Capital Punishment in Canada 9780773591585

Table of contents :
Cover
Title
Copyright
Dedications
Table of Contents
List of Tables
List of Figures
Acknowledgements
Preface
Introduction
Some Conventional Sociological Wisdom
Some Conventional Sociological Distinctions
The Specific Utility of these Distinctions
The Law as an Instrument of Control
Legitimacy and the Law
Legitimacy and Law Enforcement
Faith in Law
Legislators and the Law
Can Law Control?
Law and the Expressive / Instrumental Dilemma
Chapter I: Capital Punishment
Canadian Law
A Brief Legislative History of the Death Penalty
The French Situation
The United States Situation
Summary
The English and Canadian Situation
Research Case One: The 1966/67 Debate
Major Themes
Research Case Two: The 1973 Debate
The Deterrent Effect Report
Deterrence Arguments in 1973
Summary
Public Opinion and the Death Penalty
Statistical Versus Case Studies
Summary of Debates
Chapter 2: Public Opinion and The Death Penalty in Canada
Public Opinion and Legislation
The Death Penalty: Public Opinion and Legislation
Some Criteria in Evaluation of Public Opinion Evidence
The Canadian Opinion
The Measurement of Capital Punishment Opinion
From 1965 to 1972
Education and Opinion on the Death Penalty
Regional Differences in Canadian Opinion
Rural and Urban Differences in Capital Punishment Opinion
Capital Punishment and Ethnicity
Capital Punishment Sentiment and Political Preference
Summary
Some Sources of Public Opinion
Chapter 3: The Representative and The Constituency
The Assumption that the Representative Represents
The Canadian Representative
The Representativeness of the Canadian MP on Death Penalty Legislation
The Canadian Death Penalty Debates
The MP as Representing Evenly Distributed Opinion
Local Birth and Representativeness
Political Security and Representativeness
MP’s Background and Representativeness
Summary
The MP as Representative of Unevenly Distributed Opinion
Regional Variation in Public Opinion and Legislative Vote on the Death Penalty
Rural and Urban Variations in Public Opinion and Legislative Vote on the Death Penalty
Religious Variations in Public Opinion and Legislative Vote on the Death Penalty
Ethnic Variation in Public Opinion and Legislative Vote on Capital Punishment
Education Level Variation in Public Opinion and Legislative Vote on the Death Penalty
Political Party Variation in Public Opinion and Legislative Vote on the Death Penalty
Summary
The Personal Characteristics of MP’s and their Vote on Capital Punishment
Age, Political Party and Death Penalty Vote
Education , Political Party and Death Penalty Vote
Religion, Political Party and Death Penalty Vote
Occupation , Political Party and Death Penalty Vote
Birthplace, Political Party and Vote on the Death Penalty
Some General Comments on Individual Factors in MP’s Votes on the Death Penalty
The Legislature and Party Influence
Some Impressions of the Legislative and Party Influence on the Death Penalty Vote
Conclusion
Chapter 4: Durkheim and Repressive Law
Theories of Punishment
The Functional View of Punishment
Durkheim’s View of Punishment
Durkheim’s View of Punishment and Social Structure
Durkheim’s Sociology
Durkheim’s Variables
Interpretation of Durkheim
Empirical Evidence to the Contrary
Durkheimian Method
Measuring Repression
Measuring Differentiation
Research Problem of this Section
Research Setting and Operations
Measures of Complexity in this Research
Measure of Repressive Sentiment in this Research
Indicator of Repressive Sentiment in this Research
Advantages of this Research Design
Findings and Discussion of Homogeneity, Repressive Sentiment and the Constituency
Homogeneity on Religion and Ethnicity and Repressive Sentiment
Homogeneity on Education and Repressive Sentiment
Cultural Homogeneity and Repression, 1966 and 1973
Religious Affiliation and Repression
Ethnicity and Repression
Education and Repression
Rurality and Repression
Criminality and Repression
Summary on Cultural Homogeneity and Repression
Findings and Discussion of Repression, the Representative and the Constituency
Political Party, Homogeneity and Repression
Characteristics of Individual Members of Parliament and Repression
Summary of Individual MP’s and Repression
Some Implications, Interpretations and Speculations
Ascription, Gemeinschaft and Repression: A Suggestion
Research Suggestion on Punitiveness
Summary: Where Do Repressive Laws Come From?
The Future of the Death Penalty in Canada
Appendix I: Methods and Procedures
Appendix II: The Dispositions of Convicted Murderers in Canada from 1946 to 1967
Index

Citation preview

Capital Punishment in Canada

Capital Punishment in Canada A Sociological Study o f Repressive Law

David B. Chandler

T h e C a rle to n L ib r a r y N o . 94 P ublished b y M c C le lla n d a n d S te w a r t L im ite d in a ssociation w ith The I n s titu te o f C a nadian Stu d ies. C arte ton U n i versity

T H E C A R L E T O N LIB RARY

A series o f original works, reprints, and new collections of source material relating to Canada, issued under the editorial supervision of the Institute of Canadian Studies o f Carleton University, Ottawa.

D I R E C T O R OI TH E I N S T I T l IT

Davidson Dunton G E N E R A I ED ITOR

Michael Gnarowski EXECU TIVE ED ITOR

James Marsh ED IT O RI AL BO AR D

B. Carman Bickerton ( History) Dennis Forcese (Sociology) David B. Knight (Geography) J. George Neuspiel (Law) Thomas K. Rymes (Economics) Derek G . Smith (Anthropology) Michael S. Whittington (PoliticalScience)

© McClelland and Stewart Limited. 1976 ALL RI G H T S RE SER VE D

0-7710-9794-8 The Canadian Publishers McClelland and Stewart Limited 25 Hollinger Road. Toronto Printed and bound in Canada

To Nan and Jerry Chandler

Table o f Contents List o f T ables xi L ist o f Figures xvii A c k n o w led g e m en ts xviii P reface xvix Introduction S o m e C o n v e n tio n a l S o c io lo g ic al W isd o m 2 S o m e C o n v e n tio n a l S o c io lo g ic al D istin c tio n s 3 T h e S p ecific U tility o f th e se D istin c tio n s 6 T h e L aw as a n In s tru m e n t o f C o n tro l 6 L eg itim ac y a n d th e L aw 7 L eg itim ac y a n d L aw E n fo rc e m e n t 8 F a ith in L aw 9 L eg isla to rs a n d th e L aw 10 C a n L aw C o n tro l? 10 L aw a n d th e E x p re s s iv e /I n s tru m e n ta l D ile m m a Chapter I

C apital Punishm ent

C a n a d ia n L aw 13 A B rie f L eg isla tiv e H isto ry o f th e D e a th P e n a lty T h e F re n c h S itu a tio n 15 T h e U n ite d S ta te s S itu a tio n 15 S u m m a ry 16 T h e E n g lish a n d C a n a d ia n S itu a tio n 16 R e se a rc h C a se O n e : T h e 1 9 6 6 /6 7 D e b a te 19 M a jo r T h e m e s 20 R e se a rc h C ase T w o : T h e 1973 D e b a te 25 T h e D e te rre n t E ffect R e p o rt 26 D e te rre n c e A rg u m e n ts in 1973 27 S u m m a ry 28 P u b lic O p in io n a n d th e D e a th P e n a lty 29 S ta tistica l V ersu s C ase S tu d ie s 30 S u m m a ry o f D e b a te s 33 Chapter 2

11

14

Public O pinion and The D eath P en alty in Canada

P u b lic O p in io n a n d L e g isla tio n 37 T h e D e a th P e n a lty : P u b lic O p in io n a n d L e g isla tio n 37 S o m e C rite ria in E v a lu a tio n o f P u b lic O p in io n E v id e n c e T h e C a n a d ia n O p in io n 42

38

T h e M e a su re m e n t o f C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t O p in io n 43 F ro m 1965 to 1972 49 E d u c a tio n a n d O p in io n on th e D e a th P e n a lty 53 R e g io n a l D iffe re n c e s in C a n a d ia n O p in io n 56 R u ra l a n d U rb a n D iffe re n c e s in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t O p in io n 59 C a p ita l P u n ish m e n t a n d E th n ic ity 60 C a p ita l P u n ish m e n t S e n tim e n t a n d P o litic al P re fe re n c e 63 S u m m ary 65 S o m e S o u rc e s o f th e P u b lic O p in io n 66

Chapter 3

The Representative and T he C onstituency

T h e A ssu m p tio n th a t th e R e p re s e n ta tiv e R e p re s e n ts 74 T h e C a n a d ia n R e p re s e n ta tiv e 75 T h e R e p re s e n ta tiv e n e ss o f th e C a n a d ia n M P o n D e a th P e n a lty L eg isla tio n 79 T h e C a n a d ia n D e a th P e n a lty D e b a te s 80 T h e M P as R e p re s e n tin g E v e n ly D is tr ib u te d O p in io n 82 L ocal B irth a n d R e p re s e n ta tiv e n e s s 83 P o litical S e c u rity , a n d R e p re s e n ta tiv e n e s s 84 M P ’s B a ck g ro u n d a n d R e p re s e n ta tiv e n e s s 87 S u m m a ry 90 T h e M P as R e p re s e n ta tiv e o f U n e v e n ly D is tr ib u te d O p in io n 91 R e g io n a l V a ria tio n in P u b lic O p in io n a n d L eg isla tiv e V o te on th e D e a th P e n a lty 91 R u ra l a n d U rb a n V a ria tio n s in P u b lic O p in io n a n d L eg isla tiv e V o te o n th e D e a th P e n a lty 97 R e lig io u s V a ria tio n in P u b lic O p in io n a n d L e g isla tiv e V o te on th e D e a th P e n a lty 99 E th n ic V a ria tio n in P u b lic O p in io n a n d L e g isla tiv e V o te on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t 105 E d u c a tio n L evel V a ria tio n in P u b lic O p in io n a n d L eg isla tiv e V o te on th e D e a th P e n a lty 108 P olitical P a rty V a ria tio n in P u b lic O p in io n a n d L e g isla tiv e V o te o n th e D e a th P e n a lty 108 S u m m a ry 114 T h e P e rso n a l C h a ra c te ristic s o f M P ’s a n d th e ir V o te o n C a p ita l P u n ish m e n t 118 A ge. P olitical P a rty a n d D e a th P e n a lty V o te 118 E d u c a tio n , P o litical P a rty a n d D e a th P e n a lty V o te 121 R e lig io n . P olitical P a rty a n d D e a th P e n a lty V o te 123

O c cu p a tio n . P o litical P a rty a n d D e a th P e n a lty V o te 126 B irthplace. P olitical P a rty a n d V o te on th e D e a th P e n a lty 127 S o m e G e n e ra l C o m m e n ts on In d iv id u a l F a c to rs in M P ’s V otes o n the D e a th P e n a lty 130 T h e L eg isla tu re a n d P a rty In flu e n c e 131 S o m e Im p re ssio n s o f th e L eg isla tiv e a n d P a rty In flu e n c e o n th e D e a th P e n a lty V o te 136 C o n c lu sio n 140

Chapter 4

Durkheim and Repressive Law

T h e o rie s o f P u n is h m e n t 145 T h e F u n c tio n a l V iew o f P u n is h m e n t 147 D u rk h e im ’s V iew o f P u n is h m e n t 148 D u rk h e im ’s V iew o f P u n is h m e n t a n d S o cial S tru c tu re 149 D u rk h e im ’s S o c io lo g y 150 D u rk h e im 's V a ria b le s 150 In te rp re ta tio n o f D u rk h e im 152 E m p irica l E v id e n c e to th e C o n tr a ry 152 D u rk h e in iia n M e th o d 153 M e a su rin g R e p re ssio n 154 M e a su rin g D iffe re n tia tio n 154 R e se arc h P ro b le m o f this S e c tio n 155 R e se arc h S e ttin g a n d O p e ra tio n s 156 M e a su res o f C o m p le x ity in th is R e se a rc h 156 M e a su re o f R e p re ssiv e S e n tim e n t in this R e se a rc h 157 In d ic a to r o f R e p re ssiv e S e n tim e n t in th is R e se a rc h 157 A d v a n tag e s o f this R e se arc h D e sig n 159 F in d in g s a n d D iscu ssio n o f H o m o g e n e ity , R e p re ssiv e S e n tim e n t a n d th e C o n stitu e n c y 159 H o m o g e n eity o n R e lig io n a n d E th n ic ity a n d R e p ressiv e S e n tim e n t 161 H o m o g e n eity o n E d u c a tio n a n d R e p re ssiv e S e n tim e n t 163 C u ltu ra l H o m o g e n e ity a n d R e p re s sio n . 1966 a n d 1973 165 R elig io u s A ffilia tio n a n d R e p re s sio n 166 E th n ic ity a n d R e p re ssio n 171 E d u c a tio n a n d R e p re ssio n 171 R u ra lity a n d R e p re s sio n 178 C rim in a lity a n d R e p re ssio n 179 S u m m a ry on C u ltu ra l H o m o g e n e ity a n d R e p re s sio n 181 F in d in g s a n d D isc u ssio n o f R e p re s sio n , th e R e p re s e n ta tiv e a n d th e C o n stitu e n c y 182

Political P arty, H o m o g e n e ity a n d R e p re s sio n 183 C h a ra c te ristic s o f In d iv id u a l M e m b e rs o f P a rlia m e n t a n d R e p ressio n 185 S u m m a ry o f In d iv id u a l M P ’s a n d R e p re s sio n 188 S o m e Im p lic a tio n s, I n te rp re ta tio n s a n d S p e c u la tio n s 194 A scrip tio n , G e m e in s c h a ft a n d R e p re s sio n : A S u g g e stio n 196 R e se arc h S u g g e stio n o n P u n itiv e n e ss 197 S u m m a ry : W h e re D o R e p ressiv e L aw s C o m e F ro m 198 T h e F u tu re o f th e D e a th P e n a lty in C a n a d a 199 Appendix I M eth ods and P roced ures 207 Appendix II T h e D isp o sitio n s o f C onvicted M urderers in C anada from 1946 to 1967 212 Index 221

List o f Tables

C h a p te r 2 TABLE 1

TABLE 2

TABLE 3

TABLE 4

TABLE 5

TABLE 6

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7

TABLE 8

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9

TABLE 1 0

TABLE 1 1

TABLE 1 2

TABLE 13

P u b lic O p in io n o n th e D e a th P e n a lty in C a n a d a in S e lec ted Y e a rs 41 P u b lic O p in io n o n th e D e a th P e n a lty in th e U .S .A . in S e le c te d Y e a rs 42 P e rc e n ta g e D is trib u tio n o f P e n a ltie s A ssig n ed to P e rso n a l C rim e s 46 P u b lic O p in io n o n th e D e a th P e n a lty in C a n a d a fro m 1965 to 1972 S h o w in g R a n g e s in P o p u la tio n E stim a te s 50 P u b lic O p in io n o n th e D e a th P e n a lty in C a n a d a fro m 1965 to 1972 by E d u c a tio n a l L ev e l 54 P u b lic O p in io n o n th e A p p r o p r ia te P e n a ltie s fo r M u r d e r by L evel o f E d u c a tio n in th e P ro v in c e o f Q u e b e c 56 P u b lic O p in io n o n th e D e a th P e n a lty in C a n a d a . 1965 to 1972, by P ro v in c e 58 P ublic O p in io n o n th e A p p ro p ria te n e s s o f th e D e a th P e n a lty fo r M u r d e r in Q u e b e c , 1968 by R u ra l a n d U rb a n A re a s 59 P u b lic O p in io n on th e D e a th P e n a lty in C a n a d a , 1965-1972, by R u r a l/ U r b a n R e sid e n c e 60 P u b lic O p in io n on th e D e a th P e n a lty in C a n a d a , 1965-1972, b y M o th e r T o n g u e 61 P u b lic O p in io n on th e A p p ro p ria te P e n a lty fo r M u r d e r in Q u e b e c (1968) by L a n g u a g e S p o k e n ( M o n tre a l s u b -s a m p le o n ly ) 61 P u b lic O p in io n o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1966 a n d 1971) b y R e lig io n 62 P u b lic O p in io n on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t in C a n a d a . 1965 to 1971. by P a rty S u p p o rte d in P re v io u s E le ctio n 64

Chapter 3 T A BLE 1 4

TABLE 1 5

TABLE 1 6

H ow Back Bench M P ’s See T h e ir R e p resen tativ e R ole by R egion 76 H ow B ack B ench M P ’s S ee th e ir R e p re s e n ta tiv e R o le by P o litic al P a rty 77 D isp o sitio n o f R e s p o n d e n ts to S tick to th e ir O w n V ie w in C o n flic t w ith T h o s e o f th e ir P a rty 78

t ab le

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V o te o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t M P 83 V o te on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t M P 84 V o te o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t P o p u la rity 85 V o te o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t P o p u la rity o f M P 85 V o te o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t T im e s E lected 86 V o te o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t T im e s e le c te d 87 V o te o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t M P 88 V ote o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t M P 89 V ote o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t MP 89 V o te on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t M P 90 P u b lic S e n tim e n t o n C a p ita l (1966) 93 V ote o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t P u b lic S e n tim e n t o n C a p ita l (1971)

(1966) a n d B irth p la c e o f (1973) a n d B irth p la c e o f (1 9 6 6 ) by P o litical (1973) by P o litical (1966) by N u m b e r o f (1973) by N u m b e r o f (1966) by E d u c a tio n o f (1973) by E d u c a tio n o f (1966) by

O c c u p a tio n o f

(1973) by O c c u p a tio n o f P u n is h m e n t by P ro v in ce by P ro v in ce ( 1 9 6 6 ) 9 4 P u n is h m e n t by P ro v in c e

95

V ote on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P ro v in ce ( 1 9 7 3 ) 9 6 P u b lic S e n tim e n t o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by R u ra l a n d U rb a n R e sid e n c e ( 1 9 6 6 ) 9 7 V ote o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by R u r a l- U rb a n A re a (1966)

98

P u b lic S e n tim e n t on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by R u ra l a n d U rb a n R e sid en c e (1971) 98 V ote on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by R u r a l-U rb a n A rea (1973) 98 P u b lic S e n tim e n t on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by R e lig io n (1 966) 99 V ote on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P ro p o rtio n o f P ro te sta n ts in C o n s titu e n c y ( 1 9 6 6 ) 100 V o te on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P ro p o rtio n o f R o m a n C a th o lic s in C o n s titu e n c y ( 1 9 6 6 ) 1 01 P u b lic S e n tim e n t on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by R elig io n (1971)

102

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TABLE 4 1

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V ote on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P ro p o rtio n o f P ro te sta n ts in C o n s titu e n c y (1973) 103 V ote on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P ro p o rtio n o f R o m a n C a th o lic s in C o n s titu e n c y (1973) 104 P u b lic S e n tim e n t o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by E th n ic ity (M o th e r T o n g u e ) 1966 105 V ote on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P ro p o rtio n o f F re n c h in C o n s titu e n c y (1966) 106 V ote on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P ro p o rtio n o f E n g lish in C o n s titu e n c y (1966) 107 P ublic S e n tim e n t on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by E th n ic ity (M o th e r T o n g u e ) 1973 108 V ote on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P ro p o rtio n o f F re n c h in C o n s titu e n c y (1973) 109 V ote o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P ro p o rtio n o f E n g lish in C o n s titu e n c y (1973) 110 P u b lic S e n tim e n t o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by E d u c a tio n (1966) 111 V ote o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by E d u c a tio n a l L evel o f C o n s titu e n c y (1966) 112 V o te on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by E d u c a tio n a l L evel o f C o n s titu e n c y (1973) 113 P u b lic S e n tim e n t o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by E d u c a tio n (1971) 114 P u b lic S e n tim e n t on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1966) by P a rty S u p p o rte d in 1965 E le c tio n 115 V ote o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P o litic a l P a rty (1966) 116 P u b lic S e n tim e n t o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1 971) by P a rty S u p p o rte d in 1968 E le c tio n 116 V ote o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P o litic al P a rty (1973) 117 V ote o n R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by A ge o f M P a n d P o litic al P a rty (1966) 119 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by A ge o f M P a n d P o litic a l P a rty (1973) 120 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by E d u c a tio n o f M P a n d P olitical P a rly (1966) 122 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by E d u c a tio n o f M P a n d P olitical P a rty (1973) 123 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t b y R e lig io n o f M P a n d P olitical P a rty (1966) 124

TABLE 6 0

TABLE 6 1

TABLE 6 2

TA B LE 6 3 TABLE 6 4

TABLE 6 5

TABLE 6 6

V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by R e lig io n o f M P a n d P o litic al P a rty ( 1 9 7 3 ) 125 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by O c c u p a tio n o f M P a n d P o litic al P a rty ( 1 9 6 6 ) 127 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by O c c u p a tio n o f M P a n d P o litic al P a rty ( 1 9 7 3 ) 128 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by B irth p la c e o f M P a n d P o litical P a rty ( 1 9 6 6 ) 129 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by B irth p la ce o f M P a n d P o litic a l P a rty ( 1 9 7 3 ) 129 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P o litic al P a rty , E le c to ra l H isto ry a n d A ge o f M P ( 1 9 6 6 ) 132 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by P o litic al P a rty , E le c to ra l H isto ry a n d A ge o f M P ( 1 9 7 3 ) 134

Chapter 4 TABLE 6 7

TABLE 6 8

TABLE 6 9

TABLE 7 0

TABLE 7 1

TABLE 7 2

TABLE 7 3

C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t V ote ( 1 9 6 6 ) a n d H o m o g e n e ity o f C o n stitu e n c y 160 V o te o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t ( 1 9 6 6 ) b y H o m o g e n e ity o n R e lig io n 161 V o te o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t ( 1 9 6 6 ) by H o m o g e n e ity o n E th n ic ity 162 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t ( 1 9 6 6 ) by H o m o g e n e ity on R e lig io n a n d E th n ic ity T a k e n S e p a ra te ly a n d T o g e th e r 1 6 2 V o te o n C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t ( 1 9 6 6 ) b y H o m o g e n e ity o n E d u c a tio n 163 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t ( 1 9 6 6 ) a n d R e lig io u s H o m o g e n e ity by E d u c a tio n a l H o m o g e n e ity 164 V o te on C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t by H o m o g e n e ity -H e te ro g e n e ity on E th n ic ity ( 1 9 7 3 ) 166

TABLE 7 4

V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t ( 1 9 6 6 ) a n d H o m o g e n e ity by P ro p o rtio n R o m a n C a th o lic

TABLE 7 5

V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t ( 1 9 6 6 ) a n d H o m o g e n e ity by P ro p o rtio n P ro te sta n ts 168 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t ( 1 9 7 3 ) a n d H o m o g e n e ity by P ro p o rtio n R o m a n C a th o lic s

167

TABLE 7 6

169 TABLE 7 7

V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t ( 1 9 7 3 ) a n d H o m o g e n e ity by P ro p o rtio n P ro te sta n ts

170

TABLE 7 8

TABLE 7 9

TABLE 8 0

TABLE 8 1

TABLE 8 2

TABLE 8 3

TABLE 8 4

TABLE 8 5

TABLE 8 6

TABLE 8 7

TABLE 8 8

TABLE 8 9

TABLE 9 0

TABLE 9 1

TABLE 9 2

TABLE 9 3

TABLE 9 4

TABLE 9 5

TABLE 9 6

V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1966) a n d H o m o g e n e ity L evel by P ro p o rtio n E nglish E th n ic ity 172 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1966) a n d H o m o g e n e ity L evel by P ro p o rtio n F re n c h E th n ic ity 173 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1973) a n d H o m o g e n e ity L evel by P ro p o rtio n E nglish E th n ic ity 174 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1973) a n d H o m o g e n e ity L evel by P ro p o rtio n F re n c h E th n ic ity 175 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1966) a n d H o m o g e n e ity by E d u c a tio n L evel o f P o p u la tio n 176 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1973) by H o m o g e n e ity Level a n d E d u c a tio n L evel o f P o p u la tio n 177 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1966) by H o m o g e n e ity L evel a n d M e tro p o lita n A re a 178 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1966) by H o m o g e n e ity L evel a n d R u ra lity 180 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1 973) by H o m o g e n e ity L evel a n d M e tro p o lita n A re a 179 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1966) by H o m o g e n e ity Level a n d P o litic a l P a rty 183 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1973) a n d H o m o g e n e ity Level by P o litic al P a rty 184 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1966) by H o m o g e n e ity a n d R elig io n o f M P 185 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1973) by H o m o g e n e ity L evel a n d R e lig io n o f M P 186 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1966) by H o m o g e n e ity a n d A ge o f M P 187 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1 973) by H o m o g e n e ity a n d A ge o f M P 187 V o te to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1 966) by H o m o g e n e ity Level a n d E d u c a tio n o f M P 189 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1 973) by H o m o g e n e ity L evel a n d E d u c a tio n o f M P 190 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1966) by H o m o g e n e ity L evel a n d O c c u p a tio n o f M P 191 V ote to R e ta in C a p ita l P u n is h m e n t (1 973) by H o m o g e n e ity L evel a n d O c c u p a tio n o f M P 192

A ppendix I 1 D is trib u tio n o f P o litic al C o n stitu e n c ie s by P a tte rn o f H o m o g e n e ity -H e te ro g e n e ity o n R e lig io n . E th n ic ity a n d E d u c a tio n . 1966 209

ta b le

A ppendix II 1 F in a l D isp o sitio n o f C o n v ic te d M u rd e re rs by M o tiv e: C a n a d a . 1946-1967 214 table 2 F in a l D isp o sitio n o f C o n v ic te d M u rd e re rs by E th n ic ity : C a n a d a . 1946-1967 215 table 3 F in a l D isp o sitio n o f C o n v ic te d M u rd e re rs by S e lec ted M o tiv es a n d S e lec ted E th n ic ity : C a n a d a . 1946-1967 216 table 4 F in a l D isp o s itio n o f C o n v ic te d M u rd e re rs by O c c u p a tio n : C a n a d a . 1946-1967 218 table

List o f Figures C h a p te r 2 fig u r e

1

FIGURE 2

FIGURE 3

A ttitu d e s T o w a rd s th e D e a th P e n a lty 44 H y p o th e tic a l R e la tio n B etw een th e S a lie n c y a n d C o n te x t o f P u b lic O p in io n o n th e D e a th P e n a lty 49 R a n k in g o f P ro v in c es o n S u p p o rt fo r th e D e a th P e n a lty 56

C h a p te r 3 FIGURE 1

R a n k in g o f S u p p o rt for R e te n tio n o f th e D e a th P e n a lty , fo r P ro v in c es by P u b lic O p in io n a n d M P V o te 92

C h a p te r 4 FI G U R E 1

T h e E v a lu a tio n o f C u ltu re a n d S o cial S tru c tu re E v o lu tio n 195

Acknowledgements T h is research beg an in 1966 at C a rle to n U n iv e rsity in O tta w a and finished a t th e sam e university in 1974. C a rle to n a n d . p articularly, th e D e p a rtm e n t o f Sociology a n d A n th ro p o lo g y , is a fine, inform al, scholarly in stitu tio n . 1 am in d eb ted to it for g e n e ro u s su p p o rt o f this project. C o rn e ll U niversity, th e U n iv e rsity o f H a w a ii, a n d the U niversity o f C a lifo rn ia at Berkeley have all g enerously p ro v id ed resources necessary for th is project. T h e su p p o rt o f a g re a t C a n a d ia n in stitu tio n , T h e C a n a d a C o u n ­ cil. b o th for m e a t C ornell a n d later for th e research costs o f this project, is gratefully acknow ledged. A m o n g th e p e o p le w ho helped m e. m y frien d s and colleagues, Steve F en to n a n d P eter P ineo. w ere th e m o st in sp iratio n al in the beginning o f th e research. A t H a w a ii. Jo n a th a n T u rn e r w as m ost helpful in th e in te rp re ta tio n o f D u rk h e im a n d th e o rg a n iz atio n o f th e p ro jec t. M ilton B loom blaum ren d ere d valuable m ethodological advice. Ja n ice S h in sh iro a n d C a ro l M u ra n a k a w ere especially c a p a ­ ble a n d d ed icated research a ssistan ts. T h e p a tie n c e and su p p o rt o f D o u g las Y a m a m u ra w as indispensable. M y P h .D . C o m m itte e at C o rn e ll. G o rd o n S tre ib . E dw ard Devereux a n d D o n a ld H ayes, w ere d e d ic ate d sch o lars and p a tie n t a d ­ visors. I th an k them for their c o n stru ctiv e criticism and su p p o rt in this project. M y d e b t to friends a n d colleagues at C a rle to n over th e years is m easureless. H ow ever, F ran k V allee has been a friend, teacher, help er a n d colleague for o v er a d e ca d e a n d m y affection and g ra ti­ tude is beyond expression. I w ould like to th an k D ennis Forcese and K en H a tt for th e ir critical ad v ice, D e b o ra h L each a n d T ony F alsetto for th eir d ed icated a ssistan ce and L ynne Perley w ho is a m arvellous typist. S usan C h a n d le r h a s lived w ith this pro ject for years a n d h e r help is m easureless. A n d finally, m y old a n d respected friends w ho becam e m y te m p o ­ rary fam ily in the final w riting o f this b o o k , A n n e , Ju d y a n d K en M ozersky d eserv e m y special a p p rec ia tio n .

D avid B. C h an d ler O tta w a , C a n ad a S pring 1974

Preface T h is is a study in th e sociology o f law . It is relev an t to th e special curiosities o f th ree a re a s o f social a n d intellectual concern. In its atte n tio n to a p a rtic u la r codified law , capital p u n ish m en t for m u r­ d e r. a n d th e v a r io u s so c ial in flu e n c e s o p e r a tin g to p re s e rv e o r change it, o n e o f th e basic q u e stio n s o f law is asked: W h ere do es law c o m e from ? A tte n tio n to th e legislative process a n d political in stitu tio n s in C a n a d a should interest those w ho a re c u rio u s a b o u t C a n a d ia n g o v e rn m e n t a n d p o litical science. A n d finally, sociology has n ev er sh ru n k from enfolding law and political science, their reluctance not w ith stan d in g , a n d this book is basically sociological. S o th e q u e stio n c o n cern s law, th e institu tio n u n d e r e x am in atio n is p olitical, and th e th eo ry and m eth o d a re p rim a rily sociological. T h is b o o k m arshalls em pirical evidence on th e public o p in io n and legislative b e h av io r o f th e C a n a d ia n C ap ital P un ish m en t d e b ates o f 1967 a n d 1973. It is in te n d e d , in a d d itio n , to foster discussion in th e sociology o f law in C a n a d a by bringing forw ard em pirical m ate ­ rials on th e topic. It m ust be a d d ed q uickly th at sociological th eo ry and m eth o d place se rio u s restrictio n s on the type o f in te rp reta tio n to w hich spe­ cialists in ju ris p ru d e n c e and p o litical science a re accustom ed. T he inten tio n al a tte m p t to m ain tain em pirical rig o u r and theoretical gen erality beyond any o n e law, in any o n e society, re q u ire selfconscious restrictio n s in the richness o f in te rp re ta tio n o f th e p a rtic ­ ular. A s sociologists, w e a re interested in repressive san ctio n s in so ­ ciety a n d how they o rig in a te . W e, th ere fo re, use th e C a n a d ia n d e ath p e n alty legislation as a case in this m o re general c oncern. T h e stu ­ d e n t o f law is n atu rally and legitim ately in terested in law s as such a n d n o t as exam ples o f m o re g e n era l social forces. T h e sociologist also c arries a b u rd e n o f explicit p ro c ed u re a n d scientific m eth o d which m akes som e intuitive and plau sib le evidence used in legal stu d ies inadm issable. Political scientists generally sh a re w ith sociologists a d ev o tio n to explicit replicable p ro c e d u re in m arshalling evidence in e x p la n atio n . H ow ever, as specialists in th e in stitu tio n s o f g o v e rn m e n t, legisla­ tu res a n d politics, they a re accu sto m ed to a finer tex tu re in e x p lan a­ tio n s o f legislative activity than th at offered in this book. A n d finally, som e sociologists m inim ize th e im p o rtan ce o f form al official versio n s o f law in e x plaining w h a t h a p p en s to real people. T he law w hich p eople experience is often o n ly rem otely related to th e official version. T h is im p o rta n t pro b lem is not c en tral to this xvix

XX

CAPITAL PU N I S H M E N T IN CA NA DA

book b u t is discussed in th e differen ce betw een d e fa c to a n d d e ju re a b o litio n o f th e d e a th p e n a lty , a n d a lso in A p p e n d ix II w h ic h p re se n ts d a ta on th o se w h o w e re e x e c u te d o v e r a tw e n ty y e a r sp a n o f C a n a d ia n h istory. So w-hile th is b o o k m ay be less th a n fully satisfying a n d c o m p re ­ hensive to specialists in each a re a , it is in ten d ed to co m p e n sa te by b ridging th e th ree trad itio n s. V indictiveness, vengeance, pun itiv en ess a n d re trib u tio n have all been used to d escrib e law s w hich specify p u n ish m en ts for th e guilty w hich seem to have no practical m erit. In his so p h isticated and scholarly w ork on th is topic S vend R a n u lf calls it th e “ disin terested d e m a n d to p u n ish ” 1. By this h e refers to th e d e sire o f individuals and g ro u p s, w ho have suffered no d irect d e p riv a tio n , to inflict p u n ­ ishm ent on d e v ia n ts. T h is m o ral in d ig n atio n is n o t g e n e ra te d by specific h a tre d n o r by a n y re aso n a b le expectatio n o f e lim inating crim e. S o m e have a rg u ed th at h a tre d o f th e c rim in al is n a tu ra l, p ro p e r a n d d e sirab le. T h u s, th e legal p u n ish m e n ts offer a “ public p rovision o f m e a n s fo r e x p re ss in g a n d g ra tify in g a h e a lth y n a tu ra l s e n ti­ m en t” .2 If we assum e th a t th e re is a n o u trag e to a strongly held p u b ­ lic m o rality a t th e crim in al a ct, th en o n e fun ctio n o f law is to p revent th e blo o d y orgy o f m o b v engeance. T h e histo ry o f crim inal law is in p a rt a histo ry o f th e erosion o f th e right to inflict priv ate p u n ish ­ m ent in society. Blood feuds, lynching, v en d ettas a n d d uelling give w ay as specialized agents o f th e society progressively m on o p o lize th e right to punish. L im ita tio n and specification o f crim in al p u n ish m e n t did n o t nec­ essarily m ak e it m o re h u m an e . T h e fam ous H a m m u ra b i c o d e (1750 B .C .) specified exact p u n ish m en ts for specific offenses. But severe a s they w ere, o n e in ten tio n w as to e n su re th a t no m o re th a n an eye o f th e gu ilty w as tak e n for th e eye o f his v ictim . T h e lim itatio n and fo rm alizatio n o f p u n ish m e n t also p re v en ted rulers from exerting un q u alified c o n tro l over their subjects. T h e re are early exam ples o f w h a t is usually th o u g h t to b e a m o d ­ em tre n d to reducing the p u n itiv e n ess o f crim inal p u n ish m en t. K ing U r-N a m m u o f S u m eria (2100 B .C .) replaced vengeance w ith r e s titu tio n a n d fin e s in th e law c o d e s o f th a t c o u n tr y .3 B u t n o r ­ m ally, e arlie r societies are d e scrib ed as h aving g enerally m o re re­ pressive a n d p u n itiv e law codes th an th eir m o d ern , civilized off­ spring. T h e e v o lu tio n ary p a tte rn o f law- is irregular a n d th ere is certainly no w idely held th eo ry o f th e histo ry o f crim inal law . H ow ever, there is sufficient o b se rv ab le regularity in p a tte rn s o f societal a n d legal types to te m p t th e th eo rist. T h e re a re roughly tw o types o f th e o riz ­

PREFACE

XXi

ing on th e cause o f p u n itiv e legal sanctions. T h ey turn o u t to be c o m p le m e n ta ry in m ost instances. O n e type em phasizes th e p ro p e rtie s o f individual psychology, like th e fa m o u s a u th o rita ria n perso n ality n o tio n . T h e o th e r ty p e e m p h a ­ sizes p ro p e rtie s in th e social stru c tu re such as D u rk h e im 's concept o f m echan ical solidarity and repressive law .4 S o m e scholars like R a n u lf successfully b rid g e this d istin c tio n by show ing th a t the in d i­ v id u al's urge to pun ish is d e p e n d e n t, in p a rt, on p o sitio n in the social stru ctu re. H e a rg u es th a t th e d isin terested d e m a n d to p unish arises m ost acutely in th e envy a n d in d ig n atio n g e n era te d by low er m iddle class existen ce.5 T h e task o f crea tin g plausible o r even em pirically verified ex p la n ­ a tio n s o f repressive law’ is only o n e side o f th e m a tte r. T h e practical side is tak e n up m ost elo q u en tly by K arl M en n in g er w ho w rites th at resistance to p e n al reform lies in “ T h e g re a t secret, th e deeply b uried m ystery . . . th e p e rsisten t intrusive w ish for vengeance” .6 H e forcefully a rg u es th at w h at he calls o u r delicio u s satisfactions in o p p o rtu n ite s for vengeful re ta lia tio n on scap eg o a ts m u st b e given up by each individual in o rd e r to preserve peace, pu b lic safety and m ental health. T h o se w ho see individual se n tim e n t as th e m ajo r o b stacle to a h u m a n e a n d effective system o f crim inal law , as M en n in g er o b ­ viously d o e s, m u st e x am in e its psychological ro o ts in o rd e r to e ra d i­ cate it. T h o se w ho see re ta lia to ry se n tim e n t as rooted in social stru c tu re ra th e r th an perso n ality look there for th e key to erad icate it. T h is yields a g enerally m o re o p tim istic view'. H aro ld Lasswell suggests th a t m o ral in d ig n atio n will give w ay to calculated e x p e ­ diency a s a basis o f su p p o rt for p u b lic o rd e r as diversity a n d d isc i­ plined calculation flourish in m o d e rn society.7 T h is sociological view o f law is im p o rta n t a n d is em phasized in this b o o k . T h e sim plest ren d itio n o f this view is th a t th e social stru c tu re o f som e societies and g ro u p s is m o re conducive to re p re s­ sive sa n c tio n s th an o th ers. W hile this p a tte rn is usually observed in th e c o m p a riso n o f p rim itiv e a n d m o d ern societies, o r b ro a d d iffer­ ences in social classes in the sam e society, v a ria tio n in repressive sen tim en t a n d p u n itiv e sa n c tio n in g can be personally experienced by alm ost an y o n e. All o f us h av e been subjected to th e m oral in d ig ­ n atio n o f a p a ren t o r lover. Sm all cohesive g ro u p s like fam ilies o r rural c o m m u n itie s a re settings w h e re people ta k e th e sym bolic sig­ nificance o f practically u n im p o rta n t deviance very seriously. T h ey a re typically m o re repressive social settings th an larger, less c o h e ­ sive g ro u p in g s. In these "s e c u la r" social situ atio n s, p eople are m o re likely to ta k e a “ relativ e” view o f deviance and assess its signifi­ cance only in its practical co n seq u en ces. S a n c tio n s a re in te n d e d to

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restore a n d m a in ta in a m in im u m level o f ord erlin ess in social c o o r­ d in a tio n . T h e sa m e p eople can be p u n itiv e in o n e social situ atio n and “ re aso n a b le ” in a n o th e r. Social stru ctu re, therefore, is o n e im ­ p o rta n t cause o f repression. In th e p a rticu la r case o f th e C a n a d ia n d e a th penalty deb ates, e x am in atio n o f v a ria tio n s in C a n a d ia n social stru c tu re assist in ex­ p laining v a ria tio n s in pu b lic su p p o rt for retaining th e d e ath penalty. T h e C a n a d ia n d e a th penalty d e b a te fits th e latest phase o f legal evolution in w estern d em o cracies in w hich th ere is struggle to d ro p th e sym bolic p u n ish m en t aspect o f th e law a n d m ak e th e “ p u n ish ­ m en t” fit the crim in al ra th e r th an th e crim e. T h is is th e legal p h ilo ­ sophic e n v iro n m en t o f the N o rth A m erican d e a th penalty d e b ates and is in te rp rete d in this book as essentially a rhetorical a n d id eo ­ logical d ile m m a betw een th e in stru m en tal and expressive view s o f law. T h is d istin c tio n also acts as a n interp retiv e th em e for the e m ­ pirical m ate ria ls used in this study. O n e im age o f th e crim in al law system w o u ld b e m odelled on t h e ' laws a n d a d m in istrativ e p ro c e d u re s used to govern a system o f ro a d s a n d highw ays in a c o u n try . T h e a p p a re n t, alth o u g h n o t ex­ plicit, goal o f th e system is to p ro v id e sufficient legal interv en tio n so th a t peo p le a n d g o o d s can be m oved from place to place w ith m ax i­ m um efficiency a n d personal d isc retio n . T h e m inim al in tervention prevents the c h ao tic d isru p tio n o f the w hole system w hich m ight occur if it w ere u n reg u lated . It also holds th e casualty rate, loss o f life and p ro p e rty w ithin the system at a n a c ce p ta b le level. In a d d i­ tion, a n d w ith a “ no fault” in su ran ce system , th e risks o f travelling a re sp re ad o v e r th e e n tire p o p u la tio n , reducing th e personal p ro p ­ erty loss if an accid en t occurs. Ideally, th en , such a system is d isp a s­ sio n a te and uses practicality , possibility and cost as policy decision criteria. It d o e s n o t strive for z ero loss o f life a n d p ro p e rty because th e cost to th e system w'ould b e to o high in en fo rcem en t a n d effi­ ciency o f th e p rim a ry goal, th e m o v em en t o f p e o p le and goods. T h is im age o f crim in al ju stic e , as a fully a n d exclusively rational c ontrol system , assu m es th at th e p u rp o se o f crim in al ju stic e is to pro v id e society ’-t-ith th e m axim um freedom to p ursue a variety o f personal a n d social go als w ith a m inim al, b u t acceptable, level o f d iso rd e r and personal loss as a n u n d e rsta n d a b le a n d tolerable cost. A n o th e r im age is th at o f a d ra m a . T h is im age em p h asizes the o p p o site featu res o f social life: the sym bolic, em o tio n al a n d nonra tio n al. F irst, th e law v io la to r is d e p ic ted w ith en o u g h sy m p ath y to engage o u r e m p a th y . T h en , his m o tiv es a re exposed as c o n te m p ti­ ble, his deceit in his ow n defense is exposed, and his w eakness in receiving his p u n ish m en t is disp lay ed . S o ciety 's tem p tatio n s have been displayed: the w eak a n d th e crav en succum b, exposed a n d p un-

PREFACE

X X iii

ished. Society h a s been fortified by stre n g th e n in g th e resistance o f those w ho m ight fail, a n d reassu rin g the rest th a t the values are being ob serv ed a n d th a t sym bolic o rd e r is intact. T h is im age assum es th at th e m ain function o f crim in al ju stic e is to illustrate, if only by keeping a law on the b o o k s, th a t a society as a cu ltu re is u n alterab ly op p o sed to th e violation o f certain values. It assum es th a t th e sym bolic needs o f a p eople m ay be g re a te r than their practical p ro b lem s, and th a t if e ith e r should b e m utually exclu­ sive o f th e o th er, th e expressive should be re ta in e d . A t least o n e p u n d it h a s suggested th at th e C a n a d ia n crim inal justice system is like a bad play, in w hich th e re is n e ith e r a tangible n o r a n illusory effect. T h is could b e rightly said a b o u t a n y crim inal ju stice system , o u tsid e a to ta lita ria n society. S tatistical ev alu atio n o f these system s consistently show failure to d e te r. R eform occurs largely by a cc id e n t, a n d excessive c o sts are e x p en d ed pursu in g p r o ­ secuting and a n d in carceratin g th o se w hose social d a m a g e is negli­ gible. In c o n tra st, th e in stru m e n tal im age and its im plications for law e n fo rc e m e n t and co rre c tio n p rev en t th e d elicious satisfaction o f rig h teo u s in d ig n a tio n , b u t it a lso fosters re aso n a b le, achievable ex­ p e ctatio n s o f crim in al justice. T h is in stru m e n ta l/e x p re ssiv e d ile m m a is a th em e o f this book and is described in th e o p e n in g section, w hich in tro d u c es a n d d e ­ scribes som e co n ce p ts used by sociologists in terested in deviance, social c ontrol a n d th e sociology o f law. C h a p te r o n e follow s w ith a d e sc rip tio n o f th e C a n a d ia n situ atio n re g a rd in g th e d e a th p e n a lty b o th in h is to ric a l a n d c o m p a r a tiv e perspective. C h a p te r tw o critically review s th e p ro b lem s o f public o p in io n polls on the d e a th penalty in p a rtic u la r and p u n itiv e n ess in general. In a d d itio n , o riginal d a ta on fo u r national C a n a d ia n polls are a n a ­ lyzed a n d som e d e te rm in a n ts o f th e public a ttitu d e to w a rd s the d e ath penalty a re discussed. C h a p te r th ree analyzes th e legislative process on capital p u n ish ­ m ent. O n e o f th e c en tral q u e stio n s is the extent to w hich M em b ers o f P arliam en t re p re se n t th e se n tim e n t o f th e ir c o n stitu e n ts on the capital p u n ish m en t q u e stio n . D a ta from p a rlia m e n ta ry re p o rts , b io ­ g rap h ical m aterials, o p in io n po lls a n d interview s a re used in this analysis. C h a p te r fo u r d e sc rib e s the classical structural e x p la n atio n o f re ­ pressive law ad v an c ed by D u rk h e im . T h is n o tio n is sub jected to em pirical v erification w ith d a ta d e riv e d from th e C a n a d ia n census, p a rliam e n ta ry re p o rts a n d p a rlia m e n ta ry b io g rap h ies. S o m e im pli­ c atio n s o f this stru c tu ra l view o f repressive law are a dvanced.

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Several ap p en d ice s a re included. O n e describes th e technical d e ­ tails o f th e d a ta used in this study a n d th e m e th o d s o f analysis. A n o th e r p ro v id es a statistical c o m p a riso n o f those convicted m u r­ d e rers w ho w ere executed, a n d th o se w ho w ere c o m m u ted , in the last tw enty years th e d e a th p e n alty w as actually used in C a n a d a . F o o tn o tes 1 Svend Ranulf, M oral Indignation and Middle Class Psychology, (New York: Schocken Books Inc., 1964). 2 Sir James Stephen. A History o f the Criminal Law in England. Vol. II (London: Macmillan, 1883), p. 81. ' Samuel Noah Kramer, History Begins at Sum er (N ew York: Doubleday, 1959). 4 Both these concepts are taken up in more detail in later chapters. 5 Svend Ranulf, op. cit. 6 Karl Mennineer, The Crime o f Punishment. (New York: Viking Press. 1968). 7 Harold D. Lasswell, “ Preface", in Svend Ranulf, op. cit.

Introduction T h is is a book a b o u t th e penalty o f d e a th for th e crim e o f m u rd e r. T h e situ atio n u n d e r investigation is a decad e o f C a n a d ia n p a rlia ­ m en tary and n a tio n a l d e b ate a b o u t capital p u n ish m en t. In this p e ­ riod several a tte m p ts to a b o lish th e d e ath p e n alty in P a rlia m en t failed, b u t a p a rtial a b o litio n succeeded. M a n y societies have a b o lish ed o r su b stan tially reduced th e ir reli­ an ce o n severe crim in al p u n ish m e n t and th e d e a th p en alty , in p a r ­ ticular, in th e p a st fifty years. T h e a rg u m e n ts w ithin societies u n ­ d ergoing these chan g es are re m a rk ab ly sim ilar, a n d are reflected in th e C a n a d ia n d e b a te . T h e social p re co n d itio n s and processes o f these chan g es also seem to be sim ilar. T h e C a n a d ia n experience will be investigated as a case w'hich exposes im p o rta n t theoretical g e n era litie s a b o u t th e e v olution o f crim in al p u n ish m en t. T h e evidence for such g en era liz atio n s is diffi­ cult to o b ta in . T h e first task in a n effort to clarify the theo retical c o n trib u tio n o f a p a rtic u la r em p irica l case is to select from the w elter o f facts in th e situ atio n th o se w hich a re relevant to th e p ro b ­ lem a t h a n d . T h is re q u ire s th a t th e pro b lem b e d efined a n d th e relevant q u e stio n s sh arp en ed . A n analysis o f th e intellectual co n te x t o f th e q uestion is im p o r­ tant. T o ask a q u e stio n often im plies th a t o th e r p rio r q u e stio n s have been asked and a n sw e red , e ith e r w ith evidence o r w ith a ssu m p ­ tions. T h e intellectual c ontext h e re is sociology, w hich uses a v o ca­ b ulary in ten d ed to b ring m o re precision to social concepts, som e o f w hich a re seductively fam iliar. S o m e am plification and d e fin itio n is th ere fo re useful. O u r first task is tw ofold. It is to in troduce som e sociological co n cep ts w hich will b e useful in th is research, a n d to c o m e m o re precisely a n d self-consciously to th e pro b lem posed in th e preface. E xpressive a n d in stru m e n tal o rie n ta tio n s to law so m etim es lead to o p p o site p o sitio n s on th e m erit o f a p a rtic u la r law. In th e case o f repressive laws, w h at social forces are a rray ed on each side o f the in stru m e n tal/ex p re ssiv e dilem m a? T h e q u a lity and im p o rta n ce o f evidence th a t can b e m arshalled to this a n d related q u e stio n s v aries greatly. A s a consequence, it is p ru d e n t to org an ize and assess these em pirical m ate ria ls in an e x ­ plicit a n d system atic w ay. A s a p ractical m a tte r, law s b e a r only an in d irect relatio n to th e will o f th e people. T h e y a re m ost directly a result o f legislative activity w hich is p resu m ed to reflect p o p u la r se n tim e n t. T h e first th re e sections o f th is b o o k a re d ev o ted to this

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p ro b lem . T h e first is a n outlin e o f th e C a n a d ia n legislative histo ry o f th e d e a th p enalty. T h e second critically analyses w hat is k n o w n a b o u t C a n a d ia n pu b lic o p in io n on th e d e a th p enalty. T h e third assesses th e rep resen tativ en ess o f C a n a d ia n M e m b e rs o f P a rlia m en t on th e d e a th p e n ally q u e stio n . In th e final c h a p te r w e c o m e to the central th eo re tic al q u e stio n . H e re w e are a id e d by classic social th e o rie s o f re p re s s io n . E m ile D u r k h e im 's n o tio n s o f th e so cial sources a n d c o n d itio n s o f repressive law s a re o f p a rtic u la r utility in gu id in g o u r inq u iry . H is w ork help s us to focus m o re sharply o n the issues a n d indicates w hich k in d s o f evidence a re im p o rta n t. W e are able to assess th e c o n te m p o ra ry validity o f his classical ideas and e x p lo r e s o m e o f th e r e a s o n s f o r th e i n s t r u m e n t a l / e x p r e s s i v e s ta n d - o f f in th is leg islativ e d e b a te .

Some Conventional Sociological Wisdom Sociologists have fo u n d th e c o n ce p t o f social institu tio n useful in build in g a n u n d e rstan d in g o f so c iety .1 L ike th e c o n ce p t o f m a rk e t in econom ics, social in stitu tio n s are n o t co n cre te e n titie s b u t ra th e r are labels placed by social scientists on v a rio u s activ ities in society. T h e in stitu tio n o f th e fam ily, for ex am p le, refers to social activity w hich is related to sex, p ro c re a tio n a n d k in sh ip in a n y society. Inclu d ed in this a re cu ltu ral facets, beliefs a n d values a b o u t th e fam ily, a n d the o rg a n iz atio n al facets, stru c tu re a n d p ro c e d u re s o f th e fam ily. T h e extent to w hich fam ily a ctiv ity is recognized in a society as p ro p e rly se p a ra te d a n d differen t from o th e r social in stitu tio n s, such as religion, is co n v en tio n ally re fe rre d to as th e e x te n t o f th e differ­ e n tia tio n in society. It is w idely held th at th e e v o lu tio n ary process o f society involves th e process o f increasing d iffere n tia tio n o f social institutions. T h u s, in a p rim itiv e society, th e values a n d o rg a n iz a ­ tion o f th e fam ily m ay ra tio n alize a n d c ontrol all e co n o m ic, political a n d religious activity in th a t society. L ater, in an e v o lu tio n ary p ro ­ cess, th ese activ ities m ay be d iffere n tia te d w ith th eir ow n special­ ized o rg a n iz atio n h aving se p a ra te values and beliefs. M o d e rn industrial society is ch ara cte riz ed by a g re a t d eal o f in sti­ tu tio n a l d iffere n tia tio n . W e sp en d o u r lives, o ften each d ay , m oving in a n d o u t o f roles in vario u s social in stitu tio n s, often ta k in g on radically differen t a ttitu d e s a n d social p o sitio n s in each. P eo p le in m o d ern societies ten d to c o n d u c t th eir discussions a b o u t th e ir societies using som e a b stra c tio n s w hich a re sim ila r to those o f th e social scientists. P ublic discussions o f th e eco n o m y , for exam ple, refer to th e in n u m e rab le fa cto rs such as th e exchanges o f g o o d s a n d services a n d b o rro w in g o r lending o f m o n ey as the

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“ e co n o m y ” o f a c o u n try . T h is c o n ce p t su m m arizes for th e m an on th e stre et a n d th e social scientist ap p ro x im ate ly th e sam e em p irical p h e n o m e n o n . T h e scientist is m o re likely to b e aw ed by its c o m ­ plexity, m o re likely to have rules a b o u t w hat is to b e included u n d e r th e c o n ce p t a n d is p e rh a p s only a little less likely to reify it. So th e a b stra c tio n s w hich refer to social in stitu tio n s e n te r pu b lic a n d p riv ate discourse. T h e fo rtu n es o f religion, th e fate o f th e fa m ­ ily, a n d th e fu tu re o f politics, som etim es becom e topics in pub lic policy efforts to im p ro v e society. Social scientists are being willingly sw ept in to th e d e b a te s a b o u t th ese m a tte rs to a g re ater extent than in th e past. O n e o f th e featu res o f social science w hich distinguishes it from o th e r fo rm s o f in q u iry in to th e s a m e to p ic s is a g re a te r selfconsciousness a b o u t th e w ay these p ro b lem s a re th o u g h t a b o u t. M ost scientists a re as c o n cern ed a b o u t w hich concepts a re being used, th e ir defin itio n a n d relatio n to each o th e r, in a d d itio n to c o n cern s a b o u t th e n a tu re and q u a lity o f em pirical evidence, as they are a b o u t th e answ er. T h e analysis o f social in stitu tio n s for b o th public policy and scientific u n d e rstan d in g can b e im proved by th e inclusion o f ad d itio n al c o n ce p tu a l distinctions.

Some Conventional Sociological Distinctions So th a t analysis d o e s not fo u n d e r on th e c om plexity o f h u m a n so­ ciety, it is necessary to circu m scrib e inquiries by m aking d istin c ­ tions. /m ention.': a n d C onsequences O n e d is tin c tio n is b e tw e e n th e in te n tio n s a n d c o n se q u e n c e s o f h u m an actio n . U sually w hat w e in ten d by a n a ct occurs. W e are usually u n aw are, a n d p ro p e rly u n c o n ce rn ed , th at the in ten tio n al p a rt o f o u r b eh av io r includes m an y factors such as culture, history and socialization. In a d d itio n , u n in te n d e d c onsequences o f o u r acts a re far-reach in g th ro u g h o u t th e social system s w e live in. O f co u rse, c onsequences are con n ected back to th e in te n tio n s o f acts. P eople, b o th as in dividuals and in in stitu tio n s, learn from th eir experiences. S o m etim es p a tte rn s o f consequences a re an im p o rta n t ingred ien t in c ulture. T o d a y ’s c onsequences b e co m e to m o rro w 's intentions. N o tw ith sta n d in g th e em pirical c o n n ec tio n s betw een in te n tio n s and consequences, th e concep tu al d istinction h a s proven to b e a useful o n e in cuttin g in to th e o n g o in g m aelstrom o f the social p ro ­ cess to d e co m p o se a n d analyze it. Social in stitu tio n s a re closely con n ected to sets o f m ajo r cu ltu ral values. W e m u st distinguish

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w h a t p eople a n d g ro u p s in in stitu tio n al roles in ten d o f th eir b e h a v ­ ior in th e sh o rt ru n , a n d th e long ru n consequences o f it. In stru m e n ta l a n d E xpressive A n o th e r d istin c tio n w hich h a s an aly tic utility is th e classification o f th e in te n tio n s o f activity into tw o types. In stru m en tal a c ts a re those which a re in ten d ed to p ro d u c e so m e effect. T h ey a re m eans to som e end. E xpressive acts, on th e o th e r h a n d , m ay be seen as ends in them selves. It is unlikely th a t th e re is ever, in reality, a p u re type o f eith e r o n e. M o st o f us in e veryday life exh ib it carefully plan n ed , goal d irec te d b e h av io r a n d u n p la n n e d , reactive b e h av io r a t o th ers. T h e b e h av io r associated w ith social in stitu tio n s can b e profitably in te rp rete d w ith th is d istin ctio n . E conom ic activity is su p p o sed to be c h ara cte riz ed by th e m ost ra tio n al, p lan n e d , p ra g m a tic c o n sid era tio n s. Q u a n tita tiv e m ea su re ­ m ent o f o u tp u t a n d efficiency c h eck s are n o rm al. T h ere is relatively little th a t is sacred a b o u t it except th e institu tio n itself. O n th e o th e r h a n d , religion is largely a n expressive activity. T he a c tiv itie s in v o lv e d in c o lle c tiv e ritu a l o b s e rv a n c e o r in d iv id u a l prayer are regulated by tra d itio n a l rules o r individual innovation. T h ere is no tan g ib le o u tp u t from th e in stitu tio n a n d an aversion to any q u a n tified in te rp re ta tio n o f it. R eligious activity is largely an expression by p e o p le o f th eir feelings and a d ra m a tiz a tio n o f th eir ideas. T h e p o in t h e re is th a t e co n o m ic a n d religious in stitu tio n s differ w idely w ith respect to th e em phasis on th e tra d itio n , form and aesth etics o f h u m a n co n d u ct. T h e d istin c tio n betw een in stru m en tally a n d expressively intended beh av io r reflects a longtim e in te rest o f sociologists. A w ide variety o f term s, for exam ple, sacred a n d secular, h av e been used to try and contain th e idea. T h e c o n ce p t h a s been p a rticu la rly im p o rta n t in a tte m p ts to c a p tu re th e e v o lu tio n ary process in society. It is w idely held th a t, w h atev er the term s used, th ere is an increasing d o m i­ nance o f the ra tio n al and p ra g m a tic o v er th e aesth etic a n d im p ra cti­ cal as societies evolve. In a d d itio n to this use, this d istin c tio n p o in ts to co m m o n c o n tra ­ dictio n s a n d ten sio n in th e n o rm s o f v a rious in stitu tio n s. T h e te n d ­ ency for in stru m e n tal and expressive m o tiv a tio n to b e m utually ex­ clusive is seen d ra m a tic ally in fam ily relatio n s. C hildren frequently leave h o m e u p o n th e rig h teo u s expression o f tra d itio n a l a u th o rity and p a re n ts a re w racked w ith guilt w hen, for th e sake o f peace, they m ust w ink a t cherished fam ily cu sto m s. M o st secular fam ily th erap y seem s to involve replacing th e tra d itio n a l m o ral b lu ep rin t o f the fam ily w ith practical, flexible n o rm s. T h e e v o lu tio n ary h y p o th esis is su p p o rte d in th e reso lu tio n s to th e c o n tra d ic tio n o f th e expressive

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and in stru m e n tal. M o re often “ o u tw o rn ” tra d itio n gives w ay to “ being p ra ctic a l” in such c o n fro n ta tio n s. In sum th en , a n y in stitu tio n in society can b e ch ara cte riz ed re la ­ tive to o th e rs in its p ro p o rtio n o f in stru m en tal to expressive activity. P a rtic u lar p o in ts o f c o n tra d ic tio n in any in stitu tio n betw een in stru ­ m ental a n d expressive in te n tio n s can be located a n d th e reso lu tio n o f th e c o n tra d ic tio n can be analyzed. The F o rm a lity o f S a n c tio n Finally, w e tu rn to o n e o f th e c en tral n o tio n s in sociology. T h e regularities observ ab le in h u m a n co n d u ct, a ccording to sociological vision, a re a function, a t least in p a rt, o f p e o p le follow ing rules. T hese rules o r n o rm s a re derived from , a n d a rticu la te d th ro u g h , th e cu ltu re. T h e y are specified to p a rtic u la r social roles a n d in c o rp o ­ rated into h u m a n b e h av io r th ro u g h socialization. A p e rso n ’s activ ­ ity is c o n tin u o u sly e v alu ated by m em b e rs o f society as to th e extent o f its com pliance to rules. R esponses to b e h a v io r are th o u g h t to be san ctio n s b ecause they have th e p o ten tial for alterin g com pliance to rules. E xcept for th e unsocialized novice, m ost p e o p le m ost o f th e tim e a re u n a w are o f th e presence o f sa n c tio n s. T h e y a re a n a tu ra l p a rt o f everyday life. F o r th e sociologist how ever, it lo o m s large as a c o n ­ cept w hich is essential to th e u n d e rstan d in g o f society. S anctions have been subjected to n u m ero u s classifications as to th eir fo rm al­ ity, stre n g th , orig in s a n d p ositive o r negative effect on b ehavior. T h e investigation o f san ctio n s is central to th e analysis o f social in stitu tio n s. In th is respect p e o p le , som etim es u n k now ingly, a d o p t a sociological vision o f society. M an y “ e veryday life” th eo ries o f h u m an co n d u ct asc rib e causality to genetic, physiological, intellec­ tual, histo rical, o r o th e r im m u tab le factors. Y et th e a tte m p ts to bring such c o n d u ct into closer a lig n m en t w ith w h a t is d esired e m ­ phasizes social sa n c tio n s. T h e p u b lic concern a b o u t runaw ay chil­ dren in fam ilies o r ru n aw ay inflation in th e e conom y tu rn s to a discussion o f th e effectiveness o f social sa n c tio n s in th ese in stitu ­ tions. All social in stitu tio n s are d efin ed as h aving central beliefs and values w hich ch ara cte riz e d e sirab le co n d u ct w ithin it. In a d d itio n , th e d esirab ility o f ty p es o f sa n c tio n s and beliefs in th e ir n a tu ra l effectiveness fo r th e in stitu tio n a re im plied in th e c u ltu re. R a tio n a l, self-interested c o n d u ct is desirab le in eco n o m ic m atters a n d th e a p ­ plication o f m o n eta ry incentiveness as sa n c tio n s is su p p o sed to largely co n tro l e co n o m ic activity. E m o tio n al, selfless co n d u ct is d e ­ sirable in fam ilies a n d th e c o n tin g e n t use o f love as a san ctio n is n o to rio u s. B oth trag ed y a n d co m ed y in o u r society d e p en d to a

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g re at e x te n t on cu ltu ral inconsistencies in th ese p a tte rn s. T h e im ­ p ro p riety o f love on th e jo b o r th e p u rsu it o f financial gain th ro u g h m arriag e are u b iq u ito u s th em e s in th e m ass m ed ia . Sociological research on child re arin g p ractices a n d p ro d u c tiv ity o f w o rk e rs is essentially th e stu d y o f th e in te n tio n s and effects o f sa n c tio n s in vario u s in stitu tio n al settings. W hile th e c o n cep t o f san ctio n is n o t restricting a n d d o e s n o t help us to n a rro w a n d specify a n a re a o f inquiry, o n e o f its subdivisions does. W e can distinguish betw een form al sa n c tio n s and th o se th at a re m o re in fo rm al. Since form al san ctio n s a re o ften w ritte n dow n and specified to p a rtic u la r activ ity , they a re o f p a rtic u la r interest. T h e ir fo rm ality im plies th at they a re con sid ered socially im p o rta n t and reflect a social process specifying w hat th e c u ltu re is. W h eth er this is a religious g ro u p a tte m p tin g to in te rp ret G o d ’s revealed tru th o r a set o f w ork rules in industry, th ey distinguish im p o rta n t speci­ fied e lem en ts o f institu tio n ally d e sirab le b e h av io r a n d th e m ea n s o f achieving it.

The Specific Utility of these Distinctions W e now tu rn to th e p resen t stu d y . T h e co n ce p ts and d istin c tio n s described above will help us to specify w hat is u n d e r scrutiny in the re m a in d e r o f this b o o k a n d w h a t is not. C a p ita l p u n ish m en t is a fo r m a lly d esig n ated sanction. It is a p ro d u c t o f form al d e lib e ra tio n s in legislatures w hich a re p a rt o f th e p o litic a l in stitu tio n o f m o d ern so c ie ty . T h e p o in t a t issue in th e s e d e lib e ra tio n s se e m s to b e w h e th er crim in al san ctio n s a re in te n d e d to b e in stru m e n ta l o r e x ­ p ressive, o r w h e th er they can b e b o th . T h e resolution o f th is d i­ lem m a o v er th e e x p re ssiv e /in stru m e n ta l in te n tio n s o f c rim in al p u n ­ ish m en t can b e view ed, in p a rt, as a d eriv ativ e o f th e social processes o p e ra tiv e in social ev o lu tio n . It is w ithin th is co n te x t th at w e in ten d to locate th e recen t C a n a d ia n c ap ital p u n ish m en t deb ate.

The Law as an Instrument of Control2 C o n tro l o v er in stitu tio n a l b e h av io r is largely located w ithin in stitu ­ tional o rg a n iz atio n s. B oth form al a n d inform al san ctio n s a re m o b i­ lized by p erso n s acting in in stitu tio n a l roles, like fa th e rs o r e m p lo y ­ ers. H ow ever, som e form al sa n c tio n in g is delegated to th e law to be em ployed on b e h alf o f society. In a m o d ern society, th e rule o f law is very highly developed and pervasive. It m ight be argued th a t a n y social b e h av io r is subject to th e law . T h is o ccu rs b ecause a n y b eh av io r can b e placed b e fo re a

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legal agency for co n sid era tio n o f w h e th e r it falls u n d e r legal reg u la­ tion o r n o t. T h e rules o f inclusion a re present in th e law a n d d e te r­ m ined by ag en ts o f it. T h e crim inal c o d e is a m uch m o re restrictive set o f reg u latio n s over a n arrow range o f activities w hich a re usually th o u g h t to be serious. O n e p a rty to a crim inal pro ceed in g is usually th e sta te , a n d th e in frac tio n s a n d p u n ish m en ts specified in crim in al codes reflect th e values a n d beliefs o f th e w hole society. A t th e sam e tim e as it reflects th e highest ideals a n d a sp ira tio n s a cu ltu re sets fo rth a b o u t h u m an c o n d u c t, the law is also ch arg ed w ith en su rin g a t least th e m inim al level o f social co n tro l and o rd e r th e society will tolerate. F a ith in th e rule o f law m ay have replaced faith in G o d o r a K ing as a so u rce o f o rd e r in society. T h e re fo re , th e d e m a n d on legislators to p ro d u c e efficient laws is heavy. Social p ro b lem s a re seen as solv­ ab le th ro u g h the p assage a n d en fo rc e m e n t o f th e right law . T h is faith m ay be. in p a rt, u n fo u n d e d .

Legitimacy and the Law Sociological analysis o f law a n d its san ctio n s often em p h asizes the extent to w hich law s o ften crim inalize b eh av io r w hich is n o t p ro ­ ductively c o n tro lled by subjecting it to legal sa n c tio n . Part o f this problem is th a t p e o p le d o not seem to v oluntarily ob ey laws they do not believe in. and th e extent to w hich they can b e coerced in a free society is severely lim ited. T h e legitim acy w ith w hich p e o p le view legal p ro h ib itio n s seem s to be largely a cu ltu ral m atter. C o m p lia n ce to law s will occu r to the extent th a t law s codify th e beliefs a n d values o f th e people. T h en all the in stitu tio n s, law . fam ily, religion, etc. a re in tegrated a n d p ro ­ vide a co n sisten t set o f ex p ec ta tio n s a n d san ctio n s all ratio n alized u ltim ately by th e ideals o f th e society. T h is im aginary sta te o f legitim acy o f the law is o ften c o njured up w hen ju d g e s in tim id a te m um bling d e fen d a n ts into a b a n d o n in g th eir d e sp erate, self-serving e x p la n atio n s a n d a d m it to “ doing w ro n g ” , and in d icate a read in ess to “ ta k e th e ir m ed icin e” . T h e d ra m a dis­ plays th e a ssu m p tio n s o f legitim acy o f th e p ro h ib itio n and th e san c­ tion in th e law . R arely in any society could such social in te g ratio n a n d , c o n se ­ quen tly , such legal legitim acy o c cu r. T h is is especially tru e in th e case o f large, m o d ern , industrial, changing, stratified , ethnically plural societies such as C a n a d a . It w ould be im possible to g et n a ­ tion-w ide a g ree m e n t o n th e im p o rta n c e o f even a w idely-held value in w estern civ ilization, such as th e rights o f individual freedom .

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w hen it is co n cretely specified in term s o f social circum stances, as it m ust u n d e r th e law . R a th e r, w ide differences in the p rio rity o f the in d iv id u a l in d if fe r e n t s itu a tio n s c o u ld o c c u r b e tw e e n d iffe re n t class, eth n ic, regional and age g ro u p s. T h e ju ry system a n d som e local discretion in law en fo rc e m e n t m itigates th e p o ten tial illegiti­ m acy by p u ttin g th e process in to u ch w ith th e local sta n d a rd s o f the tim e. T h e reg u latio n by law o f p riv a te m o rality o r p e rso n al c o n d u ct is praticu larly subject to th e p ro b lem s o f v o lu n tary com pliance. T h e legislation w hich p ro d u c es these so-called crim es w ith o u t victim s, has b e en criticized as u nnecessary a n d inefficient. T h e b e h av io r it a tte m p ts to co n tro l is “ n a tu ra lly ” con tro lled th ro u g h socialization o r c o m m u n ity o p p ro b riu m , o r n o t c o n tro lle d a t all. T h e a p p lic a ­ tio n o f legal sa n c tio n s seem s to m ak e little difference. T h e a p p a re n t decline in th e legitim acy o f th ese law s show s a n ­ o th e r facet o f th e legitim acy p ro b le m . Even th o se w hose personal c o n d u ct is exem plary, a n d w ho see th e law as a a cc u rate expression o f th eir ow n p erso n al sta n d a rd s o f conduct, develop a k in d o f plural m orality, a n d d o n ’t lust for stro n g co n tro ls on oth ers. By view ing it a s “ th eir ow n b u sin e ss” o r by seeing v iolators as sick ra th e r than evil, th e m ajo rity o p in io n reduces th e total legitim acy o f th ese laws. O n e set o f p ro b lem s th e n , in u n d e rsta n d in g law as an in stru m e n t o f social c o n tro l, is to e x am in e th e extent o f v oluntary com pliance w hich can be reaso n ab ly ex pected in th e society at a given p o in t in tim e. In sh o rt, how leg itim ate a re th e laws? T h is is largely d e te r­ m ined by th e ir fit w ith o th e r a sp ects o f the society, particu larly the cu ltu ral stan d ard s.

Legitimacy and Law Enforcement T h e e x p lan atio n is not sim ple, o f co u rse, a n d laws so m etim es gain legitim acy in p ro p o rtio n to th e ir ability to b e enforced. T h u s if e n fo rc e m e n t agencies a re able to m ak e a rrests o f som e reaso n ab le p ro p o rtio n o f violators, a n d c o u rts convict so m e reaso n ab le p ro p o r­ tio n , th ere m ay b e an o p p o rtu n ity for law s to increase th e ir legiti­ m acy o v er tim e. If th e b e h a v io u r u n d e r c ontrol o f th e law is op en to system atic scru tin y , then th e p o ten tial for p ro m p t a n d freq u e n t a p ­ p reh en sio n o f v iolators is increased. U n d e r th ese c o n d itio n s it a p ­ p e ars th a t v o lu n ta ry com p lian ce w ith th e law is high. T a x a n d tra f­ fic law s, fo r ex am p le, seem to b e v oluntarily obeyed in a p o p u latio n w here the o p p o rtu n itie s for v io latio n a re w id esp read . W h e th e r this is a result o f cu ltu ral values o r fear o f personal penalty is a n im p o r­ ta n t em pirical q u e stio n fo r d e te rren c e research.

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F o r law violation w hich is not o p e n to system atic scrutiny, th e possibility o f increasing leg itim atio n th ro u g h law en fo rc e m e n t d e c ­ lines. W h ere p olicem en m ust engage in a rd u o u s o r ignoble actions, as in vice o r narco tic e n fo rcem en t, th e likelihood o f system atic a p ­ p reh en sio n declines. Sim ilarly, w h e re th e discovery o f a law v io la ­ tion is a com plex, costly o r specialized process, such as in p o llu tio n , em bezzlem ent a n d conspiracies, th e potency o f th e law en fo rcem en t process is reduced. T h e rela tio n sh ip betw een c rim in al law a n d b e h av io r is com plex. In a free society, law c a n n o t v e n tu re to o far aw ay from th e cu ltu re o f th e p eople: it can n e ith e r lead very strongly n o r lag very far beh in d . In a com plex, m o d ern society, the c ap a b ility o f m an y laws to b e enforced is very low , a n d th e cost to th e society o f enforcing them is very high.

Faith in Law In spite o f these p ro b lem s, the faith in law as a m e a n s o f c ontrolling society is w id esp read . F a m iliar statem en ts, such a s “ this is a society o f law s,” “ they o u g h t to pass a law ,” “ th ere o u g h t to be m o re law and o rd e r,” all reflect th e theory th a t b elief in, a n d th e use of, law is basic to w estern th in k in g a b o u t social control. M e m b ers o f religious and p o litical s e a s so m etim es d iscard this a ssu m p tio n , but th eir lim ited m em b e rs reflect, in p a rt, th e w id e ­ spread en d o rsem e n t o f th e rule o f law . M ost o rg a n iz ed and success­ ful religious gro u p s, finding G o d ’s law a n d m a n ’s law in h a rm o n i­ o u s a cc o m m o d a tio n , d o not seriously a d v o cate a theocracy. M ost socialist g ro u p s in N o rth A m erica find th at, alth o u g h th e e conom y is as d e te rm in a n t o f social re la tio n s as their th eo rists have arg u ed , and th e law reflects such eco n o m ic a rra n g e m e n ts, th ere a re a d ­ e q u ate legislative rem ed ies to its m o st offensive inequities. So everyone, it seem s, a cc o m m o d a te s to th e rule o f th e law, no m a tte r how m uch a p u re form o f th e ir ideology w ould d ra w them into conflict w ith a faith in it. T h e r e is, th e re fo re , n o fu n d a m e n ta l d is a g re e m e n t in C a n a d a a b o u t law both as a blu ep rin t o f th e society a n d th e m echanism to solve its pro b lem s. F o r historical reasons, w estern c u ltu res have com e to th e p o in t w here law is generally reg ard ed as th e w ay in w hich c o n tro l can and sho u ld b e exercised in a sta te . T o b e sure, there is indirect c o n tro l on incom e d istrib u tio n a n d o th e r econom ic features in w estern society th ro u g h tin k erin g w ith the econom y. T he declin e in fam ily and religion a re so m etim es accused o f being th e so u rce o f un w an ted b e h av io r in society, b u t o th e r than e x h o rta ­

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tion to be b e tte r, som ehow , solu tio n to th e problem frequently com es to reside u n d e r th e law. T h e m o st general im age o f law is th a t it h a s evolved in to a cen ­ tralized, d isin te re sted , leg itim ate, dem ocratically responsive, effec­ tive sa n c tio n in g system . It h a s b e co m e a p ractical tool to b e relied upon to solve p ro b lem s, w hich can b e ch an g ed if it d o e sn ’t w ork. T he discussion o f b a d law s leads to sen tim en t to change law s, n o t to an a b a n d o n m e n t o f faith in th e system o f law.

Legislators and the Law T h e political process o f w estern d e m o c ratic society involves the p e rio d ic election a n d c o n tin u o u s em p lo y m en t o f legislators w hose p rim a ry function is to m a k e law s. In p a rt b ecause o f this, m any law yers seek political office a n d a re elected to legislatures.-’ Increas­ ingly, th e scale o f m o d ern p ro b lem s inclines peo p le to tu rn to gov­ e rn m e n t for a so lu tio n . T h ro u g h th e electoral process, th ere is a p ro p e r incentive fo r elected re p re se n tativ es to a tte m p t a solution. T h e ir so lu tio n s will b e legislative. E lection cam p aig n s publicly raise th e p ro b lem s v a rio u s p e o p le h av e, a n d often p ro p o se ideologically c o m p e tin g legislative solutions. T h e re is then a confluence o f forces o p e ra tin g in w estern society which inclines th e m an on th e street, th e m ass m ed ia, a n d p o liti­ c ian s to see p ro b lem s as solvable, if only the right law can b e found, and if it can be enforced p ro p e rly .4

Can Law Control? W ith in this set o f a ssu m p tio n s, th e p ractical lim its o f th e law a s a m ea n s o f social c o n tro l a re n o t exposed. Ju s t as o u r society h a s faith th a t technology can co n tro l even its ow n b a d consequences, it as­ serts th a t, w hile p a rtic u la r law s m ay be b ad , law is good. T h e effectiveness o f a law is alm o st never p u t to rigorous em p iri­ cal te s t,5 a n d th e pub lic policy d e b a te s in a n d o u t o f legislatures often rely on a n ecd o tal evidence a n d c o m p e tin g a ssu m p tio n s a b o u t th e n a tu re o f m an a n d his b e h av io r. Even if th ere w ere evidence w hich could not b e discredited th a t th e w id est variety o f c o n ceiv a­ ble law s, en fo rc e m e n ts a n d p u n ish m en ts did n o t alter th e incidence o f so m e u n d e sirab le activity in society, such as suicide, th e p res­ sures for legislative rem edy re m a in . T h e law , along w ith th e eco n ­ o m y, is th e m o st ra tio n al a n d in stru m en tal institutional a rra n g e ­ m en t yet evolved in society. A t th e sam e tim e, th e law in every

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society expresses beliefs and values w hich a re in d ep e n d en t o f ra ­ tional effo rts to co n tro l behavior.

Law and the Expressive/Instrumental Dilemma H erein lies the c o n tra d ic tio n if o n e view s th e law , as m any legisla­ to rs seem to, as a n in stru m en tal c o n tro l m echanism in society. If we also view th e law as a n expressive d ra m a w hich ritually d isplay s the ideals o f th e c u ltu re, th en w h at a p p e a r to b e irratio n al efforts to control o f th e u n c o n tro llab le b e co m e u n d e rsta n d a b le e xpressions o f evaluation. S om etim es, o f c o u rse, in stru m en tally a n d expressively satisfac­ tory law is p ro d u c ed . W h en th e b e h av io r to be con tro lled by law does d ecrease as a function o f th e severity o f p u n ish m en t, then there is n o d ile m m a o r inco m p atib ility betw een th e tw o o rie n ta ­ tions. T h e re is som e evidence th a t this will occu r only in b eh av io r w hich is highly ra tio n al, in w hich th e re is no crim inal su b cu ltu re, a n d in w hich ch an ce o f detection a n d a p p reh e n sio n are q u ite high. Since th e severity o f p u n ish m en t a p p e a rs to have no effect on the rates o f m u rd er, o r m an y o th e r p erso n al and p ro p e rty crim es a b o u t w hich there is p u b lic a la rm , for these crim es th e p o ten tial dilem m a rem ains. It is w ith this th em e th a t w e in te rp ret m uch o f the em pirical evidence on th e p u b lic a ttitu d e a n d legislative b e h av io r on the legal im p o sitio n o f the d e a th p e n alty in C a n ad a . Footnotes 1 T h e tim e has com e fo r a number o f cautions and disclaimers fo r the non-sociologist. T h ere is som e disagreem ent within sociology on the gen­ eral utility o f a social institution classification to the understanding o f society. T h ere is still m ore disagreement on the precise basis o f the classi­ fication and how m any and separate its divisions should be. T h ere is som e debate on the amount o f difference that is o r should be present in sociological and everyday life concepts. T h is section intends to a void these sometim es im portant questions. T h e description o f the social institution approach is as sim ple a rendition o f the fram ew ork as can be deduced from the w ay it is used in descriptive/in­ terpretive research. It is b e in g describ ed on ly to locate the research which fo llow s in a m atrix o f so ciological questions and concepts. 2 it is beyond the scope o f this review to raise the tangled and important definitional debate on law. F or a review o f this, see Jack P. G ibbs, “ D efinitions o f Law and Em pirical Questions,” L aw and S o c ie ty Re­ view . 2 (M a y 1968), pp. 429-446.

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' T h ere are approxim ately 67 lawyers, over 25 per cent o f the total, in the Parliam ent (1973) o f Canada. 4 Interestingly, those w h o have the closest experience with law enforcement, the police and court personnel, often privately report a b e lief that in prin­ ciple . laws cannot control som e problem s. 5 A notable exception to this is the death penalty, the subject o f this report.

Chapter 1: Capital Punishment

C ap ital p u n ish m en t is a topic w hich has excited a g re at deal o f d e b ate and analysis b o th in C a n a d a a n d elsew here. In th is section w e briefly review th e situ atio n in C a n a d a in co m p ariso n to several o th e r societies. T h is m aterial is well described a n d d o c u m e n ted e lse w h e re . T h e r e fo r e , th is se le c tiv e review e m p h a s iz e s fe a tu re s w hich a re im p o rta n t in th is research.

Canadian Law U nlike the U n ite d S ta te s, C a n a d a 's crim in al c o d e relating to m u r­ d er is federal. T h u s, th ere is a single defin itio n o f m u rd er a n d sp eci­ fication o f p u n ish m en t for all o f C a n a d a . Section 91(27) o f the British N o rth A m erican A ct p ro v id es th at crim in al law a n d th e p ro ced u res in crim in al m atters c o m e u n d e r th e ju risd ic tio n o f the F ederal P a rlia m en t. Section 92(14), how ever, g ra n ts th e provinces ju risd ic tio n over th e a d m in istra tiv e activities w ithin th e province, such as m ain ten a n ce a n d o rg a n iz a tio n o f its civil a n d crim inal c o u rts .1 P rio r to S e p tem b e r I, 1961, a n y p erson convicted o f m u r­ der in C a n a d a w as a u to m a tica lly sentenced to d e a th , a n d th e se n ­ tence w as carried into execution unless the G o v e rn o r G e n e ra l, a ct­ ing u p o n th e advice o f th e C a b in e t, c o m m u ted th e sentence to life im p riso n m e n t. By a m e n d m en ts to th e C rim in al C ode, m ad e in 1961, m u rd e r w as d ivided into c ap ital a n d non-capital m u rd er. C ap ital m u rd e r w as d efin ed as " m u r d e r th at is p lan n ed and d e lib e r­ ate, m u rd e r c o m m itte d in the c o u rse o f c ertain crim es o f violence by th e d irect interv en tio n o r upon th e counselling o f th e accused: and m u rd e r o f a p olice officer o r prison w a rd en , acting in th e course o f duty, resulting from such d irect in te rv en tio n o r counsell­ in g " .2 Such a m u rd e r w as still p u n ish a b le by m a n d a to ry hanging except if th e accused w as u n d e r eighteen y ears o f age. All o th e r m u rd er w as pun ish ed by life im p riso n m e n t. T h e ju d g e w as req u ired to a scertain w h eth er th e ju ry w an ted to reco m m en d clem ency o r not to th e C a b in e t. T h e C a b in e t still review ed each capital m u rd er case and m a d e a decision w h e th er to a ct on the "p re ro g a tiv e o f m ercy ” and c o m m u te th e d e a th sentence. In a d d itio n , in 1961, a n a u to m a tic review o f all capital c onvic­ tio n s by th e provincial C o u rt o f A p p eal w as estab lish ed as well as a full right o f ap p eal to th e S u p rem e C o u rt o f C a n a d a . T h is w as a 13

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review only o f fact o r law , in th e co nviction, since th e sen ten ce w as m an d a to ry a n d co u ld b e red u ced only by the C a b in e t. E xecutive review o f th e d e a th sentence occu rred a fte r all legal rem ed ies to th e conviction w ere e x h au ste d . T h e staff w ork for this review w as c arried o u t by the rem issions office in th e M inistry o f Ju stice. T h is w as a co m p reh en siv e c o m p ilatio n o f in fo rm a tio n on virtually every facet o f the w hole process. A s S heehan re p o rts, “ the basic p u rp o se o f th is system o f executive review is an a tte m p t to clarify not only th e degree o f guilt as it rests w ithin a social context, but also to review th e w hole ju d ic ial process including th a t o f p o ­ lice” .3 M itigating a n d ex ten u atin g circum stances co u ld be b ro u g h t fo r­ w ard at this tim e as th e re w as no restrictive p ro c ed u re , such as the adm issability o f evidence. T h e rem issions office w as ab le to seek in fo rm a tio n from official sources, such as police, p riso n s a n d a tto r­ neys. O th e r m ate ria ls generally d e p e n d e d on th e in itiative o f a d v o ­ cates o f th e c o n v ic ted .4 O n N o v e m b e r 30, 1967, th e C rim in a l C o d e w as fu rth er am en d ed by th e C a n a d ia n P a rlia m en t c onfining the im p o sitio n o f th e death p e n alty to th e m u rd e r o f police officers a n d priso n g u a rd s for a five-year, e x p erim e n tal tria l p e rio d . A ny p erson w hose sentence o f d e ath had been c o m m u te d to life im p riso n m en t, o r a n y person upon w hom th e sentence o f life as a m in im u m p u n ish m en t had been im posed, w ould not b e released w ith o u t p rio r ap p ro v al o f the G o v e rn o r in C o u n c il. O n J a n u a ry 26, 1973, a fte r th e e x p ira tio n o f th e five-year ex p erim e n t, th e S o licito r G e n e ra l o f C a n a d a in tro ­ duced legislation to th e P a rlia m en t for a c o n tin u a tio n o f th e partial ban on cap ital p u n ish m en t. T h is legislation b e ca m e law. Since th ere have been no ex ecu tio n s in C a n a d a since 1962 (see T ab le I). C a n a d a finds itself a t th e end o f a decad e o f de fa c to a b o litio n o f th e d e a th p en alty . U nless P a rlia m en t acts o therw ise, C a n a d a will b e in a decad e, 1967 to 1978, o f very restricted d e jure ap p lic atio n o f th e d e a th p e n a lty .5

A Brief Legislative History of the Death Penalty F o r m any y e ars th e issue o f c ap ital p u n ish m en t seem ed o f relatively little concern to law m a k ers' th ro u g h o u t the w orld. It b e ca m e c o n ­ troversial in th e p e rio d betw een W orld W a r I a n d II, w ith the em ergence o f a u th o rita ria n system s o f penal law. A b o litio n m ove­ m en ts began dev elo p in g in m an y c o u n tries. In E ngland, th e R oyal C om m ission o f C a p ita l P u n ish m e n t carried o u t an intensive study in th e years 1949-1953. T h e g re a t Penal L aw C o m m issio n w as established in 1959 by th e F e d e ral R ep u b lic o f G e rm a n y . Several

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states o f th e U n ite d S tates o f A m e ric a set up com m issions o r c o n ­ d ucted studies on th e issues o f c ap ital p u n ish m en t. In R ussia, b e ­ tw een 1954 and I960, penal legislation w as review ed and refo rm ed . S em in ars w ere o rganized in A th e n s, F ran ce a n d a m o n g th e E u ro ­ pean C o m m itte e on C rim e to investigate cap ital p u n ish m en t in 1953. W hile a n overall tren d can b e seen th ro u g h o u t history tow ard th e lim itatio n a n d c o n fin e m e n t o f offenses p u n ish a b le by d e ath , revision a n d re fo rm on a m ajo r scale is fairly recent.'1 F ra n c e , the U n ite d S tates a n d E ngland offer interesting c o m p ariso n s for the analysis o f th e C a n a d ia n case.

The French Situation F ran ce is one o f th e few w estern E u ro p ean n a tio n s to have retain ed th e d e a th p en alty . T o d a te , th e m eth o d o f execution is still the guillotine. T h e F ren ch Penal C o d e o f 1810 p ro v id ed for 36 crim es p u n ish a b le by d e a th . In 1949 th e n u m b e r h a d d ro p p e d to 12.7 It is im p o rta n t to n o te th at, w hile th e overall tren d has been to lim it the n u m b e r o f offenses p u n ish a b le by d e a th , it is co m m o n for legisla­ tors to a tte m p t to c o n tro l a recent crim e w ave o r react to a p a rtic u ­ larly h ein o u s crim e w ith legislation w hich m ak e s th a t specific crim e a cap ital offense. In 1971. fo r ex am p le, a n a tte m p t w as m ad e to extend capital p u n ish m e n t to d ru g traffickers in F ran ce. In th e re ­ cent past, th ere have been very few actual e x ecu tio n s so F ra n c e is m oving to w ard d e fa c t o a b o litio n , b u t w ith no evidence o f ju d ic ial o r legislative a b o litio n .

The United States Situation In Ju n e , 1972, th e U n ite d S tates S u p re m e C o u rt held in the Fur­ m an v. G eorgia decision th a t th e d e a th penalty as cu rren tly a d m in ­ istered. w ith ju d g e s a n d ju rie s having discretion o v er th e sentence re n d ere d , w as u n co n stitu tio n a l b ecau se it vio lated th e eighth and fo u rteen th a m e n d m e n ts o f th e C o n stitu tio n a s cruel and unusual p u n ish m en t. T h e m ajo rity o p in io n s o f the ju d g e s o u tlined th e a r b i­ trary and d isc rim in ato ry n a tu re o f th e a d m in istra tio n o f th e d e ath penalty as m ajo r co n cern s. T h a t S u p rem e C o u rt ruling w as very n a rro w a n d w ithin tw o years, th e legislatures o f several states e n ­ acted d e a th p e n alty legislation w hich m ight b e c o n stitu tio n a l. T his legislation m ay m eet th e sta n d a rd s o f th e c o u rt on th e fairness and no rm alcy o f a d m in istra tio n o f th e p enalty. T o d o so. it w ould have to m a k e th e d e ath penalty m a n d a to ry o r p ro v id e very clear rules for its d isc retio n ary im p o sitio n . A n o th e r n a rro w S u p re m e C o u rt deci-

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sion in W itherspoon versus Illinois a ddressed th e issue o f w h e th e r a ju ry w hich is selected w ith all m em b e rs in fav o u r o f th e use o f the d e ath p enalty, in prin cip le, w as u nbiased on th e guilt o f th e ac­ cused. Both these d ecisions resulted in a re d u ctio n in the n u m b e r o f c o n d em n ed w ain tin g in U .S . p riso n s. F ro m 1967 to 1974, none have been executed. U n lik e m o st o th e r c o u n tries, th e recent e v olution tow ard th e a b ­ olitio n o f capital p u n ish m en t in th e U n ited S tates is o c cu rrin g , for th e m o st p a rt, in th e ju d ic ia ry ra th e r than in th e legislature. Signifi­ cantly, social science findings on m a tte rs relatin g to these S uprem e C o u rt decisions seem to b e invited, and have been m ore im portant'* in th e e v olution o f th e d e a th p e n alty th an in th e legislatures o f o th e r countries.

Summary W hile F ra n c e is c h ara cte riz ed by relative inactivity on th e legisla­ tive a b o litio n o f th e d e a th p en alty , a n d th e U n ite d S tates by ju dicial a b o litio n b u t legislative re te n tio n , th e recent histo ry in E ngland bears th e closest resem blance to th e em erging C a n a d ia n situ atio n . T h is occurs, in p a rt, b ecause o f th e im pact o f its early colonial sta tu s on C a n a d ia n law a n d b ecau se th e form o f g o v e rn m e n t is q u ite sim ilar in th e tw o co u n tries.

The English and Canadian Situation T h e R oyal P ro clam atio n o f 1763 replaced th e prev ailin g C a n ad ian system o f ju stic e w ith th e law s o f E ngland. T h e British C rim in al C o d e listed betw een 220 a n d 230 offenses w hich w ere p u n ish a b le by d e a th “ from stealing tu rn ip s to being fo u n d disguised in a for­ est” .9 A tte m p ts to m o re realistically align p u n ish m en ts w ith m o re g e n ­ erally acceptable societal values beg an in E n g lan d a ro u n d 1800. In 1808, Sam uel R om ily in tro d u c ed legislation into the H o u se o f C o m m o n s to abolish capital p u n ish m e n t for shoplifting, if th e value o f th e shoplifted item w as u n d e r five shillings. Betw een 1810 and 1820, this w as passed by th e C o m m o n s six tim e s and d e fea te d by th e H o u se o f L o rd s each tim e . N o t until 1832 did this bill finally pass b o th H ouses. P ublic o p in io n in E ngland a p p a re n tly o p p o se d th e p rovision o f th e d e a th penalty o n such a b ro a d scale b ecau se ju rie s, re lu c ta n t to convict capital cases, began a cq u ittin g those d efen d a n ts for w hom th e penalty o utw eighed th e c rim e. K oestler a rg u es th at, w henever

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social p rogress o u tp a c e s th e law a n d p enalties a p p e a r to b e d is p ro ­ p o rtio n a tely severe to th e pu b lic conscience, ju rie s will not convict and reprieves, instead o f b ein g a n e xception, becom e virtually th e ru le ."’ In C a n a d a , the n u m b e r o f offenses p u n ish a b le by d e a th w as re ­ duced in 1859. T h e C o n stitu te d S ta tu te s o f C a n a d a m a in tain ed the d e ath penalty for “ m u rd e r, rap e, trea so n , ad m in isterin g p oison o r w o u n d in g w ith th e in te n t to c o m m it m u rd er, unlaw fully a b u sin g a girl u n d e r ten , buggery w ith m an o r beast, ro b b e ry with w oun d in g , b urglary w ith assau lt, a rso n , c asting aw ay a sh ip and exh ib itin g a false signal en d ag e rin g a sh ip " . By 1865, th e d e a th p e n alty had been a b o lish ed in all cases except m u rd e r, trea so n a n d rape. R efo rm s in th e a d m in istra tio n o f th e law also o ccu rred . In 1836 a p riso n e r charged w ith a capital crim e w as allow ed to secure legal c ounsel. L ater, in 1898 a p riso n e r w as allow ed to give evidence on h is ow n b e h alf a n d in 1907, h e w as p e rm itte d to a p p ea l his case. A v igorous a tte m p t to abolish c ap ital p u n ish m e n t began in 1914 w ith a b o litio n is t, R o b e rt B ic k e rd ik e . B ic k e rd ik e p a s s io n a te ly a rg u ed th a t cap ital p u n ish m en t w as essentially m u rd er co m m itted by th e sta te , a b lo t on C h ristia n ity , a b ru tal a n d unnecessary form o f p u n ish m en t, ineffective as a d e te rre n t a n d th a t th e possibility o f ju d ic ial e rro r m ad e it a n un co n scio n ab le form o f p u n ish m e n t.11 In early 1914, M r. B ickerdike in tro d u ced an a b o litio n bill in the form o f a P rivate M e m b ers Bill. It w as discussed briefly and d e ­ feated by a m o tio n for a d jo u rn m e n t. A gain in 1915 and in 1916, M r. B ickerdike in tro d u c ed legislation to a m e n d th e crim inal code and a b o lish the p e n alty o f d e ath b u t to no avail. O n Ja n u a ry 31, 1917, M r. B ickerdike o n c e a g ain in tro d u ced his a b o litio n bill. D u rin g th is b rie f d e b a te , he a tte m p te d to in troduce a n a m e n d m e n t w hich a b o lish ed c ap ital p u n ish m en t for w om en and children. T h is a m e n d m e n t w as ruled o u t o f o rd e r by the S p e a k e r o f th e H o u se. M r. B ickerdike then in tro d u ced an a m e n d m en t p r o h ib ­ iting th e cap ital p u n ish m en t o f an 18 year old y o u th w ho h a d been sentenced to d e a th . T h is w as ruled o u t o f o rd e r as it dealt w ith the issue o f R oyal P rerogative. N o t until A pril 1924 w as th e issue d e b a te d again in P arliam en t. A free vote w as p e rm itte d a n d the ab o litio n ist bill w as d efeated. In 1949 a R oyal C o m m issio n on C ap ital P u n ish m e n t w as e sta b ­ lished in E ngland. T h e p u rp o se o f th is com m ission w as to study the a dvisability o f lim itin g o r m o d ify in g th e capital p u n ish m en t legisla­ tion a n d in q u ire in to w h a t c o n seq u en ces w ould o c cu r by such a lte r­ a tio n s. In 1953. th e C o m m issio n re p o rte d its findings. It stated th at it w as im possible to fram e a d e fin itio n o f m u rd e r, o r to c rea te classes o r degrees o f m u rd e r th a t w ould effectively lim it th e scope o f cap ital p u n ish m e n t.12 It agreed th a t, w hile th e re w ere o b v io u s d is­

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advantages, th e b e st solution w as to a d o p t th e system w h ereb y th e ju ry h a s th e po w er to d ecid e in each case w h e th er life im p riso n m en t can p ro p e rly b e su b stitu te d for cap ital p u n ish m en t. In 1957 th e B ritish P a rlia m en t a d o p te d th e H o m icid e A ct w hich redefined m u rd er a n d c reated a d istin c tio n betw een capital a n d n on-capital crim e. A fte r several unsuccessful a tte m p ts, a bill a b o l­ ishing capital p u n ish m en t for a five y e ar trial p e rio d w as passed by th e H o u se o f C o m m o n s in July, 1965 and b ecam e law in N o v e m ­ ber. O f interest, w hen c o m p a rin g th e English situ atio n to th e C a n a ­ dian o n e , is th a t th e English P a rlia m en t passed th e a b o litio n bill by a free vote, w ith each M e m b er expressing his o p in io n a n d m ak in g his decisio n a cc o rd in g to his ow n p e rso n al p referen ce. In a d d itio n , w hile th e a b o litio n bill w as a d o p te d by a v o te o f 200 votes to 98, a p ub lic o p in io n poll o f th e tim e h a d show n th a t 79% o f th e English p eople favoured th e reten tio n o f c ap ital p u n i s h m e n t . O n D e ce m ­ b er 16, 1969, th e B ritish P a rlia m en t, again in a free vote, m a d e th e a b o litio n o f th e d e a th p e n alty a p e rm a n e n t fe atu re o f British law. In th e C a n ad ian P a rlia m en t, a priv ate m em b e rs bill w as in tro ­ duced in 1950 to a m e n d th e C rim in a l C ode to abolish th e p enalty o f d e a th . A gain in 1953, th e sam e bill w as in tro d u c ed . T h is bill w as w ith d raw n b u t subsequently, a J o in t C o m m itte e o f the S en ate and th e H o u se w as established. T h is c o m m itte e w as to investigate c a p i­ tal p u n ish m e n t, c o rp o ra l p u n ish m e n t and lo tte rie s. T h e m a n d a te o f this c o m m itte e p e rm itte d it to stu d y th e feasibility o f th e a b o litio n o f capital p u n ish m en t a n d m a k e re co m m e n d a tio n s accordingly. In 1956. th e c o m m itte e 's re p o rt reco m m e n d e d th e reten tio n o f cap ital p u n ish m en t. It suggested no refo rm in th e d e fin itio n o f m u rd e r. It d id reco m m en d a b o litio n o f c ap ital p u n ish m en t for c hildren u n d e r 18. M an y a d m in istrativ e re fo rm s w ere d e lin e ated . T he c o m m ittee suggested full disclosures o f th e G o v e rn m e n t’s case to th e accused, th e p rovision o f legal counsel, a m an d a to ry plea o f n o t guilty for capital charges, a n d a u to m a tic a p p e a l, a m o n g o th e r s .14 P u rsu an t to the Jo in t C o m m itte e ’s findings, bills to a m e n d theC rim in a l C o d e w ere in tro d u ced in 1957, 1958, 1959 and I960. In N o v e m b e r 1960, th e G o v e rn m e n t in tr o d u c e d le g isla tio n w hich reclassified m u rd e r into cap ital and n on-capital offenses in spite o f th e e arlie r c o m m itte e re co m m e n d a tio n . C ap ital m u rd e r, th a t w h ic h w a s p la n n e d a n d p r e m e d ita te d , w as p u n is h a b le by d e ath . N o n -c ap ital m u rd er, th a t w hich w as u n p lan n ed , w as p u n ish ­ ab le by life im p riso n m e n t. T h is bill w as n o t in ten d ed to b e c o n sid ­ ered as a first step to w a rd s a b o litio n , but ra th e r a n u p d a tin g o f the C rim in al C o d e . It w as a d o p te d by a vote o f 139 to 21. In 1962 a bill w as in tro d u ced to a m e n d th e C rim in al C o d e to abolish capital p u n ish m en t except for trea so n . T h is a n d o th e r a t­ tem pts to review th e q u e stio n w ere p ro p o se d a n d d efeated .

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In N o v e m b er 1963, a general election w as held in w hich the L iberals g a in e d po w er from th e Progressive C on serv ativ es. A p ri­ vate m em b e rs’ bill w as again in tro d u c ed to abolish capital p u n ish ­ m ent a n d d eb ated in 1964. T h e P arliam ent a d jo u rn e d , how ever, w ith o u t voting on th is issue. T h e new L iberal g o v e rn m e n t had no publicly d efined p o sitio n on c ap ital p u n ish m en t a n d indicated no a p p a re n t interest in b ringing th e issue up for a vote. O f im p o rta n ce , how ever, is th e fact th a t no p e rso n had b e en executed since the L iberals cam e into pow er, a n d th e Progressive C o n se rv a tiv e g o v ­ e rn m e n t before them had c o m m u te d alm o st 80 p e r cen t o f th e d e a th p en alties d u rin g th eir te n u re from 1957 to 1962. In th e o p e n in g speech o f P a rlia m en t in 1965, th e L iberal g o v e rn ­ m ent declared its in te n tio n o f affo rd in g the H o u se o f C o m m o n s the o p p o rtu n ity to discuss th e issue o f capital p u n ish m en t. T h e M in is­ ter o f Ju stice a u th o riz e d the D e p a rtm e n t o f Ju stice to p re p a re a “ w h ite p a p e r” on c ap ital p u n ish m en t. B ecause o f th e n o n -p a rtisa n n a tu re o f th e d e b ate a n d its e m o tio n a l p o ten tial, th e G o v e rn m e n t called for a free vote, releasing all M e m b ers o f P arliam ent from p arty discipline. A m ajo r d e b a te a n d several vo tes on th e d e ath penalty took place in 1966 a n d 1967. T h e experim ental p a rtial a b o ­ lition bill w hich finally passed in 1967 w as renew ed (119 in favor. 106 a g ain st) in 1973, again in a m ajo r and c o n te n tio u s P a rlia m en ­ tary d e b ate. In su m m ary , w e find th a t G r e a t B ritain m oved early to full a b o li­ tion: w hereas a cro ss th e channel in F ran ce, th e d e ath p e n alty a p ­ pears to b e still legally e n tre n ch e d . In N o rth A m erica, th e U n ite d S tates finds itself in d e fa c to a b o litio n w ith th e S u p rem e C o u rt show ing a ten d en cy to w ard s a b o litio n on v a rio u s c o n stitu tio n a l g ro u n d s a n d som e S tate legislature m oving in th e o p p o site d irectio n to resto re th e penalty. C a n a d a is presently in th e m id d le o f these socio-legal tren d s. De fa cto a b o litio n is established, b u t still on a case-by-case basis. T h e P arliam en t a p p e a rs ab le to m u ste r only enough su p p o rt for p a rtial and te m p o ra ry d e ju re ab o litio n . A gainst this m o re general b a c k d ro p , w e tu rn to th e d etailed a n a l­ ysis o f tw o recent p e rio d s o f C a n a d ia n P a rlia m en tary d e b a te on the d e ath penalty.

Research Case One: The 1966/67 Debate It a p p e a rs th a t th e extensive d e b a te on c ap ital p u n ish m en t w hich occu rred in 1966 o v er a m u lti-p a rty P rivate M e m b ers' Bill ex­ hausted th e d e b ate and set o u t th e vario u s p o sitio n s o f th e M e m ­ bers o f P arliam en t. E ight m o n th s a fte r the 1966 full a b o litio n bill

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w as d e fea te d 143 to 112. th e g o v e rn m e n t in tro d u c ed a bill w hich in co rp o ra te d th e tw o principal a m e n d m e n ts w hich gain ed w ide, but insufficient, su p p o rt in the p re v io u s d e b a te . C a p ita l p u n ish m en t w as to b e ab o lish ed , except for th e m u rd ers o f police a n d prison g u a rd s, for a five y e ar trial p e rio d . T h is bill passed 105-70.1' T h e first p o rtio n o f th e P a rlia m e n ta ry d e b a te on the a b o litio n o f th e d e a th penally to o k place in th e spring o f 1966. On M arch 21, 1966. th e H ouse lea d er m oved th a t th ree d a y s b e d ev o ted to the capital p u n ish m en t d e b ate b u t th e re w ere m any M e m b ers w ho w ished to speak at length a n d th e d e b ate w as e x te n d ed . A t issue was a P rivate M e m b ers’ reso lu tio n calling for th e a b o litio n o f the d e ath penalty in respect o f all offenses u n d e r the C rim in al C ode, and for th e su b stitu tio n o f a m a n d a to ry sentence o f life im p riso n ­ m ent in those cases w here th e d e a th penalty w as m an d a to ry . In a d d itio n , this reso lu tio n stip u la ted th a t a p e rso n on w hom a m a n d a ­ tory sentence o f life im p riso n m e n t w as im posed could n o t b e re ­ leased w ith o u t p rio r ap p ro v al o f th e G o v e rn o r in C o u n c il. T he d e b a te w as ex ten d ed a n d the m o tio n finally defeated on A pril 5, 1966. Several a m e n d m e n ts w ere in tro d u c e d a n d d efeated . A n a m e n d ­ m en t w hereby th e d e a th penalty w ould be re ta in e d for capital m u r­ ders, as th en d e fin e d , c o m m itte d w hile a sen ten ce o f life im p riso n ­ m ent w as being served, w as d efea te d by a vote o f 199 to 23. A second a m e n d m e n t, intended to a b o lish the d e a th penalty only on a trial basis o f five years, w as rejected by a 138 to 113 v o te. A third am e n d m en t abo lish in g cap ital p u n ish m en t except in th e case o f the m u rd er o f a police officer, priso n g u a rd o r a n y m em b er o f a prison staff w as defeated 179 to 74. T h e e n tire m o tio n w as d e fea te d by a vote o f 143 to 112. A bill pro p o sin g to abolish th e d e a th penalty for five years, ex­ cept for the m u rd ere rs o f po licem en a n d priso n g u a rd s, w as sp o n ­ sored by th e L iberal g o v e rn m e n t in 1967. T h is d e b ate c o n tin u ed sporadically from N o v e m b er 9. 1967 to its final app ro v al by 195 to 70 on N o v e m b e r 30. T h is w as also a free vote. Several a m e n d ­ m ents, including a full a b o litio n a m e n d m e n t, w ere d efeated . T he n u m b er o f M e m b e rs p resen t in th is d e b ate w as relatively low as the final vote indicates.

Major Themes T h e co n te n t o f d e b ates in v a rio u s legislatures pro v id e o n e source o f in fo rm a tio n and insight into legislative decision m ak in g on the d e ath p enalty. F o r C a n a d a , v e rb atim acco u n ts o f these d e b ates are pub lish ed in th e official re p o rt o f th e H ouse o f C o m m o n s. In a d d i­

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tion. th e tw o volum es on cap ital p u n ish m en t p re p are d by the g o v ­ e rn m e n t"1 include extensive d e sc rip tio n o f th e 1966 and 1967 d e ­ bates as well as th e 1965 d e b a te in E ngland. T h e R ep o rt from the U n ited N a tio n s also d escribes th e a rg u m e n ts. L iterally h u n d re d s o f speeches c ontain w ide variety o f a rg u m e n ts o n v a rio u s sides o f th e q u estio n . T h e clarity o f the c h o ic es on this legislative q u estio n , which tran sce n d s p a rtic u la r p o in ts in histo ry a n d even c o u n tries with a variety o f legal system s, is re m a rk ab le . It m akes this public policy issue o n e o f g re a t interest to th e stu d e n t o f co m p a rativ e law and society. S everal m ajo r th em e s can b e im posed on th e a rg u m e n ts in this w ide-ranging d e b a te . T hese th e m e s have been selected for th is re­ search and d o n o t p u rp o rt to e x h au st th e an aly sis o f the co n te n t o f these deb ates. D eterrence T he piv o tal significance o f th e d e te rre n t effect in speeches w as m o st noticeable in th e early d e b ate (1 9 6 6 /6 7 ). H e re th e re w as a d isp u te in b o th fact a n d ideology on g e n e ra l d ete rren c e o f the d e ath p e n ­ alty. S p e c ific d e te rren c e, w hich m e a n s th at a t least the convicted m u rd ere r c an n o t kill again if he is han g ed , seem ed to be less im p o r­ tan t. M o st recognized th a t th e execu tio n o f know n m u rd erers, even in relatively large p ro p o rtio n s, w o u ld not p ro v id e any tangible in­ crease in pu b lic p ro te c tio n . A b o litio n ists w en t on to cite statistics a b o u t th e relatively favourable p a ro le and priso n b e h av io u r o f c o n ­ victed m u rd ere rs. R e te n tio n ists so m etim es cited a few cases o f m u r­ d e rers w ho had killed ag ain . T h e m ain p o in t o f c o n te n tio n w as g e n era l d e te rren c e, th a t is, the inhib itin g effect o f th e d e ath p e n alty o n p o te n tia l m u rd erers. M ost reliable statistical evidence in 1966-67 show ed th a t the d e a th p e n ­ alty h a d no gen era l d e te rre n t effect, a n d these w ere frequently cited by a b o litio n ists. H ow ever, these stu d ies h a d tw o d isad v an tag es in th e early d e b ate. T h e re w ere no co m p reh en siv e studies d o n e o f dete rren c e in C a n a d a . T h u s, th e re te n tio n ists could successfully argue th a t o n e c a n n o t tell, for certain , w h e th e r th e d e ath p e n alty in C a n a d a h a s a g e n era l d e te rre n t effect o r n o t. T o m eet th is o b jec ­ tion, a special study o f th e g e n era l d e te rre n t effect in C a n a d a w as com m issio ned to b e d o n e in th e five year tria l p e rio d , to b e a v ail­ able w hen th e trial p e rio d w as a t a n end in 19 7 2 .17 T h is study su m m arizes d e te rren c e research, its theory, m e th o d s and findings to th e p re sen t. It d etails a m u ltifaceted analysis o f ra te s o f crim es o f violence in C a n a d a , focussing on th e eight y ears from 1962 to 1970. D a ta from a variety o f official so u rc es are assem bled to c o n tra st ra te s o f c rim in a l h o m o c id e a g a in s t o th e r c rim e s o f v io le n c e .

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th ro u g h tim e a n d by region. It c oncludes th a t changes in ra te s o f crim in al h o m ic id e c a n n o t b e a ttrib u te d to ch an g es in th e d e ath p enalty. O th e r c rim es o f violence h a v e increased m o re th an m u rd er since th e p a rtial suspension o f th e d e a th p enalty. O th e r v a ria tio n s in rates o f violent c rim e th ro u g h tim e a n d a cro ss regions a re inconsist­ e n t w ith any d e te rre n t effect o f th e d e ath p e n alty . R a th e r, th e ev­ idence show s th a t ra te s o f crim in al h o m o cid e are totally a function o f th e sam e social forces w hich p ro d u c e o th e r crim es o f violence, a n d th u s re in sta tin g th e d e ath p e n a lty c a n n o t be ju stified th ro u g h its alleged u n iq u e d e te rre n t effect. A n o th e r pro b lem w as th e c o u n te r-in tu itiv e findings o f d eterren ce research. Firstly, it derives from statistical d a ta on rates o f m u rd er a n d th ere is no w ay o f perso n ify in g th e e x p la n atio n . T h u s, unless a perso n is accu sto m ed to tru stin g and m ak in g conclusions from q u a n tita tiv e , ag g reg ate in fo rm a tio n , it is an u n fa m ilia r experience. W h en th e conclusion is o p p o site to w h at o n e intu its on th e b asis o f p erso n al experience, fo r instance, th a t rew ards a n d c o sts are the im p o rta n t d e te rm in a n ts o f a ra tio n a l p e rso n ’s b ehavior, th en there is g re a t skepticism . R e te n tio n ists also found p e rso n s w ith a u th o rity , such a s policem en, w ho b ecause o f th e ir special experience, testified th a t crim in als w ere in h ib ited by th e d e ath p enalty. T h u s, th e conclusions to b e d ra w n from ev idence o f d eterren ce research o u tsid e o f C a n a d a w ere arg u ed . N o t only did th e a b o li­ tionists w an t to believe it a n d th e re te n tio n ists not, b u t th e tw o g ro u p s seem ed d isp o se d to b e differen t in th e acceptance o f sta tisti­ cal, as o p p o se d to case study, e v id e n tia ry b ases fo r public p o lic y .1,1 H ow ever, m an y re te n tio n ists in th a t d e b a te stated th at, if they w ere satisfied th ere w as no d e te rre n t effect, they w ould becom e a b o li­ tionist. So m uch o f th e 1966-67 d e b ate a p p a re n tly tu rn ed on the em pirical d e b ate a b o u t th e in stru m e n tal m erit, d e te rre n t effect o f capital p u n ish m en t. F ree W ill V e n u s D e te r m in is m

T h is p h ilo so p h ic d ifferen ce a p p e a re d to distinguish the a bolitionist from th e re te n tio n ist. A b o litio n ist sp eak ers ten d e d to em phasize th eir b e lie f in th e d e te rm in a tio n o f p e o p le 's b ehavior in heredity and e n v iro n m en t. T h ese sp e a k ers ad d u ce d ev idence and a u th o rita ­ tive o p in io n th a t unusual circu m stan ces and p red isp o sitio n s caused m u rd er. N o t only is it not d e ferra b le w ith severe p u n ish m en t, b u t it is n e ith e r ju st n o r fair to punish in such a circu m stan ce. T h e re te n tio n ists ten d e d to e n d o rse a “ free w ill” view o f m an a n d a rg u e th a t th e p erso n al acco u n ta b ility im plied by this positio n ju stifie d , indeed n ecessitated, p u n ish m e n t. T h ey fu rth er a rg u ed th at th e law c o u rts h av e th e p re ce d en t a n d experience to a d eq u a te ly

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assess d eg rees o f dim in ish ed responsibility. T h ey w orried th a t o n e p h ilosophical u n d e rp in n in g o f society, free will a n d a cc o u n tab ility , w ould b e w eakened by th e a b o litio n o f the d e a th penalty. A b o litio n ist a n d re te n tio n ist p o sitio n s ten d to differ in th eir em ­ p h asis on certain values. R e te n tio n ists find th e a b o litio n ist’s d irect o r im plied d ete rm in ism a th re a t to th e value o f free will a n d a c ­ co u n ta b ility . S a n c tity o f L ife A n o th e r value w hich b o th sides claim to e n d o rse is the sa n c tity o f life. R e te n tio n ists assert th at th e life o f th e victim is trivialized by n o t exacting th e stro n g e st p en alty . A b o litio n ists claim th e d isp a s­ s io n a te ex ec u tio n o f th e m u r d e r e r c h e a p e n s a ll life. B oth sid e s legitim ize th eir p o sitio n s in th e a u th o rita tiv e , cu ltu ral lite ratu re o f w estern civilization a n d th e ju d e o Christian tra d itio n . In this case, th e sam e v alue is bein g em p h asized a n d expressed b u t th ro u g h c o m ­ pletely differen t legal positions. P ro tec tio n o f S o c ie ty B oth sides a rgue th a t th e ir p o sitio n p ro tec ts society. T h e re te n tio n ­ ist a rg u es it th ro u g h th e possibility o f specific a n d general d e te r­ rence. T h e ab o litio n ist argues th a t a long p riso n sentence is p ro te c ­ tive a n d th a t a c hanging p h ilo so p h y on co rrectio n a n d p re v en tio n o f c rim e will ultim ately lead to g re a te r societal p ro te c tio n . Progressive c rim e prev en tio n a n d practical c o n tro l is frustrated by th e vindictive a ttitu d e to crim inal b ehavior. B oth sides share a u tilita rian , in stru m e n tal o rie n ta tio n b u t differ o n th e m ea n s to achieve societal security. A d m in istra tio n o f th e L a w A b o litio n ists p o in t to several a sp ects o f law en fo rcem en t w hich can b e je o p a rd iz e d by th e d e a th p en alty . T h e first is th e irreversibility o f th e p en alty . W ith a fallible system o f ju stice, th e possibility o f e rro r exists a n d , th ere fo re, th e d e ath p e n alty should be ab o lish e d . U nlike E n g la n d , in w h ic h a c ase o f e r ro n e o u s e x e c u tio n se e m e d to stren g th en th e a b o litio n ist case, no C a n a d ia n case o f executing the w rong p erson h a s been d e m o n s tra te d . R e te n tio n ists p o in t to this and to th e provision o f safeguards in 1961 to a rg u e th at th e risk is negligible. A b o litio n ists a rgue th a t th e re is u n a v o id a b le a n d u n a c ­ c ep tab le bias in th e tendency to convict a n d finally execute m o re o f th e u nderprivileged a n d w eak in th e society. A nalysis o f d a ta on ex ecutions in th e U n ite d S tates su p p o rts th is view . T h e re w ere, how ever, no reliable stu d ies o f th is fo r C a n a d a a t th e tim e o f this d e b a te . (S ee A p p en d ix II.)

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A b o litio n ists assert th a t m a n d a to ry d e ath p enalties, o r any p e n ­ alty w hich is excessively severe in th e view o f a ju ry , will ten d to result in a b ias to w a rd s acq u ittin g th e guilty. T h e law as a practical in stru m en t o f social c o n tro l, w ith its d e p en d e n ce on legitim acy and scru p u lo u s fairness, is fru strated by excessive severity o f p u n ish ­ m en t. A ccording to th e a b o litio n ist, th e d e ath penalty fru strates the law a s an in stru m e n t. R e te n tio n ists c o u n te r th a t evidence o f such fru stratio n o f th e law in C a n a d a is a b se n t a n d th a t th e re are o th e r rem edies for these p ro b lem s than th e rem oval o f th e d e ath p e n alty . T h e ir p rim a ry a rg u m e n t is th a t th e legitim acy a n d respect fo r law d e p en d s on the grad in g o f p u n ish m en t to fit th e crim e. T h e law as an in stru m e n t o f c o n tro l needs th e m ax im u m p u n ish m e n t for th e a tro c io u s crim e. R etrib u tio n T h is last p o in t reveals the m ajo r difference betw een th e reten tio n ist a n d th e a b o litio n ist. S om e re te n tio n ists will a rg u e th a t, even with no general d e te rre n t effect a n d w ith th e risks o f ju d icial e rro r, th e d e ath penalty is sim ply ju stifie d as rig h teo u s re trib u tio n . It is m o r­ ally ju stifie d as such and a cc o rd s w ith th e se n tim e n t o f C a n ad ian s th a t a m u rd e re r m u st forfeit his life. T o d o o th erw ise is to w eaken th e value on th e sanctity o f life. T h is se n tim e n t seem ed to b e p a rtic ­ ularly stro n g for th e m u rd ere rs o f p olicem en a n d prison g u a rd s w ho w ere often d e p ic ted as on th e fro n t line o f defense a g ain st violent crim e. A ll a b o litio n is ts fo u n d th e re trib u tiv e m o tiv e u n a c c e p ta b le , tho u g h som e claim ed to find it u n d e rsta n d a b le . A s a m otive, it w as described as b ru tal a n d uncivilized. In a d d itio n to a m o ral claim o n th e b ru tality o f th e d e a th penalty, th e c o u n te r a rg u m e n ts o f th e a b o litio n ists w ere based on rational, in stru m en tal c rite rio n . T h e ir sources ten d e d to b e m o d ern , scien­ tific crim in o lo g y a n d ju ris p ru d e n c e . T h e a b sen ce o f d e te rren c e, th e fact th a t th e law d id n ’t d o w h at it w as su p p o sed to , w as th eir m ain th em e. T h e reten tio n ists, on th e o th e r h a n d , seem ed to p u t a strong b u rd e n o f p ro o f on th e in stru m e n tal d ete rren c e a rg u m e n t, w hile the th em e o f expressing a stro n g value on th e v ictim ’s life w as u p p e r­ m ost. So o n e general th em e o f th ese d e b ates b o th in C a n a d a in 1966 and 1967 a n d elsew here w as th e fu n d a m e n ta l d isag reem en t over w h e th er th e e m p h a sis in law sh o u ld be th e expression o f values o r th e practicality o f in stru m e n tal c o n tro l. A b o litio n ists, b o th in P a r­ liam en t and in th e c o u n try (as seen in e d ito rials a n d “ letters to the e d ito r” ) ten d e d to show a n in stru m e n tal o rie n ta tio n to law R e te n ­ tio n ists’ a rg u m e n ts seem ed to b e tra y a m o re expressive assum ption a b o u t th e function o f law .19

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Research Case Two: The 1973 Debate T h e five y e ar m o ra to riu m on th e d e ath penalty in C a n a d a expired on D e cem b er 29, 1972. O n J a n u a ry 26, 1973, th e H o n o ra b le W a r­ ren A llm an d , S o licito r G e n era l o f C a n a d a , m oved to a m e n d the C rim in a l C o d e in o rd e r to re p e a t th e five y e ar p a rtial ban on capital p u n ish m en t. A poll o f th e M e m b e rs o f P a rlia m en t c o n d u cted by The G lobe a n d M a il new spaper, re p o rte d on F e b ru a ry 3, 1973, show ed th a t 192 o f th e 264 M P 's w ere a lre ad y decided on th eir p o sitio n regarding th e d e a th p e n alty . H ow ever, it w as only a fte r 13 day s o f d e b ate a n d o v er 100 sp e a k ers la te r th a t the P arliam ent a d jo u rn e d fo r th e su m m e r w ith o u t tak in g final a ctio n on th e capital p u n ish m en t bill. T h e e n v iro n m en t fo r th e d e a th penalty d e b a te h a d ch an g ed su b ­ stantially since th e e arlie r p e rio d . Public o p in io n had a p p are n tly becom e m o re su p p o rtiv e o f retain in g th e d e a th penalty (see C h a p ­ te r 2 ) w ith C a n a d ia n s r e p o rte d ly in c re a s in g ly c o n c e rn e d a b o u t crim e. T h e P rogressive C o n se rv a tiv e gain s in th e general election o f 1972 h a d reduced th e L iberal g o v e rn m e n t to m in o rity sta tu s in P a rlia m e n t.20 S o m e reform s in th e p e n e te n tia ry system o f recent years had resulted in som e spectacular a n d a u d ac io u s escapes w hich received w ide press coverage w hich w as unflattering to th e T ru d e a u g o v e rn ­ m en t. In a d d itio n , th ere had b e en several se rio u s difficulties in som e o f th e changes a tte m p te d in th e p e n ete n tia rie s a n d paro le system s. In a d d itio n , inflation w as a p ro b lem o f g re at concern a n d th e g o v e rn m e n t’s a p p ro ac h to it in C a n a d a w as bein g vigorously c riti­ cized. T h e Progressive C on serv ativ es, w ho w ere p re p arin g for a n ­ o th e r election, saw th e L iberals as v ulnerable on the issue. T h e so c ia list N e w D e m o c ra tic P a rty e ffe c tiv e ly h e ld th e b a la n c e o f po w er a n d w as pressing its a p p ro a c h on a d e p e n d e n t L iberal m in o r­ ity. R e te n tio n is t M P ’s th o u g h t th e a d jo u r n m e n t fo r th e s u m m e r w ould increase th e ir n u m b ers by b ringing w avering a b o litio n ists in to c o n ta c t w ith re te n tio n is t s e n tim e n t in t h e ir c o n s titu e n c ie s . S om e a b o litio n ists th o u g h t th e "c o o lin g o ff p e rio d ” from a ra n co ­ rous p a rlia m e n ta ry d e b a te m ig h t b rin g w avering re te n tio n ists to a m o re “ ra tio n a l” p o sitio n . T h e d e b a te c o n tin u e d a fte r th e su m m er recess a n d th e c o m p ro ­ m ise legislation o f 1967 w as renew ed for a n o th e r five years on O c to b e r 24, 1973 by a free vote o f 119 to 106 in P arliam ent. T h e p ro p o sa l to renew th e 1967 bill w as felt by a b o litio n ists to be th e m o st they could g et given th e m ood o f th e c o u n try and th e

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P a rlia m en t. In in tro d u c in g th e g o v e rn m e n t bill, th e Solicitor G e n ­ eral, a n a b o litio n ist, p resen ted th e case for ab o litio n . In his su m m ary o f th e general m o ral positio n o f th e a b o litio n ist, h e c o n te n d ed th a t it is w rong to kill a n d th a t execution by th e state does n o t erase th e crim e o f m u rd e r, as is so m e tim es a rg u ed , b u t ra th e r re p ea ts it. H a n g in g is c o n tra ry to the Ju d e a o -C h ris tia n m oral prin cip le, “ T h o u Shalt N o t K ill” a n d capital p u n ish m en t w eakens th e m o ral fab ric o f th e society and bru talizes it. T h e state m u st set an exam ple o f respect for h u m an life. H e listed as o p p o n e n ts o f th e d e ath penalty th e U n ite d C hurch o f C a n a d a , th e A nglican C hurch and th e U n ita ria n C h u rc h , all c o n cu rrin g th a t cap ital p u n ish m en t is u n c h ristia n a n d im m o ral. O n d e te rren c e, he a rg u ed th a t cap ital p u n ish m e n t d o e s n o t, in fact, p ro te c t th e pu b lic a n d th a t th e best d e te rre n t to c rim e is th e c ertain ty o f detection a n d co n v ictio n . T h e S o licito r G e n e ra l charged th a t th e o n u s o f p ro o f lies w ith th e re te n tio n ists to p ro v e th a t any increase in th e m u rd e r ra te is related to th e lack o f th e d e a th p enalty. H e cited th e possibility o f ju d ic ial e rro rs resulting in th e suffering o f th e inno cen t. T h e p o ten tial for discrim in atio n a n d u n eq u al a p p lic atio n o f th e d e a th penalty w as an ab o litio n ist c oncern.

The Deterrent Effect Report O f special interest to th e 1973 d e b a te is th e discussion o f statistical evidence to su p p o rt th e o p p o sin g p ositions. T h e initial five y e ar trial p e rio d legislation passed in 1967 w as to allow a tim e o f intense s tu d y 'a n d analysis so th e q uestion o f th e d e te rre n t effect o f capital p u n ish m en t in C a n a d a could b e answ ered w ith facts. T h e D e p a rt­ m en t o f th e S olicitor G e n era l o f C a n a d a a u th o riz e d and subsidized a research project to d o this. D r. E zzat A bdel F a tta h , a crim inology p ro fesso r at th e U niversity o f M o n tre al, c o n d u cted th e research. T h e re p o rt w as d istrib u te d to th e M em b ers o f P a rlia m en t and d raw n u p o n heavily th ro u g h o u t th e 1973 d e b a te . It is particu larly interesting to n o te th a t, even w ith a research project conducted especially for th e C a n a d ia n P a rlia m e n t specifically on th e issue at h a n d , th e q u e stio n o f th e d e te rre n t effect o f cap ital p u n ish m en t w as hotly c o n tested . T h e concluding section o f D r. F a tta h ’s research states th a t ho m icid e rates are c o n d itio n ed by fa cto rs o th e r th an th e d e ath p enalty. “ T h e increase in crim in al h o m ic id e . . . c a n n o t be a ttrib u te d to one facto r o r o n e v a ria b le such as th e suspension o f th e d e a th p e n alty .” ’1 T h e S olicitor G e n era l concluded th a t noth in g em erges from th e research th a t w ould su p p o rt, o r even suggest, th a t th e su spension o f th e d e ath penalty h a s caused a n increase in th e

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crim in al ho m icid e ra te . W hile this c au tio u s, ra tio n a l, d o c u m e n ted sta te m en t could b e expected to lay th e issue to rest, even M r. A llm and, th e S olicitor G e n e ra l, eq u iv o c ate s a n d a rg u es th at, since th e study only h a s analyzed th e d a ta th ro u g h th e 1971 statistics. P a rlia ­ m ent sho u ld m ak e no c h an g e in th e law until th e c o m p lete research project o f five years is analyzed. A w are o f th e ten u o u s re p u ta tio n re s e a rc h e rs , s ta tis tic ia n s , s o c io lo g is ts a n d c rim in o lo g is ts seem to have a m o n g som e o f th e M P ’s, M r. A llm and feels obliged to d e b a te past th e p o in t o f em pirical research. A th e m e o f this research w hich w as found in th e 1966-67 d e b ates is th a t th e re will b e a c o n tra d ic tio n betw een th e ra tio n al, p ra g m a tic o rie n ta tio n to law a n d th e m oral, expressive aspect. It a p p e a rs th a t re te n tio n ists tended to express re trib u tiv e m o rality in the d e a th p e n ­ alty d e b a te a n d th e a b o litio n ists to o k th e m o re p ra g m a tic a rg u ­ m en t. B oth sides include as m an y p ra g m a tic a n d m oral arg u m e n ts as c a n b e m u ste re d .

Deterrence Arguments in 1973 T h e o p e n in g re te n tio n ist speech a d d ressed th e in stru m e n tal issue o f d ete rren c e by arg u in g th a t no a c c u ra te in fo rm a tio n can b e g a th e red on th e tru e n u m b e r o f p eople d e te rre d by capital p u n ish m en t. P e o ­ ple w ho a re in fact d e te rred do n o t co m m it a c rim e so are n o t in th e statistics. Based on c om m on sense o r in tu itio n , th e sta te m en t th at th e d e a th penalty is n o t a d e te rre n t is to say th a t m an do es n o t fear d e ath . “ T h a t is an in credible a sse rtio n .” 22 T h e H o n o ra b le E rik N ielsen c o u n te red th e S olicitor G e n e ra l’s c o m m e n ts by th e general assertion th a t th e use o f statistics d o e s n o t p ro v e a n y th in g . H e reasoned th a t since every capital case has been c o m m u ted , th e d a ta o f th e trial p e rio d is invalid. F u rth e rm o re , th e h u n d re d s o f cases th a t a re reduced from charges o f m u rd er to m a n ­ slaughter “ d ilu te ” th e statistics. M a n y re te n tio n ist sp eak ers echoed these sen tim en ts. T h e discred itin g o f statistics a n d statisticians, as o bscuring ra th e r th an revealing th e tru th , w as c o m m o n . A b o litio n ists cited statistics to d e m o n stra te th a t th e states in the U n ited S tates w ith o u t th e d e ath p e n alty actually have a low er m u r­ d e r rate th an d o re te n tio n ist states. It w as p ro p o se d th a t th e a b sen ce o f th e d e a th penalty actually reduces th e risk to law e n fo rc e m e n t officers o f a p p re h e n d in g a m u r­ d e re r since th e crim in al w ould b e less d e sp erate. T h is a rg u m e n t is usually p h ra sed in th e o p p o site m a n n e r by re te n tio n ists w h o a rgue th at w ith o u t capital p u n ish m en t a m u rd ere r h a s an incentive to kill w itnesses. S om e suicidal crim in als, it w as re a so n e d , m ay, in fact, kill in o rd e r to be executed by th e state; th u s, th e existence o f

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capital p u n ish m en t could be a cause o f m u rd e r. It w as also argued th a t ju rie s, re lu c ta n t to sentence a crim inal to d e ath , in fact e rr on th e side o f a cq u itta l w hen c ap ital p u n ish m en t exists in th e law b o o k s. T h u s, th e d e a th penalty p ro d u c ed u n w a n te d discrim ination and th e possibility o f irreversible ju d ic ial e rro r.

Summary It can b e fairly said th a t th e d e te rren c e re p o rt, spaw ned in the concern in 1967 for cu rre n t research on th e C a n ad ian d e a th p e n ­ alty, p ro b a b ly h a d alm o st no effect in th e 1973 legislation. In the first place, th e m o d ern statistical p ro c ed u re s w hich are necessary to m arshall evidence to such a com plex p h e n o m e n o n are n o t readily u n d e rstan d a b le by those not specifically tra in e d in th eir use. T he F a tta h R e p o rt is a very so p h istica ted re n d itio n o f this k in d o f re ­ search. Secondly, th e re p o rt is c a u tio u s in its conclusions th a t the incidence o f m u rd e r in C a n a d a is a p p are n tly n o t d e p e n d e n t on the d e ath p enalty. W hile this c o rre sp o n d s to th e evidence from studies a ccum ulated a n d analyzed o v er several d e cad es a n d c o u n tries and should b e persuasive on th e q u e stio n o f th e general d e te rre n t effect, it is n o t d ra m a tic . It is n o t a ffirm ativ e for a b o litio n unless th e as­ su m p tio n o f th e b u rd e n o f p ro o f o n th e re te n tio n ist is m ad e. M any in P a rlia m en t d id n o t m ak e th is assu m p tio n in 1973 a n d th u s the re p o rt a p p e a re d to change very few re te n tio n ists o f 1967 to a b o li­ tionists in 1973. M an y re te n tio n ists did speak to th e p o in t o f d is­ c red itin g th e re p o rt a n d since th e g o v e rn m e n t d ecided on a renew al o f th e five y e ar p a rtial a b o litio n , ra th e r th an full a b o litio n , the im p o rtan ce o f th e issue w as d im in ish ed . P arliam en tary rh e to ric on th e d e te rre n t effect, th e F a tta h rep o rt a n d social science in general a re o f som e interest. Statistical rates and social scientific a ssu m p tio n s d o n o t seem to lend them selves easily to d ra m a tic a n d p ersu asiv e ap p eals. T h e c o u n te r-in tu itiv e conclusion on a g e n era l d e te rre n t effect o f th e d e a th p e n alty seem s alm o st unbelievable to som e P a rlia m en taria n s. Som e a b o litio n ists w ere n o t co n te n t w ith responsible a n d con serv ativ e statistical a n aly ­ sis. T h e y ex ten d ed by sp ecu latio n a n d logic som e selected em pirical findings to try to show th a t th e d e ath p e n alty actually encouraged c ertain k in d s o f m u rd e r. O n e interesting th e m e em erges in a cu rso ry analysis o f these speeches. T h e re te n tio n ist, w ho g enerally em p h asizes th e sym bolic a n d expressive fu n ctio n s o f th e law , assum es m an to b e a fully ra tio n al, self-interested person w h o calculates th e p o ten tial risk to h im self o f co m m ittin g m u rd e r a n d is d e te rre d . T h e a b o litio n ist, w ho ten d s to b e m o re p ractical a n d in stru m e n tal in his view o f law,

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argues for th e irratio n ality o f m an from w hich m u rd e r is usually an u n d e rte rrab le c rim e o f passion a n d even som e p ro p o rtio n o f m u r­ ders a re c o m m itte d by p e rso n s in o rd e r to b e executed by th e state. L ike th e a b o litio n ists, th e re te n tio n ists o f 1973 took th e p o sitio n s o f th e ir 1967 c o u n te rp a rts. A p a rt from d isc red itin g the d eterren ce research re p o rt, th e re te n tio n ists to o k a sim ilar m o ral stance re g a rd ­ ing law as they h a d in 1967. T h e H o n o ra b le C . A . G a u th ie r rep resen ts th is ap p ro ac h . M r. G a u th ie r co m m en ced his d e b a te w ith th e reaso n in g th a t as m an m u st safeguard his ow n life, so it is his d u ty to respect th e life o f o th ers. M u rd e r is p ro h ib ite d by m o ral law as well as civil law. It is th e d u ty o f civil a u th o rity to u p h o ld o rd e r, to im pose p en alties and seek redress from th o se w ho v io late o rd e r a n d th e law .-3 C ap ital p u n ish m en t is necessary to en su re ju stic e a n d th e security o f C a n a ­ d ian citizens. P u n itiv e o r v indictive ju stic e re q u ire s th at th e p u n ish ­ m ent o f a crim e b e as equal as p o ssib le to th e c rim e c o m m itte d . T o e n su re th e security o f C a n a d ia n citizens, th e strongest restriction available a gainst th e violent acts o f a m u rd e re r m ust b e applied. Life im p riso n m e n t is n o t stro n g e n o u g h . T h ese expressions d e m o n ­ stra te th e personal c onvictions, values a n d b e lie f o f m an y o f the re te n tio n ist speakers. M r. G a u th ie r d o e s a d d ress th e ab o litio n ist concern o f ju d ic ial erro rs a n d c o n te n d s th a t such a ra re possibility d o e s n o t co n stitu te reason to d e p a rt fro m th e general principle.

Public Opinion and the Death Penalty24 T h e 1973 d e b a te w as c h ara cte riz ed by m o re references to public o p in io n than in 1967. N o t o n ly w ere th e n a tio n a l polls indicating a n in crease in p u b lic su p p o rt fo r h a n g in g o v er th e years, b u t m any M e m b ers w ere b e co m in g m o re accu sto m ed to polling as electoral a n d policy tools. T h u s, several M P ’s to o k polls o f th eir ow n c o n sti­ tuencies on th is q u e stio n . F re q u e n tly th ro u g h o u t th e re te n tio n ists' speeches, th e issue o f public o p in io n polls, c o n stitu en cy surveys, a n d th e M e m b ers’ o b li­ gatio n to " re p re s e n t” th e w ishes o f his rid in g w as asserted. H o w ­ ever, m an y a b o litio n ists c o u n te red w ith th e p o sitio n th at a M e m b er o f P a rlia m en t is m uch m o re th a n a m ere re p re se n tativ e o f his ri­ ding. m u ch m o re th an a ru b b e r sta m p o f his c o n stitu e n cy 's w ishes. T h e R t. H o n o ra b le J . G . D ie fen b a k er e lo q u e n tly argued th e p o si­ tion th a t M e m b ers o f P a rlia m en t m u st v o te in c o n so n n a n ce w ith th eir conscience a n d use th eir resp o n sib le, m a tu re d e cision-m aking processes for w hich th e c o n stitu e n ts elected each m em b er. T h e a b o ­

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litionists re itera ted th e fam ous speech by E d m u n d B urke in 1774 and q u o te d from it: C e rta in ly , g e n tlem en , it o u g h t to be th e h a p p in e ss a n d glory o f a re p re se n tativ e to live in th e strictest u n io n , th e closest c o rre ­ sp o n d en ce, a n d th e m o re u nreserved c o m m u n ica tio n w ith his co n stitu e n ts. T h e ir w ishes o u g h t to have g re a t w eight w ith him ; th eir o p in io n high respect; th eir business u n re m itte d a t­ te n tio n . . . . B ut his u n b iased o p in io n , h is m a tu re ju d g m e n t, his en lig h ten ed conscience, h e o u g h t n o t to sacrifice to y o u - t o any m an , o r to a n y set o f m en living. Since th e vast w eight o f p u b lic o p in io n seem ed to su p p o rt th e re te n tio n ists’ o p in io n , they c o n tin u a lly p u t into evidence statistics o f this so rt a n d th ese w ere politically difficult to c o u n te r. A t tim es, th e a b o litio n ists w ere red u ced to d isd a in in g th e “ m ere ” re p re se n ta ­ tive role o f an elected official in th e U n ite d S tates H o u se o f R e p re ­ sentatives. O f co u rse, this p o sitio n can be easily reversed d ep en d in g o n th e c u rre n t p u b lic o p in io n poll. In 1966, som e a b o litio n ists fer­ vently argued th a t th e M P ’s sho u ld follow th e dictates o f th eir c o n ­ stitu e n ts. A t th a t tim e, pu b lic se n tim e n t in som e area s seem ed to fav o u r a b o litio n . A closely aligned issue w as th e q u e stio n o f holding a n a tio n a l referen d u m . R e te n tio n ists freq u en tly suggested th a t a n a tio n a l ref­ eren d u m w ould an sw e r th e d e a th p e n alty q u e stio n once a n d fo r all. O n th e o th e r h a n d , so m e a b o litio n ists p ro teste d th a t if th e H o u se o f C o m m o n s m erely let pub lic o p in io n legislate, th e re w o u ld be no need for a H o u se o f C o m m o n s. W ith m ost, if n o t all, a b o litio n ists a g a in st it, a n d m a n y re te n tio n is ts c o n c e rn e d a b o u t th e p re c e d e n t o f a re fe re n d u m , ev en if c o n fid e n t th a t th e p e o p le w o u ld v o te fo r it. th e su g g e stio n d ied .

Statistical Versus Case Studies T h e re are roughly tw o fo rm s in w hich social scientific know ledge is pack ag ed for c o n su m p tio n by th o se responsible for pu b lic policy. L eaving aside th e a u th o rita tiv e , e x p ert w itness w ho m ight use e ith e r o r b o th in com ing to his o p in io n , th ere is a case study form a n d a statistical form . S om e o b se rv atio n s, w hich m ay be m o re general th an th e tw o legislative d e b ates u n d e r co n sid era tio n h ere, can be m ade. P ublic o p in io n polling, a statistical form o f in fo rm a tio n , seem ed to b e w idely accepted by b o th re te n tio n ist a n d ab o litio n ist as a true reflection o f th e pub lic m o o d . M an y o f th e polls and surveys re­ p o rte d in P a rlia m en t w ere so seriously d eficient in design a n d exe­

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cutio n th a t alm o st no conclusion a b o u t public o p in io n could be responsibly draw n from th e m .25 H ow ever, th e political p a rties a re now using p u b lic o p in io n p o ll­ ing extensively in c o n d u ctin g th eir election cam p aig n s, so m any M P ’s seem to b e accustom ed to , if uncritical a b o u t, th eir use. T h e statistical fo rm at o f the re p o rt on th e d e te rre n t effect o f th e d e ath p en alty , on th e o th e r h a n d , seem ed to g e n era te c onfusion a n d som e h ostility a m o n g th e M em b ers. S o m e seem ed to disbelieve it, al­ tho u g h it w as carefully d o n e by in d e p e n d e n t, professional research ­ ers. T h e case study, on th e o th e r h a n d , loom s large in d e b a te on the d e ath p e n alty . T h e w ell-know n E nglish case o f T im o th y E vans, w ho w as hanged in 1954 a n d la te r vin d icated w hen a perso n nam ed C h ristie w as fo u n d guilty o f th e c rim e, is a w idely q u o ted a b o litio n ­ ist case study w hich show s th e possibility o f irreversible e rro r. T h e use o f case stu d ies is p o p u la r in th e C a n a d ia n H o u se o f C o m m o n s D e b ates. In 1966, th e fam o u s Steven T ru sc o tt case w as re co u n ted avidly by th e a b o litio n ists. Steven T ru sc o tt w as a b o y o f 14 w h o , in 1959, w as convicted o f raping a n d m u rd erin g a 12-year old girl. C o n tro v ersy raged o v er th e case since no d irec t evidence con n ected th e boy w ith th e m u rd e r. T h e b o y w as a d m itte d ly in th e c om pany o f th e girl p rio r to th e c rim e a n d th e ju ry fo u n d enough ev idence to convict. A p o p u la r b o o k w ritten o n th e T ru sc o tt case by M rs. LeB ourdias c oncluded th a t a ju d icial e rro r w as indeed m ad e. Steven T ru sc o tt’s sentence w as c o m m u ted to life im p riso n m e n t, a n d in 1961, legislation w as passed w hich p ro h ib ite d th e death p e n alty for you th s u n d e r 18 years. T h e su sta in in g issue, ho w ev er, w as th e fa lli­ bility o f th e a d m in istra tio n o f ju stic e . A ju d ic ial e rro r could have occu rred a n d w ould have been irreversible if th e death penalty had been c arried o u t. A b o litio n ists rep eated ly p o in te d to th e T ru sc o tt case as a n e ar m iss. T h e T ru sc o tt story d e m o n s tra te s th a t case stu d ies have th e c a p a c ­ ity to carry a poig n an cy a n d e m p a th y into legislative d e b a te th at statistical stu d ies c a n n o t. T h e vision o f a fo u rtee n y e ar old boy hud d led in a cell for th e c o n d em n ed g e n era te d g re a t sym pathy. T h e re te n tio n ists h a v e m any m o re varied case stu d ies to choose from . A lm ost a n y recen t, h o rrib le m u rd e r can b e described by re ­ ten tio n ists. M an y d e b a to rs use crim es w hich o ccu rre d in th e ir own ju risd ic tio n o r a re a in an a tte m p t to “ b ring th e issue h o m e ” . A n o to rio u s case co m m o n ly discussed in th e 1966 d e b a te w as the “ S anta C la u s” m u rd e r. A m an n a m e d M a rco tte, dressed in a S anta C lau s su it w hile a tte m p tin g to ro b a b a n k , sh o t and killed tw o p olicem en. H e w as convicted o f th e crim e and w'as g ra n te d tw o appeals. N o c o u rt re co m m e n d e d clem ency, yet his sen ten ce w as c o m m u ted to life im p riso n m e n t a n d h e will b e eligible for p a ro le . In 1973, th e n o to rio u s H e ad case w as m o st p o p u la r in th e d e b ates. In

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V ancouver, C h a rle s H e ad w as convicted fo u r differen t tim e s o f sex­ ual assaults on ch ild ren . H e w as declared insane a n d sentenced to life im p riso n m e n t. H e w as su bsequently released on a w eekend pass a n d la te r convicted o f killing a six-year old girl, th e d a u g h te r o f his prison g u ard . T h ese case stu d ies illustrated th e re te n tio n ists' conviction th at the p ro tec tio n o f society m ust rem ain p a ra m o u n t o v er reh ab ilitatio n o f crim inals. T h e y also c arried th e sam e e m o tio n al ap p eal as th e T ru s ­ co tt case. It is a fair guess th a t if th e a b o litio n ists co u ld find a p ersuasive case o f e rro n e o u s ex ecu tio n a full a b o litio n bill could be passed in th e C a n a d ia n P arliam en t. In social scientific e x p la n atio n , th e case stu d y has a n im p o rta n t place. It show s th e dynam ics o f a social event a n d is persuasive on how it is possible fo r som eth in g like a m u rd e r to occur. S tatistical stu d ies often d o n o t expose these seq u en tial dynam ics. H ow ever, social scientists generally recognize th e serious lim itatio n s o f case studies. T h e m ost im p o rta n t is th a t they give no info rm atio n a b o u t th e d istrib u tio n o f a p h e n o m e n o n . H o w m an y T ru sc o tt, M a rco tte o r H e ad cases occur? U n d e r w h a t c o n d itio n s do they occur? All th ese im p o rta n t legislative q u e stio n s a re unan sw ered by th e case study. E ach case m ay b e very c o m m o n o r un iq u e. S ta tisti­ cal studies, on th e o th e r h a n d , display d istrib u tio n s an d , if carefully d o n e w ith m o d ern tech n iq u es, specify th e d e g ree o f im p o rta n ce to be assigned to v a rio u s facets o f a p ro b lem . T h ey a re m o re effective at e lim in a tin g in correct a n d partially co rre c t, b u t w idely believed, th eo ries o f h u m a n b e h av io r th an th e case studies. T h e study o f th e critical use o f social scientific in fo rm a tio n in legislative a n d ju d icial m atters is n o t yet well d eveloped. In legisla­ tiv e c o m m itte e s , le g is la to rs h a v e a n o p p o r tu n ity to fa m ilia riz e them selves w ith a variety o f in fo rm a tio n , a n d its fo rm at, on the pro b lem at h a n d . T h ey also have tru ste d technical e x p erts to tra n s­ late th e m o re esoteric in fo rm a tio n a n d e v alu ate its q u a lity . T he acceptance o f this in fo rm a tio n is, o f co u rse, m uch easier if it does not c o n tra d ic t cherished beliefs o r co m m o n sense. H ow ever, legisla­ tive in n o v atio n so m e tim es re q u ire s d isp u tin g w ith evidence and rh e to ric the a ssu m p tio n s o f yesterday. W h en " m o r a l" issues loom large in a legislative decision, such as th e d e a th p enalty, th e re seem s to b e a tendency to reduce relian ce on special c o m m itte es a n d d e ­ b a te m a tte rs in "c o m m itte es-o f-th e -w h o le ” . In these sessions, th e p ro d u c tiv e and soundly critical use o f social science statistical re p o rts, for exam ple, d ete rren c e a n d pu b lic o p in ­ ion re p o rts, is q u ite low . A t th is p o in t in th e history o f th e d e ath penalty in C a n a d a , o n e is inclined to see Sellin as m o re right than w rong w hen h e says:

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T h e q u e stio n o f w h e th er th e d e a th penalty is to be d ro p p e d , re ta in e d o r in stitu ted is n o t d e p e n d e n t on th e evidence as to its u tilita rian effects, b u t on th e stren g th o f p o p u la r beliefs and se n tim e n ts not easily influenced by such evidence. T hese b e ­ liefs and se n tim e n ts have th e ir ro o ts in a p e o p le ’s culture. T hey are c o n d itio n ed by a m u ltitu d e o f factors, such as th e c h ara cte r o f social in stitu tio n s, social, eco n o m ic a n d political ideas, etc. If at a given tim e such beliefs a n d se n tim e n ts becom e so o ri­ en te d th a t they favor th e a b o litio n o f th e d e a th p enalty, facts like those p resen ted in (research ) p a p er(s) will b e accep tab le as e v id e n c e , b u t a re likely to b e a s q u ic k ly ig n o re d if so cial chan g es p ro v o k e resurgence o f th e old sentim ents. W h en a p eople no longer lik e s th e d e a th penalty fo r m u rd ere rs it will be rem oved no m a tte r w hat m ay h ap p en to th e h om icide rate. T h is is w hat h a p p e n e d in th e p a st in c o n n ec tio n w ith crim es a g ain st p ro p e rty .-6

Summary of Debates T he P arliam en tary d e b ates o f b o th p e rio d s a re n o tab le for th e sim i­ larity o f arg u m e n t. T h e th em e s o f th ese a rg u m e n ts a re w orld-w ide. T h e early d e b ate w as n o t as politicized a n d p a rty loyalty w as not as ev id e n t as in th e 1973 deb ates. T h e a tm o sp h e re o f a politically insecure, m in o rity g o v e rn m e n t a n d som e badly received efforts by th e S o licito r G e n e ra l to m odify th e legislation in c o m m itte e ten d ed to focus som e o f th e d e b ate on th e P a rlia m en t itself w hich w as not evident in th e early d e b ate. Both d e b ates fused a b o litio n ism w ith bein g soft on crim e and re te n tio n is ts e x h ib ite d rig h te o u s in d ig n a tio n a t th e c o d d lin g o f crim inals. T h e g o v e rn m e n t’s a tte m p ts a t progressive penology, such as th e te m p o ra ry a b sen ce p ro g ra m , w as criticized as je o p a rd iz in g th e safety o f citizens as well as allow ing c rim in als to escape m e a n ­ ingful p u n ish m en t. O n th e o th e r h a n d , a b o litio n is ts w ere u n w illin g to m o v e to “ to u g h e r” sentencing such as a m a n d a to ry 25 y ear, no release sen­ tence for capital m u rd ere rs w hich m ight have p ro d u ced full a b o li­ tio n , b ecause it w ould be re tro g ra d e and in co n sisten t w ith m o d ern penology. T h e H o u se o f C o m m o n s seem s b a lan ced on th e se n ti­ m ent for a n d a gainst repressive legislation. Both a b o litio n ists a n d re te n tio n ists seem ed to b e d ep en d in g on m oral sources in th e early d e b ates, alth o u g h th e re te n tio n ists in both d e b ates w ere m o re m orally o u tra g e d . T h u n d e ro u s a n d c o m ­ plex in te rp re ta tio n s o f biblical ju stific a tio n s for and a g ain st th e

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d e ath penalty w ere m o re co m m o n in th e early d e b ate. F e a r o f o r ­ ganized, g a ngland m u rd ere rs w as m o re a p p a re n t in th e early d e ­ b ate, a n d k id n a p p e rs a n d h ijackers w ere m o re salient in th e later o n e .27 All d e a th p e n alty d e b ates a ct as a lightening ro d for o th e r issues. O n e th em e in th e C a n a d ia n d e a th penalty d e b ates on b o th the central and p e rip h e ral issues is th a t a fu n d a m e n ta l differen ce in o rie n ta tio n to d eviance is ex p o sed . O n th e o n e h a n d is a practical, in stru m e n tal response. O n th e o th e r, is a response w hich e m p h a ­ sizes expressions o f evaluation. F ootnotes ' H on . Jean-Pierre G o y e r, Capital Punishment O ttaw a: C row n Printers, 1972), p. 0.

New- Material :

1965-1972

: H on . G u y Favreau. Capital Punishment: M aterial Relating to Its Pur­ poses and Values (O tta w a , 1965), Forew ord. 1 Th om as M . Sheehan, “ A dm inistrative R eview and C apital Punishment: T h e Canadian C on cept,” American Journal o f Correction. V o l. 27, N o . 1 (Jan. Feb., 1965), pp. 24-25. 4 T h ere were w ide differences in the volum e o f testimonials, the enthusiasm o f relatives and com m unity leaders and lawyers in bringing forw ard mate­ rials fo r use in the report and recom m endation the remissions o ffice would m ake to the C abinet. T h e ex-director o f this office reported that this was a known and largely unavoidable bias which m ight tend to favour the capi­ tal offen der w h o was well placed in financial and com m unity matters. (P e r s o n a l in tervie w , F eb ru a ry, 1974) See A p p e n d ix II fo r a statistical com parison o f those executed and com m uted. 5 De jure and de facto abolition ist countries are listed in “ C a p ita l Pun­ ish m ent" (U n ite d N ation s R eport. 1968). '• F o r an excellent discussion o f the w orld-w ide historical situation, see Cap­ ital Punishment (N e w Y o rk : Departm ent o f Econom ic and Social A f ­ fairs. U nited N ation s Report, 1968). 7 Jean-Pierre G o y e r, Capital Punishment. New Material: 1965-1972 (O t­ tawa: C row n Printers, 1972). pp. 19-23. * Leadin g the legal attack on the death penalty in the courts have been the attorneys o f the Legal D efense Fund o f the N ation a l Association o f the Advancem ent o f C olou red People. Th ese attorneys have com e to rely on and becom e experienced w ith the use o f social science materials since the 1954 school desegregation decision o f the Suprem e C ourt. Both the W ith ­ erspoon and Furman decisions w ere influenced by the use o f social science evidence. T h ere appear to be tw o broad areas o f social science research related to the death penalty upcom ing in the U nited States. O n e is on the effectiveness o f m andatory sentencing at elim inating constitutionally impermissable biases, such as race, in the im position o f the death sentence. T h e other is the possibility that sophisticated attitude and public opinion research will be relevant to a direct Supreme C ou rt decision on whether the death penalty is cruel under the eighth am endm ent. T h e court has in­ dicated that “ the evolvin g standards o f decency that mark the progress o f

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a maturing society” can be the basis fo r a decision on whether a punish­ ment is cruel, and that social scientific evidence is on e way o f assessing these standards. F o r a current review o f public opinion on the death pen­ alty as w ell as its potential relation to Supreme C ourt deliberations on the death penalty, see N eil Vidm ar and Ph oebe Ellsworth, “ Public O pinion and the D eath P e n a lty ” in The S tandford Law Review (1 9 7 4 ). A ls o , H u go Bedau, “ T h e Future o f Capital Punishment A Problem fo r Law and the Social Science,” Project Statement, Russell Sage Foundation, 1973 M im eo. 9 A rthu r K oestler, Reflections on Hanging (L o n d o n : V ictor G ollancz, L td., 1956), p. 13. 10 A rthu r K oestler, op. cit., p. 42 11 C . H . S. Jayewardene, “ T h e Canadian Experim ent with the Penalty o f D e a th " unpublished manuscript, Departm ent o f C rim in ology, T h e U n i­ versity o f O ttawa, 1973, p . 173. 12 H on. Jean-Pierre G o y e r, op. cit., p. 1. 13 H on. Jean-Pierre G o y e r , op. cit., p. 3. u H on. G u y Favreau, Capital Punishment. M aterial Relating to its Pur­ pose and Value (O ttaw a: C row n Printers, 1965), pp. 4-5. 15 T h ere w ere 16 M P 's w h o switched to support the m odified proposal but 6 w'ho switched to op pose it. T h e success o f the 1967 bill depended on the absence o f 64 o f those M P 's w ho had opposed the earlier abolition at­ tem pt, whereas only 25 o f the supporters w ere absent. T h ere are a total o f 264 M P 's in the C anadian House o f C om m ons. 16 Favreau, op. cit., 1965; G o y er, op. cit., 1972; U N Report. 17 Ezzat A . Fattah, A Study o f the Deterrent Effect o f Capital Punishment with Special reference to the Canadian Situation (O tta w a : Q u een 's Printer, 1973). 18 T h is point is explained in m ore detail later in this chapter, under the sub-heading “ Public O pin ion and the Death Penalty.” 19 T h ese m ay not be permanent differences. I f the deterrence research was supportive o f the effectiveness o f the death penalty in reducing murder, abolitionists might remain abolitionists but em phasize the humanitarian values them e o f abolition. Likew ise, i f the deterrence research showed that the death penalty increased the murder rate, as som e have argued through encouraging som e psychotics to kill in order to be killed, then som e retentionists m ay change. I f not, they could argue that the expres­ sive function is worth som e casualties. 20 Several Progressive C onservative M P ’s reported in personal interviews, February 1974, that they felt their electoral gains in 1972 w ere a mandate fo r a strong stand on crim e including the retention o f capital punishment. :i Ezzat A b d el Fattah, A Study o j the Deterrent E ffect o f Capital Punish­ ment with Special Reference to the Canadian Situation (O ttaw a. Q ueen's Printer, 1973), pp. 191-194, 22 T h e H ouse o f C om m on s Debates. V ol. 117 (1 7 ) 1st Session. 29th Parlia­ m ent, Jan. 26, 1973 (O ttaw a: Q u een’s Printers), p. 694. 21 House o f C om m on s Debates, op cit., p. 700. 24 See Chapter 2 fo r an extensive discussion o f public opinion polling on the death penalty.

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25 Sec Chapter 2 fo r a detailed discussion o f this problem . 26 Fattah. op. cit.. p. 194. 27 A s new crim es em erged and becam e w idely known, the legislator is faced with the necessity o f adapting present legislation o r creating new legisla­ tion for it. Th is process o f m aking explicit what it is about a “ crim e” which renders it serious o r frightening exposes important assumptions and values about crim e and society. See D avid B. Chandler, “ T o w a rd s a C la s sific a tion o f V io le n c e ,” S o c io lo g ic a l S y m p o s iu m , N o . 9 (S p rin g 1973), pp. 69-83.

Chapter 2: Public Opinion and the Death Penalty in Canada

Public Opinion and Legislation A ny social science m o d el is d esigned to sim plify a n d highlight im ­ p o rta n t features o f th e real life p h e n o m e n o n a b o u t w hich th e re is curiosity. M o d els o f th e legislative process, o r m o re general m odels o f th e relatio n betw een law a n d society, a re , th ere fo re, in ten tio n al over-sim plifications. O n e m odel w hich co rre sp o n d s to d e m o c ratic ideology d e p ic ts law as reflecting th e beliefs a n d values o f p eople. T h e assu m p tio n here is th at legislative in stitu tio n s c re a te law th a t m irro rs public o p in io n . T h is over-sim plification is not alw ays even th e goal o f d e m o c ratic legislatures, let a lo n e a descrip tio n o f th e reality o f legislative activ ­ ity. O fte n , a q u a lifier such a s “ e n lig h ten e d ” is a d d ed to public o p in io n . T h is m ea n s th a t a legislator, even a fte r assessing w'hat th e pu b lic se n tim e n t is (in itself a p ro h ib itiv ely difficult task), reserves th e right to d isco u n t som e o f it as u n e n lig h ten ed . T h u s, if a public a ttitu d e is based solely on a d e m o n stra b ly false belief, o r on an unacceptably, o u t-o f-d a te value, even legislators w ho a d v o cate th e re p re ­ sentative role for legislators feel released from this re sp o n sib ility .1 H ow ever, as a general m odel o f th e relatio n betw een law and cu ltu re in w estern dem ocracies, th e c o rre sp o n d e n c e betw een law and pu b lic o p in io n is p ro b a b ly th e best, sim plest description. T h is co rre sp o n d e n c e will obviously vary in stren g th d ep en d in g on m any o th e r featu res o f th e society a n d leg isla tu re .2 C a p ita l p u n ish m en t is a legislative issue fo r w hich pu b lic o p in io n is p a rticu la rly im p o rta n t. C o m p a re d to m o st legislative topics, it is w idely discussed in th e press a n d legislators re p o rt heavy m ail on th e topic. In th is c h ap ter, w e d escrib e a n d analyze pu b lic o p in io n in C a n ­ a d a on th e d e a th penalty a t th e tim e o f th e tw o P a rliam en tary deb ates. In C h a p te r th ree, th e e x ten t to w hich elected re p re se n ta ­ tives reflect th e p u b lic view is exam ined.

The Death Penalty: Public Opinion and Legislation In his fam o u s re ad e r on th e d e a th p enalty, H u g o B edau expresses th e o p in io n th a t th e d e a th penalty will stand o r fall on th e a ttitu d e s 37

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o f p e o p le to it. ' H e feels th at th ese a ttitu d e s will b e in d ep e n d en t o f th e c rim e rate, a n d furth er, th a t w h at p e o p le feel on such an issue is n ot en tirely a fun ctio n o f w h at they kn o w o r consciously th in k . A lthough th e first p a rt o f th is fo rm u la tio n is p ro b ab ly m o re right th an w rong, th e degree o f co rre sp o n d e n c e betw een legislative activ ­ ity such as th e repeal o f th e d e a th penalty a n d p e o p le 's a ttitu d e s is extrem ely com plex. T h e political scientists in d e m o c ratic societies spend m uch tim e a n d treasu re a tte m p tin g to lay b a re the co n d itio n s u n d e r w hich elected re p re se n tativ es represent, w hen a n d how they respond to o th e r p ressures. O f co u rse, th e co m m itm e n t o f observers o f d e m o c ratic legislatures to a n ideal o f representativeness m ay vary w ith th e ir personal p o sitio n on th e issue at h a n d . T h o se w ho favour th e a b o litio n o f th e d e ath p e n alty b u t w ho believe th at th e citizens a re m indlessly repressive see as a d m ira b le th e elected representative w ho tak es a “ m o ral le a d e r” o rie n ta tio n to his responsibilities and votes to abolish it. O n th e o th e r h a n d , a re p re se n tativ e w h o is m o re responsive to pow erful interest g ro u p s, w ealthy su p p o rte rs o r p arty frien d s and influentials a t th e expense o f th e c o n stitu e n t, m ay be d espised by th e sam e observer. W h e th e r o n e ta k e s th e B u rk e an 4 p o sitio n on the re p resen tativ e role seem s to d e p en d largely on th e issues a t stak e. B efore o n e can d escrib e th e e x ten t to w hich M e m b ers o f P arlia­ m en t d o o r d o n o t reflect pu b lic o p in io n , it is necessary to describe th a t o p in io n . T h is is very difficult. T h o se w ho claim to describ e the pu b lic a ttitu d e on th is issue have e ith e r n o t m u d d ie d th e w ater w ith evidence o r d o n o t critically assess th e evidence available. A s will be seen in th e follow ing, th e evidence o f pu b lic o p in io n on th e death penalty do es n o t lend itself to sim p le in te rp re ta tio n . T h e allegation th a t th e pu b lic a ttitu d e to th e d e ath p e n alty is m ore a m a tte r o f feeling th an ra tio n a l assessm ent also p o in ts the w ay to a forest o f com plexity. In 1967, B edau re p o rte d on an e ra in w hich th ere w as relatively little o p in io n polling d o n e on this m atter. A p p ro x im ately a d e ca d e later, th e re has been m u ch m o re research d o n e , b u t th e cap acity to b e conclusive on th e pu b lic view a n d its d e te rm in a n ts is, if a n y th in g , fu rth e r aw ay.

Some Criteria in Evaluation of Public Opinion Evidence T h e re a re se v e ra l c o n s id e ra tio n s in th e e v a lu a tio n o f e v id e n c e w hich allow co n clu sio n s on th e " p u b lic m in d ” to be d ra w n . In the first place, th ere is n o such th in g as th e Public O p in io n . T h e term , a n d n o u n s like it, a re c o n v en ien t concepts, c o n v en tio n al w ays o f referring to statistically a ggregated individual acts (re p o rts to an

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in terview er o r checks on a q u e stio n n a ire ). A s every stu d e n t o f so ­ cial science know s, th ere is a large body o f specialized know ledge a n d tec h n iq u e w hich is entirely occu p ied w ith th e vario u s w ays o f m ak in g sense o f th ese statistics.

S a m p lin g Since lim ita tio n s o f tim e a n d m o n ey m ake it im possible to find out w hat each m em b e r o f th e pu b lic th in k s a b o u t a n issue, selecting a sm all n u m b er o f p e o p le to study as a reflection o f th e w hole p o p u la ­ tion beco m es a su b stitu te . O n e o f th e m ost basic c o n sid era tio n s in th is field is, th ere fo re, th e pro b lem o f gen eralizatio n from a sam ple to a p o p u la tio n . It is th e inference th a t can be draw n a b o u t a p o p u ­ lation from th e em pirical evidence o f a sa m p le draw n from th at p o p u latio n w hich is im p o rta n t. It h a s been show n th at, w h en ev er a sm all n u m b e r o f p eople are d ra w n ra n d o m ly from a large p o p u la ­ tio n , th e ir b eh av io r will p ro v id e a reliable basis for estim ating the b e h av io r o f th e p o p u la tio n . Even m o re im p o rta n t is th e d ev elo p ­ m en t o f reliable tec h n iq u es o f calculating th e a m o u n t o f e rro r to be expected in such estim ates. So th e o p in io n o f a ra n d o m sam ple o f p eo p le can be used to m ake e stim a te s o f th e o p in io n o f th e p o p u la ­ tion a b o u t th e d e ath p enalty. N o n e o f th e evidence o n p u b lic o p in io n on th e d e ath penalty m eets th e m ost rig o ro u s s ta n d a rd s o f ra n d o m sam pling. S om e is m uch b e tte r th an o th ers. T h e G a llu p polls use a form o f q u o ta a n d a re a sam pling w hich is reliable. T h e y also p ro v id e info rm atio n on th e range o f e rro r to be used w hen m ak in g p o p u latio n estim ates from th e ir sam ple d a ta . W e can b e c o n fid e n t th a t these estim ates a re useful in gau g in g th e public m o o d / T h e y a re certainly th e best evidence available for th is p e rio d o f C a n a d ia n o p in io n . T h e w eak est sam pling tec h n iq u e is w here th e p h e n o m e n o n u n d e r diag n o sis affects th e c h ara cte ristics o f the sam ple. A lm ost no reli­ ab le g e n era liz atio n s a b o u t th e p o p u la tio n can be m ade u n d e r these c irc u m s ta n c e s . U n fo rtu n a te ly , m a n y M e m b e rs o f P a rlia m e n t fell unw ittingly into using precisely th is kind o f sam ple to generalize a b o u t public o p in io n in th eir ow n constitu en cies. A typical exam ple o f this is as follow s. A n M P m ails o u t to every household in his ri­ d in g a q u e s tio n n a ire a s k in g s o m e q u e s tio n d e sig n e d to in d ic a te o pin io n o n hanging. A fte r som e p e rio d o f tim e, 10 p e r cen t o f the q u e stio n n a ires have been re tu rn e d , a n d it a p p e a rs th a t very few a d ­ ditio n al co m p leted q u e stio n n a ires will be re tu rn e d . W h en h e tallies th e responses, he finds th a t 85 p e r cent o f th e re sp o n d en ts a re in favour o f the d e ath p enalty. T h e M e m b e r is usually so b ered , if he is a n a b o litio n ist, by th e unexpected b ru tality o f his people a n d w o rries a b o u t his plan to v o te a b o litio n ist w hen the flow o f public o p in io n is a tid e rac e a gainst h im . T h e re te n tio n ist m ay as well be so b e red by

40

C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N 'I IN C A N A D A

th e b ru tality o f th e c o m m e n ts w ritte n in th e m argin but is e n c o u r­ aged th a t he h a s th e will o f th e p e o p le on his side. Such a " p o ll” o f p e o p le 's se n tim e n t leaves m o re q u e stio n s u n a n ­ sw ered than an sw ered and m ay , in fact, b e very m isleading. A train ed social scientist im m ed iately a tte n d s to th e sm all p ro p o rtio n o f q u e stio n n a ires re tu rn e d a n d th e ir p ro b a b le bias. F o r a h o st o f u n k n o w n reasons a lm o st all o f th e q u e stio n n a ires a re n o t re tu rn e d . Included in these re aso n s m ay be a large n u m b e r o f p eople w ho do not have any stro n g view on c ap ital p u n ish m en t. T h a t is, th ere m ay b e no "p u b lic o p in io n " o f any in ten sity on th e q u e stio n . T h o se w ho have a stro n g o p in io n in favour o f th e d e ath p e n alty m ay, fo r a host o f u n k n o w n reaso n s, be m o re likely to re tu rn th e q u e stio n n a ire than th o se w ho h a v e a strong o p in io n a g ain st it. B ecause o f the large n u m b e r o f u n k n o w n s in th is situ atio n a n d because th ere is little o r no basis for estim a tin g th e reasons for these unk n o w n s, the M e m b er o f P a rlia m en t k n o w s only th a t 8.5 p e r cen t o f his c o n stitu ­ en ts favoured th e d e ath penalty a t th e tim e they re tu rn e d th e q u e s­ tio n n a ire . H e has no basis for m ak in g any w id e r gen eralizatio n s. H e m ay, o f co u rse, ch o o se to in fer th a t th o se returning th e q u e s­ tio n n a ire had stro n g o p in io n s a n d , th ere fo re, th e tex tu re as well as th e p a tte rn in th e m aterial o f p u b lic o p in io n should be a tte n d e d to. M P ’s typically a n d naturally re sp o n d to th e salience o f political issues as m easured by those w h o ta k e th e tro u b le to w rite o r vote. S ta b ility o f O pinion A n o th e r pro b lem in g en era liz atio n from the evidence o f a sam ple to a p o p u la tio n is even m o re d ifficult. It is to e stim a te th e e x te n t o f stability o v er tim e o f a n elem en t o f public o p in io n . O bviously, if p e o p le ’s responses to a q uestion on a q u e stio n n a ire are changeable from m o m e n t to m o m e n t, th ere is very little p o in t in a tte m p tin g to gauge these responses for pub lic policy o r a n y o th e r p u rp o se . By d e fin itio n , a ttitu d e s, values, o p in io n s a n d all th e o th e r co n cep ts w hich a re used to su m m arize p e o p le ’s responses to q u e stio n s are stable a ttrib u te s o f p erso n ality , c u ltu re o r som e c o m b in a tio n o f these w ith social situ atio n s. B ecause th ey a re stable o v er tim e, it is possible to pred ict th e o p in io n s o f a u th o rita ria n p erso n alities, E ng­ lish C a n a d ia n s , a n d m en in w ar, fo r exam ple. T h e p ractical issue, h ere, is th e extent o f stab ility o f an op in io n irrespective o f c hanging circum stances. W h en a p e rso n 's o p in io n is relatively u nchanging u n d e r differin g circum stances, it is p ro b ab ly a n ch o re d to som e relatively u n c h an g in g a ttrib u te o f his personality. W h en a g ro u p o f p eople differ consistently from a n o th e r g ro u p , th eir o p in io n s are p ro b a b ly a n c h o re d in som e sh a red cu ltu ral value. W hen p e o p le insist th a t “ it d e p e n d s on th e s itu a tio n ” o r w hen their o p in io n chan g es as th e im m e d ia te social situ a tio n changes, th eir

P U B L IC O P IN IO N IN C A N A D A

4I

o p in io n s a re a n ch o re d m o re in social situ atio n s th a n in perso n ality o r m o rality . T h e o p in io n s in th e latter case are m o re subject to n a tu ra l and induced change th an th o se co n n ec te d to psychology a n d cu ltu re. Part o f th e social situ atio n can b e in fo rm a tio n a n d , as a result, o p in io n s m ay d e p en d at least, in p a rt, on e d u c a tio n o r p ro p a g a n d a . N a tu rally , those w ho have a practical interest in th e d e a th penalty legislation and w ho are a tte m p tin g to p e rsu ad e o th ers, a re in te r­ ested prim arily in these po ten tially changeable o p in io n s.'’ In a d d itio n to an interest in th e situ atio n al d e te rm in a n ts, those w hose in clination is to w a rd s m o re b asic research a re c u rious a b o u t th e e x te n t and circum stances o f psychological a n d cultural d e te rm i­ n a n ts o f pub lic o p in io n . F o r th ese scholars, c ap ital p u n ish m en t can be b u t o n e in d icato r o f a m o re g e n era l c o ndition o f repressive law, T ab le I : P ublic O p in ion on the D eath P en a lty in C an ada in S e le c te d Years*

Y ears Selected by

O p in io n on th e D e ath Penalty-

N atio n al O p in io n Polls

For

(P ercentages) A gainst

1943

73

20

1953

71

22

1958 I960

52

33

51 54

41 37

1970**

53 70

1971

63

30

1965 1966

35 20

* Solicitor G eneral o f Canada, C apital P unishm ent: N ew m aterial I 9651972, p. 69; also Ronald M anzer, Canada: A Socio-P olitical Report (T o ro n to : M c G r a w H ill, 1974), p. 287. * * Question specified opinion on death penalty fo r kidnappers o f political figures.

42

C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

p u n itiv e san ctio n in g , revenge o r m o ral in d ig n a tio n . W h en cast in such general term s, th e quest to d escrib e and u n d e rstan d th e o p in io n o f C a n a d ia n s on th e d e ath p e n alty is linked to m ajo r tra d itio n s o f w ork in psychology, sociology a n d a n th ro p o lo g y . F in ally , to re ite ra te one th e m e o f this b o o k . O p in io n s on public policy th a t are prim arily a n ch o re d in cu ltu ral values could b e seen as expressive. O n th e o th e r h a n d , o p in io n s w hich d ep en d m o re on th e p ractical assessm ent o f th e situ atio n , could b e in te rp rete d as in stru m en tal in o rigin.

The Canadian Opinion F rom th e tim e o f th e first o p in io n polls, th e m ajority o f C a n ad ian s have su p p o rte d th e reten tio n o f th e d e a th p en alty . T h ere a p p e a rs to have b e en a ste ad y erosion in th is su p p o rt until 1971 w hen the tren d reversed a n d su p p o rt increased. (See T a b le I ) T h ere is no w ay o f kno w in g at th is p o in t w h e th e r th is is a stable shift o r w h e th er it is only an an o m aly in th e in te rn a tio n a l, historical tre n d to w a rd s a b o li­ tio n . T h e p a tte rn in C a n ad ian se n tim e n t, as ta p p e d by th e G a llu p poll, c o rre sp o n d s to a sim ilar p a tte rn o f decline in th e U n ite d States o v er th e sam e p e rio d . (See T a b le 2) T able 2: Public O pinion on the D eath P en alty in the U .S .A . in Selected _______________________ Y e ars Selected by

Y ears______________________________ O p in io n on th e D e a th Penalty

N a tio n a l O p in io n

( Percentages) A gainst

Polls

For

1936

62

1953 1960

68

33 25

1965

51 45

36 43

1966

42

47

1969

40

1971

51 49

1973

59

31

40

A ll Polls are reported in the Gallup Opinion Index Dec. 1971, R eport #78. 1973 is found in R oper Public O pinion Research Center, V o l. I, Issue 8 (A u gu st 1973).

P U B L IC O P IN IO N IN C A N A D A

43

T h e C a n a d ia n pub lic a p p e a rs to b e som ew hat m o re inclined to ­ w ards th e use o f th e d e a th p e n alty th an a re citizens in th e U n ited S tates. It is n o t unexpected th a t th e re w ould b e b ro a d c o rre sp o n d ­ ence betw een th e tw o pu b lic a ttitu d e s on m an y questions. N o t only d o th e tw o societies share roughly sim ilar eco n o m ies, p o p u latio n s, h istories and cu ltu res, b u t U n ite d S tates m ass m edia is w idely ex­ posed to C a n ad ian s. U n ite d S tates’ p o liticia n s fo u n d th e fear o f crim e w idespread and a law a n d o rd e r p ro g ram to be politically p o p u la r in th e late 60’s and early 7 0 's. T h e C a n a d ia n e lectio n s o f th e sam e p e rio d did not d ra m a tiz e these issues to th e sam e exten t. M o re o v er, th e o p in io n o f o bservers seem s to b e th a t N o rth A m erica w as in th e th ro e s o f som e vague cultural shift w hich w as expressing itself in increased p un itiv en ess to th e w ro n g d o er. C a n a d a did n o t have, in th e sam e p erio d , p ro testin g m in o rity g ro u p s, cam p u s violence and a p o lariz ­ ing w a r p o lic y . It d id , h o w e v e r, e x p e rie n c e so m e te rro ris m in Q u e b ec a n d an increase in p o litical em phasis on th e av erage C a n a ­ d ian . Possibly th is evidenced th e rising o f th e low er m id d le class paralleling the U n ite d S tates p re o cc u p atio n in th a t p e rio d w ith the so-called “ m iddle A m e ric an ” .7 A lth o u g h all o f th ese poll results a re p ro d u c ed by re p u ta b le p ro ­ fessional polling o rg a n iz atio n s using p roperly a d m in istere d sa m ­ pling tec h n iq u es, th e re p o rte d m arginal d istrib u tio n tells us very little a b o u t th e stability, stre n g th , o r reasons for th e o p in io n and w h at su b -g ro u p s h o ld v a ria tio n s o n it. W e now tu rn to th e task o f d e com posing th e recent C a n ad ian poll results on th e d e ath p enalty. E vidence from several sources8 will b e m arshalled to p u t in to a m o re d etailed a n d an aly tic p ictu re o f C a n a d ia n p u b lic o p in io n .

The Measurement of Capital Punishment Opinion T h e sim plest a n d m o st d irec t q u e stio n a b o u t capital p u n ish m en t is to ask th e subject w h e th er he o r sh e ap p ro v es o f it, d isa p p ro v es o f it, o r h a s no o p in io n . W ith m in o r v a ria tio n s, th a t is th e q u e stio n typically a sk e d in n a tio n a l o p in io n polls. T h is tech n iq u e is satisfac­ to ry for som e p u rp o se s b u t d o e s n o t allow inferences to be m ad e a b o u t th e strength o r salience o f th e o p in io n to th e subject o r the d etails o f any co n d itio n al use o f th e d e ath p en alty . T o m ea su re th e salience o f an o p in io n , m any tec h n iq u es can be used. O n e , w hich w as developed specifically for assessing th e intensity o f o p in io n on capital p u n ish m en t, secures th e su b je ct’s ap p ro v al o r d isap p ro v al w ith fifteen sta te m en ts o f varying strength (as developed by inde­ p e n d e n t ju d g es) a n d , th u s, can g e n era te su b sta n tia l m easu reab le v ariatio n in intensity w ith w hich to c o m p a re g ro u p s.9 U n fo rtu n -

44

CA PITAL PU N ISH M E N T IN CA N A D A

ately. no n ational polls assess th e intensity o f o p in io n in N o rth A m e ric a .10 A n interesting research p ro jec t, w hich w as designed to explore th e psychological a ttrib u te s b e h in d cap ital p u n ish m en t a ttitu d e s, re­ p o rts o n a w ide range o f responses w hich allow an inference o f intensity to b e m ad e. A ran d o m ly selected g ro u p o f 1 4 4 a d u lts w ere interview ed in L o n d o n , O n ta rio , in J a n u a ry , 1 9 7 3 . T o th e q uestion “ W hich o f th e follow ing four alte rn a tiv e s b e st describes y o u r a tti­ tu d e to w ard th e d e ath p enalty?” , th e follow ing results w ere found. (See figure 1). T h e d istrib u tio n o f responses to this form o f q uestion g en era te s a som ew hat m o re in terestin g p a tte rn th an d o e s a dich o to m ous cho ice. In F ig u re 1 , we see th a t a b o u t 4 0 p er cen t o f th e sam ple tak es a n ex trem e a n d u n c o n d itio n al p o sitio n on this q u e s­ tion on each side. Sixty p e r cen t o f th e re sp o n d en ts wish to e q u iv o ­ cate a n d qualify to so m e exten t. O f these, it is fair to say th a t 3 0 per cent a re leaning heavily to w ard a b o litio n , leaving th e choice o f exe­ cuting o r not in a f e w cases w h e re it m a y b e a p p ro p ria te to som e expert. O n e in te rp re ta tio n o f these answ ers is th a t 5 3 p e r cen t o f the sam ple w ould not strenuously resist th e rem oval o f th e d e ath p e n ­ alty. T h e significance o f th is lies in th e fact th a t m an y polls o f this p e rio d in C a n a d a w ere re p o rtin g 7 0 to 9 0 p e r cent reten tio n ist se n tim e n t in th e c o u n try . It a p p e a rs th at th e d ich o to m o u s q uestion can yield a false im pression o f u n a n im ity a n d , p e rh ap s, w hen it is c o rro b o ra te d e n ough by th e w id esp read re p o rtin g o f polls o f very d u b io u s design, an im pression o f en th u sia stic su p p o rt for th e noose. F ig u re 1 can also show th a t 7 8 p e r cent o f th e re sp o n d en ts favored th e use o f the d e ath penalty to so m e d egree. B ut a reaso n ab le infer­ ence is th a t th e saliency o f re te n tio n ist o p in io n is very low fo r 31 per c e n t and only m o d e ra te for a n o th e r 2 9 p e r cent. Figure 1: A ttitudes Tow ards the D eath Penalty*

P ercentage 0f Sam ple

I am op p o sed to th e d e a th penalty u n d er a n y circu m sta n ce s

22%

I am op p o sed to th e d e ath p e n alty e x c e p t in a f e w cases w h e re it m ay b e a p p ro p ria te I am g enerally in fa v o u r o f th e d e a th penalty except in a few cases w h ere it m a y not h e a p p ro p ria te

31% 29%

I am stro n g ly in fa v o u r o f th e d e a th p e n alty as an a p p ro ­ p ria te m ea su re

18%

* F rom N e il V idm ar, “ R etributive and Utilitarian M o tives and Other Correlates o f C anadian Attitudes T o w a rd the Death Penalty.” the Cana­

dian P sychologist , V o l. 15, 4 (O ctob er, 1974), pp. 344-345.

PU BLIC O P IN IO N IN C A N A D A

45

A n o th e r v a ria tio n on th e w ay th e d e ath p e n alty opin io n can be m easured is to locate it in a social context. In th e research rep o rted above, th e o p in io n w as assum ed to b e a p ro p e rty , to som e im p o r­ ta n t exten t, o f th e perso n ality o f th e resp o n d en t. A n o th e r assu m p tio n is th a t it will d ep en d o n th e social c irc u m ­ stances a n d th e ir m ean in g to th e resp o n d en t. If a capital p u n ish ­ m ent q u e stio n n a ire c onjures a n im age o f an inconsolable hu sb an d facing th e n o o se a fte r fatally in ju rin g his w ife, th e response m ay be m o re a b o litio n ist. If, o n th e o th e r h a n d , th e im age is o f th e sn e e r­ ing, sadistic, child m u rd e re r, then han g in g m ight be to o g o o d for him . Im p o rta n t v a ria tio n m ay b e preserved if q u e stio n s are d e ­ signed to p u t th e re sp o n d e n t in to a social c o n te x t, a n d ask q u e stio n s a b o u t a variety o f responses h e m ig h t have to th e situ atio n . T h e re is a n interesting re p o rt in w hich a range o f responses to a con tex tu al q uestion a re re p o rte d fo r a C a n a d ia n sa m p le ." In L o n ­ d o n , O n ta rio a ran d o m ly selected g ro u p o f 1000 household heads received a m ailed q u e stio n n a ire in th e su m m e r o f 1970. O f these, 45% w ere re tu rn e d . T h e sam ple m atc h ed th e p o p u latio n closely on c ertain know n d e m o g ra p h ic fe atu res such as age, sex a n d religion, and so th e research ers concluded th a t there w as no a p p a re n t b ias in th e resp o n d in g g ro u p . Q u e stio n s w ere asked a b o u t th e p e rso n ’s o p in io n on th e m ax i­ m u m , m in im u m a n d m o st freq u e n t p en alties for 30 crim es. T he crim es w ere described in d e ta ile d legal language. F o r exam ple, to m easu re th e o p in io n on capital m u rd e r, th e sam ple w as asked w h at th e m ax im u m , m in im u m and usual penalty should b e fo r a perso n w ho “ in tentionally causes o r assists in causing th e d e ath o f a law en fo rcem en t officer” . T h ese d a ta are show n alo n g w ith th e re sp o n ­ ses to several o th e r p e rso n al crim es in T ab le 3. C a p ita l m u rd e r receives the m o st p u n itiv e sentences from the sam ple: 70 p e r cen t suggest th e d e ath penalty as the m axim um sentence. H ow ever, only 36 p e r c e n t think it sho u ld b e th e usual p u n ish m en t. A g ain , w e find th a t w hen p e o p le a re allow ed to ex­ press a variety o f responses to c ap ital p u n ish m en t, we find a very sm all p ro p o rtio n w h o wish th a t it is alw ays used, even for th e m ost serious crim e (21 p e r cent) a n d only o n e -th ird (36 p e r c en t) see it as a p p ro p ria te in m o st cases. T h e m ajo rity (70 p e r c en t) are in favor o f it, b u t a p p are n tly have no stro n g w ish to see it w idely used. S u p p o rt for m a n d a to ry execution falls o ff rapidly as th e se rio u s­ ness o f th e m u rd e r d im in ish e s u n d e r law . O nly 13 per cen t w ant m a n d a to ry execution w hen a citizen is in ten tio n ally killed (n o n ­ cap ital m u rd e r) a n d only fo u r p e r cen t see a passio n ate killing (2nd d eg ree m u rd e r) as deserving th e d e a th sen ten ce. All these d a ta p o in t to w ide a re a s o f d iscretio n , contin g en cy a n d low saliency in th e pu b lic o p in io n on crim e a n d , in p a rticu la r, th e o p in io n on th e p u n ish m en t fo r m u rd er.

& C A P IT A L

Table 3 : Percentage Distribution o f Penalties Assigned to Personal Crimes* (1970, 450 Responses from 1000 Randomly Selected Households in London, Ontario)

A Fine

Probation

30 days

31 days to 6 months

or less

6 months to 2 years to 5 years

2 years

5 years to

15 years

15 years

or more

No Execution Response

P U N IS H M E N T

No Penalty

IN

1. Capital Murder 1

Minimum

5

Maximum

14

31

36

19

34

21

9

2

5

19

70

4

9 14

26

35

19

6

29

29

13

6

4

6

35

51

5

8 II

7

2. Noncapital Murder Most Frequent 1

Minimum

1

1

4

' 1

6 -

Maximum 3. 2nd Degree Murder Most Frequent

1

2

1

1

9

24

30

19

Minimum

2

6

1

3

18

26

23

13

6 4

4

1

3

8

21

39

22

6

Maximum

7

4. Rape Most Frequent

1

1

2

4

8

21

27

20

8

1

7

Minimum

1

1

7

6

13

26

20

4

1

I

1

3

28

20

5

6

Maximum

16 27

29

5

CANADA

4

Most Frequent

5. Attempted Rape Most Frequent

1

2

Minimum

3

2

Maximum

4 II 1

-

4

12

24

26

16

6

6

16

24

20

8

4

1

4

12

25

25

1

2

10

25

1

8

19

27

3

1

4

29

3

5

35

19

2

5

22

13

1

5

8

24

53

9

3

6

-

6. Kidnapping Most Frequent Minimum

1 1

Maximum

1

2

-

-

7. Robbery 12

28

32

15

2

_

5

2

1 4

3

1

10

18

32

22

5

2

-

4

-

1

.

.

2

10

24

37

21

II

Most Frequent Minimum Maximum

2

1

4 4

8. Assault Most Frequent Minimum

15

6

17

19

21

4

2

_

15

19

17

16

14

7

2

1

-

2

2

7

12

25

25

13

9

n al L aw : A n t i o n s . '' in

E m p iric a l T e s t o f P u b lic A ttitu d e s to w a r d

L egal S anc­

Deviant Behavior a n d S o c ie ta l R ea ctio n ( e d i t e d b y C . L . B o y -

IN CANADA

d e ll. C . F . G r in d s ta f f a n d P . C . W h ite h e a d ( T o r o n to : H o lt R in e h a r t a n d W i n s t o n o f C a n a d a L t d . . 1 9 7 2 ).

4

OPINION

* C r a i g L . B o y d c ll a n d C a r l F . G r i n d s t a f f . " P u b l i c O p i n i o n a n d t h e C r i m i ­

5 1

PUBLIC

Maximum

1 4

47

48

CA PITAL PU N ISH M E N T IN C A N A D A

W hile th e tw o stu d ies cited ab o v e have sharply lim ited g e n era li­ z atio n , they d o pro v id e us w ith a glim pse o f th e com plexity in a ttitu d e w hich sta n d s b e h in d th e sim ple yes o r no answ er to the d e ath p en alty . It is a p p a re n t th a t this com plexity is not c h ao tic but does ta k e som e form . W e can now m ak e so m e guesses a b o u t the a ttitu d e stru c tu re w hich m ig h t lie b e h in d v a rio u s responses on cap i­ tal p u n ish m en t. A sm all n u m b e r o f p eople on each side o f th e q u e stio n a p p e a r to have m a d e up th e ir m inds. An e stim a te o f 10 p e r cen t to 30 p e r cent seem s like a reaso n a b le guess on th e p ro p o rtio n w ho w a n t to retain th e d e a th p e n alty w ith o u t q u alificatio n a n d th e sam e p ro p o rtio n w a n t it abo lish ed . M ost d ich o to m o u s polls c o m p a re, in effect, the p ro p o rtio n o f c o m m itte d a b o litio n ists to all o th ers. T h e a ttitu d e s o f this g ro u p o f p e o p le w ith stro n g o p in io n s o n each side o f th e ques­ tio n , w hich could range from 20 p e r cen t to 60 p e r cen t in any tim e p e rio d o r su b g ro u p o f th e p o p u la tio n , should b e a n ch o re d in either relatively u n c h an g in g perso n ality ch aracteristics o r in a relatively unchanging cu ltu ral m ilieu. T h e rem ain in g p ro p o rtio n , o f betw een 40 p e r cen t to 80 p e r cent o f th e p o p u la tio n , h a s an o p in io n w hich is n o t a n ch o red as m u ch in relatively fixed a ttrib u te s such as cu ltu re a n d perso n ality b u t in the c hangeable social situ atio n . T h e d e ath penalty to these p e o p le has relatively low saliency, d o e s n o t call fo rth stro n g m oral o r personal feelings, b u t ra th e r a cooler, m o re p ra g m a tic response. T h is sim plification o f th e m ate ria l o f pub lic o p in io n , to highlight its design a n d tex tu re, allow s us to m ak e som e reaso n ab le a ssu m p ­ tio n s w hich a re necessary if w e are to p roceed. T h e m ost co m p reh en siv e a n d reliable in fo rm a tio n w e have a b o u t th e pu b lic’s o p in io n on th e d e ath penalty is from th e n a tio n a l polls. B ut w e are now co g n izan t o f th e lim itatio n s in m ak in g inferences a b o u t th e intensity a n d d istrib u tio n o f pu b lic se n tim e n t from d ich o ­ to m ized responses o n cap ital p u n ish m en t. H ow ever, if w e assum e th a t th e tex tu re o r saliency o f th e pu b lic o p in io n tak es th e shape o f th e h y p o th etical c urve show n in F ig u re 2, w e can m ak e inferences a b o u t tex tu re from in fo rm a tio n a b o u t th e p a tte rn . O n d ic h o to m o u s q u estio n s, th o se w hose e n d o rsem e n t o f a b o li­ tion is un q u alified a re c o m p a red to all o th ers (those o v er th e 70th percentile in F ig u re 2 to those u n d e r). T h u s, a n ex trem e p o sitio n on th e d istrib u tio n o f o p in io n , a n d very likely, saliency, is c o m p a red w ith th e re m a in d e r o f th e d istrib u tio n , w hich is b ro a d b o th in c o n ­ ten t a n d intensity. It includes th o se w ho say they o p p o se th e d e ath penalty, except in a very few cases, a n d those w ho w a n t to use it freq u en tly . In a d d itio n , it includes those w h o are relatively u n c o n ­ cern ed a b o u t th e issue a n d those w ho feel strongly a b o u t it. In m ost polls, th e re is a th ird choice o f no o p in io n . B ut th e issue

PU BLIC O P IN IO N IN C A N A D A

49

Figure 2 H ypothetical population distribution showing the relation between position on the death penalty question and its intensity.

R e te n tio n

A b olition

P osition on th e d e a th penalty _____________________(Percentiles)_______________________________ *It is conventional in social science to assume that the phenomenon under investigation can be usefully represented on one or more dimensions. Il is well to remember that these are imposed on the phenomenon and are, sometimes, as in this study, not tested empirically for their fit with reality. Alternative mappings o f the phenomena can be equally useful. o f capital p u n ish m en t is so w idely discussed an d ap p ears to be straig h tfo rw ard a n d sim ple. R elatively few p eo p le should rep o rt “ no o p in io n ” . T h e no o p in io n categ o ry is m o re likely to contain those w h o have a w ide range o f c o n trad ictin g o p in io n s th an those w ho a re d e v o id o f o p in io n . S a lie n c y o f “ n o o p in io n ” h o ld e rs should b e low so they should a p p e a r in the m id d le and low est p o r­ tio n s o f th e curve in F ig u re 2. R em em b erin g th at th e d ic h o to m o u s responses o f polls represent at least a tw o -d im en sio n al co n cep tio n (saliency and c o n ten t) o f o p in io n on cap ital p u n ish m en t an d th at percen tag es in G a llu p polls have a b o u t a ± 3 p e r cen t v a riatio n b ecause o f n o rm al v a riatio n s in sam ples, w e tu rn to th e analysis o f C an ad ian o p in io n .

From 1965 to 1972 T h is is th e p e rio d u p o n w hich th is b o o k focuses. Because o f the P arliam en tary votes on th e d e ath penalty in 1966, 1967 a n d 1973, th e o p in io n clim ate du rin g this p e rio d becom es significant for b o th

50 C A P IT A L

T a b le 4 : P u b lic O p in io n o n Che D e a th P e n a lty in C a n a d a fro m 1965 to 1972 S h o w in g R a n g e s in P o p u la tio n E s tim a te s

54.8 53.0 70.1 63.1

51.8 50.0 67.1 60.1

57.8 56.0 73.1 66.1

35.8 37.7 20.2 30.1

32.8 34.7 17.2 27.1

' t: H > P" — C z VI X

T able 94 Vote to R etain C apital Punishm ent (1 9 7 3 ) by H om ogeneity Level and E ducation o f M .P . (P ercen ta g es)

Z

E d u ca tio n o f M . P. H om ogeneity

No

T w o or

Level

In fo rm a tio n

M o re D e g ree s

a >

O n e D eg ree

N o D eg ree

T o ta l

H o m o g en eo u s

50.8

(65)

42.4

(33)

37.5

(16)

50.0

(2)

4 6.6

(116)

H etero g en eo u s

43.8

(48)

17.3

(52)

39.5

(43)

100.0

(5)

35.1

(148)

T otal

47.8

(113)

27.1

(85)

39.0

(59)

85.7

(7)

40.2

(264)

T ab le 95 V ote to Retain Capital Punishm ent (1 9 6 6 ) by H om ogen eity Level and O ccup ation o f M .P . (P ercen tages) O c cu p a tio n o f M .P . O th e r H om o g en eity

N o Infor-

Level

m atio n

P roL aw yer

W h ite

fession

C lergy

B usiness

C o llar

66.7

(6)

57.6

(33)

52.0

(25)

0.0

(0)

83.3

(42)

4 5.5

H e tero g e n eo u s

57.1

(7)

30.6

(36)

27.6

(29)

33.3

(3)

57.7

(26)

25.0

(8)

T otal

61.5

(13)

43.5

(69)

38.9

(54)

33.3

(3)

73.5

(68)

36.8

(19)

U nskilled

Blue

Blue

C o llar

F a rm e r

C o lla r

R etired

T otal

100.0

(1)

83.3

(6)

50.0

(2)

100.0

(1)

66.1

(127)

H e tero g e n eo u s

0.0

(3)

80.0

(20)

20.0

(5)

100.0

(1)

4 2.8

(138)

25.0

(4)

80.0

(26)

2 8.6

(7)

100.0

(2)

54.0

(265)

T otal

LAW

H o m o g en eo u s

R E P R E S S IV E

H o m o g en eity Level

AND

Skilled

(11)

D U R K H E IM

H o m o g en eo u s

192

T able 96 C A P IT A L

V ote to R etain C apital Punishm ent (1 9 7 3 ) by H om ogen eity Level and O ccupation o f M .P . (P ercen tages)

P U N IS H M E N T

O c cu p a tio n o f M .P . O th e r Level

m atio n

H o m o g en eo u s H e tero g e n eo u s

41.7 28.6 34.6

T otal

ProL aw yer

W h ite

fession

(12)

37.5

(24)

4 5.0

(20)

0.0

(14)

27.9

(43)

25.6

(34)

25.0

(26)

31.3

(67)

32.3

(59)

25.0

Blue

Level

C o llar

52.2

(46)

33.3

(3)

(4)

53.1

(32)

20.0

(5)

(4)

52.6

(78)

25.0

(8)

Blue F a rm er

C o lla r

R etired

T o ta l

H o m o g en eo u s

66.7

(3)

57.1

(7)

0.0

(1)

0.0

(0)

46.6

(116)

H e tero g e n eo u s

100.0

(2)

62.5

(8)

0.0

0.0

(0)

35.1

(148)

80.0

(5)

60.0

(15)

0.0

(1) (2)

0 .0

(0)

4 0.2

(264)

T otal

C o lla r

(0)

U nskilled

Skilled H om o g en eity

B usiness

C lergy

CANADA

N o In fo r­

IN

H om o g en eity

D U R K H E I M A N D R E P R E S S IV E L A W

193

o f th e ch aracteristics did seem to exert an effect on the ten d en cy o f M e m b ers o f P a rlia m en t to vote to abolish o r retain capital p u n ish ­ m ent. T h ese effects w ere alw ays d iffere n tia te d by th e h o m o g en eity level o f th e M e m b ers o f P arliam en t constituency, in th e d irectio n p redicted by the central hypo th esis. T h e results w ere q u ite stable o v er th e tw o p e rio d s u n d e r study, 1966 and 1973. T h e credibility o f th e relatio n betw een h o m o g en e ity a n d repression is th ereb y e n ­ hanced. F o r th e indiv id u al M P , a clu ster o f a ttrib u te s, such as ‘n o reli­ g io n ’, high e d u ca tio n , liberal p o litical ideology, y o u th and p ro fe s­ sional o c cu p a tio n , seem s to e n co u ra g e an a b o litio n ist stance. T hese a ttrib u te s im ply a c o sm o p o litan , n o n -a u th o rita ria n , p ra g m a tic o u t­ look. W h en they a re c o m b in ed w ith c o n stitu en cy characteristics, such as a m ixture o f several religions a n d e th n ic g ro u p s, a high level o f ed u ca tio n in th e p o p u latio n a n d locatio n in o n e o f th e m ajo r m etro p o litan areas, th e tendency fo r an ab o litio n ist vote is q u ite strong. T h e re a re tw o related p o in ts to b e em phasized from th e p re c e d ­ ing analysis. H o m o g e n eity o f c u ltu re is g enerally a n d consistently related to v a ria tio n s in repressive se n tim e n t in th e C a n a d ia n P arlia­ m en t. T h u s, D u rk h e im 's o rie n ta tio n to repressive law finds c o n ­ te m p o ra ry em pirical su p p o rt. T h e second p o in t is th a t su p p o rt fo r th e d e a th penalty is a sso ­ ciated w ith a cluster o f individual a n d collective c h ara cte ristics in­ cluding cu ltu ral h o m o g en e ity w hich im ply an “ expressive” o rie n ta ­ tion to law . R eligious c o n ce n tra tio n in the p o p u latio n a n d c o m m it­ m ent to “ c o n serv ativ e” political ideology in b o th M P a n d c o n sti­ tuency are exam ples. Sim ilarly, th e a b o litio n ist p a rlia m e n ta ria n is ch ara cte riz ed by p e rso n al a ttrib u te s a n d c onstituency ch aracteristics including cu ltu ral h e te ro g en e ity w hich b e a r up u n d e r th eir in te rp re ­ ta tio n a s p ro d u c in g a n “ in stru m e n ta l” a p p ro a c h to law. So th e analysis o f pub lic o p in io n , individual M P voting and their conv ictio n s e n co u rag e th e view' th a t som e social a n d individual fo rce s e n c o u ra g e a n in s tru m e n ta l o r ie n ta tio n to law a n d o th e r forces e n co u rag e a n expressive view . F o r th e issue o f d e a th penalty legislation, these tw o o rie n ta tio n s lead to c o n tra d ic to ry pu b lic p o l­ icy p o s itio n s .^ T h o se w ith an in stru m e n tal o rie n ta tio n reject h a n g ­ ing in C a n a d a b ecause it does not survive th e ir u tilita rian criteria. T h o se w ith a n expressive o rie n ta tio n e n co u rag e th e availability o f th e d e a th penalty since it m eets th e ir view th a t law should express th e stro n g e st evalu atio n on h u m an life.

194

C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

Some Implications, Interpretations and Speculations L et us ta k e seriously th e m acro-social, e v o lu tio n ary view o f law and society w hich stim u lated som e o f this em pirical research. W e rely h e re on th e C a n a d ia n P a r lia m e n t as o n ly a “ p o sitiv e in s ta n c e ” fo r this g lo b al view . T h e feeling th a t o n e g e ts from re ad in g D u rk h e im o n repression is th a t h e h o ld s a n o p tim istic view on th e e v olution o f society aw ay from p rim itiv e b a rb aric san ctio n s. H e sees th a t increasing com plex­ ity establishes a differen t basis o f social o rd e r, in terd ep en d en ce, w hich red u ces th e reliance for social o rd e r on c om m on sentim ent, su p p o rte d by freq u en t b lo o d le ttin g . Even a casual read in g o f the H u m a n R e la tio n s A rea F iles p ro m o te s the o p tim ism . M o d e rn so ­ cieties a p p e a r in th e n orm al co u rse o f events to eschew th e k in d s o f repression th a t a re described in th e e th n o g ra p h ie s o f sim ple socieites. But w h a t o f A uschw itz? H ow can it be th a t in m o d ern industrial G e rm a n y in 1940 th a t u n p re ce d en te d repression can occur? A nd w hat o f o th e r instances o f repression th a t frequently occu r in o th e r m o d ern com plex societies? M u st w e rely on a d hoc e x p lan atio n s o f these events as if they w ere a b e rra tio n s o r can they be in te rp rete d with a D u rk h e im ia n perspective? O n e o f th e findings in th e p re ce d ­ ing research p o in ts to a p ossible in te rp re ta tio n . If th e foregoing research findings o n C a n a d a a re evidence fo r a g e n eralizatio n , then it m ight be th a t th e in d ep e n d en c e o f cu ltu re a n d social stru c tu re in th e e v olution o f society a re im p o rta n t. O n e w ould expect th a t, in g e n era l, th e com plexity o f c u ltu re and social stru c tu re w ould vary to g eth e r th ro u g h societal e v o lu tio n . S o ­ ciological th eo ry and findings su p p o rt th is view . T h is, how ever, m ay be d u e to a w estern bias b ecau se o f o u r fam iliarity w ith th e N o rth A m e ric an histo ry o f m o d ern iza tio n . T h is m o d ern iza tio n has been a cc o m p a n ied by m assive infusions o f m ig ran t p o p u latio n s w hich have led to the p re sen t cu ltu ral pluralism o f N o rth A m erica. So th e N o rth A m e ric an case o f m o d e rn iz a tio n m ay have a n exag­ g e rated p a tte rn o f cu ltu ral d iffere n tia tio n d u e to m ig ra tio n . T h is m ay be th e case also w here n a tio n states are a rb itra rily draw n a r o u n d c o n tig u o u s b u t d is s im ila r in d ig e n u o u s e th n ic g ro u p s . Strange a n d o ften hostile bedfellow s a re fo u n d in th e p a st colonial societies o f A frica, for ex am p le. So th e re a re a t least tw o types o f societies in w hich th e d iffere n tia tio n in social stru c tu re a n d in cul­ tu re are not aligned. B ecause o f e ith e r m ig ratio n o r indigenous variety, a relatively sim ple society m ay co n ta in a variety o f cultures. O n the o th e r h a n d , induced m o d ern iza tio n through such things

D U R K H E I M A N D REPRESSIVE LAW

195

as th e im p o rta tio n o r im p o sitio n o f adv an ced technology, m ay p ro ­ duce a relatively com plex social stru c tu re , in a sh o rt tim e, w ith o u t g e n era tin g varieties o f o ccu p a tio n a l o r regional culture. T h e v a rie tie s o f possible relatio n s are depicted below . T h e in te r­ esting p o in t is th a t e ith e r o f th e tw o e rro r cells, w h e re th e d e g ree o f d iffere n tia tio n in c u ltu re a n d stru c tu re is not a rticu la te d , co u ld p ro ­ duce repressive law . W h ere th e c u ltu re is u n d iffere n tia te d , th e te n d ­ ency for m oral in d ig n a tio n a n d repression o ccu rs in d ep e n d en t o f th e p o te n tia l for o rg an ic solidarity in th e d iffere n tia te d stru c tu re .

Figure 1 T he E volution o f Culture and S o c ia l Structure. C u ltu ra l D ifferentiation H IG H H IG H S tru ctu ral D iffere n tia tio n LOW

LOW

M o d e rn Society O rg a n ic S olidarity R e stitu tiv e L aw

Im p o sed o r induced M o d e rn iza tio n M ech an ical S olidarity R epressive Law

S im ple Society E thnically Plural Im posed M echanical S olidarity R epression

P rim itiv e Society M echanical S olidarity R epressive L aw

W h ere th e stru c tu re is u n d iffere n tia te d , th ere is n o source o f soli­ d arity a n d o rd e r o th e r th a n in th e im position o r in d u cem en t o f a h o m o g en e o u s c u ltu re. T h is is a n in terestin g case since th e cu ltu re can b e h isto ric a lly b a s e d : th e f e rre tin g o u t o f a re a l o r im a g in e d c u ltu re w hich p re d ates c u rre n t distin ctio n s, o r ideologically based; th e selection o r c re a tio n o f a n a tio n a list ideology w hich renders c u rre n t cu ltu ral d istin c tio n s irrelev an t. T h e presen ce o f a t least a h o m o g en e o u s p o litical c u ltu re p re v en ts the e x trem ity o f repression, terro rism a n d a police sta te , a n d solves th e p ro b lem o f o rd e r a t least tem p o rarily . T he o th e r e rro r cell is w here a h o m o g en e o u s culture, with its repressive reactio n to dev ian ce, is c o n ta in e d by a com plex social stru c tu re , w ith its p o ten tial fo r o rg an ic so lidarity. It seem s th at th ro u g h tim e th e h o m o g e n e o u s cu ltu re a n d its repressive law should w h ith e r aw ay b ecause o f its functional irrelevance. Since s tru c tu ra l d if fe r e n tia tio n te n d s to b e a u to n o m o u s , e sp e c ia lly in m odern b u re au c rac ie s, th e th eo re tic al pro b lem in th is e rro r cell b e ­

196

C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

com es o n e o f th e ra te o f c h an g e. O rganic solidarity can exist only w hen the rate o f stru c tu ra l ch an g e is below som e level;49 th en , it follow s th at if th e ra te o f m o d ern iza tio n is ab o v e th a t level, e ith e r social o rd e r will dim inish o r m echanical solidarity will em erge. It a p p e a rs in th e cases o f rapidly m odernizing n a tio n s th a t b o th d iso r­ d e r a n d repression occur. It w o u ld b e o f interest to exam ine this m odel co m p a rativ ely , w ith a view to establishing w h at ra te o f stru c­ tural change is possible w ith o u t e ith e r repression o r d iso rd e r. T h is w ould seem to be a n im p o rta n t fe a tu re o f social change a n d w ould b e o f g re a t interest to th o se social scientists w hose a pplied interest is in th e a re a o f developing natio n s. T h ese w id e ranging guesses a n d sp ecu latio n s a t least revolve a ro u n d o n e th em e . T h e e v o lu tio n ary path from sim ple to m o d ern societies is n o t alw ays a straig h t a n d c o n tin u o u s process in which th ere is a b a la n ce betw een c u ltu re and social stru c tu re . In b o th cases w h e re th ere is im balance, w h ere officials a n d peo p le in th ese socie­ ties m ay be striving for m o d ern ity , h a rm o n y a n d h u m a n e law , th ere are forces w hich pull and push to w a rd s th e o rd e r a n d repression o f m echanical so lidarity. T h e n o n-repressive, a u to m a tic regulation o f a society w ith an o rg an ic basis o f solidarity m ay b e q u ite fragile. It is h a rd to a tta in a n d retain . A ccording to these speculations, b o th e rro r cases w here c u ltu re and stru c tu re m ism atch te n d to devolve to w ard s a m ec h an i­ cal basis o f so lid arity , a h o m o g e n e o u s c u ltu re, a n d repressive law.

Ascription, Gemeinschaft and Repression: A Suggestion It will be recalled th a t e d u ca tio n a l h o m o g en e ity w as less associated w ith th e v o te to retain th e d e ath p e n alty th an e th n ic a n d religious h o m o g en e ity . T h is is a very suggestive finding. E d u ca tio n is an a c h ie v e d c h a r a c te ris tic , w h e re a s e th n ic ity a n d re lig io n a re a s­ c rib e d .5" T h e social relevance o f ascrip tiv e p ro p e rtie s o f peo p le have been fo u n d to b e c h ara cte ristic o f g e m e in sc h a ft fo rm s o f social o rg a n iz a ­ tio n . T h a t is, th eir sex, n am e, place o f b irth , etc. are th e m ost im p o rta n t d e te rm in a n ts o f th eir rights and o b lig atio n s. O n th e o th e r h a n d , it has been argued th at achieved ch aracteristics a re th e m ost im p o rta n t c h ara cte ristics in g e se lle sc h a ft form s. T h at is, sex, n am e, place o f b irth , etc. are less im p o rta n t d e te rm in a n ts than e d u ca tio n , o ccu p a tio n , p o w e r, etc. It m ay follow th en th a t w ith increasing gem einschaft th e relev­ ance o f achieved ch aracteristics decreases. S ince in this study the m easu re o f stru c tu ra l d iffere n tia tio n w as also a n achieved c h ara c ­

D U R K H EIM AN D REPRESSIV E LAW

197

teristic, then a m easu re o f its d isp e rsjo n -co n c en tra tio n in a p o p u la ­ tion w ould b e irrelevant to th e sta te o f repression. O n th e o th e r h a n d , th e c o n ce n tra tio n o f an a sc rib e d ch aracteristic, such as reli­ g ion, w ould ch aracterize a g e m ein sch aft system w hich w ould also b e ch ara cte riz ed by g re a te r rep ressio n . In sh o rt, th is highly specula­ tive suggestion is th a t it is the d e g re e o f gem einschaft in a collectiv­ ity th a t p red icts rep ressio n . If th is could be established, it w ould lead to a convergence betw een D u rk h e im , T o n n ie s a n d Parsons.

Research Suggestion on Punitiveness O n e o f th e m ajo r p ro b lem s w ith D u rk e im ian th eo ry is th at it o f­ fends th e co m m o n sense, at least th e co m m o n sense o f those in individually o rien ted cultures like o u rs. W e a re used to th in k in g , b o th in everyday life a n d in o u r social science, o f th e individual as th e u n it o f analysis o r a t least p a rt o f th e e q u a tio n . T h ere are p e r­ suasive epistem ological a rg u m e n ts th a t D u rk h e im w as excessive in his insistence on th e sep aratio n o f th e psychological level o f c au sal­ ity from th e sociological. H o m a n s, fo r exam ple, im plies th a t the tw o levels a re co m p lim e n tary ra th e r th an m utually exclusive.51 W h a t then a re th e m echanism s by w hich som e social v ariab le such as h o m o g en eity im pinges a n d c o n strain s th e b eh av io r o f a M e m b er o f P a rlia m en t to vote for executing p e o p le o r not? H ow do we fill up this c o rrelatio n ? W e are n o t ju st in terested in causes, we a re in terested in ex p lan atio n s. U n fo rtu n a te ly , no evidence in this research could be m arshalled to directly establish a causal claim from th e causes o f c onstituency sen tim en t to th e M P ’s vote. It w ould be a c o n trib u tio n if psychological p ro p o sitio n s c onnecting the tw o social facts o f h o m o g en eity a n d repression could b e e sta b ­ lished. It is clear for this research th a t if th e vote to retain th e d e ath penalty is c o n sid ere d a t th e psychological level to b e punitiv e, then culturally h o m o g en e o u s co n stitu e n cies tend to e ith e r elect m o re p u ­ nitive political re p re se n tativ es o r induce m o re p u n itiv e b e h a v io r in them a fte r they are elected. V id m a r’s re se a rc h '2 begins this co n v erg ­ ence by c o rre latin g e th o c en trism w ith a u th o rita ria n ism . F u rth e r re ­ search on th e v o tin g reco rd s o f political re p re se n tativ es b o th in C a n a d a and elsew here m ight u n c o v er p a tte rn s o f p u n itiv e votes on vario u s issues from c ertain types o f representatives. It w ould b e interesting to d isc o v er by w h at processes v o ters cam e to recognize th e m o re p u n itiv e fro m th e less o r c am e to influence this k in d o f tendency in their rep re se n tativ e. It w as show n in this research th a t individual c h ara cte ristics m ad e som e difference in an M P 's v o te (for exam ple, law yers ten d ed to b e m o re ab o litio n ist than business m en ) b u t w h e th e r v o te rs kn o w a n d a tten d to these

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individual d ifferences like o c cu p a tio n and religion as in d ic a to rs o f m o re p u n itiv e c an d id ate s re m a in s to b e discovered. In general, th e c o n n ec tio n betw een th e c h ara cte ristics o f a c o n sti­ tuency is o f interest to th e p o litical scientist. T h e h o m ogeneity p ro p e rty o f th e c onstituency w hich h a s been fo u n d to affect the o u tco m e o f th e v o te u n d e r co n sid era tio n in C a n a d a is typically not used by p o litical scientists.

Summary: Where Do Repressive Laws Come From? C a n a d a has been poised on th e edge o f fully abo lish in g capital p u n ish m en t for a decade. T h is h a s been in te rp rete d in this book as a result o f th e equivalence o f tw o sets o f social forces in C a n a d ia n society. T h o se w ith an expressive o rie n ta tio n to law ten d to su p p o rt th e d e ath p e n alty a n d th o se w ith an in stru m e n tal o rie n ta tio n tend to o p p o se it.53 S u c h a s itu a tio n p ro v id e s a n o p p o rtu n ity to d e ­ sc rib e a n d a n a ly z e th e c h a ra c te ris tic s a n d c o rre la te s o f th e s e tw o o rie n ta tio n s to law. In th is research w e h a v e fo u n d th a t b e h in d th e ten d en cy for an elected re p resen tativ e to su p p o rt a repressive law lies a culturally h o m o g en e o u s p o p u la tio n . A s D u rk h e im p ro p o se d , th e re inheres in culturally u n iform g ro u p s a ten d en cy to view deviance as a m oral violation ra th e r th an as a practical p ro b lem . R evulsion a t th e act d ictates a repressive response w h e th e r it is practically effective at reducing d eviance o r not. L aw fo r c u lturally h o m o g en e o u s p o p u la ­ tio n s is p rim a rily an expression o f e v alu atio n . As societies evolve they typically beconie m o re diverse. C u ltu ra l diversity a p p e a rs to w eak en m o ral revulsion as a social response to deviance a n d a m ore practical o r in stru m en tal a p p ro ac h to law replaces th e expressive one. T h e re a re o th e r c o rre late s o f these view s o f law in p e o p le a n d in g ro u p s. F o r M P s w e fo u n d th a t conservative political ideologies cre a te d , a ttra c te d o r re in fo rc e d a n e x p re ssiv e sta n c e o n c rim in a l p u n ish m en t. Sim ilarly th o se w ho w ere m o re religious, had rela­ tively low levels o f form al e d u ca tio n , w ere engaged in business o r farm ing o c cu p a tio n s, w ere o ld er, a n d w ere b o rn in th e constitu en cy they rep resen ted tended to su p p o rt the d e ath p enalty. E vidence also indicates th at th o se w ho affiliated w ith m o re liberal political p a r­ ties, w ere unaffiliated w ith o rg a n iz ed religion, w ere younger, w ere m o re highly ed u ca te d , w ith pro fessio n al o c cu p a tio n s and w ere m ore geographically m obile ten d e d to v o te a gainst th e d e ath p enalty. In

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a d d itio n to cultural h o m o g en eity som e ch aracteristics o f th e p o p u ­ lation o f th e political c o n stitu en cy seem ed to influence th e M P to vote to retain th e d e ath p en alty . T h ese w ere a rural location o f the c o n stitu e n cy , o fte n in Q u e b e c o r A lb e rta , w h e re th e p e o p le h a d relatively low levels o f ed u ca tio n a n d w here th e Social C re d it p arty received su p p o rt. T hese c o n stitu en cies also seem ed to be less p o liti­ cally com petitive. A nalysis o f pu b lic o p in io n polls c o rro b o ra te s th ese tren d s. P e o ­ ple w ho had low levels o f fo rm al e d u ca tio n , w ho w ere religious, especially R o m an C a th o lic , a n d w ho w ere F re n c h , tended to su p ­ p o rt th e d e ath p e n alty m o re th a n oth ers. T h o se from rural a re a s su p p o rte d it m o re than u rb a n C a n a d ia n s . T h e only interesting d is­ p arity betw een th e conclusions d eriv ed from polls as op p o sed to the a nalysis o f p a rlia m e n ta ry d a ta is on th e role o f politics in th e d e ath p enalty q u e stio n . F o r th e public, se n tim e n t on th e d e ath p e n alty is virtually u n related to political p referen ce. T h e re is only a slight ten dency for su p p o rte rs o f c onservative p a rties to favour retention m o re th an o th ers. In p a rliam e n t on th e o th e r h a n d , p a rty affiliation is strongly associated w ith pre fe re n ce fo r a b o litio n o r reten tio n . T h e evidence on the q u e stio n o f how closely th e M Ps represent their c o n stitu e n ts is not clear. In general th e c o m m o n s a p p e a rs to be leading th e p e o p le to w a rd s a b o litio n . T h is is p a rticu la rly tru e for L iberal M P s from Q uebec. H o w ev er, the e lectio n s o f 1968 and 1974 in d icate th a t ab o litio n ist M P s w ere n o t tu rn ed o u t by a re ta l­ iating electorate. L iberals g a in e d seats in b o th o f th ese elections. C a n a d a ’s decad e o f d e ath p e n alty d e b a te is show n to b e a sta n d ­ o ff betw een th e view o f law as a useful tool a n d th e view th a t it is a vehicle to express im p o rta n t values. T h e best evidence on this p eriod o f C a n a d ia n socio-legal histo ry is th a t secular, co sm o p o litan influ­ ences fa v o u r a p ractical a p p ro a c h to th e law, and h en ce a b o litio n , o f th e d e a th penalty.

The Future of the Death Penalty in Canada B etw een 1967 a n d 1973 the L ib eral M P s increased th e ir su p p o rt for p a rtia l a b o litio n . If this tre n d h o ld s th en a L iberal m ajority g o v e rn m e n t could abolish th e d e a th p enalty, w hen th e p resen t legis­ lation term in ates in 1978. Even w ith a free v o te th e a b o litio n le a n ­ ing liberals, co m b in in g w ith th e staunchly a b o litio n ist N D P a n d the sm all co re o f ab o litio n ist PC s could m u ster a m ajo rity a g ain st the d eath p e n alty . T h is w ould d e p e n d , o f course, on w h eth er influentials w ithin th e L iberal p a rty could hold a large m ajority o f back bench M Ps to a full a b o litio n bill, in a free v o te situ atio n . It m ay be th at th e large L iberal vote in 1973 d e p en d e d in p a rt on th e c o m p ro ­ m ise n a tu re o f th e p a rtia l a b o litio n bill. A full a b o litio n bill could pass in p a rliam e n t alm o st in sp ite o f

200

C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

pub lic o p in io n . A lthough pu b lic o p in io n w as in favour o f reten tio n in 1973, only a h a n d fu l o f L ib erals vo ted to retain it. T h e election o f 1974 show ed th a t the d e a th p e n alty is n o t a n election issue. M ost M P s re p o rte d th a t they felt an h o n est vote on a m a tte r o f consci­ ence will not je o p a rd iz e them a t th e polls. T h e ir theory th a t elec­ tio n s tu rn on m o re im m ed iate " b re a d a n d b u tte r” issues seem s to be b o rn o u t. A lthough th e c o n te n t o f pu b lic o p in io n v aries w ith circum stances its intensity is also im p o rta n t. Public o p in io n on th e d e a th penalty d o e sn 't seem to b e very intense, a n d m ay be g e ttin g w eak er through tim e. O nly a sm all p ro p o rtio n on each side o f th e issue feel strongly a b o u t it. P a rlia m en t th ere fo re h a s a lot o f freedom on th is issue. A lthough it w ould b e unlikely, since the leadership is a b o litio n ist, a C o n serv ativ e m ajo rity g o v e rn m e n t in 1978 co u ld p ro b ab ly reinstate h anging. T h e C a n a d ia n pu b lic w ould p ro b ab ly accept som e res­ tra in e d use o f it. By th e s a m e to k e n th ey w o u ld to le ra te its a b o li­ tion u n d e r o rd in a ry circu m stan ces. T h ere a re tw o caveats in this ju d g m e n t. A d ra m a tic , h e in o u s, ratio n al c rim e such as political ter­ rorism m ay intensify public su p p o rt for th e d e a th penalty to a p o in t w here full a b o litio n w ould be foreclosed as a practical political p o s­ sibility. O n th e o th e r side a convincing disclosure o f the execution o f an in n o cen t p erson w ould p ro b a b ly en su re a b o litio n in p a rlia ­ m ent. A larg er curio sity concerns th e e v olution o f law, a n d its alleged m ovem ent aw ay fro m p u n ish m en t for its ow n sake. In this analysis o f th e lim ited case o f the d e ath penalty in C a n a d a w e can see som e c o m p o n e n ts o f th is larger interest. O n e reason for the decline in the m oral intensity o f public o p in io n on th e d e ath penalty m ay b e the increasing u rb a n ity , e d u ca tio n , m o b ility a n d diversity o f th e C a n a ­ d ian public. E veryone is b ecom ing m o re like th o se w ho w ere tra d i­ tionally a b o litio n ists. A n increasingly co sm o p o litan o u tlo o k reduces th e reliance on m o ral in tu itio n for law . as it is replaced by m o re d isp assio n ate ratio n al c alcu la tio n . C e rta in ty on com plex questions, such as the form crim in al p u n ish m en t should tak e , is reduced. Such decisions m ay be delegated to experts. T h is process will also o ccu r in legislative bodies. In a d d itio n it a p p e a rs th at legislative q u e stio n s, such as inflation co n tro l, becom e m o re com p licated as society b e co m es m o re com plex. M o ral certi­ tude on sim ple tru th s becom es increasingly ra re as a serious elem ent o f th e legislative process a lthough retain in g its rhetorical signifi­ cance. R atio n al calculation a n d th e use o f technical ex p ertise b e­ com es m o re e vident in th e legislative process. All these aspects o f social a n d legislative e v olution p o in t in the direction o f a less p u n itiv e resp o n se to law vio latio n , w hich will e m a n a te from legislatures and be accepted by th e public.

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Footnotes 1 D urkheim m ay be the most analyzed o f all the founders o f sociology. In a recent study, there are over 500 books and essays on his w ork. See Steven Lukes' Emile Durkheim: His Life and Work, (H a rp er and R o w , 1973). 2 B ron isla w M a lin o w s k i, Crime and Custom in Savage Society (N e w Y o r k , 1926). 3 A lfre d R . Lindesm ith, “ Punishm ent," International Social Sciences, V ol. 13 (N e w Y o r k , 1968), p. 217. 4 Svend R an u lf, M oral (Schocken. 1938).

Encyclopedia o f the

Indignation and M iddle Class Psychology

5 Sutherland and Cressey, Principles p. 300. 6 Lindesm ith, op. cit.. p. 221.

o f Criminology.

(Ph iladelph ia, I960),

7 G e o rg e H om ans, The Human Group. (N e w Y o r k : Harcourt. Brace and W orld , 1950); Edwin Hollander, “ C on form ity Status and Idiosyncratic C red it,” Psychological Review, 65, 117-27; R o d a lfo A lva rez, “ Inform al Reactions to D eviance in Simulated W o rk Organizations: A Laboratory Experim ent, “ A S R , 33 (D ecem b er), 895-912. 8 E. A . Ross, Social Control. (L o n d o n . 1910), p. 412. 9 H erbert Packer. sity Press, 1968).

The Lim its o f the Criminal Sanction

(Stanford U n ive r­

10 T h e on goin g debate on the extent o f “ value freedom ” in social science does not concern us here. 11 G . H . M ead , “ T h e Psychology o f Punitive Justice." The American Jour­ nal o f Sociology. M arch, 1918, 585-592. 12 E. D urkheim . The Rules o f Sociological M ethod ( London, 1938), p. 66. 13 E. D urkheim . “ Deux L ois de L 'e vo lu tio n P e n a le," L'Annee Sociologique. IV , 1899, 65-95. 14 Ibid., p. 65. “ L'intensite de la peine est d ’autant plus grande que les societies appartiennent a un type m oins eleve et que le pou voir central a un caractere plus absolu.” 15 Ibid.. p. 78. “ Les peines privatives de la liberte et de la liberte seule, pour des periodes de tem ps variables selon la gravite des crimes, tendent de plus en plus a devenir le type normal de la repression.” Em ile D urkheim , 89.

The Division o f Labour in Society

(G len coe, 1964), p.

17 T h e focus o f this section is not on law as such but it should be noted that the field o f com parative law has a rich tradition. T h ere has always been extensive attention paid in the w ritings o f philosophers to the nature o f law and society but it was not until the end o f the nineteenth century that the sociology o f law becam e a recognized discipline. Perhaps the most im portant contribution to this recognition was the attention o f anthropol­ ogists. T h e nature o f law in p rim itive people becam e a focus fo r prom i­ nent anthropologists such as M alin ow sk i and R adciiffe-B row n , and vig ­ orous debates in the field on the presence, definition and function o f law in prim itve societies ensued. A n excellent review o f the treatment o f law in anth ropology can be found in M a x Gluckm an. Politics. Law and Ritual in Tribal Society (A ld in e . 1965). See also M a x Gluckm an, The

202

C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

Judicial Process among the Darotse o f Northern Rhodesia

18

(T h e Free Press, 1955) fo r an excellent illustration o f a theoretically im portant eth­ nographic analysis o f law. T h e contribution o f other social scientists to the sociology o f law can be found in N . S. Tim asheff, “ G row th and Scope o f Sociology o f L a w ,” Modern Sociological Theory , H . Becker and A. Boskoff, eds. (N e w Y o r k , 1957), p. 424. See also his earlier w ork, N . S. T im a sh eff, The Sociology o f Law (C am b rid ge: Harvard U niversity C om m ittee on R e­ search in the Social Sciences, 1939), fo r a com prehensive and scholarly treatment o f the field, to that date. E. D urkheim , op. cit.. p. 110.

19 Pitrim A. Sorokin, 1964, p. 466.

Contemporary Sociological Theories.

N e w Y ork,

20 E. D urkheim . The Division o f Labor in Society, p. 64.

21 Ibid..

p. 69. 22 B ronislaw M a lin o w s k i, C rim e and Custom in Savage Society, N e w Y o r k . 1926, p. 56. 23 Richard D . Schwartz and James C . M iller. “ Legal Evolution and Socie­ tal C o m p le x ity ," 159-169.

American Journal o f Sociology,

L X X , Sept., 1964,

24 T h ese general comm ents on the H R A F are based on remarks o f G . P. M urdock at an A n th ro p olog y C olloquiu m , U niversity o f H aw aii, N o v ­ em ber 1968. 2- T h e mechanics o f this construction arc presented in A ppen dix 1. 26 T h e procedures fo r measuring com plexity vary between the tw o tim e peri­ ods. T h e m ore elaborate procedures used in the first phase o f the em p iri­ cal study w ere replaced by sim plified measures in the second phase. 27 See A ppen dix 1 fo r m ore detailed inform ation and discussion o f the meth­ ods used in constructing these measures. 28 T h ere are conceptual problem s in interpreting self-reports o f ethnicity. W e use Canadian census reports fo r this measure.

20 Education was the only variable aggregated by political constituency in these census reports. 3,1 A . K orn berg, Canadian Legislative Behavior (N e w Y o rk . 1967). p. 108. 11 A va ila b le biographical data w ere collected on each M em ber o f Parlia­ ment. T h ese w ere analyzed in conjunction with the central hypothesis and illu m in ate the rela tio n sh ip betw een in d ividu a l ch aracteristics, co n sti­ tuency characteristics and the vote on capital punishment. 32 F o r a detailed description o f the parliam entary procedures and history o f this vote, see C hapter 3 on legislative behavior and the introduction. 31 It should be stressed here that the cases being com pared are social aggre­ gates. T h e theory o f repression being tested involves the com parison o f tw o aggregate properties, hom ogeneity and repression. H om ogen eity is clearly an aggregate p rop erty (individuals cannot be hom ogeneous) and the vo te o f the M e m b er o f Parliam ent is being used as an index o f consti­ tuency sentiment which is conceived in Durkheim ian terms as a property o f an aggregate. Since properties o f social aggregates are under investiga­ tion in this research and not properties o f individuals, then the possibility

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203

o f the “ ecological fallacy” is absent. T h e “ ecological fallacy” is a danger on ly when inferences about individual characteristics are being m ade from aggregated data. See H erbert M en zel. “ C om m ent on R obin son ’s ‘ Ecol­ ogical C orrelations and the B ehavior o f Individuals” A m erican Sociologi­ cal Review, X V , 1950, p. 674. 34 A lthou gh there is som e relationship in the expected direction fo r educa­ tional hom ogeneity, it is relatively weak in com parison to the association o f cultural h om og e n eity and repression. A d d itio n a l and m ore direct measures o f structural d iffe re n tia tio n , such as occu pation , w ou ld a llo w m ore co n fid en c e in this interpretation than the rela tiv ely ind irect in d i­ cator, education. Y ea rs o f education w as the o n ly m easure a va ila b le to in d ex structural com plexity. 35 Th is was operationally defined as the num ber o f constituencies which had over 70 per cent o f the same ethnic group. A ll others w ere heterogeneous. 3(1 T h e data tables in the follow in g section are m ore elaborate and detailed than necessary to support the interpretation in the text. T h e risk o f obscu ring what is em phasized in the text is consciously taken to e x ­ pose the d eta iled variation which a llow s criticism and fu rth er w ork by students o f these topics. 37 See Chapter 3 fo r data on electoral history which shows prop ortion o f M P ’s w h o were elected in 1972 and w h o were also present in the 1966 Parliament.

w V o te to Retain C apital Punishment in 1966 by religious concentration and h om ogen eity. (D a ta is taken from tables 74 and 75.)

O ver 70% R om an C ath olic

O v e r 70% Protestant

T o ta l

H om ogen eou s

73.9

65.8

66.1

H eterogeneous

50.0

54.5

42.8

39 T h e r e are 51 o r 20.3% o f all constituencies w h ich have o v e r 90% o f the popu lation R o m a n C a th o lic co m p a re d to 3 o r 1.2% w hich are o v e r 90% Protestant in 1966. In 1973, a fte r substantial redistribution o f seats in 1968, w e find 49 o r 18.6% o f a ll constituencies h a vin g o v e r 901 R o m a n C ath olic but o n ly I or 4% Protestant. 4(1 V o te to retain Capital Punishment in 1973 by religious concentration and h om ogen eity, (data taken from tables 76 and 77.)

O ver 70% Protestant

O ver 70% R om an C atholic

T o ta l

H om ogen eou s

875

38.1

46.6

H eterogeneous

5 7 .1

27.3

35.1

C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

204

41 T h e C an adian C ath olic C on feren c e. L e tte r to M P ’s, January 26, 1973. 42 T h e rural crim e rate in C anada appears to be substantially low er than the urban rate. In 1962, 18.7 per cent o f the convictions for indictable offenses occurred am ongst people o f rural residence. In 1961 30.4 per cent o f the population was classified as having rural residence. Th ese w ere computed from Canada Year B ook 1966, D om in ion Bureau o f Statistics, pp. 189, 422. 43 V o te to Retain Capital Punishment and H om ogen eity Level by Propor­ tion o f the Popu lation In dian and E skim o (19 66 ) Percentages

P ercen tag e o f P o p u la tio n Indian & E skim o H om o g en eity Level

-I

1-3

4-6

H o m o g e n eo u s

6 8.7

93.3

66.6

H e tero g e n eo u s

3 7.2

47.1

75.0

T o ta l

52.6

(183)

6 1.2

(49)

73.3

(15)

H o m o g e n eity Level

7-8

9+

T otal

H om ogeneous

0 .0

0 .0

66.1 (127)

H e tero g e n eo u s

16.7

6 3.6

4 2.8 (138)

T o ta l

>6.7

(6)

58.3

(12)

5 4 .0 (2 6 5 )

44 E m ile D urkheim , S ociology and Philosophy translated by D . F. Pocock (G len coe, 1973), p. 40. 45 M alcolm Jewell, op. cit., p. 482. 46 T h e Q u ebec w ing o f the Social C redit Party. By 1973 the on ly Social C redit mem bers in the Parliam ent o f Canada cam e from Quebec. 47 C od in g differences in 1966 and 1973 tend to increase the number o f the ‘ no inform ation’ group in 1973 and deplete the number with no degree. I f they are com bined in 1973, the overall retention proportion is 50.0%. 4S T h ese tw o orientations to law d o not always lead to a contrary position on a particular law. If, for exam ple, there was an em pirically demonstrable deterrent effect to the death penalty, w e might find the instrumental and the expressive m otivations to law satisfied by the legal application o f the death penalty. 49 T h e simplest interpretation o f organic solidarity is that because o f the division o f labour in the econ om y individuals and groups in a society are dependent on each other. Th is dependence induces cooperation o r “ re­ ciprocal sa crifice" as Durkheim puts it. A lthough in his analysis the em ­ phasis is placed on the laws governing these reciprocal sacrifices, it would

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205

seem that there must be som e recognition o f dependency fo r cooperation, even in the most general way, to occur. N o w since individual contribu­ tions to others and to the w hole is dependent on the function perform ed in the division o f labour, it should fo llo w that i f this differentiation is

changing then non-recognition o f the function by others is m ore likely. A proposition at this point w ould be (a ) the faster the rate o f structural differentiation, the higher the likelihood o f non-recognition o f depend­ ency. Thus, as new occupations em erge generated by the thrust o f tech­ n olo gy and laws lag in codifying the reciprocal responsibilities between occupants o f these em erging functions, disorder becom es m ore likely be­ cause o f the non-recognition o f dependency, (b ) T h e greater the non­ recognition o f dependency, the greater the reduction o f organic solidarity, (c ) T h e greater the reduction o f organ ic solidarity, the greater the m e­ chanical solidarity. H ere w e assume that mechanical and organic bases o f solidarity arc exhaustive o f the bases o f solidarity in society, (d ) T h e greater the mechanical solidarity, the greater the repression. I f all these speculations are true, then w e could conclude that the faster the rate o f structural d iffe re n tia tio n , the g re a te r the repression. I f the non­ recognition o f dependency is crucial, then the above m ay also be a theory o f repression in mass society (post-organic m ay be a useful term fo r it), w h ere the co m p le x ity and im p erson a lity o f existen ce leads to n on ­ recognition o f self/other functions. T h e “ Pattern V a ria b les" which include “ ascription-achievem ent” as one are outlined in Ta lcott Parsons, The Social S y s te m (G len co e , 1951), p. 67. A sim ple vie w o f the pattern variables is that they are an attem pt to m ake m ore specific conceptually the orientations to action o f actors in roles. T h e most interesting aspect o f this form ulation by Parsons fo r this research is the consonance o f these variables w ith one o f the most im por­ tant themes in social science. Th at is, the systematic differences between prim itive and m odern, folk and urban, gem einschaft and geselleschaft (F . T o n n ies ) form s o f social organization. In addition Sir H en ry M a in e has argued that law evolves from status to contract. T h e first em phasizes rights and obligations, determ ined by ascribed characteristics o f the person, as the law. T h e second emphasizes voluntarily agreed upon rights and o b li­ gations. G e o rg e C . Hom ans, “ C ontem porary T h eo ry in S o c io lo g y ," H andbook o f M odern Sociology (ed. by Robert E. L. Faris), C hicago, 1964, p. 970. N e il V idm ar, op. cit. In this summary, as in the main b o d y o f this research, it is well to note that the instrumental/expressive distinction is used to interpret the over­ all socio-legal situation in C anadian society, as it relates to the death penalty. A s with all general distinctions, many particular cases contradict it. T h ere are undoubtably som e w h o support the death penalty on ly be­ cause they believe, in spite o f the w eight o f evidence, that it is a practical deterrent. T h ere are abolitionists w h o are simply outraged m orally at the state taking a life. T h ey w ould hold to this view even i f a deterrent effect w ere proved. H o w ev er most abolitionists and retentionists in the C anadian case fit the instrumental/expressive distinction. But people don’ t fall easily into these

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C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

categories. Evidence from the parliam entary debates and from interviews w ith M P s indicate that they are often torn between these tw o orientations within themselves. S o the distinction represents sometim es contradictory tendencies within both society and people.

Appendix I: Methods and Procedures

Index Construction: Homogeneity T h is research is, in p a rt, based on d a ta collected in the 1961 and 1971 census o f C a n a d a . S om e o f th e in fo rm a tio n collected in the census w as co m piled sep arately from th e regular census re p o rt, and w as b a se d on th e political c o n stitu en cy ra th e r than th e census tract. In these d a ta , th e n u m b e r o f p e o p le in v a rio u s social categ o ries w as presen ted . T h e categ o rie s w ere a g e 1, se x ', m arital s ta tu s’, ethnicity, religion, e d u ca tio n , language, b irth p la c e and farm re sid en c e 1. T h ese raw n u m b ers w ere c o n v erted to percen tag es and frequency d istrib u tio n s for C a n a d a w ere c o m p u te d . T h ese d istrib u tio n s w ere then d ivided into su b c a te g o rie s (usually in to nine equal interval classes). T h ese w ere then cod ed a n d p u n c h ed on IB M card s, o n e for each co n stitu en cy . O n e c riterio n a t th is p o in t in th e research w as to preserve th e g re atest possible v a ria tio n on th e largest n u m b e r o f v ariables for all th e political co n stitu e n cies in C a n a d a w hich w as consistent w ith red u cin g these d a ta for analysis. S o m e in fo rm a tio n w as lost th ro u g h th e collapsing o f categories. T h is reduction o c­ c u rre d fo r re lig io n , a g e , e th n ic ity , m a rita l s ta tu s a n d la n g u a g e . Som e o f th ese d a ta w ere then used to c o n stru ct indices o f m o re th eoretically relevant a n d analytically useful concepts. R e lig io n : E ach c o n s titu e n c y w as g iv en a h o m o g e n e ity h e te ro g en e ity score on religion. A lthough th e religion v a ria b le as first cod ed h a d th ree categ o rie s (R o m a n C a th o lic, Jew ish a n d P ro t­ e stan t), only tw o (R o m a n C a th o lic a n d P ro te stan t) w ere con sid ered to b e large e n ough to be useful in o b tain in g th e h o m o g en eity score. A c o n stitu en cy w as con sid ered h o m o g e n e o u s if 70 percent o r m ore o f th e p o p u latio n w ere all e ith e r P ro te stan t o r C a th o lic. If n e ith e r o f th e categ o ries c o n ta in e d 70 p e rce n t o r m ore, then th e c o n sti­ tuency w as con sid ered to b e h e te ro g en e o u s. S eventy percent o f one religion w as selected b ecause it w as th e largest p ro p o rtio n w hich d ivided all co n stitu en cies into roughly equal p ro p o rtio n s .2 A p p ro x i­ m ately o n e -h a lf o f th e co n stitu e n cies are h o m o g en eo u s, a n d the o th e rs a re h e te ro g en e o u s. T h e b re ak d o w n w ithin th e h o m o g en e o u s g ro u p betw een R o m an C a th o lic a n d P ro testan t w as also a b o u t equal. T h e last co n sid era tio n is m o st im p o rta n t in selecting 70 p e r­ cent as th e basis for a d e fin itio n o f religious hom o g en eity . H aving roughly e q u al n u m b e rs o f cases in each o f categ o ries m ak e s the

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C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

m easu rem en t o f religious h o m o g en eity in d ep e n d en t o f any o n e reli­ g ion. In 1971 census m ate ria l, th e re a p p e a rs to be a shift in the c o n ce n tra tio n o f M a jo r P ro te sta n t gro u p s. H ow ever, the 70 percent division w as re ta in e d for c o m p a rab ility . E th n ic ity : E ac h c o n s titu e n c y w as g iv e n a h o m o g e n e ity h e te ro g e n e ity sc o re o n e th n ic ity . T h e e th n ic ity v a ria b le a s first coded h a d six categories: B ritish: F rench: G e rm a n : N e th erlan d s and S can d in a v ian ; Italian; P olish; R ussian a n d U k ra n ia n : a n d In­ d ian a n d E skim o but only tw o types (B ritish and F re n c h ) w ere large enough to b e useful for th e h o m o g en eity analysis. T h e ra tio n ­ ale is sim ilar to th e one discussed ab o v e for religion. A constituency w as d efined as h o m o g en e o u s w hen m o re than 70 p e rce n t o f the p o p u latio n w as e ith e r British o r F rench. A p p ro x im ately o n e -h alf (125 o r 48 p e rce n t in 1961, and 116 o r 44 percent in 1971) o f the constituencies w ere h o m o g en e o u s o n ethn icity and o n e -h a lf (138 o r 52 p e rce n t in 1961, and 147 o r 56 percent in 1971) w ere h etero g e­ neous. A g ain , th e h o m o g en e o u s g ro u p had a b o u t th e sam e n u m b er o f cases in each o f th e tw o categories. E d u ca tio n : E ach c o n stitu en cy w as also given a hom o g en eity hetero g en eity score on e d u c a tio n . E du catio n w as coded w ith p e r­ centages o f th e p o p u la tio n d istrib u te d on v a rio u s years o f e d u ca ­ tio n , a n d sta n d a rd d e v ia tio n s w ere used as th e m easu re o f variatio n . P ercentages w ere used a s raw scores a n d th e categories, y ears o f e d u ca tio n , w ere u n e q u al. R elative h o m o g en eity on ed u catio n w as d eterm in ed by ran k o rd e rin g each c onstituency o n th e m ag n itu d e o f th e sta n d ard d e v ia tio n .’ T h e sta n d ard d ev iatio n at th e m id p o in t o f th e ran k in g w as used to div id e th e co n stitu e n cies into h o m o g en e o u s (low v a ria tio n on e d u ca tio n ) a n d h ete ro g en e o u s (high v ariatio n on e d u ca tio n ) c ateg o ­ ries. O n e h u n d re d and th irty -tw o (50 p e rce n t) co n stitu en cies w ere d efined as h o m o g en e o u s a n d 131 (50 p e rce n t) w ere h e te ro g en e o u s.4 H o m o g e n e ity S u m m a r y Score: A co m p o site score w as c reated to sum m arize th e th ree indices o f hom o g en eity . T h is co m p o site score w hich w as called th e H o m o g e n eity S u m m ary Score w as created sim ply by th e a d d itio n o f th e th ree h o m o g en eity scores o f religion, ethnicity, a n d e d u ca tio n . H o m o g e n eity w as given th e value I and h e te ro g en e ity th e value 2. F o r each constituency, on each o f three variables, fo u r possible su m m ary scores could be obtained.-' T ab le 1 sh o w s th e d istrib u tio n o f co n stitu e n cies w hich results from this su m m ary . T hese fo u r levels o f ho m o g en eity are th e o p e ra ­ tional classification o f c om plexity, the in d ep e n d en t v ariab le in the basic p ro p o sitio n . T h is o p e ra tio n w as p erfo rm ed for the 1961 cen ­ sus d a ta only.

APPEND IX I

209

Table 1: Distribution o f P olitical C onstituencies by Pattern o f H om ogen eity-H eterogeneity* O n R eligion, Ethnicity and Education, 1966

P a tte rn

V ariables Religion

E thnicity

E du catio n

A

1

1

1

62

B

1

1

2

40

C

1

2

1

16

D

2

1

1

6

E

2

2

1

41 12

F

2

1

2

G

1

2

2

14

H

2

2

2

60

T otal C onstituencies** *

(N )

251

H om ogen eity is indicated by 1. H eterogeneity is indicated by 2.

* * O nly those constituencies whose representatives voted on the m otion are included. T h ere are 263 constituencies in Canada. N o te : Constituencies are classified into four levels o f hom ogeneity: Pattern A is hereafter called “ V ery h om ogen eou s," Patterns B. C , D are hereafter called “ ho­ m ogeneous:” Patterns E, F, G are hereafter called "heterogen eou s;” Pat­ tern H is hereafter called "v e r y heterogeneous.”

Source of Data for Members of Parliament of Canada The C anadian P a rlia m en ta ry G uide is published annually in C a n ­ a d a .6 It c o n ta in s in fo rm a tio n on th e g o v e rn m e n t o f C a n a d a , the M em b ers o f P a rlia m en t (M P ) a n d th e M e m b ers o f the legislatures o f th e v a rio u s provinces. T h e follow ing info rm atio n w as selected for use in this study from th e 1967 a n d 1973 P arliam en tary G u id e for M e m b ers o f th e F ed eral H ouse o f C o m m o n s in 1966 a n d 1973 respectively. T h e histo ry o f election o f th e M P in his c onstituency, his p o litical p o p u larity a n d th e p o litical p a rtic ip a tio n in his c o n sti­ tuency w ere co m p u te d . T h e M P 's age, religion, b irth p la ce , e th n ic ­

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C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T I N C A N A D A

ity, g e n e ra tio n , o c cu p a tio n , e d u c a tio n a n d political p a rty w ere re ­ c o rd ed from th e G u id e .

Coding Information from The Canadian Parliamentary Guide M e m b e r 's E le cto ra l H isto ry . T h is index w as c o n stru cted by coding th e electoral histo ry o f th e M P in th e last fo u r general elections in 1966 a n d th e last five in 1973. It p ro d u c e d six categ o ries o f political c a re e r p a tte rn s . T h ese ranged fro m th o se w h o h a d been elected for th e first tim e in th e last general election (1965 a n d 1972, respec­ tively) to th o se w ho had been consecutively elected in m o re than fo u r elections. T h e re w ere a few M e m b ers (8 p e rce n t) w h o d id not have a consecutive election history. P o pularity. T h is is a sim ple m ea su re o f th e p o p u la rity o f th e M P c o n stru cted by divid in g his vote by th e to tal vote cast. T h e larger th e p e rce n ta g e , th e m o re p o p u la r th e M P . D ividing by to tal vote cast co n tro ls th e effect o f th e size o f th e v o tin g p o p u latio n o f the constitu en cy w hich varies con sid erab ly . C h a ra c teristic s o f M e m b e r s o f Parliam ent: T h e v ariab les o f age, b irth p la ce , g e n e ra tio n , religion, o c c u p a tio n , e d u c a tio n a n d political p a rty w ere o b ta in e d from the b io g rap h y o f th e M P , fo u n d in The C anadian P a rlia m en ta ry G uide. A ge, religion and political p a rty w ere directly cod ed from th e G u id e . B irthplace w as o b ta in e d by finding th e b irth p la c e o f th e M P from his b io g rap h y a n d then fin d ­ ing w h e th er it w as located w ithin his co n stitu en cy . T h is w as acc o m ­ plished by referrin g to th e C e n su s o f C anada P opulation, E lecto ra l D istric ts (92-530, 1961, 1971) w hich lists th e to w n s a n d villages w ithin each co n stitu en cy . B irth p lace w as then cod ed on w h e th e r th e M P w as b o rn in his co n stitu en cy , in C a n a d a , o r elsew here. In 1973, this c o d e w as a lte re d to p ro d u c e a d istin c tio n betw een th o se b orn in th e c o n stitu en cy they now re p re se n t, those b o rn in th e sam e p ro v ­ ince b u t not in th e ir c o n stitu en cy a n d those b orn elsew here. O c cu ­ p atio n is d escrib ed for m o st o f th e M P ’s in th e G u id e . T hese w ere cod ed into nine categ o rie s a p p ro x im a tin g a p restig e ra n k in g . E d u ­ c atio n w as cod ed on th e n u m b e r o f u niversity degrees (B achelor, M asters, D o c to ra te ) th a t w ere listed w ith tw o a d d itio n al residual categ o ries o f n o in fo rm a tio n a n d no d e g ree . G e n e ra tio n w as coded into 4 categories: no in fo rm a tio n , foreign b o rn , second g e n era tio n , and th ird o r m ore. P a rlia m en ta ry R ecords: T h e analysis o f speeches o f M e m b ers o f P a rlia m en t w as m a d e from th e tra n sc rip t o f th e ir speeches a n d th eir v ote o n th e bills to abolish cap ital p u n ish m en t w ere o b tain e d from “ H a n sa rd ” 7 fo r th e a p p ro p ria te p erio d s.

A P P E N D IX I

211

Public Opinion Polls O rig in al d a ta from th e relev an t P ublic O p in io n P olls8 w as analyzed to e x am in e o n e set o f in d ic a to rs a b o u t public o p in io n on th e d e ath p en alty , its d istrib u tio n a n d d e te rm in a n ts in th e C a n a d ia n p o p u la ­ tio n .

Other Sources of Public Opinion N a tio n a l n ew sp ap er articles in th e p e rio d s su rro u n d in g th e d e b ates o f 1966-67 a n d 1973 w ere collected. In a d d itio n , several M e m b ers o f P a rlia m en t allow ed access to th e ir files o f letters from c o n stitu ­ en ts a n d o rg a n iz atio n s.

Information on the Parliamentary and Party Activity Interview s w ith m em b e rs o f th e S o licito r G e n e ra l’s staff an d M e m ­ bers o f P a rlia m en t w ere c o n d u cted w hich focussed on th e location and d y n a m ic s o f influence and o p in io n in P a rlia m en t. F ootn otes 1 A va ila b le in 1961 only. 2 Th ere w ere 263 political constituencies in Canada. A ll but tw o elect one M em ber each. H alifax, N o v a Scotia and Queens, Prince Edward Island each elect tw o M em bers. In 1968. substantial changes in constituency boundaries occurred and there w as a reduction to 264 seats.

3 T h e original inform ation was coded into the percentage o f the popula­ tion, fiv e years o r older, w h o w ere not in school, w h o had the follow in g years o f education: 0, elem entary 1-4, elem entary 5 + , high school 1 and 2, high school 3 and 4, high school 5, university 1-4, university graduates. Th ese w ere given values I -8 and the standard d evia tio n was calculated. T h e range on the standard d e via tio n w as 1.0-1.87. T h e m edian was 1.40. 4 A s this variable did not show any im portant relation to the vo te on capital punishment, it was not com puted fo r 1971. 5 I f a constituency was very hom ogeneous, its total score w ould be 3 (a score o f 1 on each o f the three variables). I f a constituency had two variables which w ere gom ogeneou s and one variable which was heteroge­ neous, its total score w ould be 4 (a score o f 2, 1 fo r each o f the two hom ogeneous variables and a score o f 2 on the on e heterogeneous va ri­ able). T h e same, o f course, applies to the score construction o f the heter­ ogeneous constituencies. This yielded the four possible summary scores which could be obtained: 3 (very hom ogeneous) 4 (hom ogeneou s) 5 (heterogeneous) 6 (ve ry heterogeneous).

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" The Canadian Parliamentary Guide,

Pierre N orm andin, ed. (O ttaw a

P .O . Box 513, Canada, 1967,'1973).

7 House o f Commons Debates: Official Report

(O ttaw a: Q u een ’s Printer

and C ontroller o f Stationary). * Canadian Institute o f Public O pin ion Polls #310 (1965). #317 (1966), #344 (1970), #350 (1971). Original data decks from C arleton U niversity, Departm ent o f S ociology and A n th ro p olog y . Data Archives.

Appendix II: The D ispositions of Convicted Murderers in Canada From 1946 to 1967.*

Convicted Murderers, 1946 to 1967 M u rd e r h a s alw ays c arried a m a n d a to ry d e a th p e n alty in C a n a d a . H ow ever, th e defin itio n o f capital m u rd e r in th e law , a n d th e rights o f ap p eal u p o n con v ictio n o f c a p ita l m u rd er h av e been changed perio d ically over th e last th irty years. W h atev e r th ese changes, the final review by th e G o v e rn o r in C o u n c il, essentially th e C a b in e t, has re m a in e d u n c h an g e d . A fte r all o th e r a p p e a ls have been e x ­ h a u sted , a n d usually sh o rtly b e fo re th e d e ath sen ten ce is to b e c a r­ ried o u t, th e C a b in e t co n sid ers all aspects o f th e case a n d d e cid es w h e th er o r not to in te rfere w ith th e sentence being carried o u t. If th e C a b in e t decides to exercise th e so-called. R oyal P rero g ativ e o f M ercy, th en th e a p p ro p ria te fo rm ality o f c o m m u tin g the sen ten ce is in v o k e d .1 T h e a n aly sis w h ic h fo llo w s is b a se d o n d a ta su m m arized from th e trial reco rd s o f 378 co n v icted m u rd ers in C a n a d a betw een 1946 a n d 1967. T h e su m m arie s a n d coding d ecisio n s w ere m a d e by staff m em b e rs in th e offices o f th e R em issio n s B ran ch , D e p a rtm e n t o f Ju stice a n d later in th e S olicitor G e n e ra l’s office. T h o se con v icted o f cap ital m u rd e r re p re se n t only a sm all p ro p o r ­ tion o f th o se ch arg ed . D uring th e p e rio d e x am in ed , 1946 to 1967, a b o u t h a lf o f those charged w ere n o t convicted, a n o th e r 10% w ere held as insane and th e re m a in d e r, a b o u t 40% , w ere convicted by th e tria l c o u rt.2 It is th e s e 378 cases th a t w ill b e s tu d ie d h e re . Be­ tw een 1946 a n d 1967, 29.1% o f th e m w e re su c c e ssfu lly a p p e a le d in th e P ro v in c ia l C o u rt o f A p p e a ls o r th e S u p re m e C o u rt o f C a n a d a .J T h e r e m a in d e r re a c h e d th e C a b in e t fo r fin al rev iew . O v e r th is p e r io d th e C a b in e t c o m m u t e d 56.3% a n d a llo w e d 43.7% o f th e d e a th se n te n c e s to s ta n d . T h ese figures d o n o t reflect th e p ro g ressiv e m o v e m e n t to d e fa c to a b o litio n w h ic h h a s c h a ra c ­ terise d th e p o lic ies o f th e v a rio u s C a b in e ts. T h e re h a s been a steep decline in th e p ro p o rtio n o f convicted p eople w ho w ere p e rm itte d to b e executed o v er th e last forty years by C a b in e ts o f each m a jo r p arty. In th e I9 3 0 ’s, 75% o f th o se c o n ­ * I am in d ebted to L o m e Butchart o f C a rle to n U n ive rs ity fo r assistance in preparin g this appendix.

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C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

victed w ere p u t to d e ath . T h is w as th e highest p ro p o rtio n since the m id 1800’s in C a n a d a . In the 19 4 0 ’s, 66% d ied . In th e 1950’s this p ro p o rtio n declined to 50% . In th e early 1960’s, only 13% w ere executed a fte r w hich C a n a d a h a s had de f a c t o a b o litio n . Several c h ara cte ristics a r e analysed for any effect th ey m ight have on the final o u tc o m e o f each case.

Motive and final disposition T h ese cases w ere classified on th e m o tiv e o r situ atio n o f th e m u r­ d e r. S eventeen categ o rie s o f m o tiv es w ere a b strac te d from th e tra n ­ scripts and a re p re sen te d in T a b le O n e . H o w ev er, th ere a re only fo u r m o tiv es w hich h a v e e n ough cases to m ak e analysis useful. T h e s e a re sh o w n a t th e to p o f T a b le O n e u n d e r th e h e a d in g “ M a jo r” a n d a cc o u n t fo r 68.8% o f all c ap ital convictions. W hile 29.1% o f all cases a re successfully ap p ea le d , T ab le O n e show s th a t w hen revenge o r a q u a rre l is th e m otive, a m u ch h ig h er p ro p o rtio n o f cases, 37.3% a n d 51.6% respectively, a re successfully ap p ealed . W h e n th ese c a s e s d o receiv e C a b in e t c o n s id e ra tio n th e d e a th sentence is infreq u en tly a p p lie d . O verall 31.0% o f those convicted a re executed. O f those w h o kill in revenge only 16.4% w ere exe­ c u te d a n d fo r th o se w ho killed in a q u a rre l, only 19.4% d ied . T h e o th e r tw o ty p es o f m a jo r m o tiv e m u rd e rs , m u r d e r d u rin g a ro b b e ry a n d m u r d e r d u r in g a sex a ssa u lt, ten d to h a v e the o p p o site p a tte rn . R e la tiv e ly few o f these c ases a re su c c essfu lly a p p e a le d . T h o se w h o c o m m itte d m u r d e r d u rin g a r o b b e ry are th e la rg e st sin g le g ro u p o f c a p ita l c o n v ic ts (34.7% ). T h e y a re so m e w h a t m o re likely to b e e x e c u te d (35.9% ) th a n th e ov erall p ro p o rtio n (31.0% ). Sex m u rd e r e rs c o m p ris e o n ly 8.2% o f the c a p ita l o ff e n d e r p o p u la tio n b u t th e y a re e x e c u te d a t a m u ch h ig h e r ra te (58.1% ) th a n o th e r o ffe n d e rs . O n ly those fe w w h o kill law o ffice rs w h ile try in g to e sc a p e , (less th a n 3% o f the co n v ic ted m u rd e re rs) a re m o re likely to h a n g . T h o se w h o k ille d w h ile e s­ c a p in g a rre st o r c u sto d y w ere a lm o st all h a n g e d (66.7% a n d 100% resp ectiv ely ). T h e re a p p e a rs to be fa irly w id e v a ria tio n in the p a tte rn s o f su c c ess in a p p e a l w h e n m o tiv e is ta k e n in to a c c o u n t. A lso th e m o tiv e o f a m u rd e r se e m s to m a k e a su b s ta n tia l d iffe r­ ence in w h e th e r o r n o t th e C a b in e t c o m m u te s th e d e a th p e n alty .

Ethnicity of offender and final disposition T ab le T w o show s th e d isp o sitio n o f capital cases w hen th e ethn icity o f th e o ffen d e r is tak e n in to a c c o u n t. O riginally 33 se p a ra te ethnici-

A P P E N D IX

I!

215

Table One Final D isposition o f Convicted M urderers by M otive: C anada 1946-1967 M otive {M a jo r) R o b b ery R evenge Q u arrel Sex A ssault (M in o r) M otiveless Into x icatio n E scape A rrest Jealo u sy R em o v e M a rriag e O bstacle G a in In su ran ce Passion Brawl In h eritan ce Illegal O p e ratio n E scape C u sto d y E scape D iscovery O th e r m otives N o In fo rm atio n TOTAL

E xecute

C o m m u te

O th e r

35.9(47) 16.4(11) 19.4(6) 58.1(18)

42.0(55) 46.3(31) 29.0(9) 32.3(10)

22.1(29) 37.3(25) 51.6(16) 9.7(3)

34.7(131) 17.7(67) 8.2(31) 8.2(31)

25.0(7) 16.7(2) 66.7(6) 37.5(3)

39.3(11) 33.3(4) 33.3(3) 25.0(2)

35.7(10) 50.0(6) 0.0(0) 37.5(3)

7.4(28) 3.2(12) 2.4(9) 2.1(8)

50.0(3) 66.6(2) 0.0 100.0(2) 100.0(1) 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 57.1(16) 14.3(2) 39.9(151)

16.7(1) 33.3(1) 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0(1) 0.0 100.0(1) 10.7(3) 78.6(11)

33.3(2) 0.0 100.0(3) 0.0 0.0 100.0(1) 0.0 100.0(1) 0.0 3 2.1(9) 7.1(1) 31.0(117)

29.1(110)

T otal

1.6(6) •8(3) .8(3) -5(2) .3(1) .3(1) .3(1) .3(1) .3(1) 7.4(28) 3.7(14) 100.0(378)

ties w ere d esignated b u t only th e eight w hich have th e largest n u m ­ b ers a re included in th is analysis. T hese eight include 84.3% o f th o se u n d e r d e ath sentence in th e study p e rio d . T h e re m a in d e r are included in the “ o th e r” category o f T a b le T w o . T h o se d esig n ated English C a n a d ia n (C a n a d ia n b o rn , English sp e a k in g ) to tal 49.2% o f all con v icted m u rd e re rs. H ow ever, they w ere u n d e rre p re se n te d a m o n g th o se executed a n d over rep resen ted am o n g th o se c o m m u ted . O nly 27.4% o f th e English C a n a d ia n s w ere executed, ag ain st th e overall ra te o f 31.0% . A n d 49.9% w ere co m m u ted as a g ain st th e overall ra te o f 39.9% . T h e o p p o site p at-

2 16

C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

tern o c cu rs in th e d isp o sitio n o f cases o f F re n c h C a n a d ia n m u rd e r­ ers. E x ecu tio n s o c cu r for 46.0% a n d c o m m u ta tio n s for 26.0% for this e th n ic g ro u p w hich co m p rises 13.2% o f th e convicted m u rd e r­ ers. T able Tw o Final D isposition o f Convicted M urderers bv Ethnicity: C anada 1946-1967 E thnicity (largest g ro u p s)

Execute

English C a n ad ian F ren ch C a n ad ian Indian U k ra in ia n English S cottish Black G e rm a n All O th e rs N o In fo rm atio n

27.4(51) 46.0(23) 26.1(6) 31.8(7) 27.3(3) 20.0(2) 55.6(5) 62.5(5) 29.4(15) 0.0(0)

TOTAL

31.0(117)

O th e r

T otal

49.5(92) 26.0(13) 30.4(7) 40.9(9) 27.3(3) 20.0(2) 11.1(1) 12.5(1) 43.1(22) 12.5(1)

23.1(43 28.0(14) 43.5(10) 27.3(6) 45.5(5) 60.0(6) 33.3(3) 25.0(2) 27.5(14) 87.5(7)

4 9.2(186) 13.2(50) 6.1(23) 5.8(22) 2.9(11) 2.6(10) 2.4(9) 2.1(8) 13.5(51) 2.5(8)

39.9(151)

29.1(110)

100.0(378)

C o m m u te

T h e next largest g ro u p is C a n a d ia n In d ia n . M any cases with Indian o ffen d ers a re successful on ap p eal (43.5% ) and as a co n se ­ q u en ce, o n ly a sm all p ro p o rtio n a re c o m m u ted o r executed, 26.1% a n d 30.4% respectively. T h e rem a in in g g ro u p s a re very sm all but G e rm a n s a n d B lacks a p p e a r to b e executed m o re frequently than those o f English o r S cottish b a ck g ro u n d . E thnicity m ak e s a differ­ ence in th e d isp o sitio n o f m u rd e r cases. E nglish speaking m ajority g ro u p s seem to enjoy low er execution ra te s th an m in o rity and non-E nglish groups.

Motive, Ethnicity and final disposition It is im p o rta n t to d isentangle th e rela tio n sh ip betw een e th n ic ity and m o tiv e since b o th a re related to d isp o sitio n o f capital cases. Since e th n ic g ro u p s m ay not be evenly d istrib u te d a m ongst th e vario u s types o f m otives for m u rd e r, w h a t a p p e a rs to b e d isp o sitio n a l dif­ ferences related to ethn icity m ay b e prim arily d u e to d ifferences in m otives. T a b le T h re e c o m p a res th e ra te s o f final d isp o sitio n o f capital

A P P E N D IX II

217

T able Three Final D isposition o f Conv icted M urderers by Selected Ethnicity and Selected M otives: C anada 1946-1967 (R o b b e ry ) Execute

Commute

O ther

Total

English C an ad ian F rench C a n ad ian Indian U k ra in ia n English Scottish Black G e rm an O th ers

31.3(25 50.0(8) 0.0(0) 66.7(2) 33.3(1) 33.3(1) 57.1(4) 0.0(0) 37.5(6)

51.2(41) 31.3(5) 66.7(2) 33.3(1) 33.3(1) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 31.3(5)

17.5(14) 18.8(3) 33.3(1) 0.0(0) 33.3(1) 66.7(2) 42.8(3) 0.0(0) 31.3(5)

61.1(80) 12.2(16) 2.3(3) 2.3(3) 2.3(3) 2.3(3) 5.3(7) 0.0(0) 12.2(16)

TOTAL

35.9(47)

42.0(55)

22.1(29)

100.0(131)

Ethnicity

(Sex A ssault) English C a n a d ia n F ren ch C an ad ian Indian U k ra in ia n English Scottish Black G e rm a n O th e r TOTAL

54.2(13) 0.0(0) 100.0(3) 0.0(0) 100.0(1) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 100.0(1)

37.5(9) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 100.0(1) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0)

8.3(2) 100.0(1) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 3.2(1)

77.4(24) 3.2(1) 9.7(3) 0.0(0) 3.2(1) 3.2(1) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0)

58.1(18)

32.3(10)

9.7(3)

100.0(31)

(R evenge) English C an ad ian F rench C a n ad ian Indian U k ra in ia n English Scottish Black G e rm a n O th e r

6.9(2) 60.0(3) 0.0(0) 20.0(1) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 100.0(1) 50.0(1) 21.4(3)

69.0(20) 20.0(1) 16.7(1) 60.0(3) 0.0(0) 50.0(1) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 35.7(5)

24.1(7) 20.0(1) 83.3(5) 20.0(1) 100.0(3) 50.0(1) 0.0(0) 50.0(1) 42.9(6)

43.3(29) 7.5(5) 9.0(6) 7.5(5) 4.5(3) 3.0(2) 1.5(1) 3.0(2) 20.9(14)

TOTAL

16.4( 11

46.3(31)

37.3(25)

100.0(67)

2 18

C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

T able Three (C on tin u ed ) Final D isposition o f Convicted M urderers by S elected Ethnicity and Selected M otives: Canada 1946-1967 E thnicity

E xecute

C o m m u te

O th e r

T otal

32.3(10) 22.6(7) 6.5(2) 22.6(7) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 16.1(5)

(Q u a rrel) E nglish C a n ad ian F ren ch C a n ad ian Indian U k ra in ia n English S cottish Black G e rm a n O th e r

20.0(2) 28.6(2) 0.0(0) 14.3(1) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 20.0(1)

10.0(1) 42.9(3) 50.0(1) 42.9(3) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 20.0(1)

70.0(7) 28.6(2) 50.0(1) 42.9(3) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 0.0(0) 60.0(3)

TOTAL

19.4(6)

29.0(9)

51.6(16)

100.0(31)

cases fo r th e eight m ajo r e th n ic g ro u p s w ithin th e fo u r m ajo r m otive types o f m u rd e r. T h e sim u lta n e o u s classification o f these d a ta on th re e variab les fu rth e r reduces th e size o f each cell in th e tab le and d im in ish e s th e c o n fid en ce possible in th e analysis. A lth o u g h there a re d ifferences in th e ex ecu tio n ra te s fo r each type o f m u rd e r the p a tte rn o f e th n ic v a ria tio n w ithin each type is preserved. E nglish C a n a d ia n s a re less likely to b e executed th a n F rench C a n a d ia n s for th e sam e k in d o f m u rd e r. C o m p a re d to th e ir p ro p o r­ tio n s in all m u rd e r types, E nglish C a n a d ia n s a re o v er re p re se n ted in ro b b e ry a n d sex m u rd ers. F re n c h C a n a d ia n s a re u n d e r rep resen ted in ro b b e ry a n d a lm o st a b se n t in sex m u rd ers. T h e o p p o site p a tte rn s h olds for revenge a n d q u a rre l m u rd e rs, w ith th e F rench C a n a d ia n s generally o v er re p re se n ted a n d E nglish C a n a d ia n s u n d e r re p re ­ sented in th ese types. F o r each type o f m u rd e r th e F re n c h C a n a ­ d ian o ffen d e r is consistently m o re likely to b e executed th an the overall ra te a n d th e English C a n a d ia n o ffen d e r is less likely to die. T h e re are in d icatio n s in T ab le T h re e w hich p o in t to th e overall p a tte rn o f e th n ic d ifferences in executions bein g preserved in each o f th e m ajo r m u rd e r types. T h e English a n d S cottish o ffen d e r is e x ec u te d less o fte n th a n th e B lack o ffe n d e r. C a n a d ia n In d ian s are u n d e r re p re se n ted in ro b b e ry m u rd e rs, and no n e w ere executed. H ow ever, all In d ian s w ho w ere convicted o f a sex m u rd e r w ere executed. In d ian s are over rep resen ted in th e re ­ venge m u rd e r type. In th is type. 37.3% o f all cases are d isposed o f

A P P E N D IX II

219

on ap p ea l. Indians had 83.3% o f th e ir cases reduced on app eal. N o n e w ere executed for revenge m u rd ers. F o r th e larger g ro u p s, at least, d ifferential disp o sitio n s d u e to e thnicity a re in d ep e n d en t o f differential d isp o sitio n s d u e to m otive.

Occupation of offender and final disposition O c cu p a tio n is o n e o f th e c o n v en tio n al in dicators o f social status. T ab le F o u r displays th e rela tio n sh ip betw een th e o c cu p atio n o f the o ffen d e r a n d th e d isp o sitio n o f th e case. M o st o f the convicted m u rd ere rs a re in th e low er o ccu p a tio n a l levels. U nskilled lab o u re rs co m p rised 38.4% w hich is th e largest g ro u p . A n o th e r 2.1% w ere listed as unem ployed a n d 19.6% h a d no in fo rm a tio n on th e ir o c cu ­ p a tio n . O n th e o th e r extrem e, only 4.2% w ere m a n a g ers o r p ro fes­ sionals a n d a n o th e r 5.3% w ere b o th types o f w hite collar w o rk ers. S o th e p o p u latio n o f convicted o ffen d e rs a p p e a rs to be d istrib u te d to w ard s th e low er end o f th e stra tifica tio n range in C a n a d a . Table Four Final D isposition o f Convicted M urderers by O ccupation: Canada 1946-1967 O ccu p atio n

Execute

C o m m u te

O th e r

T o ta l

U nem p lo y ed L ab o u re r Skilled W o rk er W h ite C o lla r and Sales L ow er W h ite C ollar M an ag er and Professional H ousew ife Police a n d Prison G u a rd N o In fo rm atio n

37.5(3) 31.0(45) 34.9(37

62.5(5) 37.9(55) 33.0(35)

0.0(0) 31.0(45) 32.1(34)

2.1(8) 38.4(145) 28.0(106)

33.3(5) 4 0.0(2)

46.7(7) 20.0(1)

20.0(3) 40.0(2)

4.0(15) 1.3(5)

37.5(6) 25.0(2)

37.5(6) 25.0(2)

25.0(4) 50.0(4)

4 .2(16) 2.1(8)

0.0 23.0(17)

0.0 54.1(40)

100.0(1) 23.0(17)

0.3(1) 19.6(74)

31.0(117)

39.9 ( 151)

29.4(1 10)

100.0(378)

TOTAL

O c cu p a tio n d o e s n o t seem to h a v e m uch effect on th e o u tco m e o f a capital co nviction. T h e r e is very little difference betw een th e larg­ est g ro u p s, lab o u re rs a n d skilled w o rk e rs in th eir chances o f ex ecu ­ tio n . A m o n g st th e sm aller g ro u p s th e range from 25% to h o u se ­

220

C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

w ives to 40% for low er w hite c o lla r w o rk ers is very sm all by c o m ­ p a riso n to th e ranges in these p ro p o rtio n s fo u n d for differen t ethnic g ro u p s and m o tiv es in th e p rev io u s tables. W hile social class clearly affects life c h an ces in society, it does not a p p e a r to affect d e ath c h an ces a m o n g st convicted m u rd e rs.

Age and Marital status and final disposition Very few you n g capital o ffen d e rs w ere ex ecu ted . N o n e o f th e 27 convicted felons u n d e r 19 years w as executed. A m o n g st th e older g ro u p , som e red u ctio n in execu tio n ra te s o c cu rre d . O nly 12% o f the 15 m u rd ere rs o v er 55 y ears o f age w ere han g ed . F ro m age 20 to age 55 th e re w ere few d ifferences in th e execution rates betw een those w ho w ere m arried o r single. T h e d isp o sitio n o f cap ital cases in C a n a d a betw een 1946 and 1967 is effected by th e m o tiv e a n d e thnicity o f th e offen d er, b u t not by th e o ffe n d e r's o c c u p a tio n , age o r m arital status. Footnotes 1 Th om as M . Sheehan. “ A dm in istrative R e vie w and Capital Punishment: T h e Canadian C o n c ep t." Thomas Sheehan American Journal o f Correc­

tion. Vol. 27, No. I IJan./Teh.. 1965). : See Ezzat Fattah, A study o f the Deterrent Effect o f Capital Punishment

with special Reference to the Canadian Situation

(O ttaw a: Inform ation

Canada. 1973). p. 182. 3 A lthou gh speculative, it seem s reason ab le to assum e that successful appeals are, at least in part, a result o f leg a l flaw s in the o rigin a l conviction . O f the m ajor m o tive m urders in T a b le O ne. it w o u ld seem the trial courts a re p rod u cin g ca p ita l con viction s w hich a re fla w ed fo r revenge m urders and particu larly fo r m urders resulting from quarrels. F o r robb ery m urders and particu larly fox sex m urders the conviction s tend to b e sustained. T a b le T w o shows that Indians have g rea te r suc­ cess in the appeal courts than d o oth er ethnic groups. T h is m ay also reflect u n fa vou rab ly on the q u a lity o f the o rig in a l co n viction s fo r this group.

Name and Subject Index*

A b o litio n bills in C an ada. 18 1966 bills. 19 1967 bill. 20 1973 bill. 25 vo te changcs 1966-1967. 20nl5 vo te changes 1966-1973. 165 A b o litio n “ caucus” , 137 A b o litio n strategy. 138 A LLM AN D , W ARREN. S O L IC IT O R G E N E R A L , C A N A D A . 25-27. 138-39 A p p e a l o f death sentence, 13 Basic research. 41 B E D A U . H U G O . 37 B I C K E R D IK E . R O B E R T . 17 B U R K E . E D M U N D . 38n4, 74 C A N A D IA N C A T H O L IC C O N F E R E N C E , 62n26 C A N A D I A N C E N S U S . 207 Canadian death penalty debates: deterrence, 8. 22, 26, 27. 28, 53n 17 national referend u m . 30 personal characterizations. 139 political clim ate. 25. 33 prison and p a role criticism . 138 social science and legislation. 32 C anadian death penalty debates themes: adm inistration o f the law, 23, 27 bias in execution. 23. 26 case studies. 32 crim e. 33 deterrence. 27 ‘ Th is index doesn't duplicate inform ation w hich can be located through the table o f contents and the extensive list o f table titles.

execution o f an innocent person. 23. 26. 28 expressive and instrumental orientations. 24 free w ill. 22. 28 gangland m urder, 34 hijacking, 34 kidnapping. 34 law o ffic e r risk. 27 protection o f society. 23 reputation o f social scientists. 27 retribution. 24 sanctity o f life. 23, 26 C A N A D IA N P A R L I A M E N T A R Y G U ID E . 209 C apital punishm ent in other countries: England. 14. 16 France. 15 G erm a n y, 14 U n ited States, 15 C apital punishm ent v o te 1966: reasons fo r study. 8 1 Consequences. 3, 6 C R E S S E Y . D O N A L D , 146 C rim in al code, murder. 7. 13-14. 17 C R O S S . J A M E S . 51 n 14 Cultural pluralism from m igration. 194 D efacto a bolition . 19 D eju re abolition, 19 D epartm ent o f Justice, w h ite paper. 13n2, 19 D I E F E N B A K E R . J O H N . 29 D ifferen tia tion , 2 D U R K H E I M . E M IL E . 2. 68. 74. 145-49. 197 co llective sentim ent. 151. 155 m easure of. 157 com m on sense. 145. 197 hypothesis on evolu tion o f law. ' 152-53. 194 findings on. 181. 193

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C A P IT A L P U N IS H M E N T IN C A N A D A

organic solidarity and. 195-96. 202n49 test on death p e n a lty vote. 155.158 m echanical solidarity. 149 organ ic solidarity. 149 sanctions, repressive. 151. 155. 198 measure o f, 157 sanctions, restitutive. 151 social d ifferen tiation . 150-51 social facts. 150. 153 social solidarity, 149, 151. 155 E cological fallacy. 200n33 E conom ic institutions. 4 Evolution. 4 Execu tive rev iew o f death sentence. 14 Expressive and instrumental orientation to law, 1. 3, 6. 11, 53, 66. 152. 193, 198. 206n53 F A T T A H , E Z Z A T . 26 F orm ality o f sanctions. 4. 6 G A U T H I E R . C . A .. 29 H O F F M A N . D A V ID . 78 H O M A N S . G E O R G E . 197 H om ogen eity. 117 H U M A N R E L A T IO N S A R E A F IL E . 154 Intentions. 3, 6 J O IN T C O M M IT T E E O F S E N A T E A N D H O U S E . 18 Jury discretion in death penalty. 18 K O E S T L E R . A R T H U R . 16 K O R N B E R G . A L A N . 76. 80. 87. 89 L A P O R T E . P IE R R E . 5 In 14 Law

faith in, 7, 9 im age of. 10 legitim acy. 7. 8 legitim acy and crim es without victim s. 8 legitim acy in plural society. 7 and order, 146 restitutive and repressive see D U R K H E IM Letters to M . P.s, 137 L I N D E S M IT H . A .. 146 L O V I N K . J. A . A .. 84 M A I N E . H E N R Y . 203n50 M A L I N O W S K I . B.. 146. 152 M E A D . G . H.. 148 M easures o f hom ogen eity education. 154. 157. 208 ethnicity. 154. 156. 208 religion. 207 relation to repression, 163-64 sum m ary measure, 208 M em bers o f Parliam ent birthplace location. 210 education. 210 interviews with. 210 occupation of. 210 speeches by. 210 M em bers o f Parliam ent, death penalty vo te cross pressure and. 118 election period. 136 local, cosm opolitan differences in. 130. 140. 193 party supported b v constituents and. 118 professionalism and. 126 M em bers o f Parliam ent, representativeness. 29. 30. 38. 74 analysis o f. 82 assum ption of. 81. 158 constituency delegate. 76 D U R K H E I M and. 182 education and. 88

as control, 6 concept o f. 6

intensity o f pu blic o p in io n and. 79. 80

effectiven ess o f, 10

occupation and. 89

IN D E X

party delegate. 76. 78, 139 political com p etitio n and, 84,

86 political supporters. 108 s e lf reports. 79 trustee, 76, 78, 90. 137 M I L L E R . J A M E S . 153 M I L L E R . W A R R E N . 75 M u rder cases: E V A N S and C H R IS T IE . 31 H E A D . 32 M A R C O T T E (S A N T A C L A U S B A N D I T ). 31 T R U S C O T T . 31 N o rm a lc y o f deviance. 147 P A C K E R . H ., 147 P A R S O N S , T .. 197 Pattern variables. 202n50 Politics and the death penalty: “ Bread and Butter” election issues, 138 com m u tation o f death sentences. L ib e ra l party, 19 com m utation o f death sentences. Progressive C on serva tive Party. 19 free vote. C anada. 139 free vote. England. 18 law and ord e r issue. 136 left/right d ifferen ces. 63 Progressive C on serva tive gains. 25n25 Public o p in ion on death penalty.

210 authoritarianism , 67 changes. C an ada. 41 changes. U . S. A .. 42 concept o f. 38 crim e and. 52. 67 culture. 40. 48 education. 53-54 english in Q u ebec. 62 England. 18 ethnicity. 60 expressive/instrum ental basis of. 42 french culture and. 62

223

G a llu p polls on. 81 intensity o f. 40. 45. 65. 68 interpretation of. 30. 31. 38. 115. 142nl8 measurem ent o f. 45 M . P.s use of. 39. 137 M . P.s acceptance o f. 29. 31 personality and. 40. 45. 48 psychology o f. 66 questions on polls. 40, 43 regional va riation in. 56 religious variation in. 62 rural variation in. 59 sam pling o f. 39. 49 stability o f. 40. 65 terrorism, e ffe c t o f. 43, 5 1 U . S. Suprem e Court. I6n8 P R E V O S T C O M M IS S I O N . 55. 57. 59. 61 Punishm ent: psychological conception. 145 sociological conccption. 146 R A N U L F . S.. 68. 146 R eligiou s institution, 4 R eligiou s organizations. 26 Repression: fam ily, 152 m odern society, 194 R etention o f death penalty strategy, 139 R om an C ath olic op in ion change. 126 R O M I L Y . S.. 16 R O S S . E. A .. 146 R O Y A L C O M M IS S I O N on DEATH PE N ALTY. E N G L A N D . 17 S C H W A R T Z . R „ 153 S E L L IN . T H O R S T E I N . 32 S H E E H A N . T . M .. I4n3 S ocial distance and punishment. 146 S ocial class and punishm ent. 146 S ocial institution: concept o f. 2. I In i S O L I C I T O R G E N E R A L , see

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ALLMAND, 138-39 SOROKIN. PITRIM , 150 STOKES, DONALD, 75 SUTHERLAND. E. H„ 68. 146 TONN IES, F., 197 U. S. SU PREM E COURT: DEATH PENALTY CASES: FU RM AN , 15 W ITHERSPOON, 16 VIDMAR. NEIL, 67 W ARD. NO RM AN , 78