17 no. 176; Luce 1921B:117 no. 28 6th century BC Strainer is round bowl with outer side of rim set off with two simple moldings, top of rim flat, interior flanged to take lid, tondo set off by two shallow grooves, and lower part pierced in circular plan. Attached below pierced tondo is round molded segment terminating in straight vertical hollow cylinder to serve as funnel spout. Horizontal to rim is single handle, rectangle with rounded end set off with projection

at each side, and merging with rim in two short, pointed extensions. Vertical band handle merges with it and lower part of bowl. On top of handle is molded relief of Orientalizing-style potnia theron, with projecting oval head, two locks over each shoulder, her arms down at her waist grasping forepaws of two felines, one on each side of her skirt. Panthers(?) face front and kick at each other with their hind legs; handle has curved, broadened end. Retouching for helmet-like hairline, eyes, mouth, tresses of potnia, and (traces) on faces of felines. The heavy bucchero implement, like fine bronze prototypes, combines a strainer with a funnel for straining impurities from poured liquids at the banquet. Compare the more ornate version with relief on both bowl and rim: Hayes 1985:109–10 no. C89, in a gray fabric, and with the potnia theron handle relief (he cites the Museum’s example as a parallel). Strainer with better relief, fluted bowl: Fairbanks 1928:217 no. 645, pl. 86. A close parallel for the handle relief, possibly mechanically related, is on a cup in Camporeale 1991:129, pl. 98 no. 124; the vase, of typical Chiusine workmanship, has been dated to the mid-6th century BC.

209. ETRUSCO-CORINTHIAN CUP MS 557 Vulci Tomb 5 Intact; very slightly chipped on rim and base; encrusted. White encrustation on base might be paint, but cannot be proven. Dull, light pinkish tan to orange clay, well levigated; paint dull dark chocolate to dilute; added red and white (on birds wings and rosette centers), some incision

Catalogue of Objects

H. 7.8; Diam. rim 14.0; Diam. base 6.0; W. of handles 3.6 cm Luce 1921B:55 no. 27; Dohan 1942:101 no. 15, pl. 52; (Beazley 1944:31—“near the Rosoni group”); Szilágyi 1998:344 no. 174, pl. 144.e; Moser, CVA forthcoming Ca. 590–560 BC Base is flaring ring with flat, pared bottom; deep body with tall, slightly flaring rim; thin horizontal handles round in section set on broadest part of shoulder. Glazed inside and out except for underside and outer edge of base, and reserved panels on shoulder and outer side of rim. Traces of fugitive, thin white concentric lines (at least three, perhaps more) on lower body over dark, dull brown to light orange paint. On interior, perhaps once set off with thin white lines, band of dark pinkish red; similar red bands on inner surface of rim, just below edge, and at juncture with body. Handles solid brown to orange. On each side of shoulder, reserved panel framed by red horizontal lines, with three waterbirds to right separated by two rosettes, dots, and other foliage. Red for birds’ wing feathers, alternating petals, and leaves; incision for heads, eyes, flight feathers, petals. Outer face of rim reserved, with row of enclosed rectangles of dark brown between rows of dots (Dohan refers to this as “Laconian” pattern). Szilágyi (1998:334–35, 350–71) discusses the prodigious output of this “third generation” workshop of EtruscoCorinthian painters of the “school of Vulci”; it seems especially to have worked to satisfy the huge market for vases in many shapes in the territory of Vulci itself. Such a demand for painted wares in useful shapes and reasonable sizes may reflect the growth by then of a significant class of affluent, but not necessarily aristocratic, urbanites in this area. Cups from the workshop of the Painter of the Large Rosettes are not

209: MS 557

205

uncommon in the territory of Vulci; see examples from Pitigliano in Mangani 1986:26–27, pl. 34 nos. 4–6 (see also 19–20 on pl. 20 for full description of style and parallels). The painter and his shop were innovators around 575 BC, and achieved some popularity with their lively if hectic imitations of Corinthian painted wares. They made a variety of drinking cups, mixing bowls (kraters), and novelty forms like ringvases, decorating them in an exaggerated version of the blowsy style of Middle Corinthian painting, with backgrounds filled with rather amorphous rosettes. The use of dots of added white is a technique practiced in the later days of this school.

210. ETRUSCO-CORINTHIAN CUP MS 640 Vulci Tomb 26 (Pitigliano) Intact; paint slightly worn in places; very slight encrustation. Pale, slightly pinkish buff, well-levigated clay with fine sparkling inclusions. Well-preserved fingerprints on underside of base. Paint slightly metallic, dark chocolate brown, with added dull dark red, and fugitive white overpaint Irregular grafitto A in reserved area on underside of base. H. 7.0; Diam. rim 14.3; Diam. base 5.3 cm Luce 1921B:54 no. 24; Dohan 1942:103 no. 9, pl. 51; Colonna 1961A:67 no. 2; Moser 1984:50–51 no. 31; Szilágyi 1998:524 no. 8, pl. 201.e; Moser, CVA forthcoming Ca. 575–560 BC Low skyphos on low, pared conical base, two small horizontal handles round in section, short, flaring everted rim; boss for tondo. Underside and edge of base reserved, remainder, inside and out, glazed except for reserved panel on each side of upper body and rim, reserved line on top of rim and inside at joint of rim and body. Each reserved line is framed by pair of lines in added purple red (somewhat fugitive). Ghost of one fugitive white line encircling lower body. In each panel, two waterbirds to right with one large rosette between them; on red groundline, with brown dots in field above and below; incision for eye, back of head, flight feathers, rosette center, and petals. Carefully executed pattern on adjacent rim: on reserved ground, on top and bottom, line of dots pendent from thin line, in reserved center, between two lines, rough rectangle of brown formed of two tones, left side dark brown, right half pale/dilute. An X is incised in rapid slashes on reserved underside of base.

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211. ETRUSCO-CORINTHIAN CHALICE MS 4837 Orvieto(?). [Large letters “1220” in black paint inside base] Mended from many fragments; approx. 1/4 of foot and body restored in plaster; preserves complete profile. Pale, light pinkish tan (peachy) with extremely fine abundant black and sparkling inclusions. Paint matt dark brown to orange; dull pinkish to purplish red, and added creamy white; some incision. Strokes from brush or cloth visible in brown paint in places. H. 14.8; Diam. rim approx. 15.4; Diam. base approx. 9.3 cm Luce 1921B:52 no. 12; Szilágyi 1998:346 no. 200; Moser, CVA forthcoming Ca. 590/580–560 BC

210: MS 640

Szilágyi has attributed this vase to the large group of cups produced in the Gruppo delle Macchie Bianche (White Blotches Group) of the larger “Codros” Circle of third-generation painters in the Etrusco-Corinthian style, originally described by Colonna (1961:67–69). The “white blobs” were once painted on the feathers of the trademark plump birds, although, like the added red favored by these painters, it tends to be fugitive. The vases of this type were widely distributed in the core area of Vulci, Italy in general, and abroad, as, for instance, at Carthage and Saint-Blaise (Gaul). This was one workshop or broker that had a close association with the merchant circuits of the mid-6th century, the Etruscan heyday on the seas. The letter A is found frequently on Etruscan vases, both at home and abroad (cf. MacIntosh 1974B:35–37, 41 fig. 7 nos. 4–5). For considerations on the incising of single letters on vases, see the reference under 204.

Chalice on tall, cylindrical pedestal foot with flaring base; plain, sharply carinated and extremely shallow body, with tall, slightly flared rim. Unglazed on inside/underside of foot; one band of animal frieze on lower foot and one on outer rim set off by solid-painted bands of brown on foot and lower body. Interior painted solid brown, dilute in places to orange; one red band around lower body and one around wall. Over brown is added red paint in narrow bands around lower body, and around foot to frame frieze; white lines set off frieze also. Waterbirds walking to right with large raised wings set off by blobs on foot. On outer rim, reserved band is larger and frieze has animals walking to right between large rosettes and blobs: waterbird, large rosette, lion or panther, waterbird, rosette, boar. Incision for outlines of petals, wings, haunches, faces of animals; added red for details (feathers, petals), and added

211: MS 4837

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white for eyes, feathers, etc.; among blobs (not incised) is one figure eight with dotted circles. Attributed by Szilágyi to the prolific output of the Pittore dei Rosoni (Painter of the Large Rosettes) of Vulci—see comments above (209). Compare the more elaborate chalice from Vulci in the Villa Giulia, Martelli 1987:134, 292 no. 87 (with discussion of tomb groups, metallic prototypes).

212. ETRUSCO-CORINTHIAN OLPE MS 644 Vulci Tomb 26 (Pitigliano) Intact; some dark reddish brown and creamy light encrustation Clay light pinkish orange, fine, slightly matt but close to Corinthian. Paint is matt to slightly lustrous orange to brownish orange, dilute in places. Added dull dark red and thin creamy white. Incision H. to rim 26.2 (rotelle project slightly); Diam. rim. 11.7; Diam. base 8.0; W. handle 2.3; Diam. rotella 2.8 cm Luce 1921B:55 no. 26; Dohan 1942:102, no. 1, pl. 51; Colonna 1961B:15 n. 1, no. 3; Moser, CVA forthcoming End of 7th to early 6th century BC Olpe on beveled and pared ring base, with rather slender body and neck, set off with one thin ring molding; rim slightly beveled. Vertical handle set on rim with thick rotelle. Glazed partway down inner rim, overall down to lower body which is reserved with thin rays emerging from single line at joint with beveled low ring base. White X on rotelle, dots/slashes over rim, dot rosette at base of handle and dot rosettes around neck. Three registers of floral patterns incised into painted solid bands separated by line of white dots, with details of floral patterns (petals, etc.) executed in alternating purple red or white. Alternating lotus and palmette chain in top register, broad-leaved lotus and palmette chain in center register, and palmettes inscribed in and between semicircles of double lines in lowest register. Incisions very carefully rendered. This finely executed olpe imitates, in rather colorful manner, the style of Middle Corinthian olpai with ornament rather than figured scenes. Attributed by Colonna to the Gruppo dei Fiori di Loto of ca. 600 BC; see Martelli 1987:104, 272–73 no. 51. Elaborate Orientalizing patterns on textiles, ostrich eggs, and ivories of the later 7th century must have inspired these painted versions. Compare the figured olpai of the Pittore degli Archetti Polichromi, Szilágyi 1992:176–79, pl. 74 (dated ca. 610–590 BC); Martelli 1987:116, 280 no. 64,

212: MS 644

there dated ca. 630–620 BC. Ours would be a careful, but less elaborate version of this style developed in Vulci. Much coarser versions of olpai decorated with semicircles and palmettes are well known—cf. Cappelletti and Roncalli 1992:31–39 (dated ca. 600 BC). The type seems to have been favored for depositions in the necropoleis of Vulci—cf. Falconi Amorelli 1983:131–32 no. 131 (Gruppo dei Fiori di Loto). A second olpe from the same workshop was found with this piece; see Dohan 1942:103 no. 2 (MS 643).

213. ETRUSCAN BLACK-FIGURE AMPHORA AND LID MS 2490A, B Orvieto Mended nearly complete from many fragments; small portion of body and neck restored in plaster. Lid has black stain over part of top surface, as if very dilute paint or ink. Fabric dull light orange to tan, abundant dark brown and fine sparkling inclusions. Paint dark to bright orange, slightly lustrous; over yellowish buff slip (where it appears reserved) A (vase): H. approx. 33.5 cm with lid in place. H. to rim 28.4 cm; Diam. rim (widest) 14.3; Diam. base 10.1; W. handles 3.4 cm B (lid): mended nearly complete from several frag-

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ments; chipped; Lid Diam. 13.6; H. through knob approx. 4.9; Diam. of interior flange (outer face) 8.5 cm Hall 1914:222–26, figs. 111–12; Luce 1921B:84–85 no. 57 (This and related Orvietan grave groups, obtained in 1897, are under study by A. B. Brownlee.) Ca. 500–480 BC Amphora with flaring base, conical body with broad shoulder, wide neck, and flaring mouth; handles formed of three rods of clay so large that attaching them forced mouth of vase into an irregular outline. The shallow lid has thin flange on interior surface, but mouth of amphora is so irregular that lid must always have been ill-fitting; it is surmounted by large conical knob. Lid is reserved beneath, red painted on upper surface, with single reserved line. On amphora, thin black line on reserved underside of base; entire body painted solid red except for panel on each side extending from lower body to rim, and rim solid red extending inside neck. In panels on neck (side B): wavy sigmas, with three bands below extending onto shoulder— row of dots between rows of pendent tongues; shoulder plain (light); in panel formed by two lines above and one below for groundline, mule walks to right in orange paint (smeared between forefeet and dripped over field), incision for outline muscles, mane, harness, eye, and necklace with two bullae. Side A: same format, but in neck panel an odd, upright radiating floral pattern (palmette?) of oval solid center and 9 (or 10?) wavy “leaves,” previously described as an octopus. On body, nude youth runs to right carrying small round shield on his left arm; he looks back over his right shoulder and outstretched arm, which is held out, fingers together and curled upward in gesture common to dancers of painted tombs. Incision for outline of body, muscles, nipples, shield device, eye, mouth, ear, and roll of hair. Paint very smeared below and around legs. Incision for shield device, chest, nipples, muscles, genitals. Solid for remainder of body and outer foot. Foot reserved below, flared ring base with single black line on lower edge. Lid orange above with one reserved band; knob solid. The shape, details such as lid and its finial, and the style of painting, with simple figures in a reserved rectangular field below a neck with haphazard ornament, place this vase in the Gruppo di Orvieto, made there late in the development of Etruscan Black-Figure style. (Claudio Bizzarri, in a visit in April 2002 kindly confirmed the Orvietan workshop of this piece.) Compare the amphora of identical shape and lid, part of tomb group 1/1893 from the Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis, Martelli 1987:187, 313 no. 138.2 (with matched stamnos, no.

213: MS 2490A, B

138.3). See for different works of this group, Cappelletti and Roncalli 1992:115–24. The workshop may have been producing hastily to meet a sudden demand, for the glaze of these vases as well as the Museum’s, which would normally be black, was allowed to oxidize to orange red in firing. Different vases from this workshop show more evidence of inexpert or

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hurried workmanship, and similar subject matter: Martelli 1987:178–79 nos. 131–32. (Their no. 131 is nearly vitrified and misshapen, yet clearly was acquired by a consumer— further proof that the market for imitation Greek vases had increased dramatically in Etruria, and people clamored for products of whatever quality.) The shield device drawn as a billowing set of curves forming a circle with intersecting semicircles at its center is perhaps to be understood as a hastily drawn flower calyx—compare the later flowers borrowed from South Italian vase painting for the engraved hand-mirrors such as van der Meer 1983:15 no. 3, 47 fig. (late 4th century). For other examples of Etruscan BlackFigure technique, see 194 and 176.

214. BOSSED-RIM BASIN MS 1304 Narce Intact; single piece missing small chips from rim; corroded, rough surfaces, bright to dark green overall, with patches of dark cobalt blue on underside. Traces of white encrustation on interior. Bronze Diam. (rim) 23.5; H. 5.4 cm 7th–6th century BC Shallow bowl beaten up from single sheet of bronze; convex, everted, and curling rim is worked with repoussé on its upper surface, single row of small hemispherical bosses beaten up from outer/lower side. Bossed-rim basins are a sort of type fossil of early Etruscan metallurgy and have been identified, in early versions, elsewhere in the Italian archipelago (e.g., Sicily), and in 6th–5th century commerce in settlements in Gaul and beyond. Another,

214: MS 1304

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nearly identical basin from Narce (no grave group) is in the study collection: MS 1304 (H. 4.3; Diam. rim 22.3 cm). Very close to the Museum’s is a basin from Tomb B at Poggio Buco, dated to the second quarter of the 7th century (Matteucig 1951:29 no. 65, pl. 23 no. 5). Bossed-rim basins were used extensively in the banquet service and funeral, and are well known from funerary finds in Etruria and the Faliscan territory and in export contexts such as the Pertuis and Hochdorf tombs. They seem to have traveled widely along with Etruscan cargoes of wine and other bronze vessels, like Schnabelkannen (Albanese Procelli 1985). In general, the more shallow basins are later in type. See Bouloumié 1986:69–70. Compare a fine basin of about the same size as these two, found placed over the feet of an Umbrian warrior buried at Colfiorito di Foligno during the later 6th century BC: Bonfante and Roncalli 1991:152, 161–62 no. 2.24 (another, 165–66 no. 2.31), where it is suggested that one of the factories producing such basins was in Orvieto. The Umbrian find had been ritually damaged for burial with holes punched through it. Cf. Jurgeit 1999:262–64 nos. 417–22, pls. 129–30, with full references on parallels and commercial aspects.

215. STAMNOS MS 1313 Vulci Intact, except for small holes where corrosion has worn through; dented; although missing handles that had been soldered on (no rivets). Encrusted overall dark blackish to olive green to cobalt blue. One small round hole drilled in top of rim—at depression, probably modern, from a past restoration. Bronze H. 24.4; Diam. rim 17.0; Diam. base 13.6 cm 5th century BC Stamnos of classical shape, with straight short neck, wide shoulder, flat base. Bottom of one sheet extends just over base of body, which is beaten up from separate sheet. One section of rim has sharply demarcated area of excellent patina, bright greenish blue, as if it had been preserved under handle or other object. Rim flat on top, everted and down-turned in two fasciae. Although no trace remains, vessel probably had pair of handles soldered onto shoulder (compare 216). Fine large vessels of bronze were produced in the factories of Vulci; a close, perhaps slightly earlier parallel with different handles was excavated in the late 6th–early 5th century Tomba del Guerriero at Vulci; see Pallottino et al. 1980:56–57 no. 52.

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behind beads. Undersurfaces of palmettes have smooth edge and are deeply hollowed, with traces of smoothing of original waxes, and thin casting drips evident on parts of interior surface. Both handles were gilded over entire outer surface, with ample traces of gold also remaining on underside of palmette attachments of MS 2336. The handles probably decorated vessel of sheet bronze, to which they must have been attached only by solder. A stamnos in the Vatican has a slightly different profile from 215, but retains handles similar to the Museum’s: Buranelli 1992:124 no. 99. Compare the more ornate handles, Beazley and Magi 1941:203 nos. 56–57, pl. 64; and see stamnos references above.

215: MS 1313

Compare the earlier examples in Jurgeit 1999: pls. 170–71 nos. 554 and 558. Beazley and Magi 1941:188 no. 22, pl. 59 is very close; the type was frequently completed with leaf-shaped handle attachments with silen heads. On the development and diffusion of the stamnos type, see Shefton 1988. 216: MS 2336, MS 2338

216. PAIR OF STAMNOS HANDLES MS 2336, MS 2338 Chiusi. Coleman Collection Intact; preserving traces of original surface over reddish to golden metallic color. Traces of creamy dark green corrosion on the undersides of the attachment plates and inner surface of handles. Bronze, gilded Each handle: H. 6.6; W. 9.3; Depth approx. 3.2; attachment surfaces approx. 4.1 x 3.2 cm Coleman Catalogue: 8 no. 52; Luce 1921B:215 no. 22 5th century BC Matched pair of solid-cast, horizontal upturned handles for stamnos or stamnoid situla, round in section, with four beaded ridges on their outer faces. Beading is only apparent in places, and surfaces rounded in others. Transverse band of plain moldings with beaded molding in center is set in center of each handle, and both ends terminate in deep, horizontal seven-pointed palmette plaque with plinth-like edges. Palmette terminates in curly volute, with three deep beads at its joint with handle. Thin band runs around handle

217. BASIN HANDLE MS 2314 Fig. 27 Cortona. Coleman Collection Intact; fine dark green patina, with traces of rougher corrosion, and stains as if contact with iron, on interior rim and top surface of handle. Bronze, cast H. overall (as if on upright basin) approx. 3.6; W. handle ring 9.6; Depth 5.3; H. attachment plate 4.8 cm Coleman Catalogue:10 no. 85; Luce 1921B:216 no. 26; White et al. 2002:26 no. 41 4th century BC Thin groove inside top of attachment plate to accommodate rim of basin of thin sheet bronze. Cast bronze handle for basin, five-faced horizontal, semicircular handle in one with semicircular attachment plate with deeply convex back and fine relief molded surface. Three outer edges of handle have fine beaded molding. Upper edge of plate is molded with triply molded rings as if it were bound to handle; face of plate has shallow relief of two loose volutes from which depend three-

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217: MS 2314

petalled palmettes; pendent in center is single feather-like leaf with hatched faces. This one-handled basin type was a common offering in burials of the 4th and 3rd centuries in Etruria proper and the area of Bologna. A basin, complete with nearly identical handle, was found in Bologna, Benacci necropolis tomb 953 (a warrior buried with gold wreath, during the period when the Gauls dominated this region). See Morigi Govi and Vitali 1982:325, top fig., also in Vitali 1992:291 no. 10, pl. 34, dated by context to the first decades of the 3rd century BC. (Full references and parallels under a simpler version, Vitali 1992:148–49 no. 2.) At Bolsena, a similar basin (now in the Vatican) was inscribed larisal harenies ´suthina, “belonging to the tomb of Laris Harenie”—see M. Pandolfini, REE in SE 44 (1976):246 no. 49, pl. 49, and Buranelli 1992:139 nos. 118–20.

218. HAND-MIRROR 48-2-201 Said to have been found “in the ruins of Vetulonia, Italy.” Hilprecht Collection (no. 315). Gift of Elise Biddle Paumgarten (1948). Hilprecht’s note states “Bought of Madame Paccini in Firenze. Nov. 26, 1912 (20 Lire).” Mended from five fragments, preserving approx. 3/4 of disc; two old mends with strips of copper evident on reflecting side. Corroded pale light green through dark reddish brown metallic color, and missing several fragments, cracks and chips, preserves about 3/4 of disc, missing exergue but otherwise preserving complete rim. Creamy yellowish encrustation on both sides. Bronze Pres. L. 15.5; Diam. disc 14.9; Th. 0.01 (disc) to 0.03 cm (handle) De Puma, CSE forthcoming Second half of 4th century BC

218: 48-2-201

Mirror disc of very thin bronze, reflecting side barely convex, rim showing tapering exergue, thin in-turned edge with very slight trace of beading on reflecting side. Scene with two figures almost heraldically confronted, running satyr on left and boyish maenad standing on right; between them is thin tree stump with knobbed top and single pair of leaves. Maenad, nude except for cloak thrown round her neck, its tips trailing against background on each side of her shoulders, stands on her right leg, left bent back at knee, and her upper body arched slightly backward. She turns her head out/to right and looks away; her curly hair is held with smooth padded headband. The satyr moves with crossed legs, left trailing behind, and arms raised; short, perfunctory tail is shown as if placed rather high on his back. In ground behind him, without support, sit two bronze

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vessels, large stamnos with elongated body and upturned handles, on tall cylindrical base, and, just below satyr’s tail, stout S-handled oinochoe. Engraved details include faces, hair, and musculature of both figures (chest, abdomen, genitals). Traces of pointed oval leaves or drapery in upper left border of scene. A parallel for format and engraving style, with a scene of the rescue of Hesione and her marriage to Telamon, may be from the same workshop and is now in Perugia, Museo Archeologico: see Bonfante and Roncalli 1991:302–5 no. 7.4. Two objects depicted with the figures, a stamnos (cf. 215) and S-handle oinochoe (cf. 219), probably reflected vase types also manufactured in the bronze workshop that produced this mirror, and their shapes (more than those of the human figures) are good indicators of the date of this engraving, since “hardware,” in contrast to emotive images of humans or gods, tended to develop in a regular and easily documented progression. The S-handle oinochoe is of a type popular during the second half of the 4th century BC, and finer examples are decorated with figurines for their handles. See a bronze oinochoe from the rich Peschiera tomb 1 of Todi, with a satyr figure as its handle, Bonfante and Roncalli 1991:364–66 no. 8.12.

219. S-HANDLE OINOCHOE MS 2371 Chiusi. Coleman Collection Single piece, missing handle and chips from body; corroded with rough surfaces, coppery metallic color mottled with dark brown. Bronze Pres. H. 13.4; Diam. base 8.2 cm Coleman Catalogue:5 no. 4 5th–4th century BC

219: MS 2371

Small oinochoe of characteristic Etruscan shape. Beaten up from single plate of bronze (note round indentation in center of bottom); flat base molded at edge to form concave cylindrical body; sharply carinated shoulder, sloping neck pinched into two loops at back and drawn out into elongated, upturned beak-like mouth. Handle, now missing, would have been cast solid in an elongated S-shape rising above rim and curving down to shoulder, would have been soldered on at rim, and possibly below—a single round rivet hole remains on lower body. Compare Jurgeit 1999:379, pls. 192–96; the Museum’s small oinochoe is paralleled by 385–86 nos. 629–30, pl. 196, known as the Krauskopf type. See also Blanck and Proietti 1986:39 figs. 28–29. As suggested by Ingrid Krauskopf (1995:77) and the famous Chalkas mirror (de Grummond 1982:fig. 89), one probable use of such jugs was the ritual washing of hands.

220. MESOMPHALIC PHIALE MS 2328 Chiusi. Coleman Collection. [On outer surface, traces of two paper labels, one rectangular with red edge, other oval, with fine, greenish blue edge printed in shell or curtain pattern] Intact; corroded deep blue on exterior (azurite), pale creamy green above. Traces of creamy encrustation on both sides. Bronze H. 2.2; Diam. 11.6 cm Coleman Catalogue: 8 no. 47 First half of 5th century BC Small, well-made phiale or shallow round bowl with slightly widened flat rim, conical projection in center of interior formed by hammering up from hollow base. Bowl’s weight is surprising for its small size. Compare a close parallel in Jurgeit 1999:302–3 no. 504, pl. 152 (with references), from the land of Prince Canino (thus

220: MS 2328

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Vulci). She notes its affinities with central Etruria, in dated tomb groups; an earlier version is known in Orvietan bucchero.

221. ROUND-MOUTH OINOCHOE MS 2369 Chiusi. Coleman Collection Nearly intact; body chipped, extremely corroded, bumpy mottled light green through black with traces of bronze metallic showing in breaks; handle has been reattached in conservation (2002). Bronze H. through rim 9.7; H. with handle approx. 12.3; Diam. rim 5.3; Diam. base 4.7; H. of handle 7.0 cm Coleman Catalogue: 5 no. 6 5th–4th century BC Small oinochoe with ring-like base, broad shoulder, horizontal mouth with everted rim. Rim has beaded molding on top edge, ovolo molding on convex outer face; body set off from base with single groove gives impression of round molding. Solid-cast handle is narrow, high-flung, has single longitudinal groove. Compare Jurgeit 1999:404–5 no. 665, pl. 205 (“probably 4th century”).

221: MS 2369

222. CISTA FOOT MS 1656 Said to have come from a site near Lake Bolsena Intact; corroded medium green, mottled with reddish brown metallic patches. Traces of creamy encrustation on outer surface of figure; traces of brown, claylike encrustation on interior underside of foot do not appear metallic. Old covering of modern wax has been removed (conservation, 2001). Bronze H. 8.3; plinth 4.2 x 3.8 cm Museum Journal 1920:46 case X, no. 2; Luce 1921B:214 no. 2 5th century BC Heavy cast-bronze foot for cista that was made of sheet bronze or other material, has thin square plinth, open below and behind, with large feline paw atop it. Crowning paw is relief figure of frontal siren, with deep wings spread at her sides, lionlike paws, and human face, with fine features and feminine waves of hair brushed back from central part; she wears veil over crown of her head, covering domed headdress or hairdo. Ascending, wing-like volute rises from beside each foot to join underside of each wing. Between her ankles, relief is openwork, although an irregular blob of bronze between ankles may remain from an incompletely cut wax original. Behind siren’s back, bronze is formed in deep, narrow ledge with rounded top to support cista body; irregularly rounded surfaces behind this are either traces of corroded solder or residue of casting. Small rectangular hole is cut through “ankle” from front to back to take pin or rivet (now missing). Pin seems to be placed too low to secure cista body made only of sheet metal, and might have been for wooden frame or for different vessel shape.

222: MS 1656

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Compare the kneeling winged youth type on feline foot in Paris (Adam 1984:30–31 nos. 29–30, related to late 5th and early 4th century cistae. A similar design with volute supports like the Museum’s is on the cista in the British Museum, Bordenacche Battaglia and Emiliozzi 1979:116–18 no. 31, pls. 145–46, pl. 169 no. 41.

with droplets formed by casting, and bottom surface of foot is slightly concave. Note the volute-plinth supporting figured scenes above a feline foot characteristic of some Vulcian workshops: Adam 1984:31–34 nos. 31–34 (4th century). The satyr in sprawling pose, but with openwork complete, is similar in a foot found at Tell Sukas (Syria): see Jurgeit 1986:156, pl. 53e, who identifies it as an Etruscan import of the last quarter of the 5th century.

223. CISTA FOOT MS 511 No provenance. Gift of Francis C. Macauley Intact; only slightly corroded, retaining dark metallic surfaces slightly mottled with green to black. Bronze H. 6.0; W. of plaque 4.2; Diam. of foot 3.1; depth of ledge on inner face (to accommodate cista body) approx. 1.0 cm Luce 1921B:215–16 no. 24 Later 5th century BC

224. CISTA HANDLES AND CARRIERS MS 1636A, B No provenance Intact; corroded in places a deep creamy green over dark brownish metallic; encrusted in places; one carrier plaque has torn edge as if it had been deliberately damaged. Bronze Both handle carriers: L. 10.5; W. 6.9; Total H. 7.4; Diam. of holes to carry handles 1.2 cm. Handles: L. 23.7; H. 12.7; Max. W. of band 1.7 cm Museum Journal 1920:46 case X, no. 25; Luce 1921B:216 no. 25 Late 4th–3rd century BC

Solid-cast foot for cista made of sheet bronze in form of feline paw with four clawed toes resting on low round plinth with concave edge. Foot merges above with low volute support for an upstanding relief of satyr reclining on his left side. His left elbow rests on two small round pillows, as he supports his head on his hand; space between elbow and body is openwork, but other spaces are not. Simplified modeling displays loincloth or himation, raised right knee with right arm draped over it, epigastric arch, and frontal face with smooth broad beard, long moustache, heavy hair, and large animal ears. Relief figure is shallow, and back surface of leg forms shallow ledge behind it to hold cista itself, which must have been soldered into place, since no rivet holes evident. Back of satyr is rough

Heavy solid-cast handles and carriers from very large object such as cista or situla. Carriers, crescent-shaped plaques with perpendicular eyelet element of two circles with relief scallop shell

223: MS 511

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Catalogue of Objects

above their juncture, and sharp-pointed volute emerging from outside of each, traces of engraved notches or dots around outer faces of circular eyes. On plaque surface outside eyelets, downward-pointing sharp-leaved palmette on each side frames large frontal Hercle head, youthful oval face framed by lionskin, its nose over his forehead, its heavy paws tied beneath his chin. Edges of crescents also notched. Bail handles, heavy bands tapered at ends and terminating in four-petaled lotus buds; raised upper edges also notched. Inner surface of vertical eyelet element carries single horizontal point “spur” on opposite sides to serve as stop for handles. Waxes, although of same dimensions, show marked differences on relief decoration, head on A is more carefully rendered, with sharp triangular nose, fingers on paws of lion, and nice human features; B has coarse, flatter face and loses much of detail of lionskin, especially nose. Compare the more ambitious and carefully executed situla handles and carriers with satyr and female (gorgon) head in Paris: Adam 1984:15–16 no. 18. The handles are nearly identical, as are the eyelets with shells, although Adam, noting the unusual configuration, opens the possibility that the piece might be a pastiche. She suggests a 3rd century date, based upon the style of the satyr figure (which bears no relation to the Museum’s piece). Compare for shape the handle attachments for a situla, now in Boston, Comstock and Vermeule 1971:374–76 no. 522 (4th century BC).

225. BIRD FINIAL MS 3350 Pl. 18 Said to have come from Cerveteri. Gift of John Wanamaker Intact, although probably came from a much larger, ornate object. Gold H. 1.0; L. 1.0; opening in bottom approx. 0.1; Width/ Depth approx 0.5 cm (slightly distorted/flattened) White et al. 2002:27 no. 42 7th century BC Hawk-like bird constructed from two stamped sheets of gold, formed with relief for eyes, beak, cheeks, rounded forms of breast, wings, and rump/ tail. Very carefully modeled as seen in face. Short, broad, slightly hooked beak; large round eyes. Surface decorated with single lines of gold granules of uniform size; they are so carefully set that they look like wire, but under magnification may be seen to be actual granules of gold. Long griffin-like curls on sides of neck—both in relief and granulation outline; outline of wing and transverse lines for flight feathers; curls also over back of head and down back onto tail; traces of tiny grains under rump. Method of construction may be seen where two halves of sheet

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metal separated slightly, longitudinally down back. On underside is inserted tiny open cylinder of sheet gold for attachment to larger artifact. Four quite similar birds, unadorned with granulation, appear on the convoluted bow of a gold drago fibula found in the Barberini Tomb 225: MS 3350 at Praeneste and dated, along with its rich goods, to the second quarter of the 7th century BC (Cristofani and Martelli 1983:93, 259–60 no. 25). A set of duck-like birds with tubular bases and granulation appear on the contemporary drago fibula from Marsiliana d’Albegna (Banditella Tomb 2, ibid., 109, 266–67 no. 50), as on the famous gold brooch from the Regolini Galassi Tomb of Caere (ca. 650 BC, ibid., 97, 262 no. 32). It has been suggested that the workshop was in southern Etruria (probably at Caere), and that its fibulae appeared in this period and continued into the later 7th century.

226. A BAULE–TYPE EARRING MS 3345c Pl. 23 (top) No provenance (although acquired with other gold artifacts said to be from Cerveteri). Gift of John Wanamaker Intact; parts of high decoration now dented or abraded, but very close to original condition… Gold (sheet, wire, and granulation) and silver (length of wire/spring in one end of clasp) W. of band 0.9 to 1.1; Pres. Diam. of entire earring (slightly squashed) 1.4; W. of rim 0.2; length of post/hook 0.5 cm Luce 1921B:209 no. 15 (probably: cf. no. 164); White et al. 2002:22 no. 34 (top) Second half of 6th century BC A broad band of sheet gold worked with three parallel ridges along its outer surface, and with both edges bent at 90° to form deep rim. One top of each of three ridges is set an extremely fine band of twisted gold wire—with naked eye, it looks like beading. One end of band is rolled into cylinder with open ends and straight section of its center cut away. And within it is set tiny silver wire to which gold wire transverse hook is attached—end of hook, curled around silver wire, forms rectangle within exposed silver center of cylinder. Open end of gold hook is now bent down inside curve of other side of earring band (approx. 0.4 cm more—

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thus earwire was originally almost 1 cm long). Within rims of edges, filigree pattern formed of slightly overlapping single loops of gold wire, as if chain was pressed down sideways. On end opposite silver “hinge,” three-dimensional design formed of an upright conical, bud-shaped hollow bead set between two spherical beads, all constructed of two hemispheres of gold sheet. Between and around them, lengths of thin band and twisted wire form pattern of volutes set off by a few gold granules (e.g., on sides of upright bud), at distance giving impression of palmette volute pattern. Below this, overlying sheet-gold band, is main decoration, a single square panel enclosing an elaborate granulation and filigree design. Between it and beaded edge, single band of enclosed, splayed loops matching earring rims; lower border is hollow tube of sheet gold worked in form of beaded molding. Design of large central rosette, with smaller rosettes each corner, alternates with partial rosette or foliage on each side of central rosette. The small rosettes constructed of sheet gold in hemispheres and relief with radiating ribs like flower petals, their tops indented or beaded, set off with wire, spiral wire and few granules. Central rosette is cup of sheet gold surrounded by single row of chain or tightly superimposed loops; outer border of plain wire. Half-flowers or leaves on all four sides of central element, between full rosettes. On the construction of the delicate a baule earrings, see Cosentino and Devoto 1995: pls. 8–9. While each piece is unique by virtue of the construction and granulation techniques, compare Scarpignato 1985:43–45 nos. 35, 37 for examples in the Vatican of similar design, somewhat more ornate, with further references.

227. BEAD MS 3351 Pl. 19 Said to have come from Cerveteri. Gift of John Wanamaker Intact; slightly dented. Gold Diam. 0.9; Diam. of suspension rings 0.2 cm Luce 1921B:209 no. 10 Late 6th century BC Bulla-like bead constructed of sphere of two halves of sheet gold, with double loops of gold wire for two upright handles set on top beside round, carefully formed opening. Bottom has single large grain of gold like fruit or bud; rest of surface is thickly covered in fine decoration: five oval petals surround drop, radiating outward; their pointed tips merge with an outward-pointed heart-shaped leaf in wire, which is confronted with smaller heartshaped leaf that is connected to rim of hole by one small oval petal. Cloissons (in reverse, they are smooth) entirely surrounded by polviscolo granules—a few missing but well preserved. Sphere

is slightly dented; each handle is formed of two separate loops of plain wire. Close parallels are a set of pendent beads, each slightly different, that had formed part of a necklace buried with a young woman around the end of the 6th–beginning of the 227: MS 3351 5th century BC, at Fidenae, outside Rome: see Di Gennaro 1990:67–68, nos. 13–18 and color pl. I. For similar technique and decoration, compare the beads in a fine necklace from Cetona dated to the end of the 6th century BC (Cristofani and Martelli 1983:171, 293–94 no. 154, in Berlin). It is suggested that the Cetona necklace was made in a workshop in Vulci that was active during the end of the 6th century and beginning of the 5th. Compare the style and technique of beads in PlatzHorster and Tietz 1995:56–62, fig. 8.2. Design of a bead adapted as a tiny vase by the addition of handles is seen in many necklaces, often as a contrast to bullae of lentoid shape: compare early 4th century examples from Tarquinia in the British Museum (Cristofani and Martelli 1983:209, 306 no. 215, the type traced to the 5th century BC). The finishing touch of a drop or sphere of gold at the bottom is also common in 4th century earrings and beads; compare the later pendent spheres/vases on 4th century horseshoe earrings and necklaces from several Etruscan cities (ibid., 225–26 nos. 243, 244; 233 no. 258). Some beads in the Thorvaldsens Museum, Copenhagen, seem to be of the same type: Brijder et al. 1989:131 fig. 126.

228. SPHINX STATUE, FRAGMENTARY HEAD MS 721 Narce Tomb 21 Single fragment, broken on all sides except right side of head; very weathered, abraded, with several old pick-marks. Coarse stone is still very friable. Nenfro; coarse, almost sandy texture, with abundant white, black, and brown particles of varying sizes, also many small voids. Interior broken surfaces of stone show variety of colors, from very pale grayish buff to deep reddish gray. Outer surfaces, which had been exposed to weathering, grayish yellow Max. Pres. H. 43.0; Max. Pres. W. (through temples) 16.5; Depth 24.5 cm Dohan 1933:170, pl. 12; Dohan 1942:78 no. 5, pl. 40 Early to mid-6th century BC

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Giglioli 1935: pl. 78 nos. 4–5. A slightly later composition is dated ca. 540–520 BC, Jucker et al. 1991:290 no. 386.

229. WINGED LION STATUE, FRAGMENTARY

228: MS 721 Fragment of massive head from statue of sphinx or similar creature, with her right eye, cheek, bridge of nose, and right side of chin preserved, along with crown of head and much of long tresses framing right side of massive neck/bust. Heavy, oval face with short nose, huge arched eyes, lower lids recessed, eyeballs convex; low forehead with straight hairline parted in center and rounded ridges for horizontal locks pulled back from part and held in rounded fillet that ends abruptly at right temple. Below fillet fall traces of at least seven cylindrical locks of hair, two in front worked with slanting ridges, remainder plain and smoothed. Locks all end in abrupt, straight lines at what may have been shoulder level. Area below chin is very broad and marked with two curving grooves that must either be neckline and jewelry or breast of sphinx. Broken sides have sheared off in flat planes, probably helped by trimming done by original dealer/finder. Lower end of fragment below hair, thus right shoulder or side of figure, is smoothed and convex, as if rest of body was either simple cylinder or rather stiffly seated sphinx. Although no traces of paint remain, it is likely that sphinx was decorated, and that smooth surfaces of face and hair were protected during its display in Narce necropolis by coat of paint. A fragmentary head of tufa found in a ruined chamber tomb at Narce (Monte Cerreto Tomb 31) shows a similar treatment of the hair, with details preserved on the front locks and the remainder rendered as tubular shapes beneath a low cranium with thin fillet; see Pasqui 1895:507, fig. 202. See

59-24-1 Fig. 28 No provenance Single fragment, battered, preserving front section of lion figure, including entire head, neck, chest, and upper section of forelegs and adjacent chest/belly. Break beneath runs diagonally, such that more of lion’s left shoulder and wing preserved than right. Both ears chipped, little remains of right ear; mane and tips of all four canines very chipped; surfaces scratched. Nenfro, light gray Max. Pres. H. 62.5; Max. Pres. L. 45.0; Max. Pres. W. (through wings/shoulders) 28.5 cm Kohler 1960; Vermeule 1961:18–19, fig. 8; Hus 1977:43 no. E19, pl. 14g.; White et al. 2002:27 no. 43; Van Kampen, forthcoming Mid-6th century BC Front part of massive (lifesize?) funerary statue of standing winged lion. Body is treated as composite of different forms: barrel-shaped torso; straight, nearly rectangular forelegs; arching cylindrical neck; and boxy broad roaring muzzle. Wings, shallow

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229: 59-24-1 relief, curved sections that merge with upper legs, with sharp, diagonal ridges of varying depths set beneath ridged wing outline to indicate flight feathers. Two bulging muscles of backs of legs emerge from lower wing. Mane is smooth-edged ridge set in slight curve over eyes with perpendicular ridge running over spine—spine ridge may have had an undulating edge, but chipping precludes closer identification. Face is carefully modeled with relief grooves and ridges for cheeks, forehead, nose, dewlaps, wrinkles over muzzle, leaf-shaped ears pointed backward, tongue with central groove; teeth—canines were conical/triangular, other teeth crescentshaped. Legs, belly undercut; smoothed (and protected/less weathered) surfaces indicate its original stance outdoors was upright or sitting to attention with straight forelegs. Hus attributed the Museum’s lion to the sculptor of another lion from Vulci, which preserves most of a striding body; Hus 1961:47 no. 25, pl. 25. The sibling, in the Florence Museo Archeologico (inv. 75963), is wingless, but the head, also roaring, shows the same configuration of wrinkled grimace and leafshaped ears, as well as carving style. Brown (1960:66–70) linked the Florence statue with several other lions of Vulci and Musignano. He related their style to the famous Vulci centaur

and hippocamp rider statues, and indicated a date of the second quarter of the 6th century for the lions. Two roaring lions closely related to the Museum’s must once have formed a pair of guardians for the entrance to a family tomb at Vulci; they were found south of the Ponte Sodo in the Vulci necropolis and are now in the Castello della Badia museum at the site. Compare the lion excavated at the Cuccumelletta tumulus of Vulci; Sgubini Moretti 1994: pl. 8 no. 19. On a visit to the University Museum in 2000, Iefke Van Kampen, who is preparing the corpus of Vulci lions, kindly identified a parallel with a piece in an American private collection, suggesting that the two might have formed a pair as guardians of a tomb in the territory of Vulci.

230. CHIUSINE RELIEF-DECORATED CIPPUS, FRAGMENT MS 2139 No provenance Single fragment, broken on all sides except for a portion of upper left corner, of cubical cippus with relief surfaces. Fragment sheared in horizontal planes according to stone’s layers, but has four or more heavy pickmarks across back surface: clearly modern dealer trimmed fragment to size of brick. Two modern vertical drill holes set into bottom surface from old mounting. Chiusine pietra fetida stone, very fine textured creamy buff with sedimentary thin layers evident. Surfaces weathered to grayish buff. Traces of red paint Max. Pres. H. 7.3; Max. Pres. L. 23.7; Max. Pres. Depth 12.7 cm End of 6th–beginning of 5th century BC

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Fragment from upper left side of Chiusine cippus of standard cubical form, but with less common variant of usual low-relief decoration. Piece may preserve slight trace of raised border framing (missing) relief below, crowning cavetto molding, in badly abraded raised area on its upper right corner. It is missing entire back side and entire right side and corner, preserving only part of left end of front relief scene, and right end of short-side which continued activity. On front side, traces of prothesis scene with, from left to right, woman lamenting, facing right, with flexed, raised arms held beside and in front of her face, hands clenched as if about to scratch her cheeks. In front of her, veiled woman with frontal shoulders, arms akimbo, and veiled head in profile to right; she wears symmetrical mantle falling in wide loops over her shoulders. On right end of fragment, traces of third woman on far right moving toward others, with symmetrical mantle over shoulder and her right arm raised straight up before her head. Background field is plain and smooth. Once-intricate detail is still evident in carving of women’s fingers and faces, with “Ionian” style profiles of long, sloping noses, plump cheeks, and almond eyes. The smooth, clinging hair, or more likely veil, covering head and back of lefthand figure retains traces of dark purplish red paint. On short side: woman (slightly larger in scale than those on front) in short-sleeved dress running to right toward vertical border, presumably post of tent or doorway. She carries jug in her outstretched left hand, her fingers clasped against its low, ovoid body, its unused handle in front of her face; her right hand is held against her chest and originally clasped another object. Her features match those of other women, while her hair, dressed in waves over her forehead, is pulled behind her ear to fall down her shoulders in braids or curled tresses. Traces of red paint adhere to it. Right edge/corner of block is carved with thin, rectangular upright element with two fasciae, like column or post of doorway, its top covered with end of swag of drapery which billows down in front of woman’s head. Our fragment has clearly broken along the planes of the sedimentary pietra fetida (so named because of pockets of gas trapped within the prehistoric marine sediments of which it was formed) and was part of a block-like tomb marker with molded top. (The surface on the preserved corner seems to show the beginning of the cavetto molding.) The scene is of a prothesis in which (patterned on Greek models) the women of the family mourn over the freshly prepared corpse before the burial. It seems that this image was usually reserved to depict the funeral of a woman, who would be shown clothed and veiled on her bier. In the complete cippus, the long side would have had the

230: MS 2139 body lying on a couch, with women wailing over it, some bringing unguents or other offerings. The presence of draperies—curtains or awnings—show that this takes place indoors or under a tent. Although there is no exact duplicate of the composition of our scene, several complete cippi furnish parallels for this activity. See Jannot 1984:368–73 (theme); 47 no. 6, pl. 169; 81–82 no. 35, pls. 292–93 (Copenhagen H 205); 92–93 no. 4, pl. 322 (Paris 3602) showing mourners with fans and vases. (Variant and later versions of the scene: Jannot 1984: pls. 557, 561, addendum B,III,6a, b.) The technique and composition place the Museum’s fragment in Jannot’s group C (shallow relief, even background, mannered gestures, finely detailed drapery). The figure on the long side with arms akimbo probably stood behind the foot of the bier. (The example in Copenhagen, which also shows the tent-framework, is also illustrated in Haynes 2000:244–45 fig. 199.)

231. BUCCHERO DISH/MODEL BOAT L-64-202 No provenance. Loan from Philadelphia Museum of Art; original inv. no. 99-131 Intact; surfaces slightly dull, perhaps from erosion or water. Dull, light black bucchero fabric with traces of white inclusions and abundant fine sparkling inclusions.

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232: MS 1283

231: L-64-202

Only slight traces of burnishing or polishing marks on outer surface; interior very dull H. 3.5; L. 18.1; W. 6.6 cm; base approx. 8.6 x 3.3 cm) 6th century BC Molded angular, oval boat shape with flat almond-shaped base, “keel” raised line from corners of base out to finials, molded in shape of downturned rams’ heads. Rim is smooth, flat, merging with tops of rams’ heads and inset toward interior to form flange suitable for lid, though none present. Interior plain, unmolded, in elliptical shape. Rams’ heads have heavy, plain muzzles, single curved spiral horns, and almond-shaped eyes emphasized by incised outline. A simpler, slightly earlier boat model in dark impasto now in Copenhagen was found at Capena and probably represents a riverboat (see Roberts 2000; Blinkenberg and Friis Johansen 1937: pl. 201 no. 8). An impasto boat with hand-modeled rams’ heads in Malibu has been dated to the first half of the 6th century; see De Puma 1996: pl. 298, with references to other examples. Other types of Villanovan and archaic boat models: Göttlicher 1978:77–80 nos. 441–76.

H. to rim 9.3; H. through handles 13.4; Diam. rim 14.8; Diam. foot 6.6; W. handle 1.7 cm. Max. W. through handles approx. 22.0 cm De Puma 1986:30 no. VB 15 or VB 13 Mid-6th century BC Low conical base, flaring foot; carinated shoulder impressed with large, irregular notches; deep body, thin groove on interior corresponding to carination. Although rather plain, finely burnished surfaces and expert potting make this kantharos quite attractive. Compare Rasmussen 1979:101–10, pls. 31–32 nos. 166–172. Our examples and those most frequently found as exports, as in Sicily or southern Gaul, are of Rasmussen type 3e, made from the end of the 7th century through ca. 550 BC. While the kantharos seems to have been the preferred shape for sanctuary votives and funerary cult since the late 7th century, finds of bucchero kantharoi of slightly later date in the House of the Impluvium at Roselle (Donati 1994:figs. 6 and 9, pls. 13 and 19 nos. 32–35, 84–86) show that they were used frequently in Etruscan homes, and sometimes either lost or discarded in domestic wells of the later 6th century BC.

233. NEGAU-TYPE HELMET 232. BUCCHERO KANTHAROS MS 1283 Vulci Tomb B Intact, preserving finely burnished surfaces overall. Bucchero, dark black; shiny surfaces with slight burnishing marks remaining

MS 1609 Pl. 9 No provenance Intact except for slight cracks and chips, especially along rim. Also apparently missing crest or other finial in iron. Corroded dark blackish to very light creamy green, to bright, pale blue green at one end; few traces of dark reddish metal appear from behind corrosion on

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exterior. All surfaces bumpy with corrosion, also top crisscrossed with long thin ridges of corrosion, as if formed by presence of long hairs or grasses. Bronze, cast and beaten; traces of iron in form of two pins or rivets and stains surrounding them (in top) H. 18.0; Diam. brim 25.5 by 23.5 (longer sagitally); W. interior edge of brim (flange) 2.0 to 2.4 cm. Diam. of interior to fit head approx. 18.0 by 20.0; Depth inside approx. 17.0 cm. Lion protome approx. Length/depth 2.5; W. 1.8 cm. Horse protome H. 3.4 x Depth approx. 2.9 x W. 1.0 cm Museum Journal 1920:46 case VIII, no. 4 or 5; Luce 1920A:74–76, fig. 48; Luce 1921B:213; White et al. 2002:29 no. 45 End of 6th–beginning of 5th century BC Negau-type helmet of heavy bronze, with flanged, horizontal rim, cylindrical base, and domed cranium set off with sharp ridge-like sagittal crest. Lower edge of sheet metal is crimped and folded back to form thin edge on interior face of helmet, perhaps to anchor leather liner? On either side of apex of helmet is large iron rivet, crimped over on underside, broken off on exterior surface where wide iron stain is visible; these must have anchored some sort of crest or other ornament. Attached with rivet just below domed cranium, each of two cast-bronze finials aligned with crest, presumably used to anchor plume or horsehair crest: at lower section of brim, small lion’s head with squared muzzle, roaring mouth with long, protruding tongue or dewlap, and traces of mane with neat rows of hatching. At opposite side, just below curve where cranium and neck merge, rampant horse protome of cast bronze, with long, slim neck, long, pointed muzzle, and tiny prancing front hooves held up against chest; short mane and upstanding forelock set off with grooved pattern for hairs. Rivet for attaching finials is apparently round in section, beaten nearly flat on interior. On either side, at temples, is another single horizontal rivet, presumably for anchoring chin strap; the distance between two rivets is 19.0 cm. On right of end with lion finial, traces of thin, slightly curving, raised ridges in corrosion of surface—could this be pseudomorph of remnants of horsehair crest? The Negau helmet originated in Etruria during the late 6th century BC and was popular early in the 5th century—when marines wore the helmets on ships fighting the Battle of Cumae (474 BC)—and was carried through northern Italy and into Europe during the expansion of Etruscan commerce with those areas. See Stary 1982:26, 30–31 nos. 4–6. A helmet very similar to the Museum’s was found at Podere Malatesta (Imola, now in Bologna Museo Civico) in northern Italy; Bermond Montanari 1961:243 no. 801, pl. 58. It has the same two little protomes set into it with rivets.

233: MS 1609

The armory whence these came was probably in Vulci where many examples are known and offer a context for dating. Although no provenance is known for the Penn example, circumstantial evidence suggests it was collected in southern or central Etruria and sent from Rome; it may have been found at Vulci.

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The presence of Negau helmets in the Po Valley and as far into Europe as Austria (Negau, where a cache was found hidden in the forest) attests to the commercial strategies and influence of the metallurgists of Vulci. Several examples from Europe and northern Italy bear inscriptions; for past bibliography, see M. Martelli, REE in SE 61 (1996):340–42. For a full discussion of this type, see Egg 1988B; parallels to the Museum’s helmet, 243–50, with drawings to show its elegant technique of manufacture. Helmet was cast, and the underside of the brim worked into a folded flange to accommodate a liner of organic material, with lead poured into the brim to anchor it. The lion-head knob to anchor a horsehair crest is a hallmark of an Etruscan armory, perhaps at Vulci. Egg (1988B:245–47, 269, fig.44) places helmets of our type in his “Typ Volterra,” made during the second half of the 6th and beginning of the 5th century and found throughout Etruria and the Po region, as well as in the Picene country and Europe. Our helmet fits stylistically around 500 BC. A fine and very slightly older example of the Negau type was found in the Tomba del Guerriero of Vulci’s Cavalupo necropolis, and is now in the Villa Giulia; it shows heads of Acheloos and Typhon over the brim, with a pair of figurines of Bellerophon and Pegasus used on top to anchor a crest (note in the photo of Proietti et al. 1980:54–55 no. 49 stains where a crest may have been). Varieties of this helmet type were used by at least some (two have been published thus far) of the Etruscan marines who fought in the naval battle of Cumae (474 BC); victorious Syracusans dedicated several of their helmets in the sanctuary of Zeus at Olympia, where they were found in the Alphaios River in modern times. This was the helmet that saw many of the famous battles of early Roman, as well as Etruscan history, battles that marked the erosion of Etruscan political domination over central Italy. In central and northern Europe, helmets of this type were imported in large numbers, presumably because their simple design allowed them to be adapted to any warrior without the need for custom-fitting by armorers.

234. SANT’ANATOLIA-TYPE MUG MS 1670 No provenance Body intact, corroded in places; tiny crack in edge of base was possibly casting flaw. Bronze H. to rim 6.2; Total H. through handle 10.3; Diam. rim 5.4; Diam. base 5.7 cm 5th century BC

234, 235: MS 1670 (left), MS 1669

Heavy, well-made mug, an early version of characteristic “Sant’Anatolia” type (named for an early findspot), has fivefaceted handle (slightly convex on underside), with diagonal notches on three harp, outer edges; body has shallow dimple in base; cast ornament: beaded bottom edge, framed in thin ridges, and on lower body, series of thin, shallow moldings topped by one more row of beading between several ridges; on outer face of rim, one row of beading. Handle attached on inside edge of rim, which is cut in rectangle to accommodate it; attachment plate at bottom of handle is thin, acorn-shaped, with long, diagonally cross-hatched cap. These mugs were produced, with gradual development of the shape from the simple form of this example to the curves seen in the next, from the 5th through 3rd centuries BC, first in metal, then in both metal and ceramic versions. They seem to have been especially popular in the Faliscan and Etruscan areas. See Bonfante and Roncalli 1991:348–49 nos. 8.1–8.2, with full references. A fine example with similar moldings and acorn handle-plate was found in Spina Tomb 128, along with a stamnoid situla, strainer, and other objects paralleled in the Museum’s bronzes (A. Parrini in Berti and Guzzo 1993:287–91 no. 301, last decades of 5th century). For a mug in silvered ceramic fabric from Barbarano Romano, see Jolivet 1995:197, fig. 7. Compare Jurgeit 1999:421–24 nos. 693–95, pl. 211 (“kyathoi,” with full discussion).

235. SANT’ANATOLIA-TYPE MUG MS 1669 Chiusi Nearly complete—missing two chips from body; corroded dark bronze metal color through dark green. Bronze

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H. to rim 5.3; Total H. through handle 8.8; Diam. rim 5.1; Diam. base 4.9; handle loop at widest 3.3 cm 4th century BC Mug with cast handle originally riveted through lower plate of handle into lower body (seen now as rough bump on interior). Dimple in base; body hammered up from sheet; handle pentagonal in section, with convex inner face. Profile of this example is more deeply curved, indicating later development of shape. Body is plain, but cast handle has notched edges and flat, simple acorn finial with cross-hatched cap. Compare the curvier profiles of even later mugs in Jurgeit 1999: pls. 211–13 (nos. 697–719). Mugs of this type often turn up in quantity in tombs as, for instance, the necropolis of San Giuliano, Tomb IX: NS 1963:49–51 nos. 17–19, fig. 52 (context ca. 300 BC). This form was also produced in plain, pale pinkish buff ceramic, which saw a similarly wide distribution. Rich 4th century tombs at the commercial city of Spina have yielded fine examples of the curvier, later mug type: see F. Curti in Berti and Guzzo 1993:292–307 nos. 374, 484.

For the Genucilia plate types, see Bacchielli 1982:377, fig. 12; he places this version in the second series, also produced in a busy workshop with several painters, with simplified geometric tondos like the Museum’s following the finely drawn female heads. As he noted, the type is widely diffused and strongly homogeneous in appearance. As outlined by Del Chiaro and confirmed with excavated finds, it appears that an Attic vase painter working in Red-Figure style set up a workshop in Falerii at the beginning of the 4th century, but moved to Caere, probably because of the war between Falerii and Rome.

236. GENUCILIA PLATE MS 3193 Narce (no tomb recorded) Intact except for a chip missing from rim and foot. Slightly scratched and encrusted. Fine-textured light orange clay with some traces of fine sparkling inclusions. Dilute, matt reddish brown to blackish brown paint H. 4.3; Diam. foot 7.4; Diam. rim 14.9; Diam. tondo 8.6 cm Beazley 1947:303, sub pp. 175–77; Del Chiaro 1957:285 no. 3.3 Mid- to later 4th century BC 236: MS 3193 Flanged conical foot, heavy body with angled downturned rim mirroring foot; single thin groove encircling top of rim and another encircling recessed shallow tondo. Painted bands on outer face of foot, underside of body, outer face, and bottom edge of rim, and pattern of six conjoined waves encircling tondo. In tondo, four separate lines form cross around central dot; between each pair of lines, hastily painted V (Del Chiaro: “striped chevron”) which touches border of tondo. In tondo, paint smeared in single brushstroke running out from one arm of cross, apparently deflected by large pit in surface of bowl. V’s probably painted retrograde.

Around midcentury, a new Caeretan shop began that produced plates in a simpler style until at least 300 BC, while the Faliscan workshop carried on a little longer. Del Chiaro placed this type in the Faliscan workshop, although there are many examples of it in Cerveteri. (For the female head version and other references, see 136.) Because they are so easily recognized, Genucilia plates have been identified in many parts of the Mediterranean including the Punic sphere, where they must have traveled as trade items along with more serious cargoes.

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237. NECKLACE

238. BEADS FROM NECKLACE

MS 1191 Narce Tomb 42M Beads, intact, presumably faded and slightly encrusted. Faience, now ranging in color from creamy white through tan, mottled aqua, and white to deep vitreous turquoise Diam. of beads approx. 0.5; Th. varies from 0.1 to 0.4 cm (thicker beads result from two sections not fully cut apart before firing) Dohan 1942:31, pl. 16 no. 19. See also Dohan 1942:31, pl. 16 nos. 23–24 Luce 1921B:123 no. 58D End of 8th century BC Set of simple faience beads, made by cutting tube of material, have been strung into long necklace. The permanence and striking colors of original necklace must have been very ornamental. Thousands of similar beads, perhaps from beaded garment, were found in early 6th century “Isis Tomb” at Vulci— see Haynes 2000:158.

MS 1074 Narce Tomb 23M All beads intact, although variously chipped, dull, or encrusted. One of smaller blue and yellow eye beads is missing conical section of surface, patent to suspension hole, where one applied colored “eye” pellet has broken away. Glass: seven beads of blue and yellow, one of dark brown (originally purple?) and white, four of translucent white to pale blue green Diam. of beads ranges from 0.6 to 1.4 cm. When strung together, they form length of approx. 8.0 to 8.5 cm Dohan 1942:44, pl. 22 no. 39 Early 7th century BC Set of twelve beads of flattened spherical shape in varying sizes and color types, presumably strung on necklace of organic material, now disappeared. Traces of bright creamy green on one of largest beads may represent its proximity in tomb to corroding bronze artifact(s). Two largest beads of translucent glass, probably originally blue green (one now patinated iridescent white). Six beads of next smaller size include five standard eye beads, deep blue with three yellow applied circles on outer face of each; sixth is darker, with applied white bands impressed with vertical strokes to form V-patterns—bead thus has six rounded faces. Two much smaller eye beads, one blue and white, other blue and yellow, and two small white to clear beads complete set. Compare finds of beads from the tombs of Villanovan IIA Tarquinia (Hencken 1968B: I, 138–40, fig. 127a) where, as at Narce, eye beads were apparently worn with plain clear or white glass beads. See also 155.

237: MS 1191 238: MS 1074 The necklace was found with a set of five amulets depicting Sekhmet, and one more probably Nefertem (see Dohan 1942:31, pl. 16 nos. 23–24). Their style and material are characteristic of the products made in the Nile Delta and distributed around the Mediterranean by Phoenicians. Famous examples are known from the princely tombs of central Italy, such as the “Bocchoris tomb” of Tarquinia, and others (see Hölbl 1979:II, 83 nos. 384–389, cf. pl. 45/1–7).

239. FIBULA WITH AMBER BOW MS 1535 From Ascoli Piceno, said to have been found in chamber tomb Preserves most of an unusual fibula; missing one corner of amber bow and all of spring and pin. Catch

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the Hamilton Collection, noting other findspots of this Picene artifact.

240. AMBER FIGURINE/AMULET

239: MS 1535

plate section bent back on itself; amber extremely friable, cracked, chipped, and now opaque. Bronze corroded creamy to dark green and chipped. Amber on bronze wire Max. Pres. L. approx. 11.0; Max. Pres. H. of amber 8.1, of entire piece (with pin) approx. 9.5; Max. Pres. Th. through amber bow 3.5 cm 7th century BC Fibula of very large size, of “arco rivestito” type, in form of an exaggerated leech type, made of single nodule of dark reddish amber minimally worked into an elongated, slightly flattened hemisphere, rounded at one end and horizontally pierced to hold bronze wire of rectangular section which was bent into pin of fibula. Preserves straight section encased in amber bow and traces of simple, small round catch plate, now bent double over amber bow. When new, fibula pin was at least 16.0 cm in length, although intent of artist was clearly to display amber nodule with minimal modifications and no extra decoration on pin. Amber shows several irregular, natural rounded depressions over its surfaces, and apart from being trimmed and smoothed into lentoid shape, was not worked further. The type is well known from women’s graves in the Picene territory, e.g., Novilara; see Sundwall 1943:194, fig. 315, F II c 21; Brown 1980:28, fig. 7. A smaller version, with very similar treatment of the wire bow and short catch, was found in Verucchio, Predio Moroni Tomb 26 (Gentili 1985:87, pl. 31 no. 28). Rich tomb included a large quantity of ornaments in various materials, including fragments of similar fibulae. (See also Morigi Govi and Vitali 1982:189 bottom fig.) A pair of similar fibulae are illustrated with a lady’s parure of the 7th century BC from a tomb at Picene Novilara, Colonna et al. 1999:201, fig. 111. Strong 1966:60–61 nos. 33–34, pl. 13 illustrates two examples from

MS 2535 No provenance Single fragment, nearly intact; missing top of head, ends of feet. Amber well preserved; possible traces of glue or preservative on one side. Traces of tan, slightly translucent deposit on grooves in convex side. Amber, partially translucent and very dark red Max. Pres. H. 5.1; W. 2.7; Th. 0.7 cm Dohan 1933:158, fig. D; Warden 1994:134–35 no. 1, figs. 13.113.3; Naso 2000: pl. 29 Early 6th century BC Figurine of crouching, apparently nude, plump man which was minimally carved from single nodule of amber. Round hole pierced through head at ear level and traces of another piercing, running from front to back, visible in broken upper surface of head. Nodule shape makes figure rather thin, slightly convex on one side and concave on other, although both surfaces carved with body contours and details: fingers of hands clasped over paunch and folded knees; grooves separating legs, feet, and heels; and facial features, pursed mouth, sloping nose, almond eyes with sharply pointed outer corners, and straight locks of hair pulled back from forehead and ending in short, horizontally grooved wig-like effect at nape. See Warden (1994) for a complete analysis of these and related pieces in the collection; they are remarkable documents for the diffusion of Near Eastern artistic motives through 7th and 6th century Italy, well beyond the cultural

240: MS 2535

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sphere of Tyrrhenian Etruria. Compare the style and hairdo of ivory figurines from tombs at Pianello di Castelbellino, Naso 2000:128–29, pls. 27–28. They have been dated to Picene phase IVA (ca. 580–530 BC), but have their inspiration in earlier Phoenician art.

241. AMBER FIGURINE/AMULET MS 2538 No provenance Mended nearly complete from two fragments; chipped, missing top of head(s). Traces of tan, slightly translucent deposit on grooves in convex side. Amber, partially translucent and very dark red Max. Pres. H. 4.0; Max. W. 3.1; Th. 0.8 cm Dohan 1933:158, fig. D; Warden 1994:134–36 no. 2, figs. 13.4–13.6; Naso 2000: pl. 29 Early 6th century BC Figurine carved minimally from single large nodule of amber is slightly convex on one side, irregularly concave on the other. Pierced through nape of figure(s); break at top precludes determining if it, like preceding piece, was also pierced front to back for suspension. Carved in style of preceding: nude, plump, crouching man with hands clasped over paunch and knees. Against his back, however, is second figure, apparently dressed woman, her head now missing; her pointed shoes carved at bottom of fragment as if emerging from her long, narrow plain skirt. In oblong grooves on both sides of skirt carved thin arms held rigidly down against her sides, with thin grooves for fingers. Traces of an overfold or other drapery preserved just above slightly constricted waist. Man’s features, with bobbed male hairstyle, round cheeks, and almond eyes, match those of preceding piece, but his feet are different. Perhaps just device to complete figure where nodule tapered away, it appears as though feet are deformed or bent

241: MS 2538

242: MS 2536 impossibly backward against squatter’s buttocks. Since groove delineates two legs and feet, and no attempt has been made to carve toes (in contrast to fine fingers), it seems more likely that deformity is portrayed here. See preceding, and compare the style of two-figure composition in the British Museum; Strong 1966:66–67 no. 43, pl. 19.

242. AMBER FIGURINE/AMULET MS 2536 No provenance Mended from two fragments, broken across bottom, and preserving perhaps half of standing or crouching figure. Traces of tan, slightly translucent deposit on grooves in convex side. Amber, partially translucent and very dark red Max. Pres. H. 4.2; Max. W. 2.2; Th. 0.7 cm Dohan 1933:158, fig. D; Warden 1994:135–36 no. 3, figs. 13.7–13.9; Naso 2000: pl. 29 Early 6th century BC Figurine carved minimally from single large nodule of amber, is slightly convex on one side, irregularly concave on other. Pierced through at level of figure’s ears. Original surfaces of nodule apparent in two cavities, one below left chin, other in right shoulder, which connected in diagonal tunnel. Figure is standing or crouching woman with smooth veil covering her head and back to at least waist level; she clasps her hands over her chest or draped knees. Her face is identical in style to those of preceding pieces, with slightly sharper undercutting below mouth to form thin, pointed chin. Her smooth veil is set off with single outlining groove, and modeling suggests skirt or waist, especially if she is seen as crouching like male figures. The facial features of all the amulet figures seem to display mid- to later 6th century sculptural styles, like the stone sculp-

Catalogue of Objects

tures from Vulci often attributed to the influence of Ionian Greek style. One more carving from this group (MS 2537) was too fragile to be displayed; see Warden 1994:135–37 no. 4.

243. CORINTHIAN ALABASTRON MS 555 Vulci Tomb 5 Mended complete from many fragments; chipped; paint fugitive in places, especially on one side. Fabric tannish to pinkish buff Corinthian clay; dark brown slightly lustrous to fugitive paint (especially on one side and bottom), dull, purplish added red; incision H. 27.0; Max. Circumference 18.7; rim Diam. 7.9 cm Luce 1921B:55–56 no. 29; Dohan 1933:163, pl. 7; Dohan 1942:99 no. 7, pl. 52; Seeberg 1964:42 no. 5; Seeberg 1971:23 no. 74c; Amyx 1988:117 no. 3, pl. 49:4 Ca. 620–590 BC Large aryballos with flat rim, small lug handle set under rim, and convex, dimpled base. Three registers of comasts/padded dancers all to right; fields filled with blob rosettes with X incisions. Broad flat rim with slightly raised edge. Pared dimple on bottom. Painted decoration: concentric circles on bottom, surrounded by rays; concentric circles at base of body; tongues

243: MS 555

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on neck and top of rim. Band of brown on outer handle; zigzag on outer face of rim. On body, three identical friezes framed by double lines: padded dancers, all to right, with bent legs, splayed arms (left up, right down), and entire field nearly covered with blob rosettes of various sizes, some with incised X. Added red for dancers’ outfits; incision for most rosettes, dancers’ hair, eye, mouth, fingers, thigh muscles. Amyx attributed this vase and its companion from Vulci Tomb 5, MS 554, to the Altenburg Painter, one of the “padded dancer specialists” who produced quantities of vases with the same theme for the Early Corinthian market. Padded dancers were a phenomenon of Archaic Corinthian painting, and presumably society/entertainment; they were probably considered a novelty by Etruscan consumers.

244–245, ATTIC BLACK-FIGURE (NICOSTHENIC) PYXIS AND LID 244. PYXIS MS 3438 Orvieto Mended from many fragments; missing several pieces from body but preserves complete profile; conservation of 2002 has removed some extraneous fragments belonging to another pyxis. Attic clay rather light red in tone; strong, metallic shiny black paint with added white and dark purplish red. Incision for some features H. 14.7; Diam. rim 18.0; Diam. base 9.3; W. flange of rim 0.5 cm Dohan 1915:175, fig. 95; Luce 1921B:81–82 no. 72 6th century BC Deep ovoid pyxis with flaring foot with angular bottom surface and rim. Round molding at junction of base and body. Angular flared rim is topped with flanged resting surface, and stop for lid (below) interior rim projects 0.5 cm. Base underneath and vertical face of its rim reserved; outer surface of base and lower body black; rim black inside and out. Body reserved with Dionysiac scene; black lower body set off with two thin lines of added red, another red line marks top of figural register. Interior entirely black, with five concentric thin rings of red—brushwork overlaps evident. Scene of wedding of Dionysos, flanked by line of maenads and satyrs; maenads either richly dressed or wearing leopardskins over simple clothing. Tails of satyrs dilute black. Dionysos with red hair and beard wears white chiton and black and red himation falling evenly over both shoulders ending in pointed tips at front. His bride (her white face has

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single register, set off by red lines above and below, with seated male god approached by processions from both sides. Bearded god, in long chiton and himation, sits on folding stool with in-turned animal (feline?) legs, and holds long, thin staff. Facing him are standing woman and draped man, then, from left to right, youth on horseback, nude youth carrying spear, and walking woman; behind her, nude warrior with shield looks over his shoulder but walks to right. There is break in preserved scene here and rest of figures continue from left to right: draped standing adult (mostly missing), draped man in mantle with white rosettes, youth with spear or staff and himation over one arm, youth in white tunic on horseback, draped man in mantle with white rosettes and staff, woman in decorated mantle which she lifts with her left hand as she stands behind god’s back. White for female flesh, textile patterns, youths’ tunics; incision for schematic facial features, some muscles, limbs on all, and drapery folds of mantles, as on pyxis.

244: MS 3438

been scratched overall) raises her mantle, black with white dot rosettes, with right hand; her dress is red. Incision for few folds of mantles, skirts, also for eyes, beards, parts of Dionysos’ arms, parts of satyrs’ legs, ears, faces, beards, maenads’ leopard-skins, decorative necklines, hemline borders, and jewelry.

245. NICOSTHENIC PYXIS, LID MS 4865B Mended from several fragments; preserves about 1/3 of lid; knob and remainder restored. Diam. approx. 17.5 cm Convex lid with conical knob. Apparently reserved on underside. Black band around outer edge of rim and around knob. Band at rim set off with one red line on edge, one partway up; central black section set off with one red line midway. On reserved center of lid,

245: MS 4865B

Catalogue of Objects

246–247, PAIR OF DICE 246. DIE MS 3336 Orvieto; inventoried as found with 247 Intact, although chipped, especially on five; layers cracking and spalling; polished surfaces creamy. Bone Faces range from 2.2 to 2.4 cm on a side; rectangular, not square 6th–3rd century BC(?) Die carved from segment of bone with narrow end of marrow cavity as its center. (Later dice often treat marrow cavity this way.) Surfaces very shallowly drilled with dots for numbers; two faces that now have openings from marrow cavity must have been filled with plugs, now missing, that would have carried numbers 1 and 2. Placement of numbers 1 and 2 on opposite sides (rather than pairing 1 and 6, and 2 and 5) is unusual, presumably done so that plugs for marrow cavity would need least amount of cutting on their sufaces.

246, 247, 248: (l. to r.) MS 3336, MS 3337, MS 3338, MS 3339

247. DIE MS 3337 Orvieto; inventoried as found with 246 Intact, surfaces very slightly encrusted, chipped. White stone (marble or limestone) Faces vary from 1.9 to 2.2 cm; trapezoidal or rectangular rather than true squares 6th–3rd century BC(?) Small die carved from white stone, now very worn and smooth as if from handling. Surfaces appear to have been polished originally and have numbers drilled into surfaces, with 3, 4, 5, and 6 deeply drilled, and 1 and 2 very shallow.

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Although inventoried as a set, and almost certainly excavated in a tomb at Orvieto, the two dice sufficiently different from each other to be separately described. The sequence of number dots on this example is the canonical 1–6, 2–5, 3–4 of most dice. See next for discussion.

248. PAIR OF DICE MS 3338, MS 3339 Orvieto Intact, but very friable, chipped, with eroded surfaces (especially MS 3338). Distinct patches of sandy encrustation adhere to some of dots. Horn core (identified by Janet Monge, University of Pennsylvania Museum, 2002) Faces 1.1 to 1.3 cm on a side (MS 3339) and 1.3 to 1.4 cm (MS 3338) 6th–3rd century BC Small solid dice with carefully incised faces fairly evenly matched in size and weight. Faces irregular, tending to rectangles rather than squares. Numbers incised or drilled circles with dot in center. Sequence of numbers on faces of both dice is same; clearly a matched set, although MS 3338 is definitely slightly larger. Examples of bone dice, some probably actually of bovine horn core, have been found in many tombs of the 6th through 1st centuries in Etruria, for instance, Messerschmidt 1932: 513, pl. 25 no. I-16, a chamber tomb at Perugia closed during the 4th century BC. Dice of ivory are known from the Regolini Galassi Tomb at Caere (mid-7th century BC) and remained in use into the Roman period; they were sometimes carved from a large bone (femur) and the marrow cavity sealed with an insert of the same material. Perhaps the most famous dice are those in the Louvre, once thought to have come from Tuscania, on which the words for the Etruscan numbers are written (see Bonfante 2002:78–79, fig. 7. Camporeale 1970:186–87 no. 231, pl. 35e, notes that dice were extremely common finds in the Orvietan necropolis. See Morigi Govi and Vitali 1982:304 for a set of five bone dice from Bologna, Giardini Margherita “tomba grande,” dated just after the mid-5th century BC. For the earliest dice, see Pareti 1947:230 no. 177, pl. 19. The irregularity and small size of the early dice seems closer to the Museum’s than the larger format and more regular drilled marks of dice of the Late period. Although the necropoleis continued to be frequented after the fall of Volsinii in 263 BC, it seems likely that the Museum’s dice belong to its main period of the mid-6th through mid-3rd centuries.

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249. SWINGING CENSER MS 1652 No provenance Intact; corroded with fine patina, very dark brownish green metallic. Creamy yellowish encrustation on top and bottom of one side. Bronze H. approx. 2.8; Diam. 13.2; Diam. base 3.5; W. through handle carriers 15.7; Diam. of incense cup 5.9 cm 3rd century BC Large, solid-cast swinging censer, bowl with hemispherical central well and broad flat “rim,” with deep, convex downturned edge with tall ovolo molding in deep relief. Underside is smooth, concave, with thin, angular ring base under central well, so that when not in use censer can stand like bowl. On ovolo border are set two pairs of disc-shaped upright lugs, pierced horizontally to carry swinging handles, presumably of chain (their holes are 0.4 cm in diameter on one side, but only irregularly pierced on other side, barely 0.2 cm in diameter). Upper edge of censer has an upstanding ring of beading to delineate border above ovolo rim, and three concentric bands of ornament (incised with blunt point in original wax) covering ledge between rim and well: from interior out, tendrils with ivy fruit, wave pattern set off with dots, and trefoil leaves, grapes, and vines. Emanating from between both sets of handle carriers, where they are separated by set of dots on one side and dotted petal on other. On underside of central well is casting flaw, protruding hemisphere (0.8 cm in diameter) with deep slash through it.

249: MS 1652

The heavy cast-bronze swinging censer, suspended by two chains/handles or hinged over a support on just one, was popular during the 4th and 3rd centuries BC. Most examples of these censers have been found in tombs, where their use is obvious. Censers of this design were also used as the cups on tabletop (tripod) thymiateria; see Ambrosini 2002:373–450, pls. 97–136 (“tipo Curunas”). Compare for shape, ibid., 377, fig. 2,I nos. 401, 412, attributed by Ambrosini to a Tarquinian workshop of the first half of the 3rd to the first half of the 2nd century BC. Cf. a similar piece in Paris that was inscribed suthina “for the tomb,” Adam 1984:49–50 no. 49. Doublehandled censers: Jurgeit 1999:500–502 nos. 826, 829–831, pl. 246; Turfa 1982:177 no. 42A. A set of six such censers, all of the more common one-handled variety, was offered in the Tuscania tomb of the Curunas family—see Moretti et al. 1983:109–10 nos. 64–69, pl. 110. For variety, see Bini et al. 1995: II, 346–54 nos. 45–57, pls. 97–99.

250. HAND-MIRROR MS 5444 Acquired in Perugia in 1893. Gift of Fairman Rogers Mended nearly complete from several fragments; missing small portion of disc and two rivets from handle. Corrosion on reflecting side from dark blue to creamy bright green; on engraved side, cleaned excessively in past, now shows golden bronze color with dark greenish black on tang. Traces of drilling for samples (3) on reflecting surface. Bronze Diam. 18.8; H. 24.8; H. of handle only 5.7; Th. 0.2 cm Bates 1911: fig. 2 (drawing has now been replaced by R. D. De Puma, CSE forthcoming); Luce 1921B:148 no. 167; Pfiffig 1975:328 no. f; R. D. De Puma in Bonfante and Roncalli 1991:299–302 no. 7.3; Paschinger 1992:191–92, 295 note 1639, pl. 85 fig. 330; van der Meer 1995:80–82 (fig. 32 after Bates 1911) Late 4th century BC Large hand-mirror with round disc only slightly convex on reflecting side, with low rim set off by fine beaded molding; short, nearly straight extension originally ended in thin trapezoidal tang, which has broken and been repaired by riveting on two thin sheets of bronze, attached on front and back through extension of disc. Plate on reflecting side is shorter, held now by one rivet through lower part of engraved exergue; two drilled holes, top one smaller, below it now empty (the center hole never pierced entire tang, however, and might be modern). On reverse is heavier, larger

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250: MS 5444

repair plate with rounded upper corners; same rivet holds it attached, and it also shows lower drill hole, but has large drilled hole in its upper left corner, not pierced through rest of tang and not matched by one on opposite corner. Its upper surface is slightly convex. Extension of reflecting side has fine nine-leaved palmette rising from double volutes. On slightly concave reverse is carefully engraved scene, framed by border of enclosed pendent palmettes alternating with pendent lotus flowers; in extension, pair of diving dol-

phins, whose tails frame small, sturgeon-like (river?) fish with long snout swimming to left. Unusual four-figure scene in medallion is labeled with Etruscan names. Hatched band serves as groundline for scene of purification of Orestes: on rounded, rocky ground, nude Orestes (labeled urste) kneels to right, clutching net-wrapped omphalos with his left arm and short sword in his right, while looking over his shoulder to center at smiling Aplu, who wears mantle around his lower body and stands over Orestes, preparing to sacrifice piglet with short knife. To left, Vanth, wearing sheer chiton with (possibly) snakes twined around her right arm, sits on bedrock looking on as if weary. At far right stands a woman or goddess, labeled metua, in short-sleeved chiton, short hair, and padded headband, her right hand reaching for piglet held over Orestes’ head by Apollo. Names of gods Aplu and Vanth are inscribed in boxes, while those of mortal Urste and Metua are written freehand. Repaired handle is evidence that this mirror was favorite and much-used possession in antiquity. The format or form of the mirror is of a type manufactured in the Latin city of Praeneste, while the incidental decoration of the border and exergue features a lotus and palmette border paralleled on Red-Figure vases. Only one other mirror, also 4th century (Praenestine type), depicts this story, but it is rendered in a very different composition (see Rebuffat-Emmanual 1988:52–53 no. 13, dated 360–300 BC). Greek and Italian vases of the 5th–4th century also portray a different version of the event. (Greek examples show the Furies as sleeping or in a trance that hinders them from stop-

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ping Apollo’s act of mercy. De Puma has pointed out the debt of the artist to such literary originals as Aeschylus’s play The Eumenides, depicting the characters in the story of the aftermath of the murder of Agamemnon when he returned home from the Trojan War. Orestes, the son who killed his father, has escaped to the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi, where he claims sanctuary by clinging to the net-wrapped omphalos, the “navel of the world.” Apollo is about to purify him with the blood of a sacrificed piglet, while a weary Vanth, the death goddess, looks on, and a concerned female figure labeled “Metua” either prepares to help or hinder Apollo’s task. In the original Greek version of the story, the Furies tried to prevent the cleansing of Orestes, but were lulled into a trancelike sleep. The figure here labeled Vanth resembles rare Greek versions of the sleeping Furies, while Metua seems to show their initial attempts to interfere. Several scholars have offered identifications of the figure labeled Metua, but the question must remain open (see van der Meer 1995). As explained by van der Meer, the purification of Orestes is most unusual in Etruscan art. (Richard De Puma and Erika Simon have kindly assisted with this piece: see full treatment in De Puma, CSE forthcoming.)

251. SCARAB SEAL 29-128-871 No provenance. Sommerville Collection Intact; top surface slightly pitted; burnt. Burnt carnelian mottled opaque pink to gray to black L. 1.7; W. 1.2; H. 1.0 cm Sommerville 1889:723 no. 871 4th–3rd century BC(?) Tall scarab with long legs, summary rendering of wing cases, head, eyes. Engraved scene within an oval, irregularly hatched band: on left, two tall men wrapped in mantles face right looking down at male head on or emerging from ground; on right of

scene, another man, bearded, with hair carefully carved and with his mantle over his left shoulder, leans over head, holding an object with rounded end on long handle. Nearer of men opposite him holds similar instrument upright above his downward gesturing right hand. The motif of the prophesying head may go back to prehistoric rituals, known in the RigVeda and rituals of the kurgan steppe burials. Phlegon of Tralles and other authors told of prodigious events when the head of a slain man or child prophesied to a terrified populace. Perhaps the best known Greek tale is of the head of Orpheus still singing as it drifted down the river. On the Museum’s seal, the objects held by two of the three men are curious, almost resembling spindles except that they are held reversed. In depictions of Orphic myth, men hold the singer’s golden kithara strap over his head as a scribe records his predictions. According to De Puma (2001), the Etruscan context is often linked to prediction of a happy future for a couple about to marry. De Grummond (2000B:40–43, figs. 11–12) also discusses the Orpheus apparition; she notes that the prophesying head appears in scenes related to key moments in life, such as birth, marriage, and death. Other images of a head emerging from the ground have been linked to the prophetic child Tages (de Grummond 2000B:30, fig. 1), where his discoverers carry shepherds’ sticks; and other persons, such as a satyr, also appeared as “talking heads” (de Grummond 2000B:43–47). Compare the treatment of tall figure and drapery on a late scarab read by Zazoff (1968:116 no. 220, pl. 42) as a haruspex, perhaps holding a victim or entrails. A close parallel in scene, although slightly different in style, is Zazoff 1983:294–95 note 166, pl. 85.4 no. 166. Zazoff, like Sommerville, identified the scarab as part of an Italic/Republican tradition of the “Caput Oli” story told by Livy (1.55) of the discovery of a human head during excavation of the foundations of the Capitoline temple in Rome under Tarquinius Superbus, suggesting it was a Latin parallel to the myth of Tages, the Etruscan prophet who emerged from the ground as Tarquinia was being founded. On the gem in Berlin, the head is clearly disembodied and apparently speaking; one of the three observers gestures with a rod or stylus(?). On analogy to the examples presented by De Puma, might one of the Museum’s figures hold the ribbon and the other a stylus to record a different sort of prophecy?

252. HAND-MIRROR

251: 29-128-871

MS 2632 No provenance Single fragment preserves entire disc, most of extension; missing handle. Corroded, with surfaces very

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252: MS 2632 pitted; golden metallic color with darker patches. Small modern sampling has been drilled from disc (lower right of engraved scene). Bronze Max. Pres. H. 14.0; Diam. disc 11.2; Th. 0.2 cm Luce 1921B:148 no. 171; De Puma, CSE forthcoming 3rd century BC (300–250; ca. 250 BC) Small hand-mirror with convex reflecting surface, flared extension that originally merged with slightly curved cast handle that would have ended in doe’s head. Very slight trace of polished reflecting surface remains in center of disc; entire edge of reflecting side has notched border set off with single blunt groove. Traces remain of very summarily engraved bud extending from extension onto bottom of disc. Reverse has slightly raised, flat plain border, and traces of an engraved floral pattern seen as point ending below disc. Simple engraved scene of Dioskouroi as striding or dancing youths balancing facing each other, with four-pointed star between them. They wear simple calf-length boots, kneelength tunics, and large, soft Phrygian caps with peaked tops and trailing ear flaps. Although their pose is lively, limbs, faces, and clothing very crudely rendered. On the Dioskouroi mirrors, see De Puma (1973); and discussion in Bonfante 1997:24, 27 (under nos. 1 and 3, with earlier references). Two quite similar mirrors, produced during the first half of the 3rd century BC, were placed in the tomb of the Curunas (Moretti et al. 1983:112–13 nos. 72–73, pl. 113–114. See a 3rd century mirror with similar engraving style and format (with five-pointed star), Roberts 1981: 90–95 no. 20.

253. HAND-MIRROR MS 1695B No provenance Mended from several fragments; corroded with pocked and raised surfaces on disc (reflecting surface), creamy green color to blackish green, with traces of shiny golden bronze metallic on lower disc and handle. Missing sections of disc. Bronze H. 25.2 cm De Puma, CSE forthcoming 3rd century BC Hand-mirror cast in one piece with thin, slightly curved handle ending in doe’s head terminal below slight relief of bindings or floral motif on obverse side (reverse side of handle, below engraved disc, is smooth, concave). Disc is small, concave side pronounced and merging with handle in narrow, concave-sided extension. Engraved decoration: upright schematic lotus in extension; disc nearly filled with hastily engraved figure of nude winged female lasa running or dancing toward left. She is framed by her huge wings, with few vertical lines for flight feathers, and wears plain, soft Phrygian cap; her bare feet long, thin, and pointed, with no indication of toes, and her long, thin left arm is folded behind her waist, nearly hiding her hand. Her rubbery right leg is bent at knee while her right hand, which must be carrying some rounded object (pomegranate?), is only distinguished with two fingers. There were apparently several craftsmen in the workshop(s) that produced the simple, late lasa mirrors that were for a time widespread in Etruria (as they are now in

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253: MS 1695

museums). All are of similar format, although they vary in footgear and drawing style: cf. De Puma 1987:1:2 (Kelsey Museum, University of Michigan, dated ca. 250 BC, with references). See also discussion in Bonfante 1997:34–35 no. 8. Close in style to the Museum’s are Cateni 1995:24, 31–32, 90–91, 130–31 nos. 12 and 22. Others of this type have been excavated in tombs in southern Etruria, for instance, Barbieri and Galeotti 1999:37–38 no. 27, from Ferento, tomb 2 of the Pian di Giorgio necropolis, now in Viterbo and dated by context to the 3rd century BC (cf. ibid., 13).

254. HAND-MIRROR MS 2316 Canino (Vulci), Camposcalo necropolis. Coleman Collection Intact and in excellent condition except for two cracks and small holes on disc. Corroded metallic, dark brownish black overall, with traces of golden highlights—as if it is still mainly metallic. Scratches on reflecting surface appear to be from 19th century cleaning. Bronze H. 24.8; Diam. 17.8; H. of tang below exergue 4.0; Th. 0.2 cm

Coleman Catalogue: no. 97; Luce 1921B:148 no. 169; De Puma, CSE forthcoming 4th century BC Hand-mirror with large, nearly flat disc, nearly straight extension and thin, short, blunt tang. Edge of reflecting side is finished with thin beaded molding; fine engraved concave-pointed palmette of nine petals emerges from an elongated volute base flanked with fins. Engraved in bold, monumental style, with additional hatching for shading on male musculature; mirror probably depicts story of young god Dionysos visiting his mother, Semele (Etruscan “Semla”) in underworld. On left of composition, scalloped border indicates cave-like hollow of underworld; mature Turms (Hermes) rests with one foot on bedrock after escorting young god; he gazes toward reunited pair and grasps his broad-brimmed traveler’s hat in his right hand. Nude Dionysos holds thyrsus like walking staff in his right hand. Semele gazes fondly into his eyes, her right arm round his shoulders; she wears sheer, revealing chiton, mantle, veil over headdress, shoes, earring, and necklace. The story of Semele dying before giving birth and the remorseful Zeus sewing the baby into his thigh until time for its birth must have been intriguing to the Etruscan audience, since it portrayed the notion that even the gods must obey the natural laws of growth and time so important in Etruscan religious belief. The themes of a wealthy matron and her teenage

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The famous mirror depicting Semele and Fufluns is from Vulci, now in Berlin, but the composition is quite different (see Heres 1986:23–26, 82–83 no. 5). See van der Meer 1995:58–60. (Richard De Puma has kindly shared his analysis of this image, and the other mirrors, in De Puma, forthcoming [CSE U.S.A. 4].)

255. RED-FIGURE CUP

254: MS 2316

son, maternal love, cosmic laws and fate, the introduced fertility and wine cult of Dionysos, and the image of life continuing in some fashion in the underworld are all suited to a lady’s mirror, a gift for her married life and reminder of its ultimate destiny with her in her grave.

MS 3444 Pl. 26 Said to have come from an Etruscan tomb at CogionCoste di Manone (“along the shore of the Tiber along the ancient road [via Prenestina] to Cento Celli”). The tomb was said to have three loculi, with a skeleton lying in one; a sample of cloth and several vases, mostly of the Late period but including two of bucchero, were sent to the Museum in 1896–97 and are under study. Mended from many fragments, missing parts of body and rim, but nearly complete. Fine, light reddish orange clay, metallic black glaze, dilute in places Diam. rim 28.0; Diam. base 8.8; H. 9.6; W. across handles 4.3; L. handle 7.7 cm Beazley 1947:300, sub pp. 109–12; White et al. 2002:31 no. 46 Later 4th century BC

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255: MS 3444

Large, very shallow kylix on thin pedestal base, foot has single concentric molding halfway up its upper surface, is plain below. Handles very attenuated, round in section, are turned slightly inward to form rectangular outline; unglazed on inner upper surfaces. Underside of foot has red slip (imitating miltos), black circle around hollow for pedestal, and is black on upper surface, with reserved edge, bands around molding and joint of foot and pedestal. Eggshell thin bowl has plain rim, reserved large tondo with scene of young Dionysos and maenad within border of framed meanders, set off top and bottom with one boxed, dotted cross. Figures stroll over an undulating rocky ground toward two schematic trees or shrubs; white dots outline upper edge of ground and edges of leaves. The youthful, satyr-like Dionysos with rounded ear, plump stomach, and swirling cloak draped over his left shoulder and falling in circle behind him; also wears long necklace of white dots and white fillet on his head. He strides to right of scene, his right arm folded across his chest, his left arm loosely held out and around maenad, while other end of his tasseled cloak falls over his wrist. Cloak has horizontal striped borders, rendered in dilute and added white. Maenad is nude except for schematic high-backed shoes, with hair upswept and covered by white dashes representing wreath; her forward right foot overlaps left foot of Dionysos, whom she turns backward to kiss, her right hand around his neck, her left touching his chest. His left foot overlaps not only ground line but tondo border, which was painted over it. Behind two, and god’s languid left hand, stands tall thyrsus with white-edged

leaves; it touches both upper and lower edges of scene with no visible means of support. Traces of white lines in fan pattern below border over Dionysos’s back difficult to interpret as they run into missing chip. Outer/under surface of bowl has set of three large volutepalmettes under and around each handle, simple rosette on each side of handle. Between handle sections, two identical figured scenes of three figures in conversation, standing on thin groundline that encircle entire cup. Fat, nude boy or satyr faces left, speaking with woman with upswept hair and simply rendered classical peplos; he holds up in his right hand bowl with central boss; behind and facing him stands draped youth, whose heavy mantle covers all but his head. Between heads of male figures, reserved loop indicates fillet hung from an invisible support at rim level. Although hastily drawn, with chubby, overly large hands and heads, and schematic lower bodies, figures are lively, with contours of bodies and drapery carefully emphasized by lines and hatching. Design of tondo scene and lazy strolling of nude figures frequently found in engraved mirrors of this period. Head of one woman and object held by nude facing her missing. When not in use, kylikes like this would have been hung on the wall and the simpler outer scenes would have been visible; in fact, painted tombs at Tarquinia and Caere sometimes show such vases displayed this way to show off their Greek-style decoration. The scene in the tondo, however, places the vase in the realm of Dionysiac worship. Compare the composition and style of the famous cup from Civita Castellana by Beazley’s “Foied Painter” (1947:106 no. 1) named from its Italic inscription: “today I will drink wine,

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256: MS 1762

tomorrow I will miss it”). (Illustration of the name vase, see Martelli 1987:200–201 no. 148.)

256. HAND-MIRROR MS 1762 No provenance Single fragment, bent and chipped (in antiquity); fine creamy blue green patina overall. Bronze L. 20.6; Diam. (slightly bent) 14.4; Diam. of disc originally approx. 15.0 cm Bates 1916; Luce 1921B:148 no. 168; R. D. De Puma, CSE forthcoming 4th century BC Hand-mirror with nearly flat disc with raised edge on engraving side, flat edge with fine beaded molding on reflecting side. Praenestine shape with lower disc extended into trapezoidal extension above thin, flat tang with widened, rounded end. (Originally fitted with handle of different material, now missing.) Engraved decoration, reflecting side: filling extension and running onto lower disc, fine double palmette, lower half flanked by upright vultures. Framing volutes, shell or acanthus pattern of splayed, pointed leaves, with single tendril emerging on each side to end along disc in small ivy leaf. On reverse, extension has similar set of volutes from which large, loose wreath of olive leaves emerges, two halves meeting at top in

thick cluster of round berries. In disc, scene of Herakles/Hercle standing with left leg relaxed behind him as he leans on his club with right hand; lionskin knotted around his neck falls behind him, head and tail showing behind his right leg. Hercle is crowned with sketchy circular wreath by small nude and winged boy who flies in from left, while to right is youthful satyr, nude with tail showing behind his bent left arm in which he supports thyrsus. The satyr raises his open right hand overhead, gesturing to Hercle, who regards him languidly. Bates suggested bow was in Hercle’s left hand and prow of boat was in front of satyr, as curved lines engraved there now very damaged. Mirror was deliberately bent in half down center by forcing it, engraved side down, against hard edge, causing crack on top and side. This mirror also furnishes evidence of one other aspect of Etruscan religion, that of funerary cult; in many cases, the ceremony of burial involved more than interment and deposition of the deceased’s possessions and gifts from family members. In this case, a very personal belonging, a lady’s mirror (which has captured her hinthial, or image), has been forcefully destroyed for burial. There are numerous other cases of the destruction or marking of special objects in the tomb. A 3rd century mirror at Harvard (De Puma 1987:61–63, 212–15 no. 44) presents very dramatic evidence of graveside destruction in ten holes punched with great force in a circular pattern through the mirror disc. Another interesting, occasional phenomenon was discovered in the Cannicella necropolis of Orvieto, where a woman was buried with her head turned to one side and her mirror placed before her face—but with its engraved picture

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(a winged lasa) before her eyes rather than the reflecting surface. See Bonamici et al. 1994:228, pl. 32c, 217 fig. 62c. See also the scarab seal, 257.

257. SCARAB SEAL (HERCLE ON RAFT) 29-128-1786 No provenance. Sommerville Collection Intact; in modern brass swivel mount. Carnelian, dark reddish, mottled white on intaglio (Berges: sardonyx, partly restored) L. 1.6; W. 1.1; H. 0.8 cm Vermeule 1956:no. 65; Berges 2002:24 no. 18, pl. 6 3rd century BC Within an oval, grooved border, Hercle kneels on his right knee, left knee up, on raft made of amphorae, rendered as vertical row of five ovoid vases between two thin horizontal surfaces. Hercle has an athlete’s short rolled hairdo and holds his knobby club vertically in front of him, and below his bent left (forward) arm appears short diagonal line, which is shorthand for sail that appears in larger versions of this scene. Fairly shallow scarab summarily rendered, with slight detail on head and plain edge. Hercle’s club is cut as groove connecting three drilled holes.

257: 29-128-1786

Berges characterizes this as hasty work of the a globolo technique and suggests the staff-like object could be read as a steering oar. The more common version of the scene appears on a carnelian scarab in the Royal Coin Cabinet of The Hague; see van der Meer 1977:74–75, fig. 92. Compare the variety of Hercle-on-the-raft scarabs in Zazoff 1968: pls. 44–45; most chose to render it lengthwise rather than vertically as the Museum’s, and those that do show the vertical composition limit the raft to three amphorae. Occasionally, Hercle is depicted as accompanied on his raft by a satyr; for the range of raft images, see Schwarz 1990:232–33 nos. 337–41.

258: MS 1615

258. FIGURINE OF HERCLE MS 1615 No provenance Single piece, missing right foot and ankle, tips of fingers of left hand; corroded with fine dark green patina. Bronze H. approx. 14.5; W. across right elbow to left hand 7.2 cm 3rd century BC Striding nude, beardless male with lionskin worn over his head like hat, front paws knotted under his chin, and back and tail carried over back and draped across left wrist, club of knotted wood raised overhead in his right hand. His left foot is advanced, right leg stiffened to carry his weight. Musculature of his torso, facial features (but no hair), genitals, and pubic hair rendered in fine detail, although in style body is rather slender and rubbery. Lionskin has edges rendered with hatching for fur and features. Better (as well as poorer) versions of this type are illustrated by Jurgeit 1999:50–51 nos. 53–55, pl. 17. This type was especially popular in Italic areas as well as Etruria, and ultimately such figures spawned many variants during the Roman period in Europe. Cf. discussion in Adam 1984:180–93 nos. 271–98. The type of the Museum’s (although not the level of artistic expertise) is that of no. 290 in Paris, recalling 4th century sculptural styles. The rubbery, slightly attenuated form of the Museum’s figurine is later. A fine 4th century example of the original type of this Hercle in Paris shows clearly the two paws dangling off Hercle’s left wrist, since his head is draped with the

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260: MS 5471 259: MS 4098

lion’s head. See Cristofani 1985B:202, 281–83 no. 97 (also for discussion of Hercle figurines and legends in Etruria). Papi (1991) discusses monumental parallels.

259. FIGURINE OF HERCLE MS 4098 Said to have come from Parma—“got near where it was found”—by the donor, Robert H. Lamborn, Oct. 3, 1894 Single piece, missing only top of club above fist; excellent condition, with dull black to green patina. Sole of left foot rough; no trace of tang remaining. (Displayed in the Introductory Gallery.) Bronze H. 13.8 cm Hellenistic Simplified figurine of Hercle follows 4th century prototypes; wiry, slightly attenuated form. Nude Hercle with large, oval head, flattish face, large eyes, short hair rendered as grooves in surface radiating from crown. He strides with left leg advanced, raising club with his right hand. Only rounded base of club remains beneath his clenched fist; scar resembles iron rust, as if separate thin rod of iron had been cast on in his hand. Lionskin has almost become hieroglyph, rendered as flat rectangle dangling from Hercle’s left elbow, with lower edge contoured to represent short curved tip of furry tail. In shallow relief on outer surface, triangular muzzle, pointed ears, and hatched edges for fur resemble fox or wolf more than Nemean lion. Little detail

for musculature; small juvenile genitals, prominent nipples, soft chin, and shallow features. See discussion above; figures in this late style circulated all over Italy and Europe from the 4th–3rd century BC well into the Roman period.

260. FIGURINE, FEMALE IN LINGERING GEOMETRIC STYLE MS 5471 Perugia Single fragment, missing tips of arms and legs; corroded, with fine patina, creamy dark brown to creamy pale green. Bronze Pres. H. 10.8; Pres. W. through shoulders 3.3; Depth approx. 0.9 cm 6th–5th century BC Solid cast-bronze figurine of standing woman, frontal, but with right leg slightly turned and striding forward. All surfaces smooth with minimal modeling for breasts, buttocks, and angular skirt. Arms and legs thin, attenuated, and rod-like, while head is simple convex trapezoid with pinched nose, grooves for chin and mouth, and incised circles for eyes. Top of head is finished in thin, pointed, fan-shaped headdress. The effect is that of very early Geometric figures, but modeling and twisted angles of body show effect of later style: figure is a conscious attempt to recall votives of earlier days. A late version of the schematic lingering Geometric style favored in some regions of Etruria for votive sculpture described by E. H. Richardson. Our lady actually strides forward, her legs pulling her skirt taut between her knees; such departure from flat,

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frontal rendering is an indication that she is post-Geometric period. See the fine figurine in the Bibliothèque National; Richardson 1983:319–20 no. 18, pl. 228 fig. 764, carrying an egg (Group 3 B, Late Archaic walking korai). (Sybille Haynes kindly commented on this and other bronzes shown her in photographs.)

261. FIGURINE, DRAPED YOUTH MS 3496 Fig. 32 Said to have come from Toscanella (Tuscania); acquired by George N. Olcott in Rome in 1898 for the price of “$20.” Single piece, missing both hands and with deep cut in left knee, apparently from modern find-circumstances. Corroded but with good, grayish green patina. Bronze H. 9.4 complete; H. of base, loop only approx. 1.7; W. across widest spread of arms 3.1 cm. W. of plinth 1.7; 2.4 cm deep front to back White et al. 2002:31 no. 47 6th century BC Small, finely modeled cast-bronze figure of youth striding forward on his left foot, with arms bent at elbows, perhaps to hold an offering. He wears short mantle with thick border wrapped around waist and draped over his left shoulder; edge hangs straight down to his left knee. His feet planted on thin rectangular plinth, underside of which is finished with thick ring for fastening to base of some other material, now missing. His hair is fairly long, worn in thick roll over forehead and nape, with second thin roll crossing nape above it; strands of hair over crown are shown as thin, straight grooves. His oval face is care-

261: MS 3496

fully rendered, but with very large almond eyes of Archaic style; outline of eyes appears to have been retouched by light incision. A fine example of late Archaic sculptural style in Etruria, with characteristic large thighs, and portraying draped male figure rather than Greek type of the nude “kouros.” The style and proportions of the draped figure are paralleled in art of the beginning of the 5th century, as in a Greek bronze figurine, the finial of a candelabrum depicting an athlete, from the Casuccini Collection; di Stefano 1975:55 no. 92, pl. 23. Although more elegantly clothed and larger, two draped youths in the British Museum, dated ca. 500–475 BC, offer parallels to the Museum’s figure; see Haynes 1985:168–69, 273–74 nos. 75–76. The sophisticated development of this type may be seen in the Monteguragazza “kouros” that was offered in a country shrine south of Marzabotto (Haynes 1985: 181 no. 101).

262. FIGURINE, MALE VOTARY 48-2-239A No provenance. Hilprecht Collection, “bought from Pacini April 17, 1907” (for “5 Frcs.”). [On the Hilprecht Collection of bronzes acquired in Italy, especially Florence, 1907–12, see Warden 1997:1–7, 19.] Mended complete (arm reattached). Good condition. Preserves sprue that connects both feet below (sprue 0.9 x 0.5 cm at broken lower edge). Bronze, fine blackish green patina; back surface has some white encrustation H. 9.8; W. 5.5; Max. Th. 1.1 cm Warden 1997:20 no. 26, pl. 2 3rd–2nd century BC

262: 48-2-239A

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Solid-cast figure depicts standing youth wearing mantle draped over waist, left shoulder, and left arm at bent elbow. He holds his left hand to side, palm forward; his nude right arm is outstretched and holds patera (bowl) vertically, face outward as if he has just poured libation. Oval face has crude features, locks of hair coming forward to face and falling over nape in back below four-leafed wreath attached with thin cord below. His hemline exposes his schematically rendered legs and feet at lower calf level. Figurine is finished behind with vertical drapery folds; it is much too shallow front to back, and proportions are slightly attenuated. Heavy lock over center of forehead or perhaps blunted end of fifth leaf in his wreath. See Jurgeit 1999:45–48 nos. 46–50 for the type, with references. It has often been assumed that such small-scale figurines as these were made in imitation of the famous bronze statues of gods that were dedicated in sanctuaries and public places. Figures with the ivy crown, as this appears to be, might be referring to Dionysiac cult; see Bentz 1992:58–63 nos. 2–6, pl. 12 fig. 57, from Orvieto, the Fontana Liscia votive deposit, also 126–27. For analysis of this and related female types, see Haynes 1960 (pls. 16–18).

Max. Pres. H. 8.0; W. through arms 3.8; Depth approx. 2.1 cm 4th century BC Solid-cast figurine of nude male athlete standing in relaxed pose with left leg flexed, slightly extended, and right shoulder slightly raised. His head is turned slightly to his right and he looks forward. Musculature of torso, back, buttocks carefully modeled in classical style, although facial features are much more schematic, with thin, sharply projecting nose, pointed chin, straight mouth, and irregular eyes. Short, caplike hair is covered with straight lines running from crown over forehead and back to nape. Traces of rough protruding bronze on athlete’s back might have come from discus or weight held in left hand or, more likely, may indicate that he formed handle of ritual patera or other instrumentum. Nude athletic figures are sometimes found in votive deposits; cf. Bentz 1992: pl. 33 for simpler counterparts to the Museum’s piece, and the parallels illustrated by Bonfante (1991:839, figs. 6–7). Fine statuettes certainly included sculptural athletic types; see Cristofani 1985B:165, 271 no. 57 from Monte Capra (Bologna), late 5th century BC.

263. FIGURINE, NUDE MALE ATHLETE MS 3495 No provenance; said to be from ”Etruria, acquired London 1884” for “$10.” Single fragment, missing arms, legs below knees. Corroded overall, mottled greenish black to bright, creamy light green. Slightly encrusted. Modern copper rod was at some time in past inserted vertically into left knee for mounting. Bronze

264. FIGURINE, QUADRUPED 48-2-104 No provenance. Hilprecht Collection. (See Warden 1997:1–7, 19) Single fragment, missing lower legs; corroded, mottled rusty red through creamy and bluish green. Bronze Max. Pres. H. 1.8; Max. Pres. L. 2.6; Th. through shoulder 0.6 cm Warden 1997:22 no. 34, pl. 4 7th–6th century BC Miniature figurine of quadruped standing in alert pose with long, upright ears, long conical muzzle, broad rounded shoulders and hips, and thin legs held close together, forming single support

263: MS 3495

264: 48-2-104

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front and back. Forelegs are braced slightly forward of body. Thin indentation or incision across front of blunted muzzle for mouth. Pose and head/ears suggest canine, although horse is more likely. The juxtaposition of rounded shoulders and head with attenuated neck, back and legs seems close to genuine geometric style, and similar figures even occur on Late Villanova/Early Orientalizing fibula bows, although single figurines are also known. Such small, solid cast-bronze figurines were common offerings in many Etruscan and Italic sanctuaries, for instance, the shrine at Monte Acuto Umbertide (Umbria), Bonfante and Roncalli 1991:211–14, 222–25 nos. 4.40ff, 5th century BC votive deposit. See also discussion and citations of Warden.

265. FIGURINE, QUADRUPED 48-2-118 No provenance. Hilprecht Collection. (See Warden 1992:1–7, 19.) “Bought of Guido Pini, antiquities dealer, 6 Piazza del Duomo [Florence], Dec. 9, 1912” (“10 lire”) Single fragment, apparently missing tips of feet. Ears, tail, back slightly chipped; tips of feet appear to have been smoothed and or drilled for an earlier mount, now missing. Fine smooth, creamy green patina overall. Bronze Max. Pres. H. 2.9; L. 7.0; Max. Pres. W. 1.1 cm Warden 1992:22 no. 32, pl. 4 7th–6th century BC(?) Solid-cast figurine of elongated, running quadruped on short, nearly conical legs, with long tail stretched out and down behind; has angular, sharp spine, blunted conical muzzle, broad head, and large upstanding ears (like steer?), although legs, tail, and running pose recall canine type. Forms of body are rounded, with traces of two rows of diagonal incisions over back, either in original wax or incised in coldwork, with traces of similar smoothing marks on belly. Short horizontal indentation in muzzle for mouth. See references under 264.

265: 48-2-118

266: MS 2650

266. FIGURINE, BOVINE(?) MS 2650 No provenance Single fragment, presumably missing ends of legs, tail. Corroded creamy light to dark bluish green, encrusted. Bronze Max. Pres. H. 2.1; Max. Pres. L. 3.5; Th. 0.2 to 0.6 cm 7th–6th century BC(?) Small solid-cast figurine of geometric style, depicting walking quadruped, probably bovine. Thin, flat body with tiny, straight, attenuated legs and tail held out straight behind body; the head is modeled with blunt triangular muzzle (like sheep?), but has two large upstanding ears, with pointed forelock between them (like cow or steer?). Angles of the schematic parts of the body portray the motion and liveliness of real animal.

267. FIGURINE, HORSE MS 2641 No provenance Mended from two fragments, which seem to reflect method of manufacture (see below). Missing tip of tail. Corroded rough, light creamy green, with traces

267: MS 2641

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of smoother dark green patina on parts of legs. Bronze H. ears to hooves 6.2; Total H. through pin under right forehoof 7.1; Pres. L. 6.4; W. body 1.2 cm 5th–4th century BC(?) A coltish horse with upright ears and short mane seems to run (front and hind legs rubbery and parallel) forward while turning his head slightly to his left. Modeling for bridle, mane, ears, hooves, and leg muscles, with relief for small bulla on its neck(?). No indication of sex. Possibly evidence of an unexpected process of manufacture, figure may have broken along casting flaw or demarcation of impurities; head and mane are one piece, sheared in horizontal line across back from remainder of body. Cf. Jurgeit 1999:88–89 no. 122, pl. 39, a simpler figure cast whole, and of Italic or Venetic inspiration but with a similar rendering of equine features. Much more elaborate horse figures appear on candelabra, but reflect the same conception as this figure: Jannot 1998: pls. 18–21.

closest (though not exact) parallels are from the Etruscan fertility and state cult at the Ara della Regina: cf. Comella 1982:159, 223, pl. 95a, types E4 and E5. Another bronze mask (rectangular, eyes and nose) is from the “Minerva Medica” deposit in Rome, Gatti Lo Guzzo 1978:130, pl. 50 type O IV. For other facial plaque types, in terracotta, compare Vagnetti 1971:95, pl. 53 types T I and T II.

268. VOTIVE FACIAL PLAQUE

269. VOTIVE HEAD, FEMALE

MS 1630 Fig. 31 No provenance Intact; dark reddish brown shows thru, but most surfaces are dark green corrosion. Note casting flaw on upper edge over the left eye—mold ran out of metal resulting in irregular edge. Bronze L. 7.3; H. 3.3; D. approx. 2.3; thickness of metal mostly 0.4 cm White et al. 2002:32 no. 48 2nd century BC(?) Cast bronze plaque is sharp-pointed ellipse curved to resemble facial contours, and with relief of almond-shaped eyes and brows, rounded cheeks, and short nose, with indentation of upper lip. Eyes are extended with laugh lines on outer corners. Features are not centered on plaque. Convex inner surface of plaque is irregular but smooth, with indentation behind nose and traces of casting flaws (bubbles or voids) on back and at upper edge over left (proper) eye. Masks depicting part or all of the face, and frequently showing just eyes and nose like the Museum’s, are found in a number of Italic and Etruscan sanctuaries in terracotta, but are relatively rare in bronze, being recognized only at Lucus Feroniae, Rome, the so-called Minerva Medica sanctuary, and Tarquinia, at the Ara della Regina. The format of the Museum’s, a sharp-edged ellipse, is not paralleled. See Turfa 2005. The

268: MS 1630

MS 1830 Pl. 27, Fig. 33 No provenance Single fragment, missing top of head, left ear, and hair. Base area obscured by old restoration that could not be entirely removed. Terracotta, yellowish tan, with abundant traces of large sparkling golden inclusions, glassy black and reddish brown inclusions. Clay is very coarse, with many voids, and marks of fingers and pebble-drags across surfaces. Traces overall of pale, grayish creamy slip, with matt red over it Max. Pres. H. approx. 22.0; Max. Pres. W. (base) approx. 16.0; Pres. Depth approx. 9.0 cm. (Mold statistics: H. face, chin to hairline, 10.6; W. left eye corner to corner, 3.1 cm) (Cf. Luce 1921B:164 no. 41.) White et al. 2002:33 no. 49 Early 5th century BC Female head in relief above schematic convex area for neck, with slightly curved ledge below to represent neckline. Face is oval, with dimpled chin, full, short lips (upper lip is pointed at center), slim upturned nose, almond eyes under deeply arched brows, left eye slightly tilted. Hairline is low, with deeper fringes over ear(s), short row of vertical incisions beneath smoothed area of three fasciae representing folded veil. Ear is large, set rather high and placed perpendicular to face, in same plane as long flowing tresses

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of wavy hair that reach to base of head. Outer edge of piece is finished smooth, with right angle at back to form hollow votive head, without trace of curved cover tile. Paint over relief sets off hair (possibly dark brown), straight neckline and veil (red), and traces of reddish paint to mark facial features over pale slip for flesh. Large void in right forehead and brow, like an irregular surface on right neck, was presumably camouflaged by thick slip. A fine example of the earliest production style of votive heads, which seems to have begun in Late Archaic Veii, where antefix molds were adapted to produce freestanding heads. This, like others, preserves traces of the architectural paint schemes. We are indebted to Giovanni Colonna for recognizing this as an uncommon type—many other such votives may still masquerade as antefixes, where they have been broken behind, obscuring the cylindrical format of votives. See Vagnetti 1971:32–33, pl. 6 type A V,a through f, all finished with slightly different details, none mold-siblings of the Museum’s piece. The painted details on these heads correspond to the Museum’s, with creamy skin and veil, red on drapery and lips, and black for the hair. The effect of a conical headdress is seen in the complete female head, ibid., pl. 8, type A IV. Smithers 1989–90:63, fig. 2, illustrates a similar votive head in the Art Institute in Chicago, and some slightly later heads in Missouri.

270. VOTIVE HEAD, BOY MS 1844 No provenance Single fragment, rather battered, and missing tip of nose, lower left cheek/jaw, and left side of base. Chipped, but preserving traces of paint on face and neck. Terracotta, grayish tan with creamy pinkish slip and orange red paint. Abundant traces of small black grits, small white and sparkling inclusions. Darker orange tan at core, with thin layer of gray fabric just below surface H. 17.7; Depth of base 12.0; Max. Pres. Depth through head approx. 13.5; W. thru ears approx. 11.0 cm (Cf. Museum Journal 1920:47 case XXVIII, no. 42); Luce 1921B:165 no. 42 3rd century BC Bust in round portraying young boy, with round base, short neck, and face with parted lips, pointed, dimpled chin, short nose, chubby cheeks, eyes with deep lower lids. Ears are rendered schematically below waving locks of short hair combed loosely to front from fairly smooth crown, and falling in thick, irregular locks to cover nape of neck. Bust was hollow below. Traces of thick red paint over creamy pink slip for skin of face and neck.

270: MS 1844 Made in two-piece mold (front and back) which has caused head to be deeper than natural from front to back. The format of a complete three-dimensional head of a small child, apparently a boy, ending in a convex bust with round base, is known in votives from the Minerva Medica shrine at Rome, such as Gatti Lo Guzzo 1978:97, pl. 39, type G XIX,1 (not identical, but very close to the Museum’s). (Others, less close stylistically, are in Tarquinia; Comella 1982: pls. 60–69; Vatican: Buranelli 1992:90 no. 49.)

271. CAPITE VELATO–TYPE MALE VOTIVE HEAD MS 5756 Fig. 31 No provenance Missing bottom left corner of neck, bust, and backing; remainder unbroken and very well preserved, including most of painted decoration. Encrusted and retaining local earth in creases of interior. Nose and chin slightly chipped, encrusted. Terracotta, clay very coarse, mottled pale grayish yellow to bright, pinkish to golden orange, with very abundant brown grits of all sizes, and many sparkling golden (micaceous) inclusions. Traces of red and black paint H. approx. 21.0; Max. W. (across eyes) 14.7; Max. Pres. Depth (through nose) approx. 9.0 cm. Mold height from under chin to top of molded locks approx. 13.2 cm. Th. of terracotta approx. 1.0 to 2.0 cm White et al. 2002:32 no. 48 2nd century BC

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271: MS 5756 272: MS 5757 Molded head bust is hollow, not of natural depth front to back, but merely has smooth slab of clay pressed onto edges and pinched out at sides to give appearance of mantle pulled up over crown of head. Molded features are of beardless youth with rather round face and plump cheeks, short, curling locks of hair parting into two waves over low forehead; deep-set eyes, straight nose, short, full lips. He gazes straight ahead. Base is open below, ovoid in outline, with rough edges of clay barely hand-smoothed. Interior surface of face shows deep hollows and fingermarks from being pressed into mold. Paint on front surface of relief, overall for flesh; black for molded hair and for eyes and brows. Painted outlines of eyes rather heavy and do not conform exactly to relief. The basic type is common in Latium, where the drapery over the head is taken to indicate men’s worship in Latin cults, although it occurs in Etruscan sanctuaries as well. See Gatti Lo Guzzo 1978:90–94, pls. 35–37, types G VI,1, G Xa–b and G Xib. Pensabene et al. 1980: pls. A, 45, 58–59, illustrates related heads and figures of a complete, draped youth with this head type; 192–94, pl. 69 no. 444 is close to the Museum’s.

272. VOTIVE HALF-HEAD, FEMALE MS 5757 Fig. 31 No provenance Broken on all edges except base and profile of relief; chipped; outer surface slightly worn or bare of paint. Possible traces of creamy slip in hair may be simply encrustation. Broken edges very rough and friable.

Terracotta, clay dull orange tan with orange brown core; surfaces mottled tan through blackish red. Very abundant traces of assorted sizes of white grits, very fine sparkling golden inclusions, fine black inclusions, and other small particles. Abundant fingermarks on interior where edges of extra clay pressed into mold Pres. H. 21.7; Pres. Depth approx. 8.5; W. approx. 9.0 cm Phillips 1965:530, pl. 133 (incorrect inventory number cited); White et al. 2002:32 no. 48 3rd century BC (type begins 4th c.) Half-head of young female intended for display in left profile, showing smooth, convex bust/base of neck, and flange along side suggesting edge of heavy mantle or veil. Oval face; straight nose continues line of low forehead, deep-set eye with protruding heavy upper lid; short, straight, very full lips. Hair set of three parallel wavy locks ending in curls in front of ear (not shown), just below level of chin. Two semicircular ridges at top of head probably represented veil. Relief is very blurred at lower section of hair where many heads have added earring, although this example did not. Compare the fine, “full” votive head with this hairstyle and veiled backdrop found in the so-called Minerva Medica votive deposit of Late Republican Rome: Gatti Lo Guzzo 1978:88, pl. 34 type G II,1, dated to the later 4th century BC as a sculptural type. Another full head of this type, probably related to the workshop of the Museum’s half-head, was found at Lavinium,

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in the Area of the Thirteen Altars: Castagnoli et al. 1975:205–6 no. C 34. The distinctive hairstyle, sometimes to be associated with brides, links the design to the late 4th century, although the technique and contexts of pieces like the Museum’s show they were still being manufactured and dedicated in the 3rd (and possibly 2nd) century BC. On the hairstyle (seni crines), see Bonfante Warren 1973:612. As noted by Phillips (1965:527 no. 1 [T-7], pls. 127–28), a complete example of this type (ex C. Densmore Curtis Collection), a mold-sibling of the Museum’s on the evidence of a crack in the mold over the lower hair, is in the Ella Riegel Museum at Bryn Mawr College.

273. VOTIVE STATUETTE OF SWADDLED BABY (HEAD) MS 5752 Fig. 31 No provenance Single fragment, preserves relief head and small part of border on its right side; nose chipped; surfaces worn and devoid of paint. Terracotta, coarse, pale light yellow clay rather chalky, with abundant traces of black particles of all sizes and very fine sparkling inclusions. Exterior surface may have had self slip, but this cannot be proven. Fingermarks all over interior where clay pressed into mold Pres. H. approx. 14.8; Pres. W. 12.5; H. of molded face, base of chin to top of cranium, approx. 13.0 cm. Th. of clay approx. 1.5 to 2.0 cm White et al. 2002:32 no. 48 End of 3rd–2nd century BC

273: MS 5752

Head from swaddled statuette of an infant, hollow in back and ending in folded-over edge of clay forming flat resting surface. Edge of clay formed flange as if it was edge of blanket pulled up to surround child’s head. Baby with round face, chubby cheeks and double chin, short smiling mouth, small pointed nose, and almond eyes below broad, rounded forehead. Thin locks of slightly waving hair in shallow relief as if combed to front from center of cranium; ears in relief, fairly plump. Neck is bare, and piece probably broke just above neckline of swaddling clothes. The fragment is not large enough to permit identification of the swaddled body type; heads such as this are known at several sanctuaries. For a suggestion of its original appearance, compare Vagnetti 1971:87, pl. 47 type M Ia. The head type is close to Comella and Stefani 1990:41 type D1I1, pl. 11e. Compare the plump faces of swaddled infants from the Ara della Regina deposit at Tarquinia, Comella 1982:17–19, pl. 4a type A4I. Cf. also the large collection of swaddled babies found at Vulci; Pautasso 1994: pls. 12–25 (especially pls. 12–15). The swaddled baby model was quite popular in southern Etruria, especially in the shrines associated with the large cities; versions similar to the Museum’s have been found in Tarquinia and Graviscae, the Tiber in Rome, and Veii.

274. VOTIVE FOOT L-64-551 Fig. 31 No provenance. Loan from Philadelphia Museum of Art, original inv. no. 14-341 Intact except for chips from upper edge (preserves small segment of butt end). Surfaces worn, possible

274: L-64-551

Catalogue of Objects

traces of light colored self slip. Terracotta, coarse, bright orange yellow clay, with very abundant traces of large black inclusions and fine sparkling inclusions. Traces of fingermarks inside Pres. H. 17.8; L. 22.4; W. thru instep 9.2, through heel 7.1; thickness of walls approx. 1.0 to 1.7 cm White et al. 2002:32 no. 48 3rd–2nd century BC Right foot with molded sole, with squared toe and large bunion with in-turned little toe. Big toe is carefully modeled with upturned tip and oblong nail; other toenails are semicircular depressions. Open below, hollow and formed in twopiece mold, with opening in seam visible on back of heel. Traces remain of smooth, slightly convex ending just above ankle and below calf. Large male foot with pronounced arch, probably had painted laces to indicate sandals.

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H. 17.5; L. approx. 22.0; Max. W. across instep approx. 8.0; W. of sole heel 6.6, toe 5.0; Diam. of vent 1.9 cm White et al. 2002:32 no. 48 3rd–2nd century BC Large male foot possibly intended to depict bunion with inturned little toe (although hasty molding process may simply have obliterated details). Right foot is molded hollow on top of thick sole (squared across toes, rounded at heel), with big toe sharply separated from others; ends above ankle, below calf in rounded top pierced with large round vertical hole. Hole continues through sole as vent. Nails are simply deeply impressed semicircles. Red paint on flesh and platform sole, and traces of black paint for thin straps of simple sandal (base is reserved). Straps run from bottom of instep around heel and over top of foot, joined to sole in vertical strap on outer side below ankle; strap may have extended down between big and second toe, but paint is blurred. Made in two-piece mold (note vertical seam on heel).

275. VOTIVE FOOT L-64-478 Fig. 31 No provenance. Loan from Philadelphia Museum of Art, original inv. no. 03-1379 Intact except for chips from sides of sole/base. Somewhat encrusted (thick white on top surface). Terracotta, orange clay, mottled light through dark at core; abundant coarse white and dark reddish brown inclusions, also many small sparkling inclusions. Matt pinkish red and black paint over light creamy yellow slip

275: L-64-478

276. VOTIVE FOOT L-64-553 Fig. 31 No provenance. Loan from Philadelphia Museum of Art, original inv. no. 14-340 Single piece, broken at top and chipped on base but preserving almost entire profile. Broken edges encrusted white. Terracotta, very coarse, bright orange clay with very abundant large and small white and shiny black inclusions and very fine sparkling inclusions. Possible traces of light, creamy orange slip Pres. H. 19.5; L. 24.1; W. through instep 9.2 cm White et al. 2002:32 no. 48 3rd–2nd century BC Large, presumably male left foot with slight bunion/in-turned little toe, on square-toed sole which projects beyond toes. Toes are rendered with semicircular impressions; big toe bumpy and rounded, sharply separated from others as if by strap, perhaps once rendered in paint. Hollow through leg and sole, with very large vent under heel and under toes but covered across instep. Model includes taller segment of leg (calf) than usual, and no trace of finished end is preserved on top. Occasionally feet lacking upper edges can be shown to have broken from statues, but this one is so heavy and so carefully finished below that it must have been used as an individual limb. Large numbers of votive feet, many on soles with squared toes, have been found at Tarquinia; Comella 1982: pls. 78–81,

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276: L-64-553

type D. For fine examples of painted sandals on naturally modeled terracotta feet, see Pensabene et al. 1980: pl. B. Feet are among the most common votive models in most of the healing sanctuaries, and their original source is difficult to determine without clay analysis since, in many cases, it appears that the molds themselves were drawn from real people. Even the shape of the sandal-sole used as a plinth is widespread.

277. MOLD FOR ACROTERIAL RELIEF MS 2160 Praeneste Single fragment, mended from two large fragments. Surfaces and broken edges slightly abraded; encrusted overall, including broken edges. Terracotta, fired whitish to yellowish buff, with abundant large glassy black and some reddish brown inclusions. Interior surface appears much smoother, possibly slipped with similar pale clay. Max. Pres. L. (between finished edges) approx. 43.0;

277: MS 2160

Max. Pres. H. approx. 28.5; Depth approx. 12.5 cm. Th. of mold approx. 2.7 to 4.1 cm (Luce 1921B:160 no. 267—“a mold, probably for gargoyle like 266 [which is lionspout from Praeneste]”); Winter, in progress 4th century BC Large fragment of mold for relief depicting sea monster (ketos) has undulating, flattish finished edges at front end of muzzle and back of skull, indicating relatively shallow yet large figure. Thus sculpture intended to be completed as relief, and since mold is quite carefully made, it must have been intended to be produced in multiple examples. On analogy to different architectural terracottas (cf. Luce and Holland 1917:299, fig.

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2), it may have been intended for surface of large molded revetment plaque or gable cresting (though eye, head, when molded, would probably only have been about 8 to 9 cm deep). Outer surface of mold is hand finished, smooth and convex; terracotta is heavier, denser, and harder than many actual architectural terracottas, being intended for multiple reliefs to be drawn from it. Sea monster’s head that would have resulted (see modern cast) had large, upright snout and grimacing, wrinkled, and open mouth, showing an upper row of short, straight teeth. At front of its nearly spherical skull, large triangular eye is set in deep folds of arched eyelids; above and behind eye are deep convex wrinkles or perhaps start of dorsal crest. Scale of creature is very large, its head about size of bull’s head; snake-like body that it presumably had would have trailed out behind it across horizontal beam/plaque. For similar sea monsters, see Andrén 1940:53–54, fig. 21, pl. 19 fig. 60 (Copenhagen), also Luce and Holland 1917:299, fig. 2. Boosen (1986) discusses their frequent use in the decorative art of Hellenistic vases and funerary monuments; see 195–96 nos. 39–44, including terracottas from Orvieto and Talamone of the 4th–3rd centuries.

278. ACROTERION, FRAGMENT MS 1832 Pl. 29 No provenance Single fragment, broken across body at joint of wings, legs, shoulders; tip of tongue, beak, and ears broken; chipped. Terracotta, coarse, yellowish tan clay with abundant dark brown and black grits of varying sizes, small white inclusions, and sparkling golden inclusions. Matt paint, creamy red and dull, dark chocolate brown over creamy yellow slip of same clay as figure Max. Pres. H. approx. 22.0; Pres. W. through shoulders/wings 12.7; Max. Pres. L. (chest through back) 12.1; W. through eyes 6.0 cm White et al. 2002:33 no. 50; Winter, in progress Late Archaic (500–480 BC) Small acroterion of griffin, hollow with open mouth; traces of smooth inner surfaces where barrel-shaped body was formed over horizontal cylindrical support approx. 5.2 cm in diameter; upright cylindrical hollow inside neck is 4.4 cm in diameter. Right paw was raised, left straight as if striding; neck straight, mouth wide open with tongue protruding in center of lower jaw. Traces of upright wings stretched out to sides and straight back. Large round eyes made by pressing flat-edged ring into surface; crescentshaped impression or incision for nostrils. Ears and knob, now

278: MS 1832 broken off, were upstanding. Traces of paint: upturned scale pattern with V-shapes for feathers in white paint over matt red below and on sides of chest; traces of horizontal brown bands and red lines for wing feathers; red tongue, red and brown concentric circles for eyes, short mane of red with white lines for hairs; traces of brown curling mane over neck (reserved yellow). Left side of face preserves better paint, including two thin red lines for wrinkles of lips. Neck and chest muscles, spine, and face well modeled in original mold. Absence of paint over back of neck, back suggests these were not intended to be seen, or were weathered more than front of figure. Formal paint scheme with stylized representation of mane and feathers; the early date is also suggested by the color palette and deeply impressed large round eyes. The griffin physiognomy with topknot/knob and sharply upstanding ears resembles rather closely the protomes of the famous griffin cauldrons of the 7th century princely tombs. (Erika Simon kindly examined this piece during a visit [2002] and has suggested a late Archaic date and a major southern Etruscan sanctuary for this exceptional sculpture.)

279. ANTEFIX, FEMALE HEAD WITH TILE MS 1815 Caere Single fragment, preserves all of antefix except lower edge of hair and neck and long section of tile. Traces of file marks on brown back edge of tile suggest that 19th century dealer trimmed piece for convenience of shipping. Covered overall in grayish encrustation. Some edges were restored.

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molded in form of female head. She has soft waves of hair curving out from central part, trapezoidal face with tapered, dished chin, long, slim projecting nose, straight mouth not joined at corners, and narrow almond eyes below thin straight brows. On each side of head, flaring conical mass represents locks of hair falling beside face. Elongated oval ear is seen in crisper mold impression on her left side, curved into same plane as hair; right ear is more shallowly impressed. Lower edge of tile is finished flat and seems to have been at higher level than bottom edge of antefix itself. This type is indeed early in the development of Etruscan architectural terracottas, with smooth masses for hair, rather superficial features, and no additions such as earrings. The head is seen as a simple extension of the cover tile, not fully articulated from it. Andrén (see pl. 6 no. 13 from Berlin for well-preserved paint) placed these antefixes in the earliest (6th century) group from the finds at Caere, with mechanically related antefixes now in the Villa Giulia, Berlin, Paris, and New York. He compared the style of this very early head type with some early 6th century Etruscan stone sculpture. Some examples in Berlin are said to have come from the Vigna Marini-Vitalini sanctuary site found in the 19th century above the Manganello stream outside the city. (For other variants in this early series of female heads, see Andrén 1940:21–22 I:4 c, e [MS 1808, 1809, 1812, 1811].)

280. ANTEFIX, FEMALE HEAD WITH TILE 279: MS 1815

Terracotta, pinkish orange, with large amounts of rough reddish brown and extremely fine white inclusions. Traces of creamy buff slip over upper surface of antefix and tile Max. Pres. L. of antefix and tile approx. 33.5; W. of tile approx. 17.0; H. of tile approx. 10.0; Pres. H. of antefix approx. 13.6 (lower edge partly obscured by plaster); Max. W. across face of antefix approx. 12.5 cm. Th. of tile 2.3 cm Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1920B:29–30, figs. 1–2; Luce 1921B:155 no. 245A,B; Van Buren 1921:14 type Ia, pl. 6; Dohan 1930–31: 226–27, figs. 49–50; Andrén 1940:20–21 no. I:4 a; Winter, in progress First half to mid-6th century BC Early type of antefix with contours simply merging with those of simple large cover tile, semicircular in section, with front

MS 1813 Caere Single fragment, mended from two pieces, preserves most of antefix and adjacent segment of tile; missing bottom edge of antefix, side locks of hair; chin, part of edge of polos chipped, mended in plaster. Terracotta, fired orange to grayish tan, with abundant reddish brown, glassy black, and golden sparkling inclusions. Traces of creamy yellowish slip with paint over it, matt reddish orange and dark reddish brown Max. Pres. L. front to back approx. 26.0; est. H. of antefix approx. 24.0 (Pres. H. approx. 23.0); W. of tile 15.5; H. of tile alone 12.5; H. of molded face, chin to parted hair, 14.3; Th. of tile 1.8 to 2.3 cm Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1920B:33–34, figs. 7–8; Luce 1921B:156 no. 248A; Van Buren 1921:16 type VIII, pl. 10 fig. 1 (cf. pl. 8 no. 3); Dohan 1933:174, pl. 14; Andrén 1940:32 no. II:11a; Winter, in progress Late 6th century BC

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251

curved below. Face is framed by tall headdress, smooth upper section like tiara or polos, with curved edge disappearing behind ears, lobes of which are covered by large, deeply concave disc earrings. Very deep band of thin vertical waves of hair ending in sharp zigzag outline frames forehead in wide arch. Their schematic relief rendering is set off by painted lines of hair. Painted decoration: solid reddish orange without slip over back surface of headdress and adjacent tile; on front, over slip, golden orange on hair with undulating vertical lines in brown for waves of hair; brown for eyes, thin slanted eyebrows with exaggerated upward curve at outer ends, reddish brown on lower lip; on smooth upper surface of headdress, traces of decorative wreath with pattern of alternating oval red and yellow leaves, with outlines and central veins in thin brown lines. For an indication of how bright and busy the painted decoration was, see an antefix of similar date from Cerveteri, Monte Abatoncino, in Colonna 1970:49 no. 32, color pl. B. Andrén grouped this antefix type (of which one other is in the collection, MS 1814) with the Caeretan production of the second half of the 6th century. His pl. 9 no. 28, related to the Museum’s, is a fine antefix in the British Museum, preserving complete painted decoration, of which ours shows traces, including the slanting brows that part company with the relief, other cosmetics, and delicate floral crown. Mechanically related examples were later excavated at the “Temple of Hera” (Vigna Parrocchiale) site outside Cerveteri by Mengarelli 1936: pls. 25 no. 1 and 26 no. 1.

281. ANTEFIX, FEMALE HEAD WITH TILE

280: MS 1813

Simple curved cover tile with flat bottom edges merges with molded female head antefix; joint is set off by raised contour of lady’s high cylindrical headdress, which is concave behind. Red paint covers back of headdress, head, and part of tile like trailing veil. Frontal head has long oval face with high forehead, large almond eyes tilted upward at outer corners, and straight tapering nose. Contours of carefully modeled cupid’s-bow lips are not followed by painted area, which is straight above and slightly

MS 1811 Caere. [In black ink, on broken edge of tile, a rededged paper tag: “J. C. 15”] Single fragment, preserves antefix and small amount of adjacent cover tile; missing nose, lower corners of hair; broken irregularly across back of tile and partially mended in plaster. Terracotta, fired deep orange with abundant reddish brown inclusions and some small white inclusions. Traces of dark paint Max. Pres. L. front to back approx. 24.0; Max. Pres. H. of antefix approx. 18.0; W. through ears 17.5; W. of tile 17.0; H. of tile approx. 11.9; Th. of tile approx. 2.4 cm Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1920B:32–33, figs. 5–6; Luce 1921B:155–56 no. 247; Van Buren 1921:15 type IV, pl. 7 fig. 4, pl. 8 fig. 1; Dohan 1933:174, pl. 14.; Andrén 1940:48 III:5; Winter, in progress Late Archaic, beginning of 5th century BC

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brows, mouth, hair, and top of head, ending in straight edge as it merges with tile. (Black: outlining relief contours of ears and solid for pupils; dark brown: outlines of eyelids, eyebrows, solid for hair; dark reddish brown for lips.) In this type also, the cover tile emerges from the smooth top and sides of the head, with only the top outline of the hair slightly raised above the level of the tile. Andrén (1940: pl. 18 no. 54) illustrates this type with the complete antefix in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, noting their stylistic affinity to the type of no. 279, his group I from Caere (which also is organically merged with its tile). Cf. Mengarelli 1936:75, pl. 27.5. In style, they are very late archaic, and Andrén placed them in the early 5th century BC.

282. ANTEFIX, SILEN HEAD IN SHELL

281: MS 1811

Early type of antefix with contours merging with those of simple large cover tile; deep relief is frontal female face, almost round, with small, pointed chin, full, upturned lips, short nose, broad cheeks and almond eyes with upturned outer corners. Eyes themselves are bulging convex almond shapes. Eyebrows are thin ridges tilted upward at outer end and merging with bridge of nose. Hair is tall, steeply arched section of shallow vertical waves with scalloped edges falling from straight central part; it meets ears, which flare outward in simple curves, in large rounded swag. Side hair, mostly missing and restored in plaster, fell in two slightly flaring cylindrical locks on each side of face. Traces of dark paint over creamy slip set off eyes,

MS 1828 Said to have come from Corneto (Tarquinia) Single fragment, broken on all sides except, possibly, for small point on apex and part of left edge of shell; preserves entire head except for its left ear and adjacent corner of shell; missing tile and back strut. Nose and other parts of relief chipped; traces overall, including on broken surfaces, of thick creamy white encrustation. Terracotta, fired grayish buff, with extremely abundant large reddish brown, medium black glassy, and small white inclusions. Few sparkling golden inclusions. Traces of paint over creamy buff slip: dark reddish brown on hair, beard, eyes, orange red in mouth, volutes Max. Pres. H. approx. 20.5; Max. Pres. W. approx. 17.5; Max. Pres. Depth approx. 8.5 cm. Relief head is 12.4 high x 9.0 cm wide through widest part of beard, mouth Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1921B:156 no. 249 (not differentiated from MS 1821; cf. also Luce 1921B:156–57 no. 252D); Luce 1921A:276–77 fig. 8; Andrén 1940:67–68 type I:5, pl. 23; Cataldi 1993:214 no. 40, 217, fig. 33; de Grummond 2000–2001:9, fig. 3 “male-headed antefix of an earlier type”; Winter, in progress Early 5th century BC (“Late Archaic” style) Shell antefix with frontal silen head framed in fairly narrow shell backdrop with cutout outline following contours of its relief ornament, single row of outward-facing palmettes framed in volute curves; buds between palmettes form large conical projections on rim of shell. Silen’s head is framed with an undulating ridge, pointed at center, beneath an extra vertical ridge in backdrop serving as stem of largest top bud. The face is of late Archaic type, with pointed upright ears set perpendicular to it, ridge of heavy curls emerging over forehead from straight combed locks

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with format matched to the male type, however, seems to imply that the personage was intended as a silen.

283. ANTEFIX, SILEN HEAD IN SHELL

282: MS 1828

that are set off by two short horns. Almond eyes beneath steeply arched eyebrows that merge with snub nose, and large, carefully outlined beard covering most of cheeks and chin, with wavy curls thickened at ends to form raised U-outline below. Second, shorter layer of beard runs from below mouth, which is framed above by large curved moustache. Short mouth appears closed, pursed with upturned corners; paint marks large round pupils of eyes. Steeper relief at level of forehead and eyes appears designed to have been seen from some distance below, as if satyr were looking down on visitors. Traces of red for skin, black on hair, beard, mustache; traces of red over white on shell. The size of the head is fairly small, and the antefix was probably made for a fairly small but ornate building of 5th century design; if it really was found at Corneto, the necropolis of Tarquinia, then it may have come from a funerary temple of small scale, or decorated tomb. Andrén noted a similar antefix found at the Pian di Civita site of Tarquinia (Tarquinia, Museo Nazionale), while others of the same type, including one find from Chiusi, are in Copenhagen. Cataldi illustrates several fragments of the type found at Tarquinia in the area of the urban sanctuaries, and also notes mechanically related examples in Populonia and Chiusi. As noted by Andrén, the animal ears on this head type are so small they might almost be the horns of the river god Achelöos, but since it comes from the same sanctuary as the larger set of satyr heads it seems likely that an unobtrusive attribute for a silen was depicted. Cataldi also offers the identification as Achelöos, and this would be consistent with other representations of the god in Etruscan late Archaic art; a maenad head antefix from Graviscae

MS 1821 Said to have come from Corneto Single fragment, preserves head only, broken on all sides, nose and hair abraded; traces overall of white encrustation. Terracotta, fired light orange buff, with abundant coarse brick red and glassy black inclusions. Abundant traces of matt charcoal black and deep purplish red paint over thin creamy slip Max. Pres. H. 17.9; Max. Pres. W. 12.7 through ears; Max. Pres. Depth approx. 8.1 cm Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1921B:156 no. 249 (not differentiated from MS 1828; cf. also Luce 1921B:156–57 no. 252D); Luce 1921A:274, fig. 6; Andrén 1940:69 type II:4, pl. 23; de Grummond 2000–2001:14, fig. 13 (dating p. 16); Winter, in progress End of 4th–early 3rd century BC Finely modeled (molded) head of satyr has broken from shell-like antefix background and rounded cover tile. Frontal face is broad oval, with low, frowning forehead, large round eyes in fleshy lids, short stubby nose, full lips, and large curly beard and moustache. Thick heavy locks of hair over forehead

283: MS 1821

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reveal traces of upright animal ears. Red for face, lips, neck at back; black for brows, eyes, beard. Other examples in collection (MS 1822, 1823; also fragments of shell) show that original cover tile was attached with heavy curving strut to shell-like backdrop with low relief of floral tracery with vines, lotus flowers, and ivy leaves, flowers and fruit framing face. MS 1822 (not displayed) preserves part of soft arched mantle or fillet that was draped over short-cropped hair, and small, pointed animal ears that begin just above human ears (the lowest section is barely discernible on the Museum’s example). According to de Grummond, type had white for eyes and probably had yellow for mustache. As shown by de Grummond (2000–2001:11–15), the male antefixes are of the same fabric and technique as the maenad head antefixes found with them, and they presumably alternated on the same building(s). Their brothers are now in the Ringling Museum in Sarasota, the Museo Archeologico Florence, and the Museo Nazionale Tarquina. Their style shows the full effects of the developments of late 4th century and earliest Hellenistic Greek sculpture, with sensitive modeling of plump, pensive silens and lovely, slightly distracted maenads, whose Bacchic backgrounds would have reflected the atmosphere of one of Tarquinia’s most important fertility cults.

284. OPENWORK PLAQUE: ROOF CRESTING Assembled from many fragments: see drawing. Includes MS 2145, 2173, 2174, 2175, 2176, 2177, 2179, 2184, 2185, 2186, 2187, 2189, 2190, 2194, 2195, 2196, 2199, 2206, 2207, 2211, 2218, 2219, 2222, 2226 Orvieto, excavated by Mancini in 1896 Assembled and restored from 33 fragments to illustrate the pattern of complete plaque, although preserving perhaps 1/4 of the original. Most fragments are covered in thick creamy encrustation which extends over broken edges as well as relief surfaces. The few fragments of similar type but different fabric seem much cleaner. Terracotta, of two fabrics, larger, thicker pieces of pale creamy grayish yellow, now seeming rather dry and porous, filled with inclusions, mainly dark brown and reddish brown pieces, smaller black obsidian grits. Creamy paint dark brown and bright orange Luce and Holland 1917: (see 297, fig. 1); van Buren 1919; Luce 1919; Museum

Journal 1920:28 case XVI; Luce 1921B:113 no. 275; Dohan 1933:174–75; Andrén 1940:195, fig. 31 no. F6, drawing by Cozza in D.A.I.; 202 type III:5; Winter, in progress 4th century BC A variant fabric, harder and deep orange with numerous sparkling golden and fine white inclusions, was also used, probably in same production campaign, since pieces in this fabric seem to have been made in mechanically related molds of same generation. A few of these had been incorporated in original restoration and illustration drawn by Holland (1917:297, fig. 1). On backs of several fragments, including MS 2190, traces of transverse and perpendicular thin grooves, perhaps marks of mat or of irregularities in surface of wooden board used to smooth clay surface during molding. A large cresting, or openwork plaque made to stand upright on ends of facade of gabled roof, is made in molded pattern composed of whirligigs and palmettes with tendrils connecting them, hearts of palmettes, alternating petals of whirligigs, and spaces between tendrils left open. Paint, black and red, is used in alternating segments to mark petals, hearts, and pattern on whirligigs. Top surface of uppermost palmettes has four vertical holes pierced partway into body of palmette, and one of these, MS 2177, retains fragments of four heavy bronze rods (rectangular in section) inserted into holes, as additional cresting, or

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to discourage perching birds. Note type of metal; one piece has longitudinal groove. MS 2211 preserves section of bottom edge of cresting plaque, broken through two vertically pierced holes (made by thrusting stick or dowel through multiple times) set 12.2 cm apart, which would have accommodated rods or dowels of wood to pin this cresting to revetment plaque beneath it. Bottom surface of this fragment retains white slip overall. The mixture of terracotta fabrics within the pastiche originally supplied by the Italian dealer, and the thick encrustation on most of the broken edges of fragments, strongly suggests the common condition, noted by Andrén, that most finds of Etruscan architectural terracottas probably came from dumps or burial pits, in or near temple precincts, reserved for disposal of discarded or damaged revetments. We have no indication of the foundations of the monumental wooden structure which these pieces once decorated, although their size gives a good indication of the building’s scale, their shapes help to restore their original placement, and the style of their relief and painted ornament places them in a distinct chronological period. The grill’s design was reconstructed/restored by Luce and Holland, in part based upon the complete late 4th century cresting found at Cerveteri with the set of terracottas described below (288–292).

285: MS 2138, MS 2223

complete H. approx. 37.5 cm Luce and Holland 1918:321 no. 1, pl. 8 fig. I; Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1921B: 160 no. 272; Andrén 1940:196–97 type II:1, pl. 75 fig. 254; Meritt and Edlund-Berry 2002:220, pl. 70,1. Lucy Shoe Meritt and Ingrid Edlund-Berry have generously provided information on this piece, noting distinctive character of Orvietan terracottas; Winter, in progress End of 5th–early 4th century BC

285. REVETMENT PLAQUE, FRAGMENTARY MS 2138 and MS 2223, joining fragments Orvieto Two fragments, joined, preserve top surface and upper right corner of single large plaque, broken on other sides and missing bottom and left edges. Chipped. Coarse architectural terracotta, tan on surfaces, to bright pinkish orange at core. Well blended with large amounts of very coarse black grits of varying sizes. Smooth tan slip, dull matt chocolate to black and dull red matt paint; traces of bright chalky white added paint MS 2138: fragment of top edge and moldings, Max. Pres. H. 23.1; Max. Pres. W. 20.5; Depth through upper edge 6.9; Th. through slab, 2.6 to 3.3 cm MS 2223: fragment of central section, Max. Pres. H. 7.0; Max. Pres. W. approx. 17.3; Th. (through relief/through molding) 2.6 to 3.3 cm Max. Pres. H. of assembled plaque, approx. 33.3; est.

Part of large revetment for horizontal beam, with deep cavetto molding at top, set off by two round moldings, lower one narrower and shallower, above flat band of relief of alternating volute-palmettes and lotus, both upright and pendent, above single round molding. At bottom section, design is only painted on flat surface. The complete plaque type ended in pair of shallow round moldings similar to those just below cavetto, but reversed, with deeper molding at bottom. Top and back were finished flat and smoothed with boards; large nail holes, one through cavetto and one through flat lower section, are pierced from front to back, approx. 1.1 cm in diameter, less in back. Painted: red line across lower part of vertical fascia above cavettos; black outlining cavettos, which have alternating red and black centers outlined with white; diagonal white, red, and black bands on two round moldings run in opposite directions; black line on lower side of third (lowest) molding. Alternating red and black for elements of palmettes, lotus, and volutes, and alternating painted red and black ivy

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leaves and tendrils in painted lower frieze, all running to left (red tendrils have black buds at ends). Andrén noted that this is a nearly unique type in its combination of moldings and decorative elements; it must have been specially designed for a very large and perhaps unusual building.

286. REVETMENT PLAQUE: “HANGING CURTAIN” MS 2128 Orvieto Single fragment, broken on all sides except bottom and righthand edges. Chipped; encrusted. Very coarse but carefully mixed architectural clay, deep pinkish tan with large amounts of inclusions: large irregular brick red bits probably grog ground from previously fired ceramic fragments, sharp black obsidian grits, and some oblong bronze-colored micaceous bits. Many voids also evident. Possible traces on upper back surface of smoothing with cloth or of resting on woven surface. Creamy grayish buff slip overall, with traces of dark red paint visible over it on relief designs Max. Pres. H. 15.0; Max. Pres. W. 14.1; Th. 3.0 (through relief) to 3.5 cm (through molding) Luce and Holland 1918:326 no. 7, pl. 9 fig. I; Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1921B:161 notes “retired owing to lack of space”; Andrén 1940:197–98, type II:3; cf. 195, fig. 31, pl. 75 no. 254; Winter, in progress End of 5th–early 4th century BC Fragment from cortina pendula (hanging curtain), revetment type designed to hang down below edge of wooden beam it covered, forming sort of fringe with lower edge of its relief

286: MS 2128

design cut out. Broken across top, flat on back and finished right edge, it preserves deep round molding below which is relief frieze of upright lotus framed in volute; between enclosed lotus figures is pendent palmette of seven leaves, lower edge of which is edge of revetment; below lotus, revetment ends in pendent conical bud. Original plaque type continued above section displayed, terminating in short cavetto molding (see Andrén). Traces of red on alternating leaves of palmette and on lotus petals; diagonal red bands across round molding at top of fragment. Single large nail hole was pierced from front surface just above and between volute and upright bud above pendent palmette; 0.9 cm in diameter on outer surface, hole is only 0.5 cm on back surface and could only have accommodated thin metal nail. Andrén (1940: pl. 41 fig. 135) suggested the restoration of a short cavetto molding as the upper element of this revetment type, based on examples found at the site of the Sassi Caduti temple at Civita Castellana (Falerii), as drawn by Holland (Luce and Holland 1918: pl. 9 fig. I).

287. TABLEAU ANTEFIX (OR OTHER RELIEF), FRAGMENTARY MS 2237 Pl. 30 Orvieto; paper label, plain white rectangle, with “12” in brown ink Single fragment, broken on all sides; preserves some of front surface of relief molded and painted figure. Chipped, with traces of heavy white encrustation. Terracotta, clay mottled deep yellowish tan to light brown, with abundant small dark inclusions and extremely abundant very fine sparkling inclusions. Paint possibly over slip of same creamy tan color: dull dark brownish black and dull dark orange red. Many traces of fingermarks on interior/back surface where clay pressed into mold Max. Pres. H. (as if figure stood upright) 12.5 (14.5 through neck); Max. Pres. W. (through arm, chest) approx. 18.0; Depth/thickness of clay through side approx. 4.0 cm Winter, in progress; Stopponi, in progress Early 5th century BC(?) Fragment of female body in motion, modeled in high relief: preserves neck—she apparently is looking to her left— with two long waving locks of hair blowing over her right shoulder; both arms were partly raised. Relief for hair, including lock over front and another over edge of left shoulder; neckline of dress, catenary folds below left breast

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and thin vertical folds below sternum. Hair and vertical stripe over left breast are in black paint, while dress and choker necklace with pendent loops are red (black over some loops as well). Presumably maenad in dance or flight. The depth of relief and strong motion indicate either small acroterion or higher relief and complex scene composition of mutulus plaque or narrative antefix type, such as are known for late archaic Orvieto. Claudio Bizzarri (visit 2002) and Simonetta Stopponi (visit March 2003) confirm the Orvietan fabric and type of this piece, and Erika Simon (2002) has concurred with the interpretation of the relief as part of a tableau, probably of a satyr and maenad or similar scene of figures in motion. If not from a complex antefix for a large building, the relief might be for a mutulus plaque or complicated acroterial composition for a sima. In style it is clearly late archaic, with long tresses of hair, intricate drapery folds, and painted jewelry. For a hint of the variety of Orvietan architectural sculpture and discussion of a coroplastic tradition there, see Stopponi 1993:figs. 7 and 10 for narrative reliefs (satyr/maenad and combat scene). Simonetta Stopponi confirmed this during her visit and has included all other Orvietan fragments in her forthcoming study of terracottas found at or near the site of her excavations at Campo della Fiera.

288. ANTEFIX, MAENAD HEAD IN SHELL MS 1803 See photo with 290–91 Cerveteri Mended nearly complete from several large fragments, preserving most of antefix (missing sections of shell background, now restored in plaster) and portion of contiguous cover tile. It appears that back edge of cover tile was sawed off by 19th century dealer. Portions chipped, encrusted, but preserving ample traces of paint. Terracotta, fired pale grayish buff, with very abundant small black glassy particles, very fine white particles, and sparse traces of very fine golden sparkling inclusions. Abundant fingermarks. Creamy white slip overall, with paint over it in places: matt purplish red, black, orange and yellow H. 47.0; Max. Pres. L. of tile 27.0; est. W. across shell 49.5; Diam. of tile approx. 8.5; H. of tile approx. 11.0 cm Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1920C:362–64, fig. 7; Luce 1921B:158 no. 261A; Andrén 1940:57–58 type IV:6; White et al. 2002:35 no. 52; Winter, in progress Later 4th century BC

Large antefix from an Etruscan temple of large scale is in characteristic 4th century format of large concave shell backdrop framing human bust. Simple rounded cover tile is attached to it behind and further with an arched strut of rectangular section, finished off in concave U-shape where it attaches to top surface of cover tile. There is deep, round recess in back of antefix corresponding to back of relief head in its center. Tile is plain, its bottom edges finished flat with board or tool. Antefix consists of deep, red-painted rectangular plinth (approx. 5 cm high) joined to widely flaring, concave shell inner face which is molded in relief with concentric pattern of alternating palmettes (three) and lotus (two plus two halves) linked below by double spirals that issue from base of lotus flowers. Central palmette has seven leaves, side palmettes, five leaves. Outer edge of shell follows contours of floral ornament. While leaves/petals are reserved, retaining color of white slip, relief ground is painted solid black between ornaments, and red below them and above high-relief female frontal head that is center of antefix. Head rises from low bust covered in red drapery with U-shaped neckline; placid oval face with long thin nose, full straight lips, and round eyes in fleshy lids looks out from beneath waving hair that falls from central part and is pulled into thick short curls in front of ears. She wears flaring headdress, concave band covered with bull’s-eye or rosette ornaments (circles with central dot), top of which is smooth and convex as if covered by veil. Huge horseshoe or grape-cluster earrings with central boss and pendent cluster of seven hemispheres stand out at right angles to her face. Her skin is white, her lips red, with black for eyes, brows; her headdress and earrings are yellow, framing hair of deep orange.

288: MS 1803

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Color scheme makes it apparent that thin veil with shallow crinkled hem projects from beneath her headdress, since it is painted yellow like crown of head and does not match adjacent hair. Curved, raised area above earrings is painted red, thus not lady’s ear, although its identity is not readily apparent. Upper edge of shell is painted red and creamy slip covers back of shell, but remainder of tile is unpainted. Compare Andrén 1940: pl. 20 fig. 66 type IV:6, in Berlin. (Berlin antefixes, including a different silen type, illustrated by Giglioli 1935: pl. 324.) For the interest in representing this earring type on architectural terracottas, see Andrén (1955–56). Fragmentary molds for the palmette-shell antefix backs were excavated by Mengarelli at an extramural temple site (1936: pl. 27 no. 2).

289. ANTEFIX MS 1802 Pl. 31 Cerveteri Antefix mended complete, with small sections of shell restored in plaster; small portion of tile is preserved, but strut is missing. Broken edges also abraded. Terracotta, similar to preceding. Fabric appears to be same, although this example is fired to slightly different color, pale orange buff. Similar paint (see below) H. 47.5; W. across shell approx. 49.0 cm Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1920C:368–69, fig. 10; Luce 1921B:159 no. 261B; Dohan 1933:174, pl. 15; Andrén 1940:57–58 type IV:6; Winter, in progress Later 4th century BC

289: MS 1802

Antefix of same type as 288, molded from same archetype (although it may not have been drawn from same, but from parallel mold). Main difference between two antefixes is deliberately variant color scheme: this female head is painted black over white slip, with dark red for lips, eyes, hair. Her earrings, headdress, and veil are deep pinkish orange. Crown of head is dark red, thus not same “fabric” as her veil. Ornament of shell is also painted differently: background bright orange, leaves, petals, and tendrils black, palmette heart and lotus calyx dark purplish red. Plinth’s front surface is bright pinkish orange. An Archaic series of female antefixes from the cult building at Pyrgi already attests to the use of alternating black and white heads; see Melis 1970. At least two successive sets depicted a black and a white maenad (with hairstyle, headdress different in relief). Fragments show that silens were also included, and later terracottas for the building alternated a male Negro and a white maenad (Melis 1970:333, fig. 265; 338, fig. 271). (For the art of the Pyrgi sanctuary in general, see Serra Ridgway 1990.)

290. ANTEFIX MS 1805 Cerveteri. (Paper label “J. C. 8”) Mended from several fragments, with large portions of shell restored in plaster; preserving small section of cover tile, missing most of strut. Old mends with metal wire in drilled holes. Terracotta, fabric same as 288, but fired very slightly more pink in tone H. 47.5; est. W. across shell 47.0 cm Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1920C:360, fig. 9; Luce 1921B:159 no. 262B; Andrén 1940:56–57 type IV:5; Winter, in progress Later 4th century BC Shell-back antefix of matching type, with satyr’s head slightly larger in scale than busts of female types. Base is narrow plinth without indication of neck or bust. Round face with heavy features and shaggy rounded beard covering much of lower face; long moustache falls over very large, fleshy lips, parted to reveal straight line of upper teeth. Small, broad nose with rounded tip; large rounded eyes, heavy brows, deeply furrowed forehead. Animal ears are difficult to discern amidst curling hair over forehead and (human) ears. This example, from different mold than next, was finished by slightly different technique, with strut of different type: vertical piece, rectangular in section, with its upper end set near top of shell and pierced vertically with large hole. Red for flesh, black for hair, details of eyes; red, white, and black in shell relief, with blue centers in palmettes. Compare Andrén 1940: pl. 20 fig. 65 type IV:5.

Catalogue of Objects

288, 290, 291: MS 1803 (top), MS 1805 (bottom right), MS 1804 (bottom left),

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blue remain on edges from some previous mounting. Terracotta, fired orange tan, with very large amounts of irregular reddish brown, very fine golden, sparkling, fine black glassy, and extremely fine white inclusions. Paint is matt chocolate brown to charcoal; matt brick red; creamy yellowish white; and (traces) bright, creamy light blue H. approx. 62.8; W. 47.4 (top edge) to 47.6 (lower edge); Depth 6.1 at top (cavetto) edge to approx. 3.0 through relief; H. of cavetto molding 12.2; H. from top edge through bottom of lowest nail hole 49.7; Diam. of nail holes 1.1 to 1.2 cm Luce and Holland 1918:329–31 no. 11, fig. 6 bottom; Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1921B:159 no. 265; Giglioli 1935:63, pl. 333 no. 2 (disputed Caeretan provenance); Andrén 1940:59 type IV:10, pl. 19 fig. 62; White et al. 2002:36 no. 53; Winter, in progress Later 4th century BC

291. ANTEFIX MS 1804 Pl. 32 Cerveteri Mended nearly complete from several fragments, with large portions of shell restored. Terracotta, fabric same as preceding H. 46.0; est. W. shell 49.5 cm Museum Journal 1920:28 cases XXX and XXXIV; Luce 1920C:358–59, fig. 6; Luce 1921B:159 no. 262A; Dohan 1933:174, pl. 15; Andrén 1940:type IV:5; White et al. 2002:34 no. 51; Winter, in progress Later 4th century BC Satyr-head antefix of identical type to preceding, but with slight differences in details, eyes more sharply delineated, with pointed corners. Strut same as those of the two maenad antefixes.

292. REVETMENT PLAQUE MS 1806 Cerveteri Mended nearly complete from 17 large fragments; small portions of relief and edges restored in plaster— complete profile and pattern preserved in original. Some broken edges abraded and encrusted. Abundant traces of paint remain. Traces of modern pale grayish

Large revetment plaque for horizontal beam of temple, short cavetto top molding indicating that it was set high on structure; its nail holes show that it must have covered deep wooden beam at least 50 cm tall, covering span between vertical members of at least 47.6 cm width (provided that single plaques spanned distances). Plaque was molded, its back, top, and side edges smoothed off with board leaving its front surface and bottom edge molded in relief. From top to bottom relief is deep cavetto molding of convex strigils alternating with flat vertical panels; flat relief is painted white, strigils alternating in black and red. Top edges of strigils are convex, projecting very slightly beyond straight edge of plaque. Half-round molding sets off cavetto from rest of plaque and is painted with spiraling diagonal bands of red, black, and white. Body of plaque is molded with pattern of alternating, opposed upright and pendent palmettes and lotus flowers, with double spirals between them; complete central pattern is an upright lotus confronted with pendent palmette. Relief surfaces are reserved against solid painted backgrounds, black for palmettes and red for lotus; hearts of lotus are red, and they and reserved hearts of palmettes are outlined in blue (traces preserved). Relief hemispheres fill spaces beside central palmette petals, while two thin stamens ending in curved anthers project from each lotus flower. Lower border of plaque has cut-out edge intended to project below level of beam; ornate pendent conical lotus buds

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292: MS 1806 with reserved, ribbed concave rhomboid center/calices and drooping outer petals are linked across their tops by downturned crescents; they are painted red, with blue outlines against black background. Red paint is carried onto underside of buds and across back of plaque about 5 cm deep, suggesting that plaque projected about 5 cm below beam end. Andrén noted that fragments of this plaque type in Berlin, and drawn from the same mold, are believed to have come from the Vigna Marini-Vitalini temple site (cf. 279).

293. SARCOPHAGUS AND LID MS 3488A, B Fig. 35 Civita Musarna, from one of three tombs (labeled C, D, E by the excavator) of the Aletna family. Notes made by Rossi Danieli in the Musarna granary, where the Museum’s sarcophagi were stored before shipment, seem to indicate that both the lid and chest of this sarcophagus did originally belong together, but as noted by Dr. Adriana Emiliozzi (annotated on the Museum’s copy of Catalano, see below), there is a slight discrepancy in his description of the chest. He described the confronted sea monsters but noted a Medusa mask between them, which clearly was never on the chest MS 3488, although such compositions

are known on other, unrelated sarcophagi. There seems to have been no similar chest which could have been mistaken for this one, however, although some lids of the other sarcophagi were inadvertently separated from their original chests. Chest broken, no doubt by tomb robbers, along three areas of its upper edge; these have been restored to provide a safe seating for the lid. There are also large chips or pry marks on the preserved upper front corner and parts of the relief. Lid mended nearly complete from two large fragments (broken over ankles); back corner at foot is restored; abraded over right hand and knees. Weathered over entire exterior. Nenfro, with many black and reddish brown particles of different sizes. Tool marks visible on unsculpted surfaces and on parts of drapery A (chest): L. 192.0 on front edge; H. 57.5; Depth 66.0 cm B (lid): L. 205; H. through head approx. 49.0; Depth 56.0 (head) to 53.0 (at foot); footboard approx. 25.0 cm deep. Combined H. 108; L. 1.932; W. 0.585 m Furtwängler 1905:255 no. 6; Luce 1921B:185 no. 3; White et al. 2002:39 no. 58. Catalano 1982:58–59 no. 12 and passim, discusses and gives facsimiles of archival material, especially reports by Luigi Rossi Danieli, on all the stone sarcophagi in the Museum (and those related to them). Adriana Emiliozzi has kindly examined the Musarna sarcophagi and provided information, including an annotated copy of Catalano’s book 3rd century BC Sarcophagus with rectangular chest, the front long side with an inset rectangular panel of relief: pair of confronted ketoi with serpentine bodies, fish tails and fins, forelegs, long, wrinkled snouts, bulging eyes, and small fin-like beards. The lid, which appears rather longer than the chest, is a low plinth with a gabled and bolstered footboard at one end (outline is triangular, with tall, rounded ends and a single round molding running over the center, top surface). At the head, a cleanshaven man reclines, leaning his left elbow on thick stacked pillows, while his right arm is folded across his waist and holds an elongated object. His round face, with thick lids, soft mouth, and heavy chin, is framed by a rolled wreath placed low over his forehead; short hair protrudes over his ears from beneath the wreath. A mantle covers his body except for his chest, right shoulder, and arm; its corner near his feet has a small round tassel. (A few mantle folds continue across the back surface.) He seems to gesture with his left hand as it peeps from the

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mantle, with thumb and forefinger extended from his curled fist. The man grasps a large object in his right hand, held across his body toward the front edge of the lid: a deep, paddle-like end points toward his head, while below his fist it extends in a cylindrical section with three deep, round moldings. It is not a folded document or papyrus roll, but more resembles a vase similar to an alabastron, except that the mouth would be spilling its contents. The field for the relief on the chest is uneven. The ketoi have doubly curved serpentine bodies ending in upright fishtails, sharp, triangular back fins, and a single long, hatched belly fin; they show long twisted beards, wrinkly snouts, and zigzag manes, with finned forefeet. Traces of red paint are preserved in the back fin of the right ketos and also on the footboard of the lid. The disparity in size between chest and lid, with the lid much longer yet narrower than the chest, might indicate that they were not carved as a set, yet the only surviving documentation seems to indicate that they were found together. The effigy appears awkward if judged by rules of anatomy, with draped left shoulder held too high, head, legs, and hands too large, foot short and chubby with square toes; a deep hole for navel is now eroded. In style, the Museum’s piece fits well in the later series of sarcophagi found at both Tarquinia and the region of Musarna-Tuscania-Viterbo, including sarcophagi found in the Pulenas and Curunas tombs of Tarquinia and Tuscania. Compare the format, with gabled footboard and reclining pose with right knee raised and right hand draped across the abdomen: Herbig 1952:nos. 195, 212, pl. 59, and pls. 61–70, 75–84 passim. Even the famous sarcophagus of Laris Pulenas, Herbig’s no. 111, pl. 70a, shows a similar design, while the massive rounded head, emphasized by the rolled garland and thick wreath, also has generalized parallels of varying degrees of aesthetic interest (Herbig 1952:nos. 110, 111, 122, 205, 206, pls. 96, 100). The current impression made by this and related sarcophagi is due to the weathering of the coarse material with its many voids and dark inclusions, its weathering, and the style in which its physiognomy was originally rendered. Compare, for instance, the lid of a man’s sarcophagus

said to be from Tuscania, in Copenhagen; Moltesen and Nielsen 1996:52–53 no. 9. Like many pieces of this type, it also has the “gabled” footboard; it has been dated on stylistic grounds ca. 250–180 BC. As with the Museum’s sarcophagus, the artist’s attention to certain details, like the tasseled tip of the mantle placed carefully on the mattress beside his leg is also evident. Van der Meer (2001) has updated the bibliography and chronology for these sarcophagi (listing six phases from ca. 350 to 200 BC), and the format and stylistic details of both lid and chest seem to fit his period of ca. 250–225 BC (2001:83). Compare the male heads from other sarcophagi found at Musarna; Moltesen and Nielsen 1996:62–69 nos. 15–20. Ketoi as guardians and mounts for the trip to the underworld were popular figures in Etruscan funerary art; they seem to develop slightly later than the hippocamps of the archaic period, but appear in various forms on Hellenistic urns and sarcophagi. A very fine pair of sea monsters, one a ketos, the other a hippocamp, decorate the more elaborate sarcophagus in Copenhagen; Moltesen and Nielsen 1996:60–61 no. 14, dated ca. 200–150 BC. Our example with a

293: MS 3488

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pair of ketoi, unmistakable for their reptilian muzzles and beards, is a less common variant. (For more illustrations, see Paschinger 1992: pls. 49–51, 82; Herbig 1952:passim.) Compare the ketoi of Herbig’s nos. 32, 69, 190, 212, 240, pls. 57, 59, 68, 78, 80, although none have such distinct belly fins as the Museum’s; also Boosen 1986:197–202, 199 no. 53, pl. 28 fig. 41. A ketos accompanying Nethuns in a krater by the Nazzano Painter (4th century) does show the same sort of underbelly: Martelli 1987:196 no. 145(A). If the effigy holds an object, it is usually a bowl, vase, fruit, or writing materials, occasionally an animal, fan, or mirror; the clearly defined, rounded segments and slightly convex, downward-pointing body of the object held by the Museum’s Musarna effigy do not match any of these. The ring-molded back section might have been the pedestal base of a late elongated kantharos, a variant of the type of 311, but it is too chipped to allow certain identification. (I thank Bouke van der Meer and Jesper Jensen for discussing this object. Compare the aryballos, held in slightly different pose, by the ladies of Volterran urns: Gambetti 1974:49–50, 129 nos. 105–6.) Perhaps the upended vase is a symbol for a life poured out; one parallel would be the Chiusine urn on which a lady costumed as a bacchante with a torch holds a large kantharos upside down over her knees: see Colonna 1996: pl. 4a.

294. HEAD FROM SARCOPHAGUS MS 1817 Said to have come from “Corneto” (necropolis of Tarquinia) Single fragment, broken on all sides except the figure’s right elbow, i.e., preserving the back upper corner of the lid. Chipped overall, missing parts of hair, wreath, drapery. Preserves traces of white slip and pink and/or red paint. Abundant fingermarks and fingerprints. Terracotta, fairly coarse, with some pebbles and very abundant coarse reddish brown grits and smaller glassy black inclusions. Fired a pale pinkish orange, although now darkened, with white encrustation. Hole at inner corner of right eye where a pebble broke off Max. Pres. L. (= height, as displayed, rotated) approx. 32.0; Max. Pres. W. approx. 38.0; Max. Pres. Depth approx. 23.0; H. of molded face from chin to hairline approx. 15.2 cm Luce 1921B:158 no. 260 End of 3rd–early 2nd century BC The sculpture is the remnant of the elaborate lid of a terracotta sarcophagus depicting the deceased as a young man reclining on his back, with his head propped on his right hand,

294: MS 1817

and his elbow bent out over the far corner of his couch or bed. He would have looked upward, his head tilted very slightly toward his left as if to face the onlooker. The lid was made by hand with the aid of piece molds, and broken edges show many layers of clay pressed rapidly into the molds. The head is deeply undercut, framed in the shadow of the youth’s arm, which is enfolded by the edge of a thick mantle; he wears a short-sleeved tunic and a wreath with a long, irregular ribbon draped over each shoulder as if he were standing upright. Thick irregular curls of hair finished with deeply incised lines cover his ears. Low forehead, deep-set round, rolling eyes with thick lids beneath heavy, straight brows, soft mouth with lips slightly parted, cleft chin. Tooling sets off the indentations of eyes, corners of nose, nostrils, corners of mouth. The face was originally painted red or pink over a white slip, which is also visible in the hair; the paint has run so that eyes, for instance, are now pink also. On the top of the head, now exposed by breaks, are visible two thin parallel incised lines for setting the applied clay wreath (now broken away). In 1994, Maria D. Gentili was able to count 185 terracotta sarcophagi, many dispersed, but all to be associated with the region of Hellenistic Viterbo-Tarquinia-Chiusi. They belong to the art (and society) of the mid-3rd through 2nd centuries BC and have been found in a number of named family tombs, along with other types of sarcophagi and urns. While artisans may have traveled, these sarcophagi probably were made in a workshop in Tuscania. The Museum’s head is from a less common variant on the terracotta lids, featuring the effigy as if resting or sleeping on a couch; compare, although not identical, Gentili 1994:nos. A 8, A 41, A 53, pls. 4, 20, 25. The pose

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is her type 4 (1994:19, fig. 10), which would have been completed with the other hand placed across the abdomen and the legs crossed beneath mantle; the Museum’s head is modeled more sensitively and individually than most examples in this format. Inventoried in the 19th century as an architectural fragment and never before displayed, the sculpture was not known to Gentili and does not appear in her corpus of terracotta sarcophagi. Gentili (1994:94 no. B115, pl. 54) does, however, cite a lid with robust female effigy that was also sent to the Museum in 1896–97; from Musarna, like the stone sarcophagi, it is to be dated to the first half of the 2nd century BC on stylistic grounds. There are also a complete sarcophagus lid with reclining youth, in flattened style similar to Gentili’s type 5, showing an “inorganic body” and disproportionate and not well articulated bust: 1994:A 22, A 33, A 39 (pls. 5, 14, 18), and a fragment of another female effigy, under study. Constraints of space and the fragility of the pieces have prevented their being displayed in the gallery.

295. CINERARY URN OF ARNTH REMZNA MS 2458A, B Pl. 33 Said to be from Colle (a necropolis of the city of Chiusi) (see CIE no. 1192, below). Coleman Collection Chest mended from several pieces (back bottom corners chipped and cracks filled with plaster); both chest and lid chipped overall and surfaces cracked; on the lid, corners retain shiny surfaces in part due to polishing of past handling. On the relief of the chest, the heads of the three lefthand figures are mostly broken away. After cleaning (2001), areas that had been protected, such as the socket in top of Remzna’s hat, show the bright white crystalline surface of the original stone, while weathering is evident on his face and hands and on the relief of the chest. Traces of red paint remain on chest and lid, in the petal-shaped hollows in his bowl, under his chin, and in the inscription. Alabaster Total H. when lid is in place on chest, approx. 70.0 cm Chest: H. 38.0; L. 62.0; Depth 31.5 through relief; (top surface 61.5 x 26.5); interior hollow, L. 48.0; W. 15.0; Depth approx. 16.5 cm Lid: H. approx. 31.0; L. 61.2 (front edge) to 63.0 (back); Depth 33.0 at head to 31.0 at feet; average H. of plinth/mattress approx. 5.0; average H. of inscription field 3.0 cm

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CIE 1192 (also CII 694); Coleman Catalogue: 23 no. 244, described as “no provenance”; Bates 1905:166–67 no. 6; Luce 1921B:187 no. 9; TLE 467; Rix, ET Cl 1.166 (superceded reading of ´s cupitnue´s). Benelli (1998:238) cautions skepticism on the provenance information for this and related pieces. White et al. 2002:38 no. 56 Late 3rd century BC Large urn with rectangular chest carved with relief scene on front face only, and hollowed only partially: the interior could not have contained the complete remains of an adult cremation. The lid, flat on its underside, is carved in relief in the form of a man reclining on a rectangular plinth-like mattress. He leans on his left side, his left elbow and arm resting on two plump pillows that form the front right corner of the lid. His head is tilted upward and slightly to his right, his raised left shoulder pressing against his thick neck. His left leg is flat against the mattress and bent at the knee; above it, his right knee is bent and raised, with bare right foot projecting beyond the hem of his mantle. His right arm is stretched along his side, balancing on his knee a mesomphalic phiale with a large boss from which radiate 11 incised “petals.” Remzna wears a heavy mantle draped across lower body and left shoulder and arm, with his exposed abdomen and chest covered by the thin folds of a tunic with V-neck and very short sleeve(s). The mantle has a heavy braided border represented as a raised molding with incised herringbone pattern, paralleling the sharp-edged contours of the mantle’s edge where it frames the belly and shoulder in deep shadow; a notched edge and tassel complete the squared hem as it lies flat and parallel to the left corner of the lid. The tunic folds radiating over his belly are sharply cut, and the navel is shown as a deep depression. He also wears a thick stippled and bound garland over his chest, as well as the remnant of the headgear of a diviner-priest. The hat has a thick roll over forehead and nape held by narrow straps that fall well in front of the ears. It is tied tightly under the chin in a complex loop held by a round bead or disc of leather and ending in a three-pointed tip that drapes softly over the contour of his wreath. This emphasizes his heavy jaw and ample double chin. The rest of the hat must have been carved separately and glued in place and it is now lost, indicated only by a sharp indentation circling the head above the ears and a shallow, cylindrical socket (diam. 2.9, depth 0.7 cm) cut into the crown. The cranium is incised with short curving lines as if to indicate short hair, but this would not have been visible when the hat was complete. There are slight traces of red paint in the recesses between knot and chin. Remzna’s left hand lies in relaxed pose atop his cushions, with forefinger

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straight as if pointing, and the other fingers curled under. On his ring finger he wears a large ring, its bezel oval, with an incised almond-shaped center. The ring nestles just above his first knuckle, as if it were heavy. His face is short and square, with prominent fleshy cheekbones, a straight mouth, short nose, and small deep-set eyes; his ears are large and, like his hands and visible foot, not proportional to the size of his body. The slightly sunken and sagging cheeks, and tightly shut, closed mouth suggest an older man who has lost teeth; the eyes, although now weathered, have a world-weary expression. The pillows have large tassels on their front corners, but are plain on the back. A soft cover with a regular undulating edge, more like a scalloped border than an animal skin, is shown in relief against the sides of the plinth of the lid. Covering the front face of this edge, below the hem of the “coverlet,” is the neat retrograde inscription: arny : remzna : arny al: zilat [:] ´scupitnue´s (“Arnth Remzna, son of Arnth, zilath of the ´scupitnue´s). Abundant traces of red paint also remain in the letters and dividers. The sculptural style renders the soft contours of pillows, mattress, and fleshy body well. In contrast, the drapery folds are treated as blunt, angular ridges, and the garland and mantle border are depicted only schematically; face and hatstraps are carefully carved, and the left hand is completely undercut beneath the palm, where it arches over the pillows. Rectangular chest is carved with flat sides, slightly deeper near the base than at top, with a roughly hollowed rectangular

295: MS 2458A (lid)

interior with rounded corners. On the front, the relief is set between flat, slightly irregular borders at top and bottom (the lower border more eroded), but it has no frame on the sides and covers the entire field. Below the upper border, a narrow, slightly undulating horizontal relief zone may indicate theatre drapery or the entrance of a palace or sanctuary. In the center of the scene, a man, nude except for a baldric slung across his right shoulder, has collapsed backward onto a cubical altar with Etruscan moldings that is draped with two large garlands. He grasps the far corner of the altar with his left hand, and faces an assailant to the left, a youth nude except for a baldric and short cloak which streams out behind him (to viewer’s left); he grasps the suppliant by the hair and prepares to run him through with his leveled short sword. The suppliant attempts to parry the sword with his right hand, in which he holds upright a thin traveler’s staff. Behind the attacker, occupying a pile of rocks or rocky ground that fills the bottom corner of the field, is a female demon, either a lasa or more likely a Vanth, who wears a short double-girt chiton and elaborate tongued theatrical buskins. She holds in her right hand, and pointing downward, a huge key, a rectangular bar with two sidebars, and seems to touch the assailant with her hidden left hand as if to prevent him striking. Emerging from behind the altar to the right, a warrior in short chiton and scale-armor cuirass seems to remonstrate with another female demon seated on bedrocks; their right arms seem to meet parallel to the ground. She also wears short chiton and boots, and holds down another key. The warrior has a flying cloak above his shoulder and between his legs; in shallow relief, a large round shield hangs flat against his back. The righthand demon seems to wear a large wreath, and the assailant has an elaborate long hairdo bound up in knots or ribbons over his forehead. The flying drapery and wreath show tipped, down-turned ends where they approach the upper border, resembling floral scrollwork more than simple cloth. The demon’s right arm, at the edge of the relief surface, is completely undercut at her wrist; her mirror image had similar undercutting, although much of the righthand figures has been lost. Erika Simon (visit to Museum, 2002) has kindly confirmed the identification of this scene as the murder of Neoptolemos on the altar at Delphi; the details of the story are symbolized in the rocky cliffs that surround the sanctuary, the walking stick and baldric of the traveler, Neoptolemos, and the nudity that suggests his imminent death and subsequent heroization. If

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so, it is logical that the female beings are figures of Vanth rather than the tamer lasa; compare the Vanths who guard the entrance (or exit) of the underworld on the sarcophagus of Arnth Velimna of Perugia (Haynes 2000:391, fig. 297). While decorously dressed, winged females certainly represent Vanth, identification of multiples or the more theatrically clad types is problematical; see Haynes 1993, with references. On the legend of Neoptolemos, see Touchefeu-Meynier 1992:778, and references therein. Steuernagel (1998) does not include this scene in his thorough catalogue of scenes related to human sacrifice; he does (1998:149ff.) discuss the link between violent narratives and Etruscan funerary rites. Körte (1896:191–99, pls. 82–88, see especially pl. 82.2 and 192 fig.) illustrates similar but not quite identical scenes of assassination at the altar in Delphi. The source for the narrative might have been the Andromache of Euripides, but any Greek myth has been altered by the Etruscan artist, with the presence of the demons and design of the altar, for example. The narrative scene, like Remzna’s effigy, is a special commission and not quite like any other urns, and must have carried special significance for his family and community. Stevens (2001), following Colonna (1993), would date all Chiusine alabaster urns between ca. 250 and 175 BC, noting that the relief scenes on the chests become somewhat more crude toward the end of the period, say the third and last generation of the sculptural workshop. She found that all the alabaster urns were made within two narrow size ranges; Remzna’s falls within the smaller set, with approximately onethird the volume of the large set (2001:101–2, fig. 1). The carving of Remzna’s urn, however, is precise enough to fall within the late 3rd century series. Körte (1896: pl. 82 nos. 1–2; cf. Stevens 2001:108 nos. 48–49) illustrated two urns from Chiusi with reliefs of a “murder on the altar”; a third version is from Città della Pieve (1896:191–92 no. 2a), but details vary and only the Museum’s female demons hold keys. Remzna appears to have been a common name in Hellenistic Chiusi, attested in at least 30 funerary inscriptions noted by Rix, ET passim. Early finds of tombs and urns in the Colle (Chiusi) necropolis turned up other members of this family, and a stone cippus found at the entry to a tomb at Montepulciano (CIE 886, Rix ET 8.5) marked the property of another branch of the family. There must have been many small enclaves in the countryside around Chiusi, with rich families living on their holdings and buried in small, private cemeteries. A rare find of Volterran alabaster urns in the Nachrni Tomb in the La Pedata necropolis of nearby Chianciano illustrates the phenomenon of the occasional family with a tradition of inscribed stone urns in this region that favored terracotta: see Paolucci et al. 1997:50–54, figs.

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44–45. For discussion and illustration of Chiusine sarcophagi and urns, several in alabaster, see Colonna 1993:342, pls. 3, 11a, 14a, 15b, 27a, 28a, for general design. The squared, plump physiognomy of Remzna is seen in other Chiusine alabaster urns: compare (though with different relief chest) Louvre no. 57, the urn of Larth Trepus, son of Larth, dated to the third or fourth quarter or end of the 3rd century BC, by Gaultier and Briquel 2002:128–33. See also Maggiani 1985:47–51, especially no. 21; compare the be-ringed effigy on 79 no. 26 (color). A lid effigy in stone in the Museo Archeologico, Chiusi (Giglioli 1935: pl. 405 no. 4), is also close in format and style. The type of hat, with close-fitting cap and tall cylindrical finial, is that seen on several other images. The galerus and the apex, headgear of the flamen dialis of Roman religion and well known in Roman reliefs, originated with the costume of Etruscan augural officials (see Bonfante Warren 1973:588 and note 9; pl. 39.1). Seen on the haruspex figurines where it is draped with their sheepskin cloaks, the hat forms a tall, conical profile: Bonfante 1975:202, figs. 137–38; Cristofani and Martelli 1983:168, 272 no. 60. These also have the curious uncut straps and fastening without knots under the chin, and use an old-fashioned fibula to secure clothes that were not to be sewn. Since zilath in other contexts denotes a high magistrate, and Remzna’s attire identifies him as a member of a priestly order, it seems likely that the unique term ´scupitnue´s refers to some priestly group, but this cannot be proven in the absence of other citations of the word.

296. CINERARY URN MS 354A, B No provenance. Gift of Francis C. Macauley Chest (A) intact, only slightly chipped; preserves traces of white slip, red paint. Lid is mended complete from three fragments (body, head, hand); slightly chipped, heavily encrusted with thick, slightly sandy white to gray deposit. Abundant fingermarks from smoothing of terracotta over plinth. Preserved inside the urn is a single fragment of a handle from a small vase, possibly belonging to this burial (round in section, 2.6 cm long, 0.9 cm thick), light orange buff, with traces of white slip. A (chest): well levigated, fine-textured ceramic clay, light pinkish yellow in color, with traces of white slip overall, and red paint on relief B (lid): different fabric: terracotta fired deep pinkish orange, well-levigated clay with abundant traces of very fine white and reddish brown particles, and extremely fine sparkling inclusions (slightly golden in color)

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A (chest): L. 45.0; Depth 22.5; H. 28.2; opening approx. 12.5 to 13.8 x 36.0; opening approx. 24.5 cm deep B (lid): L. of plinth 48.0; W. of plinth 24.5 (head) to 23.0 (foot); H. of plinth 2.5 to 3.0; H. of entire lid approx. 29.5 cm Luce 1921B:187–88 no. 10 2nd century BC Lid, molded and extensively retouched with fingers and tools, is a flat rectangular plinth with slightly irregular sides. The bottom surface is smoothed flat and now is covered in thick white encrustation. On it reclines, propped on his left side, a youth with short curly hair and a himation draped over his left shoulder and wrist, covering his body from the waist to his exposed right foot. (Foot is simplified and battered, projects slightly beyond the edge of the plinth; it is not possible to tell if it was shod, although such types usually are barefoot.) He leans on an amorphous pillow that has two corners in front but only one in back. He holds a mesomphalic phiale in his outstretched right hand, upright against his knees; the upper arm and elbow are completely undercut. The phiale is incised to indicate the petal-shaped relief of actual bowls. The musculature, where indicated, is barely lumpy, with an oversized indentation for the navel; drapery folds are deep grooves made by the artist’s fingers. The large molded head is set on a short, heavy neck and appears childlike in spite of its deepset narrowed eyes; a short mouth and plump cheeks were molded, but ears were not indicated. The hair is modeled by hand and deeply scored and punched for curls. The chest was assembled of slabs of clay, with a molded front panel with relief of the duel of Eteokles and Polyneikes on the front side, the other sides and bottom smoothed flat; the upper edge has a rounded rectangular opening with rounded corners. The scene is framed at the edge of the slab by coarsely modeled Corinthian pillars supporting a simple ovolo molding above the figures. On either side, a female demon in boots with rolled tops and a short skirt, held up by a bulla-decorated necklace, lunges outward but looks toward the center of the scene, pointing at the combatants with one hand, while holding a flaming torch in the other. The pose and drapery folds of the two demons differ slightly. Between them, on the left of the scene, stands a warrior in full cuirass wearing tunic, flying mantle, and a tall crested helmet; he strikes at a fallen warrior, similarly attired but with bare head. His helmet lies on the ground beneath the feet of the demon on the left. The warrior on the right, who has fallen onto his right knee, holds a large round shield up behind him in his left hand; his opponent has a similar shield, seen edge-on behind

him. The lefthand warrior seems to wear a linen or leather corselet, while the fallen man on the right has a muscle cuirass over his tunic. The fallen man strikes with the sword in his right hand at his opponent’s groin, while the opponent slashes at his throat with his sword. Red paint is preserved on hair, helmet crests, tunics, and columns. On urns with this scene, see Rastrelli in Maggiani 1985:108–9 nos. 107–112 (photo showing fully preserved color scheme, 153, fig. 110). The stock scene of the sons of Oedipus killing each other at the walls of Thebes was a favorite funerary theme, exclusive to the workshops (in both terracotta and stone) of Chiusi. For recent bibliography and chronology of Chiusine urns, see Stevens (2001). See Gaultier and Briquel (2002:40–65) for discussion of the iconographic type and several close parallels in the Louvre dated to the second half of the 2nd century BC. For the iconography, see Krauskopf 1988: pl. 16. The duel to death between the two brothers at the gate of the city of Thebes was a favorite in classical art and literature (Euripides). In this scene, Eteokles has dealt his brother a mortal blow, but he will never rule the city he has “won,” as the dying Polyneikes stabs him with his last strength, making the tragedy of the family of Oedipus nearly complete. This Etruscan version has added the torch-bearing female spirits (Vanths?) who attend such mortal combats. See Krauskopf 1974:53–56, pl. 22 no. 2

296: MS 354A, B

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Inscribed examples of urns mechanically related to the Museum’s include some in European museums, cf. van der Meer 1977:62–63, fig. 72; and D. Briquel, REE in SE 64 (1998):441–46, pl. 52 nos. 110, 112, 113 (at least some are shown by inscriptions to have belonged to the class of freed slaves, the lautni). See the paint preserved on an example in Copenhagen, Moltesen and Nielsen 1996:115–18 no. 39, which also (now) has a largish and high-relief sculpture on the lid— its reclining youth has a different physiognomy and costume than the Museum’s mature man, but also shows the bravura working of the clay, with deep undercutting and openwork for the projecting right arm. The Copenhagen urn still held remains of the cremation burial and packing materials that came in it in 1900; it has been dated stylistically ca. 150–130 BC.

297. CINERARY URN, “COLLARED JAR” MS 2859 Montebello, Colle di Poggialti necropolis, Tomb 1. [In pencil: “6838”] Intact except for one chip from rim, and with many scratches from the cleaning techniques of the 19th century dealer. Yellowish to pinkish buff clay, with abundant traces of very fine dark, white, and sparkling inclusions and coarser rust brown inclusions. Traces of thick creamy yellowish white slip on parts of body, base. Abundant traces of drag marks from pebbles caught in surface. Unpainted, although many examples of this ware are “ceramica parzialmente verniciata” H. 26.4; Diam. base 8.3; Diam. collar 19.2; Diam. rim 11.4; W. across handle 10.5 cm Ellis 1979; Becker, forthcoming End of 3rd century BC Flat base, tapering ovoid body with heavy upturned handles, round in section, set onto widest part, leaving rough traces of clay where they were attached. Above the widest section is set a broad upturned rim or collar, forming a shelf below the conical neck of the vase which is finished with a convex, out-turned, and sharp-edged rim. On one side, below the collar and offcenter, a drill hole pierces the body (hole diam. approx. 0.6 cm). The urns were said to have been sealed when discovered, but in 2000–2002 it was not possible to determine which, if any, of the bowls had been used as lids. The remains in MS 2859 are those of a young man, aged about 28 years at the time of his death; also in the urn were small fragments of vases and bronze. The urn could not have held the full volume of an adult cremation, and the bones must have been only partially gathered and

297: MS 2859

the sample then comminuted. The other Montebello ceramic urns are also deliberately pierced, presumably as part of the funerary ritual, to facilitate introduction of liquids(?) into the sealed container. Other cities in the region of Tarquinia had similar versions of the collared jar, e.g., Ponte a Moriano (Lucca), A. Custer in NS 1928:28–31, fig.3, a find of two jars containing cremated bones, a spearpoint, and vases. See Emiliozzi 1974:56–57, pls. 19 and 31 no. 6 (from Musarna tomb XX) and 193, pl. 140 nos. 298–99, 3rd century BC. A variation on the type, said to be from Castel d’Asso, shows a painted design of stripes and zigzag band; Hayes 1985:163 no. G5, dated 3rd–2nd century BC (with earlier references). Collared urns have also been found in domestic contexts (Musarna, ca. 300 BC and later), as noted by Jolivet (1999:482, fig. 2).

298. CINERARY URN L-64-73A, B No provenance. Loan from Philadelphia Museum of Art; original inv. no. 82-112a, b. [On lower short side of chest, a red-bordered paper label inscribed “No. 501” in black ink, European handwriting] Chest intact, corners slightly chipped. A crack runs across one corner of top surface and opening; it appears to have occurred during firing. A large void or other molding flaw on the right short side. Lid intact, although corners, edges chipped. Two large

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cracks formed across the front and back right corners of lid relief, apparently during firing. Both urn and lid of fine, very light pinkish buff clay, with grayish creamy slip over all except upper surface; the slip over the relief scene is thicker and closer to true white A (chest): H. 21.0; L. 32.8; Depth 17.4 at top to 15.5 at bottom; Depth of interior opening approx. 21.5 x 8.5 x 19.2 cm B (lid): L. 34.0; Depth 33.5; H. 12.3 cm. Height of urn and lid, assembled, approx. 33.5 cm Becker, forthcoming 2nd century BC Moldmade urn and lid of Chiusine Hellenistic type. The lid is much longer and deeper than the chest, but does not look wrong for it except that the figure is more usually for a man, and the cremated remains inside are of a woman. Rectangular urn assembled with molded relief on front. Inset in a rectangular field: scene with myth of Echetlos, or some other “hero-with-the-plow.” Interior of urn was very neatly finished with a mold or board of some sort to give very smooth surfaces. On the front face of the urn, a central heroic figure seen from behind, with a cloak wrapped around his waist, strikes dramatically toward viewer’s left with the end of his plowshare at a crouching armed and cloaked warrior to left of center, as two more fully armed and draped warriors close in on him from either side. The three opponents of Echetlos(?) all wear tunics and short cloaks, helmets, and large round shields, as they brandish long swords. The white slip that covers the relief was extended neatly onto the short sides of the chest in an even border over the original creamy slip. A retrograde inscription in large red-painted letters covered the entire top border of the chest, but only the last letters can be read: …y anai (?). Paint on the relief over slip: golden yellow for shield rims and devices (difficult to read), helmet, lower border. Red for hair, helmet crest, band on tunic sleeve. Rectangular slab for lid, with corners cut blunt. Molded in high relief on top is the reclining effigy of a youth swathed in a mantle which covers all but head and right shod foot as it peeps from the lower hem. The mantle forms a shallow rectangular outline surrounding the figure; above, at viewer’s right, he leans on his left arm on two large, thick square pillows with tassels on their front corners. The upper pillow is depressed where his weight rests on it. Oval face with fine features, narrow pointed chin; hair, parted in center, forms a high curly ridge over forehead, is smooth over crown behind a deep depression that once held a headband or wreath. Over the

298: L-64-73A, B

crown, the hair is rendered by shallow gouges. Two horizontal vents were poked with a dowel partway into the deepest part of the relief, one into the lower pillow as it joins the plinth, and the other at right angles to it, into the small of the figure’s back. Undersurface not painted, but creamy whitish slip over all relief surfaces; traces of red paint over slip for decoration on pillows and facial features; yellow over slip for parts of pillow, covers. For discussion of this theme, see next entry. The urn contained cremated remains, still under study and identified by Marshall Becker as a woman who died at about 30 years of age.

299. CINERARY URN MS 2157A, B No provenance Urn intact except for large chips/pick marks. Lid mended from two fragments. Light pinkish orange clay with abundant reddish brown large grits and very fine white inclusions. White slip, red paint A (chest): H. 21.7; L. 34.5; Depth 19.5 at top to 13.5 below; interior opening is 11.5 x 27.0 x 13.5 cm (approx. depth of cavity) B (lid): H. 12.2; L. 36.7; W. 19.5 cm. Total H. of lid and chest assembled 34.3 cm Luce 1921B:188 no. 11 2rd century BC

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Rectangular urn with reclining effigy on lid from the same workshop and mechanically related to the preceding; slim figure with curly hair, wrapped in mantle and turning slightly onto its left side, leans on two thick rectangular pillows. Red paint over the slip for facial features, hair, stripes on pillows. The relief on the chest is mechanically related to the preceding urn. This simplified version of the story of an unarmed civilian who wields his plow to fight uniformed soldiers has often been associated with the legend of Echetlos, the Greek hero of Marathon. This, the most frequent version of the scene, lacks the expected Etruscan demons, although they do appear in other, contemporary reliefs. Compare A. Rastrelli in Maggiani 1985:106–7 nos. 105.1–4. Four inscribed and mechanically related examples, all with related lids with reclining covered effigies, were found in a tomb of the Marcni family discovered in 1872 outside Chianciano in the territory of Chiusi (località Palazzo Bandino). The lids of all these show the same format of a reclining effigy wrapped in a mantle and almost certainly came from the same workshop as the Museum’s urns. A larger finely detailed example of the Echetlos workshop is displayed (with a female demon in the left corner and a woman’s effigy lid) in the Villa Giulia (Pallottino et al. 1980: 170–71 no. 223). The Echetlos legend (if such it was) was one of the more popular products of a Chiusine terracotta workshop, originally catalogued in the corpus of Etruscan Hellenistic urns (Körte 1916:5–16, pls. 6–7 nos. 5–7, “demone all’aratro”). It also appears in stone urns at Volterra, Perugia, and Chiusi. For an exploration of other possible interpretations, and publication of a close parallel for the Museum’s urn, see Domenici 2001. See Gaultier and Briquel 2002:66–82, for interpretation and several close parallels dated to the second half of the 2nd century BC. The type is known essentially only from an extensive series of small-scale terracottas; as Gaultier and Briquel note, there must have been an earlier series of reliefs from which these small urns were descended, but no examples have yet been found. For a discussion of the Greek tale, see Jameson 1951. As early as the 18th century, the famous scholar Winckelmann had suggested that the hero with the plow could only be Echetlos, the citizen summoned from his farm field to help defeat the Persians at Marathon (490 BC). After the battle he disappeared, and the Greeks were told to honor the “hero Echetlos.” The hero killing many with a plow is distinguished by heroic nudity (except for a cloak wrapped around his waist), and a fellow Greek in helmet and cloak seems to fight with him as he dispatches a “Persian” in heavy (although not authentic Persian) armor. A famous painting in the Painted Stoa in Athens commemorated Echetlos, but no known replicas survive. Körte suggested a local Etruscan legend of some popular hero, and recent interpreters have attempted to link the image with social unrest and the clash of classes in

299: MS 2157A, B the Etruscan cities of the 2nd century BC. On identification of the Etruscan scene, see Szilàgyi 1986. Our lack of Etruscan histories precludes any firm identification. (Cf. van der Meer 1977:62–63, fig. 73.) Both men and women were buried in urns with this scene. On Chiusine urn production of the 2nd century BC, see Maggiani 1985:100–102. More “hero with the plow” urns with names inscribed have recently been studied: D. Briquel, REE in SE 64 (1998):440–47, 470–71, pls. 52, 54 nos. 108, 111, 114, 131 (French museums). Cf. an incised woman’s urn in Castiglione del Lago, W. Pagnotta, REE in SE 44 (1976):231–32 no. 29, pl. 45.

300. CINERARY URN (CHEST ONLY) MS 2159A Montepulciano (territory of Chiusi). [In black paint on short side: “1123”] Nearly intact; chipped on back bottom corner and

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upper corner of relief. Very hard dark orange clay with abundant fine white and sparkling inclusions. Ample traces of smoothing by hand and with a board or spatula, especially on the well-preserved interior surface H. 17.2; L. 26.2 (front edge), 25.0 (back upper edge); Depth across base 14.0; interior opening approx. 18.5 x 7.5 x approx. 5.7 cm (depth) CIE 705 states that this urn is from Montepulciano and was seen in 1890 by the author (Danielsson) of the CIE on the premises of Ferdinando Angelotti, Montepulciano. Bates 1905:167 no. 7, pl. 21; Luce 1921B:188 no. 13. G. Buonamici, REE in SE 9 (1935):352–53, noted the purchase by the University Museum; G. Buonamici, REE in SE 12 (1938):317, pl. 60. Rix 1963:288, 320 cites it as a Chiusine family name; Rix, ET Cl 1.1077 2nd century BC (probably second half) Rectangular urn with oblong opening in top, simple relief decoration on front side only. The lid received with it (see next) does not belong, since it carries a different name and is too short for the urn. White slip over all four sides, but top and bottom surfaces of the chest are reserved. The white slip shows a sharp delineation between front and sides: it is a thicker, brighter white on front and extends in a border approx. 2.0 cm wide over the short sides. It is also spilled slightly over the top edge of rim. Corners and edge of chest are uneven; the front surface is molded, with no border at top and a raised flat border below. Possible slight traces of yellow over the bottom border. Along each side of the front panel,

a relief of the leg of a heavy turned and molded couch, with low stool on the ground beneath it; the stool has short legs with round moldings. The missing lid would have functioned as the top of the couch and mattress. Across the top right half of the smooth field between the couch legs, a retrograde inscription in red paint runs in two lines covering about 2/3 the distance between molded legs. The name was painted with a broad, soft brush or swab: au latine villinal Avle Latine (or Aulus Latinus), son of Villina. Buonamici noted the probable Latin influence on the spelling of the name Villina, since doubling of consonants is rare in Etruscan. A larger, better preserved version of the chest in Florence (Museo Archeologico no. 5543) shows the details of the relief molded couch, with high, turned legs and a wide, low stepping stool with feline paws below it; the trompe l’oeil painted pattern of alternating rhomboids is quite striking. See Maggiani 1985:105–6 no. 102; Pairault 1972: pl. 5 (there are many other examples since this was a popular molded type, made in multiple series). See Gaultier and Briquel 2002:66–82, for several close parallels; Louvre no. 44, p. 108, a woman’s urn with inscription, is close in chest type to the Museum’s example and has been dated to the beginning of the 1st century BC because of the Latin letter forms and nonretrograde course of the inscription. For the furniture type, see Steingräber 1979:285 no. 461, pl. 35.2, dated to the second half of the 2nd century BC; he suggests a link to the phenomenon, mentioned by Pliny, of the importation of luxurious furniture by the Roman conquerors of the East since the mid-2nd century BC.

300, 301: MS 2159A (chest), B (lid)

Catalogue of Objects

301. CINERARY URN (LID ONLY) MS 2159B (not related to MS 2159A) Found at Cervognano, east of Montepulciano (territory of Chiusi). Said (CIE 925) to have been found in 1868 in the area of Cervognano, in the countryside to the east of Montepulciano, and thereafter in the possession of Ferdinando Angelotti of Montepulciano; the lid and chest must have been “assembled” there later. Mended complete from many fragments, chipped. Was probably broken before the modern period, since the broken edges are covered with white encrustation. Pinkish orange clay with bright yellowish orange core. Thick white slip, dark red paint, possible trace of black vertical stripe on back edge of mattress L. approx. 23.2; Depth 14.0 (top) to 15.1 (bottom); Pres. H. approx. 8.5 cm CIE 925. (Also Fabretti, supplement to CII 1.161.) Bates 1905:167 no. 8, pl. 21; Luce 1921B:188 no. 13; G. Buonamici, REE in SE 9 (1935): 353; G. Buonamici, REE in SE 12 (1938):317, pl.60; Rix, ET Cl 1.1051 2nd century BC Lid of small cinerary urn is rectangular, slightly warped in firing, with very roughly hollowed underside and relief molded effigy on top, the molded image taking up the entire top surface. Raised front edge resembles a mattress, large rounded pillow on right front corner, with a reclining figure lying on it, leaning on his left shoulder and turning his head to face the viewer. A raised edge of blanket or mantle rises over the front of the pillow. His right knee is slightly raised, with drapery falling away from it to reveal a shod foot near the back left corner of relief. His right hand, the fingers roughly tooled, barely emerges from the swathe of mantle that he draws from his head over his chest into a V-shape at front. Traces of a garland formed from ropes of clay with deep punched holes trail across his lower chest. Below a rolled ridge of hairline the face is round and broad, with large eyes and straight lips. Incised lines that run over the top of the head and also cross each other seem to portray a man’s hair, but that contrasts with the drapery of the mantle covering the sides of his head. Incised across the back of the figure, beginning behind his shoulder and ending below his knee, running from left to right, in Latin letters: lar:cnaeve (Lars Gnaeus or

301: MS 2159B

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Gnaevus). The letters are large but deliberate, and retain abundant traces of the white slip and red paint that originally covered them. Although Buonamici expressed doubts about the inscription, several other urns with incised and painted letters, admittedly of the same provenance, seem to come from the same extended family. Their inscriptions name Larthia Cnevia A[uli] f[ilia], A. Cnaeus A.f.f. Pacinnal, A. Cnaeve Cainal, and others, written in Latin fashion, alongside another man named Aule Cnaeve Cainal whose inscription followed traditional Etruscan retrograde style. (Cf. Rix ET Cl 1.1051–1057; CIE 925–39; Rix 1963:213, 222.) The lid type is a very common one for terracotta urns manufactured in the territory of Chiusi (cf. 298–299).

302–316. THE “TOSCANELLA TOMB” A family tomb excavated in the necropolis of Tuscania (referred to in the 19th century as Toscanella) has furnished an array of typical vases and other objects deposited during the 3rd–2nd centuries BC, catalogued as 302–316, below.

302. FEMALE BUST MS 1428 Pl. 34 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Intact; slightly chipped (tip of nose missing). Surfaces friable and partially coated with remains of flaking slip or paint. Has been treated (2001) to prevent further flaking. Nenfro; now dark gray to dark orange tan with patches of thick orange to creamy encrustation, some probably left from the deterioration of ancient coatings H. 44.0; W. on base 38.0; Depth 23.7 cm Luce 1921B:186–87 no. 8; White et al. 2002:39 no. 59 3rd–2nd century BC Heavy bust, slightly over lifesize (or out of natural proportion), with flat, roughly oval base, back plain with a few smooth planes to indicate a heavy veil falling in straight folds over a large chignon and covering shoulders. Front shows a female bust wearing a tunic with simple angular folds forming a V-neckline, with a plain rounded necklace at the base of the throat. Framed by the sharp flat surface of the veil that falls behind the ears is a heavy face with broad cheeks and centrally parted wavy hair pulled back to cover the tops of the ears. Plump wide chin, soft lips, large round eyes with soft lids, low forehead. She wears earrings composed of an elongated pyramidal or conical pendent below a simple

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disc. Very slight rolls of fat below chin and over the excessively thick neck. The use of nenfro sculpture and female “portrait” heads for funerary art and architecture was a prerogative of Vulci and adjacent interior Etruria during the 3rd–2nd centuries BC. Busts were incorporated in tombs, as the male and female busts (probably

Hades and Persephone; see Blanck and Proietti 1986:20–21) framing the central loculus in the Tomb of the Reliefs, or the busts in the corners of the “gable” of the Tomb of the Volumnii at Perugia (see detail, Pugliese Carratelli and Pallottino 1986:figs. 603–4). Compare for style the more elaborately coiffed female heads of a column capital from a shrine in the Cavalupo necropolis at Vulci (Pallottino et al. 1980:66 no. 71). A small, nenfro female bust, seemingly younger and also veiled, is in Viterbo: Emiliozzi 1974:270, pl. 199 no. 651. An unusual nenfro sculpture in Copenhagen was said to have come from Toscanella (1907) and illustrates the truncated character of some late tomb sculptures— it is not a bust, but can never have been a complete statue and depicts a larger than lifesize feline paw standing on an anguished man’s head: Moltesen and Nielsen 1996:40–41 no. 5. Compare the Praenestine bust in limestone in Copenhagen; Moltesen and Nielsen 1996:196–97 no. 86, dated late 3rd century BC. The placement of some sort of cult image, such as a bust or statue, in a tomb can be traced as far as the late 7th–early 6th century, with such images as the bronze seminude bust from the “Isis Tomb” at Vulci; see Haynes 2000:154–55. Compare the earrings with actual finds from Etruscan necropoleis, e.g., Volterra, Portone tomb E, E. Fiumi in SE 25 (1957):390, fig. 23; Cristofani and Martelli 1983:231, 314 no. 254, 3rd–2nd century BC.

303. BOWL MS 1506 Pl. 35 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Mended nearly complete from fragments; preserves complete profile. Slight whitish encrustation in bottom interior. Missing one section of body and chips from rim. Dark olive-amber transparent glass H. 5.9; Diam. rim 13.2; Th. of rim 0.4 cm

302: MS 1428

303: MS 1506

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304: MS 1499

Fleming 1999:20, pl. E.I8; White et al. 2002:38 no. 57 3rd–2nd century BC Bowl cast of dark olive-toned amber glass is spherical, with slightly flattened and concave base and straight short rim. Interior smooth except for two thin lathe-cut grooves around lower body. Exterior has fluted appearance, actually 18 ribs (one lost), deep and rounded below the rim, and tapering to nothing near the base; they swirl slightly toward the right. The pattern shows that the ribs were touched up as the artisan turned the bowl in his/her left hand; while still soft, they were smoothed or pared across the top to make an even rim. Traces of the same paring/smoothing on one section of the exterior surface of the rim. This bowl, if contemporary with the vases and mirrors in the tomb, is one of the earliest examples of a very popular type made during the Late Republican and Augustan periods. Beautiful parallels come from the recently excavated site of the Pisa shipwrecks, still under study: Bruni 2000:266, 283, 276, figs. 1–2 nos. 155 and 31 (no. 155 closer in shape but blue, no. 31 is of a similar amber color). They are not yet associated with a specific cargo, but were dated on stylistic grounds to the first century AD (cf. Fleming, above). Made with a mold, they have close parallels in the Settefinestre villa and also the villa of Poggio del Molino (Piombino-Livorno), Vetro e vetri 1998:169 no. 2, fig. 68. Compare: Hayes 1975:20 no. 52, fig. 2; Scatozza Höricht 1986:27–30 nos. 3–10. Grose 1989:183, 207 no. 223, illustrates a 1st century BC example of the type that was cast and sagged, then polished.

304. HAND-MIRROR MS 1499 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Disc and tang of a hand-mirror, mended approximately 3/4 complete by the gluing of two or three small fragments to rim. A thick creamy tan encrustation covers most of the reflecting surface, edge, and tang, but not the engraved surface. The tang is bent slightly out of the plane of the disc. Two small samples drilled from the tang for analysis (1990s). Bronze, corroded a creamy bright bluish green overall, with traces of brownish metal showing through on both sides H. 24.5; Max. Pres. W. disc 17.5; H. tang 4.0; Th. 0.6 (rim) to 0.2 (disc) cm De Puma, CSE forthcoming End of 4th century BC Large hand-mirror with short, rounded tongue-like tang for attachment of a handle of organic material (missing), has sharp beaded edge on reflecting side, slightly in-turned, plain raised edge on reverse running the length of a slightly flared extension. On the extension and adjacent lower disc of the reflecting side is engraved a large palmette with triangular hatched center and six doubly outlined petals. On the reverse, a simplified, upright lotus in the extension supports a short hatched groundline on which stand four figures in a conversation scene. From right to left: a youth, nude except for shoes, standing in relaxed pose with

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his right leg crossed in front of the left; a mantle hangs from his left elbow, while he seems to have his right arm draped around the shoulders of a nude, but shod, youth in the background, who turns toward him. To the left of center stands a nude lounging woman, wearing similar shoes and a necklace of three bulla-like pendants; a mantle is folded around her left elbow and again over her left knee, where she keeps a loop of it in place between her legs. On the left edge of the scene, a nude man, with shoes and a mantle draped over his left shoulder to fall behind him, stands with left foot on a rock, his left hand on his knee. Only the head of the first youth is preserved; he has short wavy locks and looks toward the woman. As the earliest of the mirrors in the tomb, this probably belonged to the eldest woman in the family, or was perhaps an heirloom. The “family conference” scene it depicts was a favorite among Etruscans. The combination of three male figures and one female, all in semi-nudity, is an uncommon variant of a very standardized conversation scene which usually featured Kastor and Pollux, the Dioskouroi, with the nude woman either to be identified as their sister Helen or possibly Aphrodite/Turan. With them would normally be a draped female figure such as Menrva, but here the additional personage is another young male. Contrast (and see discussion for) Bonfante 1997:24 (no. 1). Perhaps the scene is to be read with reference to a later composition on a mirror of the Spikey Garland Groups now in the Danish National Museum; Roberts 1981:96–101 no. 21. The order of the figures is reversed but the relationship of the two pairs is the same, and they are labeled: the woman is “Malavis,” sometimes shown as a bride or Helen of Troy; the three others, all unequivocally male, are labeled Hercle, Artumes, and Aplu, but Roberts interprets this as a mistake for “Dioskouroi with Helen and Paris, in spite of inscriptions.” The palace setting behind them does suggest the story of Helen’s abduction, but it seems that the four-person conversation scene was so popular that, even when labeled, it left room for other interpretations. For the shape of the Museum’s mirror and parallel for its lotusengraved extension, see Barbieri and Galeotti 1999:35–37 no. 26, excavated in a tomb at Ferento dated to the 3rd century BC.

305. HAND-MIRROR MS 1500 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Intact; slightly chipped; corroded deep blue to metallic bluish black, with small patches of creamy light green. Most of the reflecting surface is thickly encrusted grayish tan to brown. Bronze Pres. H. 20.1; Diam. disc 15.5; L. of attached tang

305: MS 1500

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4.0; Th. est. 0.2 cm (both tang and disc) De Puma, CSE forthcoming First half of 3rd century BC Hand-mirror with plain raised edge, short extension, originally had a thin tang cast in one piece with the disc. It now has a thin, ancient replacement tang made of bronze sheet, trapezoidal in shape, and attached on the reverse side to the upper part of the old tang and extension by three large bronze rivets, set with one through the disc and two side by side just below it. The replacement is broken off now, leaving the three rivets isolated; the surface of the replacement is covered in rough grayish material—possibly a pseudomorph of glue or organic material that formed the actual handle? The pattern of corrosion and encrustation shows that this was an ancient repair and that the mirror was almost certainly used frequently during the owner’s lifetime. (This pattern of replacing a broken tang is not uncommon in mirrors of this format.) The wooden or bone handle originally held on the tang has not been preserved. The reflecting surface is nearly flat, and no trace of engraved decoration is now visible. On the concave reverse is a simple engraved scene of two young women/maenads with upswept hair and wreaths, nude except for thick mantles which wave above their neck and shoulders as they dance over a rocky landscape (undulating line). Each balances on her straight right leg and bends the left back from the knee, with arms bent and out from the sides; each looks back over her left shoulder and toward viewer’s right. De Puma has noted that virtually identical figures, suggestive of the use of some sort of pattern in the engraver’s workshop, appear on other mirrors and indicates that this may be rare evidence of the use of a template. A different composition, with two mirror-image maenads dancing, was excavated in a tomb at Blera dated to the beginning of the 3rd century BC; Barbieri and Galeotti 1999:42–43 no. 36. An interest in the duplication of simple images (such as the Dioskouroi) seems evident around the early 3rd century.

306. HAND-MIRROR MS 1505 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Single fragment, preserving extension and approximately 3/4 of disc (top edge missing). Large cracks in upper and lower sections of disc. Thick, crusty bright green corrosion; small sections of blackish brown metal show through on both sides. Traces of creamy encrustation. Bronze

306: MS 1505 Max. Pres. L. 12.3; Diam. of disc 12.1; Th. of disc 0.1 cm De Puma, CSE forthcoming 3rd century BC The disc of a simple hand-mirror cast in one piece with a thin handle (cf. 324 for close parallel), preserves a thin flaring extension, sharp-edged molding raised above the engraved reverse and marked with a thin, very fine pearled edge on the reflecting side. On the concave reverse side are traces of a characteristic engraved figure of a nude lasa striding to left, her (forward) left leg crossed over the right, her large right arm and hand held languidly in front of her, her left hand hidden behind her back. Her large wings look like folded drapery, and in front of/below her is a single undulating groundline or bedrock. The upper break runs across her neck and shoulders, and her head is missing. For this mirror type, see 253; also Maggiani 1985:168–69 no. 227 (from Chiusi).

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surfaces reserved, with traces of painted bands in very dilute dark chocolate brown paint H. 28.1; Diam. rim and base 3.8; Max. Diam. through body approx. 9.9 cm 3rd century BC

307: MS 1501

307. LADLE MS 1501 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Intact except for presumed finial of handle, now missing; corroded. Bronze, dark greenish metallic bronze color in places, with very thick bright green, and dark red encrustation L. 24.7; Diam. bowl approx. 12.0; Depth of bowl approx. 4.5 cm 3rd century BC Ladle with hemispherical bowl, plain edge; flat horizontal handle flared at end and hammered into thin curved tip that probably ended in a decorative finial. The ladle or scoop is simpler, but thereby more sturdy than other examples. Compare the ladle with tongued handle from a tomb at Rosavecchia, Tuscania, now in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Tarquinia: Bini et al. 1995:vol. 1, 87–88, 94–96 no. 22; vol. 2, pl. 51 nos. 1–2, dated to the end of the 4th or first half of the 3rd century BC.

Long fusiform vase with long cylindrical neck, thicker cylindrical lower body ending in widely flaring, beveled concave base. Ovoid body with broad shoulder; rim angular, beveled on outer face. Painted thin rings, two at base of neck, two, the lower one broader, at widest part of body. Over the entire outer surface—except where chipped, covered with random encrustation, or overzealously cleaned by 19th century dealer—is a pattern of encrustation that appears to be a pseudomorph of finely striated material that wrapped the entire vase. Lower body and rim appear wrapped in spiral fashion with thin threads or perhaps fine straw; the lines of wrapping cross several times over the body in multiple overlying layers. The effect is of a bottle wrapped in raffia or similar material, rather than woven textile. A wrapping of raffia or other fibers would have made the large vase much easier to handle safely. Compare the profile of a less precisely painted example from the Curunas

308. FUSIFORM UNGUENTARIUM, WITH PSEUDOMORPH MS 1431 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Intact, although heavily encrusted: on one side, traces of thick white presumably from contact with water on the tomb floor; overall, encrustation which appears to be a pseudomorph of organic material that once wrapped the vase. Light pinkish tan clay with very fine white inclusions;

308: MS 1431, with detail of encrustation at left

Catalogue of Objects

tomb of Tuscania; Moretti et al. 1983:fig. 30 no. 65. An unguentarium of the same shape was dedicated in the sanctuary of Dea Marica at Minturnae (MonAnt 37.2 [1938]: pl. 39 no. 9). The style of painted lines on a reserved body is not uncommon; compare finds from a tomb excavated at Bolsena (NS 1996–97:314, 318–19 nos. 113–20, figs. 32, 34), identified as Forti type IV. (Cf. Forti 1962:151, pls. 7 and 11.) (See cautions on chronology, Prag and Broughton 1992.) These are very common in grave assemblages of the 3rd century BC, especially in the southern Etruscan region of Bolsena-Tarquinia-Tuscania-Norchia-Cerveteri, but also at Volterra (see NS 1996–97:319 notes 100–101). For an interesting pseudomorph, an iron ring studied from Tomb A of the Cannicella necropolis at Orvieto, see S. Angelucci in Bonamici et al. 1994:222 no. 11, 240, color pl. 37. For a basketwork cover made for a glass bottle that had lost its handle, from Roman Egypt, see Whitehouse 1997:183–84 no. 323.

309. BLACK-GLOSS LAMP FILLER/SITULA MS 1462 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Intact, missing one large chip from base. Lower interior covered with thick black encrustation.

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Light orange clay, dull to slightly metallic brownish black paint. Fingermarks from paint swirling on bottom and base H. to rim 10.5; H. with handle 15.4; Max. Diam. (shoulder) 12.0; Diam. base 5.6; Diam. mouth 7.0; W. handle 1.8; Diam. of spout 1.2 cm Early 3rd century BC Situla or lamp filler with beveled ring base, cylindrical lower body, heavy ovoid body with in-turned rim set off by broad groove. Spout at top of shoulder is a short tube with blunt end. Bail handle formed of two rods of clay is set off at each rim attachment with applied disc of clay. Painted overall except for fingermarks on bottom of base and interior, with paint drips on inside of rim. Other versions of this form show a much more elaborate spout. Compare the form of Morel 1971:398, pl. 198 no. 6521b 1, noted as typical of Etruria and neighboring regions and dated ca. 300 BC.

310. BLACK-GLOSS OLPE MS 1457 See photo with 311 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Intact, slightly chipped, encrusted. Light orange clay, dull dark brown glaze. Fingermarks evident on lower body where it was swirled in paint and put down Diam. rim 8.0; Diam. base 5.9; H. 12.9; W. handle 2.1 cm Early 3rd century BC Small olpe or jug with beveled ring base, pear-shaped body and broad mouth, recessed on upper face as if to fit a flat lid. Vertical handle made from two rods of clay attached with short wings along the rim; the joint of the rods and rim is set off with applied disc of clay which projects slightly above rim. Reserved on bottom of base; painted overall and into mouth. Compare the form of Morel 1971:339, pl. 155 no. 5212d 1, common in the region of Volterra and dated to the 4th–3rd centuries BC.

309: MS 1462

311. BLACK-GLOSS KANTHAROS MS 1445 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Intact except for one large chip from rim, some small chips from glazed surfaces; traces of light encrustation. Light orange well-levigated clay, with fine lustrous

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silvery black (metallic sheen) shiny glaze. The upper surface of the molded foot shows traces of a tool or pebble dragged across molding during decoration, causing imperfections in both surface and distribution of the glaze. Fingerprints also evident under the glaze H. 14.3; Diam. rim. 10.6; Diam. base 6.0; (Max.) W. thru handles 14.0 cm Early 3rd century BC Kantharos of Hellenistic type, with beveled ring base, molded with two round moldings on its upper surface; low pedestal foot with two thin grooves in midsection. Tall cylindrical body has low, wide round-edged shoulder with thin groove on upper surface; rim plain, widely flaring above a sharply molded or flanged collar at the level of the upper handle attachments. The two handles are formed of two rods of clay set on in a wide flattened curve. Their upper ends flare apart and merge with the collar in sharply pointed horns set horizontal to collar. Glazed inside and out, with only the conical hollow inside the pedestal reserved. This is a very distinctive product of the “Malacena” work´ shop, as recognized in the tomb of the Calisna Sepu family, dated ca. 250 BC +/– 60 years; see Maggiani 1985:193 no. 260.6. It is found in numerous tombs, including Spina, Valle Trebba tomb 858, and more. Two close parallels among the finds are from the “Tomba del Sileno” at Sovana: Arias et al. 1971:80–82 nos. 10–11, figs 35–36. These must have come from the same workshop as the Museum’s pieces (suggested second half of 3rd century BC). Other examples probably from the same workshop, also with slightly more ornate handles (including a knot), are in the Curunas tomb at Tuscania, Moretti et al. 1983:126–27 nos. 149–50, pl. 124, fig.

310, 311: MS 1457, MS 1445

15.20, of type 3511a2. Compare a very slightly earlier “Campanian” kantharos from the Curunas tomb, ibid., 67–68 no. 137, pl. 79, identified as Morel’s type 3511a1 (1971:266). In a tomb excavated at Bolsena, an identical kantharos was associated with a deposition of the mid-3rd century BC: NS 1996–97:297, 300–302, fig. 24, no. 41.

312. BLACK-GLOSS DEEP BOWL MS 1465 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Mended complete from two large fragments; in excellent condition, with surfaces only slightly dull from faint encrustation. Light orange clay with abundant traces of extremely fine white and sparkling inclusions, with thin to dilute brownish black paint with silvery metallic sheen H. 11.0; Diam. rim 18.5; Diam. base (measured on grooved outline) 8.0; Diam. of shell feet 2.5 cm. Th. of walls 0.3 cm Early 3rd century BC Very large, deep bowl with walls nearly eggshell thin; the body is deeper than a hemisphere, with blunted bottom resting on three applied feet molded in the shape of scallop shells. The only other decoration, impressed before the feet were attached, are two concentric circles of two thin grooves on the base. The shells, round, with 11 blunt-edged flutes swirling from the umbo, were probably made in the same mold, although the handwork of attaching them has blurred the molded edges. Morel (1971:139, pl. 31 type 2132b 1) illustrates an identical bowl exported to Spain and excavated in the Iberian necrop-

312: MS 1465 (detail of base)

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lower body where it was handled for dipping H. 5.4; Diam. rim 16.3; Diam. base 5.0 cm. (Relief head approx. H. 2.7 cm) Early 3rd century BC Shallow, slightly angular bowl with plain flat rim, small ring base, and high relief in tondo: the head of a goddess in peaked cap or helmet; relief surface surrounding her head is very lumpy. Encircling the tondo, under the paint, two concentric circles of impressed hatching (made by impressing a 312, 313, 315: MS 1465 (middle), MS 1473 (left), MS 1490 coiled wire). No doubt because of the extra handwork of the medallion, the rim of the bowl is not a true circle in outline. olis of La Albufereta near Alicante. A fragment of a nearly The molded head was a dull impression to begin with and identical bowl, preserving one of its shell feet, was excavated in has been battered after deposition, making it difficult to accuthe workshop of Aesis at Jesi (Ancona), NS 1996–97:125–26, rately identify its image. Compare the finely modeled relief figs. 64–65 no. 104. The quality of the Ancona fragment tondos of Medusas and Minervas on the more elaborate vases suggested to the excavators that it was perhaps a discard in the of Gilotta 1985:figs. 37–38, 20, 23, 46–48, 59 (T 26, fig. 20, Aesis shop, which may well have produced the Museum’s fine seems closest). bowl. Stylistic parallels have been noted in Corinth and Athens, but the fabric and glaze of our example show that it is Etruscan; the stratigraphy of the piece in the Aesis workshop 314. BLACK-GLOSS PLATE suggests a date of the mid-3rd century BC. MS 1479 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania. [White paper label with 313. BLACK-GLOSS BOWL blue frame, penciled in European handwriting, “25”] Intact, only very slightly chipped. MS 1473 Dull light pinkish orange clay with dark brown slight“Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania ly metallic paint, dilute in many places; fingermarks Intact; paint chipped on rim and tondo. evident around base where plate was dipped and Fine-textured light orange clay with dark brownish swirled. Drag marks on upper surface beneath paint, black, slightly metallic paint overall, except resting where a pebble was caught during throwing surface of foot. Fingermarks in dilute paint across the Diam. rim 13.2; Diam. base 4.8; H. 1.3; relief impression 1.5 x 1.1 cm Early 3rd century BC

313: MS 1473

Flaring shallow plate on ring base with beveled rim; top inner surface has two concentric molded grooves; tondo reddish against the black of the bowl, with a neat circular outline set off by a thin impressed concentric spiral. In the center of the tondo is an oval seal impression: a raised Etruscan letter A. The method of outlining the tondo with a hatched pattern of concentric circles, made by impressing a long coil of spiral wire, is common on these vases, as is the combination of palmette or other stamps with semicircular impressions, often in more elaborate combinations; cf. Maggiani 1985:180–81

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nos. 245.3–4. For the use of a monogram, see Zuffa 1969:493–96, pls. 130b, 133. Compare the more monumental A of the shield devices from Tarquinia depicted in the 3rd century Tomba Giglioli; see Cristofani 1967:288–303. For the decoration, compare Morel 1969:72, fig. 5 no. 49, and 74, fig. 6 nos. 33–34, discussed pp. 75–76, with comparison to monograms on coins of the 3rd century.

315: MS 1490

314: MS 1479

A fragmentary plate found in Tomb XI at Saturnia (excavated by Mancini in 1901) is decorated with simpler pattern made up of four impressions of a seal very close to the running-man impressions on the Museum’s bowl: Donati 1989:187 no. 24, 189, fig. 73, pl. 77. Dated to the first quarter of the 3rd century, it is similar to products of the “Atelier des Petites Estampilles” identified by Morel, but details such as the cross-pattern and the different and delicate stamps set it apart from the well-known workshop.

315. BLACK-GLOSS BOWL MS 1490 See photo with 312–13 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Intact; base has old crack; very slightly chipped, encrusted. Fine light buff clay with slightly metallic brownish black to dilute paint H. 5.5; Diam. rim 16.1; Diam. base 7.5; Diam. of central seal approx. 1.1 cm. Diam. of other seal approx. 1.0 cm Early 3rd century BC Shallow bowl with slightly in-turned rim, deep angular ring base, and impressed decoration in tondo. Entire foot is reserved. Impressed decoration on interior beneath glaze: within a circle of many concentric hatched lines (formed by impressing a coil of spiral wire), a circle of double grooves framed by four grooved semicircles opened outward. In the tondo, off-center, a seal is impressed: within a round outline, a thin warrior running to right, with spear in front of him and shield held behind him; he wears a pointed cap or helmet and short cloak flying out behind him. Between the semicircles this seal is repeated twice, alternating with a seal showing the head and torso of a god with radiate headdress, his left arm raised from the elbow as if in greeting.

316. BLACK-GLOSS PLATE MS 1493 “Toscanella Tomb,” Tuscania Mended complete from two large fragments; partly encrusted, especially on underside.

316: MS 1493

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Light yellowish orange fabric with dull dark brown to dark reddish brown paint; fired dark dull red in tondo H. 2.3; Diam. rim 21.8; Diam. base 9.9 cm. Diam. of impressed tondo 7.4 cm Early 3rd century BC Shallow plate with beveled ring base reserved on undersurface, and slightly offset rim, with a single groove in upper surface; large tondo is red in contrast to the rest of the plate, due to differential firing of the black glaze, is off-center in relation to incised and impressed decoration, a cross pattern inside an incised spiral line. The pattern has a central boss and concentric circular ridges from which radiates a cross formed of out-turned semicircles with pointed tips that terminate in a circular stamp of a five-pointed rosette. Compare the five-petal rosette of Morel 1969:74, fig. 6 no. 3.

317. AMPHORA, “CERAMICA ARGENTATA” TYPE MS 2511 Pl. 36, Fig. 41 Orvieto Mended from many fragments, preserves complete rim, neck, shoulder, and approximately half of body (missing lower body and foot). Rim chipped; missing muzzle of one sea monster from handle; traces remain of polychrome decoration. Very fine textured, deep grayish tan clay. Traces of thin white slip overall, overlain with thick goldenrod yellow slip on body and blue green and pastel pink on handles; thick bluish white painted lines on body Est. H. to rim approx. 36.0; est. H. to top of handles approx. 40.0, but lower quarter of the vase is a plaster reconstruction; Diam. rim 12.4; Max. circumference of body 75.4 cm Luce 1921B:86 no. 95 or 96; White et al. 2002:37 no. 55 4th century BC Amphora with ovoid body, slim neck, profiled mouth with everted down-turned rim set off on top with a thin flange to hold a lid. Two very shallow moldings encircle the base of the neck. The handles are formed of two ropes of clay twisted together and standing up above the rim in the form of ketos busts with molded features: deep rounded chest, six-pointed sagittal crest, long snout, and open mouth. The molded details include eyes, cheeks, and wrinkled snout. Painted surfaces of the handles: bodies blue green with deep pink on undersides; crests and open

317: MS 2511

mouths creamy pink; there is no detail on the rope-like bodies below the rim. Painted on the neck, in white or perhaps pale blue or green above the yellow slip, a thin pattern of entwined ivy tendrils and leaves, with possible traces of red on one of the leaves. The yellow slip (over white) continues inside the neck. The vase clearly belongs in the category of silvered and polychrome vases, but no trace remains of metallic coatings, if they were ever present. It seems more likely that the Museum’s was a less expensive version of the type, with polychrome decoration instead of silver coatings. This category of vases deliberately copied forms in precious metals and may have begun in Falerii at the end of the 4th century, although it is best known in the products of a factory that flourished in Bolsena (the relocated Volsinii) during the second half of the 3rd century BC. Jolivet (1995) has suggested a social interpretation of the emergence of this copycat fabric: the first production was stimulated by the emergence of an affluent middle class that sought handsome objects for display, and the second represented a sort of aristocratic reaffirmation of status among the citizens of the conquered and relocated city of Volsinii after the Roman conquest. A close parallel for the Museum’s vase, down to the fugitive quality of the paint, is in Copenhagen; Moltesen and Nielsen 1996:184–85 no. 80, there attributed to Falerii, Villa Giulia Group 2303, 3rd century BC. The ketos heads may be mechanically related to the Museum’s. The paint was deter-

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mined to be chalk (white), cinnabar (red), and Egyptian blue, applied after firing with the application of an organic binder. (Claudio Bizzarri kindly assisted in the identification of this vase, found at Orvieto, as being a product of that city.)

318. ETRUSCAN RED-FIGURE JUG MS 2519 No provenance Intact, only slightly chipped, encrusted. Light yellowish orange clay with dark brownish black to very dilute paint; white overpaint. Abundant traces of fingerprints and drag marks from inclusions caught during throwing on wheel H. through spout 31.5; Diam. of neck approx. 8.2; Diam. base 8.2; W. handle 3.5 cm Beazley 1947:303 sub p. 173 4th century BC Beaked jug has flat base with slightly beveled edge; narrow lower body, hemispherical shoulder, tall cylindrical beak inturned and cut to form a short upstanding spout. Wide, thick band handle attached at rim and widest point of body. Sloppily reserved on bottom surface, interior, and top of handle, also behind handle. Beneath the handle, in Red-Figure technique,

a blunt 14-leaved palmette; on either side, floral scrollwork curving out toward central scene: a youthful satyr with snub nose approaches a seated woman to left, extending his right hand toward her left hand as it rests on her knee. Her flesh is white, as is the rock on which she sits; the satyr wears white pointed shoes and a beaded, crossed body-necklace and carries a white thyrsus. Between them, hanging from top of field, is a garland, a reserved loop with outer edge marked by white dots and with a palmette pattern pendent inside. The base of the neck is set off by a reserved line, and on the neck is a panel in which a maenad runs to viewer’s right while looking back over her shoulder. She carries in front of her an upright thyrsus. White for her flesh has been carried onto the overlap and pinning of her peplos at shoulders, almost like the sleeves of a theatrical costume. White also was added for a dotted wreath on her hair, branches that she carried in her outstretched right hand, a thyrsus in her left, and a ribbon pendent from the top edge of the panel. Dilute for faces, drapery folds; a white stripe down the center of the seated woman’s skirt. Beazley included this vase and the next in his category of various Late Red-Figure oinochoai of shape VII. Might the excessively thick white arms be sleeves, as on other figures in the works of this painter who seemed to take inspiration from theatrical imagery?

318: MS 2519

Catalogue of Objects

319. ETRUSCAN RED-FIGURE JUG MS 2517 Fig. 42 No provenance Intact; rim slightly chipped, slightly encrusted. Dull light orange clay with dull black to dilute paint, traces of creamy white, now yellow where dilute paint overlays the white H. 35.5; Diam. neck 9.0; Diam. base 9.7; W. handle 3.5 cm Beazley 1947:303, sub p. 173, compared in style to MS 2521 (145); White et al. 2002:37 no. 54 4th century BC Beaked jug on low double-molded base, nearly spherical body, slightly flattened for shoulder, cylindrical neck cut and furled at front to form spout, trimmed to end in sharp corners behind. Over the top of the neck below spout, a flat raised band. Strap handle slightly thickened on edges. The bottom of foot is reserved. Painted decoration: ovolo band on shoulder; palmette with rosettes under handle, then floral scrollwork either side, repeated in smaller scale above, beside the reserved panel beneath the handle. On center neck, a woman sits on a rock leaning on her left hand, holding a white tympanon (tambourine) up to her face in her right hand. On the body, a woman runs from left to a central altar with molded top and base; she holds a thyrsus behind her in her right hand and a tympanon ahead of her in her left hand. Opposite her, on the other side of the altar, a winged lasa, nude except for shoes, walks or dances to right, and looks back over her shoulder; her legs are crossed and her torso is frontal to viewer. She carries a patera in her lowered right hand, and a three-footed situla-like object in her lowered left hand. Rosettes and other simple flowers in the fields. Dilute for drapery, white for skin and details.

319: MS 2517

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Beazley linked the style (and presumably the workshop) of this vase with that of another Late Etruscan Red-Figure piece, the stamnos 145. The floral ornament is adapted from that popularized in Apulian Red-Figure vases. The scene alludes to outdoor cult practices, presumably Bacchic, as signaled by the thyrsoi and musical instruments. Compare the form of the Museum’s small bronze situla (below, 323) to the object carried by the lasa.

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320: MS 400

320. ETRUSCAN RED-FIGURE STAMNOS MS 400 No provenance. (This, and several other classical objects, were said to have been purchased by Prof. H. V. Hilprecht “from the collection of the late khedive of Egypt, September 1896.”) Single fragment, preserves all but foot which has been restored in plaster; rim slightly chipped. Fine pinkish buff clay with slightly lustrous black paint, dilute in places. Traces of white overpaint Pres. H. 26.8 with restored base; Pres. H. without base 25.2; Diam. rim 14.4; W. across handles 8.6; Max. Diam. around widest section of body 68.2 cm Beazley 1947:168, with earlier references; Del Chiaro 1957:105, fig. C; Del Chiaro 1974:16 no. 15, pls. 12–13 End of 4th century BC Stamnos with tapered lower body, ledged rim with molded outer face, now painted with ovolo pattern. Horizontal handles upturned, round in section. Top and inside of rim solid, lower body solid with reserved round molding at joint with foot; outer faces of handles solid. On the shoulder, between double dilute lines, a broad band of black tongues set off by double vertical lines in dilute. Red-Figure scene on body with lower border of abbreviated meanders between dilute lines; on each side of handles, large palmette within floral scrollwork. Between the floral patterns on side B, a nude satyr walks to right, looking back over his right shoulder; in his lowered left hand he holds casually an upright thyrsus; his right

hand is curved and raised over his shoulder. Between his feet, a reserved floral disc. He wears sandals, the thin straps painted in dilute, and he is balding in front; what seems like a little beard may be the smearing of the dilute paint used for his hair, tail, and musculature. On opposite side, a winged Vanth walks with dancing gait to left, looking back to right over her left shoulder; her flesh and wings are white; vertical drapery fold, dotted hemline, and hair are dilute. Her right arm is flexed, lowered, her left carried an object (not preserved) held across her waist. Three flowers (concentric circles in reserved discs) float in her field. Del Chiaro, following Beazley, has attributed the Museum’s stamnos to the Painter of Wurzburg 817, his “Villa Giulia Caeretan Painter.” Del Chiaro notes that both the lasa of side A and the satyr on the reverse are trademark characters of this painter, as is “the ornate character of subsidiary floral/vegetal decoration used.” He suggests that the satyr may have held a string of beads in his right hand, the added paint now disappeared. He describes the reserved circular objects between the figures’ feet as mesomphalic phialai, which would be more evident if the fugitive white paint had been better preserved.

321. ETRUSCAN RED-FIGURE COLUMN KRATER L-29-57 No provenance. Hilprecht Collection. Loan from the Philadelphia Museum of Art; original inv. no. 29-6-57

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321: L-29-57

Mended complete, one segment of rim restored in plaster. Fine pinkish tan clay with dull black paint, dilute in places, and fired reddish brown on base. Traces of white overpaint H. 43.0; Diam. rim 22.2; Diam. base 12.5; W. across handle plates approx. 16.5 cm. Th./Diam. of handle sections 1.3 cm Beazley 1947:301 sub pp. 129–30 “from the district of Volterra” must refer to place of manufacture or parallels End of 4th–early 3rd century BC “Column krater” of Hellenistic Etruscan type on large base with deep round molding resembles an overturned skyphos; tapered ovoid body, wide, deep neck, and plain everted rim. Handles formed of two unjoined ropes of clay unevenly spread out at shoulder and merging with flat trapezoidal extensions of the flat rim. The base, on exterior and undersurface up to bottom of body, and lower body were painted solid (reddish) black. A Red-Figure scene on the body, framed by reserved lines; on lower neck, a wave pattern running to right, most waves with open, reserved bases, and pendent “lotus” pattern in upper field between waves. Upper neck, framed in lines, has reticulated pattern with the spaces all filled by crosses. Handles solid on outer faces, and reserved fields behind them seem to have been painted white. Tongues

extend over edge of rim and down its undersurface to meet the borders. Atop each handle extension, the top of a simple palmette with solid semicircular center. Entire neck has solid dilute black. Upper flat surface of rim covered with overlapping wolf ’s-tooth pattern. Under each handle, a narrow upright palmette rising from thin volutes; the top two leaves are marked with a dot. Similar palmettes emerge from same volutes on each side of handle, the top two leaves with circles at their tips. White paint on the petals of all palmettes (traces). On each side, a “young satyr, running with sashes”: a short plump nude youth wearing beaded choker and sandals, who runs to left, his torso nearly frontal; he carries a long sash with pointed ends in each hand, and short hair blows out behind his head to the right. Traces of white for his flesh are at odds with his juvenile but erect penis; fine dilute lines for musculature, fingers, face, and hair, including lines of dots and hatching for shadowing of muscles. One side has a much heavier line drawing than the other, but it is the same scene and artist’s hand. Beazley assigned this to an as yet unattributed group of column kraters produced in Volterran workshops. Compare Beazley 1947: pl. 29.5, similar in shape (slightly lower base) and decoration (rosettes at base of neck instead of waves); also a column krater in Berlin (from Monteriggioni, Beazley 1947:122, 124). Beazley’s (following Albizzati) “Clusium Group” evolves into his “Volaterrae Group,” both related to

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the Museum’s krater. The group(s) are northern Etruscan, and may have originated with a workshop at Chiusi (where most of the cups have been found—fancier pieces tended to travel more widely). Slightly later pieces in the Volterra Group were probably manufactured in a workshop there before the end of the 3rd century BC. Compare more elaborate works by the Hesione Painter (ca. 325 BC): Martelli 1987:232, 330 no. 179.2. On such late fabrics, see F. Gilotta in Maggiani 1985:176, and tomb groups, 177–79.

322. FALISCAN BEAKED JUG L-64-218 No provenance. Loan from the Philadelphia Museum of Art; original inv. no. 99-158. Stenciled in black paint on shoulder, “23” Intact, in excellent condition. Very thick white encrustation over the black painted bottom. Clay dull pale tan to orange, with brownish black slightly lustrous paint, also used as dilute H. 20.3; Diam. neck 5.5; Diam. base 6.7; W. handle 1.9 cm Late 4th–early 3rd century BC

traces only of dilute details and white overpaint. Neck has elongated palmette framed by floral scrolls; on top of shoulder, between two lines, a row of dots or tongues. Beneath and around handle on body, a pendent palmette framed by thick volutes and palmette scrolls. In center, under spout, a dove flexes his wings and walks to left near a double groundline; in front of him floats a rosette, behind him, a palmette pendent from the shoulder border. Dove’s eye, feathers, and body contours dilute; beak was painted in a different, fugitive paint and may only be discerned now in certain lighting conditions; dove’s reserved cere is thus unduly emphasized. All the floral images as well as dove probably originally had white overpaint. Vanoni and Ridgway 1989:74–75 no. 57, illustrate a similar vase (Gruppo di Barbarano) excavated at Tarquinia, the tomb dated to the mid-4th to mid-3rd century BC. More commonly, the images of this dove, rendered with the beak in fugitive paint, are found on deep skyphoi (cf. ibid., 85 no. 69, 105, for instance). For dove/bird oinochoai, see also Pianu 1980:108–14 nos. 88–97, pls. 81–87, likewise Gruppo Barbarano, none identical, dated second half of the 4th century.

323. SITULA Small beaked jug with flat bottom. Narrow tall neck cut and folded inward to form spout. Handle has rounded outer face, concave inner. Bottom, rim, and outer face of handle solid; neck and body reserved, with black painted scene and

322: L-64-218

MS 2365 Chiusi. Coleman Collection Mended from several fragments and missing portions of body (preserves complete profile); corroded creamy green to dark bronze metallic in places. Encrusted overall. Traces of thick white encrustation on interior, especially on one side, corresponding to those on exterior, as if it had fallen on one side and been subjected to waterborne deposits. Bronze, body beaten up from sheet, and feet and lid cast solid. A different material forms a smooth flat disc on bottom of interior; it is rusty brown on chipped edges and seems to conform to the contours of the metal, as if poured into place H. with feet approx. 11.6; H. of body alone 10.8; H. of cast feet alone 4.9, 5.1, and 5.2; Diam. rim 8.6; Diam. base 9.1; thickness of disc in bottom interior 0.6 cm Coleman Catalogue:7 no. 27 Later 4th century BC Small situla on three feet with sack-shaped body wider at flat base, tapered at neck, and ending in an everted down-turned and flaring rim. The

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323: MS 2365

three cast feet, probably made in three different molds (faces are very slightly different in, for instance, proportions of cheeks, outlines of eyes) are formed of a plump bovine hoof ending in a ledge behind and below to accommodate the base of the vase. Above, emerging from a flaring V neckline, is a chubby head with short neck wearing a soft Phrygian pointed cap with long flaps falling along sides of neck onto shoulders. Two lank wisps of hair, parted in the center, emerge from cap; fat cheeks, stubby nose, straight mouth, and carefully rendered eyes and brows, although the right eye of each is set lower and more slanted than the properly proportioned left eye. A modern pin running from behind the head into the vase serves to attach the foot and hold the disc in place beneath it. It appears that the reddish ceramic disc in the bottom is the remnant of a 19th century repair made at the same time as the pins were inserted. Discoloration of the surface of vase indicates the additional use of solder. Traces of black poured material (probably modern solder) adhere to the interior around each pin. The peaked caps and centrally parted hair are distinguishing features for the Amazons popular in more monumental forms of 4th century art. A cylindrical cista with ornate feet that may be mechanically related to the Museum’s is in Mainz, and is inscribed ´su, an abbreviated form of ´suy ina, “belonging to the tomb”; see A. Naso, REE in SE 63 (1997): 409–10, pl. 27 no. 35. A miniature cista of similar design, with cylindrical body, panther-decorated lid, and three capped heads (suggested as harpies) over hooves for feet, was found in the Osteria necropolis of Vulci and has been dated to the 3rd century BC (Pallottino et al. 1980:64 no. 68). A simplified hooded head, on feline paw, is in Paris (Adam 1984:34 no. 36). The baroque origins of the head type may be detected in a 4th

century cista in Copenhagen; Moltesen and Nielsen 1996:235–39 no. 103. Slightly simpler in design is a bronze from the necropolis of Todi, G. Becatti in SE 9:292 no. 8, pl. 39 no. 14, Todi Tomb IX (NS 1891:84–86, inv. T. VI). As Naso noted, citing Colonna and others, the series of ´suthina inscriptions is a phenomenon of the later 4th and early 3rd centuries at Volsinii/Orvieto.

324. HAND-MIRROR MS 3261 Orvieto Complete; several large cracks over disc; has been stabilized with modern material covering reflecting surface. Corroded bright blackish green, with sections of reddish metal showing through on handle, and bright golden bronze metal visible on part of the engraved disc. Samples (three) have been drilled from the exergue. Bronze L. 25.3; Diam. of disc 12.5; L. handle only 9.7; Th. of disc approx. 0.2 cm R. D. De Puma in Bonfante and Roncalli 1991: 282–84 no. 6.9; De Puma, CSE forthcoming 3rd century BC Bronze hand-mirror cast in one piece with thin handle ending in stylized head of a doe emerging from a shaft with surface relief of bound evergreen branches; the doe’s ears are hatched. The small disc with curved edge is joined with the handle in a concave-sided flaring extension. The extension, with an engraved scored loop on the reflecting side, has its

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outer edge cast in a very fine pearl-edged border, which continues around the reflecting surface. The reverse of the handle and extension are plain, concave, continuing around the disc in a sharpedged plain border. Engraved on the concave disc is a simple image of a nude winged lasa wearing only a large, floppy Phrygian peaked cap, walking to the viewer’s left, her right arm with paddle-like hand stretched languidly in front of her, her left hand hidden behind her back, and her left (forward) leg crossed over her right. The drawing style is distinctive, albeit hasty, with large limbs and head and skinny body; the face is barely recognizable, with huge chin and the rest of the features squeezed in below the cap. The series of lasa mirrors began much earlier than this late and rather hasty version—see the well-documented burial of a fine flying-lasa mirror buried in front of the face of a 40-year-old woman in Bonamici et al. 1994:217–20 no. 8, fig. 62, pls. 32c and 35c. Stopponi (ibid., 224–27) places the grave ca. 300–280 BC, while the Museum’s lasa as lady’s maid type is a later development, apparently made in large numbers to satisfy a growing demand. (In fact, the Orvietan necropoleis continued in use

324: MS 3261

through the slave revolt of 264 BC that led to Roman conquest of the city, and even post-conquest inhabitants continued to use the cemeteries there.) See references for the lasa engravings under 253.

References

Adam, A. M. 1984. Bronzes étrusques et italiques. Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale, Département des monnaies, médailles et antiques. Agostiniani, L. 1982. Le ‘iscrizioni parlanti’ dell’Italia antica. Florence: Olschki. ———. 2000. “La lingua.” In Gli Etruschi, ed. M. Torelli, pp. 485–99. Milan: Bompiani. Agostiniani, L., and F. Nicosia. 2000. Tabula Cortonensis. Studia Archaeologica 105. Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider. Albanese Procelli, R. M. 1985. “Considerazioni sulla distribuzione dei bacini bronzei in area tirrenica e in Sicilia.” In Commercio etrusco arcaico, pp. 179–206. Atti del Incontro di studio 5–7 dicembre 1983. Rome: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche. Amann, P. 2000. Die Etruskerin. Geschlechterverhältnis und Stellung der Frau im frühen Etrurien 9.–5. Jh.v.Chr. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Ambrosini, L. 2002. Thymiateria etruschi in bronzo di età tardo classica, alto e medio ellenistica. Studia Archaeologica 113. Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider. Amyx, D. A. 1988. Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period, vol. 2. California Studies in the History of Art 25. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Anderson, J. K. 1961. Ancient Greek Horsemanship. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Andrén, A. 1940. Architectural Terracottas from Etrusco-Italic Temples. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Rom, 4o; 6. Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup. ———. 1955–56. “Una matrice fittile etrusca,” SE 24:207–19. Anthony, D. W., and D. R. Brown. 1989. “Looking a Gift Horse in the Mouth: Identification of the Earliest Bitted Equids and the Microscopic Analysis of Wear.” In Early Animal Domestication and Its Cultural Context, ed. P. J. Crabtree, D. Campana, and K. Ryan, pp. 99–116. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. Arias, P. E., et al. 1971. “SOVANA (Grosseto). Scavi effetuati dal 1962 al 1964.” NS 1971 pt. 1:55–85.

Azzaroli, A. 1972. “Il cavallo domestico in Italia dall’età del Bronzo agli Etruschi.” SE 40:273–306. Babbi, A. 2002. “Appliques e pendenti nuragici dalla Raccolta Comunale di Tarquinia.” In Etruria e Sardegna centrosettentrionale tra l’età del Bronzo Finale e l’arcaismo, ed. O. Paoletti and L. Tamagno Perna, pp. 433–52. Atti del XXI Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici. Sassari-AlgheroOristano-Torralba, 13–17 ottobre 1998. Pisa: Istituti Editoriali Poligrafici Internazionali. Bacchielli, L. 1986. “I piatelli Genucilia.” In Italian Iron Age Artefacts in the British Museum. Papers of the Sixth British Museum Classical Colloquium, 1982, ed. J. Swaddling, pp. 375–80. London: British Museum. Baggieri, G., ed. 1999. L’Antica Anatomia nell’Arte dei Donaria, 2nd ed., originally “Speranza e Sofferenza” nei Votivi Anatomici dell’Antichità. Mostra, Rome 1996. Rome: MelAMi. Baglione, M. P. 1990. “Nuovi dati sulla necropoli de ‘I Tufi’ di Narce.” In Civiltà dei Falisci. Atti del XV Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici, Civita Castellana–Forte Sangallo, 28–31 maggio 1987, pp. 61–102. Florence: Olschki. ———. 1991. “L’attività dei mercanti d’arte romani sullo scorcio del XIX secolo. Il caso del sarcofago dipinto dalla tomba 8 di Civitacastellana,” Miscellanea Etrusca e Italica in onore di Massimo Pallottino, II. ArchClass 43.2:725–60. ———. 1997. “Veio e i Falisci.” In Le necropoli arcaiche di Veio. Giornata di studio in memoria di Massimo Pallottino, ed. G. Bartoloni, pp. 145–71. Rome: Università degli Studi di Roma “La Sapienza.” ———. 1998. “Documenti inediti nell’Archivio storico del Museo di Villa Giulia. Contributi all’archeologia di Narce,” ArchClass 50:117–79. Bagnasco Gianni, G. 1996. Ogetti iscritti de epoca orientalizzante in Etruria. Biblioteca di Studi Etruschi 30. Florence: Olschki. ———. 2000. “La scrittura.” In Gli Etruschi, ed. M. Torelli, pp. 477–83. Milan: Bompiani.

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Concordances Provenance (See individual entries for details. For tomb groups, see Part IB)

Narce Tomb 1

Italic Regions Alban Hills (“between Albano and Genzano”) 5.

Hut urn

MS 1601A, B

Ardea 136. Genucilia plate 188. Etrusco-Corinthian alabastron

MS 2841 MS 2990

Ascoli Piceno/Picene territory 162. Finger ring 169. Bulla 239. Fibula with amber bow

MS 1570 MS 1573A MS 1535

Praeneste

16. 17. 18. 61. 139. 142. 154. 179. 180.

Red-on-White biconical urn Spirally grooved amphora Kotyle with incised bird Faliscan-style kantharos Spindle whorl Painted tripod pyxis Necklace Faliscan Red-on-White plate Oinochoe

MS 2730 MS 2737 MS 2751 MS 2734 MS 2782 MS 2732A, B MS 2763 MS 3071 36-15-1

Narce Tomb 2 46. Shield

MS 2728

Narce Tomb 7F

148. Hand-mirror 277. Mold for acroterial relief

86-35-14 MS 2160

27. Painted conical stand 28. Painted matching bowl

MS 1221 MS 1222

Narce Tomb 18B

Faliscan Region Cogion-Coste di Manone (near Falerii) 255. Red-Figure kylix

MS 3444

Faliscan Region: Narce Necropoleis No tomb designated 9. 41. 151. 214. 236.

Bronze fibula of drago type Fluted bowl Alabastron Bossed-rim basin Genucilia plate

MS 1155 MS 1302 MS 3150 MS 1304 MS 3193

19. 20. 138. 153. 155.

Fibula, leech type Bronze spiral earrings Spindle whorl Fibulae with rings Necklace (glass, etc.)

MS 1137B MS 1148A, B MS 1143 MS 1150A, B MS 1141

Narce Tomb 19M 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68.

Painted biconical urn Fluted bowl Footed bowl Footed bowl Fan handle Bronze pendants

MS 758 MS 1713 MS 761 MS 763 MS 766 MS 784A, B MS 785A, B MS 786A, B

310

69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85.

Concordances

Spindle-shaped pin Pendants Pendant Pendant Pendant imitation comb Fibulae Fibula Fibula Fibula with hanger Fibula with pendant Fibulae Fibulae Bracelets Beads Beads Bead Beads

MS 800 MS 787A–C MS 767 MS 768 MS 1058 MS 769A–C, E, G MS 770A, B MS 877 MS 791 MS 781 MS 774A, B MS 772A, B MS 779A, B MS 1083E–G MS 799A, B MS 1080D MS 806A–C

Narce Tomb 43 43. 44. 45. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58.

Villanovan crested helmet Bosses from cap helmet Cuirass Pectoral plaques Lunate razor Lunate razor Fibula Fibula Horse bit Horse bit Bronze ring Bulla pendant Footed bowl Pilgrim flask Kyathos

MS 850 MS 864A–F MS 851 MS 854–855 MS 866 MS 853 MS 856A MS 856B MS 852A MS 852B MS 857 MS 865 MS 859 MS 858 MS 862

Narce Tomb 64B Narce Tomb 21 228. Sphinx, fragmentary head

MS 721

Narce Tomb 23M 34. Fibula with pendant 35. Chain and pendants

37. Theriomorphic pendant 38. Lunate pendant 141. Implement, bronze 157. 158. 159. 160. 156. 173. 174. 177. 181. 185. 238.

Amber bead Amber beads Amber bead Amber beads Amber beads Amulet, foot Amber scaraboid bead Painted olla Amulet, duck Amulet, dog Beads from necklace

175. Faliscan Amphora 195. Chalice

MS 953 MS 935

Narce Tomb 66 MS 1046A, B MS 1048 MS 1066 MS 1069 MS 1071 MS 1038 MS 1044 MS 1060A, B MS 1045 MS 1078 MS 1079A–C MS 1081F MS 1083 I, J, K MS 1080A–C MS 1077 MS 1081A MS 1032 MS 1039 MS 1040 MS 1074

22. Spindle whorl

MS 1092A–C MS 1092D

Narce Tomb 105F

MS 563B

Narce Tomb 70M 62. Ornamental cup

MS 873

Narce Tomb 71M 13. Bracelet

MS 821

Narce Tomb 102F 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91.

Miniature kyathos Miniature conical stand Set of three bullae Fibula with pendent ring Fibula with pendants Set of miniature fibulae

92. 93. 94. 95.

Fibula Fibula Bracelet Coil earrings

MS 1005 MS 993 MS 1017A–C MS 1013 MS 1012 MS 1019–1022 MS 1024–1027 MS 1014 MS 1018 MS 1008 MS 1009; MS 1010

Narce Tomb 24M 171. Pataikoi amulets 172. Bes amulet

Narce Tomb 42M 2. Bronze razor 237. Necklace

MS 1186 MS 1191

36. Bronze pendants 59. Conical stand 60. Ribbed bowl (olla)

MS 908 MS 882 MS 884

311

Concordances

Etruria and Umbria Bisenzio 1. 3. 7. 8.

Biconical urn Bronze spindle Fibula with disc foot Fibula with disc foot, bracelets

10. 11. 14. 15. 107.

Fibula, leech type Fibulae and chains Angular situla Villanovan “kylix” Spearpoint

MS 1598A, B MS 1524 MS 1519 MS 1520 MS 1530A, B MS 1516 MS 1521 MS 1509 MS 1510 MS 1525

201. 204. 205. 206. 208. 216.

Ornate kantharos Spherical oinochoe Oinochoe Pitcher and lid Strainer (“infundibulum”) Pair of stamnos handles

219. 220. 221. 235. 323.

S-handle oinochoe Mesomphalic phiale Round-mouth oinochoe Mug, Sant’Anatolia type Situla

L-64-539 MS 1349 MS 2506 MS 1342A, B MS 2387 MS 2336 MS 2338 MS 2371 MS 2328 MS 2369 MS 1669 MS 2365

Chiusi, said to be “Tomb 2” Region of Lake Bolsena 110. 122. 144. 170. 222.

Ornamental horse bit Funnel/strainer handle Foot, from statuette Bulla Cista foot

MS 1637 MS 1665 MS 1698 MS 1668 MS 1656

Caere/Cerveteri 4. 168. 225. 227. 279. 280. 281. 288. 289. 290. 291. 292.

Biconical urn, lid in helmet form Antefix Bird finial Bead Antefix Antefix Antefix Antefix Antefix Antefix Antefix Revetment plaque

MS 1600A, B MS 1801 MS 3350 MS 3351 MS 1815 MS 1813 MS 1811 MS 1803 MS 1802 MS 1805 MS 1804 MS 1806

124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135.

Bucchero focolare tray Bucchero model tray Bucchero bowl Bucchero lid Bucchero footed bowl Bucchero lid Bucchero footed bowl Bucchero lid Bucchero bowl Bucchero footed bowl Bucchero ladle Bucchero spatula

MS 1355 MS 1358 MS 1362A MS 1362B MS 1361A MS 1361B MS 1360A MS 1360B MS 1359 MS 1363 MS 1356 MS 1357

Cervognano, east of Montepulciano (territory of Chiusi) 301. Cinerary urn (lid only) (not related to MS 2159A)

MS 2159B

Colle: territory of Chiusi 295. Cinerary urn of Arnth Remzna

MS 2458A, B

Montepulciano (territory of Chiusi)

Chiusi and Region

300. Cinerary urn (chest only) (not related to MS 2159B)

MS 2159A

No context specified 42. 102. 120. 123. 146. 190. 199. 200.

Bronze clasp Urn with dipinto Torch holder Wine strainer Feet from bronze cista Bucchero kyathos Ornate chalice Fluted chalice

MS 2321A, B 57-3-1A, B MS 1390 MS 1394 MS 2345A, B MS 1374 MS 2382 MS 2384

Cortona 217. Basin handle

MS 2314

Tuscania (“Toscanella”) 261. Figurine, draped youth

MS 3496

“quasi sicuramente da Tuscania” (de Simone 1966) 103. Ovoid urn with inscription

MS 3428

312

Concordances

“Toscanella Tomb” 302. 303. 304. 305. 306. 307. 308. 309. 310. 311. 312. 313. 314. 315. 316.

Female bust, nenfro Bowl, glass Hand-mirror, bronze Hand-mirror, bronze Hand-mirror, bronze Ladle, bronze Fusiform unguentarium Lamp filler/situla, Black Gloss “Olpe,” Black Gloss “Kantharos,” Black Gloss Deep bowl, Black Gloss Bowl, Black Gloss Plate, Black Gloss Bowl, Black Gloss Plate, Black Gloss

MS 1428 MS 1506 MS 1499 MS 1500 MS 1505 MS 1501 MS 1431 MS 1462 MS 1457 MS 1445 MS 1465 MS 1473 MS 1479 MS 1490 MS 1493

284. Openwork plaque: roof cresting. Includes MS 2145, 2173, 2174, 2175, 2176, 2177, 2179, 2184, 2185, 2186, 2187, 2189, 2190, 2194, 2195, 2196, 2199, 2206, 2207, 2211, 2218, 2219, 2222, 2226 285. Revetment plaque MS 2138 MS 2223 286. Revetment plaque: “hanging curtain” MS 2128 287. Tableau antefix(?), fragmentary MS 2237 317. Amphora, “ceramica argentata” MS 2511 324. Hand-mirror, bronze MS 3261

Perhaps vicinity of Parma 259. Bronze figurine, Hercle

MS 4098

Perugia 250. Hand-mirror 260. Figurine, female

MS 5444 MS 5471

Montebello, Colle di Poggialti necropolis, Tomb 1 297. Cinerary urn, “collared jar”

MS 2859

Musarna 293. Sarcophagus, nenfro

MS 3488

Orvieto

Tarquinia (Corneto) 118. 282. 283. 294.

Scarab seal (griffin) Antefix, silen-head Antefix, silen-head Head from sarcophagus, terracotta

Corneto, said to have been found in a tomb 111. Bits, equine teeth

Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis 100. Bucchero sherd, inscribed

29-128-543 MS 1828 MS 1821 MS 1817

MS 1758 MS 1757

MS 1628

Vetulonia “Tomba Mancinelli B” 99. Lintel of tomb, inscribed

218. Hand-mirror

48-2-201

MS 3200

Vulci and territory Orvieto 167. 176. 183. 184. 193. 196. 202. 207. 213. 244. 245. 246. 247. 248.

Earring, “horseshoe” type Etruscan Black-Figure neck-amphora Bucchero rooster finial Figurine, bullock Attic Black-Figure neck-amphora Spherical cinerary urn and lid Bucchero kyathos Bucchero “fruitstand” Etruscan Black-Figure amphora Attic Black-Fig. (Nicosthenic) pyxis Nicosthenic pyxis, lid Die Die Pair of dice

215. Stamnos MS 310 MS 2491 MS 2504 MS 507 MS 4834 MS 3257D, E MS 3214 MS 2500 MS 2490A, B MS 3438 MS 4865B MS 3336 MS 3337 MS 3338 MS 3339

MS 1313

Canino, territory of Vulci 178. Ornate kantharos 203. Ornate goblet

MS 2378 MS 3423

Canino (Vulci), Camposcalo necropolis 254. Hand-mirror

MS 2316

Vulci Tomb 5 149. 187. 198. 209. 243.

Corinthian aryballos, deer Etrusco-Corinthian ring aryballos “Caryatid” chalice Etrusco-Corinthian cup Corinthian alabastron

MS 558 MS 560 MS 560A MS 557 MS 555

313

Concordances

Vulci Tomb 25 39. Biconical urn with spherical lid 40. Biconical urn and lid 140. Set of “rocchetti”

Vulci Tomb B MS 588A, B MS 602A, B MS 603A–G

Vulci Tomb 26: Pitigliano 189. Etrusco-Corinthian oinochoe 210. Etrusco-Corinthian cup 212. Etrusco-Corinthian olpe

MS 642 MS 640 MS 644

Vulci Tomb 42F 29. 30. 31. 32. 33.

Iron spits Bronze “Villanovan belt” Bronze rectangular belt Bucchero cup/”kyathos” “Etrusco-Geometric” skyphos

Spindle whorls Bronze biconical pendants Bronze tubular pendants Red-on-White “krater” One-handled jug/mug

Etrusco-Corinthian “Warrior Olpe” Aryballos, hare Corinthian ring aryballos Kantharos Bucchero kantharos

MS 714 MS 702 MS 699 MS 1284 MS 1283

Vulci Tomb C 143. Shoe/sandal soles

MS 1651

Vulci, Osteria necropolis, Scavi della “Hercle” MS 692A, B MS 690 MS 691 MS 649 MS 680

Vulci Tomb 66 21. 23. 24. 25. 26.

106. 150. 186. 192. 232.

MS 582A–E MS 575 MS 576 MS 566 MS 571

197. Jug

68-36-2

314

Concordances

Attributions to Vase Painters (See also Part IA, chapter 5)

Etrusco-Corinthian

Non-Etruscan Fabrics Corinthian

Bearded Sphinx Painter (Szilágyi) 189. Oinochoe

MS 642

Altenburg Painter (Amyx) 243. Alabastron

MS 555

Burrell Painter (Szilágyi) 188. Alabastron

MS 2990

Blaricum Painter (Neeft) 186. Ring aryballos

MS 699

Gruppo dei Fiori di Loto (Colonna) 212. Olpe

MS 644

Attic Black-Figure

Pittore delle Macchie Bianche (Szilágyi) 210. Cup

MS 640

Theseus Painter (Beazley) 191. Kyathos

L-64-540

Pittore dei Rosoni (Szilágyi) 209. Cup 211. Chalice

MS 557 MS 4837

Workshop of Nikosthenes 244. Nicosthenic pyxis 245. Nicosthenic pyxis, lid

MS 3438 MS 4865B

Toronto Group of the Cycle of the Galli Affrontati (Szilágyi) 187. Ring aryballos

MS 560

Etruscan Black-Figure Gruppo di Orvieto 213. Amphora and lid

MS 2490A, B

Jerusalem Painter 194. Black-Figure amphora

L-29-47

Other Attic Black-Figure 193. Neck-amphora MS 4834 joins Göttingen (R 28a–c), see text

315

Concordances

Sources from Private Collections Robert H. Coleman Collection (See Coleman Catalogue of sale, Davis and Harvey’s Gallery, Philadelphia, 12 February 1897) 42. Bronze clasp with horse heads MS 2321A, B Chiusi. Coleman Catalogue: no. 51 or 87 146. Feet from bronze cista MS 2345A, B Chiusi. Coleman Catalogue: 9 no.56 178. Ornate kantharos MS 2378 Canino (territory of Vulci). Coleman Catalogue: 16 no. 153 199. Ornate chalice MS 2382 Chiusi. Coleman Catalogue: 14 no. 128 200. Fluted chalice MS 2384 Chiusi. Coleman Catalogue: 13 no. 115 203. Ornate goblet MS 3423 Found at Canino (territory of Vulci). Coleman Catalogue: 14 no. 125 208. Strainer (“infundibulum”) MS 2387 Chiusi. Coleman Catalogue: 17 no. 176 216. Pair of stamnos handles MS 2336, MS 2338 Chiusi. Coleman Catalogue: 8 no. 52 217. Basin handle MS 2314 Cortona. Coleman Catalogue: 10 no. 85 219. S-handle oinochoe MS 2371 Chiusi. Coleman Catalogue: 5 no. 4 220. Mesomphalic phiale MS 2328 Chiusi. Coleman Catalogue: 8 no. 47 221. Round-mouth oinochoe MS 2369 Chiusi. Coleman Catalogue: 5 no. 6 254. Hand-mirror MS 2316 Canino (Vulci), Camposcalo necropolis. Coleman Catalogue: 11 no. 97 295. Cinerary urn of Arnth Remzna MS 2458A, B Said to be from Colle (a necropolis of the city of Chiusi) (CIE no. 1192). Coleman Catalogue: 23 no. 244 (described as “no provenance”) 323. Situla MS 2365 Chiusi. Coleman Catalogue: 7 no. 27

265. Figurine, quadruped 48-2-118 320. Stamnos, Etruscan Red-Figure MS 400 Said to be “from the collection of the late khedive of Egypt, September 1896.”

Robert H. Lamborn Collection 101. Bucchero chalice L-64-306 Loan from Philadelphia Museum of Art, inv. no. 031518 259. Bronze figurine, Hercle MS 4098 Said to have come from Parma: “got near where it was found.”

Henry C. Lea Collection 121. Torch holder Gift of Nina Lea.

MS 5697

Francis C. Macauley Collection 167. Earring MS 310 Provenance perhaps Orvieto. Gift of F. C. Macauley 184. Figurine, bullock MS 507 Orvieto. Gift of F. C. Macauley 223. Cista foot MS 511 296. Cinerary urn, molded terracotta MS 354A, B Gift of F. C. Macauley

Maxwell Sommerville Collection of Engraved Gems 114. 115. 116. 117. 118.

Scarab seal (Hercle/warrior) 29-128-1775 Scarab seal (boar) 29-128-1779 Scarab seal (chariot scene) 29-128-542 Scarab seal (youth with horse) 29-128-539 Scarab seal (griffin) 29-128-543 Said by the collector to have come from Corneto. 251. Scarab seal (divination scene) 29-128-871 257. Scarab seal (Hercle on raft) 29-128-1786

H. V. Hilprecht Collection 194. Etruscan Black-Figure neck-amphora by the Jerusalem Painter L-29-47 Loan from Philadelphia Museum of Art, inv. no. 29-6-56 218. Hand-mirror 48-2-201 Gift of Elise Biddle Paumgarten. Said to have been found “in the ruins of Vetulonia, Italy.” 262. Figurine, male votary 48-2-239A 264. Figurine, quadruped 48-2-104

Vaux Collection 148. Hand-mirror 86-35-14 Said to have come from Praeneste. Gift of George and Henry Vaux 298. Cinerary urn L-64-73 Loan from Philadelphia Museum of Art, Bequest of William Sansom Vaux (1882), inv. no. 82-112

316

Concordances

Inscriptions in CIE, TLE, and ET (See also Part IA, chapter 3)

Catalogue

Inventory

CIE

99. 100. 102. 103. 295. 300. 301.

MS 3200 MS 1628 57-3-1 MS 3428 MS 2458 MS 2159A MS 2159B

CIE 5004

TLE

TLE 766 CIE 1680 CIE 1192 CIE 705 CIE 925

TLE 467

ET ET Vs 1.99 ET Cr 2.42 ET Cl 1.1191 ET AT 1.63 ET Cl 1.166 ET Cl 1.1077 ET Cl 1.1051

317

Concordances

Accession Numbers with Catalogue Numbers Accession Number 29-128-1775 29-128-1779 29-128-1786 29-128-539 29-128-542 29-128-543 29-128-871 36-15-1 48-2-104 48-2-118 48-2-201 48-2-239A 50-1-62 57-3-1A, B 59-24-1 68-36-2 86-35-14 L-29-47 L-29-57 L-64-73A, B L-64-202 L-64-218 L-64-306 L-64-478 L-64-539 L-64-540 L-64-551 L-64-553 MS 310 MS 354A, B MS 400 MS 507 MS 511 MS 555 MS 557 MS 558 MS 560 MS 560A MS 563B MS 566 MS 571 MS 575A–G MS 576A–T MS 582A–E MS 588A, B

Cat. No. 114 115 257 117 116 118 251 180 264 265 218 262 6 102 229 197 148 194 321 298 231 322 101 275 201 191 274 276 167 296 320 184 223 243 209 149 187 198 22 25 26 23 24 21 39

Accession Number MS 602A, B MS 603A–G MS 640 MS 642 MS 644 MS 649 MS 680 MS 690 MS 691 MS 692A, B MS 699 MS 702 MS 714 MS 721 MS 758 MS 761 MS 763 MS 766 MS 767 MS 768 MS 769A MS 769B MS 769C MS 769E MS 769G MS 770A, B MS 772A, B MS 774A, B MS 779A, B MS 781 MS 784A, B MS 785A, B MS 786A, B MS 787A–C MS 791 MS 799A, B MS 800 MS 806A MS 806B MS 806C MS 821 MS 850 MS 851 MS 852A MS 852B

Cat. No. 40 140 210 189 212 32 33 30 31 29 186 150 106 228 63 65 66 67 71 72 74 74 74 74 74 75 80 79 81 78 68 68 68 70 77 83 69 85 85 85 13 43 45 52 53

318

Concordances

Accession Number

Cat. No.

Accession Number

Cat. No.

MS 853 MS 854 MS 855 MS 856A MS 856B MS 857 MS 858 MS 859 MS 862 MS 864A–F MS 865 MS 866 MS 873 MS 877 MS 882 MS 884 MS 908B, E MS 935 MS 953 MS 993 MS 1005 MS 1008 MS 1009 MS 1010 MS 1012 MS 1013 MS 1014 MS 1017 MS 1018 MS 1019 MS 1020 MS 1021 MS 1022 MS 1024 MS 1025 MS 1026 MS 1027 MS 1032 MS 1038 MS 1039 MS 1040 MS 1044 MS 1045 MS 1046A, B MS 1048 MS 1058 MS 1060A, B MS 1066

49 47 47 50 51 54 57 56 58 44 55 48 62 76 59 60 36 175 195 87 86 94 95 95 90 89 92 88 93 91 91 91 91 91 91 91 91 177 37 181 185 38 141 34 35 73 141 35

MS 1069 MS 1074 MS 1077 MS 1078 MS 1079A–C MS 1080A–C MS 1080D MS 1081A MS 1081F MS 1083E–G MS 1083 I, J, K MS 1092A–C, MS 1092D MS 1137B MS 1141 MS 1143 MS 1148A, B MS 1150A, B MS 1155 MS 1186 MS 1191 MS 1221 MS 1222 MS 1283 MS 1284 MS 1302 MS 1304 MS 1313 MS 1342 MS 1349 MS 1355 MS 1356 MS 1357 MS 1358 MS 1359 MS 1360A MS 1360B MS 1361A MS 1361B MS 1362A MS 1362B MS 1363 MS 1374 MS 1390 MS 1394 MS 1428 MS 1431 MS 1445

35 238 173 157 158 156 84 174 159 82 160 171 172 19 155 138 20 153 9 2 237 27 28 232 192 41 214 215 206 204 124 134 135 125 132 130 131 128 129 126 127 133 190 120 123 302 308 311

319

Concordances

Accession Number

Cat. No.

Accession Number

Cat. No.

MS 1457 MS 1462 MS 1465 MS 1473 MS 1479 MS 1490 MS 1493 MS 1499 MS 1500 MS 1501 MS 1505 MS 1506 MS 1509 MS 1510 MS 1516 MS 1519 MS 1520 MS 1521 MS 1524 MS 1525 MS 1530A, B MS 1535 MS 1570 MS 1573A MS 1598A, B MS 1600A, B MS 1601A, B MS 1606 MS 1607 MS 1609 MS 1615 MS 1628 MS 1630 MS 1634 MS 1636A, B MS 1637 MS 1643 MS 1650A–F MS 1651 MS 1652 MS 1656 MS 1665 MS 1668 MS 1669 MS 1670 MS 1695B MS 1698 MS 1713

310 309 312 313 314 315 316 304 305 307 306 303 14 15 10 7 8 11 3 107 8 239 162 169 1 4 5 109 108 233 258 100 268 147 224 110 119 112 143 249 222 122 170 235 234 253 144 64

MS 1718 MS 1722 MS 1740 MS 1742 MS 1746 MS 1757A–D MS 1758A–H MS 1762 MS 1801 MS 1802 MS 1803 MS 1804 MS 1805 MS 1806 MS 1811 MS 1813 MS 1815A MS 1817 MS 1821 MS 1828 MS 1830 MS 1832 MS 1844 MS 2128 MS 2138 MS 2139 MS 2145 MS 2157A, B MS 2159A MS 2159B MS 2160 MS 2173 MS 2174 MS 2175 MS 2176 MS 2177 MS 2179 MS 2184 MS 2185 MS 2186 MS 2187 MS 2189 MS 2190 MS 2194 MS 2195 MS 2196 MS 2199 MS 2206

12 152 98 97 96 111 111 256 168 289 288 291 290 292 281 280 279 294 283 282 269 278 270 286 285 230 284 299 300 301 277 284 284 284 284 284 284 284 284 284 284 284 284 284 284 284 284 284

320

Concordances

Accession Number

Cat. No.

Accession Number

Cat. No.

MS 2207 MS 2211 MS 2218 MS 2219 MS 2222 MS 2223 MS 2226 MS 2237 MS 2314 MS 2316 MS 2321A, B MS 2328 MS 2336 MS 2338 MS 2345A, B MS 2365 MS 2369 MS 2371 MS 2378 MS 2382 MS 2384 MS 2387 MS 2458A, B MS 2490A, B MS 2491 MS 2500 MS 2504 MS 2506 MS 2511 MS 2517 MS 2519 MS 2520 MS 2521 MS 2535 MS 2536 MS 2538 MS 2632 MS 2641 MS 2650 MS 2728 MS 2730 MS 2732A, B MS 2734 MS 2737 MS 2751

284 284 284 284 284 285 284 287 217 254 42 220 216 216 146 323 221 219 178 199 200 208 295 213 176 207 183 205 317 319 318 137 145 240 242 241 252 267 266 46 16 142 61 17 18

MS 2763 MS 2782 MS 2841 MS 2859 MS 2990 MS 3071 MS 3150 MS 3193 MS 3200 MS 3214 MS 3257D, E MS 3261 MS 3336 MS 3337 MS 3338 MS 3339 MS 3344A, B MS 3345A, B MS 3345C MS 3346A, B MS 3349 MS 3350 MS 3351 MS 3354 MS 3423 MS 3428 MS 3438 MS 3444 MS 3488 MS 3495 MS 3496 MS 4021 MS 4098 MS 4834 MS 4837 MS 4865B MS 5282 MS 5440A–D MS 5442 MS 5444 MS 5471 MS 5697 MS 5752 MS 5756 MS 5757

154 139 136 297 188 179 151 236 99 202 196 324 246 247 248 248 166 164 226 161 165 225 227 113 203 103 244 255 293 263 261 163 259 193 211 245 182 104 105 250 260 121 273 271 272

Index

a globolo technique/style 30, 151–53, 238 acrobat 167 acroterion, terracotta 50, 249 agate (seal) 153, Pl. 14 Ager Faliscus 6 alabaster 41, 42, 55, 263, 265, 305, Pl. 33 alabastron 165, 166, 169, 261, 309, 314 Corinthian Alabastron 227, 312 Etrusco-Corinthian alabastron 188, 309 Albano 84, 309 alphabet 4, 11, 24, 46, 59, 101 Altenburg Painter 227, 314 amber 8, 42, 43, 73, 129, 173 beads 9, 19, 43, 44, 63, 64, 86, 103, 126, 129–32, 171–73, 179, 310 fibulae 20, 38, 42, 43, 66, 224, 225, 309, Pl. 2 figurine 225, 226 jewelry 33, 44, 132 pendants 33, 44, 88, 95, 172 personal ornaments/amulets 20, 34, 62, 64, 179 amphora 12, 20, 26, 43, 58, 66, 67, 74, 93, 152, 190, 191, 194, 208, 281, 309, 310, 312, Pl. 36 Black-Figure 36, 180, 181, 192–94, 207, 208, 312, 314, 315 bucchero 63 ceramica argentata 58, 281, 312, Pl. 36 impasto 93, 180 neck- 180, 192, 193, 312, 314, 315 spirally grooved 93, 309 amulet 27, 30, 224 Bes 178, 179, 310 bird 184, 186 bulla 27 dog 186, 310 duck 310 figurine 225, 226 foot 179, 310

Pataikoi 178, 179, 310 antefix 34, 50, 51, 177, 244, 249–53, 256–59, 311, 312, Pls. 25, 27, 31, 32 Aplu (Apollo) 47, 231, 274 architectural terracottas 13, 14, 49, 50, 59, 74, 177, 248–50, 255–58, 263 cortina pendula 50, 256, 312 cresting 50, 312 molds 244, 248–50, 256, 258, 260, 309 plaques 255, 256, 311, 312 Ardea 27, 89, 115, 159, 188, 299, 301, 309 tomba a fossa 159 Aristotle 37 aryballos 28, 30, 67, 168, 169, 186, 187, 227, 262, 312–314 Ascoli Piceno 27, 38, 42, 43, 173, 177, 224, 293, 309 Athenaeus 37 Athens 2, 32, 35, 42, 164, 186, 269, 279 athlete(s) 30, 72, 167, 194, 238, 240, 241 atlantes 98 atrium 24, 30, 58 Attic 26, 27, 31, 35, 36, 38, 40, 44, 47, 67, 72, 74, 75, 150, 182, 190–93, 201, 223, 227, 290, 292, 296, 298, 303, 312, 314 banquet 7, 8, 11, 12, 14–18, 21, 28, 31, 35, 53, 57, 58, 62, 63, 75, 97, 99, 100, 104, 108, 112, 121, 147, 155, 156, 204, 209, 303 funeral 7, 8, 14, 15, 18, 28, 34, 100, 121, 209 Barberini Tomb 112, 215 basin handle 41, 210, 311, 315 beads 10, 14, 19, 20, 27, 33, 38, 41–43, 63, 64, 66, 73, 86, 88, 96, 103, 126, 129–32, 142, 170–74, 179, 185, 210, 216, 224, 284, 310 amber 9, 19, 43, 63, 64, 86, 88, 103, 126, 129–32, 171, 172, 179, 310, Pl. 2 bone 125

322

faience 19, 20, 33, 38, 43, 63, 64, 66, 170, 185, 186, 224 glass 10, 14, 19, 20, 33, 42, 43, 63, 64, 66, 73, 89, 107, 130, 132, 171, 185, 224 gold 41, 174, 216, Pl. 19 metal 9 terracotta 27, 142 beaked jug 41, 282, 283, 286 Faliscan 286 Red-Figure 59, 282, 283 Bearded Sphinx Painter 35, 40, 190, 314 belt 9, 11, 15, 21, 32, 68, 83, 97, 100–102, 105, 108, 123, 313 Benedetti 63, 64 Bes 34, 43, 179 biga (chariot) 15 Bisenzio (Visentium) 3–8, 10, 27, 65, 69, 81, 82, 86–88, 90, 91, 97, 112, 125, 144, 164, 295, 311 bit, horse 15, 16, 29, 64, 70, 95, 99, 110, 115, 116, 125, 148–50, 310–12 Black-Figure vases 26, 31, 35, 36, 40, 63, 180, 184, 191–93, 201, 207, 227, 312, 314, 315 Black-Gloss vases 53, 57, 58, 66, 75, 277–80 Blaricum Painter 187, 314 boar 34, 152, 183, 190, 206, 316 boat model, bucchero 42, 219, 220 Bologna 2–4, 29, 69, 72, 83, 101, 104, 105, 126, 130, 136, 147, 150, 156, 163, 211, 221, 229, 241, 290, 291, 297, 301, 307 Bolsena, Lake, region 5, 24, 29, 105, 148, 155, 165, 178, 211, 213, 277, 278, 281, 311 bone 9, 17, 103, 124–27, 135, 136, 168, 229, 275 bones 62, 63, 65–68, 83, 88, 95, 102, 107, 140, 267 human 7, 8, 15, 17, 19, 20, 63 bossed-rim basin, bronze 10, 41, 209, 309 bowl 7, 15–19, 40, 43, 57, 63–66, 68, 116, 119, 122, 157, 200, 209, 212, 236, 272, 278, 279, 309, 310–12, Pls. 6, 35 Black-Gloss 278–80, 312 bronze 107 bucchero 102, 157, 158, 311 impasto 81, 93, 97–99, 119, 122, 123 bracelets 19, 20, 34, 63, 65, 66, 68, 86, 87, 89, 160, 310, 311 bronze 19, 63, 65, 68, 86, 89, 131, 135 iron 68 bucchero wares xv, 15, 27, 28, 31, 34–36, 38–40, 42, 64, 68, 71–73, 93, 102, 103, 118, 137–39, 156–58, 182, 185, 186, 190–93, 195, 196, 198–204, 213, 219,

Index

220, 235, 290–92, 296, 298, 300, 301, 303, 304, 306, 307, 311–13, Pl. 20 bucchero normale 192 bucchero pesante 31, 39, 156, 157, 182, 185, 186, 201–3, 290 bucchero sottile 138, 190, 196 bulla(e) 16, 19, 20, 34, 64, 73, 116, 124, 133, 174, 177, 178, 208, 216, 243, 266, 274, 302, 307, 309–11 bullock, figurine 186, 312, 315 Burrell Painter 189, 314 bust 42, 57, 66, 177, 244, 245, 257, 271, 272, 312, Pl. 34 child 244 female 57, 66, 177, 245, 257, 271, 272, 312, Pl. 34 male 244 nenfro 57, 66, 271, 272, 312, Pl. 34 terracotta 177, 244, 245, 257, 258 button 190, 199 Caere (Cerveteri) 2–4, 6, 11, 13, 19, 27, 28, 30, 35, 36, 38, 40, 44, 45, 49, 50, 51, 81–84, 93, 100, 112, 120, 124, 138, 144, , 147, 159, 160, 161, 173, 177, 183, 184, 187, 190, 192, 196, 199, 200, 215, 216, 223, 229, 236, 249, 250–52, 255, 257–59, 277, 291, 293, 295, 298–301, 303, 311, Pls. 18, 25, 28, 31, 32 architectural terracottas 45, 49, 51, 177, 251, 255, 257–59, 311 Canino (region of Vulci) 5, 182, 199, 212, 234, 312, 315 capite velato 49, 244 Capua tile 23, 46 carnelian seals 30, 151–53, 232, 238, Pls. 12, 13 censers 41, 104, 230 bronze 104, 230 swinging 104, 230 ceramica argentata 58, 281, 312, Pl. 36 Cerveteri. See Caere Cervognano (Chiusine territory) 271, 311 chains 62, 63, 68, 88, 104–7, 123, 127, 162, 216, 230, 310, 311 chalcedony seals 151, 153 chalice 39, 40, 65, 67, 138, 139, 194, 196–98, 206, 207, 310–12, 314, 315 bucchero 39, 138, 139, 194, 196, 198 caryatid 67, 196, 312 Etrusco-Corinthian 206 impasto 194 chariot 15, 16, 20, 29, 30, 66, 70, 99, 100, 116, 144, 148–50, 152, 174, 316 cheese-grater pendant/model 64, 106

Index

child/children 9, 14, 15, 20, 21, 25, 32, 34, 48, 65, 66, 83, 88, 132, 137, 171, 178, 179, 185, 244, 246 tombs of 65, 66, 71, 83, 88, 132, 171, 178, 179, 185 Chiusi xiii, 3, 6, 27, 31, 35, 38, 39, 42, 54, 55, 61, 62, 71–73, 108, 112, 130, 139, 140, 154, 156, 166, 190, 194–203, 210, 212, 213, 222, 253, 262, 263, 265, 266, 269, 271, 275, 286, 292–94, 296, 298–300, 302, 303, 305, 306, 311, 315, Pls. 7, 33 cippus 23, 41, 46, 218, 219, 265 Chiusine relief-decorated 218 cista 33, 58, 64, 73, 150, 166, 167, 213, 214, 287, 311, 315 feet 166, 213, 214, 311, 315 Civita Castellana (Falerii) 6, 14, 46, 236, 256, 289, 291, 294, 302 clasp 102, 108, 109, 174, 175, 215, 311, 315 bronze 102, 108, 311, 315 Claudius 2 Cogion-Coste di Manone, Faliscan necropolis 14, 235, 309, Pl. 26 Coleman Collection 108, 166, 182, 196, 197, 199, 203, 210, 212, 213, 234, 263, 286, 315 collared jar/urn 54, 62, 267, 312 Colle (region of Chiusi) 54, 263, 265, 311, 315, Pl. 33 column krater, Etruscan Red-Figure 284, 285 comb, model/pendant 127, 310 commerce, Etruscan 13, 37, 42, 83, 221 conical stand 12, 18, 19, 21, 63, 64, 66, 98, 119, 120, 133, 309, 310, Pl. 6 Corinth 2, 10, 35, 38, 40, 42, 144, 168, 187, 192, 279 Corneto (Tarquinia) 27, 54, 74, 148, 153, 252, 253, 262, 290, 296, 300, 312, 316 cortina pendula (“hanging curtain”) 50, 256 Cortona 3, 38, 41, 73, 210, 293, 311, 315 costume 8, 13, 15, 20, 23, 32, 33, 48, 55, 66, 72, 86, 101, 109, 115, 153, 265, 267, 282 cresting 50, 51, 249, 254, 255 Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis (Orvieto) 25, 26, 75, 137, 180, 208, 312 cuirass 17, 111, 151, 264, 266, 310, Pl. 5 cups 11, 15, 19, 31, 35, 36, 40, 62–66, 68, 70, 90, 91, 102, 103, 108, 118, 119, 121, 122, 133, 190, 191, 198, 199, 204–6, 236, 286, 310, 314, Pl. 26 bucchero 15, 68, 102, 190, 313 Etrusco-Corinthian 204, 205, 312, 313 footed 16, 64, 120 impasto 20, 66, 120

323

deer 6, 34, 64, 91, 160, 168, 181, 182, 187, 312 vase 168, 312 Delphi 17, 110, 232, 264, 265 dice 46, 229, 312 Dionysos 36, 47, 51, 192, 193, 227, 228, 234–36 Dioscuri/Dioskouroi 47, 57, 74, 153, 194, 233, 274, 275 dipinto 139, 311, Pl. 7 disc(s) 20, 34, 66, 85, 86, 94, 95, 115, 125, 126, 129, 130, 135, 173, 176, 178, 251, 271, Pl. 2 dish, bucchero 219 distaff 96, 160 divination 45–47, 94, 316 dog 33, 34, 43, 152, 184, 186, 193 amulet 43, 186, 310 dove figurine 185 ducks 34, 94, 154–56, 215, 310 glass bead 132 Duodecim Populi (“Twelve Peoples”) 3 earrings 10, 19, 20, 33, 34, 44, 51, 63, 64, 94, 95, 135, 140, 142, 151, 159, 175–77, 215, 216, 234, 245, 250, 251, 257, 258, 271, 272, 309, 310, 312, 315, Pls. 16, 17, 23, 24, 31 a baule 34, 151, 175, 215, 216, Pls. 23, 24 bronze 10, 19, 34, 63, 95, 135, 309 gold 33, 34, 95, 175, 176, 215, Pls. 16, 17, 23, 24 horseshoe/a grappolo type 34, 176, 177, 216, 257, 312, Pls. 17, 31 silver 64 spiral 10, 19, 20, 33, 63, 94, 135, 309, 310 tubular (a tubo) 175, 176, Pl. 16 Echetlos ("hero with the plow") 268, 269 Eteokles (and Polyneikes) 266 Etrusco-Corinthian vases, wares 28, 35, 38, 40, 66, 73, 143, 144, 168, 187–90, 204–7, 309, 312–14, Pl. 8 Etrusco-Geometric vases 32, 103, 121, 163, 196, 313 eye beads, glass 42, 171, 224 faience 8, 20, 33, 34, 42, 43, 62, 64, 170, 171, 178, 179, 184–86, 224, 301 Falerii 2, 6, 13, 14, 36, 42, 46, 54, 179, 223, 256, 281, 309 Faliscan culture 1, 6, 7, 11–14, 17, 18, 20, 32, 43, 46, 54, 64, 95, 97, 100, 104, 117, 131, Pls. 3, 4 language 13, 16, 46 fan 19, 20, 56, 63, 111, 116, 123, 124, 262, 309 Fanum Voltumnae 25, 50 fibula 8, 9, 11, 20, 28, 33, 38, 43, 70, 89, 114, 115,

324

128, 129, 133, 134, 169, 170, 224, 242, 265, 309–11, Pl. 2 amber 42, 43, 86, 130, 225, Pl. 2 arco rivestito type 225 bronze 34, 85–89, 103, 114, 115, 129, 130, 133–35, 169, 170 composite type 88, 103, 129, 130 disc foot type 86, 87, 311, Pl. 2 drago type 16, 63, 87, 215, 309 glass 43 gold 134, 215 sanguisuga (leech) type 43, 87, 88, 94, 110, 115, 129, 130, 170, 178, 309, 311 navicella type 89, 133–35, 170 serpentine type 20, 66 silver 128 Ficana 18 Field Museum, Chicago 5, 14, 28, 66, 68, 70, 82, 102, 192 figurine 9, 10, 27, 33, 34, 43, 110, 240–42, 265, 311, 312, 315 amber 225, 226 bronze 45, 46, 48, 59, 183, 185, 186, 238–43, 312, 315 faience 43 ivory 226 terracotta 48, 74 votive 33, 45, 48, 49, 59, 74, 177, 183, 185, 186, 239, 241, 242, 246 finial 34 bucchero rooster 34, 185, 312 gold bird 215, 311 flask 16, 34, 64, 110, 118, 310 focolare 31, 72, 156, 157, 311, Pl. 20 foot 179 amulet 179, 310 pendant 179 terracotta votive 247 footed bowl 19, 63, 64, 66, 100, 116, 117, 120, 122, 123, 158, 309–11 footwear 32, 164, 234. See also shoes freedmen, freedwomen 7, 53, 54, 141, 142, 267 Frothingham, A. L. 5, 20, 28, 49, 50, 63, 64, 66, 68, 82, 109–11, 136 fruitstand, bucchero 203, 312 funnel, bronze 155, 311 Genucilia plates 27, 58, 159, 223, 309 Genzano 84, 309

Index

Geometric 11, 40, 46, 48, 91, 97, 99, 184, 239, 240 glass 10, 20, 31, 64, 309 amulet 73 beads 10, 14, 19, 20, 33, 42, 43, 63, 64, 66, 73, 86, 89, 107, 132, 171, 185, 224 bowl 43, 57, 66, 272, 312 fibula bows 19, 43, 63, 130 vases 42, 43, 73 goblet 199, 200, 312, 315 bucchero 199 gods, Etruscan 25, 33, 46–49, 74, 231, 234, 241, 253 gold xv, 8, 11, 20, 24, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 41, 53, 58, 62–64, 66, 73, 95, 107, 113, 115, 132–34, 137, 142, 151, 153, 173–77, 210, 211, 215, 216, Pls. 15–19, 22–24 bead 216, Pl. 19 bird 215, Pl. 18 earrings 95, 175, 176, 215, Pls. 16, 17, 23, 24 fibula 134, 215 gilding 27, 58, 142, 210 jewelry 64, 137, 151, 153, 215 necklace 63, 174, Pl. 22 ornaments 62, 64, 95, 113, 133, 173, Pl. 15 grafitto 71, 205 Gran Carro 5, 6, 69, 105 granulation technique (gold) 151, 173, 175, 176, 215, 216, Pl. 18, 19, 23, 24 griffin 18, 30, 34, 49, 153, 249, 312, 316, Pls. 14, 29 seal 30, 153, 312, 316, Pl. 14 terracotta 18, 49, 249, Pl. 29 Gruppo dei Fiori di Loto (Colonna) 207, 314 Gruppo di La Tolfa 181 Gruppo di Orvieto 208, 314 hair spirals 34, 95, 173, Pl. 15 Hallstatt 110, 111 hand-mirror 27, 45–47, 57, 66, 167–69, 211, 230, 232–34, 237, 273–75, 287, 309, 312, 315, 316 handle(s), bronze 10, 38, 41, 167, 210, 211, 214, 215 hare, vase 169, 313 haruspex 232, 265 head nenfro sculpture 271, 272, 312 nenfro sphinx 63, 216, 217, 310 terracotta votive 48, 49, 177, 243–46, Pl. 27 helmet, bronze 17, 27, 29, 95, 109, 110, 121, 145–47, 220–22, 310, Pls. 3, 9, 10 helmet, model (impasto) 7, 8, 83, 84, 311 Hercle/Herakles 30, 47, 48, 61, 68, 74, 151, 195, 215, 237–39, 274, 312, 313, 315, 316

Index

“hero with the plow.” See Echetlos Hilprecht Collection 193, 211, 240–42, 284, 315 horse 15, 17, 29, 30, 70, 95, 98, 99, 108–11, 115, 116, 123, 125, 148–50, 152, 153, 178, 180, 181, 194, 201, 203, 221, 242, 243, 310, 311, 315, 316, Pls. 6, 12, 13 bit 15, 29, 115, 116, 148, 149, 150, 310, 311 hut urns 8, 84, 85, 293, 309, Pl. 1 impasto 38, 39, 81, 83, 85, 93, 95–99, 103, 106, 107, 118–23, 132, 133, 141, 158, 160, 161, 180, 194–96, 220 implements, bronze 9, 64, 104, 147, 310 imports, foreign 11, 14, 28, 31, 35, 38, 39, 42, 43, 64, 67, 68, 72, 124, 187 imports/imported vases 31, 35, 38–40, 43, 44, 67, 68, 72, 187, 195 Attic 44, 67, 72, 75, 190–93, 227, 312, 314 Corinthian 18, 28, 38, 40, 44, 67, 168, 187, 227 infundibulum (strainer), bucchero 203, 311, 315 inscription(s) 53–56, 71, 75, 136–42, 147, 222, 236, 263–65, 267, 268, 270, 271, 287, 311, 316, Pl. 7 iron 10, 17, 19, 20, 30, 62, 63, 66, 68, 100, 105, 108, 116, 145, 146, 148, 149, 153, 162, 164, 221, 239, 313 Iron Age (in central Italy) xiii, 1–10, 14, 17, 18, 20, 21, 28, 31, 33, 34, 42, 43, 53, 57, 66, 70, 71, 82, 83, 86, 95, 99, 116, 117, 119, 144, 148, Pl. 4 jar 15, 19, 63, 107, 122, 195, 267, 312 Jerusalem Painter 35, 36, 194, 314, 315 jug 43, 98, 195, 282, 283, 286, 313 bucchero 195 Etruscan Red-Figure 282, 283 kantharos 18, 36, 40, 120, 182, 191, 198, 220, 309, 311–13, 315 Black-Gloss 277, 312 bucchero 28, 36, 39, 40, 73, 182, 191, 192, 198, 220, 313 ketos (sea monster) 45, 248, 261, 281 knife 7, 17, 82 iron 17 kotyle 11, 93, 309 krater 58, 97, 150, 284, 313 kyathos 66, 102, 118, 132, 190, 191, 199, 310–14 Attic Black-Figure 191, 314 bucchero 102, 190, 199, 311–13 impasto 118, 132 kylix 47, 90, 91, 311 Faliscan Red-Figure 235, 309, Pl. 26

325

ladle 31, 57, 72, 158, 276, 311, 312 bronze 276, 312 bucchero 158, 311 Lamborn (Robert H.) Collection 239, 315 lamp filler 277, 312 Black-Gloss 277, 312 language, Etruscan 4, 8, 13, 23, 24, 56, 59, 71, 147 lasa 47, 57, 59, 74, 165, 166, 169, 233, 238, 264, 265, 275, 283, 284, 288, 303 Lea (Henry C.) Collection 155, 315 lead 145, 146, 150, 165, 222 leather 8, 16, 37, 42, 64, 96, 100, 101, 108, 110, 113, 116, 118, 126, 145–47, 149, 164, 165, 178, 221, 263, 266 lid 7, 54, 56, 67, 68, 83, 84, 106, 107, 140, 158, 163, 311–14 lintel (tomb) 23–25, 136–38, 312 literacy 13, 23, 26, 59, 142 loculus 7, 8, 21, 62, 65, 121, 235, 272 lotus 51, 167, 177, 181, 192, 194, 202, 207, 215, 231, 233, 254–59, 273, 274, 285 Lydion 97 Macauley (Francis C.) Collection 176, 186, 214, 265, 315 maenads. See satyrs Mancinelli Scotti, Francesco 5, 28, 55, 62–65, 67, 68, 70, 159, 170, 188 Mancini 26, 50, 201, 254, 280 Marsiliana d’Albegna 107, 124, 130, 154, 215, 301 Marzabotto 2, 30, 240, Pl. 11 “master of horses” 100, 117, 123 medallion, terracotta 27, 142 miniature bullae 133 dishes 66, 132, 287, 310 fibulae 63, 129, 133, 134, 170, 310 pendants 129 stands 66, 133, 310 vases 66, 68, 156 mirror xiv, 23, 27, 33, 38, 46–48, 53, 57, 58, 66, 72, 114, 262, 273, 288 bronze 53, 57, 66, 211, 230, 233, 234, 237, 273–75, 287, 312 engraved 71, 154, 166, 194, 209, 211, 230, 233, 234, 237, 273, 275, 287 hand-mirror 66, 167–69, 209, 211, 230, 232–34, 237, 273–75, 287, 309, 312, 315, 316 “mistress of horses” 117

326

mold, terracotta 49, 177, 248, 309 Monte lo Greco necropolis, Narce 20, 21, 63, 65, 83, 162 Montebello, Colle di Poggialti Tomb 1 54, 55, 61, 62, 267, 312 Montepulciano 54, 265, 269–71, 311 mug 41, 98, 222, 223, 313 Sant’Anatolia, bronze 41, 222, 311 Musarna 53–57, 61, 141, 260–63, 267, 312 nail 30, 68, 108, 150, 162, 164 Narce, tombs excavated for the University Museum (for complete list, see Dohan 1942:112) 11, 17, 33, 72, Pls. 3, 4 Tomb 1 11, 16, 18, 62, 72, 91, 120, 163, 170, 183, 196 Tomb 2 16, 62, 112, 309 Tomb 7F 16, 18, 63, 98–100, 112, 309, Pl. 6 Tomb 18B 63, 170, 171, 309 Tomb 19M 19, 63, 100, 106, 112, 117, 121–23, 125–32, 172, 309 Tomb 21 21, 63, 216, 310 Tomb 23F 17 Tomb 23M 10, 20, 63, 162, 172, 179, 182, 184, 224, 310 Tomb 24M 64, 178, 310 Tomb 42M 64, 224, 310 Tomb 43 8, 16, 63, 64, 100, 109–11, 113–16, 118, 310, Pls. 3, 5 Tomb 64B 64, 65, 194 Tomb 70M 18, 65, 119 Tomb 71M 65, 83, 89, 97, 310 Tomb 102F 18, 20, 65, 132–35, 310 Tomb 105F 16, 18, 20, 66, 70, 105, 119, 310 neck-amphora 180, 192–94, 312, 314, 315 Attic Black-figure 192, 312, 314 Etruscan Black-Figure 180, 193, 312, 315 necklace 19–21, 33, 34, 43, 44, 62, 64, 86, 97, 106, 131–33, 167, 170–75, 177, 179, 208, 216, 224, 234, 236, 257, 266, 271, 274, 282, 309, 310, Pl. 22 amber beads 19, 33, 44, 131, 132, 172, 179 faience beads 19, 33, 64, 170, 224 glass beads 19, 33, 43, 132, 171, 224, 309 gold 33, 34, 63, 174, 216, Pl. 22 Negau 28, 151, 220–22, Pl. 9 nenfro 41, 54, 55, 57, 66, 73, 216, 217, 260, 271, 272, 312, Pl. 34. See also bust, head, statue Neoptolemos 264, 265, 306 Nikosthenes 44, 191, 314

Index

Novilara 146, 225 oinochoe 40, 62, 66, 184, 189, 190, 195, 196, 200–203, 212, 213, 309, 311, 313–15 Etrusco-Corinthian 40, 189, 313 round-mouth 213, 311, 315 S-handle 212, 311, 315 spherical 200, 311 olla 63, 64, 66, 97, 102, 119, 120, 122, 182, 184, 310 olpe 26, 28, 66, 143, 144, 202, 203, 207, 277, 312–14, Pl. 8 Black-Gloss 277, 312 Etrusco-Corinthian 143, 207, 313, 314, Pl. 8 Olympia 2, 17, 110, 128, 145, 147, 222 Orestes 46, 231, 232 Orientalizing period/phenomenon 2–7, 9–11, 13, 15, 16, 18, 29, 33–35, 38, 42, 45, 64, 68, 70, 91, 93, 96, 97, 100, 101, 103, 122, 126, 171, 175, 184, 199, 204, 207, 242 Orvieto (Volsinii) 2, 3, 24–27, 31, 33, 35, 38, 39, 42, 43, 45, 50, 53, 54, 57, 58, 72–75, 100, 120, 136, 137, 168, 176, 180, 185, 186, 192–95, 199–201, 203, 207–9, 227, 229, 237, 241, 249, 254–57, 277, 281, 282, 287, 312, 314, 315, Pls. 30, 36 architectural terracottas 45, 50, 74, 254–57, 312, Pl. 30 Crocifisso del Tufo necropolis 25, 26, 75, 137, 180, 208, 312 Tomba Mancinelli B 136, 312 Parma 239, 312, 315 Pataikoi, amulets 178, 179, 310 pectoral plaques 64, 113, 124, 310 pendant 9, 10, 33, 34, 64, 72, 104, 105, 129, 131, 173, 175, 178, 310 amber 44, 95, 103, 172 axe 9, 129 bird 129 bronze 10, 19, 20, 63, 64, 66, 68, 96, 104–6, 116, 125–27, 129, 133, 134, 170, 177, 310, 313 cast-bronze 112, 125, 126, 170 foot 179 gold 133, 174 sheet bronze 106, 125–27, 133, 134, 177 Perugia 3, 23, 46, 56, 100, 136, 147, 150, 212, 229, 230, 239, 265, 269, 272, 312 cippus 23, 46 phiale 212, 263, 266, 311, 315 bronze 212, 311, 315 mesomphalic 212, 263, 266, 311, 315

Index

Phoenician(s) 10, 11, 15, 18, 23, 24, 35, 38, 42, 43, 46, 64, 73, 91, 118, 132, 150, 163, 171, 175, 179, 195, 196, 224, 226 Picene culture 27, 28, 34, 42, 43, 105, 112, 146, 174, 222, 225, 309 pietra fetida 41, 218, 219 pilgrim flask 16, 64, 83, 110, 118, 310 pin 20, 125, 153, 166, 172, 310 bronze 86 spindle-shaped 20, 125, 310 pitcher 31, 202, 203, 311 bucchero 201, 202 Pithekoussai 2, 10, 35, 40, 93, 97, 104 Pitigliano 61, 66, 205, 313 Tomb 26 66, 205, 313 Pittore dei Rosoni 207, 314 Pittore delle Macchie Bianche 40, 206, 314 plaque 26, 113, 124, 243, 310 bronze 113, 243 gold 33 silver 26 plaques, revetment 49, 50, 74, 249, 255, 256, 259, 311, 312 plastic vases 168 plate 13, 15, 18, 27, 35, 40, 58, 62, 64, 68, 100, 159, 163, 183, 200, 223, 279, 280, 309, 312 Black-Gloss 279, 280, 312 Faliscan Red-on-White 183, 309 Genucilia 13, 27, 58, 159, 223, 309 Pliny 5, 270 Poggio alla Sala tomb (region of Siena) 8 Poggio Buco xiii, 66, 103, 109, 122, 131, 164, 169, 199, 209. See Pitigliano Tomb 26 Polyneikes (and Eteokles) 266 Populonia 3, 15, 37, 82, 124, 253 pottery, Faliscan 6, 14, 18, 20, 46, 54, 64, 98–100, 117, 120, 122, 123, 159, 180, 183, 194, 209, 223, 286, 309, 310, Pl. 26 Praeneste 19, 27, 33, 45, 49, 51, 124, 167, 173, 175, 215, 231, 248, 309, 316 prothesis scene 219 Protovillanovan period/culture 4, 9, 10, 14 pyxis 32, 66, 163, 227, 228, 309, 312 Attic Black-Figure/Nicosthenic 227, 228, 312, 314 tripod 32, 163, 309 razor 8, 10, 16, 63–65, 82, 113, 114, 310 bronze 10, 65, 82, 113, 310

327

lunate 8, 82, 113, 114, 310 Red-Figure vases 13, 14, 31, 32, 35, 36, 44, 47, 54, 58, 59, 150, 191, 192, 223, 231, 235, 282, 309, Pls. 21, 26 Etruscan 159, 165, 282, 283, 284, 315, Pl. 26 Red-on-White painted vases/style 15, 91, 97, 183, 309, 313 repoussé 41, 90, 101, 102, 106, 109, 111–13, 124, 126, 127, 174, 175, 209 ring 16, 30, 47, 88, 103, 105, 116, 127, 128, 133, 134, 148, 149, 170, 175, 176, 210, 310 bronze 16, 34, 67, 87, 116, 128–30, 133, 134, 170, 310 finger (bronze) 27, 34, 151, 153, 173, 264, 309 gold 151, 153 silver 63, 87 swivel 30, 34, 151, 153 ring aryballos 28, 186, 187, 312–14 Corinthian 28, 186, 313, 314 Etrusco-Corinthian 187, 312, 314 rocchetto/rocchetti 65, 66, 72, 83, 96, 161, 162, 313 Rome 1, 2, 6, 8, 11, 13, 14, 17, 24, 27, 28, 30, 46, 47, 49, 54, 55, 59, 69, 71, 73, 119, 142, 172, 175, 216, 221, 223, 232, 240, 243–46, Pl. 11 rooster 185, 186 bucchero finial 185, 186, 312 sandals 32, 68, 160, 163–65, 247, 248, 284, 285 soles 163, 313 sarcophagus/sarcophagi 20, 21, 29, 54–57, 64–66, 73, 75, 124, 162, 260, 261–63, 265, 312 sardonyx (seal) 152, 153, 238 Saturnia 107, 280, 296 satyrs, maenads 32, 35, 47, 50, 51, 160, 166, 191, 193, 211, 212, 214, 215, 227, 228, 232, 236–38, 253, 254, 257–59, 275, 282, 284, 285, Pl. 32 scarab 30, 34, 151–53, 179, 194, 232, 238, 312, 316 scaraboid, amber amulet 179, 310 seal 30, 34, 45, 48, 72, 151–53, 232, 238, 312, 316, Pls. 12–14 sella curulis (curule chair, folding stool) 29, 150. See also stool Semla/Semele 47, 234, 235 shield 16, 17, 62, 63, 70, 101, 110–12, 125, 143, 147, 152, 160, 193, 208, 228, 264, 266, 268, 280, 309 handle 112 shoes 32, 33, 37, 163, 165, 179, 226, 234, 236, 274, 282, 283, 313. See also sandals soles 32, 163, 164, 247, 313 silver 8, 15, 19, 20, 26–28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 58, 62–64,

328

66, 68, 95, 128, 132, 172, 175, 196, 215, 281 situla 10, 59, 90, 182, 210, 214, 215, 222, 277, 283, 286, 311, 312, 315 bronze 90, 283, 286, 311, 315 ceramic 182, 277, 312 skeleton 57, 64, 66, 93, 97, 109, 113, 126, 173, 179, 235 Sommerville Collection 151–53, 232, 238, 316, Pl. 12 Sommerville, Maxwell 30, 72 Sovana 57, 103, 141, 278 spanti 40 spatula 31, 72, 159, 166, 270, 311 spear/spearpoint 4, 5, 16, 17, 28, 62, 63, 68, 110, 112, 121, 144, 145, 160, 161, 193, 197, 228, 267, 280, 311 sphinx/sphinxes 21, 39, 41, 63, 138, 169, 198, 199, 201, 216, 217, 310 spindle 7, 8, 62, 69, 82, 83, 95, 96, 130, 162, 194, 232, 311 spindle whorl 15, 16, 19, 20, 32, 63–66, 68, 82, 83, 95, 96, 115, 160, 161, 309, 310, 313 spits 15, 63, 68, 100, 313 bronze 63 iron 100, 313 stamnos 32, 33, 41, 159, 160, 169, 194, 208–10, 212, 312 bronze 209 Etruscan Red-Figure 32, 159, 160, 165, 166, 283, 284, 315, Pl. 21 handles, bronze 210, 311, 315 statue 21, 32, 49, 51, 73, 74, 177, 178, 241, 247, 272 nenfro 216, 217 sphinx 21, 216 winged lion 217 statuette 73, 165, 241, 246, 311 bronze 165 terracotta 246 stool 18, 29, 150, 270 folding 29, 150, 228 Strabo 13 strainer 155, 156, 203, 222, 311, 315 bronze 155, 156 bucchero 204 strigil 30, 57, 62, 72 model 30, 62, 147, 153, 154 stylus 135, 136, 232 swaddled infant, terracotta votive 246 sword(s) 4, 17, 19, 21, 63, 70, 110, 112, 145, 231, 264, 266, 268

Index

model 21 Syria/Syrians 35, 42, 43, 46, 214 Tabula Cortonensis 23 talking inscriptions (iscrizioni parlanti) 24 Tarquinia 2, 3, 35, 40, 42, 44, 45, 47, 50, 53–55, 57, 61–63, 69, 70, 74, 75, 81–85, 87–91, 95–98, 103, 105, 106, 110, 112–14, 116, 120, 121, 124, 126, 136, 137, 141, 145, 147–49, 170, 171, 176, 177, 185, 199, 216, 224, 230, 232, 236, 243, 244, 246, 247, 252–54, 261, 262, 267, 277, 280, 286, 312 Ara della Regina temple site 50, 243, 246 architectural terracottas 45, 50, 252–54, 312 teeth, horse 148, 149, 312 textile 5, 8, 9, 31, 32, 72, 86, 96, 132, 207 production 8, 19, 20, 69, 161 Theseus Painter 44, 191, 314 Tinia (Jupiter/Zeus) 47 tire, from wheel 66 Tomb of the Reliefs (Cerveteri) 28, 30, 31, 124, 272 tomba a fossa ("trench tomb") 159 tomba a pozzo ("well tomb") 7, 148 torch holder 31, 41, 72, 154, 155, 311, 315 Torlonia (family property) 5, 28, 67, 68 Toronto Group of the Cycle of the Galli Affrontati 187, 314 Toscanella (Tuscania) 43, 57, 61, 66, 240, 271–80, 311, 312, Pls. 34, 35 tray (of brazier) 157, 203, 311 model 157, 311 triga (chariot) 30, 152, 153 tripod, stands or vessels 19, 32, 63, 125, 163, 309 tufa 20, 41, 66, 137, 217 Tuscania xiii, 42, 48, 54, 57, 58, 61, 66, 141, 229, 230, 240, 261, 262, 271–80, 311 tyrrhenika ("Etruscan shoes") 32 unguentarium/unguentaria 75, 276, 277, 312 fusiform 276, 312 Urbs vetus (Orvieto) 3, 24 urn 5, 7, 8, 23, 24, 41, 46, 53–57, 61, 63, 65, 70, 71, 81–83, 91, 95, 98, 101, 107, 140–42, 195, 261, 262, 265–67, 269, 271, 311 biconical 7, 12, 15, 19, 20, 39, 62–68, 81, 83, 91, 103, 106, 107, 121, 125, 163, 309, 311, 313 burial 4, 63, 65 chest 139, 263, 265, 267–69, 311 cinerary/cremation 7, 8, 12, 15, 17, 62, 63, 65–68, 83, 84, 102, 107, 122, 125, 195, 263, 265, 267–69,

Index

271, 311, 312, 315, 316 collared 54, 62, 267, 312 hut 84, 85, 309, Pl. 1 ovoid 141, 311 relief-decorated 53, 74, 139, 263, 265, 268, 269, 271, Pl. 7 spherical 195, 312 stone 42, 54, 55, 71, 263, 265, 269, Pl. 33 Vatican collections 6, 46, 175, 177, 210, 211, 216 traveling exhibition, 1990s 27 Vaux Collection 167, 316 Veii 2–4, 7, 8, 13, 14, 17, 19–21, 42, 69, 71, 82–84, 86, 89–91, 93–96, 100–102, 108, 110–12, 114–19, 121, 123–31, 133, 135, 145, 161, 170–72, 178, 179, 183, 194, 196, 244, 246, Pl. 27 Verucchio 17, 19, 70, 83, 87, 95, 110, 111, 124, 130, 161, 162, 225 Vetulonia 3, 13, 16, 29, 38, 90, 108, 109, 112, 130, 131, 145, 148, 175, 185, 211, 312, 315 stele of Avile Feluske 13, 16 Villanovan footed kylix 90, 91, 311 period/culture 2–17, 27, 28, 33, 39, 42, 53, 62, 70, 71, 81, 83–85, 87, 90, 91, 93–98, 101, 105–8, 110, 111, 118, 121, 122, 145, 147, 171, 181, 183–85, 224 urn 8, 12, 39, 62, 81, 82, 85, 91, 107, 122 Visentium 3, 5 Volsinii (Orvieto) 2, 3, 24, 25, 53, 57, 229, 281, 287 Volterra 3, 41, 55, 57, 58, 75, 89, 110, 118, 140, 175, 176, 222, 262, 265, 269, 272, 277, 285, 286 votive 14, 33, 39, 46, 48, 49, 74, 112, 147, 168, 179, 185, 186, 220, 239, 241, 242, 244 anatomical 14, 45, 48, 74 bronze 45, 48, 59, 183, 185, 186 facial plaque 243 foot 246, 247

329

half-heads 48, 49, 245 heads 49, 175, 177, 243–46, Pl. 27 religion 39, 45, 46, 48, 49, 168, 185, 186, 220, 248 terracotta 45, 48, 74, 177, 186 Vulci 2–5, 7, 8, 27, 33, 35, 38, 40, 41, 44, 45, 66, 69, 70, 81, 82, 84, 89, 91, 95, 100, 103, 105, 107, 122, 125, 136, 138, 144, 147, 150, 162, 164, 166, 177, 179, 182, 187, 189, 190, 191, 198, 200, 205–7, 209, 213, 214, 216, 218, 221, 222, 224, 227, 235, 246, 272, 312. See also Canino Osteria necropolis (Hercle Society excavations) 61, 68, 195, 287, 313 other excavations 75, 218, 222, 234, 272, 315 tombs excavated for the University Museum 15 Tomb 5 39, 44, 67, 168, 187, 196, 204, 227, 312 Tomb 25 15, 67, 106, 107, 161, 313 Tomb 26 40, 205, 313 Tomb 42F 15, 68, 100–3, 313 Tomb 66 15, 68, 88, 95–97, 98, 313 Tomb B 28, 36, 68, 143, 169, 186, 191, 192, 220, 313, Pl. 8 Tomb C 68, 163, 313 warrior 4, 7, 8, 11, 13, 15–17, 19, 27–30, 34, 47, 62–64, 68, 70, 82, 87, 91, 98–100, 104, 105, 109–14, 121, 123–25, 143–48, 151, 156, 161, 171, 174, 197, 209, 211, 222, 228, 264, 266, 268, 280, 313, 316 wood 5, 6, 8, 10, 15, 17, 20, 23, 29, 32, 49, 50, 59, 64, 66, 70, 95, 96, 112, 124, 127, 140, 144, 150, 154, 155, 157, 160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 172, 213, 238, 254, 255, 256, 259, 275 spear shaft 5, 144, 145 Zagreb mummy binding 23, 46 zavena 40 zilath 264, 265

J

ean MacIntosh Turfa received the Ph.D. in Classical Archaeology and Latin from Bryn Mawr College. She has participated in excavations in the U.S., United Kingdom, Italy, and Greece, including Etruscan Poggio Civitate (Murlo) and Corinth. She has taught at universities in the U.S. and United Kingdom and participated in research at Manchester Museum, Liverpool Museum, and the British Museum. She was Curatorial Consultant for the installation of the Kyle M. Phillips Etruscan Gallery of the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. Her published research includes Etruscan religion, medicine, seafaring and trade, and art and architecture. She is a Foreign Member of the Istituto di Studi Etruschi ed Italici, and a Research Associate at the University of Pennsylvania Museum.