Camden 9780195549515

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Introduction (page xi)
1 First Impressions (page 1)
2 The Last Years of Invasion (page 13)
3 Imprinting Patterns on the Land (page 26)
4 Village Life (page 42)
5 Farming (page 65)
6 The Patterns Scattered (page 94)
7 Married Couples (page 123)
8 Traffic, Conversation and Faith (page 151)
9 New Men and Women (page 179)
10 End and Continuation (page 205)
Appendix 1: Bounty Immigrants to Camden, 1837-9 (page 213)
Appendix 2: Birth Intervals and Size of Families (page 222)
Appendix 3: Camden Officials (page 224)
Appendix 4: The Camden Aborigines (page 228)
Notes (page 233)
Bibliography (page 278)
Sources of Illustrations (page 288)
Index (page 290)

Citation preview

CAMDEN,

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS AUSTRALIA

Oxford New York ‘Toronto

Delhi Bombay Calcutta) Madras Karachi

Singapore Hong Kong ‘Tokyo Nairobi Dares Salaam Cape Town Melbourne Auckland

and associates in

Berlin Ibadan

© Alan Atkinson, 1988 First published 1988 This book is copyright. Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of private study, research, criticism or review as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without prior written permission. Inquiries to be made to Oxford University Press. National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication data: Atkinson, Alan. Camden: farm and village life in early New South Wales. Bibliography. Includes index. ISBN 0 19 554951 1. 1. Farm life—New South Wales—-Camden Region— History. 2. Village communities—New South Wales— Camden Region—History. 3. Gamden Region (N.S.W.)— History. 4. Camden Region (N.S.W.)—Social life and

customs. I. Title.

994.4’6

Edited by Lee White Cartography by Steve Clarke Typeset by Asco Trade Typesetting Ltd, Hong Kong Printed by Impact Printing, Melbourne Designed by Ron Hampton Published by Oxford University Press, 253 Normanby Road, South Melbourne OXFORD is a trademark of Oxford University Press

CAMDEN ALAN ATKINSON

For Tom

Contents Introduction x1 1 First Impressions I

2 ‘The Last Years of Invasion 13

3 Imprinting Patterns on the Land 26

45 Village Life 42 Farming 65 6 The Patterns Scattered O04

7 Married Couples 123 8 Trafic, Conversation and Faith 151

g New Men and Women 179 10 End and Continuation 205 Appendix 1: Bounty Immigrants to Camden, 1837-9 213

Appendix 2: Birth Intervals and Size of Families 222

Notes 233 Bibliography 278 Index 290 Appendix 3: Camden Officials 224

Appendix 4: The Camden Aborigines 228

Sources of Lllustrations 288

List of Maps

1 Camden, showing original land grants 3

2 Camden village: the 1841 plan 45

3 Camden village at the end of the 1850s 56 4 Farms in the northern part of Camden Park (Cobbitty

Paddock) at the beginning of the 1860s 75

the 1850s 62

5 Camden, showing tradesmen and midwives at the end of 6 Southern New South Wales, showing where Camden

families selected land in the 1860s and 1870s 116

Diagrams

1 Some village family connections 57 2 Camden families on the Murrumbidgee 117

3 Wesleyan family connections 135

Introduction

THe founder of Gamden as a village and farming settlement was

James Macarthur (1798-1867), the third surviving son of the famous John Macarthur. In 1866, in one of his last speeches to the local people, the younger Macarthur explained how the name ‘Camden’ might be traced back to William Camden (1551-1623), author of the great Britannia, a history of England, Scotland and Ireland. The house near London in which the historian had lived was afterwards called ‘Gamden Place’. Then, in the eighteenth century, the same house became the home of the lawyer Sir Charles Pratt, who

was raised to the peerage as Baron Camden of Camden Place. Finally, it was the second Lord Camden, Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, who endowed John Macarthur with his estate in New South Wales, which became Camden Park, the site of Camden village.

‘Camden’ has now returned, if not to an historian, at least to a piece of history. I have tried to discover how this small part of New

South Wales changed, especially in the middle decades of the nineteenth century; how it was shaped in the 1840s and 1850s by current ideas about locality and community, and how these ideas were then undermined by the coming of Liberal democracy. ‘Thus the book has many of the characteristics of an ordinary local history. It is the biography of a place. However, I have also tried to treat the white people of Gamden as typical of the white people of New South Wales. By moving among them it has been possible to discover more

than historians usually do when working at a more abstract and general level. The period from the late 1830s to the late 1850s was an age when

the significance of locality—local authority, local community and sense of place—had an importance which was unprecedented for New South Wales. It was lke the much longer period in England

xu Camden

between the seventeenth century and the centralizing reforms of the 1830s. In both cases the ‘nation’ seemed to be a commonwealth of places: not so much a federation, because central government was obvious and supreme, as a mosaic of communities, each shaped by a

consciousness of the wider whole, but independent in important aspects of its daily life.

In some parts of New South Wales there were influential figures eager to make localism a virtue. James Macarthur was of a romantic cast of mind and in the 1830s he hoped to revive some of that local self-sufficiency which he rightly understood to have lost its momentum in the Mother Country. (He also believed in an active central government, in tune with the times, but only to ensure justice between places, classes and sects, and a high standard of national life. ) Partly for economic and demographic reasons, the years after about 1835 saw a new interest in the qualities of rural society, and the self-conscious creation and growth of centres of population at a distance from Sydney. From 1843 electoral politics gave villages and farming communities a more urgent awareness of their special interests. The appointment of local correspondents by Sydney newspapers and the growth of a rural press refined the way in which the local communities thought about themselves. Formal control over the people in such places was vested in magistrates like the Macarthurs, local gentlemen appointed because of the status they already held within the routine of rural life. Fostering a belief in the organic

unity of society, such gentlemen tried to make themselves the fathers of their people, a source—the source—of moral guidance, welfare, discipline and mercy. The success of the magistrates at Camden is one of the things measured 1n the story which follows. ‘Towards the end of the 1850s the emergence of Liberal democracy broke down this spirit of local independence. Local political issues

were now shaped by party men operating from Sydney. Political change also influenced country newspapers, some of which were inspired directly by the main Liberal paper, Sydney’s Empire. The appointment of magistrates began to be affected by forms of patronage which were inherent to a centralized democracy. In short, the

Liberal government which came to power in 1857 extended its authority over the country by an aggressive use of both patronage and propaganda. The Liberals were themselves the offspring of new economic forces, new methods of transport, retailing and advertising,

which unified the colony and bound all parts to the capital. They used the techniques of the new market to make themselves supreme.

Introduction xitt

They rode on the back of a new generation, one of the most innova-

tive generations Australia has known. As a result the old regime collapsed. It went down as if there was nothing in it worth keeping, but, as we will see, this was not quite the case. This book does not, by any means, say all there is to be said about

early Camden. There is little about the wool industry, and I have not dealt fully with the diverse achievements of James, Emily and Wilham Macarthur. The domestic arrangements at Camden Park house, the management of the gardens, vineyard, dairy and home farm are all relevant to what I have written, but they must be the subject of another book. It should be clear enough that the material for such a book (or books) is rich and copious. My focus is the population at large, to about 1880. Much of the detail depends on comprehensive genealogical material assembled by what is known as family reconstitution (see Appendix 2). Such detail has not been footnoted. ‘The reconstitution forms can be consulted through the Camden Historical Society. *

This work grew originally out of two biographies, both focusing on the Macarthur family. In April 1976, when the second was nearly

complete, I wrote to the Gamden Municipal Council suggesting that they might like to give me some financial support for three months while I began ‘a small book’ on the history of Camden in the mid-nineteenth century. I am very grateful to the Council, and especially to the then Mayor of Gamden, Mr Bruce Ferguson, for agreeing to do so. I am, if possible, even more grateful for their patience over a period of nearly ten years beyond the time when I first agreed to finish. I now offer them more than ‘a small book’.

Much essential work was done, in Australia and in England, by means of a Research Fellowship in the Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University (1980-1). From 1981 to 1987 the University of New England has been generous with research grants. For permission to see various records I am grateful to Mr Quentin Macarthur-Stanham; Mr John Downes of Brownlow Hill; Mrs Pat Haddon; the Principal Registrar of Births, Deaths and Marriages (NSW); the Archivist of the NSW State Rail Authority; the NSW Deputy Solicitor for Public Prosecutions and Deputy Clerk of the Peace; the Reverend E. G. Clancy of the Uniting Church Archives, Sydney; Mr I. H. Gampbell and Mr M. R. G. Fiedler, succes-

xiv Camden

sive Archivists for the AMP Society, Sydney; Monsignor Duffy of St

Mary’s Cathedral Archives, Sydney; the Reverend A. R. Patrick (Camden); the Reverend B. G. Marsh (Cobbitty); the Reverend G. Chandler (Campbelltown); the Reverend Fr W. Fahy (Camden); and staff in the Catholic presbyteries in Gamden and Campbelltown. Various Camden families, especially the Whitemans, the Dousts and the Smarts, have also shown me useful material. Information has been kindly supplied by Mrs Norma Hart, of the Ferguson Memorial Library, Sydney; Canon B. R. Horsely, Archiv-

ist, Anglican Diocese of Sydney; Mr Leonard Forward, former Director of Mission, Congregational Union of New South Wales; John Atkinson; Mrs Daphne Kingston; Mr Ron Mills; Mr Frank Cranfield; Mr Pat Gaynor; Mrs E. Dwyer, Archivist for John Fairfax and Sons, Sydney; Mrs B. Horton, Archivist for David Jones Ltd, Sydney; and in England, the Dorset Record Office, the Suffolk Record Office and the Liverpool City Library. The maps have been drawn by Steve Clarke of the University of New England. A number of people have read parts of the book during the process

of writing, and have made useful comments: Carl Bridge, John Ferguson, John Knott, Tom Stannage, Michael Sturma and Norma

Townsend. Barry Smith read the entire manuscript when it was finished. Others have helped with research: Peter Bennett, Jan Brazier, Paul Burns, Anne Coates, Stephen Costigan, Beryl Cubbon, Beverley Earnshaw, Lynne Hosking, Catherine Pound, Robyn Wolstenholme. The typing has been done over a number of years

at the University of Western Australia, the Australian National University, and the University of New England. I am particularly grateful to Madeleine Hyson and Margaret Payne for their work towards the end of writing. I have some especially large debts. Marian Aveling has read most of the book twice, very carefully, and has from the beginning been my main source of ideas. Daphne and Arthur Koob have been gen-

erous with genealogical detail, contacts and hospitality. Barbara Austin has provided hospitality and advice. At Gamden I owe debts of all kinds to Llewella Davies, Annette Macarthur-Onslow,

John and Julie Wrigley, Dick Nixon and Mr and Mrs Quentin Macarthur-Stanham.

This book is not only about Camden people and for Gamden people, but also to some extent by Gamden people. Numerous descendants of the community I write about (many of them scat-

Introduction xv

tered through New South Wales and beyond) have been very helpful

with comment and information, and most of all in conveying a sense of place and tradition. As family historians they are part of a great movement in the reinterpretation of the Australian past. The extraordinary boom in amateur family history which began in the 1970s has thrown up new questions which historians in the universities, such as myself, are now obliged to address. These are questions quite different from the ones we have been used to dealing with, and by their emphasis on family and local ties they often turn our view of the past on its head. This book is largely shaped by such

questions. It is also shaped by a belief that good local history has something vital to say to a nation whose people are now looking more and more to local rights, local environment and heritage, and local leaders, even as they make up their minds at election time. In short, I am grateful to the following: Mrs Mary Bacon, Mr Ross Ball, Mr P. Beaver, Mrs M. K. Benn, Mr A. Bromley, Mrs Jean Brown, Mrs Shirley Clarke, Mrs Muriel Cooke, Mrs Zelma Cusack, Mrs Margaret Daley, Miss Carole Douch, Mr K. Fergu-

son, Mrs Barbara Fitzgibbon, Miss Karen Flemming, Mrs Marianne Flood, Mrs V. Fowler, Mrs Anne-Marie Gallahar, Ms Kay Gaut, Mr Bill Gilbert, Mrs Janet Hall, Mrs W. Harland, Mr L. A. Hayward, Mr Max Laidley, Mrs Valerie Leonard, Mr R. C. Lusted, Mrs V. J. Lynch, Mrs Norma McDougall, Reverend Brian Maher, Mr Thomas Meany, Mr Don Newton, Mrs Dorothy Nicol, Mrs E. O’Donnell, Mrs Janette Page, Mr Owen Pearce, Miss Betty Quirk, Mrs Clarice Quirk, Mr David Ralph, Mrs E. Reedy, Mrs Norma Reedy, Lt. Col. A. H. Rehardt, Mrs Helen Reichenbach, Mr Kevin Rice, Mrs V. Robertson, Mrs Robyn Sankey, Mr John Sheather, Mrs Jeanne Stacey, Mr John Starr, Mr Allen Stein, Mrs

E. Stephenson, Mrs Betty Traynor, Mrs Jeanette Weeden, Mr Kevin Wellings, Mrs Shirley White. *

This book shows among other things how rural people in the nineteenth century took, or were forced to take, new language and

ideas from the city. In the twentieth century the same kind of process can be seen in the replacement of the old imperial system of measurement with a metric one. Now there is no such thing as a country mile. As a guide to what follows, a metric conversion is supplied for the main measurement under discussion in each pas-

xut Camden

sage. When the measurement applies to a situation which exists today, such as the distance between geographical points, I have used metric units.

I

first Impressions

IMAGINE Camden in January 1841, at the height of a dry summer. Take a good vantage point: if you are travelling from Sydney into the south country you can stop on the Cowpasture Bridge, within the knot of sunshine and black she-oak branches where the Great South Road meets the Nepean River. The bridge is wooden, a flat

arch dating back to 1826, with dead leaves in its crevices. It was once highly thought of, well made and secure, but it has been much used since.! Now, in summer 1841, it answers travellers like a lumpish low-voiced ostler, and it is a little weak in the centre where the boards have begun to rot. The highway to the south is level for two hundred yards ahead as it runs across the river flats. It then rises among grasshoppers and mites to skirt the summit of a small hill. The scene here is dull green and red, the mingling of tall kangaroo grass with dust from the clay soil of the road. There is a brick-field beside the road at the bottom of the hill, a broad hole implanted with wooden instruments, where the richness of the soil is laid open. This belongs to James Lacy, who has another

brickyard just beyond the river bend. At the top of the hill is the destination of most of his bricks: the shell of a new church, still a low box waiting for its roof and window frames. The sunlight rests on its angles like freshly cut oranges, the colour due to iron in the soil. At intervals the road is filled with dust, and oaths, as heavy drays go by laden with goods from the interior, all ‘passing like snails towards

Sydney’.* Otherwise the air is as clear as good glass, and it is so quiet you can hear the brickmaker beyond the river bend, speaking now and then with his man. On the ridge of the hill and beside the main road are two small

cottages or shops, standing together. These are inhabited by a cooper named Kains (an Irishman much marked by smallpox) and

2 Camden

a wheelwright named Arnold. Near them is the Camden Inn, partly

finished, its chimneys sticking up above a double row of empty windows. One other house can be seen in this direction, a little down

the hill. It belongs to the overseer of the Gamden estate, Joseph Goodlucke, his wife Rebecca and three small children. This building is quite close and it may be possible to catch sight of the mistress, hoeing her lettuces or walking among her ducks, the sun pinpointing

her rough bonnet. It would be worth a lot to be able to look more closely under this bonnet, into the lights and shadows of Mrs Goodlucke’s face. We can only guess at a skin dark red with sunburn, and about her figure a few black ribbons and skirts of blue calico. Goodlucke, her husband, is empowered to deal with those who want work

on the estate, and with hopeful purchasers of livestock, hay and wine.

Goodlucke’s house commands two of the three paddocks, of about

thirty acres each, which enclose the river flats to the right of the road. These are at present under maize, which should fall to the sickle in March, and which will then be replaced with wheat: the present month constitutes a short pause within the annual cycles that make up the farmer’s life. The tenant of the furthest paddock, like Goodlucke, has his cottage on the side of the hill, out of reach of floodwater. ‘This is Pat Curry, an upright, good-natured man, a former convict. In his case the convict records provide a glimpse of physical characteristics: middling height, grey eyes, fair skin. He is a native of Limerick. He has five children, all born at Camden, and Ellen, his wife, is newly pregnant.° We pass over a scatter of other cottages, and find, four miles away on a side road, the mansion and farm buildings which are the heart of the Gamden estate. The house is big, built in the Regency style, and it has been occupied for six years. It is of stuccoed brick, well finished, and is hemmed about with lawn and storehouses. Everything 1s well oiled and manicured. The kitchen garden, so visitors say, 1s ‘in the most perfect and productive order’.* This is the home of the Macarthurs, a family well known in the colony. ‘There are two brothers, plain-looking men approaching middle age. One 1s

married to a cheerful, energetic Englishwoman. There is also a baby, eight months old and very noisy. ‘The innermost recesses of the house, its core of shelves and cupboards, smell of fresh baby linen.

There is one other important property to the south of the river, at Brownlow Hill, the homestead being five miles down from the

kirst Impressions 3

ce‘llCobbitty _—{] ) x g . ch Ree SSE

HILL ZA home farme 7 Ss ) carpenter y’ Caen aker fp © NARELLAN blacksmith MACQUARIE Eo. BROWNLOW~7SN Orr” ;

wy — nN 4X eyy 2 \fFerd

c\

ws Mrs. Clark F#GROVE £\ sa

8 — (> ELDERSLIE ™ 4 fff EI j Meow: farms derslie —N— Sheather

1e) CAMDEN Cowpasture bridge i

\ peo? AN ss _os ; eee a OT al :; “HR Westbrook shoemaker PARK carpenter e@/CAMDEN Doust e home farm \:

_ carpenter H

Mrs. Parker storekeeper blacksmith i . Cawdor Mrs.Chittenden Chapman blacksmith @ Mrs. ‘Bei

iS

Greenhills Qf RR = ———§ ~ashcrotte VY wheelwright butcher

{ Mrs. blacksmith Fairall Menangle4 blacksmith;

two shoemakers Mrs. Haines ‘A

+3

OSf

wy,FP

Kilometres y _ anh a yi ae Ye”

MAP 1 Camden, showing original land grants

irs”

4 Camden

bridge. Here a creek bank has been levelled to support a house, and the slopes created are crammed with exotic trees and shrubs. The master is George Macleay, son of a former Colonial Secretary, ‘a little stout bustling fellow’ with thick red hair, fond of accumulating plants and curiosities, and powerful friends. His wife is a colourless woman and vain. They have no children.°

On the north side of the river, from Menangle to Macquarie Grove, most of the land is cleared, except for the peppermint gums and she-oaks which grow at the edge of the water. Settlers have been scattered along the north bank for twenty years or more, so there 1s much mellow untidiness. Most of the cottages and bark huts are surrounded by a large expanse of dusty devastated earth where hogs have rummaged for a generation. On one or two of the bigger farms a bird’s eye view might catch the dark figure of a mower beneath the dazzling January horizon, and the flash of a scythe moving like a needle through quadrangles of lucerne. This story of Gamden has three phases, a beginning, a middle and an end. The beginning is the period of pastoral pioneering, a period which is almost over by this time of 184.1. ‘The middle is roughly the

1840s and the 1850s, when a generation gathered to build villages, farms and a distinctive rural hierarchy. This was a fabric brilliant in

parts, ornate and tightly drawn. It was washed threadbare in the last period, the 1860s and the 1870s, when the Nepean broke its banks in numerous violent floods. At the same time the young men and women of the place—rightly called the rising generation—were caught up by a mass of new ideas from beyond their boundaries, and so helped to undermine traditional restraint.

The Nepean River has some claim to international fame. Griffith Taylor, the geographer, argued that few small rivers in the world have had a more interesting geological history. He was referring to the Nepean below Menangle and to its successor, the Hawkesbury, as far as Wiseman’s Ferry. This stretch is a series of meanders, about 80 kilometres long. At the beginning, near Menangle, the river passes from a bed of Hawkesbury sandstone to one of stillstand, the lower course being formed from Wianamatta shale. At one period,

about a million years ago, the water ran over the shale itself, but since that time a deep bed of alluvium has been laid down and there

are now broad fertile river flats as far as Bent’s Basin, about 32 kilometres down river. Taylor suggested that this whole area was once a large lake whose bed has now filled up with silt, leaving only room for the copper coloured river to wind across its muddied face.

First Impressions 5

Maybe the many ponds which used to lie between Menangle and Camden (until the building of reservoirs upstream) were the remains of that ancient sheet of water. Further downstream towards Wallacia, Taylor wrote, there was perhaps another lake of the same sort, also eel infested, and separated from the first by a gorge of sandstone.®

Our account begins above Birds Eye Corner, or Menangle, and goes no further than Brownlow Hill (see map p. 3). Between these two points the river winds from north-south to east-west. At both these points it approaches sandstone hills, the ends of an arc of high country. The land enclosed by these two arcs, the river and the hills, is nearly 16 kilometres long and about 8 kilometres wide, and it contains 12000 hectares. This land, together with 1000 hectares on the right bank about the Cowpasture Bridge, is the territory of this book.

There are three types of terrain. First the river flats, of sandy loam

originally studded with sparse cabbage gums, she-oaks and wild apple trees. ‘The earliest written record, dating from 1795, adds to this

picture ‘large ponds, covered with ducks and the black swan, the margins of which were fringed with shrubs of the most delightful tints’. But this record was made after a wet spring. At other times even Menangle, or Munangle, the biggest sheet of water, might be ‘reduced to a small compass’ and quite deserted, the water having ‘much the foul appearance of a pond in a farmyard’.’ From the flats, a kilometre wide in places, the ground rises more or less gradually and in doing so loses a little of its richness. A naval officer writing in 1807 saw this second type of country as ‘Hills and Dales, waving

like the Sea, their Bases nearly uniting and rising as they advance towards the high Mountains’.® This was, and is, an area of grey box and Gamden woolly-butt, interspersed with white Christmas

bush and wattle. The soil is reddish brown clay, compounded from Wianamatta shale, the latter being more than 200 metres thick

about Camden. When free of grass, on all the early roadways for instance, this clay was like deep glue after heavy rain and like brick under a drying sun. The first Europeans looked about with pleasure at the luxuriant grass that covered both the flats and the low hills. The flats seemed best for cattle, and the hills, they thought, being slightly drier but scattered with ponds, should some day abound with sheep.? As a bonus for the farmers who they believed must settle here, the trees were sparse, ‘and free from underwood, except in particular spots’.

The thin underwood was no doubt due to the Aboriginal custom,

6 Camden

carried on in many parts of Australia, of burning to bring on fresh pasture for game. Where there was no recent burning the grass at Camden was found to be long and rank.!°

This is the picture drawn by the first white explorers. The country, as it were, returned their gaze. Koalas, native cats and possums lived among the trees, and had they known how the Europeans might have found platypus in the river banks. ‘There were dingoes and wombats, and the purple-white depths of kangaroo grass concealed all kinds of reptiles: brown, black, green, tiger, lead, diamond, whip and carpet snakes, ancient-skinned goannas and quick silent lizards. Birds walked among the grass and gathered by the water: cockatoos, parrots, magpies, larks, finches,

robins, owls, hawks, ducks, cranes, swans, pelicans and brolgas. There were bellbirds along the river bed and creeks, hidden from view but ringing fit to crack the eardrums of Englhshmen. An early botanist remarked on how much the noise hurt him.!! The third type of terrain is the forest and part-forest leading up to

the high country, to Mt Hunter, Mt Prudhoe, Mt Taurus and the saddles and scarps between. These ‘mountains’ are part of the Razorback, a narrow sandstone plateau rising sharply to more than 300 metres above the river at Gamden (which is about 60 metres above the sea). One early romantic described the high country as ‘a most beautiful wild region, where was shade and underwood, and overhanging cliffs, and massy stones rent into most fantastic forms, and shrubs and vines springing out of every fissure’. The practical farmer, on the other hand, saw only ‘barren rocky ranges’, where water was short.!* Perhaps both quotations make the rough parts sound too big. The northern slopes, at least, might be moistened by

tributaries of the Mt Hunter, Sickles, Matahh and Navigation Creeks, and the soil there consists of a hard variety of shale mingled

with the sandstone. Like the sheer sandstone at the very top, the slopes were once mainly forest country, shaded by ironbark, stringy-

bark, mountain apple and turpentine trees. They had less undergrowth and thicker grass than the summits. Much of Mt Hunter, for instance, was said to be ‘rocky, but clothed with verdure fully fit for [the] feeding of Sheep’.!¥ Such country was not much coveted by the invaders of the 1790s when they first rode through, but it cheered the humdrum settlers later on.

Not much is known about the people who lived here in the 1790s. Anthropologists, whose sources date from the turn of the twentieth

First Impressions 7

century, maintain that they were part of the Dharrook tribe, which inhabited the south-west part of the country of Cumberland.!* This is a mistake. In 1914 a booklet of memoirs was published by one Werriberri, otherwise known as Billy Russell, then about sixty years

old and ‘chief man’ of the Gundungurra, the next people to the south, which shows without doubt that the Gamden Aborigines were a distinct and independent language group. This 1s also clear from

fragmentary notes left by Sir William Macarthur (1800-82), who probably knew more about the people than any other white man. According to Werriberri, the name of the Gamden dialect was Gurgur and the tribal area was called Cubbitch-barta, or -batha, because of its white pipe clay. The tribe seems to have been small and unwarlike. Children were born to white fathers from the earliest years of contact, and each succeeding generation mixed more thoroughly with the invaders. A camp remained on Camden Park where forms of ritual were observed until the 1850s. ‘There were then about

a dozen people, many of them old or elderly.'° The passing of the Aborigines was orderly, from a European point of view, and free from bloodshed. However, nothing can prevent it from giving the story of old Gamden a tragic aspect. The first and best account of the tribe is to be found in the journal of George Caley, a botanist, writing in late summer 1804. Caley was

a good bushman who had explored the area several times, and the people were familiar with him. This time he found them in the scrub south of Razorback, where they were hunting kangaroos, firing the bush so as to bring them within reach (a method they called ‘wol-

bunga’). We can imagine that the air was hot and pungent with burnt eucalyptus. The scrub was thick, and in the confusion, Caley

writes, ‘I perceived that a good deal more knew me than what I could recognize’. He sensed that they had visitors with them, and he suspected the presence of Gannaboygal, or Gannamikel, a man of

princely reputation, said to be immortal, whom no European had ever seen. Eventually Gannaboygal came from behind a tree with three companions, one of them a woman, all remarkably tall and powerful and evincing a superb combination of politeness and authority. Their hair was shoulder-length and their faces were terrifying; ‘though I must own’, says Caley, ‘that Cannaboygal had something pleasant in his while I was conversing with him.’ During their conversation, carried on by interpreter, the local people stood about

in profound silence, but they mocked the giants when they were alone again with Caley.!®

8 Camden

The first visit by Europeans, in August 1790 (when the settlement at Sydney was only two and a half years old), yields no detail whatever about the Aborigines. On this occasion Captain Watkin ‘Tench

and Lieutenant William Dawes, of the Marines, and Surgeon George Worgan, R.N., spent a week out from Parramatta, crossed

the river, which they called the Worgan, and got as far as Mt Prudhoe, which they called Pyramid Hill. They reported seeing ‘traces of natives wherever they went’ but nothing else of interest, except for the river.!’ These ‘traces’ probably included the remains of grass fires which later visitors often remarked on. The absence of Aborigines was often noticed, which may mean that there were not many of them. Afterwards some became well known as individuals, but the tribe was never studied with the care which the gentlemen of the First Fleet had lavished on the Aborigines of Port Jackson. The Macarthurs were interested, but they did not learn very much.

William Macarthur found the people ‘always very reticent concerning their rules and laws’. His brother James decided that while

Aboriginal laws might be ‘as binding and as stringent. ..as our laws...on us’, they must be as incomprehensible to the white man as English law was to the black.!8 In other words, nothing much was ever recorded about the Aboriginal way of life at Gamden. The second expedition from Port Jackson took place in the spring of 1795. It was more significant than the first and more promising from the Europeans’ point of view. For some time the settlement had been very short of livestock, because all the cattle brought with the

First Fleet, two bulls and five cows from the Cape of Good Hope, had escaped within five months of landing. In May 1795 the shortage had been ended with a large importation from India. It was therefore a happy bonus when during the winter Aborigines brought stories that the first herd, much multiphed, was grazing some 60 kilometres to the south-west. Two convicts, whose job was shooting game, went to look for themselves, followed by a free man, Henry Hacking, who was sent by the Governor to make quite sure. In mid-

November, on the return of this second embassy, a small party under Hacking’s guidance and led by the Governor, John Hunter, set off for the new dominion. They found a total of sixty-one cattle grazing in open country beyond the river.!9 The Aborigines called the place Baragil, or Baragal, but Hunter christened it the Gowpastures, the name used in England for the common grazing land near a village. To the northwards the edge of the Cowpastures was never defined (it went beyond Narellan) but its southern limit was Stone-

First Impressions 9

quarry Creek. From this time too the adjacent part of the river, which ‘Tench had called the Worgan, was known as the Nepean, the name already used further downstream. The explorers of 1795 were much more impressed with the new country than those of 1790 had been. At Sydney the news of the wild

cattle caused much excitement, but neither the land nor the livestock was badly needed, and for the time being they were too remote to be more than subjects of curiosity. Hunter was only keen to pre-

vent the cattle from being disturbed, believing that in time they would become ‘a very great Advantage and Resource to this Colony’. His successor, Governor King (1800-6), was more assertive. In 1801, when the cattle apparently numbered five or six hundred,

King began to look for ways to muster them so that they could be put to use. He first organized a party on horseback under the Reverend Samuel Marsden, but the cattle took to the hills. Then, discovering that tame cattle would come out of curiosity to the sound of a drum, the Governor sent out two troopers and a drummer to try seduction: ‘they fell in with a herd of about 36; on beating the drum they advanced towards the men, but on continuing to beat it they fled’. At last a hut was built at the crossing place (a ford near the present Cowpasture Bridge), of slabs, thatched with

grass and with a wooden chimney. For a few months this—the first building in the Cowpastures—was a base for the selective slaughter of bulls.?°

During Governor King’s time the sun-drunk goannas of Baragil were frequently startled by the noise of horses and of gentlemen. ‘The

Cowpastures was becoming a resort for visiting naval officers, and for anyone whose sensibilities ran to romantic landscapes and fine livestock. For their convenience the Governor stationed a man at Prospect ‘to act as a guide to gentlemen going to see the cattle’, but the spread of settlement also brought the Cowpastures within reach of white men whose delights were less abstract. As early as 1798 there had been some underhand killing of the cattle, probably by escaped convicts. In July 1803 the Governor, wishing to prevent this from becoming a regular source of sustenance and pleasure for the

poor, forbade any crossing of the river without his permission. However, there were already Europeans, nameless outlaws, who had made the Cowpastures their home. In 1804 Caley heard one shouting far off, like an echo in the scrub.?!

At this stage there was little prospect of the Cowpastures being

10 Camden

needed for regular settlement and the cattle seemed safe for years. Farming was still concentrated around Sydney, Parramatta and the Hawkesbury, which left 24 kilometres of country still to be taken up between George’s River and the Nepean. Then in June 1805 the Governor’s hopes for gradual expansion were upset by the arrival of John Macarthur, home after two years in England, much of it spent in the lobbies of Whitehall. Macarthur brought with him an order from the Right Honourable the Earl Gamden, Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, that he be granted 5000 acres (about 2000

hectares) near Mt ‘Taurus, an area, as Lord Camden believed, ‘peculiarly adapted for sheep’.**

This book deals mainly with people, and it will mention only in passing the importance of Camden as a breeding ground for sheep.*°

Briefly, Macarthur had gone back to England in November 1801,

taking with him samples of wool from his flock at Parramatta. He had persuaded the Board of Trade and Lord Camden that finewoolled sheep would do very well in New South Wales. Gamden agreed to let him have a free grant of 5000 acres—by far the largest so far allowed in the colony—assured him of his patronage, and promised another 5000 acres if his plans should succeed. The choice of the Gowpastures was probably due to Henry Waterhouse, a naval officer who had been in New South Wales and who had ridden over the margins of settlement. In a letter to Macarthur which found its way to Lord Camden, Waterhouse pointed out that although much of the land he had seen would suit sheep, the best, and the only area of any size, was beyond the Nepean.** It is possible that Macarthur, who was not much of an explorer, had never been there himself:

Governor King was not willing to see the wild cattle disturbed, and he asked Macarthur to look for land elsewhere until Lord Gamden’s order could be confirmed. Macarthur, all sweetness and light in times of triumph, obliged by riding over much of the south-west part of the country of Gumberland, but he found nothing suitable. So at last, on 13 October 1805, King gave him permission to take his stock beyond the Nepean. Before the end of the month Macarthur

had already begun ‘fixing his establishments’ there, and the Surveyor-General had been ordered to draw up the boundaries of his estate.*°

Besides Macarthur’s grant, 2000 acres (800 hectares) were to be measured in the same place for Walter Davidson, who had come out with him. Davidson was a young member of the great London family who had brought Macarthur to the Government’s notice. Accord-

First Impressions 11

ing to rules then current, the river frontage of each grant was to be limited so as not to exceed the length inland by more than a third. This did not mean much, because the Governor let Macarthur take his land in two parts, with Davidson’s between them. The result was a fine piece of geometrical jobbery. While each separate block was narrow enough, united they ran for over 12 kilometres along the river bank, compared with just over 7 kilometres inland: altogether a splendid domain, fertile and well watered. From March 180g it was all Macarthur’s, because Davidson went home to England leaving his grant for the free use of his friend. The southern third of this estate was called Upper Camden, Davidson’s third was called Belmont, and the home farm, where the river changes direction from

north to west, was called Lower Camden or Camden Park. The Aboriginal names which were sometimes used, Carabeely, Menangle and Belgenny, or Benkennie, came from the ponds which stood on each grant.?© ‘The name Camden Park was soon taken to mean the whole estate, including all the later additions. Within five years of the date of Macarthur’s grant small settlers had begun to accumulate along the right bank of the river, the Syd-

ney side. This was part of a general shift in interest to the south-

west, the farms on the Upper Hawkesbury—so far the main agricultural frontier—having suffered from heavy flooding and exhausted soil.*’? King’s successor, Governor Bligh, was against any

grants at the Gowpastures, but he was deposed in January 1808 in the Rum Rebellion. Afterwards there were three Acting Governors, ruling in succession, and it was apparently the second of these, Lieutenant-Colonel Foveaux (June 1808 to January 1809), who began the encirclement of Gamden Park with smaller properties. During his regime Foveaux scems to have allocated 200 acres at Birds Eye Corner, opposite Belmont, to James Harrex, a rich and enterprising ex-convict who had become a road builder, but the farm was not surveyed until two years later.2® Colonel William Paterson, who ruled during 1809, made two smaller grants a little further down the river, and a large one on Narellan Creek: 1000 acres to John Oxley the explorer, then a young lieutenant in the Navy.?9 Oxley called his

grant Kirkham, after his birthplace in England, but he never lived there for any length of time. Governor Lachlan Macquarie (1810-21) ordered the first general survey of the area, which also meant filling up the gaps remaining on

the right bank. During July 1811, 400 acres were marked off in a loop of the river west of Kirkham, for the ex-missionary Rowland

12 Camden

Hassall. This was Macquarie Grove. During August the Acting Surveyor-General, James Mechan, went on to divide up most of the river’s edge north of Birds Eye Corner into farms ranging from 30 to

200 acres each. Further down, along the low sandy bank east of Kirkham, thirteen more were surveyed between 1811 and 1815.%° Elderslie, 820 acres adjoining Kirkham, dates from 1816, when it was given to Oxley, now Surveyor-General. It was the last grant north of the river. Oxley, at thirty years old, was a driving force in the movement outwards from Sydney, north, south and west, where the frontiers of

marsh and opal-blue forest were soon to make the Nepean look tame. The land was suddenly more vast in these years, and the Cowpastures became a springboard for adventures beyond. For instance,

even while Oxley was taking up his new farm on the Cowpasture Road, he was also planning the expedition which he hoped would uncover the heart of the continent. Meanwhile the historian has to stick to his vantage point at Gamden, and explore the hearts of the settlers themselves.

2

The Last Years of Invasion

Locat histories are customarily tales of progress, and this is the best place to mention the first wheels to venture south of the Nepean, or the first we know of. On a Wednesday in Spring 1809 a remarkable

procession left Parramatta, pleasure bent: a post-chaise bearing Elizabeth Paterson, the Acting Governor’s wife—‘pleasant and

obliging. ..fat and forty...very sharp’!—and Mrs Macarthur, whose husband was once more in England; together with a gig seating

two gentlemen; and on horseback three more gentlemen, several servants and two troopers. A wagon had gone ahead with the where-

withal of picnicking: abundant food ‘and of course a good cook’. The party spent three nights at a little hut—probably the Camden homestead—where the only furniture was some sheets of bark and an old ‘couch’ made of rushes. Mrs Paterson consulted Betty, her maidservant, as to whether the couch would hold her: ‘No Ma’am, I thinks as how it won’t, for you bees very heavy’. ‘And so’, Mrs Paterson wrote afterwards, ‘Mrs M.

occupied the bark bedstead on one side the hut and I the other. ‘The gents were in a tent brought for the purpose’. On their third day

they climbed Mt Taurus where they found a tree marked with the initials of two good friends, young Navy men now gone abroad. Mrs Paterson took a knife and added her own, in memory of old laughter and mock flirtation. For Mrs Macarthur this was a little too frivolous, but for Mrs Paterson it was great fun: May that tree bloom forever. Who could at such a moment and in such a scene forbear to moralize, it was just the spot for it, for already we appeared enveloped in ethereal space, looking down on the sublunary world below, and though not looking and perhaps not feeling much like an angel, I could with equal pleasure [have] sung good will to all mankind.

14 Camden

Next day it rained and the river began to rise, so they hurried the vehicles across and drove home.? ‘The pomp of this expedition was easily matched by the four visits of Governor Macquarie, between 1810 and 1822. Macquarie’s successive reports on the Gowpastures also show the progress of settle-

ment there under his auspices. In 1810 the only human beings he encountered were Mrs Macarthur, who had this time ridden out from Parramatta to check on her sheep, and several Aborigines, who honoured him with ‘an extraordinary sort of dance’. The Aborigines

were Koggie, whom Macquarie calls ‘Chief of the Cow-Pasture Tribe’, Boodbury, Bundal, three other men, three women, including Koggie’s two wives, and four or five children. On his second visit, in 1815, the Governor spent a day riding over the ground east of Camden (the district of Appin), a good deal of which was now occupied. Several new farms near Birds Eye Corner he found ‘tolerably well

improved, and the crops...looking well and healthy’. He also stayed one night at Macquarie Grove, the loop of land he had given

to Missionary Hassall.? Hassall lived at Parramatta, but he had built a cottage on the farm for his son Samuel, aged nineteen, who looked after it for him.

Most of the thirteen small farms Macquarie had granted to the east of Kirkham were in a forward state by 1815, and were more or

less a community. Three of the biggest, between 50 and 95 acres (20 and 38 hectares) each, had been given to men who had been sergeants in the New South Wales Corps. One of these had a convict

labourer living with him. Another had the company of his wife and an old servant, who had been allowed 35 acres alongside.* Two other farms side by side had been granted to brothers-in-law:

68 acres to Edward Lambe—a relatively big grant because he was a free immigrant—and 40 acres to Joseph Nettleton, an exconvict. It is not clear whether Lambe and Nettleton lived on their land. Five more ex-convict men and a native-born woman, Henr1etta Fletcher, were occupying farms about the size of Nettleton’s.° Isaac Knight, a free immigrant like Lambe, had the biggest grant of all, 100 acres, which seems to have enabled him and his wife to keep several convicts, including a maid. Of these original grantees only two lived on their farms for more than a dozen years: Henrietta Fletcher and Thomas Galvin, an exconvict. They had been given 40 acres each opposite Belgenny Lagoon. Mrs Fletcher was probably the daughter of a soldier, and she had been brought up in the Orphan School at Parramatta. In 1807

The Last Years of Invasion 15

she had married Edward Fletcher, a well behaved convict who was later made a constable. By 1815 they had several children but had not reached the stage where they could keep servants. Galvin, their neighbour, had begun his pioneering life in Winter 1791, aged fourteen, in a gentleman’s kitchen in the London suburb of Bloomsbury. He went into the kitchen, he explained later, because he had been wrongly told that there was work there whitewashing. He left it with

two large silver spoons in his pockets. The servants were quick enough to catch him, but having retrieved the spoons they kindly let him go. On leaving the second time he took two silver teaspoons. These, he said, on being nabbed again some way from the house, had been given to him by “a tall man in a green coat’. He was tried at the Old Bailey and sentenced to seven years abroad. By 1815 he had long served his time, had formed a liaison with Sarah Wood, another active and able ex-convict, and had three small daughters. Sarah’s

background was rural—-she had been a ‘farm housekeeper’ in Worcestershire—so she may well have taken a leading part on the Cowpasture farm.® The 1814 muster shows that they too had a convict servant, Mark Gilman. In October 1815 ‘Thomas Galvin and Sarah Wood rode, in a dray

perhaps, down to Parramatta to be married. ‘They took with them the two babies, Eleanor and Ann, who were christened on the same day. It is a significant event 1n the history of the colony because it shows that the controlling personality of Lachlan Macquarie had at last reached even the small households at the edge of settlement. Formal marriages had never been the rule in New South Wales, most men and women setting up together with a minimum of ritual. In 1806 according to Governor King, much less than a third of the women were married, but there were very few who did not ‘cohabit openly with one man’, doing the duties common to wives.’ From the day he took office, Governor Macquarie set about imposing on the

people an awareness of the majesty of the state and a deference to the law, which was intended to make such things impossible. He replaced a settled and living routine—based mainly on working-class

habits—with the regimen of the Empire as he understood it. The current English marriage law, Hardwicke’s Act, 1753, said that the cohabitation of men and women was irregular unless sanctioned by the rites of the Church of England. Thomas Galvin was a Catholic,

so that in his case Macquarie’s achievement was all the more remarkable. On his excursion of 1815 the Governor also visited Mrs Macar-

16 Camden

thur, who was now able to show him at least one substantial building at Camden Park, probably a shed ‘for the purpose of securing the wool’. The estate now carried 4500 sheep, less than 200 having been left on the smaller family holdings at Parramatta and Seven Hills. Those at Gamden were divided into flocks numbering between 350 and 500, each being looked after by a single convict shepherd.

There were also several hundred cattle, divided between three herdsmen. The resident overseer was Thomas Herbert, probably the first white man settled with a family south of the river.®

Herbert was born about 1772, in or near London. As a boy he was postilion to the last Duke of Chandos, riding the lead horse before the Duke’s carriage. This agreeable work ended with the death of the Duke, a nobleman of ‘great sweetness of nature’, in September

1789. Thomas, still only seventeen, then lived with his father in Soho, earning what he could working among horses, but he was never the man to make much of an independent life. Though capable and energetic, he was often at the mercy of events. On 17 September 1790, very soon after midnight, we find him standing in front of an ironmonger’s shop window in Oxford Street. The window

was broken, though not by Herbert. Aware only of the darkness around him and the easy money beyond the glass, he reached in. He was immediately caught, a brass candlestick worth two shillings was

found in his possession, he was thrown into Newgate Gaol, tried (after four months in prison) for breaking, entering and stealing, and sentenced to death.? However, as very often happened, his sentence was commuted to transportation for life.

He was pardoned in the colony, and became the Macarthurs’ overseer. For a time he was apparently stationed on John Macarthur’s farm at Seven Hills, a much larger property than Elizabeth Farm, and the home of most of the sheep until the land at Camden was brought more thoroughly under control. However, by 1811 he was living at the Cowpastures with Catherine Gampbell, a convict who had arrived two years before.'!9 Steady procreation, even without marriage, commended the couple to their betters: in 1811 Mrs Macarthur prevailed upon the Governor to let Herbert and one of her herdsmen named Condron have grants of 100 acres (40 hectares) on the main road south-east of Kirkham. This is the first example of the Macarthurs putting their best servants—nearly always family men—onto farms of their own, a system they were to work

out carefully during the 1830s and 1840s. It was typical of their man-management schemes, which all show a measure of kindness

The Last Years of Invasion 17

combined with an eye for long-term advantage. It might seem foolish to set a useful man free, but the land was thus enriched with enterprising farmers, you proved to your people that industry had its reward, and you encircled your estate with growing families who could be drawn on for labour at harvest time and shearing. The Herberts, like the Galvins, were married 1n 1815 at St John’s, Parramatta, but

poor Thomas Herbert was to find scant sweetness, either in Macquarie’s land grant or Samuel Marsden’s blessing.

The most important result of Macquarie’s second tour of the Cowpastures was the building of stockyards, in three places, to hold

the wild cattle. This was done by 1819, when George Johnston, Superintendent of Government Stock, was entrusted with the Herculean task of bringing in the animals. Johnston, only twenty-nine and a very fine stockman, died in the attempt; or rather, he fell and was kicked in the chest during a wild horse race with one of the

Macarthurs. The work was finished over several years by his younger brother David, who became Superintendent in his place.!!

Macquarie made his third tour in 1820. At the central yards he now found a government overseer, and a brick cottage big enough to

hold his family and servants. He named the place Cawdor, after a lordly kinsman of his wife’s. He also visited the yards to the west, at Lowe’s Hill, which he renamed Brownlow Hill. As ex-Governor he

made his last expedition in 1822, a farewell visit. By this time the driving sense of curiosity had left him: he went to inspect improvements, and was pleased but not surprised with what the people had to show him.!* The CGowpastures was reduced to something like order at last.

The most striking thing about the Cowpastures in the 1820s was that instead of being ruled mainly from Sydney and Parramatta, it began to be ruled more from within. This was partly because the owners of the big estates began to live on the spot instead of making only periodic visits. ‘They brought order and policy to their home-

steads and the power to supervise most weighty local matters. A Court of Petty Sessions, made up of such gentlemen, sat at Cawdor from March 1825, and it had a small body of police attached to it. But it is equally important that common life had become so complex

and well settled that 1t now moved by the impulse of routine. In a community which depends on routine people acquire both rights and obligations which gradually become interwoven with their daily lives. Go-operation is easier, and even the most timid pioneers can

18 Camden

find ways of helping themselves. ‘This was liberty, according to the rulers of that generation: the cheerful marriage of rights and duties. At the Cowpastures farm boundaries were more or less settled by 1830. Most of the thirteen small farms along the river at Elderslie had gradually melted away, merging under single owners or being added to Elderslie itself. Some of the grantees had tried leasing out their land, but at last only Fletcher and Galvin were left, with two smaller men, newcomers who took an interest in sly-grog selling. Edward Fletcher was now Chief Constable on the north bank of the river, and the only lock-up for miles, a slab hut, was on his farm.!° Galvin was also a man of consequence. In 1828 he owned 270 acres (109 hectares), some at Elderslie and some about 25 kilometres to the west at Burragorang, where he ran his cattle. ‘The 1828 census lists him and Sarah with a household of seven employees (no doubt mostly stockmen), six children of their own, and a little boy called Charles Fondwen, an orphan. In late 1827 they had also housed the local schoolmaster. This schoolmaster, the first we hear of, had begun his teaching at the Cowpastures in March 1821. He had apparently looked to Galvin for a roof and sustenance because Galvin had ‘the largest family in this settlement’ and because no other parent could afford to pay

anything. At first Samuel Marsden, as head of the established church (the Church of England), had agreed to help with church money. However, he seems to have decided that Galvin’s teacher was unsuitable (possibly, like Galvin, he was Catholic). From late 1825 another man, Charles Gordon, ran a school at Kirkham on church funds, his wife instructing the little girls in needlework and knitting.'* ‘Phe Gordons lasted less than two years: by September 1827 Galvin’s teacher was alone again, enlightening ‘all the children

around that quarter, and indeed some of those who attended the school at Kirkham’,!° Herbert’s farm also stayed intact during the 1820s, but it was not his home. In fact there is no evidence that he ever left the Macarthurs’ employment, and the local muster-roll for 1823 shows him

living still, or again, at Camden Park. Catherine and the children were meanwhile on his farm, separated from him by the river and the irregular habits of the convict ferryman.!® She did little to clear and develop his land, 1ts main produce being pork from a large herd

of pigs, but she seems to have ruled happily enough without her husband, and was obviously a stronger personality. We soon begin to hear of ‘a man who lives in Herbert’s house’, and in due course of

The Last Years of Invasion 19

three more children added to Herbert’s four. At the same time the house itself, ‘the hut at the corner of the Cobbitty Road’, got a bad reputation as a place where sly grog might be bought and stolen property hidden. A more explicit complaint came from John Wade, a labouring man, who went there on a Spring evening in 1825. He was travelling on the main road from Parramatta, he said, and was going by Herbert’s farm ‘when Herbert’s children called out that their mother wanted him’. So he ‘turned back and went into the

house where he found Mrs Herbert, two of her daughters, and Thomas Avery the saddler. Avery was sitting with spirits before him

and gave...|Wade] a glass’. Wade eventually went to sleep, and when he woke up he found all his money gone. On confronting his hostess she ‘instantly replied, that he had brought no money, and

abused him’. At this point a man came from the next room and pushed him out of the hut. As a result Mrs Herbert was tried for sly-grog selling and fined one hundred Spanish dollars (about £25), a very considerable sum.!” ‘This accounts for the small farms north of the river. On the southern side boundaries were laid down in a more princely fashion, and

comprehended thousands of acres. The final arrangement meant the end of the great Crown estate so far preserved for the wild cattle. In 1822 and 1823 four more grants were made to the Macarthur

family, and in 1825, after much lobbying and argument, Cawdor itselfi— 10400 acres (over 4200 hectares)—was made over, partly

as a reward to John Macarthur for the sensation his wool had caused on the London market. ‘Thus Camden Park finally consisted

of about 27 333 acres bounded on three sides by the river and on the west by Mt Hunter Creek. Beyond this creek 2000 acres was

given in 1822 to Peter Murdoch, one of Governor Brisbane’s officials: ‘the only man of talent amongst them’ according to James

Macarthur. ‘his was Glendaruel. Murdoch kept cattle there and he made some improvements, including a homestead of logs and some bark huts for his convicts, but he usually left an overseer in charge.!8 The last big grant, 1663 acres at Brownlow Hill, went in 1828 to Alexander Macleay, Governor Darling’s Colonial Secretary. In 1829, with Macleay’s purchase of Glendaruel, the map of the Cowpastures takes the general form it was to have for the next fifty years.

All these estates were governed by young men. James and William Macarthur had returned to the colony with their father in 1817, aged eighteen and sixteen. ‘They took up residence together at

20 Camden

Camden, and a weatherboard house was built for them in 1821. They later became magistrates. Murdoch, their neighbour, was in his late twenties. Likewise, Macleay entrusted Brownlow Hill to his two young sons George and James. James Macleay, a bewildered eighteen, was taken very lightly by the convicts in his charge.!%

North and south of the river most of the people were convicts, gathered mainly on the five big estates. This means that any account

of social life has to measure the impact of terror and the lash. At Camden Park, Brownlow Hill and Kirkham about three-quarters of the people were convicts, and nearly all the remainder were ex-convicts. Women were scarce and family hfe was meagre or nonexistent. At Gamden Park there were nearly a hundred white people altogether, including only three women. Sarah Higgins, native-born, was married to Richard Boyd, the ex-convict groom, and they had

three children (the first of many descendants at Camden). Mary Bankes and Louiza Thorn, a convict, must have been house servants. At Kirkham Mrs Oxley had two maidservants, both nativeborn. At Brownlow Hill the only woman was the overseer’s wife, Catherine Murrell, childless and still a convict. At Brownlow Hill everyone except the young gentlemen had felt the weight of irons.

Elderslie and Macquarie Grove also depended a good deal on convict labour, but they were small places and there was less call for rigid discipline. Elderslie (which Oxley had sold) supported only nine people besides the master, John Hawdon (a lessee), his

wife and baby son. Only four were convicts and there were no ex-convicts. Hawdon apparently tried to keep up an English tone, with the slave-driving Botany Bay element at a minimum. He was a good master and even admired his convicts.*° ‘The Gawdor Bench records are mostly complete for 1825-30 and they make no mention of him ever taking a convict servant to the magistrates for punishment. No master was allowed to punish his own people, except by the withdrawal of what were called privileges. Samuel Hassall tried to do the same at Macquarie Grove. He even

laid it down (according to his overseer) ‘that when the men want more rations, they can always obtain them, without any charge being made... provided they work in a proper manner’. The establishment was bigger—thirty people—but this included three families of children. Half had come free or been born in the colony. None

of the servants were ever beaten, as far as we know, but two were given short terms in a chain gang when they refused to clean out the homestead privy. They told their master that ‘their stomachs would

The Last Years of Invasion 21

not bear it’. There is also the case of John Hollinshed, a convict who

complained that he and Hassall’s other men were given unnourishing bread. The magistrates sometimes acted on such complaints, but Hollinshed’s record was bad. He had a year added to his sentence for giving trouble.*! Even on the bigger estates—Camden, Brownlow Hill and Kirkham—there was none of the constant violence between masters and men which happened in some places. Social feeling was more like

that of Gampbelltown, the next district, where it was said that gentlemen could live untroubled by ‘that tendency to disorder and insubordination’ which prevailed elsewhere. At Campbelltown, unfortunately, the small settlers tended to sympathize with the few crimes which did happen.?* At the Cowpastures small settlers were scarce, so that gentlemen proprietors escaped even this problem. The Aborigines were no threat to the new order. They had been quiet, at least since the Autumn of 1816, and even then the tribe involved was from the south, beyond Stonequarry Creek. ‘These invaders, having killed several stockmen, joined battle with a party of settlers near Cawdor and forced them to scatter among a shower of spears. They then disappeared. Some of the local people, led by Boodbury, acted as mediators.*? This was ‘Mr Macarthur’s Boodbury’, a fine warrior according to Sir William Macarthur, ‘a brave man and a quiet one too’.** By the 1820s it seems that Boodbury’s

tribe had come to admire the strong moral ascendancy formed among the whites by the local gentlemen, with its sharp tension between rulers and reprobates. The idea of moral rejection and of outlawry was one which fitted well into the Aborigines’ own scheme of things. In other words, although they seemed a nuisance at times— they pulled the corn cobs before harvest—they were often keen to help with the capture of thieves and runaways. Bundal in particular made himself very useful to the Gawdor police, and James Macar-

thur tried to have him and a young man called Johnny appointed constables, on full pay and rations.*° It was probably this Bundal who managed to keep both of his front teeth, in a tribe where they commonly knocked one out: ‘Not been such a fool’, he said (or is supposed to have said). He was the last to be ‘chief’ at the Cowpastures. As his badge of office he was given a brass plate, to show that the white men saw him as a policeman even among his own people.*6

By the late 1830s the local settlers were largely at peace, their way

of life being more deferential and orderly than that of most com-

22 Camden

munities in New South Wales. This happy situation was partly due to the gentlemen who sat on the Cawdor Bench. ‘The most active was Major Henry Antill, whose farm was on the south side of Razorback.

The court was often held at his house, especially after 1829. James and William Macarthur often sat as well, and with Antill they gave

the bench a name for impartial justice. In fact their impartiality seems very doubtful because, especially in cases from their own 1mmediate area, they nearly always favoured the interests of the gentlemen, but enough poor men emerged happy from the court room for the myth to be sustained. It is only human nature to believe, if you

can, in a neutral judge who can force the truth on your enemy. It shows in the many convict servants who walked in from farms at the edge of the Cowpastures, bringing their complaints to Major Antill.?7 Though misplaced, it was no doubt this trust which also brought Mary Moran, wife of Hassall’s cooper, before the bench in the hard dry Autumn of 1827. After long suffering she had come to tell them

about her husband. He had ‘repeatedly ill used her’, she said. He had frightened and beaten her with a pistol, and last Saturday he had threatened to kill her, saying ‘I’ll do for you’. Now, while she got

his breakfast, he had decided she was drunk; ‘he struck her on the head, and gave her many violent blows on the body with a whip’. The bench thought the case too serious for them and referred it to the next Quarter Sessions at Campbelltown. The cooper’s wife did not try again: if gentlemen she trusted could not help her, where was the sense in humiliating herself before others she hardly knew?28 The Cawdor Bench was more lenient than most, and yet its hand could fall with great brutality. E. P. ‘Thompson, the historian of the English working class, has written about the eighteenth century in terms which also apply very well to the Gowpastures in the 1820s: ‘once a social system is “‘set’’’, he explains, ‘it does not need to be endorsed daily by exhibitions of power’. Some heavy penalties must still be imposed, for the sake of example and ‘to define the limits of

the system’s tolerance’, but what matters more is ‘a continuing theatrical style’: the pomp of the court room, the concern of the judges, the suspense, and all the parade of impartial law.*9 This is what explains the maintenance of peaceat the Cowpastures, a feeling among the people that the machinery of justice was a lofty elaborate thing, but also a sensitive part of their own lives. It was a system

of paternalism, in which the magistrates tempered their sternness, their proud attachment to the law, with just as much personal discretion as each case, in all its circumstances, seemed to require. In

The Last Years of Invasion 23

the plainer language used by one of Antill’s own servants, who saw through it, it meant treating ‘a man as if he was a child’.°° The ‘limits of tolerance’ are clear from the only two cases brought up by John Coghill, Oxley’s manager at Kirkham. In the first case a man named Godwin suffered fifty lashes with a cat-of-nine-tails because, on being ordered from his hut by Coghill, he had ‘put his arms across [his chest] and said, “Don’t you see I am going?’’’. In the second case another convict, Peter Marshall, had left his work before the proper time. On being reprimanded he had informed his master that ‘he was the best and only judge of his own work, and that he would always leave off work when he thought proper; that he would always go home when he did a day’s work’. Marshall was a man of remarkably fine spirit, but he got no more than Godwin, fifty lashes.?!

As for the dignity of the court and its ‘theatrical style’, this was partly the work of Antill, who knew exactly what was expected of a severe but kindly father. Equally important were the two young Macarthurs, men of dramatic wealth and energy, who were the centre of attention wherever they went. There is powerful evidence of their local prestige in a letter written by Hassall of Macquarie Grove to William Macarthur, during a dispute about some fencing timber. Hassall was certainly no common labourer, but in his letter he threw himself—‘a poor man whose sole dependence for his living is upon the sweat of his brow’—before young Macarthur, in whom, he hoped, kindness would temper ‘might and power’.*? The gulf between the Macarthurs and their own convicts was even wider than this, and it was carefully kept up by an array of overseers

and upper servants. As James Macarthur explained, ‘We find it more convenient not to give orders to the convicts ourselves’. It was just as important for social relations that the supply of food at Gamden was regular, good and plentiful. ‘The family also did their best to make their servants trust them: ‘their words are to be taken’, said one

man, ‘you need not touch paper with them’. In other words they came to embody a system (in theory like the law itself), a lattice-work of kindness and coercion as sure as the sky above. During the 1820s

the other JPs at Gawdor were never called on to try a man for insolence to a Macarthur. However nine men from Camden Park were punished, mostly whipped, for laziness or for abusing their overseers, four others for being out at night and two for gambling on the Sabbath.°° In spite of the social distance between family and servants, the

24 Camden

Macarthurs were very careful about the reform of their men. In principle any convict who showed loyalty and industry—who could

free himself from that mark of the devil, a lazy or discontented look—might be rewarded with important privileges before his time was up. [his is James Macarthur’s account of the system: when a lot of convicts were received from a ship, they were at once put to some very hard labour, such as felling timber and burning it off, which was

a severe punishment to them; we kept them at that kind of work for a considerable period, according to their conduct, and so broke them in, and made them well-disposed; taught them the difference between good conduct and bad, and the advantages of regular and orderly behaviour.

The breaking-in was justified by the way its victims were treated in

the end: ‘where a man behaves well...[we] make him forget, if possible, that he is a convict’. Success largely depended on those

who had already identified with the estate, ‘our old servants’, because they worked closely with the convicts and were able to give reports on the way they progressed.°**

The system was fair and sensitive on the whole, and a lot of the men responded as they were meant to do. Some were not impressed.

William Allcock, sent to Camden Park in 1828, was prepared to state after two years that a man would be wise ‘not to work well for Mr Macarthur, for that the best working men were most imposed on’. This remark was overheard by his overseer and with other signs of independence earned him twenty-five lashes.%

There are two events in the first thirty years of white settlement which sum up the main changes in the district so far. ‘The first happened on Mt Taurus in 1809, when Mrs Paterson cut her initials in the patient tree beside those of her two young gentlemen. This was the first monument to emotion—desire, dislike, devotion, dependence—a prelude to all the jumbled feeling which was to give flesh and blood, and form, to society later on. So a network was to be built up, for good and evil: Frail bridges cross from eye to eye, from flesh to flesh, from word to word .. .%°

It is the aim of the chapters that follow to give a picture of these sunshot bridges, the customary feelings that bound the people in their daily lives.

The Last Years of Invasion 25

Secondly, in Spring 1827 James Macarthur took a little time off from his sheep and his blue-rigged servants and turned his own mind to poetry. Seated among dry mud and brittle sticks on the edge of the Nepean he wrote seven stanzas addressed to the river: ‘thy bed of silv’ry sand’, ‘the branches o’er thee bending’, ‘witching beauty’, the bellbirds, and so on. He wrote most about the great floods which can suddenly drown its banks: And he who Beauty’s might despising, Still loves to linger near her bower, Will find ere long, twas worth the prizing;

And own with throbbing heart her power. A rough artefact, this is the earliest sign from that part of the world of a white man feeling awe and affection for earth, shadow, water, sunshine. From now on the sentiment is more common: Baragil is Camden, and we perceive a strong sense of place unlikely from the pens and mouths of mere invaders.

3

Imprinting Patterns on the Land

Tue Macarthur brothers, Edward, James and William, were intelligent and able men, though where high culture was concerned the reach of their minds was limited. Fine music never moved them much, and the literature and painting they liked best was that which told a story, pointed up a moral or set an obvious scene. ‘They were fond of theatre and of history—art which depends on the form of human action—and of well-made landscape, as a backdrop for the lives of men and women. The beauty of landscape was the one kind of beauty on which the

Macarthurs spent much money, and where their patronage left something fine and permanent. We can thank them for three good buildings at Camden—St John’s church, the monument on John Macarthur’s grave, and Camden Park house—three symbols of order through time: witness to faith in the future, devotion to the past, power in the present. These stood in striking contrast with all the unmade things, the magpies and goannas, kangaroo grass and woolly-butt which gave Camden its ancient form. However, all three buildings were discreetly shaped, and arranged in a subtle network

of vistas so that each was barely within sight of the others. ‘There

was therefore no imposition on the countryside, at least to nineteenth-century minds. Just the opposite: this network, with its elegant points, was only meant to complement a profound beauty in the land itself. From the earliest years white men wrote about the Camden landscape almost as a work of art, well defined, vivid and various, satis-

fying all the aesthetic notions of the day. From Mt Hunter its first explorers saw diversity and order all around them, a dominion ‘full of grand objects’, as David Collins put it, ‘wood, water, plains, and mountains’.! Connoisseurs of the period always looked for a clear arrangement of points and textures, and here they found them.?

Imprinting Patterns on the Land 27

Edward Macarthur’s account of his first tour of Camden in 1824 (he mostly lived in England), describes his journey from the ‘vale’ of Menangle ‘into a most beautiful wild region’ near Razorback. From there he passed through a succession of views, the ‘vivid green’ of new wheat, ‘the dusky brown forest’, ‘a beautiful tableland’, ‘deep dells, and steep ridges of land, well wooded’, and all framed, like any good picture, ‘by a continuous line of hills’. The top of Mt Hunter

offered to the romantic Edward a wider perspective: ‘the inter-

mixture of hill and dale...charming variety...the blending of light and shade’, now located within ‘an ocean of wood’ extending to the sky.? Camden was a prize, a landfall in the inland ocean of New South Wales, which was otherwise vast, formless and overwhelming. Camden seemed to invite the hand of the improver, not only because the soil was rich but also because there was something familiar and accessible about the original shape of the place. Here were landmarks where the eye might rest, 1n admiration or affection. It was an ideal

site for communion between humanity (early nineteenth-century humanity) and nature, not only for writing poems on river banks, but for the more lengthy work of measuring, clearing, building. As James Macarthur wrote, the latter process ‘must be destructive of natural beauties’, but, he explained, ‘Order, utility, comfort, enjoyment, luxury, follow each other step by step’. In the end the new features must have a special beauty ‘from their being of our own creation’ .*

Plans for Camden depended on its position within the whole area of white settlement. By the end of the 1820s the expansion of people and property was moving in three directions. In the north, settlers were beginning to send their stock beyond the Hunter Valley into the Liverpool Plains. In the west the extreme frontier had given a white man’s name to Wellington. In the south there was settlement on the

coast at Illawarra and inland as far as the Murrumbidgee.’ Communication between Sydney and the north was usually by sea to Maitland, and in the west settlers used Cox’s great highway over the

mountains to Bathurst. In the south the main line of road had not been finally surveyed, because it was not clear where the chief centres of population were to be. Gampbelltown had been planned by Oxley in 1820 as a focus for the southern part of Cumberland. However, the site was badly chosen—it had no good water supply —

and there was still nothing on it but a small church and a few

26 Camden

cottages. There was little reason for farmers or travellers to go there.

Traffic took a number of roads through the Cowpastures, crossing the Nepean at Menangle (which meant going through Gampbelltown) or at the Cowpasture Bridge (which might not), passing over or around Razorback, and converging at Stonequarry. Oxley had made things worse by arranging for the highway to go by his front gate at Kirkham, though this meant a long detour from Campbelltown.® The Cowpasture Bridge had been built accordingly in 1826, at the old crossing place near the Kirkham boundary. But

in 1828 it was decided to improve the Gampbelltown-Menangle road instead, and another bridge was planned for the Menangle crossing-place. Finally the government returned to Oxley’s plan,

though Oxley was now dead, setting the interests of western Cumberland against those of Campbelltown. A better way was found across Razorback, by Mt Prudhoe rather than Mt Hunter, which meant less digging into the hillside. Convict gangs were then sent out to cut into the landscape His Excellency’s last word. Most of this work was finished by 1834.’ However, confusion lingered, fostered by politics. Oxley’s successor, Major Mitchell, was in favour of a new line altogether, going southward through Appin, avoiding the Nepean and so by-passing Kirkham, Camden and Menangle, meeting the current highway at

Bargo, and so to Berrima. This had the great virtue of escaping Razorback.® It would also have much improved the access to Mit-

chell’s estate on the Cataract River. It was too expensive to win government approval for the time being, especially as so much had already been committed to the Razorback road, but it was an idea

pressed by the Campbelltown people periodically over the next twenty years, to Gamden’s dismay.

In spite of this uncertainty, by about 1830 the Camden settlers had worked out more or less the spatial patterns which best suited the forms and requirements of their everyday lives. The size of farms, for instance, and the areas given over to different types of produce, had been fixed partly by temperament and old habits, partly by soil and climate, and partly by the market. The main limitations had been set by the government surveyors in measuring the first grants, though these had been modified by changes in ownership, especially on the north bank of the river, and by subdivision for leasing.

At Camden Park visitors found the homestead, a rather curious cottage orné entered through a trellis (the Regency mansion was not

Imprinting Patterns on the Land 29

completed until 1834) and the farm buildings on a hill about 1000 metres back from the river. Nearby was a garden covering about 2 hectares, for William Macarthur’s horticultural experiments, and a vineyard, a tidy area ‘upon the face of a rising ground, with an castern exposure’; in front, ‘a small stream, with ponds at intervals along its bed, stealing quietly through the narrow hollow you have to cross in reaching the house’. Add to this fenced paddocks for wheat and

maize on the alluvial soil by the river and ‘a patch of the various English grasses, cultivated in rows for seed’. In 1824 the Macarthurs had a total of 112 acres (45 hectares) under wheat, 90 under maize

and 7 under barley (altogether less than 1 per cent of the estate). This would have provided labour for three ploughs.? Elsewhere on Camden Park there was probably very little fencing: flocks were kept separate by their shepherds, and by their use of particular waterholes.

Evidence also survives about the methods of the smaller landholders, peasants and yeomen, north of the Nepean. Some of them, but not all, seem to have fitted James Atkinson’s description of the first small farmers in New South Wales: ‘thoughtless and negligent’,

he called them, and incompetent, ‘little calculated to improve and beautify the face of the country’, their farms ‘to this day [1826| nothing but a scene of confusion, filth, and poverty’. However, the muster of 1823 shows that a number on the north bank of the river had cleared all their land for cultivation. All sowed about two-thirds wheat and one-third maize, the first being mainly for sale and the second for their own consumption. Several also included a few acres

of rye, barley or potatoes. Every farm boasted a number of pigs, several having thirty or more, and in some cases (as with Mrs Herbert) these were obviously the main source of income. They were no

doubt fed chiefly on maize; ‘a great quantity of very fine pork is fatted upon that grain, which is given to them whole’.!°

In 1823 there was a variety of small farmers. At one extreme, say, Eljah Stephens, an authentic peasant, a Jewish ex-convict apparently living by himself on 10 acres (4 hectares) leased from ex-sergeant Higgins, with 8% acres for wheat, 1/2 for maize, a large bed of potatoes and a pig, all overlooked no doubt by a rough bark hut. At the other extreme, Thomas Galvin, a substantial yeoman (mentioned in Chapter 2), probably lhved in a homestead of split timber. Galvin was settled on 80 acres (32 hectares) with 40 more leased to a tenant; all 80 were cleared, half under wheat, a quarter

under maize, 6 for barley, 4 for rye and 3 for fruit trees and

30 ~©6Camden

vegetables. ‘Uhis left him 7 acres on which to run his horses, cattle (including, certainly, oxen for the plough) and pigs. A farm the size of Elijah Stephens’s could have no future in this period. By 1828 we find him listed among Galvin’s employees, and very likely his little property had become part of Galvin’s tidy domain.!! By the end of the 1820s all the small independent men, those like Stephens, had been wiped out by the combined forces of free enter-

prise and drought. The growth of free enterprise was something which affected the whole colony, and in the most radical way. Early

in the decade it had been possible for farmers of all kinds to win contracts for the supply of grain to the government in Sydney, because no more than a hundred bushels was ever taken from any individual. Also, ten shillings a bushel, a very good price, was always given in return. So we find Daniel McLucas, with no more than 25 acres (10 hectares) of wheat on his place near Elderslie, sending in his £50-worth in January 1821. However, late in 1822 the

government, inspired by current thinking about the virtues of free enterprise, began to invite tenders for any amount, and at the market price. This cut out the small men altogether.'* Between 1827 and

1829, to finish them off, three years of drought meant three vears without a worthwhile harvest at all. The people at the Cowpastures, being 60 kilometres from Sydney, were affected as well by the cost of transport. Beyond that distance it was not worthwhile for anyone to send in produce. According to one gentleman, John Hawdon of Elderslie, he could make a good profit only because his carriers were his own convicts, who cost him next to nothing. The journey to market and back took a week, but as a big employer he could spare men for that period: each man. . . has six bullocks in his dray, we use no harness, only bows and yokes which we make on the farm, the dray has a pole in it which 1s fastened to the yoke of the hind bullocks. . . they have six fresh bullocks next week

and there is no expense, at least very little. I allow my men a couple of shillings [for the journey]. But it is not common to do so.!

Obviously this would have been impossible for the farmer without convicts and good bullocks. Hawdon was writing in 1832. By then he sent only hay to Sydney, having found grain crops ‘so very uncertain in this climate’. Hay was becoming more valuable as pasture grew scarce near Sydney and with the spread of settlement beyond the mountains. The long jour-

Imprinting Patterns on the Land 31

ney from the frontiers made cattle unfit for market without some last-minute fattening, so that drovers began to depend on finding hay at their destination. In 1832 the Macarthurs sold about £800 worth from Camden, about eight times their income from grain. (Their current profit from wool was about £4000.'*) By the end of the 1830s oats and other grass sown for hay covered about a quarter of the cultivated land on the south bank, and nearly 40 per cent on the north.!° Hawdon explained in the same letter that his convict carriers also did well out of hay: ‘Most of them alre] clever fellows, the ton is weighed at the stack and. . . [immediately] when delivered, and still they can contrive to have a hundred[weight] or two for themselves’. A hundredweight brought 6s.8%ed. that year. But the demand for hay was of little use to the small grower, who had no room for the grasses from which the best kind was made. In some parts of the colony such men took to growing tobacco, which was very profitable for those who could master the skills required. This does not seem to have happened at the Cowpastures, except that Hawdon’s clerk, whose main duties were weighing hay and keeping his master’s small sons in order, also grew a little tobacco for his own profit.!® The economic history of the Cowpastures has to be seen from two points of view. It was increasingly part of a hinterland supplying Sydney, but it had its own commercial web as well, unimportant except to itself, its pathways and roads linking the points vital to daily life. The living places were the primary points; the homesteads and huts in which fundamental needs were worked out. ‘These were mingled with saw-pits, blacksmiths’ forges, mills, brickfields, stores and grogshops (all unlicensed so far) making a pattern more intricate with every season. Except for the big homesteads, the flour mills were probably the strongest statements of growing community life, the interdependence

of buyer and seller, producer and consumer. During most of the 1820s each local farmer had threshed his own grain by hand, grinding and dressing it afterwards with a little steel mill and a wire sieve Gf he could afford them), but gradually common mills became available. The first was set up by William Mannix at Springhill, a farm near Narellan, after the harvest of 1825-6. It was horse or bullock

driven, grinding wheat at 1s.6d. a bushel, and dressing it for 6d. extra, and Mannix offered flour for sale at Sydney prices as far as the

county of Argyle. He afterwards changed to wind power, but he probably lagged behind John Coghill, whose mill at Kirkham seems

32 Camden

to have first met the wind in 1828. The Macarthurs took their wheat

to Kirkham, and their money and their example must have given Coghill a clear advantage. By the end of the 1830s the Kirkham mill was the only one in the district, but Mannix kept a threshing machine—‘a clumsy thing, with some of the cog-wheels of wood ... [which was] drawn about the country and worked by bullocks’— and maybe in this way they divided the business between them.!/ This is one sort of geography: the forming of focal points through the people’s need to find a living, and a life, on the face of the country. Another operating in early New South Wales was the geography of social control, more and more intricate, in which a pattern of movement was worked out for the people, and imposed from above. For

instance, police and magistrates had to be fixed at useful places, and boundaries set to their jurisdiction. In 1830 constables were stationed at two places north of the river: two at Kirkham, and one (Edward Fletcher junior, aged twenty-two) at his father’s farm near Elderslhie. At this stage Kirkham and Macquarie Grove were gov-

erned for police purposes from Bringelly, but in 1832 they were joined with Elderslie, under the jurisdiction of the Campbelltown Bench. On the south bank there was a man stationed at the Cowpasture Bridge and another, a chief constable (Edward Farley, Galvin’s

son-in-law, once the Macarthurs’ overseer) at Cawdor. Supreme authority on the south bank was still vested in Major Antill, police magistrate from 1829, who lived beyond Razorback. Antill kept two constables at headquarters. One was a free man who was in charge of the gaol, a slab hut, and the other a convict flogger.!® During the 1830s Antill always presided at petty sessions, usually at headquarters but also at Cawdor, where he was often joined by one or other of the Macarthurs. Cawdor was also the residence of James Pearson, Clerk of Petty Sessions from 1834. Pearson and his wife Eliza had arrived in Sydney as free immigrants in 1825, young and not long married. He had set himself up first as a music teacher in Castlereagh Street, but over the next few years he had also adver-

tised parchment and books for sale, offered to tune and repair pianos, and was much acclaimed as organist and choirmaster at St James’s church in King Street.'9 Though his family grew, his in-

come apparently faltered. At length he gave up the sweetness of music for a rural life, and a settled £90 a year. At Cawdor he also grew a little wheat—with small success—and from May 1836, when

the Goulburn mail coach began to set down at the courthouse, he

Imprinting Patterns on the Land 33

was Postmaster, the first in the district.2° In Spring 1837 he gave evidence before the bench against a convict who had come all the way from [he Oaks to collect his master’s mail. Pearson had refused to hand it over because the man seemed drunk.?! Mrs Pearson, who was to succeed her husband in charge of the mails (she was Postmistress from 1841 to 1879), had the same precise sense of duty. She was a native of Liverpool in England, her background genteel but enigmatic. She was possibly linked with a very rich family in that city, wholesale dealers in corn, iron and salt. In short, by the middle 1830s a complete map of the Cowpastures would have borne several focal points, linked by a great number of straight and crooked lines. One more layer to this horizontal pattern

has to be described, the one shaped by the church authorities in Sydney and Parramatta. During the 1820s the Gordons’ school at Kirkham was the only Protestant establishment within the district. Devout settlers, like the Hassalls at Macquarie Grove, found ‘the want of Means of Grace’ very hard to bear.?* They and the Macarthurs had to be satisfied with houschold prayers, the employees on each estate meeting as a congregation. Edward Macarthur went to one of these simple rituals in 1824, and was impressed to hear his brother William reading to their people the ideas of St Paul on the duties of masters and servants: “Servants, obey in all things your masters according to the flesh: ... Masters give unto your servants that which is just and equal; knowing that ye also have a Master in heaven’.?°

However, in time worship became more formal, and ideas like these were mingled with all the circumstance and comfort that the

church authorities could provide. The first regular Protestant services were those of the Reverend Thomas Reddall, chaplain at St Peter’s, Gampbelltown, who was preaching at the Kirkham homestead by 1826. In the following year the Reverend Thomas Hassall, a fine type of the muscular Christian, came to live on his estate at Denbigh, near Cobbitty. He was given charge of the Cowpastures,

and all the settled parts to the south: ‘all Australia beyond Liverpool’. Hassall was an older brother of Samuel Hassall of Macquarie Grove, and a son-in-law of Samuel Marsden, that ancient pillar of Church and State.** His parish was called Narellan, because Narellan, 3 kilometres north of the bridge, was planned as the site for a

substantial village. There was a little schoolhouse there which Hassall used as a preaching station; there was also a lock-up, but no other buildings until the 1840s. Meanwhile Hassall also preached at

34. Camden

Cobbitty (where he built the Heber chapel), at Gamden Park, at Glendaruel, and at several other places to the north, south and west.*°

In evidence as well were the Catholic clergymen, Father Therry,

who visited from Sydney until 1838, and Father James Alipius Goold (afterwards Bishop of Melbourne), who took over in that year

as the first priest of St John’s, Campbelltown. Thomas Galvin’s house at Elderslie was the focal point for Catholic worship.*© There

was also a Presbyterian minister, the Reverend Hugh Gilchrist, stationed at Liverpool, who was apparently riding out as far as Berrima by 1838.27

At Gamden most of the important changes have been due to the river and the Great South Road. For a long time the river was a boundary dividing Cumberland, the heartland of the colony, from the scrub and raw enterprise on the far side. So in the 1820s Kirkham was a base on the edge of civilization, for the milling of grain and for dispensing the Bread of Life. During the 1830s the river ceased to be such an important dividing line. As settlement extended far away to the south the slow water began to look less like a boundary and more like the occasion for a bridge. The bridge itself became a significant point on the road, and the road became a highway binding the north and south banks. The pattern of centres and lines had grown from older needs and took no account of this change. Police now became a special problem. Highways are usually a source of disorder, with people coming and going as atoms, thrown together at times into dangerous combinations. Northward from Razorback there were 30 kilometres of highway, generously scattered with grogshops, remote from any secure lock-up or police headquarters. The road was full of chances for the bushranger, and men being taken to Sydney for trial must have watched every minute for the means of escape.?®

In December 1830 a number of settlers interested in the road sent a petition to the Governor, pointing out the new significance of the Cowpasture Bridge. They asked that it be made a site for a police establishment, with the usual trinity: a court-house, gaol and church.

Governor Darling was impressed. He proposed a ‘small town’, which he hoped would take the place of Campbelltown as an administrative centre, weaving its network of order over the surrounding

settlement. This would require a site of 320 acres (130 hectares), four times the size of Narellan, but on inquiry it was found that the

Imprinting Patterns on the Land 35

choice of land was very limited, because the river in flood covered so much on either side. Mitchell, as Surveyor-General, could only recommend the south bank, the edge of Camden Park: ‘by far the

most eligible scite [sic],’ he reported, ‘being elevated above the floods, close to the river as a supply of water, and most desirable in other respects’. The place was also the property of the most intractable man in New South Wales. John Macarthur had not signed the petition and he was not ready to set aside any of his land for a town. It would, he said, ‘in the present state of this colony greatly endanger the security of the whole establishment of that estate’.?9 Apparently Macarthur’s sons, James and William, agreed with their neighbours that the town would be a source of order rather than disorder. ‘They were heard to say in Sydney that they thought their father would change his mind. However, nothing happened until Macarthur died in April 1834, when the young men became his heirs. The delay saved Campbelltown: the government decided that

it should remain a centre for police and justice in the south.?° It might otherwise have dwindled to nothing. The survival of Gampbelltown gave a slightly different purpose to the new village of Gamden. It also gave James and William Macarthur more room to develop their own ideas about the way in which

their community should grow. They were earnest, high-minded men, keen to promote public order. However, they thought that public order was no use unless it reflected a more profound order in the minds and souls of the people. During 1835 they began to prepare the foundations of their village, having 8 hectares cleared at the site during the winter.*! They then appealed to their neighbours and employees for help in the building of a church. This move was typical of James Macarthur, who thought more about religion than his brother did, and who maintained that religious progress must come from the joint initiative of all classes. He believed very strongly that no faith could survive if 1t were imposed from above, that it must

emanate from the people’s dependence, one upon the other. This collective and mutual dependence, so he thought, was identical with

‘that first ingredient of Christianity, ... the spirit which would do unto others as it would they should do unto it [sic]’.°2 The church at

Camden was therefore meant to grow from the land through the joint action of the people—a real focus as well as a symbol for their reliance on each other—but it was to be an Anglican church. For the time being the Macarthurs ignored the fact that numbers of people owed their allegiance outside the Established Faith.

36 ~=Camden

By September 1835 subscriptions for the church came to £644, the Macarthurs themselves promising £500 and twenty-one others

on the estate offering £43 between them. The rest came from neighbours.°* On 9 September James and William wrote to the gov-

ernment explaining their intention for a village and enclosing the subscription list.3* Their ideas were approved, and during January

1836 a street plan was drawn up in the office of the SurveyorGeneral.*° Town-planning was a duty Mitchell enjoyed. He liked his towns and villages to have a number of features—axes, squares and meeting places—each with its own purpose, and as far as possible he used hills and valleys to emphasize the pattern. Gamden was

to be a simple example: two main streets were to cross near the centre of a rectangle, one being the highway, for commerce, and the other a vista leading to the church, which was to crown the hilltop. In other words the church was to look down into the rectangle, a

focus for the village, and yet (like the Macarthurs’ enthusiasm) something above and beyond it.%®

The Macarthurs’ ideas have to be understood in terms of what was happening in England at the same time. Between 1828 and 1830 James Macarthur was in England on business, and the last months of his stay there coincided with the outbreak south of London of a rural labourers’ revolt. Sussex and Kent were ablaze for eighteen months. By the end of 1830 the trouble had spread to Hampshire,

and so to Dorset, Wiltshire and other counties in the south, the southern midlands and the east. Different complaints were made in different places, but they were all of one type. In httle more than a generation the structure of rural society had passed through a fundamental change. As in New South Wales during the 1820s, life on the land had been ‘rationalized’ according to current theories about free enterprise: the way in which commercial energy must be left

unhindered to work its power for good in linking more closely supply and demand. The energy of bigger men was channelled in such a way as to destroy the peasant-labourer, whose independent stake in the country was too small to bear such competition. In earlier times the labouring man or woman’s very existence within a village community had given them certain rights, by tradition and by Act of Parliament. ‘These now disappeared. During two hundred years, but especially in the last generation, they had in many cases lost their traditional right to the common pasture of the village be-

Imprinting Patterns on the Land 37

cause of its enclosure by local landowners. ‘This amounted to taking

from them their customary pig, or their milking cow. At the same time changes in local administration enabled farmers to reduce their costs of production by paying less to their labourers. Parish authorities, who administered the Poor Law, had committed themselves to keeping all their families at a certain level of subsistence, whether employed or not. This, and the gathering number of unemployed, owing to a general growth in population, meant that employers could pay as little as they liked. The parish made up the difference, to ensure survival. Consequently in many parishes there was no chance of a family raising itself above the subsistence level. That level was always miserably low—the parish fund depended on ratepayers—and during the 1820s in most places it was pushed steadily lower.

All this meant a radical change in the relationship of master and labourer. The labourer lost all his economic independence, meagre

as 1t was, and all his power to bind an employer by long-term contract. All mutual reliance was gone, and all chance of personal commitment between master and man. As E. P. Thompson writes, ‘the southern labourer had been reduced to total dependence on the masters as a Class’. The labourer and his family might still escape absolute starvation by depending on their parish, but they might lose even that security by moving elsewhere, where they had no claims. The poor man and woman were tied to their village and to its farmers and gentlemen, who established their income, employed them as they liked in casual and seasonal labour, and decided on their privileges under the law.?/ This system was the keystone of English rural government in the early nineteenth century. It was a type of government which added much to the liberty of employers, but in the words of James Macarthur, it ‘fettered the labouring classes in England and chained them down’.*8 Macarthur’s attitude was shared to some extent by the English authorities and the revolt of the early 1830s was not punished quite as savagely as it might have been. ‘Though large numbers of

labouring men were condemned to death only nineteen were hanged. Nearly five hundred were transported to Australia. One of these transported men became schoolmaster to the labour-

ers’ children at Gamden Park—a matter of pride for the Macarthurs. Josiah Turner had been sentenced to seven years for writing a threatening letter, unsigned, to a neighbouring farmer:

38 Camden you G[eorge] F[urnance] shall be a dade man prepear yourself to die for a mess of lade [i.e. lead] is got. fit for you moore and moore beside you ... What is your property or what is your life you starve the poor a smorl pces of brade ts a nuf for them but no mercy at thear hand will you have.

The Macarthurs put Turner on a level with their head overseer, at £50 a year, which seems a high price for such shaky scholarship as his.°9

It was in the same spirit of lofty self-confidence that James and Wiliam Macarthur turned to the question of settling people in and around their village. It was always central to their thinking that labourers should aim to be independent producers, that their living should not be governed entirely by their betters. For some time the convicts at Gamden were allowed to keep their own poultry, until

the huts became overcrowded with hens and the men stole to support them. Later four ex-convicts were rewarded for long and devoted service with tenancies on the estate. The first was ‘Thomas King, a fencer and sawyer. The farms of the other three, a farrier, a sheep overseer and a shearer, seem to date from 1835, the year the

village scheme was set in motion. The paddocks of all four were made to encircle the cleared hill on which the village was to stand. They continued to do odd jobs for their landlords while looking after their own farms, they supplied them with poultry, and they all kept bullock teams, with which they made a good deal of money taking produce to and from Sydney.*°

However, the most important part of the Macarthurs’ plan was the importation of new families from England and Germany. In October 1835 Governor Bourke announced a system of bounties which would enable employers in the colony to bring out free labourers at a fraction of the usual cost. Only a certain type of immigrant was to be subsidized, the emphasis being on young families.

Under this scheme the Macarthurs brought out forty-one families between April 1837 and March 1839, together with a small number of single men.*! Six families were vignerons from the valley of the Rhine near Frankfurt, and the rest of the people were southern English. This great effort was only possible because the late 1830s were a time of great economic expansion in the colonies. The Macarthurs themselves had never been richer; they were leaders among the landed gentlemen and for the moment that breed was supreme, intently building about them their own small dominions.

Imprinting Patterns on the Land 39

Edward Macarthur was in charge of the English end, which meant finding the people, signing them up and seeing them on to the

ships. He entered into this work with great enthusiasm, confident that he was helping to make a society in which men and women of

all ranks would be bound to each other in mutual confidence. Edward compared his work to the planting of new woodland: ‘each destined colonist should as surely have a known place assigned to him. ..as every tree previous to its removal from its native soil has a spot prepared for its reception’.** ‘There were three stages in the process: removal from native soil, transporting and replanting. The first importation, by the ship Brothers, removed fifteen families and one

single man from the north-east corner of Dorset, from the area of Cranborne Chase. During the English Summer of 1836 Edward had begun by making contact with the Reverend John West, an evangelical clergyman with experience in Canada, whose parish was at the border of the Chase. Most of the labouring men and women found for Macarthur had ‘a general or immediate acquaintance’ with each

other. Several were brothers, two were sisters, and the evidence suggests other close ties. hese original bonds were important because it was the Macarthurs’ intention that at Camden the immigrants “should form the nucleus of a rural community within themselves’, relying as far as possible on each other. All were agricultural labourers, except for Samuel Arnold, a wheelwright, who was appointed overseer for the passage.*° The Germans came as the second shipload, by the Kinnear. ‘They were anxious and hesitant and were barely persuaded from turning back when they got to London.#* Seven more English families, also from near Cranborne Chase, arrived by the John McLellan in October 1838.% In the following March the Royal George brought the final party (for the time being), thirteen families and three single men, partly from the same area and partly from around Benenden, near Rye, on the Sussex-Kent border, the backbone of the Weald. This new district had been drawn on through the agency of Thomas Law Hodges, a Macarthur family connection, MP for Kent and principal landlord at Benenden.*© Both districts, especially the first, had been centres of trouble in 1830—2. Cranborne Chase was a lawless

place from time immemorial and its worst parish was Sixpenny Handley, from which many of the Gamden people came. At one point during the troubles the magistrates said of Handley that had they fully done their duty they might have arrested ‘two-thirds of the labouring population of the district’. Some of the people who arrived

40 Camden

by the Brothers did prove difficult, but according to William they were managed with firmness and good temper. ‘Thus the evil habits of their old life were soon ‘repressed or reformed’.*’ Repressing and reforming began on board ship. As with the convicts at Gamden, the process depended in the first place on giving

the people secure rights and a certain minimal, but uncommonly high, standard of comfort. On the Brothers, for instance, the Macarthurs provided every family with a small, individually lighted cabin, 6 feet (1.8 metres) square, or two cabins in the case of large families, most of the room in each being taken up with mattresses of twill or

sacking, bolsters, blankets and cotton counterpanes. Each individual had his or her own tin pan and porringer, and in each cabin there was a green-painted slop pail and cover, hook pots, a mess dish, a tea cannister, a sugar box, iron spoons, a mess kit for washing

and a haversack. A printed ration list was hung up between decks for general information, and the food was to be provided to the people already cooked. The people were also promised that they were to have nothing to do with ordinary shipboard duties, and they were to be exempt from the painful ritual usually suffered by ships’ passengers on first crossing the Line. These were their rights, by which their new masters aimed to cut a path to their hearts and minds. As well, every family on the vessel was provided with a Bible and every individual with a prayer book. All had access to an entire series of the Penny Magazine and other ‘useful’ books and there were stationery and school texts for the children. ‘There were prayers every morning and every night and Divine Service every Sunday. All were kept busy during the week, the men

making up wool bales and nets of twine, and the women stitching shirts and shifts from material already cut up for them. They were paid for this labour when they got to Gamden, and allowed to keep two out of every seven shirts and one out of every four shifts. Robert Towns, captain of the Brothers, maintained that ‘Many of the families who embarked with a very scanty supply, wrought themselves in this way into an excellent stock of apparel’. Towns also helped with their moral condition, getting the men up at 6 o’clock to clean their berths, and preventing all swearing, gambling and consumption of

spirits. A school was kept on board for the children and Fanny Weeks, a labourer’s wife, took charge of it, a service for which she received £5 on reaching New South Wales.*8 This was all very expensive—the Royal George was especially char-

tered at a cost of £2000—and only part of the outlay could be

Imprinting Patterns on the Land 41

claimed as bounty. The rest was to be made up by virtuous and industrious behaviour on Camden Park. Every man was bound to the Macarthurs for three years—five in the case of the Germans— but at a price he could shorten his term. During that period he was given £15 a year with rations, and he, his wife and children had the choice of doing piece-work as well. Each family was provided with a cottage, usually built of good thick pisé walls. The cottage had a kitchen, two bedrooms, a small pantry, a veranda and a quarter acre for a garden. Each was also allowed to keep a milking cow, pigs and poultry, ‘on condition of their getting into no mischief’ .49 Terms like

these were much better than anything within their experience at Home. The wage was low, even including rations—the rioters in England had usually demanded two shillings a day for married men—but it was easy for the immigrants to make up for it.

They were now to be part of a community, tied by all sorts of obligations to their plots of land, to their equals and to their betters. The early arrivals found their huts visited daily by William Macarthur, who came searching out the sick, inspecting their tongues and faeces, feeling pulses, asking questions, making notes and providing

what remedies he could. Rhubarb was his favourite tonic. ‘The Germans seem to have been angry at these attentions, but the English were co-operative—William was the most open-natured of the brothers—and they might well have been impressed with such painstaking paternalism. According to Edward they wrote home to their friends and relations that they lived like ‘little gentle folks’.°° The old life had lacked both comfort and freedom. The new one had only comfort, but in some straits this can look like freedom, and may lead to it in time.

4

Village Life

On 13 July 1841 James Pearson, Clerk of Petty Sessions for Picton and Cawdor, died at the age of forty-three, to the infinite sorrow of

his wife Eliza, a woman easily moved to tears, and their seven children. The Pearsons had not made their fortune in New South Wales. The little capital and the high hopes they had brought from

England had borne meagre fruit, but they were probably happy enough at Cawdor, with their brick cottage, their few small paddocks, their convict servant and their £90 a year.! With these material comforts they had managed to foster among their children some sense of dignity and an awareness of the finer things of life. Also, Pearson’s widow and children were left with a strong devotion to each other. Among the children, however, there was a wildness which threatened to upset their little store of gentility.

Pearson died at a moment of general upheaval, with the district full of politicking. A few weeks earlier he and his family had moved

from Cawdor to the village site at Camden, where Pearson had looked forward to being organist at the new church. There they had watched preparations for the first sale of land.* For ten years such a

village had seemed necessary as a centre of law and order on the Great South Road, but there was also angry opposition, mainly from the publicans and shopkeepers who were already settled at the old

centres of communication and who feared a loss of custom. The people at Picton and Campbelltown rightly saw the new village as a creation of the Macarthur family. They believed that the energy and influence of the Macarthurs would act like a magnet on traffic passing through the district.% Picton was the home of the local Police Magistrate, Major Henry Antill, a paid officer with control of police from Gamden south to Bargo. It was therefore the headquarters of Petty Sessions, though

Village Life 43

courts were also held at Gawdor. At the beginning of 1841 Picton was little more than an inn, post office and lock-up at Stonequarry Bridge, on the edge of the Major’s estate, but Antill had begun to plan a proper village, to be put up for sale later in the year. One of the attractions of the place was its importance as his own headquarters. At the end of April his hopes suffered a serious setback. Two bushrangers, including the notorious Jackey Jackey, alias Wilham Westwood, escaped from the Picton lock-up.* Jackey Jackey was

not yet a violent man but he posed a serious threat to property and peace of mind. He began a six-week reign of terror, commencing with an attack on a gentleman traveller named Dunsmure, whom he left with neither clothes nor horse at the foot of Razorback.° It was the second escape that month from Picton, at a time when the south country was thick with bushrangers. ‘The Governor was

extremely annoyed and ordered the dismissal of all the district police, including Antill. Then, anxious to save money, he wrote to

the Macarthurs and other honorary magistrates of the PictonCawdor bench to ask whether it would be necessary to find a new Police Magistrate. He hoped, he said, that from now on they might be able to do all the work themselves. This was just what the Macarthurs wanted. James Macarthur replied with a detailed proposal for the rearrangement of police and, incidentally, for the future of their own village. ‘The Gawdor post office—and Pearson, who was Postmaster as well as Clerk of Petty Sessions—had already been moved to Camden. Macarthur now suggested that court should also be tranferred. It should continue to be held at Picton as well, but Camden should now become the centre

of a new police district, including not only Picton in the south but Bringelly, Cobbitty and Narellan in the north. This would mean taking some territory from the police district of Gampbelltown.® The Macarthurs hoped to see their village become ‘a large town’, the gateway to the south country and a focus for all the settlements

between Illawarra and the Blue Mountains. Picton, the project of that ‘poor old man’ Henry Antill, was not to be thought of as a serious rival.’ ‘They also took it for granted that Gamden would soon outstrip Gampbelltown, which had never flourished. The size of St

John’s church is evidence of their optimism.® Strangely perhaps, they were able to persuade the magistrates from around Campbelltown to fall in with their ideas for Camden as a new centre for police. (For the time being Picton was left to look after itself.) A joint letter

44 Camden

was written to the Governor, and the scheme took effect from early August.? Gamden was a court town almost from the moment of its birth.

The village of Gamden was born while the Pearsons were new in mourning: on 23 July 1841 Sam Lyons, Sydney auctioneer, knocked down 44 half-acre lots at the village site to eighteen buyers. The site was already built on: there was a post office, five or six cottages and a half-built church and inn, but these were only precursors, waiting for Sam Lyons’s life-giving touch. It was a good sale, considering

that the colony was entering a serious depression. More than half the lots offered failed to find buyers, but prices were high for the remainder, averaging £50 each.'° Elderslie, a smaller village just across the river, had been sold off in April and had gone at a third of the price. Picton’s prices were to be somewhere between the two.!!

It was a fair time for village sales, when there was very little money to be had from arable or pasture land, or from any other source. Most of the buyers at Camden were speculators, either monied men from nearby towns or landed gentlemen, who wanted some secure capital and had no intention of living there themselves. However, four buyers—a cooper, a wheelwright, a stonemason and Goodlucke, the Macarthurs’ overseer—were already 1n residence and over the next few years the number of local owners greatly increased. Almost all the absentees found the depression too much for them. Several went bankrupt, and by that time there was enough money in the village to buy them up.!? The plan used for the auction showed a rectangle crossed by nine streets. Argyle Street was the main thoroughfare. All the land between that street and the top of the hill was reserved for leasing, while the land below was offered for sale. There were six blocks on the lower side, but only four—three along the main street and one behind—were bought up. During the 1840s and 1850s these four blocks were the extent of the village, together with a small number of leases on the upper side of Argyle Street and a few farmhouses where paddocks and streets merged (see map 2). In fact every street in the village was also partly paddock.

Two allotments of an acre each (slightly less than half a hectare) were set aside for divine worship within the village, and it was the Macarthurs’ intention to offer these at a nominal cost for the building of Catholic and Presbyterian churches. The provision of these sites, together with the Anglican churchyard and glebe, was in line

Village Life 45

ee bord 0 500 AE ce sel IS EO 3

, eeEne \ ToldCobbitty | you ON RTL oars Ree aeeeee se / os ie

CES; SS Sh wo. ee acriecr fr es ee io hg D NEES iB ~__ EXETER STREET os

‘, in im in ir eA

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Ww x a < aE |_| | | | mM m Ay

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and the south fii ‘iy To Picton BROUGHTON _ STREET fey

Cowpasture Bridge>- rf

: fro To Campbelltown

To Camden Park house Avy

MAP 2° Camden village: the 1841 plan

[2 and Svdney

46 Camden

with the Macarthurs’ support for the current system of church aid, which gave equal recognition to all three leading churches. They had first hoped to make Camden a witness to their exclusive love for the Church of England, the ancient established church. Now they were beginning to understand how a new society might be built in Australia in which all the leading churches would flourish side by

side in perfect equality. They were partly inspired by Governor Bourke (1831-7), a great reformer of Church-State relations, but James’s new wife Emily, with her English ideas—liberal, highly educated and up-to-date—gave their plans the permanent foundation they needed. ! The Anglican church, St John’s, was a long time in the building. It took two months during the winter of 1840 to level the site. Building seems to have begun in September, the bricks coming from two pits near the village, the stone from Denbigh across the river, and the lime for cement from quarries near Goulburn.!* The plans were

drawn up and the process of building supervised by Mortimer

Lewis, the Colonial Architect, but it is likely that the style adopted—Decorated Gothic—was due to Emily Macarthur.!° Work progressed steadily during 1841 and by the middle of 1842 the roof was on and the spire had been plastered over. ‘Then, with the depression the Macarthurs found themselves short of money for the

stained glass and furniture, so that the shell of the building could only be filled and ornamented over a long period of seven years. It was consecrated for worship on 7 June 1849 by the Bishop of Sydney. !®

Bishop Broughton thought St John’s the most handsome church in his diocese. According to Morton Herman, a modern writer, it is ‘perhaps the finest single example of early Gothic Revival architecture in Australia’. The site was magnificent, on the top of a hill, so that the spire could be seen for miles up and down the highway. The brickwork was as simple as a proper style of Gothic would allow,

and the bricks themselves were a vivid orange-ochre. The walls inside were plain and white, pierced with patterned windows. ‘The furniture was dark cedar, leading down a long, high nave arched with a network of open beams.!’ The general effect was of cool splendour, a fine shelter for lofty souls. The church, inn and post office were the work of Richard Basden (apparently pronounced ‘Barsden’), builder and bricklayer.'!® As a

youth Basden had laid his first bricks at Brighton, on the English south coast, during the rebuilding of that town as a fashionable

Village Life 47

resort under the patronage of George IV. He was bankrupt when he

took on his Camden village work, but it did not leave him much better off. The Macarthurs gave him a brick cottage rent free, but his

other costs must have outrun his income. He began at the worst point of the depression, and he was not a careful businessman, keeping no written account of the large sums which passed through his hands. For the church he received £523.6s. The inn brought a frac-

tion of that amount, but it was also big, ‘a first-rate commodious hotel? with thirty rooms, more than twice the usual number for country inns in New South Wales. By English standards it was less impressive. When Governor Denison and his suite stayed there some

years later during a thunderstorm, they found what Lady Denison called a little inn, with tiny rooms and most of its ceiling leaky.!9 The first innkeeper was Joseph Goodlucke, who had been principal overseer on Camden Park. No doubt he looked like a good man

to keep order in the taprcom, and maybe the Macarthurs thought his name auspicious, but he did no better than Basden, and within six months he too was bankrupt. He was replaced by John Lakeman, a waiter at the sign of the Red Cow, Parramatta, who as innkeeper,

landlord and master was to inflame village life for the next dozen years.*9

Lakeman was a Londoner, trained in domestic service. He was energetic, ambitious and incorruptible, but he was also hard, proud and violent; ‘a bloody big-headed bugger’, as one of his customers put it. With a strong sense of his own worth, he had little respect for either police or magistrates, and no noticeable piety. At the same time he hurled the law at everyone who trespassed on his rights or dignity. He quarrelled with both servants and customers. Once he nearly strangled a local miller called Teele who wanted nothing more than a nobbler of whisky. A little playful banter on Tecele’s part landed him in the street, black in the face and his shirt torn.?!

Lakeman possibly got his initial capital from innkeeping relatives.°* He took the Camden Inn at a yearly rent of £200 increas-

ing to £250, but in 1846 he agreed to buy the whole concern for £1800, one-third down. Less than ten years later he was able to sell it again for £4000, which 1s some indication of the way the business thrived in his time.#? Meanwhile he had bought other properties in the village which must have given him a total rent-roll second only

to the Macarthurs themselves. Most of his village land was in the main street, but he also owned a house and land in Mitchell Street, which he leased to Dr Bransby, one of the local magistrates.** All

48 Camden

the Gamden Bench treated Lakeman with considerable care. His temper gave them trouble, but as a rigidly moral publican he was a pearl of great price. Behind Lakeman was his wife Catherine, once his fellow servant, obedient, faithful, long-suffering, and yet a force in her own right.

She was a meticulous bookkeeper, and James Macarthur maintained that it was her ‘great exertions’ which had made the inn so profitable. Like her husband she was of labouring stock, and their own house proved their small pretensions: a flimsy brick cottage across from the inn, divided into bedroom, sitting-room, kitchen and

servants’ room. Mrs Lakeman somehow overlaid her husband’s roughness with a sober genteel charm, and thereby gave his power a decent gloss.*? She bore him two children, and in 1845 she lost the first while pregnant with the second. She had a much greater trial still to come.

Besides his inn, Lakeman was deep in the meat trade; he had a certain affinity for meat. In one of our most vivid accounts of him he is standing beside his maidservant at his kitchen table, helping her salt beef. At another time he and a labouring man are glimpsed dragging a newly dead horse down Argyle Street, a feast for his pigs.2© In 1843 the Macarthurs gave him control of a monthly cattle fair held on vacant land in the village, a resort for stockmen, graziers and butchers, who were pressed to use his grass paddock, drink his ale, and sleep in his inn. Lakeman was also landlord of the main slaughteryard in the village, next to the pound, so that he had a finger on every part of the local trade.*’ Eliza Pearson, widow of the late Clerk of Petty Sessions, used Lakeman’s yard for the occasional slaughter of her stock. ‘Thanks to the Macarthurs, Mrs Pearson did well in these years. Not only had they remitted their part of a large debt left by her husband, but they had set her up in his place as village Postmistress. She received no salary but she had a new and substantial cottage to live in, built by Lefevre the carpenter, weatherboard, fanlighted and rent-free, ‘during her life, or so long as she chooses to occupy the same’. She made

a little money by the sale of stamps, and on the side she offered, among other things, cabbage-tree hats, drapery, lollypops and Holloway’s Pills. She also took in laundry. By various efforts she was able to preserve a few precious things which are described in her will as heirlcoms, ‘plate and jewellery’, enough to distribute among five daughters whenever she should die.?8

However, Mrs Pearson had her troubles. Since her husband’s

Village Life 49

death Amelia, her eldest girl, strong-minded and highly intelligent, had been twice pregnant, and had only saved herself the second time by marrying an ex-convict shepherd named John Welling. During her first months of marriage she worked on Gamden Park, picking wool for 1s.3d. a day, and the baby was born while her husband was serving three months in gaol for theft, on evidence proffered by the Lakemans.*? In due course his faults were to bring out her strengths. Meanwhile her ruin can be seen as the counterpoise to Lakeman’s sudden rise. The census of 1841, taken before the auction of that year, noted eight

households in or near the village site. Three were those of tenant farmers, whose paddocks covered the rich flats between the village and the river. One other was the household of Joseph Goodlucke, the future innkeeper, also a farmer. He and his family, according to

the census, kept three workmen and a little servant girl. Richard Basden’s household was the biggest: four men besides himself, and three boys, no doubt apprentices, but no women except for Mrs Basden, and no children. Sam Arnold, the wheelwright, lived with his wife, three small children and one workman. The other two households at the village site were much smaller, a husband and wife in one case, both ex-convicts, and two men, both ticket-of-leave holders, in the other. So what might be called a class division existed in the village even at this stage. Goodlucke, Basden and Arnold were free immigrants and masters, and they lived with their employees in houses of brick. The members of the other two households had no

servants—no doubt they were employees themselves—and they apparently lived in slab huts.°° It would be easy to make too much of someone’s origins and the fabric of their house in talking about class divisions, but there is little doubt that in the village (though not on the farms), there was a tidy separation along these lines.

The slab-hut dwellers are often invisible among the surviving records, except for those who were drunk or disobedient. Having little capital they moved about a good deal, coming and going like small fish, moving too quickly to be counted or examined. Some likely patterns of movement are mentioned in later chapters. As the

place became more important and more thickly populated there were sometimes Camden village people with no roof at all: poor Jane Gallagher for one, ‘a common prostitute wandering in the highway’. She once made do with the lavatory of the Woolpack Inn, but was sent at last to Parramatta gaol as a public nuisance.*!

50 Camden

By 1846, the year of the next census, there were forty-five houses

in the village, one-third of them brick and two-thirds slab. Roofs were nearly all shingle. By 1851 several of the slab buildings had been replaced with brick and the total number of houses had gone up to fifty-eight; five years later it was seventy-six. By then (1856) three-fifths of all houses in the village were brick, a very high figure,

due partly to growing riches and partly to a wealth of good local clay. The population now totalled 458, and had lately been increasing by about twenty a year. This was all very encouraging, and as

much as anyone could have hoped, but during the late 1850s the growth of the village took on a new pace altogether, every year adding about seven new houses of brick, three or four slab cottages and forty-five people. These were Gamden’s golden years.*?

The growth of the village has to be seen as part of something bigger, a vital change in the colonial countryside and in its ties with Sydney. Before the 1840s New South Wales had faced entirely outwards. The country settlers depended on Sydney, and Sydney hung on the skirts of the outside world. During the late 1830s the Sydney newspapers, for instance, gave a small fraction of their space to rural events while as much as a half went to news from across the seas.°9 Then, during the 1840s, attitudes began to change and the people learnt to look inwards. The history and geography of settlement began to live more often at the front of their minds, and they began to

be interested, amused, and even inspired by news from the bush. The rush of new villages, including Camden, was an early sign that large and small capitalists were beginning to think more positively

about life in the country. The first country newspapers were set up—five towns had them by 1846—and the Sydney Morning Herald began to print regular, full reports from rural correspondents. Sydney businessmen, who had always thought of the country only as a

place for raising sheep and cattle, now began to realize that the people who lived there were not only producers but consumers, with

developing tastes and money to spend. In most of their common needs—leatherwork, woodwork, ironwork and food—these country people were still able to look after themselves, but with care they could be given new needs. One by one insurance companies, newspaper owners and whole-

sale merchants began to set up country agencies. Any networks with more than thirteen or fourteen points throughout the country-

side usually included Gamden. An agent was appointed by the Fire Assurance Company in 1845 and by the Australian Mutual

Village Life 51

Provident Society in 1849; a correspondent for the Herald and an agent for Holloway’s celebrated pills in 1847; in the early 1850s agents for the Sydney Courier, for the Empire, for the Herald, and for

‘Row’s Imbrocation or Farmer’s Friend’. Suddenly everyone was the farmer’s friend. There were no branch banks at Camden for the time being, but the local innkeepers seem to have provided a rudimentary banking service, looking after money left with them and making loans to customers. Millers might also take money on deposit.74 Innkeepers in country towns were vitally important to the

new process of bringing Sydney to the bush. Inns were not only hotels for accommodation, but meeting places, for drinking, for politi-

cal dinners and discussions, the public reading of newspapers and travelling shows. Innkeepers were also retailers, helping to make country people part of the city market. During the 1840s Sydney beer (Tooths’) was drunk for the first time in country bars. The towns of the Great South Road were among the first to taste the flood, together with Wollongong and Port Macquarie, where the beer came by sea. By the middle 1840s Lakeman was being supplied weekly with Tooths’ XX X.% In the same period Joseph Thompson and Son, wholesale drapers of Pitt Street, set up a chain of general stores, something new in the colony, with branches at Gamden and Yass. ‘Two of ‘Thompson’s younger sons came to Gamden, Samuel looking after the store while Henry took charge of a steam flour mill built beside it. The Thomp-

sons were a race apart in the village. For one thing they came as independent investors who owed nothing to Macarthur patronage. In fact they set up at first on the north bank of the river, only moving in 1843 when the village was well established. Also, as storekeepers

employing others to handle money and goods, and as wholesale merchants, their firm was a cut above the common shopkeepers, and they thought of themselves as gentlemen.°° Equally important, the Thompsons had a sense of moral purpose which gave them reputation and power, even in Sydney. here they were part of a new élite,

including David Jones the draper, Ambrose Foss the wholesale chemist and John Fairfax of the Herald. All were Congregationalists,.

members of a small communion endowed with clean hands, pure hearts, growing wealth and a wish to do good. Unlike other Sydney empire builders, such as Tooths, their dominion was one of soul and intellect as well as commerce; power was extended by conscientious work on boards and committees, and at editorial desks. At Camden,

Samuel Thompson, a bachelor, was very active in village affairs,

52 Camden

more so than Henry, although it was Henry who stayed to make his fortune in the place. Thus the 1840s saw the gradual awakening of the country towns, including Camden. The 1850s saw them take on a new, and in some cases a phenomenal, growth. The population of the whole colony shifted a little, with Sydney growing rather slowly and many country communities very fast. Mining settlements and the highway towns

between Sydney and Melbourne, the new El Dorado, profited most. In New South Wales, from Liverpool to the border, town life boomed, the bigger places adding to their total population by 70 per cent in five years.9’

Camden was not among the big half-dozen, but it was one of the

most orderly and promising places in the south. One observer thought it ‘probably without exception the prettiest of our inland towns’. Never either before or since did I witness an inland town to equal this either in point of picturesqueness or in the regularity and neatness with which it is laid out. . . None of the buildings are particularly large, but they are generally well built and neatly arranged, whilst the regularity and width of the streets give point and effect to their appearance altogether.

At the end of the 1850s it boasted a select grammar school, three inns, several good general stores, and more of its people were occupied with building than any town in that part of New South Wales.*8

Its importance as a centre of public order was crowned by the building of a new court-house. For a year or so after the birth of the town, weekly petty sessions had been held in a room at the Camden Inn until Goodlucke complained that it was getting in his way. He

let the magistrates use a slab hut nearby, but this was hardly adequate. Early in 1844 they were able to lease a new, elegantly built

brick cottage in John Street (No. 39, still standing), for £20 a year. The clerk and magistrates used the two front rooms and a constable lived in the back. When the owner died and the property was sold the government set aside £2000 for the erection of a more commodious building next door, on a site provided by the Macarthurs and already occupied by a timber lock-up. The result was a good brick court-house, completed in 1857, with cells underneath,

and adorned at the front with an Italianate veranda, or loggia, of three arches.°9

Village Life 53

How did the people live? According to the censuses, from the end of the 1840s through the 1850s each house in the village held on average three or four children aged under twenty-one, and two or three adults.*° Most of the adults were married couples living with their

own offspring. The rest were mainly employees, single men and women eating and sleeping under their masters’ roofs. In 1847, for instance, we find Simpson the tanner advertising for a skilled and single man to work in his tannery. A number of the children, including apprentices, were employees in the same position. These live-in servants and workmen lived mainly in the brick houses, which seem to have had five or six rooms each. Slab cottages probably had about three rooms. Single men were not so numerous in the 1850s as village life became more settled, so that it must have been less common to find them living in. It was normal for pioneering communities in Australia to have large numbers of single men. Wives gathered as the work

became more settled and the future more certain. This is one explanation for the growing shortage of bachelors at Camden. Another is the dwindling number of old convicts. There had always been far more male convicts than female, but transportation to New South Wales had ended in 1840. As the ex-convicts and ticket-of-leave men grew old and died, they were replaced by young free workmen, and many of these brought wives with them.#! It was possible for married couples to live with their employers as

long as they had no ‘encumbrances’, or in other words, children. The Lakemans had a young, unencumbered couple in the end room of their cottage in 1855, but few couples could stay unencumbered for long.*” ‘Thus, a good number of workmen seem to have lived with

their families on a long-term tenure in huts owned by their masters. In other words, the village employers apparently did as the Macarthurs had done for many years on Camden home farm. A list of 1859 suggests that a third or more of the labourers in Camden village may have been employed on this basis, while another third lived in their own homes.**

Camden’s single women, unlike the single men, gathered in increasing numbers during the 1840s and 1850s, owing to a rise in the age of marriage among local girls (see Chapter 6). The increase in single women seems to have allowed for more maidservants among the better-off village families. During the 1840s only one brick house

in every three could have boasted a female servant but during the 1850s 1t was one in every two. Their wage was about £17 a year

54 Camden

together with board and lodging; about half that received by their live-in, unskilled brothers during most of the 1850s.*4

Besides the masters and servants, there was another class in the village, mostly struggling small shopkeepers and shoemakers, with neither masters nor servants of their own. Take a brief look into the hut of one of them, Lawrence McDonagh, a dealer, established in the mid-1850s. McDonagh lives alone with his wife Catherine, in two poor rooms. His landlord is Kenane the cooper. He is Irish, nearly fifty, and formerly a widower; his accent is county Galway. Catherine, also Irish, 1s less than half his age, a young bride. One room of their hut is their bedroom, holding nothing but a bed and four chairs. The other is their shop and living room. Here there are two chairs (on one of which no doubt McDonagh means to sit out his old age), while on the counter is a pair of scales. Scattered about,

and piled against the rough slab walls, are their wares: an assortment of drapery (shawls, cuffs, socks and stockings, silk handkerchiefs and scraps of printed stuff) together with boots and shoes, some lollies, and row upon row of strong-smelling bottles and tins, chiefly pickles and sardines. This was the McDonaghs in their honeymoon days: hopeful enough, but not untroubled. They were not the kind of people who could look for the life-giving patronage of Camden’s gentlefolk. The £10 owed to one of the innkeepers was a considerable sum, and common sense must have made them wonder whether even Camden in boom-time could be overstocked with pick-

les and sardines.* The McDonaghs were not made to be rulers of men, but there were some in the village who were more fortunate. During the 1840s and 1850s we can witness an élite rising, like a head on Lakeman’s

beer, from the ferment of village life. Besides Lakeman and the Thompsons, a small group of leading tradesmen emerged very early. The most powerful seem to have been Lakeman’s two friends, William Stuart Mitchell, the village saddler, and John Lefevre, builder and master carpenter.*© Mitchell lived with his wife and children, and no doubt a couple of servants, on a large block at the south end

of Argyle Street. Lefevre, married but without children, was next door. Lefevre was the first master carpenter in the village, his original job being the roof of St John’s. Later he took on his own building contracts. He did his best to ruin his rival, Richard Basden, but both survived into the boom of the 1850s. Lefevre was a native of Jersey, one of the Channel Isles, while Mitchell and his family were Protestants from Ulster. Mitchell was a politician who gave some

Village Life 55

thought to the great issues of the day. Both were articulate and well educated men and good craftsmen.*/

Like John Lakeman, both Mitchell and Lefevre were carefully nurtured in their power by the Macarthurs. (Here they had a great advantage over the McDonaghs.) From the moment of his arrival Mitchell took orders for leatherwork from the big house. Later the Camden Bench—in effect James and William Macarthur—made him poundkeeper and district auctioneer. ‘This probably means that he helped Lakeman manage the livestock trade, a monopoly which seems to have done little for the quality of village butchers’ meat.*® Lefevre, for his part, was given all the local government jobs within his competence—bridges, a new lock-up, the management of road repairs—and in three cases at least without competition. This was

irregular, and there were justified murmurings about Macarthur favouritism.*9 Besides these two there were a number of other master craftsmen.

Charles Kemp the blacksmith, Samuel Arnold the wheelwright and William Buchan the stonemason seem to have made up a second rank during the 1840s. Arnold also owed much to the Macarthurs, having been allowed a cottage on the village site very early in the

piece. Buchan had been brought in to do the stonework on St John’s.°° Then there were butchers and common carpenters (several of each), Ebenezer Simpson the tanner (a fairly rough and dissolute man), shoemakers, and an assortment of others. These and most of their successors were ranged up and down the main street, Kemp on

the left-hand corner as you came in from Sydney, Arnold a little further down on the right—he built the Plough and Harrow Inn on this prime site in 1850-1——-and Simpson’s odoriferous premises next door but two (see map 3). The second public house in the village, Brenan’s Woolpack Inn, was on the corner where John Street meets the highway. Then, at the far end of the main street you passed Buchan, Lefevre and Mitchell on one side (Buchan sold up by the end of the decade). On the other, during the middle part of the 1850s, were the village pound and Lakeman’s slaughter-yard.

This slaughter-yard was a dangerous place. On one occasion a villager, standing nearby, jumped to find a bullet tearing the ground at his feet. No doubt the village people suffered a good deal from all the livestock in their main street and the sharp stench of blood and offal. It was a time when honest men were not obliged to make their living, however dangerous and ugly, anywhere but among their fellow men. Nor was Lakeman, in any normal circumstances, easy to

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harming

To talk about farming at Camden in the 1840s and 1850s is mainly to talk about Camden Park. There are two reasons for this. First, most of the surviving evidence comes from the Macarthurs, who kept a full account of everything they and their tenants did to the soil. Secondly, Gamden Park made up four-fifths of the area which is the concern of this book, and nearly as much of the population. There were several other places, as we have seen already. On the north side of the river the properties were much smaller. Macquarie Grove was only 400 acres (162 hectares), not big enough by itself to support a gentleman’s family, but useful as a grass farm close to Sydney together with property or income elsewhere. This place was

still owned by the Hassalls. In 1830 Samuel Hassall had died, leaving a widow, Lucy, and six small children. Mrs Hassall was apparently a good farmer but she chose to surrender her all to a new husband, John James Howell, her overseer. They lived in the little

nine-roomed homestead at Macquarie Grove until, driven by the hard times that ruined some of their Hassall kin, they moved to an outstation at Arkstone Forest, near Yass. The farm at Camden

was let to a series of tenants until 1852, when Thomas Hassall, Samuel’s eldest son, was ready to marry and move back in. The last tenant seems to have been the native-born poet Charles Tompson junior, then Clerk of Petty Sessions at Gamden. ‘There, in the little room perhaps where Samuel Hassall had conned over Bur-

don’s sermons, or breathing the nearby orange blossom from his veranda, Tompson wet his pen and waited on his muse. In those days, however, he wrote little poetry. His only literary efforts, as far as we know, were the unsigned paragraphs of local news he sent to the Herald: highly romantic pieces, full of rural detail, redolent with the smell of white bursaria, orange blossom and new wheat. At Kirkham next door, the Oxleys were in much the same posi-

66 Camden

tion as the Hassalls. Emma Oxley, the Surveyor-General’s widow, was a vigorous and forthright woman (‘I am a bad letter writer at all times, and a letter for form’s sake, it is almost impossible for me to write’). To begin with she was obliged to move away from the place with her two boys and her husband’s illegitimate daughter Jane, whom she insisted on keeping by her. The management she left to Oxley’s partner, John Coghill. Later still the property was let for £40 a year, while the family went to England to finish the boys’ education. The heir, young John Oxley, took over in 1845, aged twentyone.! He brought a bride to Kirkham and after her early death in

childbed, a second, Harriet Hassall, a cousin of the Macquarie Grove family. Young Oxley farmed Kirkham as a single unit, leasing

very little to small farmers, and he also had an interest in his brother’s much larger grazing property at Wingecarribee, near Berrima. The Kirkham mill, enlarged since the 1820s and converted to steam power, was also an important source of income, though inter-

rupted in 1854, when bush fires sweeping through Cumberland burnt it to the ground.? Cross the highway to Elderslie. During the 1830s this had been the property of Captain Frank Irvine, an absentee. Having bought the original grant from Oxley senior for £500 Irvine and his agent doubled its size by the purchase of surrounding farms and resold it in 1840, a total of 1668 acres (675 hectares) for £3000. ‘The new

owner was Charles Campbell, also non-resident and one of the Campbells of Duntroon (now part of Canberra), who cut it up again. It was Campbell who laid out Eldershie village, part of which was sold at auction in 1841, 32 acres for £1083.° In 1854 there was another auction, and about 350 acres of farming land were sold for

£1721 to Edward Palmer, an Illawarra gentleman, who made his home there. The figures give some idea of changing land values.* Eldershe was the only corner of Gamden where there were always

small pieces of freehold land. It was therefore a godsend to those villagers who wanted some paddocks nearby and who could afford to do better than lease from the Macarthurs. ‘The rector, Robert Forrest, had land there and so did Henry Thompson, the miller, Lake-

man and James Lorimer, a tanner. Elderslie was a haven of rural liberty. The farmers there conformed to the purest theories of free enterprise, quarrelling among themselves as few of the tenants dared

to do on the other side of the river. Their feuds were carried on mainly by fisticuffs, cursing, breaking of boundary fences, impounding of each other’s cattle and last-minute dashes to rescue the same, to escape being fined.°

Farming 67

Charles Campbell laid out the village at Elderslie over about 150 acres (60 hectares), a good deal more than the site reserved across the river for Camden. The two villages were planned very differently.

At Elderslie two open squares were reserved at the heart of the place, as if to guide community life away from the thoroughfare which passed along one boundary; Gamden frankly clung to the highway. Elderslie was designed to foster a distinct set of beliefs. While one of the squares was meant as a market-place the other was

to be kept for an Anglican church and parsonage, and there is no evidence of any reserves for other denominations. Unlike the Macarthurs, the Campbells were staunch for the ancient supremacy of the Church of England. The English church was currently given a unt-

que place at Duntroon, and even more at Morpeth in the Hunter Valley, another model village which belonged to their kinsman Edward Close. In his plan for Elderslie, Campbell also named most of the streets after Anglican clergy: Broughton, Hassall, Wilkinson, Cowper, Forrest.®

However, this was in vain. All the first tradesmen at Elderslie lined up along the highway, the blocks behind were left under grass and the plan remained a piece of paper. By the early 1850s it was clear that Gamden had stolen all the thunder; Elderslie would grow

no more.’ As far as we can tell there were now four established tradesmen—-a blacksmith and three shoemakers. There was also a series of carpenters (including Louis Casimir, a Frenchman), so that the three essential men for a rural settlement, workers in iron, leather and wood, were there. Others—a brickmaker, a butcher, a tailor, a tinworker, a German stonemason, a painter and glazier— only came and went.®

Most of the landowners named so far in this chapter were gentlemen. Gentility came in various ranks and deegrces. In Sydney the gentlemen were the principal officers of government and—at a lower

level—the leading professional men and merchants. In a country town like Camden the Clerk of Petty Sessions, one or two of the better educated medical men, lawyers (if any) and perhaps a superior tradesman like Henry Thompson might qualify for gentility. Clergy of the Church of England did so wherever they went. On the land there were two types of gentlemen, the great and the small. The Hassalls, the Oxleys and Edward Palmer, the leading men north of the river at Gamden, were all small gentlemen. On the south bank the Macarthurs at Gamden Park and George Macleay at Brownlow Hill were undoubtedly great.

68 Camden

Historians in Australia have ignored the difference between great

gentlemen and small ones. It was mainly a difference in types of power, depending on the size of estates and the quality of political connections. A great gentleman often had some territorial authority, ruling whole networks of families living on his land. His acres were broad enough for him to draw together within his boundaries a body of people self-sufficient in their daily lives, labouring, buying and selling among each other, while circling with a certain order about their great sun. To create and keep up such a system was a source of much prestige, and the more self-sufficient it was the better. Communities like this existed at Camden Park and at Brownlow Hill, the first being much bigger and more important than the second. Camden Park, said Charles Tompson, was more a principality than an estate. A gem in the wilderness, one visitor found it, ‘a blessing to the people who have made it their habitation, a benefit and a pride to the country at large’.9 Such systems were created mainly by the subdivision and leas-

ing of land to small farmers. During the 1840s and 1850s tenant farming became a very common method of closer settlement in New

South Wales, so much so that by the end of the period there were many more tenants than freeholders throughout the agricultural districts. Tenants were most common in the Hunter Valley, where they outnumbered freeholders by nearly four to one, but there were four smaller pockets elsewhere with at least an equal density: namely the Macdonald River, the Illawarra, Penrith and Camden. The Hunter Valley and these four places all had two things in common. First, estates were big, so that there was plenty of room for subdivision and

leasing. (Tenants were sparse on the Hawkesbury and around Sydney because most of the people there were on small farms of their own.) Secondly, all these areas were well positioned for tenant

farming. Tenants could only prosper, could only earn their rent comfortably, if they were within easy reach of the city market. In the Hunter Valley, Morpeth, where grain could be put straight on the boat for Sydney, answered both criteria very well and it is not surprising to find that in the Morpeth district there were nine tenants to every freeholder. At Camden, thanks mainly to the leasing policies of the biggest freeholders, the figure was as high as eight

to one.! Some of the first tenants on Camden Park were mentioned in Chapter 3. There seem to have been only four settled during the 1830s and only one of these, Pat Curry, lasted more than a few years. Curry was a great success, and entirely grateful to his landlords:

Farming 69

there cannot be better found. ..they seem to like me to get on; they ride through my farm, and are always willing to accommodate me with a bullock

or grain... They are Protestant gentlemen, but they are kind to their Catholic servants and tenants. ..indeed I could not describe to you the goodness of these gentlemen.!!

Curry’s farm was on the river flats below the village, the richest part of the estate. During the early 1840s pioneers were settled at three

other focal points: Menangle, the foot of Razorback and Cobbitty Paddock. To begin with there were one or two families at each point, apparently farmers with a little experience and education who might thus be relied on to come to terms with the soil and to discover the best way of working it. The backgrounds of some of these pioneers suggest that they were also supposed to have some kind of informal authority, or influence, over their future neighbours. The first farmer at Menangle was John Haisell, who had been a labourer on the estate. He was a shepherd’s son from Kent, could

read and write and was twenty-nine when he was given his own place in 1840. He had three children and a wife who could boast that

‘she understood butter’. Another early figure was James Rideout, son of a Dorset gamekeeper. Rideout had been one of the Macarthurs’ bounty immigrants, was nearly forty, and among other children had two sons approaching manhood. At Razorback, the first tenant was Haisell’s brother-in-law, John Tickner, who also settled in 1840, a married man in his early twenties. ‘Tickner was one of three brothers who had arrived from Sussex in 1839, with their parents and two younger sisters, and who followed the Haisells to Camden. Tickner senior had been a labourer but his wife was the daughter of a parish overseer, a minor governor of the poor. All the children could read and write. Gamberfield, the Tickners’ farm at Razorback, was to become in time one of the biggest on Camden Park. Cobbitty Paddock was the north-west part of the estate, a knot of low hills running down to the Nepean, where Cobbitty itself was in reach unless the water was high at Bensley’s Ford. This is pleasant country in good seasons, threaded with streams and sudden gullies and lined at the edge with eucalypts and she-oaks. The first tenant here was Nelson Whiteman, whose father had been a squire’s bailiff in Sussex. He began clearing his land (38 acres or 15 hectares) in 1844, probably with the help of his younger brother James, who was

given a farm beside him a year or so later. Both were bachelors in their twenties, but they married as soon as they settled. '?

70 Camden

The very little evidence available for Brownlow Hill suggests that the first farmers settled there in 1845.'% Generally, of course, a good

deal of clearing and other improvements were needed before the landlord could reasonably expect any rent. At Brownlow Hill, George Macleay seems to have used a system of clearing leases, giving possession of scrubland free of rent for a period up to five years

under certain conditions. Here are the terms of an agreement with James Thomas, one of his farmers: August 1, 1850. I hereby consent to let James ‘Thomas have the use and possession of forty acres of land [here describing the land]... for the space of three years and five months from the present date, provided the said James Thomas does perfectly clear, stump, and fence in the said piece of land, within two years and five months from this date. |

In this case, and apparently in most, it was understood that when the clearing lease expired the tenant, if he had fulfilled the terms, would be given a regular lease, paying so much an acre for so many years.!4

At Camden Park the Macarthurs sometimes gave clearing leases like this, but their usual system was more complicated. Their agree-

ment with Nelson Whiteman of Cobbitty Paddock is a good example. They gave Whiteman a twenty-one-year lease as soon as

he started clearing, but he was to pay nothing for the first year, £1.12s. for the second year, £4 for the third year, £8 for the fourth year, £12 for the fifth year, and only thereafter the full rent, £16 per annum. Thus the rent was to rise with the increasing cultivation and productivity of the land.!° ‘The landlord-tenant relationship created

by the Macarthurs seems to have been managed with a precision rare among the great gentlemen of the bush.!®

At the end of the 1850s there were about 160 farms on Camden Park and 36 on Brownlow Hill, not counting Macleay’s clearing leases. The size of holdings varied a good deal, especially towards the end of the period, when some of the more successful tenants had been given second farms or extra grass paddocks. At Camden Park the quantity of arable was defined in the leases and tenants could not set the plough to new ground without permission. No doubt this was not so much to discourage enterprise as, once again, to make sure that the landlords’ profits marched in step with the productivity of the land. ‘Terms could always be revised. On finished properties the arable land was rarely less than 15 or more than 4o acres (6 to 16

hectares); about half the farmers on Gamden Park ploughed be-

Farming 71

tween 30 and 40 acres. With the Macarthurs it was the quantity of arable that largely determined the rent. During the 1840s pasture at Camden Park might be leased at a shilling an acre and arable for between 6 and 12 shillings depending on the quality of the soil. The rate was calculated from the expected fertility of the soil and the price of wheat at the time the lease was given. In the 1850s the cost of arable to new tenants went up to as much as a pound an acre. George Macleay took less trouble at Brownlow Hill, simply leasing his land at so much an acre and letting his people do what they liked with it. Such a laissez-faire policy might have been a pleasant thing for the tenants except that Macleay’s leases were mostly very short. At this period the Macarthurs usually gave twenty-one-year leases from the beginning of clearing, but Macleay only occasionally gave as much as fifteen years from the end of clearing, and a good

number of his tenants had no security beyond a year at a time. (Technically these were tenants-at-will rather than leaseholders.) Also the rents at Brownlow Hill were high, possibly because Macleay could impose new terms so often. At the end of the 1850s his annual rent-roll was £1200, and it was always promptly paid: ‘the tenants wd. strip themselves of everything to pay, so well were they broken in’. The Macarthurs got roughly £4500, less than four times

as much for five or six times the area, and it came in dribs and drabs.!’? According to James Macarthur, they made their rents low on purpose so that they would not have to remit any in bad times, when the farmers were short: a vain hope as it turned out.!8 During the 1840s and 1850s rents became a vital part of the income of the great gentlemen at Camden. The celebrated Merinos were dispersed from Gamden Park, and the horse stud, one of the most valuable in New South Wales, was also sold.!9 On both estates

the landlords now committed themselves to the people gathering about them, to their steady labour and their hopes of doing well. Butter from the two home-farm dairies and wine from the Camden Park vineyard were also important means of income, but far less so than rents. In other words, a great deal now depended on the skill of the farmers and on their ability to make a good marriage between their farms and the Sydney market. Not only the wealth and prestige of the landlords was at stake, but the power of Camden as a community of sellers, urging their goods on the city. In England at this time much attention was being paid to just this kind of situation. ‘The growth of cities opened up a vast new market for English farmers, and offered chances of wealth for those who could increase their output. The advocates of ‘high farming’ called

72 Camden

on farmers to have faith in the new promises of free enterprise, to improve, to look ahead, to lay out their capital more systematically, to drain and fertilize according to scientific principles, to rearrange and multiply their crops, to buy modern machinery; in short, to become

intelligent capitalists, to augment their produce and with it the power of their example, as clear-eyed men of business. On some up-to-date estates long leases became the order of the day, as a means of encouraging intelligent and independent-minded tenants. The twenty-one-year leases used at Camden Park seem to have had their model among the high farmers of England, and likewise the Macarthurs’ system of graduated rent.?° There were other ways in which the Macarthurs found it possible to conform to the pattern of the high-farming landlord, in spite of being short of money during most of the 1840s and 1850s. Some of their improvements, such as drainage of the land, dated from the 1820s. In the 1840s they appointed a Land Agent, Thomas Dawson, to manage their leases under James Macarthur’s supervision; they laid out a network of roads giving access to all farms on the estate; and they built an underground silo in which to store the surplus of good harvests as insurance against bad ones.*! James Macarthur’s

visit to England in 1836~8 had enabled him to buy a six-horse threshing and winnowing machine. In 1854 two Hussey’s reaping machines were likewise brought from England. In 1855-7 William Macarthur was in Europe as colonial commissioner at the Paris Universal Exhibition and he sent home not only a steam-powered

distiller for the vineyard, several newly invented digging forks (‘driving spades out of use’), a lawnmower (‘so much quicker than the

scythe’) and an American washing machine (‘the washerwoman need hardly wet her fingers’), but also machines for cutting chaff and

crushing maize, three convertible iron ploughs (hitherto ploughs were commonly made of wood), an earth pulverizer (‘for compress-

ing, but loosening the new surface of wheat lands’), pumps for lifting water into carts, and a McCormick’s reaper.*?

It is not certain whether these agricultural implements were to be hired out beyond the home-farm, but even the power of their example must have had some effect. ‘The Hussey’s reapers certainly

much impressed the tenants—Wilham Channell immediately ordered one for himself, at £33.4s.—and annoyed the labouring men on the home-farm, who found their labour outpaced. The Macarthurs also helped to form the Camden Farmers’ Club, with the partial aim of encouraging ‘a practical system of Australian hus-

Farming 73

bandry, suitable to the climate, the soil and the circumstances of the country’.2° The Club (see Chapter 8) soon changed its title and its purpose to that of a School of Arts.

Here, as in many things, the Macarthurs’ energy and initiative were remarkable in New South Wales. John Martin, Clerk of Petty Sessions from 1852, was also an innovator, introducing for hire a two-horse threshing machine and a Garrett’s reaper which he saw in a catalogue from the London Exhibition of 1851. ‘I helped others afterwards to import them,’ he explained, ‘I had no interest in farming, but I was provoked at the slow labour of the flail’. Meanwhile young John Oxley made himself an expert in the working of such

machinery (he was also a good amateur blacksmith), and gave at least one public lecture.** Even this record was patchy compared with that of the best English improvers. The primitive state of colonial agriculture needed a much more sustained and pervasive effort from local capitalists to get it up to date. Large-scale reorganization was crucial, reaching down to all details of field labour, and during

the 1840s and 1850s the rural gentlemen of New South Wales, however wide-awake themselves (and most were sleepy improvers), were in no position to set about changing the fundamental working

habits of their people. As a political force within the colony they

were now struggling to keep any initiative at all, and this was reflected in their dwindling authority as masters and landlords (a point which becomes clearer in Chapter 6). Even the Macarthurs

were glad in the end simply to make the best of what they had at Camden Park. A keener effort from the great landlords might well have brought great changes in local agriculture, because on the whole the small

farmers seem to have been ready for change. Unlike the mass of ex-convicts, so frequently condemned as farmers in the 1820s, the free immigrants of the 1830s and 1840s came to the colony to do well, to make a little money if they could. The farmers among them brought a new and more enterprising spirit to their work. In earlier times there had never been much emphasis among settlers on grain as a source of profit: “The real profit [so an old farmer at Picton maintained] lays in the stock—the pig, the cow, and the poultry; and the tie that binds man to this hard and ill-paid life is the tone of independence and in being his own master’. But, the Same man went on, ‘of late years [he was writing in 1859] extravagant notions of farming have prevailed; formerly we were satisfied to have full and plenty, and pay our way’. By the 1850s farmers were

74 Camden

looking for more. In order to make money they were even prepared to sacrifice independence to take on what they hoped were lucrative farms under great landlords. At Camden the great bulk

of the tenants were new free immigrants. It was one of these, Henry Gumbleton, farming at Gawdor, whose wheat won a Diploma of Merit at the Paris Exhibition of 1857: a good sign of extravagant notions.*° In this period 30 or 40 acres (12 or 16 hectares) of arable land was as much as a single family could manage without paid labour. Most

of the farmers on Camden Park started with this much, or a little less. They were expected to have a little money when they began (they had to show evidence of it) but it was necessarily some time before they were able to take on regular employees. If their landlords allowed them a second farm their status changed, and they became

capitalists in a real sense, employing labour and aiming at profits beyond mere subsistence. In 1846 Pat Curry, an ex-convict but a model tenant, had been on the land eleven years and had two farms at Camden village, including about 80 acres of arable and room for sixty cattle. He had several sons to help him, but he also employed two men at £18 a year with board, lodging and tobacco. ‘I have reared a large family in comfort,’ Curry boasted, ‘want for nothing’. He eventually made enough to buy land of his own at The Oaks, probably to accommodate his growing herds. He never moved there himself, but spent his life on his rich, finely worked paddocks by the Nepean.?*®

Farmers might also increase the range of their operations by joining forces. By pooling labour, and where possible soil and machinery, they gave themselves a flexibility that they could not hope for with only a wife and children to rely on. Different methods of partnership tended to be used in different parts of the district. At Cobbitty Paddock and around Camden village a good number of the farmers had emigrated as married men in the mid-1830s. Some— Gumbleton, James New, Jeremiah Hayter, the Weekses, the Shea-

thers, the Norrises and others—had been among the Macarthurs’ first bounty immigrants, from Dorset, Sussex and Kent. Many of their children were grown up by the 1850s, which meant useful sons and sons-in-law. At Menangle, on the other hand, very few of the farmers had grown-up families. About half were Irishmen, most of whom had married just before emigrating between 1839 and

1843. So while there were a good number of small children there were not many grown-up sons, or sons-in-law. Perhaps partly for

Farming 75

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76 Camden

this reason, partly out of Irish love of kind, the farmers at Menangle

looked mainly to their neighbours for help. At least a third of the tenants there worked their farms in formal partnerships, but probably very few of the partners were related.?’ The Menangle partnerships worked in a variety of ways. Edward Cass, from county Tipperary, settled with his wife in 1844, but he

soon surrendered half his land to another Tipperary man, Martin MacNamara, apparently on the understanding that they would work the entire holding as a joint concern. Cass had several children who were no doubt active about the place—one of the boys lost half

his hand in a new-fangled thresher in 1857—-but none was old enough to do men’s work before the late 1850s and by then the family was ready to move on. They left in 1860. MacNamara, on the other hand, had a half-grown family, though the first man among them seems to have been a son-in-law, also from Tipperary,

married at the age of eighteen and given a farm of his own near MacNamara’s a year or so later.*® Thus, the landlords built up what they called the “Tipperary connection’, a network of Irish farmers who stuck together, and who were to give them trouble in later years.

Other farmers, a very small number, needed partners because they had no family and would otherwise have found it hard to manage at all. Joseph Edwards, aged about seventy, and one of this kind, settled at Menangle at the same time as Cass. Some years

earlier he had been a partner with one James Lodge on a farm at Airds. Apparently they had lived together in the same hut because it had been agreed between them that ‘the said James Lodge is not to

harbour his wife on the premises’. Lodge, now a widower, also joined Edwards at Menangle, and presumably on the strength of this new partnership they were given a second farm. Lodge was a very good tenant, ‘always punctual [with his rent] and respectable’. The imagination fills with these old cronies, in the daytime circled

by a blue horizon, one or other of them stumbling up from Bellbird Creek with household water; or together in the evening, the fire dancing on splintery walls and shining yellow through a shared

bottle. In 1850 they were joined on their farms by William Cate, a younger man but blessed with grown sons, to whom they gave 35 acres on a subtenancy. In 1851 the insatiable Lodge married again, but if this caused a crisis it was brief because Edwards died soon after (leaving one-third of his few worldly goods to ‘my old friend and partner’).2? Lodge thereupon promoted Cate to full

Farming 77

partnership in one of the farms while he and his wife looked after the other. The various arrangements possible for managing farms made for many different kinds of households, but farmhouses themselves seem

to have varied little. Nearly all farmers of the tenant class lived in slab-sided, bark-roofed huts, the number of rooms rarely more than three or four. The house of Sampson Norris, on the highway a little above Gamden village, may be taken as typical. Its likely size was no more than 8 by 5 metres: some huts were bigger than this, probably

few were smaller. In early 1855 it had three rooms, apparently divided one from the other with bark, accommodating the farmer, his wife, their daughter Ann and four sons. The central room was the kitchen, featuring the only fireplace and what the family referred

to as a sofa, no doubt a sleeping place for one of the children. Another room was ‘the bedroom’, presumably holding the only bed. The third was possibly a smaller room behind the chimney, where other children slept on chaff mattresses on the floor, in winter

huddling against the chimney slabs, on silver summer mornings waking to the bark of dogs. Ann Norris, who was sixteen, had spent much of the last few years away in service in the village—with Dr Bransby and later with Mr Harrington, the schoolmaster—leaving at least part of a mattress free.

When everyone was at home Norris’s household consisted of seven people, exactly the average for farmers in the district, at the end of the decade at least. The figures from the 1861 census (none of the earlier censuses are of any use here) vary only in suggesting that

in most farmers’ huts there was more than one man over twenty years old: Henry Norris, Sampson’s oldest boy and no doubt his chief assistant, was only nineteen. In their three youngest children (Isaac, Charles and four-year-old John) Norris and his wife were as close as they could be to the census taker’s average. In more ways than one Norris was, as the poet puts it,

...an ordinary man, used to the burning sun’s unextinguishable light. Only briefly, however. He was on the point of losing his farm. A year

later he was drowned in the river, dragged under by his bullocks while fetching water.°? Who were the men over twenty years old who are to be found on so many farms together with the farmers? A list of long-term resi-

dents in 1859 suggests that on Gamden Park roughly a third were

78 Camden

single men related to the farmers they worked with, mostly sons and

brothers. About the same proportion were married, many newly married without children, new sons-in-law for instance. Of the rest we know little except that they were not obviously tied to the place by blood or marriage.?! The 1861 census shows reasonably clearly that very few tenants

had more than one hut on their farms, which means that farmers’ families and employees necessarily lived under the same bark roof. This must have been awkward where employees were not members of the family. Agreements with employees often promised ‘board with the family’ or ‘board and lodging in the house’, but this did not necessarily mean familiar equality between master and man. In one case, certainly, a farmer strenuously denied that it meant any such thing. The employee in question had been promised ‘his living at his

master’s table’ but, the farmer maintained, this was only because there was no other hut for him on the place.*? On a few farms it must have been impossible for all the people to live together in the same building, even those who were relations. Here the evidence points to small communities of families under different roofs, bound by kinship and shared labour. Henry Small took up a lease on Glendaruel (Brownlow Hill) in 1849, bringing with him a wife, eight sons and two daughters. His farm was one of the biggest on the estate and he stocked it with dairy cattle. In 1855 he was called ‘a substantial farmer’ with ‘an extensive dairy’ and ‘several sons to whom he entrusts the management of his stock’.%3 By 1859 four of the sons and both daughters were married and all but a son and a daughter lived near their father, presumably on his farm. This adds up to five couples, all with children. The missing son, James Small, seems to have spent five years with his wife’s fam-

ily at Gawdor, on Camden Park, but in 1859 he returned to a farm of his own on Brownlow Hill, the only one of the boys to have an independent lease.

Camberfield, the Tickners’ establishment at the foot of Razorback, was even more complicated. In 1854, when the family there included old Edward and Sarah and a daughter and two sons, all married, a set of cousins arrived as well, their passage from England paid by the Tickners. One of the new arrivals soon married, his wife probably bringing a brother into the community. In 1859 there were two old couples, four younger ones, two unmarried men and eleven children. These were distributed over four leases, with John ‘Tickner’s 320 acres (130 hectares) at the heart. The Tickners had begun

Farming 79

partly as graziers, and by far the greater part of this large area was under grass rather than crops.34 It may well be important that both the Smalls and the Tickners depended more on cattle than on crops. The keeping of livestock might have made it particularly easy for men and women to pool resources, their stock being worked as a single herd and ranging over all the land available. In-law relations could be taken into farming families, for a short time at least. New sons-in-law, most of all, were a valuable addition—a windfall—on farms. Draught bullocks were the most common type of cattle among the farmers, and they were very often a prime asset. Many farmers seem to have had horses as well. In the mid-1840s Pat Curry had sixty cattle, including his working bullocks, and five horses, together with a plough, a cart and two drays. James Cummins, one of the Irishmen at Menangle, had eleven working bullocks and sixteen cows, nine horses, twenty pigs, two ploughs, two harrows, a cart and a dray. He also boasted ‘poultry plenty, ducks can’t muster them, and great numbers of Guinea fowls’.°° Smaller men might dispense with the horses. A list of Henry Shoemark’s possessions at Cawdor in 1864 shows five bullocks (red, red and white and dark brindle) and five cows (red and white, strawberry and roan), a plough, a pole roller (for pulverizing the earth after ploughing) and a pole dray. In 1861 William Brett of Gobbitty Paddock is said to have possessed a dray and working bullocks, but no other livestock except for poultry,

and no plough.’® The fact that a man might have a dray but no plough points to the other chief occupation of the farmers: longdistance carrying. Occasionally the making and repair of roads was also a good source of extra income, but the haulage of goods up and

down the Great South Road was more common and much more constant. Impassable mud was the only problem. Pat Curry paid part of his rent by taking a load to Sydney now and then for his landlords, and so did a number of other tenants.?7 While bullocks were all-important to the farmers, horses were by

no means rare at Gamden or anywhere else in the colony. In the early 1850s, for instance, there were three horses for every household in the Camden district (on average).°® At about this time the records

show a group of Brownlow Hill farmers were riding regularly to Camden village as a matter of course. We find Mary Aldridge and Ann Gates, farmers’ wives, going home by horse and cart to Spring Creek, near ‘The Oaks, after shopping and drinking in the village.

60 Camden

We find the Irish farmers at Menangle riding to mass in Campbelltown, also drinking deeply and racing each other home again, frequently tipsy. Likewise we find the local Catholics escorting Bishop Goold through the village on his way to his new diocese of Melbourne, “persons of both sexes on horseback’. On the other hand, we also find Humphrey Bradley, the schoolmaster at Vanderville, near The Oaks, walking 14 kilometres between Camden and his home.*? A schoolmaster would have had no use for a horse, except for travelling, and therefore could not afford one. Farmers had them because they could be used for ploughing and other draught work; horses

were not as strong as bullocks, but they were quicker and more eficient and not necessarily more expensive. Labouring men and women—certainly those between jobs—walked everywhere unless they were taken up by passing vehicles.

Except as carriers, the Gamden farmers seldom went far from home in this early period. They and their families had some contacts outside the district which were to be largely followed up by the next

generation, but these were incidental to the tight network of relationships maintained by an easy half-hour on foot or horseback, or seated in a bumpy dray. When farming men married, for instance, they usually found their brides within this close network, and they did so more and more as the population grew denser. In 1846—50 roughly two-thirds of farmers’ brides came from within the Camden district, and most of the remainder from no further than Cobbitty and ‘he Oaks. In 1856-60 only five brides in forty-nine were ‘foreigners’, and four of these came from just beyond the borders of the district. No local labourers ever married beyond Camden during these twenty years.

Commercial dealings tell the same story. Among the State Archives in Sydney are the papers of a small number of Gamden farmers who went bankrupt, most of them in the 1860s. These list all creditors, and so they give some idea of the tradesmen and others on whom each bankrupt had depended. They show how limited were the dealings even of those farmers who over-reached themselves. William Brett, for instance, became entangled simply by his buying in Camden village, from Thompson the miller (by far his biggest creditor), Thomas Cook the blacksmith, George Cornwell the butcher and three general storekeepers. His only debtor was a local man who had gone off to Berrima. Benjamin Salmon, farmer and shoemaker of Brownlow Hill, likewise owed money for flour and other goods bought from Thompson, and for

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Farming 81

drapery, groceries, butcher’s meat, leather and tinware, all bought in the village; he had cows grazing on agistment at Narellan; he had his landlord to satisfy; and he had to pay for the use of agricultural machinery, hired from near neighbours. It was probably his only venture further afield, an ignorant attempt to buy land at Liverpool, that broke him.*° Nor (as far as we can tell) did the farmers make whole-hearted use

of the local agents representing city firms. It has been mentioned

that the AMP Society had an agent at Camden from 1849. He effected very little. No villagers took out insurance policies with the

society, and only three farmers did so—the Macarthurs’ Land Agent, Thomas Dawson, Thomas Hobbs, his brother-in-law, and Francis F'erguson—all men of superior capital and education.*! The mass of farmers were content to leave their future in the lap of their local gods. The impression so far 1s of a very simple economic map, a com-

munity of farmers wholly depending on one village centre. In fact, Camden village was only the principal point in a complex network of exchange, with seven smaller points scattered at a distance from it. These included Eldershe and the home-farms at Camden Park and Brownlow Hill, where tradesmen had been settled since the 1820s.

At the end of the 1850s there was a blacksmith and a carpenter at Camden Park home-farm and a blacksmith, carpenter and shoe-

maker at Brownlow Hill. The four other points were all within Camden Park and 6 to 10 kilometres from the village. In 1859 Westbrook boasted a carpenter and a shoemaker; Cawdor, a storekeeper

and a blacksmith (Samuel Pollack, married to Charlotte Pearson, daughter of Mrs Pearson the Postmistress); Greenhills, a blacksmith and a wheelwright; and Menangle, a blacksmith, a butcher and two shoemakers (see map 5.) Practising midwives (see Chapter g) were to be found everywhere, but the five busiest ones outside the village lived at the four last-mentioned points, and at Brownlow Hull. Except for the storekeeper at Gawdor and all the ones at Elderslie,

none of these outlying tradesmen lived on the Great South Road. ‘They looked for their custom not to nameless travellers on the highway but to their own neighbours. (Midwives looked to their neighbours as a matter of course.) They settled on back roads deep among the farming population, scattered in such a way that no farmer need

go more than 5 kilometres to find one or other of the workshops essential to his own business. Thus the community made for itselfia scale of activity not much bigger in spatial terms than that which the

82 Camden

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MAP 5 Camden, showing tradesmen and midwives at the end of the 1850s

Farming 83

immigrant people remembered in the Mother Country. This was partly owing to the landlords, who laid out the road network, but perhaps it was mainly the work of the farmers whose habits of labour and sense of distance gave the tradesmen their livelihood. All these points made for a settled pattern of exchange throughout the district. There 1s one other type of exchange to be mentioned, the payment of rent. ‘The system of leasing established by the landlords

provided certain boundaries for each tenant, a home and a livelihood, with certain means of access, throughout a certain period and

at a certain rent. The tenant in response paid up, in theory, every quarter. Often payment might be postponed, say until after harvest, making the timing of exchange fit more closely to the timing of the seasons. In spite of such concessions the leasing system had an allembracing effect on the activities of the tenants. To their minds it

offered a strong pattern of time and space, and it created a community with a common sense of order and deference to the presiding powers. Other possible patterns—-commitment to the AMP, for instance—left little or no impression. The landlords at Camden enjoyed much the same kind of author-

ity as the master had over his live-in servant. There was greater distance between landlord and tenant, but as with the live-in servant, the tenant bound himself in a manner that affected the totality of his own existence. For a period at least, he agreed to move within his landlord’s space and to abide by his timetable. ‘The landlord in turn became his master and father. So the Macarthurs rode freely through Pat Curry’s fields looking about them, to Curry’s delight.

Or they walked through the village, ‘their kind and happy faces’ proving to the people—as one said to himself—‘that they had something paternal to look up to’.#4

At Gamden during the 1840s and 1850s only one tenant joined effective battle with the system. This was James Thomas, farmer on Brownlow Hill. Thomas was like John Lakeman, rough and ambi-

tious, careless about his own popularity, with no sensitivity in matters of social rank, dealing with all men simply on a market basis. He was a pure egalitarian. He was also litigious, again like Lakeman, and he thought he knew how to use the law to turn the old hierarchy on its head. Thomas came as a married man to Brownlow Hill in 1848 or 1849 and was given a clearing lease near Mt Hunter creck. At about the same time he took on work as a sawyer’s labourer at The Oaks, no doubt to build up capital. In 1850 he was given a second 40 acres,

84 Camden

and Macleay promised him a regular lease at six shillings an acre when the clearing and fencing was all done. In 1851 and 1852 Thomas appeared twice in court at Gamden, charged with simply declining to pay wages to his own workmen. The first case and part of the second he won on legal technicalities. By 1853 he had begun to fall out with his landlord. He had the self-confidence—remarkable for the time and place—to impound some of Macleay’s horses, several times, at fourpence a head. His first clearing lease was nearly up and Macleay tried to get rid of him by increasing the price of the promised long lease from six shillings of £1 an acre. ‘Thomas refused

these new terms and Macleay sued for ejectment, on the grounds that ‘Thomas had not finished his fencing. The matter was tried before Macleay’s brother magistrates at Camden. In normal circumstances it would have been won by the landlord, but ‘Thomas had his case managed by William Thurlow, a radical Sydney lawyer and the first qualified attorney to appear before the Camden Bench. This time he won on a more refined technicality.*% By now Thomas was at odds with some of his neighbours as well. He had already been before the magistrates in a quarrel over a dray, and he and his wife had been charged with threatening a neighbour-

ing farmer’s wife. Mrs Thomas had gone to gaol rather than be bound over. Now Thomas took on John Grundy, Macleay’s groom, who had given evidence for his master in the ejyectment trial. He

threatened Grundy with a bullock whip, so Grundy said; ‘he has often insulted me on the public road. He also shook his whip on another occasion, at me, saying that he would lag me and my master too and that he would have Brownlow Hill yet’. Four months after the trial Thomas was attacked by Grundy and two others while riding home from Camden village. Several punches were thrown, but very few received before ‘Thomas went galloping back to the village

to find a constable.44 |

In 1856 Macleay made another attempt at ejectment and this time Thomas had to take his case to the Supreme Court in Sydney. He was awarded a lease of his first 40 acres, but he had to give up the rest. Not content, perhaps, with such narrow boundaries he soon

after left the district. He died at Kiandra in 1863, apparently by falling down a goldmine.*

The labour force at Gamden in the 1840s and 1850s can be divided into several categories. First, there were the tenant farmers, mainly the poorer farmers. In his reports to the Sydney Morning Herald,

Farming 8&5

Charles ‘Tompson wrote about Gamden’s ‘farmers of: a small scale’ as its effective labourers. ‘They were employed not only by the land-

lords and on public works (such as the highway) but also on the farms of their bigger neighbours. During 1851 James Thomas, for instance, twice employed his young fellow tenant, Alfred Cady: at threshing in March and at reaping in November and December. This was task work, threshing at sixpence a bushel with rations, and reaping at eighteen shillings an acre.*® Secondly, there were men and women living in the district who

supported themselves wholly by paid labour. ‘These were either casually employed—‘people who get their living by Jobbing among the farmers’, as Tompson put it—or else they worked on a long-term basis and were paid by the week or the year.*’ Calculations from the 1861 census show that for every ten employers in the district, including both proprietors and tenants, there were between fourteen and fifteen ‘hired farm servants’. Twelve of this number would have

been men and the remainder women. There were also men described in the census as ‘unskilled workmen and otherwise unclassed’ (3.6 for every 10 employers), most of them living outside the village. How the census makers distinguished between these and the

‘hired farm servants’ 1s not clear. It 1s hard to believe that all the unskilled and unclassed were unhired at census time. It may be that they were Tompson’s jobbing workmen, who lived by casual farm labour—going from master to master—and also by work in the village.

The female hired farm servants just mentioned were not counted in any census before 1861. They were not domestic servants, for whom there is a separate column (showing 1 for every 10 agricultural employers). Some were no doubt dairy women. There was a woman in charge of the dairy at Camden Park who apparently took

her orders from Emily Macarthur. To begin with this was Mrs Stumpf, who also looked after the laundry. More specialized, and much more long-lived, was Amelia Clout. Mrs Clout got £50 a year, the same sum paid to her husband as butler. During the 1840s and 1850s female farm servants throughout the colony were commonly paid between £12 and £25 per annum.*8 Farming also depended on workmen moving through, especially

at harvest time. The main hay harvest at Gamden began in late October or very early November. It was usually over by the end of November, by which time the more important and more demanding wheat harvest had begun. A man might earn three or four shillings a

86 Camden

day reaping wheat in the 1840s, two or three times a normal wage.*”

The wheat was sometimes in by Christmas, but late ripening patches might still be standing on New Year’s Day. Threshing, which followed, was managed as far as possible by local labour. February was the time for selling the produce, when the farmers’ pockets filled with cash, and the court lists were replete with ‘drunk and disorderly’.

Nearly all the evidence about local harvest labour comes from Tompson’s reports to the Herald. Tompson writes on one occasion of

‘a gentle stream of labour’ moving through the district at harvest time, and certainly judging from the faint mark it left on historical

records the stream was very gentle. Yet the number of men on the move was enormous, more like a sudden flood than a stream.

In October 1848 ‘hundreds of extra hands’ were called for and apparently came. In November 1852 it was reported that the local workforce would need to be doubled for the coming harvest, that the farmers would need five hundred additional men; more if possible. How can such a host have passed yearly through the district silent and nameless? ‘Tompson must have been right when he assured his readers, or the likely harvesters among them, that Camden farmers were ‘not apt to give the labourers the trouble of resorting to Court

for the recovery of his wages’.°? The harvesters also gave little trouble, and as a result the surviving records of Petty Sessions say next to nothing about them. It looks as if so much depended on their timely arrival each year that everyone made life easy for them when

they came. If they were too late even by a week, or if prejudice against the district cut too much into their numbers, parts of the crop might stand too long and be spoiled. Sometimes the harvesters arrived too early. In 1848 the farmers at Camden gave them unripe hay to cut, thereby wasting the hay as it turned out, simply to occupy them until the wheat was ready. The men would otherwise have moved on; ‘the farmers must either give them something to do, or pay them for doing nothing, or run the risk of losing their services altogether’.?!

The general movement of the harvesters was southward, from Cumberland up the highway as far as Yass. ‘They thus followed the ripening of the grain, which happened later in the higher altitudes. This was a fortunate thing during the gold rush years, because parties of diggers might take the successive harvests 1n their way as they travelled for the summer to the gold-fields around Braidwood and Goulburn. Sydney was the great reservoir of harvest labour for the

Farming 987

southern districts, though big towns lke Windsor and Liverpool may have been important too.°* At Camden the Aborigines also helped and ‘to the honour of their employers, are adequately paid for their services’; possibly another example of the power of the labourer 1n this great crisis of the year.°°

Tompson implies that the migrant harvesters got some of their bargaining power from moving ‘in bodies’, but I have found no evidence about the size of these bodies, whether they were employed together or even what sort of men they were. An account of the system used in England at the same time talks of ‘travelling bands...

usually made up of young men, who were prepared to work long hours and to travel far. They created their own “harvest circuits’,

and trod the same elliptic path year after year’. It may be that harvesters in New South Wales got their first information about harvest times at city pubs, which were crucial places for news, and

where newspaper articles hke Tompson’s might have been read aloud in the bar or tap room. Pubs were common bases for organization among working men, and so were likely rallying points for the harvest migration.°*

Shearing for southern squatters was not part of the harvesters’ itinerary. Shearing went on mainly from October to December, when the harvesters were still on their way southward, and there is no suggestion of squatters and farmers competing for this kind of labour during the 1840s and 1850s. There are two cases among the local Petty Sessions records that clearly show the interaction of farmer and harvester, though neither

involved migrant labour. he harvester in the first case was Irwin Crain, who lived on the Menangle road, and the initial agreement took place at his house. John Carroll, one of the Irish farmers at Menangle, came bringing two witnesses (his own neighbours, James

Delany and George Rose), to ask Crain to reap. Crain asked how much there was to do. Delany said he thought 9g acres and Carroll said 12 acres. Crain maintained there was more. Carroll said that this could be settled later, by the old method of measuring by chain;

‘when the chain was put on it it would tell truth’. The measurer, who laid on the chain, was supposed to be a third party and Carroll named Rose. But Crain insisted on making his own measurement. The next item was wages. They agreed on eleven shillings an acre, a fair price so Rose thought, since the crop stood up well and would be easy to cut. ‘I paid fourteen shillings for my own’, he said, “but it

was laid very much and I think there would be that difference

68 Camden

between Carroll’s and mine’. Finally there was the question of rum. According to Carroll, Crain asked ‘if I was giving grog. I said no...

He agreed to reap the whole paddock provided I gave grog... but he would not stop if he did not get grog’. So grog was part of the deal, and Carroll gave a little tobacco as well. As it turned out Crain and his offsider, a Picton man with whom he was to share half-and-

half, reaped about a quarter of the crop and then downed sickles. According to Crain he had never agreed to reap the whole, but according to Carroll, and the Camden magistrates, he had broken the contract and forfeited any right to be paid at all.°° This case shows how the power of the harvester—as long as he lived on the spot—might be limited to the question of whether he should reap in the first place. The emergency over, the farmer was free to turn the tables if he could. No farmer could afford to treat migrant labourers in such a cavalier fashion. The second case makes the same point. Andrew Doran, a young farmer at Elderslie, went to the house of Joseph Brandon to ask him and his partner to mow hay, it being mid-November. The men said they were thinking of going off to Bathurst, so Doran offered to keep them in work at home until the wheat harvest should come on. The men then agreed on 2s.Qd. an acre, but they would not say how much they would mow. After a

fortnight they stopped and demanded that what they had done be measured. Doran apparently said he would ‘lay a chain on the land’ himself. Brandon would have none of this and got in Kennett the schoolmaster at a fee of ten shillings, to be paid by the farmer. After-

wards Doran baulked at paying for the mowing, which he said was only half done, but he had no case. His employees had been able to call the tune for several weeks—until the all-important wheat harvest—long enough to leave him badly compromised. Besides, he had no friendly witnesses. ‘The magistrate made him pay up.56

"The hay harvest was less urgent than the wheat harvest. The wage for hay harvesters was about a quarter as much per acre, though the work was heavier and in some ways called for greater skill. The difference must have been partly owing to the fact that

there was less hay to get in, so that fewer people were needed. However, the hay harvest was also a better organized operation and more economical. Wheat was still cut with the sickle in New South Wales, an old method abandoned by that time throughout most of

England. The sickle was a light hand instrument with a semicircular serrated blade, traditionally used by both men and women.

Farming 89

In reaping, several heads of grain were caught with each movement of the blade and the reaper tucked these bunch by bunch under the left arm until there was enough for a sheaf. This he or she laid on the ground for binding. ‘The work was neat and thorough but it was slow

and by the 1840s English farmers had generally gone over to the scythe. This was a tool formerly used only for cutting grass. It was much bigger and heavier than the sickle, with a longer, straighter blade, and it could be managed only by grown men. It cut more ata single blow, but it left no tidy sheaves and could be very wasteful. Its efficient use called for a clear hierarchy in the fields, the men going

first with their distinctive power, and the women and children carefully following up, gathering the scattered grain, binding and stacking.°/

The scythe was rarely used at wheat harvests in New South Wales. ‘The harvesting of wheat and the harvesting of hay were very

differently managed, and wheat farmers had the worst of both worlds. ‘They clung to the sickle as against the scythe, but they also

depended on men alone to use it, though it was traditionally a woman’s instrument as well, and they thereby reduced their pool of labour. The sickle, so it was said, against all experience, was ‘too hard to handle and too dangerous for a woman’.*® The ban on women is remarkable given the central importance of the wheat crop. At the hay harvest everyone helped, though ‘Tompson implied that the women came into the fields only when labour was scarce, and only on the poorer farms. He gave a vivid picture: ‘the mowers, singly or in rows, cut down the feathery oats, which

their wives and daughters manipulate into hay;... men and women repose in groups from their toil, or refresh themselves from the basket and inverted keg’. Elsewhere in his reports he suggested

that a reform be made in the harvesting of the hay, with family groups (including the women) hiring themselves out for piece-work so as to make the most of local labour.°? However, he never made any suggestion for change in the wheat harvest, in spite of its much

greater urgency, its more primitive methods, and time-hallowed English example.

Of course, women might be paid less than men, so that their closer involvement in the wheat harvest and their use of the sickle must have brought down wages overall. Were employers afraid that the fine equilibrium of farmer and harvester, established over long years in New South Wales, might be upset at any idea that the now masculine sickle be put into the hands of women?

go Camden

In agricultural matters the great centre of the ‘national’ market was Sydney, although the Camden people might sometimes buy elsewhere. [hey got their potatoes, for instance, from Bong Bong. Cam-

den was also part of an imperial economy, as long as its pastures supported fine-wooled sheep. The sale of stud horses to India, undertaken by the Macarthurs and George Macleay in the 1840s, was in line with the same imperial tradition.©° It was the growth of Sydney that made it possible for local freeholders to turn from grazing and to move closer to the classic model of the English gentleman, with tenants sending grain to the nearby metropolis.

A better market in Sydney meant opportunities for all kinds of country goods. During the 1840s and 1850s the energies of the Macarthurs and their labouring people were given more and more to the making of wine and butter for the city. The first vineyard at Camden Park, an experimental one, had been planted in about 1820. len years later a new and more permanent site had been laid out, about 22 acres (g hectares) of fine loam, well drained, planted mainly for Madeira. In the early 1840s several additional acres were

given over to other varieties, including Muscat (red, white and black) and Riesling. ‘Pure Camden Wine’ was first advertised for sale in Sydney in 1844, at fifteen shillings for a dozen bottles or six shillings a gallon. It had succeeded well enough by 1850 for imitations to be offered for sale there, crudely marked ‘Camdon wine’.®! Camden Park butter was also advertised for the first time in 1844,

the dairy having been built two years before by Richard Basden. This was Emily Macarthur’s enterprise: she was the founder of dairying at Camden. The cows were a cross of Alderney and Ayrshire. ‘Their butter was sold in pounds and half-pounds and stamped

‘CAMDEN’ encircled with a laurel wreath (from the Macarthur arms). By 1862 there were ninety-seven cows producing 300 pounds (140 kilograms) of butter a week. Camden Park butter faced strong

competition from Wollongong and Glenlee, near Campbelltown, and in a battle from the city market during the 1840s it was forced down from 2s. to 1s.2d a pound. In the country butter was a common delicacy, even among the poor, but in Sydney such prices must have made it a rare object beyond the larders of the well-to-do.®?

There was a dairy at Brownlow Hill, apparently set up by old Alexander Macleay, who lived there in the late 1840s. Henry Small and his sons, also at Brownlow Hill—they probably took over Macleay’s herd—were the only tenants in the district with a dairy. The carrying of fresh butter so far to Sydney called for superior organi-

Farming 91

zation and this 1s why it was left mainly to the big landholders. Milk was impossible from any distance, but cheese was sent from The Oaks and from as far away as Bathurst. The butter from the Camden district went by spring cart, ‘with the regularity of a mail coach’, and much depended on conditions en route. Macleay is said

to have been asked how he managed in hot weather: ‘Oh! quite easily, it runs all the way’. His carrier drove down weekly and is supposed to have been pulled up several times by bushrangers, who thus left proof for posterity of their high opinion of Brownlow Hill

butter.

Camden Park also sent garden plants, vine cuttings and fruit trees to Sydney, and sometimes far beyond: to South Australia, Tasmania and New Zealand. From William Macarthur’s garden went some of the first flowers to bloom in the grounds of the University of Mel-

bourne and Government House, Brisbane.°* At Camden several lesser gardens, orchards and vineyards owed their parentage to Camden Park. Johann Stein, a native of Nassau, had been one of Wilham Macarthur’s vignerons before buying 20 acres of his own at Eldershie in 1854, the first of a number of Germans to make wine in

that quarter.® Two of William’s gardeners formed their own nur-

series later in the 1850s, John McMahon (‘my old trusty right hand’) at Elderslie and Francis Ferguson on what had been glebe land, on the river opposite Macquarie Grove. Both advertised in the Herald, and Ferguson had a Sydney agent. Ferguson, a man of education, some capital and mercurial habits, had come newly married from England in 1849. He served about seven years at Gamden Park before establishing the Australian Nursery, his speciality being trees ‘peculiarly adapted to the requirements of Australia’, together with shrubs and native seeds, the last selling at fifty shillings for a hundred packets.®®

The retailing of produce might be managed in any of three ways.

First, goods might go directly from the grower to the consumer. Secondly, they might be entrusted to city agents. The efficient sale of butter called for a regular agent in Sydney to take delivery from the

carrier and sell as quickly as possible, and other goods might be disposed of in the same way. The Macarthurs’ agent—or series of agents—sold not only their butter but also their wine, their cuttings and seedlings (no doubt for these he took orders), and from time to time their eggs, hams and bacon. In Melbourne and Adelaide, Wil-

liam Macarthur had other agents, nurserymen, who occasionally sent him orders as well. Closer to home, publicans might buy wine

92 Camden

wholesale from Camden Park, retailing it for as little as sixpence a pint.®/

Thirdly, produce might be sold to middlemen at Gamden who had agents of their own at the heart of the market. This was the most important method of all because it was the means by which the mass of the farmers sold their crops. Here, as in other matters, there was no call for the farmers to have any direct dealings beyond their own

neighbourhood, though they had to bear with the middlemen’s interpretation of Sydney prices. ‘The farmers’ middlemen were the local millers, and the two chief millers at Camden were John Oxley at Kirkham and Henry Thompson at the village. Like Gamden Park wine, ‘Thompson’s flour was once paid the compliment of forgery in the city market. Both their mills were steam-powered. ‘There were also two windmills just out-

side the village but these seem to have been too inefficient to give much competition. Of the two steam-powered mills Thompson’s 1s the more important for present purposes, partly because it was more central, John Oxley’s grain coming from around Cobbitty, Bringelly and Narellan.®® Also, Thompson ran his mill in conjunction with a general store, for some years the main store in the village. This combination of interests was common to country towns and it was one which made the miller-storekeeper a man of great power. Small farmers often had to sell their grain to the miller as quickly as they could, at any price, partly in order to pay their harvest labour. It seems to have been possible in some places for one miller to rule the local market, even when there were several mills as there were at Camden. If the leading miller was also the storekeeper he could in-

sist that the farmer take goods from the store in exchange for his grain, some goods straight away and some anticipated by orders for the future. In this way, so it was said, the farmer lost control of the sale of his own produce. The low price the miller was able to give for grain, and the high price he was able as storekeeper to charge for

goods (sometimes double Sydney prices), meant that the farmer might easily fall into his debt. A series of good seasons might keep the poor farmer’s head above water, but one bad season might put him at the miller’s mercy.®?

It looks as if this was Henry Thompson’s system at Camden. According to Sir William Macarthur, by the beginning of the 1860s

he (Thompson) had such a hold over the poorer farmers that he could ‘clear off the whole of their crops early after harvest, year after

year, having them still in debt and with nothing to work on with

Farming 93

[sic] throughout the year but what they obtain as it is said at exorbitant prices from him’.’° A kinder observer, a newspaper reporter,

saw a better relationship between Thompson and his clients: ‘In every difficulty the small settler has recourse to his advice and aid, and his ofice may almost be considered as the market—the Exchange of the district’. It was through his ‘judicious liberality’ that the people were able to carry on in difficult times, and he was himself ‘the cultivator of hundreds of acres’. However, the reporter did not

explain that most of these hundreds of acres had been acquired under mortgage, when Thompson’s fund of advice and liberality had run out./!

Thus, on the one hand Thompson can be seen as the main medium through which Camden dealt with the outside world, taking in grain and disbursing goods which the people could not make for themselves: ‘A purchaser of everything, and a seller of everything... his well appointed teams are always on the roads’.’* On the other hand, his power confirmed the isolation of the people insofar as he might hold them, almost as tightly as the great gentlemen did, together in the palm of his hand.

6

The Patterns Scattered

On Wednesday 8 February 1860 it began to rain, a downpour ushering in great changes. Gamden’s she-oaks were drenched Jet-black, the roads became troughs of glue and deep pools gathered among the growing maize and the stubble from the recent wheat harvest.

On Thursday the storm lifted, but on Friday it returned with new force. Now the waters came down from flooding upstream. At Menangle the river rose between 4 and 6 metres in an hour, moving ‘like a large weir, carrying before it fences, trees, and everything that opposed its progress’. The upper branches of some promising apple trees in an innkeeper’s garden were decked with railway sleepers from the embankment at the new Menangle crossing. ‘The embankment itself disappeared, and the navvies ran to save their lives: ‘they had scarcely time to pull down their tents and get their families into the dobbins, when the flood rose, the men were up to their arm-pits in water’.!

There was no loss of life, but it was the highest flood in living memory. A story left by Boodbury, one of the Camden Aborigines, told of a flood roughly as high when he was a little boy, probably the great flood of 1806 which had done enormous damage to the new farms on the Hawkesbury. Heavy floods had since occurred in 1816—

17, ‘so high as to enable a boat to be moored to the verandah at Kirkham’, and in 1819 and 1820. Afterwards, for many years, drought along the coastal rivers was a more serious problem than flooding. However, during the 1850s the pattern was reversed. The river came down three times in the winter of 1857, twice carrying part of the bridge away, and there was more flooding in 1859.’ The 1850s were a brief apprenticeship in misery. ‘The flood of February 1860 made the people of Gamden familiar with disaster on a new scale. The wet years were to last to the end of the 1870s, and the damage to property alone was enormous. In 1860 within twelve

The Patterns Scattered 95

weeks of the February flood an even greater mass of water swept through the village. In February the heaviest rain had fallen upstream. Now it was local: oceans collapsed on thin bark roofs, keeping men and women prisoner while it washed away their livelihood. At its height the water was 12 metres above the bridge. Thompson the miller lost goods worth £3000, and 30000 unburnt bricks were spoilt in Basden’s brickyard, as well as 50000 in February. Entire houses were destroyed and seed and topsoil disappeared from newly planted wheatfields. ‘The farmers planted again, but in July the river returned to tear through their fences and destroy much of what they

had done. There was a fourth flood in November, once again very high. ‘Thompson, coming home from Sydney, ‘crossed the river by boat, and was taken up to his house, where he alighted in his bedchamber window’. This time he lost all his hay. In the low-lying areas a few farmers who, in spite of everything, had still hoped for a good harvest, saw this year’s crops finally destroyed.* Gamden entered a lean decade. Flooding was not the only problem in 1860. Above the floodline a

fungus known as stem rust had crept into the wheat crop. Rust of one kind or another was familiar to colonial farmers. It probably had its origins in the native grasses and it was found among wheat as

early as 1803. While it was very damaging to the grain, turning it thin and dry like rice, it had so far not destroyed crops on a large

scale, most likely because it was the less destructive leaf (or Spring) rust. The change came with the arrival of stem rust (puccina graminis tricitt). The orange-red streaks which were the first signs of stem rust were made up of tiny spores which scattered themselves through the standing wheat much more easily than the leaf rust had done. At the early stages the wise farmer mowed his crop and sold it for hay. If he waited until the spores turned black he lost everything. Either way, unless some part of his crop was spared, he had no seed wheat with which to try again next year.

For the time being the rust was a backdrop for other forms of destruction. In 1861 there were more floods. In early April maize crops were destroyed and wheat seed washed from the furrows, and

within weeks the water rose again, to match the heights of 1860. ‘Indeed’, said a Menangle man, as he watched the floodwaters run away, ‘it is nothing but a lottery of many blanks and few prizes, for men to till ground within reach of the floods of the Nepean’. How-

ever, there was time to plant again and in spite of light flooding towards the end of the year, which stopped the ears filling, the

g6 Camden

eventual harvest was fair. Not floods, but drought, destroyed the next, in 1862, and livestock died for want of feed. On Camden Park, 4733 acres (1915 hectares) of wheat were sown by tenants in the Autumn of 1862, about 28 acres (11 hectares) each. The average

yield was less than a bushel (36 litres) an acre, and on nearly half the farms there was no harvest at all. ‘Finding their wheat crop had failed’, wrote James Chisholm, who managed Camden Park in 1862—4 when all the Macarthurs were abroad, ‘many of the farmers put in maize’. However, they acted in haste and desperation, and ‘I think a great deal of the seed must have perished’.° It was now necessary to find seed wheat for 1863. In the past the colonial government had supplied seed on loan to farmers in such emergencies, and early in the new year James Chisholm called a meeting at the court-house to ask for help for Gamden. A petition was drawn up and taken to Sydney. The government was agreeable, but by springtime the resulting crop was entirely destroyed by rust. This was the breaking point. The Reverend Henry Tingcombe wrote to the papers from the parsonage at Camden urging that the government provide employment for farming families on roads or other public works but he also said that for some local people the future must lie elsewhere, on the plains beyond the mountains, and that there should be a public campaign to get them there with minimum suffering.®

Many had already gone—‘scores’ according to one report. At

Menangle the Haines family had begun to disintegrate when George Haines, his wife and five small children left, or, as Sir William Macarthur put it, ‘quietly departed leaving £60 of arrears [in

rent] and large debts’. Haines had spent a good deal of time upcountry trying to earn money with his bullock team on the highway, presumably leaving the farm work to his brother and brothers-inlaw. It may have been his wife Elizabeth who forced the move. Her own brother, John Flint, a dealer from Menangle, had gone already, to the gold-fields around Young. The Haineses ended up nearby.

Such family pressures and ties played a large part in the future movements of the people.’ At Camden another public meeting was called in February 1864. It was dominated by clergymen, a symptom of the fact that the com-

munity itself, the moral fabric which bound the people together, seemed threatened. This time they did not ask for seed wheat from the government—they did not expect to get it—but for work and remission of the debt from 1863. For seed and for sustenance in the

The Patterns Scattered 97

year ahead they turned ‘to the public generally’, and especially to Sydney tradespeople. They looked for charity rather than a loan. The meeting also appointed a committee to carry on the campaign for relief.®

Camden had to compete with claims from other parts of the country affected in the same way. However, Gamden’s misery was extreme. In 1863 the only places hurt more by rust were Penrith and

Campbelltown (where the yield was virtually nil), and districts around Sydney. In the Hunter Valley, at Maitland, Morpeth and on

the Paterson, where flooding rather than rust was still the main problem, the crops survived rather better though the yield was low. Camden’s tragedy lay in its unique reliance on its wheat. ‘They [the tenants] seem to risk all upon the wheat crop’, said William Macar-

thur, ‘and if that fails...grumble at their want of “‘luck’’’. Elsewhere farmers depended just as much on maize and other crops. During 1864. Camden began to do the same. In Autumn on Camden

Park at least a third of the acreage normally given to wheat was sown with barley, rye and oats.? Meanwhile the people found, with difficulty, the means to survive

from day to day. Tingcombe, on his visits to parishioners, found bare rafters ‘in place of the stores of beef and bacon’ that formerly hung about the farmers’ huts. One woman fed her family for several days on green maize. The relief committee distributed more than a thousand packets of garden seeds—turnips, carrots, parsnips, onions and so forth—and started cabbage seedlings for the same purpose. They also ordered 1050 bushels (38000 litres) of seed wheat from South Australia, which was as much as they could

afford though very inadequate, and some barley. A number of farmers hoped once again for good crops—until June, when another high flood came to sweep away whatever had been planted.

A gentleman visiting Gamden told of the devastated maize in which, he said, he saw children ‘pulling the mud off the cobs of corn, and eating that sodden corn’.!° This flood, coming on top of everything else, was enough to galvanize the consciences of Sydney people. Hitherto there was a feeling

that the call for relief was ‘a landlords’ movement’, that anything which the farmers could scrape together would go on rent. One eminent politician, thinking no doubt of Gamden, spoke of absentee landlords currently spending ‘their tens of thousands of pounds in England and upon the continent’. He urged that such gentlemen be taxed to make up for the misery of the people. However on 27 June

g8 Camden

eight hundred people, including judges, merchants, aldermen, parliamentarians and clergy, met in the capital to establish a fund for flood relief. Never before had the colony been confronted with such a crisis among its rural population, those who were thought to be its moral and economic backbone. The speakers rose to the occasion. According to one, ‘they were writing the history of New South Wales

that night’. Others spoke of the need for an extraordinary effort of generosity. A committee of notables was formed to correspond with local committees. Within three weeks another high flood came down, even more destructive than the last, but before long Camden people also began to receive the first instalments of Sydney charity: £150 in cash, 521 bushels of wheat, 105 of oats and 38 of barley, and

2 tons of potatoes. Sydney bakers sent fifty loaves of bread daily during July, and meat, shoes and clothing also arrived.!! Rust and flooding were endemic throughout the 1860s. By the end

of the decade wheat acreage was less than a quarter of the area of 1861. At Camden Park the farmers planted about 10 acres (4 hectares) each on average, and there was rather more on farms around about. However, oats was now becoming the principal crop, and most farmers also put in several acres of barley and rye. At Camden Park they also depended more than they had done on their livestock, which meant giving more land to pasture. In order to do this holdings had to be increased in size. On Camden Park abandoned farms

were handed over to neighbours for use as grass paddocks, so that the total number of tenants declined from 167 in 1862 to 120 in 1869.

For the time being there was no such decline on Brownlow Hill, probably because the landlords did not interfere. ‘The tenants sold their farms (goodwill and improvements) for the best price they could get, and the best price was not likely to come from neighbours wanting pasture. !?

The landlords also had to adjust. The failure of the crops meant that they could not reasonably expect to get their rents in full. On Camden Park the Macarthur brothers had always divided the management of the estate between them, with James looking after the tenants. In 1859, when he and his family went abroad, his brother took over. Early in 1861 William reported £3000 arrears in rent, some of which he had no hope of recovering. He decided to remit a third of the money due on farms submerged in the recent floods, but arrears continued at £3000 a year later. During 1862 he left for a short time abroad and in December, following the drought, James Chisholm recommended that they remit half of all rental income

The Patterns Scattered 99

that year. In some cases remissions continued for years. In 1867, after disastrous flooding, the landlords wrote off more than £2000 among about forty individuals.!4 Meanwhile the Macarthurs came round to the belief that the long leases they had given to most of their tenants were a mistake. In due course these were converted into yearly tenancies, which gave the Macarthurs more flexibility in difficult times. Besides, the long leases were meant to encourage the kind of expensive improvements which

modern farmers were carrying out in England. Though most of the tenants were hardworking and many were enterprising, by now it was Clear that few would let themselves be persuaded into this kind of investment.!* This was probably due to a fault in the relationship between landlord and tenant. Long-time commitment to land and landlords was to be established not only by looking into the future but also by looking into the past. Even at Gamden too much had been too recently created.

James and William Macarthur had built Camden Park on a foundation of hard work and optimism. Always inclined to look on the bright side, and to the long term, they were poorly equipped for mere survival. Both James and William were now in their sixties,

and their sole heir was James’s daughter Elizabeth. The future would depend on her marriage and there could be no guarantee that the family would stay on at Camden. What was there to plan for? Besides, confidence in the future had always been tied to confidence in the people they gathered around them. Now this too was out of place, as far as the tenants were concerned. Anxious to change with the times, when James left for England

they wrote to each other of the need to be businesshke. William blamed James for his leniency in the past: he had found one tenant, he said, whose rent had been forgiven her for seven years. In return,

James urged William to put his own sympathies aside: ‘Wilful or careless defaulters must be brought into better courses or quit’. William boasted to his brother of turning away the wife of a defaulter who had come up to the big house with her five small children, to ask him for time and, he said, to cause a sensation. He was, he said, ‘quietly but firmly’ persuading the people that their rent was their first obligation.'!? However, he could not cope with this kind of conflict. In 1862 he left to join the family in England. He felt ‘stupid and fidgety’ about the whole business, and expressed the pious hope that

‘The absence of both of us for a time may have a good effect on forcing them |the tenants] into greater punctuality, as agents must

100 ~=Camden

insist upon payments’. All the same, Chisholm and the Land Agent, Thomas Dawson, were left unprepared to take harsh measures on

their own. It was Chisholm who suggested the largest remission so far.!6

At Brownlow Hill the position was more complicated. George Macleay and his wife had also gone abroad, in March 1859. Macleay had appointed an agent to collect the rents and he leased his own house and the home-farm to Jeremiah Frederick Downes, a former squatter. Though his rents were high he remitted nothing and lost little. Returning briefly in 1861-2 he sold the entire estate to

S. K. Salting, a Sydney merchant, for £16000.'” Salting was in a tricky moral position. ‘The young son of one of the tenants had been

killed by one of his own sons in a shooting accident in Macleay’s time. The tenant’s son was wearing a grey hat and George Salting mistook him for a wallaby. It was said that the boy’s father and young Mr Salting were ‘equally inconsolable’, and Salting senior probably hoped to make amends. On succeeding Macleay as landlord he immediately lowered all rents by nearly a third. This made him popular from the beginning. ‘It is almost painful’, remarked James Chisholm, “to hear the feeling which is now generally expressed

against Mr Macleay by his former tenantry and retainers’.!® This did not worry Macleay, who was on the other side of the world. Besides, he would probably have agreed with Chisholm that the poor were too ready to make this kind of judgement. Their thinking

did not depend on well-considered principles, said Chisholm, though he thought that Macleay was indeed too hard. In their ignorance they argued merely from ‘contrast or comparison’.

What difference did these disasters make? What mark did flood, drought and rust leave on the bonds between landlords and tenants, and among the people themselves? Chisholm was right to some extent. Personality was just as important as principle, and when the people changed their minds it was often for superficial reasons. All

the same there were some deep shifts of attitude and principles changed. There were a number of causes now overturning customary society. In order to unravel this great transformation we need to look at district politics and to tell the story of party divisions and elections from the time such things began in the early 1840s.

The first general election in the Australian colonies took place under an Act of the British Parliament passed in 1842. Before that

The Patterns Scattered ror

the Legislative Council of New South Wales—the body which passed colonial legislation subject to British approval—was made up of gentlemen all chosen by the Secretary of State in London without any form of popular election. The constitution of 1842 declared that the Council was to be enlarged and that two-thirds of the members

were to be elected. It was left to the old Council, during its last session, to work out the details of representation. It was taken for granted that only men with a little property, including most farmers

and shopkeepers, could vote. The county of Cumberland and the city of Sydney became separate constituencies. So did the county of

Camden, which extended eastward to the coast, taking in the villages of Camden, Picton, Berrima, Wollongong and Kiama, and returned one member. These regions were to be the main battleground in the first general election which was set for mid-1843. The battle highlighted James Macarthur’s ideals and sense of purpose, what he wanted from his people at Gamden and how they answered him.!9 Seven months beforehand Macarthur let himself be named as a candidate for Cumberland, together with William Lawson from Par-

ramatta. He stood for Cumberland rather than Camden, he said, ‘because he thought that in the proud position of representative of the Metropolitan County...he should be of more service to his country’.*° William Charles Wentworth and his friend Dr William Bland offered themselves as candidates for Sydney and Macarthur hoped that these two, with himself and Lawson, would manage the new Council together.?! The Governor’s leading officials were not expected to stand for election: they were to be guaranteed seats as nominated members. Macarthur thought that it would help the co-operative spirit if one or two could get in on a popular vote and he saw a chance of this in his own home county of Gamden. In the western part of the county,

at Illawarra, the electors had asked Roger Therry, the Acting Attorney-General, to stand. Both he and many of his supporters there were Catholic. Therry was at first unwilling: whatever his strength in the east he would still have the more populous part of the county to contend with. Meanwhile James and William Macarthur had spoken to several possible candidates in the west, among them

Charles Gowper, a young landowner at Wivenhoe, near Cobbitty. When James heard that Therry had support in the east he saw an opportunity of getting an official elected. Therry’s religion was an added advantage: their support for him would, as James explained to William, ‘show the Roman Catholics that moderate Protestants

102. Camden

had no desire to exclude them from the representation’.** William Macarthur was doubtful whether local opinion would follow them in supporting Therry.* He was right. Most of the leading gentlemen in

western Camden were Protestant and they would not vote for a Catholic. They also disliked the fact that Therry was an official who

would be bound to support the government. Almost immediately canvassing began for Charles Cowper. In Gumberland, Macarthur’s own campaign began well and he spent the first weeks of 1843 in a blaze of splendid popularity.** Two more candidates came forward, but both were in opposition to Lawson. At Sydney, Wentworth and Bland were in firm alliance. They had been long joined in politics, fighting the government for constitutional reform. Wentworth foresaw more battles in the new Coun-

cil. A policy of protest and antagonism was the very opposite of Macarthur’s plans but it was much more interesting to voters. Sec-

tarianism also played a part in the Sydney campaign, although Wentworth and Bland never showed any religious prejudice themselves. In Gamden, Cowper opposed Therry as a government officer and as a Catholic, and he told the electorate that Wentworth’s aims were ‘identical with ours’.*? The polarization of issues wrecked

Macarthur’s patriotic scheme; it also strained his alliance with Lawson.

In that period general elections were held over a series of days. The electors of Camden voted on Saturday 24 June, and the results were published in Sydney on the following Monday. Therry won the seat, with a margin of 10 votes out of 282 cast. Most of his support

came from Wollongong but he also had a majority at Gamden village, which followed the Macarthurs.*® The next day, Tuesday 27th, was nomination day for Cumberland, with election day 3 July. Meanwhile news reached Sydney that Cowper, having lost Camden,

would stand against Macarthur in Cumberland. His party had already managed to spread through the electorate ‘the disgust they

felt at the conduct of Mr James Macarthur in Camden’. The strength of sectarian feeling shows in the fact that on election day for Cumberland, Cowper, a man quite new to politics, received 30 per cent of the votes and easily topped the poll. Lawson came in second. Macarthur was third, which meant that he was out of Council.?7

Geography and sectarianism were to govern local politics for years to come. When Therry resigned in 1845 a by-election returned one of Cowper’s allies, John Wild of Vanderville near The Oaks, with opposition from Illawarra. In 1848 James Macarthur came for-

The Patterns Scattered 103

ward, and with support from his own district and from Hlawarra no one dared to fight him. Afterwards the eastern and western parts of the county were divided into separate constituencies. In the election of 1851 Macarthur was left to confront his Protestant neighbours

without the backing of Illawarra Catholics. The battle was intensified by jealousy between Camden village and Berrima. Berrima saw itself as the county town but Camden had lately pushed far ahead in terms of population. Gamden was Macarthur’s pedestal and its very size guaranteed his success. In 1856 the electors voted for the first time in a proper parliamentary (rather than council) election, and for the formation of a largely independent ministry, under what is known as responsible government. By now an important party division had opened up between Liberals and Conservatives. James Macarthur was one of the leading Conservatives and a very important power-broker. West Gamden was now allowed two members. At first Macarthur hoped to get Edward Deas ‘Thomson, the former Colonial Secretary, elected with him, so that Thomson might be the first Premier. However, ‘Thomson could not be persuaded to stand and John Oxley of Kirkham,

who had property in the south, was brought forward at Berrima. Oxley was well known in Gamden—he sat on the Camden Bench—

but he was not acceptable to the Macarthur interest. He was too close to Cowper who was emerging as Liberal leader (and who was soon to be Premier), but there were no other candidates and Macarthur and Oxley were both returned.?8 Next time, in 1858, George Macleay found someone with Liberal sympathies but a little more amenable: William Wild, the student

son of John Wild of Vanderville. The Berrima people were very annoyed at the prospect of losing Oxley. There were some angry scenes at Berrima while votes were being taken and Macarthur got only 4 per cent of the total there. Some said that voters were interfered with, but according to a local man it was only a little “Botany

Bay bounce’. Bounce or not, the scanty population in the south could not prevent the north—this time Macarthur and Wild— winning again.*9

The pattern of Gamden elections now began to change, and the great turning point was the late 1850s. This was not only a matter of Liberal and Conservative divisions. It is also important that James Macarthur retired in 1859. As well, religious prejudice at Gamden and throughout the colony took on a different character, in keeping with new ideas about social class. Hitherto the Protestant cause had

104 Gamden

been led by Church of England landowners, such as Charles Cowper, the Hassalls and the Oxleys. ‘The Catholics had been the underdogs, and Protestant gentlemen who took the Catholic side, such as the Macarthurs, were only asking for equal justice. Now the position of the landed gentlemen was weakening and there was more energy and vision in the ranks of the Protestant middle class. For their part

the Catholics seemed, to Protestant eyes, no longer content with

equality. hey worked towards a highly-ordered community of faith, and anxious Protestants imagined a Catholic campaign to get the upper hand in parliament. In Camden village there had been Anglican bitterness about the foundation and early success of National, or non-denominational schooling. But there was no one to whip up agitation, even when sectarianism came into the open. Gentlemen like the Hassalls and the Oxleys, though they were suspicious of Catholics, did not like to

foment popular feeling, and even the clergymen appointed to St John’s were, on the whole, Macarthur men. Robert Forrest, the first rector, had supported James Macarthur in the 1843 election.%° His successor, Edward Rogers, was not quite so friendly. He was an

Evangelical rather than a Broad churchman, but he was broad enough to believe, for instance, that National schools had a place beside those of his own Church.?! Henry ‘Tingcombe, the third rector (appointed 1858), was easy-going and pragmatic and preferred ‘the

grand doctrines of Christianity’ to sectarian distinctions. It was for his benefit that the present parsonage was built in 1859. The Macarthurs had a say in all three appointments, overriding what James Macarthur called ‘the miserable bigotry’ of the Bishop of Sydney. Their choice of Tingcombe meant that the Camden Park family was

now strongly at odds, not only with the diocese but with local middle-class Anglicans as well. In 1860 Sir William Macarthur told James that all of the congregation at St John’s, except for the Clerk of Petty Sessions, ‘poor Mrs Pearson’ and Burrett the storekeeper, were ‘striving to pull down your influence’ .*? In their creation of the village, their endowment and building of the church and their nomination of the clergy, the Macarthurs had established at Gamden the kind of situation which had long existed in England, where the Church of England was an arm of the State, under the power of government and magistrates. That position had

been questioned lately by churchmen known as Tractarians, who argued that the bishops and clergy took their authority, not from the State but from Christ and the Apostles. ‘Uhis doctrine of the apos-

The Patterns Scattered 105

tolic succession—or rather the way it was being stressed from the 1830s—challenged the power which laymen like the Macarthurs had long enjoyed in church affairs. No wonder Emily Macarthur thought that ‘the tractarians are. ..more to be feared than all the popes or Cardinal Wisemans’.’? Such new ideas led many clergy to take a more inward-looking view of Church affairs, which suited the sectarian feelings of middle-class congregations. The Macarthurs, on the other hand, saw the Church as a means by which people like themselves could benefit the world at large.

The rise of sectarian bitterness in Camden was a sign of the waning power of the landlords. In earlier times their policies had softened or hidden resentment between congregations and between classes as well. Now there was a feeling abroad that the old Camden

was coming apart. James Macarthur noticed, after a little time in England, that a great change was taking place all over the world, ‘that popular influences are gradually lessening the power of the gentry’. Always optimistic, he assured his brother that good times would return. ‘The middle classes now had the upper hand, ‘But the working classes hate them and will rally round the gentry by and by,

if they will but be true to themselves and conform to the altered circumstances of the age’. ‘They must keep up a paternal feeling for

the poor and a sense of duty; when the people returned to ‘their natural leaders’ they must be found in their places, ready once more

‘to guide and regulate the stream of events’ .34 : There was a strange ambiguity about the decline of the old order at Camden. There was at once a hanging back and a pushing forward. Between 1857 and 1864 several great feasts were organized on a variety of occasions, and in the speeches and the merriment there are signs of an effort—whether deliberate or not—to recapture the fellow-feeling of earlier years. At the same time the dinner guests clapped and cheered for progress, and ‘Advance Australia’ was a common theme. ‘The changing ritual at these feasts points to much greater changes. Two of the feasts were old-fashioned affairs in honour of landed gentlemen. In November 1857 William Macarthur returned from Europe where he had been in charge of the New South Wales section of the Paris International Exhibition. He had been decorated with the Legion of Honour by the French Emperor and knighted by the Queen. This was a great triumph for the place and there was a feast to welcome him back, in a tent pitched near St John’s church. Such dinners always took place in the early afternoon. ‘This one was man-

106 Camden

aged in two stages. The first was for gentlemen and the more respectable farmers and village people, about two hundred altogether.

Speeches were made and toasts were drunk. The men sat in state with the wine and comestibles, while their wives and daughters ‘were seated in recesses of bower-work flanking the chair’. Afterwards this perfect order was abandoned. The men rose from the tables, there was a resetting, the less important farming people crowded in—men, women and children—and ‘a second edition of the banquet came off with great glee’.*° In the following Summer George Macleay gave a feast at Brownlow Hill for about four hundred of his tenants and workmen, to mark

his departure for England. Neighbouring gentlemen and leading villagers sat down with him, but once again no women. Macleay gave the first toast, the health of his guests, and was answered by a song especially written by one of his workmen. This ‘afforded great amusement, and was repeatedly encored’.°® Class distinction was momentarily forgotten. The patriarch, Mr Macleay, gathered all his

people around him to say goodbye like a father among his children, and it was one of the humblest who stood up to reply. The banquet at Camden Park, on the other hand, had been organized by the richer tenants who gave themselves places next to the landlords, assigning their lesser neighbours to the second sitting. All the same, the two occasions had much in common.

When it came to celebrations in the village the middle-class people had all the planning to themselves. In January 1860 Henry Thompson gave a feast to celebrate the opening of his new flour mill. When the guests had risen the humbler Gamden people made their

appearance. lo the surprise of their host ‘relay upon relay rushed to the charge’, but enough was found to feed them all. Thompson, a man of modern ideas, had invited men and women on equal terms (see Chapter 9). The next village feast, to mark the opening of the new Camden bridge in October 1861, was run by Dr Bleeck and he took a more old-fashioned line. About forty gentlemen were invited

to dine. “The ladies were left to amuse themselves as best they could’, and there was nothing left over for the lesser lights.°/

In July 1862 there was another feast at Brownlow Hill. When Salting bought the property from Macleay the story went around that Jeremiah Downes, who leased the homestead, would leave to make way for the new landlord. Downes was everybody’s friend, affable and generous, and the farmers on Brownlow Hill decided on

a banquet to see him off. When they found out that he would be

The Patterns Scattered 107

staying as Salting’s tenant they celebrated that instead. (He eventually bought the property for £13000.) Then, at the end of 1864

there was another banquet at Camden Park to welcome James Macarthur and his family from England.°*®

By now two great changes had taken place. First, women sat among the men on both occasions, and so quickly had ideas moved that it hardly seemed worthy of remark. Secondly, the democratic spirit of the age made it impossible to have a second sitting for the

humbler classes. That would have meant denying that all were equal. What was to be done instead? Organizers could forget about the poor altogether, as Bleeck had done. Or they could mix up the classes, which had the effect of making everyone feel self-consciously egalitarian. At Downes’s dinner, for instance, John Oxley of Kirkham

remarked how he liked these gatherings which brought employers and labouring people together, but his comments sound lke forced cheerfulness. “Chey could meet here and discuss their grievances on equal terms’, he said, ‘and bring their wives with them to keep them in order’.°? ‘The numbers who came to welcome the Macarthurs home in 1864 were so enormous that it was impossible to feed them all. The whole

population dressed in their Sunday clothes and five or six hundred

crowded in and around the tent—once again pitched near the church—to hear the speeches. Thus Camden celebrated as it had never done before. ‘The people gladly honoured the man who had done more than anyone else to make them a community and who was now coming to the end of his public life. However, with their new feelings about social class and politics they had already left his ideas far behind them.

Feelings about class first became a vital issue at Gamden during the election of 1859. Immediately beforehand the Liberal Government, led by Charles Cowper, had succeeded in pushing through two great reforms. Manhood suffrage offered all men the vote irrespective of property, as long as they had lived in one place for six months. Introduction of the closed ballot box, the other reform, meant that votes were now cast secretly and no man was obliged to act under overt pressure from landlord or employer. Now, the Liberals argued, those working men who had previously voted antiLiberal for the sake of their leascholds or their jobs would be free to vote according to their consciences. ‘They would naturally vote for progress.

108 Camden

Borne up by such hopes, a new kind of candidate came to the fore.

With some stretch of the imagination a few could even call themselves working class. Previously such men had hardly dared even to make speeches. Mitchell the saddler at Gamden, in his own opinion ‘one of the operative classes’, tried it in the 1851 election but his rambling, irrelevant remarks and his nomination of a candidate who did not want to be nominated showed how much he had to learn. All

the same, Mitchell, who ‘was accustomed to take an interest not only in elections, but in political matters generally’, helped to give Liberal ideas a place in the village. He was the local man on the Liberals’ Constitution Committee in 1853 and he was also agent for the Empire, the main Liberal paper in New South Wales.*° Such men prepared the way for the 1859 election, the first under the new regime. This time the candidates for West Camden included a Berrima man, John Morrice, who called himself ‘a staunch Liberal and Poor Man’s Friend’. Many voters were shocked at the very idea of electing ‘a person so thoroughly ignorant and uneducated as Mr Morrice’. He was said to have made his fortune in the gold rushes,

selling picks and shovels. In trying to create a democratic constituency he took advantage of the Berrima-CGamden rivalry. He maintained in spite of the ballot that the Gamden voters were bound hand and foot to their landlords, and to some extent he was right for it was the Camden vote which beat him. Confident that he would ‘live to see the foundations. ..of serfdom shaken to pieces’ he tried again in 1860. Even at Gamden he now carried all before him.*!

Liberal attitudes had so thoroughly seeped into the hearts and minds of Gamden’s people that he was to be one of their local members for more than ten years.

Morrice’s ticket to success was land reform. He was wrong in thinking that Camden tenants (or the older generation at least) longed for freedom from their landlords. It was not freedom they

wanted but good prospects in the way they and their children farmed the land. However, this he also promised them, if only they maintained in power Charles Cowper, Premier of New South Wales, and his ally John Robertson, Minister for Lands. The last twenty years had seen a two or threefold increase in farming along the eastern seaboard, especially around Gamden, Penrith and the lower Hunter Valley. ‘This was mostly the work of tenant farmers. However, it seems that by the end of the 1850s the tenanted estates were fully occupied. As late as 1855 John Oxley said of Gamden that ‘Any tenant can get a farm at a moment’s notice’. On Cam-

The Patterns Scattered 109

den Park numerous leases were issued in 1856-7. From then on, however, there were very few. Besides the home-farm, the landlords

still had on their hands several thousand acres of rough country along Razorback, but this was useless to tenants. The figures for other districts suggest the same kind of tailing off: tenants had, it seems, reached the edge of the productive soil.44¢ The land now available to them was either poor or else too far from the market to justify leasing, and under the present land laws it was usually too expensive to buy land for themselves. The shortage of good soil coincided with an increase in demand among the tenant families. Large numbers of farmers often newly

married had arrived as young assisted immigrants in the 1830s. Their children were now at an age when they needed places of their own. Among the tenants at Camden nearly a third had been married in the 1830s. Another quarter consisted of men of the new generation

who had succeeded in marrying and settling near their parents. Their younger brothers were coming forward with very little chance of being able to do the same. These were the young men mentioned

in Chapter 5, living as labourers with their fathers or brothers. Without a vote before 1859, manhood suffrage now gave them a place in the political scheme of things.

Some younger brothers had gone already. For instance, Caleb Nash had arrived in New South Wales with his parents in 1839, the youngest of eight children. They came to Camden in 1843 and his

father had taken a farm on Camden Park. ‘On this farm’, wrote Caleb many years later, ‘was my father, my brother and myself. This is where I got my first experience of driving bullocks in the plough, also in reaping with the sickle, which was the only way of harvesting then and it was all threshed with the flail or trod out with horses’. The original farm was 60 acres (24 hectares), including 40

acres arable. A grass paddock of 48 acres was added at an early stage. This was a good size for Gamden but, according to Caleb, it ‘proved too small for the three of us and in the year 1856 I got my

divide and started for Bathurst’. His ‘divide’ consisted of three horses, a dray and harness, a wooden plough and harrow, and his box of clothes. And so ‘at the age of 19 I said goodbye to Gamden and hied away over the mountains to Macquaries Plains. I rented a

small farm part of Lawsons property Oaty Hill... always considered this a good move for by industry and perseverence I got up step by step’. He married and took on a bigger farm and he eventually became a squatter at Parkes.*°

110. Camden

The Liberals promised they would reform the land laws so as to provide for the landless, including men like Caleb Nash. Such men would be able to settle on Grown land, and to buy it for themselves. John Robertson, the main advocate of reform, was the owner of a tenanted estate in the Hunter Valley, and in some ways his scheme

was very like tenant farming.4* The area to be offered to new farmers, 40 to 320 acres each, was typical of the old tenancy system.

They would acquire their farms by degrees, under conditional purchase, so that like their tenant forebears they would pay for the

soil as it became productive. At Gamden tenants paid eight or twelve shillings an acre per annum, while the new system required five shillings yearly over a period of four years, plus a pound an acre on improvements. ‘This was called free selection. In the Camden electorate John Morrice first talked about land reform in 1859, but only during the 1860 election campaign did the people begin to understand what he and John Robertson were offer-

ing them. Mitchell had departed, but there were several men in Camden village eager to promote the Liberal cause: Dr Bleeck, Lakeman the former publican, John Viles, shoemaker and advocate of temperance. At a meeting at Risley’s Inn there was so much excitement about free selection that the audience kept it up afterwards in the street, ‘with considerable energy for another half an hour’. A fortnight later there was another meeting at the court-house which

was so crowded that some had to listen from outside the door. “There is a rising race requiring free selection’, declared Henry Dunn of The Oaks, in introducing one of the candidates, “he Robertson Bull is a necessity’. ‘The response was noisy and unanimous. At a third meeting James Chisholm proposed Henry Oxley as the anti-reform candidate. Chisholm urged his audience of tenants and villagers to keep in mind that ‘one now in England’ (meaning James Macarthur) was, like Oxley, ‘strongly opposed to free selection’. ‘We will have him’, they shouted back, ‘but not his nominee’; “Though we bow to Gessler [the tyrant in William Tell], we will not do so to his hat’.*

Other and less ambiguous criticism of the landlords was now coming out into the open. A few Gamden people who would have been afraid in earlier days now spoke up very clearly. Caleb Nash had two sisters who had married brothers named Ward. Samuel Ward was a butcher in the village and Jacob a carpenter, and one or

both were active Liberals. In July 1861 Jacob Ward sent off the following letter for publication in the Empire:

The Patterns Scattered 111

Sir,— You would confer a great favour by inserting the following statement of facts. About six months ago, I was asked to give an estimate of the probable cost of certain works necessary to the National School, Camden. When the local patrons met, said estimate was presented, upon which, Sir William Macarthur gave it as his opinion that it was too high, and advised that a Mr Basden, builder, should be asked for an estimate, as being a man of larger experience in such matters. Mr Basden is understood to be a favourite.

Basden accordingly sent in a tender. Ward also tried again. James Chisholm shared control of the school with Macarthur, and it was Chisholm who compared the tenders: it appears [wrote Ward| that my tender was £15 below the other. Please observe I am speaking of a sum below £100, so that £15 makes a great difference. You will say the job was mine, of course. Wait a bit, until I ask a few questions. Was it right of Mr Chisholm to constitute himself a meeting for the business of opening the tenders, while the rule requires three individuals? Was it right for him to take them away to his uncle, Sir William, and there keep them several days, and then go directly to Mr Basden and reveal the tenders to him, allow him to strike out some portions of the work, so as to bring the sum below mine, and then and there give the job to him without ever dropping a word to me, or giving me an opportunity to reconsider my tender? ...1, for one, have no objection to their having a favourite, only let it be at their own expense. There is no doubt but they thought they could accom-

plish their purpose without any notice being taken of it; but that cannot be... To the public in general, and to the [National Schools’| board in particular, I appeal. Ifa man may be treated with such baseness and deception why, then, down with despotism. My complaint is with Sir William Macarthur and Mr Chisholm only. Do, Sir, allow a nook in your pages for a victim of local patronage. Yours most respectfully, Jacob Ward.

Someone also sent the Empire a copy of the circular letter which Sir

William Macarthur wrote to his tenants during the 1860 election urging them to vote against the Liberal candidates.*© This was an excellent case of the kind of influence which the Liberals had been fighting against for years.

Such publicity changed what can be called the moral balance at Camden. The rich were now on the defensive. ‘Uhis was especially true when flood, drought and rust ruined the livelihood of the poor. It was inevitable with the misery of the 1860s that tenants should

112. Camden

like their landlords a little less. Men of Liberal sympathies told them their bitterness was perfectly justified. Someone from Menangle, for

instance, told the newspapers that the acreage which the Macarthurs allowed to each farmer was too small to give them security in hard years: the tenant had no prospects. Besides having to cope with vagaries of climate, he was ‘a mere vassal, to be turned adrift at any

moment, at the beck or caprice of his autocratic landlord’. Even more oppressive in these starving years was the rent, which the land-

lords exacted ‘like so many Shylocks’. Hard feelings crystallized especially among the Irish tenants, who drew together to defend each other against eviction. In fact, only one of them, William Caven-

agh, was turned out and, fortunately for the landlords, he was self-

condemned in the public mind. He left behind an entire stack of wheat rotted away by his own neglect. “The destruction of the “‘staff of life’’, remarked Sir William Macarthur, ‘is about as high a crime as he could have committed, and no one pities him’.*” At the same time no one sympathized with the landlords.

Even while Gamden was still a tight and inward-looking place, many of the people knew something of the country further out. This made free selection even more attractive to them. The Macarthurs had a large property at Richlands and Taralga, north of Goulburn, and several of their people worked there for a time or had relations there. Of the four Weeks who came by the Brothers in 1837, John and

Benjamin and their sister Jane Vincen stayed with their families at Camden, but Richard Weeks, his wife and two children went south almost immediately. Martha Gumbleton, who came as a girl by the Brothers with an uncle and aunt, also lived at Taralga where she was married to the man who looked after the sheep.*® John Oxley of Kirkham had a foothold at Wingecarribee, near Berrima, which also encouraged movement backwards and forwards, and so did the marriage of Mrs Hassall of Macquarie Grove to J. J. Howell of Arkstone Forest near Booroowa. Squatting runs took the people even further out. The Macarthurs had 70 000 acres (28 000 hectares) at Nangus, on the Murrumbidgee near Gundagai, though this was sold in 1854. George Macleay, as well as owning freehold on the Fish River between Goulburn and Yass, had a squatting licence for Toganmain, also on the Murrumbidgee. The men of Camden were also used to travelling the highways in an independent fashion, employing their horse and bullock teams under contract. In the 1840s Charles ‘Tompson said that the bullock

The Patterns Scattered 113

drivers, or carriers, were ‘generally speaking, beyond the pale of civilization’, but this was before the gold rushes (which similarly took men beyond the mountains). Gold greatly increased the inland

market. Storekeepers moved to the gold-fields and to the towns which flourished near them, and since the railways were still a long

way away they relied on bullock or horse-drawn drays travelling from Sydney, or from some other point of supply. The carriers also took wool the other way, and there were so many teams now going

up-country under contract that squatters used them going back again, rather than relying on their own. Agents established themselves in Sydney to regulate the business. When the 1860 floods made the highway at Gamden impassable there were loud complaints about the fate of the produce stuck in the mud for days or even weeks. ‘Too much of this, said a writer in the Herald; would throw the southern trade open to Victoria.*9 Carriers still had a doubtful reputation. They were suspected of tapping casks and breaking open packages en route. However, they were a much larger and more varied class than hitherto. Many were farmers and farmers’ sons who were used to managing horses and bullocks and who had paddocks to rest them in. This also gave rise

to complaints, because such men were not above ‘taking their loading to their own homes, where it remained sometimes for months till they had done their ploughing and reaping’. On the other hand some tenants went back to their neglected farms only when the profits from carrying fell off for a while.°° It was best if there were a number of men in the family who could

carry on both lines of work at once. At Camden the Boardmans, with six sons and four daughters, were well endowed in this regard. From the 1840s to the 1870s there were always young unmarried men on their farm near the village. Reuben, the fourth son, stayed to take his father’s place but the two eldest, John and Joseph, married early and looked for an income elsewhere. According to Joseph’s wife Betsy, ‘Joe for a time drew timber from the sawmill at The Oaks to Gamden, and then, with his brother, went carrying. . .long distance carrying. Joe had a horse and his brother had bullocks’. On their first expedition they loaded at Sydney with general merchan-

dise for Goulburn, and arranged that they should load again at Goulburn for Wagga Wagga and Beechworth. Beyond Goulburn they called at Muttama station and were promised a return cargo of wool for Sydney. [The round trip to Beechworth should have taken four months, but it took six.°!

114. Camden

John Boardman then made his home at Berrima while Joe worked

for ‘Thomas Hobbs, the Camden storekeeper, who had set up a branch store on the new gold-field at Kiandra. Betsy recalled that Joe and two others loaded in Sydney with biscuits, butter, tea, cheese, sugar, bacon and wine, and took seven or eight weeks to get to their destination. Then after a spell, when she worked with him at Ferguson’s nursery at Gamden, Joe was taken on by Thompson the miller: Joe took charge of Mr Thomson’s teams, and for a time he made a series of short trips, working for wages of course. It was the custom when working like that for a man to receive wages and a double ration; so while Joe was away from me, he got his pay and keep, and I got my keep at home.

Betsy had gone on some of the earlier trips, but she now had young children and she stayed near Joe’s people. Thompson had commer-

cial dealings with a brother-in-law, T. H. Mate of Tarcutta, and once Joe brought back peacock feathers from Mate’s homestead, ‘a wonderful present to me’. Eventually Joe moved to Mate’s employment and Betsy left Camden to live among the peacocks. The two Acts of Parliament which made free selection possible

were passed in 1861 and took effect from 1 January 1862. The change was not as dramatic as most had expected. Free selection was not at all free from a financial point of view. It required capital to start, like all farming, and substantial sums each year. ‘To begin

with, the most likely free selectors from around Camden were tradesmen with money to invest, and even they were hindered by the rule that the selector must live on his land. There was also the prob-

lem of markets. In the south and west the railways had not yet extended beyond Picton and Penrith. Selectors who went further must wait in hope for the trains which would one day take their produce to the city, or else they must depend on the small but growing inland population. Jacob Ward the carpenter, and his wife (Caleb Nash’s sister) and

family, moved south, but to begin with they found it more convenient to invest in the new village of Bowral, formed by the Oxleys

out of their land at Wingecarribee. Bernard Herzog, the tinsmith, likewise sold his workshop in Argyle Street, with ironmongery, hollow-ware, tinware, galvanized iron, machinery and tools, and his home (five rooms and a kitchen), and moved to ‘a more extensive

business’ in Armidale. James Pearson, the carpenter, went to

The Patterns Scattered = 115

Mudgee. According to Betsy Boardman (Pearson’s wife was Joe’s sister), at Mudgee ‘building was very brisk, and that is what took Pearson there’.°* Such people could do better than free selection.

The Hayters, a tenant family, also moved. Jeremiah Hayter had arrived at Camden in 1839, one of the immigrants by the Royal

George, a humble sawyer. He did very well. When he left he announced his departure with an auction of his property in the village, a four-roomed brick cottage with detached kitchen on half an acre, which in fact took some time to sell. Having paid £180 for it in 1862 he got £130 in 1869. (This fall of 28 per cent is even worse than the 19 per cent for Brownlow Hill, from £16 000 in 1862 to £13 000 in

1875.) Hayter’s farm, 103 acres (42 hectares) on the best part of Camden Park, he left with his third son James, who was about to marry. Some 300 acres which he failed to sell at Mulgoa Forest became the home of his fourth son, Jesse. The eldest son, John, had a family of his own, but he and the remaining eight children went with their parents to their selection at Sutton Forest. For this new land Jeremiah must have paid about £400 and soon John began to buy land beside it.’ ‘Thus were three boys provided for. Joe Boardman’s employer, Thomas Hobbs, died of apoplexy in

1862, after months of anguish when his partner at Kiandra disappeared with their joint assets. His widow, who kept the store at Camden, took charge. [She] sold her shop and loaded several bullock wagons with goods and set off on the road with her family, taking such things as food, horses, cattle, pigs, pigeons, fowls, etc... . After many weeks of travelling they came to a valley with water and good grass... They camped and settled down in what is now known as Jindalee.**

Mary Hobbs and her son (who had probably seen the place already as a bullock driver) were the first selectors in that part of Jindalee, which is north-east of Cootamundra. They were followed by her daughter’s family, and by the Loitertons and News, a circle of kin from Cawdor and Razorback.

The escape of Mrs Hobbs and her family from the despair of Camden in the 1860s, the long journey and final peace—to lie down

at last, as the Psalmist says, ‘in green pastures... beside the still waters’—1s a piece of family tradition which could be duplicated many times over. It reads like one of the Methodist epics retold later on (in Chapter 8), stories of men and women who found redemption.

ea re 116 Camden

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MAP 6 Southern New South Wales, showing where Camden families selected land in the 1860s and 1870s

The Patterns Scattered 117

George Fuller Eliza (Fuller) m. Edward Sheather

He probably first At Nangus by visited the area 1863 in about 1850.

Esther m. George Smart William Sheather His brother James Smart

married Elizabeth Norris, George Sheather whose cousins Ann (m. William Smith), Jsaac, Charles and John Norris, were also at Nangus.

Francis Henness Frances Charlotte m. William Fuller

m. Martha (Pollack) (Henness)

They were apparently at Nangus, and her brothers, Andrew and James Pollack, had

land there.

James Elphick m. Jane (Fuller) They were living near Gundagai by 1858 and at Nangus in 1866.

Camden Families on the Murrumbidgee This network of Camden families settled at Nangus, on the Murrumbidgee below Gundagai, during the 1860s and 1870s. The names in italics show those who are known to have taken up free selections there, by virtue of John Robertson’s Land Acts, 1861. The earliest selections appear to have been George Fuller and Edward Sheather in 1867. Nangus had been a squatting run belonging to James and William Macarthur, but they sold it in 1856.

118 Camden

All were remaking their own lives. In the process the selectors also made new communities where they tried to mingle spiritual and secular purpose as they had once done at Camden. At Camden, farming had always been underpinned by combined capital and combined effort, especially neighbourhood and family combinations. The same happened in the long-drawn-out business of moving sons and daughters away to places of their own. Caleb Nash, when he went to Bathurst, followed a sister who had married there, and he moved from one tightly-knit Wesleyan congregation to another. Having settled among his brother-in-law’s family he married one of them. ‘The Wards, who made homes at Bowral and Sutton Forest, selected farms for their own children further out, near Cootamundra. True to their village origins, they bought up half the projected township of Moatefield.°° At the same time they kept up their ties with Gamden—perhaps by the carrying trade—and one of the boys found a wife among his grandparents’ neighbours. In the same way, when Joe and Betsy Boardman went to Tarcutta they found Gamden people there already. William Chapman from

Camden Park had selected in the district first, followed by two neighbours, brothers named White. The son of another Camden Park tenant found land on Chapman’s boundaries and married his daughter. After years of work on the roads, in 1878 Joe Boardman had saved enough for his own selection. He, his brother John and a third White brother bought near Junee.°® Of the grown sons of Camden farmers, more than three-quarters had gone by the end of the 1870s. Enough were left to carry on: a list of Gamden Park tenants in about 1880 shows seventy-three original men or their widows, most of them supported by the labour of chil-

dren who had stayed behind. Another twenty-three tenants were sons who had taken over on the death or departure of their parents. The remaining thirty were new, though many had some other long association with the place. Pearson’s sister, Amelia Welling, and her husband took up a farm in 1875, apparently for dairying, and Betty

McCain, well established as storekeeper at Menangle, leased 300 acres for grazing.°’ Betty had flourished by the traffic passing southward from Sydney; according to someone who was a child there at

the time, travellers had good reason to remember the generous ‘universal provider’ at the ‘40 mile peg’. She was one of those mag-

nets drawing neighbours together for the organization of picnics and parties; she stood for the excitement and comfort of childhood,

The Patterns Scattered 119

especially among those who were growing up and leaving Camden behind.°8

In the 1860s and 1870s a generation of surplus population thus took to the highway—yust as in the 1830s men, women and children

from southern England had escaped from poverty on board the Macarthurs’ ships. Those whose families had done well at Camden could now afford to buy land elsewhere and it was usually along the southern highway, first around Berrima and Sutton Forest and then Cootamundra, Junee, Wagga Wagga and beyond.

The main movement took place over ten or fifteen years. The pioneers, as far as Camden was concerned, were the people ruined in the early 1860s, but few of them were in a position to buy anywhere. Those who had the fortitude and resources to wait through the hard times were the ones who could afford to become free selectors in the

end. The great majority took up their new land in the early 1870s and were part of a sudden rush to the remoter parts of the colony.°9 After 1866 the government began a new programme of railway construction. The railway tracks, which had stopped for a while at Picton, reached Goulburn by 1871 and Albury and Narrandera by 1881. This opened up the city market to free selectors. It was no doubt the promise of progress, and very shortly the reality, which tempted families to lay out their savings so far inland. Parts of Camden moved as well in the other direction. During the 1870s a stream of women went to Sydney to look for work, and a

growing number found husbands there, especially from about 1877. [They were mostly farmers’ daughters, the kind who had worked in the village in earlier years, or helped around the house until they married. As with the free selectors along the southern highway, Gamden’s daughters gathered mainly in one part of the city, not far from where they got off the train at Central Station— around Waterloo, Redfern, Newtown and Surry Hills. Ellen Channell is a good example. She had a position in Devonshire Street, Surry Hills, a couple of blocks from the station, when she married a railway worker. Martha Fairall, also at Surry Hills, married a signal-

man; her sister had gone before her, and found a sailor. Louisa and Annie, the two eldest daughters of George Loader of Cobbitty Paddock, were both married in 1877 after working in Sydney, and they married Sydney men. Annie was more typical in that she had her wedding in the city itself, in the house off Albion Street, Surry Hills where she and her bridegroom, a storeman, were both lodging.

120 Camden

Some women came home again for the day, but most (two-thirds) celebrated their new status as Sydney housewives among their Sydney friends.©°

This was a striking sign of the times. Women who went to seek their fortunes in the city were leaving behind the patterns of shared labour, shared delights and shared fortunes which they had been taught to take for granted. Even if they went in pairs they were not likely to find work together. Employment in a factory might give them this kind of opportunity, but they seem to have been mostly domestic servants, and since few houses in Sydney boasted more than one servant they would have worked alone until they married. Some, perhaps, sent money home, but the Sydney weddings suggest that family ties might be easily broken. Such women were drawn by an increased awareness of the city, and of the chances it offered the unencumbered individual. Liberalism, democracy and the love of individuality all came from the city, together with better literacy, better health, and other marks of progress. Now Camden sent back a stream of its daughters, and some of its sons as well, like a tribute to the source of modernity. By the same token people at Gamden now embraced organizations which brought excitement and new purpose from beyond their immediate horizons. Liberalism was the first and most fundamental. Temperance and teetotalism (see Chapter 9), offered them different manners

and attitudes. Freemasonry, designed for men only, tempted them with a form of international brotherhood, embroidered with its own exotic codes. Village men, as in most things, were the pioneers in freemasonry. In the 1860s there was a lodge, the Lodge Southern Cross, No. 774, kept at Croft’s Woolpack Inn, Argyle Street. It was part of a web of affiliations whose centre was the Grand Lodge of England. ‘The more elaborately titled Gourt Morning Star, No. 504, Ancient Order of Royal Foresters, was formed at the School of Arts in 1874.9!

The yearning for closer ties with Sydney fuelled the demand for a railway all the way to Gamden (the original line by-passed the village), and a branch line from Campbelltown was opened in March 1882. This meant new opportunities for dairying and within a few years numbers of farmers were supplying milk daily to the city market. At the same time Thompson’s steam-powered flour mill, opened

with such fanfare in 1860, was converted to a woollen mill. This became one of the chief interests of the storekeeper C. T. Whiteman, who had returned from Sydney to his native Camden in 1878, taking

The Patterns Scattered 121

up a lease in the main street and making himself a model of local enterprise. The new pace of life was reflected in the founding of two weekly newspapers, the Camden Times in 1879 and the Camden News in 1880. The leaders of the people even spoke of municipal government, and this came to pass in 1889. The first Mayor was a relative newcomer, Frederick Burne, a businessman of wide experience who had got the woollen mill started. Whiteman was the second.® At the same time the people were initiated into the procedures of banking. ‘Their money, instead of being left with their local publicans

and millers (see Chapter 4), was now handed across the counter to the representatives of Sydney banking firms, amid the distinctive etiquette that went with stiff collars and well-kept ledgers. ‘The Bank of New South Wales had an agency there in 1865 and had taken up

its present position at the heart of Gamden (the former site of the Woolpack Inn) in 1868. The Commercial Banking Company of Sydney built on the opposite corner in 1877-8. In earlier years the AMP Society had never been able to make life insurance very appealing.

In the 1860s it too began to gather subscribers, and there were agents of three other insurance firms as well, one of them English. Among Camden people there were now numerous men and women

for whom hope depended on careful calculation, and for whom security meant a measured place of their own, in the larger economy, the wider world.®?

122 Camden

Broader Questions The story so far contains more questions than answers. It has dealt with surface changes in the lives of the people. What were the deeper shifts of attitude and belief which caused the surface changes? Here the movement of events 1s often silent and mysterious and hard to follow, reminiscent of the moon on the tide. Women are more important than men. The transformation for them was especially profound and their energy affected everything else. Most of the change came out of a struggle for security, from efforts

to gain a clear view of the future. For Camden people this meant tying themselves more tightly to Sydney, the centre of order. Women struggled especially hard because women were less secure to begin

with—more at the mercy of events. Also women, through their authority in the home, looked after the matters most often touched by danger and doubt. It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of these shifts in attitudes. ‘Today the right to plan for one’s life and one’s family, the right to be free of risk, is thought to be the most urgent right of all. It began to seem so in the middle decades of the nineteenth century. At Camden the most important years were the 1850s and 1860s.

/ Married Couples

In the English Autumn of 1838 Thomas Law Hodges, Lord of the Manor of Benenden in Kent, went down to Gravesend to see off the men and women from his neighbourhood who had entered the service of his friends the Macarthurs, and who were now going as bounty emigrants to New South Wales. This was the last of the three English shiploads handpicked for Gamden Park. Hodges spent two hours on board admiring all he saw, and especially the pains taken by Edward Macarthur to reassure, as he put it, ‘the hopes and courage of these landsmen and women’. When the vessel came around to Spithead she received a second visitor, the Reverend John West, Rector of Chettle, in Dorset, who likewise came to see the people chosen from his neighbourhood, and to give out Bibles. It was Sunday, and the passengers were brought together for Divine Service. “I addressed them’, West recalled, ‘on the privilege of possessing the Scriptures, as well as on the duty and privilege of Prayer. Privileges which they may enjoy in the cabin of a ship, and also in the wilderness part of the world’.! This was the Royal George. In her best cabin she carried James Macarthur and his bride Emily, the daughter of a London banker, who had been married in July. Between decks were sixteen single men and seventeen couples, most of them with children, and three more babies were born at sea. There was apparently some quarrelling among the families and in mid-Atlantic they were lectured by Macarthur on the theme ‘Where women are, mischief is sure to exist’. The ship reached Sydney in March 1839 and the people were then taken to Parramatta by steamer, where they were loaded on drays for the 65 kilometre ride to Gamden. As was usual with the Macarthurs’ immigrant ships, there had been no deaths on board (except for one thoroughbred mare, worth £100) but there was much suffering during the first weeks on dry

124 Camden

land. As he went his rounds at Gamden Park William Macarthur found a good deal of sickness among the new families, mostly diarrhoea and dysentery. No doubt the strange conditions were to blame, though late Summer at Camden was always the worst time for stomach disorders. Four of the new women were far advanced in pregnancy and two of these were among the sick. One miscarried. The other, who was forty years old, gave birth in May, lingered for a month and then died, the baby soon following. By this time one of the new immigrant children had died as well. Otherwise the Royal George children seem to have managed the weeks of settling in better than their parents.? Among all the pain and anxiety there was one source of comfort for the new arrivals in this ‘wilderness part of the world’. ‘The Dorset immigrants were the third party from the same group of parishes, so that they found friends and relations at Camden. This early immigrant settlement largely met the Macarthurs’ ideal: a knot of families well known to each other, ‘the nucleus of a rural community within

themselves. ..independent of other persons for society, ...[and thus| enabled to repel sinister influence from without’.’ At the end of

the 1830s the workforce at Gamden Park and Brownlow Hill still consisted mostly of convicts and former convicts living together in huts and barracks, men without kin or even wives and children, but the stock of a new and different community was taking root beside the old one. During the next generation it was to grow as quickly as the other died away.

The white population of early New South Wales can be divided roughly into three groups: the English, the Irish and the nativeborn, all other groups being minute by comparison. Between 1846 and 1861, according to the censuses, the English-born fell from 31 to 24 per cent of the total and the Irish from 25 to 16 per cent, while the native-born rose from 36 to 47 per cent. By 1881 nearly two-thirds of the white population had been born within the colony. These figures do not hold good for every part of New South Wales. At Gamden there was a very high number of English-born even as late as 1871, and especially in the village. With good reason an English traveller of the 1850s came with joy upon Camden, ‘In its truest sense. ..an

English village’, fraught ‘with bright glimpses of the habits and

manners of the Fatherland’.* It was a strange addition to the Cumberland Plain, where most white settlement was several generations old; a new star drawn into an ancient universe. Except as

Married Couples 125

children, native-born settlers were scarce. Even the number of Irish in the village was remarkably small. The farms which encircled Camden village were better supplied with Irish, at least by 1861. Some of the Macarthurs’ first tenants of

the 1840s had been Irish, and the 1850s saw a new flood into the district, some of them no doubt refugees from the Great Famine. They steered clear of the village and settled on farming leases, mostly

at Menangle, heartland of the “Tipperary connection’. They were in a hurry to have farms and livestock of their own, ‘ready to bid high for the possession of land’, as William Macarthur put it. By the end of the 1850s several of the early Irish had even put money into small parcels of freehold west of Gamden, near The Oaks, a practice rare among the English.° In the village four-fifths of the Irish were Protestants, mostly from

northern Ireland. Mitchell the saddler, and the Simpsons, who ran the principal tannery, were the leading examples. So even those corners of the village that failed to be English made up for it by being

Protestant. It was very different on the farms. Among the farmers most of the Irish were Catholics, nearly two-thirds of them from the middle-west: Tipperary, Clare, Limerick and King’s counties. The

gathering of Catholic Irish on farms was typical of New South Wales. Also, many of the early Irish settlers came from the élite of

the rural workforce, and had been brought up to expect a little prosperity and independence.® This would explain why at Camden they looked forward to farms of their own.

How did most new arrivals—Irish or not—make their various ways to Gamden? A rough sketch can be drawn from the life stories of men and women who married in, or came married to, the district, and who afterwards had children there—the only group for which there is consistent information.’ Take first the period before 1861. The Catholic Irish came mainly from the Irish middle-west. Of the English farmers and labourers and their wives, most were born in two great areas, both in the south of England and each accounting

for a third of our total: Sussex and Kent on the one hand, and Dorset, Wiltshire, Gloucestershire and Somerset on the other. ‘The

Macarthurs had found their bounty immigrants of 1837-9 in the Weald of Sussex and Kent and around Cranborne Chase, on the Dorset-Wiltshire border. The original Gloucestershire people had been government-sponsored immigrants whose ship was the Layton. They had been visited on board at Bristol by James Macarthur and

taken on at Camden Park as soon as they arrived in January 1838.

126 Camden

They included the family of Jonathan Wheeler, a weaver, a soldier

and then a sawyer in England, who with his sons was to cut the timber for the roof of St John’s church.®? These first recruits drew their neighbours after them, each new arrival tying even tighter the knot of old associations. The labourers who settled as married men at Gamden during the following twenty years, the 1840s and 1850s, were mostly young. Of

the number which can be traced, three-quarters were not long married, without children when they first arrived, or with three at the most. At least half were new arrivals from England, Ireland and Germany, who had left their native lands less than five years before, and often within two years. Camden, on the main highway to the bush and only two days journey from Sydney, was well placed to catch such people in their search for a home and livelihood. The main body of married labourers came during the 1850s, the boom

years following the gold rush, when their numbers more than answered the growing demand for labour. The farmers were their chief employers, and the ratio of farmers to

labourers shifted throughout the period. Among the married men the number of new farmers arriving at Camden was constant from 1841, at about three a year; but the number of labourers rose from one or two a year in the 1840s to more than ten a year in the 1850s. If it were possible, a full count of farmers and labourers, including men

who came unmarried and those who married on the spot, would probably make the difference even clearer. The gold rush was a great source of anxiety for farmers at Gamden and for employers every-

where, but the outcome, after about 1855, must have been very cheering. For the first time there was a plentiful and stable workforce within easy call, men more or less settled and with families to

support. At the same time there were labourers always moving through, working their way up the Great South Road. Many of the farmers of the 1850s had come as labourers them-

selves. Part of the offer made by the Macarthurs to their bounty immigrants of 1837-9 was the chance of a tenancy after they had served their time. A few of these simply remained as labourers, unwilling or unable to change their station in life. A few left Camden

early and cannot be traced, but most were content to settle under landlords whom they already knew as masters, and among neighbours whose memories and prospects were interwoven with their own. Nearly all the families by the first two ships, the Brothers and the John McLellan, eventually took up farming leases on either Cam-

Married Couples 127

den Park or Brownlow Hill. Only the people by the Royal George, and

the German vinedressers who came by the Kinnear, had a less than satisfactory record, some faltering on the path laid out for them and some slipping aside into less ordered avenues. The importation by the Royal George was the largest and most expensive of the Macarthurs’ efforts. Probably the earlier people, who were all neighbours

and kin in England, made up a tighter and happier community. They would naturally have had authority over later arrivals, and they took up some of the best farms at the edge of the village before the Royal George families were ready to compete.

Besides the farmers who served their apprenticeship at Gamden there were some—about three a year as I have mentioned—who came as married men with enough capital to take up leases straight away. A letter to the Herald in 1858 gives a rough idea of the sort of money such men would have needed (an expensive time, after the gold rush): If you pay for felling, burning off, and stumping, from four to five pounds per acre is the price now; fencing, where timber is plentiful [as it was in Camden], from three to four shillings per rod; ploughing, one pound per acre. If you buy a team of eight bullocks, dray, and plough and harrow, they would cost from seventy to eighty pounds, supposing they were properly broken in, and the dray a good and strong one.

For a man beginning with 20 acres (8 hectares) of arable this would mean an outlay roughly equal to five years’ total income as a common labourer. However, savings were possible. The letter goes on to say that the earth might be broken up for the first harvest with a hoe, ‘in the old style’, leaving the purchase of a plough and bullocks until later.? Besides, said the same writer, all labour costs might be saved if the farmer had a family to help him. Farming families worked very much as families. For instance, William Whybrow was recommended to the Macarthurs by a former landlord simply as the head

of a family, which included grown sons: ‘I have found them exceedingly industrious and punctual in paying their rent and consider them fit persons to undertake such another agreement’. It may be that the size of Whybrow’s family forced the move as well as justifying it. Another hopeful tenant had five sons and the main reason for his application was ‘a large family of boys which he considers ought now to be doing something’. The oldest was not quite eleven.!° Over half the married farmers coming to settle at Gamden brought three

128 Camden

children or more, and although some were still small and merely an asset for the future, their parents could be said to be thus well prepared for the main enterprise of their lives. Tradesmen coming to live had less need of children and more of capital. Several of the first villagers were set up by the Macarthurs. The first carpenter, bricklayer and stonemason got their original living from the church and other necessary structures. The first landlord of the Camden Inn, the first wheelwright and the first cooper had been employees on Camden Park. Other village pioneers were young men with very new families who obviously had money which

they were content to risk in a place that was still inexpensive: Thompson the miller, Mitchell the saddler, Kemp the blacksmith, Lakeman the second landlord of the inn. Most of these were men who had come from a distance, some of them not long off the boat from Home. The later 1840s and the early 1850s saw the settlement of a third type: ‘trades people from the neighbouring places’, as Charles ‘Tompson called them, ‘who wish to shift their residences to a more busy and flourishing position’.!! ‘They were mostly men with older families. Perhaps they were more cautious: with their capital already making a little return they had been able to watch and wait

nearby until the village started to prosper. A blacksmith moved down from Picton, a butcher and a blacksmith from Narellan, a butcher and a stonemason from near Cobbitty. ‘Two more inns were opened in 1846 and in 1851, by men from Narellan and Elderslie.!* Balmain, near Sydney, sent the Simpsons to add the high smell of a flourishing tannery to the thickening odours of the village.

The late 1850s is another well defined period, a time of bigger money and once again of English immigration. The village population now passed five hundred, a point, according to Professor N. G.

Butlin, at which colonial towns commonly took on specialized functions, commercial, industrial or both. There was some industry at Camden. As with the flour mill, Simpson’s tannery was steampowered, and was thus a major enterprise with a good reputation

in Sydney itself. In about 1857 Bernard Herzog set up his tinsmith’s workshop in Argyle Street. He was to supply storekeepers

as far away as Nattai. Yet the village was more a retail centre. The Macarthurs, to their disgust—they believed in wholesome selfdenial—found that even their poorer tenants were going to the village to spend large sums on imported goods, on “all sorts of luxuries and extravagancies—sardines and expensive eatables, as well as fine gee gaws &ca for the women and children’.!%

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Married Couples 145

Where there was no formal marriage the woman had no rights, except (in strict law) for the rights of custody, but even this was not

well understood. Rose McAlister lived with John Brailsford at Eldershe for several years during the 1840s, and they had a daughter. Early in 1851, when the little girl was five years old, Brailsford decided to marry someone else and Rose was obliged to give up her home, her breadwinner and her child. On 5 April, a week before the

wedding, she came back to the house and threatened to burn it. Afterwards she came again demanding her little girl, and the new wife seems to have offered to hand her over, but Brailsford set about Rose with a rope-end, and held her down and beat her until she was half naked. ‘I would not treat my dog so’, said one neighbour. ‘He

was using her in an improper way for a woman to be used’, remarked another (both were men). Possibly they felt entitled to say so because, if Rose lacked the rights of a wife, Brailsford also lacked the rights of a husband. It was said to be one of the beauties of living in a

free country that a man might beat his wife almost to his heart’s content, but he had no such power over other women. This was the beginning of a siege by Rose McAlister on her old home lasting over two and a half years and only interrupted by twelve months spent in prison for her pains.°? Afterwards she disappeared from sight, leaving her little girl to die, as it turned out, in Brailsford’s house. In the separation of married couples a court order was necessary only where there was property at stake, or to ensure that the wife left

in peace. One final case shows a separation without court order, enforced simply by the husband himself. Michael Kelly was a carrier, passing through the district with his wife. They stopped for the

night at Elderslic and while they were there Kelly seems to have found that he had what he modestly called ‘the bad disorder’. He called his wife a whore and said that she had given it to him. She went to three doctors in the village to prove that she had not, but when she came back he began his own ritual of annulment. He first

beat her with a brick or saucepan, or both (her evidence is confused), and only afterwards came to the central formality. ‘He

threatened to cut my fingers off if I did not take my rings off them. ..I took them off and gave them to him.’ He then made her give up some of her clothes and sent her away.?!

It was probably more common for marriages to end with the death of husband or wife. The loss of a wife, from a purely practical point of view, meant for the man the loss of a bonded housekeeper and child-minder. ‘The best remedy for widowers, unless they had

daughters who could do the same work, was to marry again. At

146 Camden

Camden most widowers did this very quickly, often within a year.°? The situation for new widows was usually much more complicated. The death of a husband changed a woman’s status in the world. It might leave her destitute, but it might also give her power and liberty such as she could otherwise never know.

Not so well off were the widows of labourers and small craftsmen—shoemakers, for instance—where everything had depended on the skill or strength of the man. Unable to help in their husband’s work while he lived, at his death they had to live by their womanly abilities, washing, cooking, cleaning or stitching for other households. The wives of the poor might enjoy freedom from any share in their husbands’ drudgery. Perhaps this gave them a little personal

pride and a sense of equality: remember that many labourers’ brides were the same age or older than their men. But unlike their well-off sisters they had little to hope for as widows.

Where a couple had property there might be an informal partnership between them, so that when the husband died his widow could take over, partly at least, in her own right. These ‘juniorpartner’ widows were left with varying nights and duties. When Ebenezer Simpson, the tanner, died in 1855 he made his widow sole executor of his estate, with a good settled income from the business, which may mean that she had always helped with the books. ‘The tanyard itself went to Ebenezer junior, who had been working there. A woman, though unskilled herself, might be given the management of skilled employees when there were no sons available, as was Anna

Maria Mitchell in 1859. Her husband, Gamden’s leading saddler, left her after years of quarrelling to set up a new workshop at Wagga Wagga. At the same time he signed over his Gamden business to her under the guidance of two male trustees.°’ More straightforward was the case of Mrs Pearson, who took over absolutely as Postmistress (though not, of course, as Clerk of Petty Sessions) when her husband died in 1841. Publicans’ widows might be just as well placed. Ann Brown (Mother Brown) was for several years in the 1830s in charge of the Currency Lass, Narellan, as successor to her husband, before there were any inns at Camden itself.°* In 1865 Ann Galvin took over the Camden Inn on her husband’s death, and in 1873 William Risley’s widow, Isabella, briefly succeeded him at the Woolpack, Argyle Street. Family labour was almost essential in public houses. The same was true of farms. Whatever work they might have done in the fields, wives played a vital part in management, and as widows they were

Married Couples 147

often left in a strong position. The landlords on Gamden Park and Brownlow Hill had no objection to widows taking over leases in their

own names. They thus continued the ancient English tradition which allowed what was called ‘free bench’ to farmers’ widows. In England this amounted to life tenure but with no right to dispose of the property outside the family. Rachel White, a dressmaker before

she married, held a lease at Westbrook for ten years after her husband’s death, until she remarried and moved away. She had one daughter to help her and strong family ties among the local Wesleyans which must have stood her in good stead. Sarah Giddy’s

term was much shorter. She remarried within a year to a young labourer—much younger than herself—and (in spite of the English tradition) the lease was transferred to her new man.»

Where there were sons the most common pattern was for the widow to continue the farm in her own name until one of the boys married (unless, like Sarah Giddy, she herself married first). This could be difficult if the boys were still very young and it must have

been hard sometimes for new widows to decide what to do. On Brownlow Hill, Maria Tiddyman, for instance, persevered, with a daughter aged ten and three sons under six years old, while her neighbour Sophia Langridge, with two boys in their teens, gave up and departed. In some families the sons might not want to carry on. When James Potter died in 1861 leaving a widow and a grown son, unmarried, it was Sir William Macarthur’s guess that ‘the place will either be given up, or Richard Potter | will] help his mother to look after it and pay the rent’. Richard already had his own income as a saddler in the village. He and his mother did in fact keep the farm, in her name, but only as long as she lived.°® Not many tenant farmers left enough property when they died to allow for more than one livelihood, or any surplus for legacies. As a rule then, their property was kept intact after their death, as a work-

ing concern, in the hands of those who already depended on it. Widows and small children seem to have had first claim, and grown children were expected if necessary to provide for themselves. In some cases sons had already been given what was called their ‘divide’, the means of setting up somehow by themselves. The situation was complicated when a grown son had his own family on the farm. This happened in two cases, in the families of Clifton and Fuller, and in each the son took over the lease straight away.°’ It is not clear what happened to the widow. If the young man’s claim was based on his being married, then possibly his wife stepped into her mother-

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in-law’s place—took over her keys and her duties—at the same time.

Few men, and fewer women, bothered to write wills. ‘There was usually little property to divide up, and little doubt as to who was entitled to it. However, nine tenant farmers left wills, as did a similar number of freehold farmers and villagers. The wills of the tenants were nearly all meant to provide for unusual family situations: no wives, no children, children by two wives. The wills of the freeholders were differently designed. They suggest a different view about the rights of widows, who were made to take second place to the children, at least in law, though the practical effect might be the same. Until the passing of the Married Women’s Property Act in 1879 women with husbands could not, under the Common Law, own anything in their own right. Technically then (and in spite of the implications of ‘free bench’) a woman’s second husband might claim for himself all that she had acquired from her first, children notwithstanding. There were several ways in which a man, by making a will, might protect his property for his own immediate family.

If sons were ready to take over he might leave his widow only enough for her own comfort, as old Ebenezer Simpson did. Or he might give his widow control of his land or business only as long as she remained unmarried. This is what John Galvin did when he died in 1865. Ann Galvin inherited both the Gamden Inn and his farm at Elderslie, and was bound only to stay single and to look after his old mother, Sarah (who had inherited from her own husband on similar

terms in 1829). Or thirdly, a man might leave his property to trustees—always two other men—for the use of his widow and children. This was the method used by Henry Bensley, a farmer at Cobbitty Paddock, whose widow, Hannah, was to run his farm for more than twenty years after his death. On it, thanks to the piety of her husband, there stood a small Wesleyan chapel, so that Mrs Bensley also assumed some of his influence in local church affairs. The men whose wills show most concern for the rights of their

children were freehold farmers and villagers. Most of them had spent their energies gathering capital and were understandably anxious that their achievements should shine forth in their proper heirs. It is not surprising to find so few tenants among them. In fact Bensley and Thomas Hobbs, the only two tenants leaving such wills, were also small freeholders in the village. A tenancy, even a lease of twenty-one years, was not a good basis for establishing a dynasty. For that reason alone, it might give a better latitude to widows, and to English convention in preference to strict law.

Married Couples 149

Only three Gamden women left wills. Sarah Tiffin, later Mrs Middlehurst, bought valuable land in the village while she was housekeeper at Camden Park in the 1840s. In 1850 she married—briefly

and unhappily. At the same time she secured her property to her own use by deed of settlement, so that when she died childless in 1854 she was able to leave it all to her maiden sister in England. Ann Quirk was the widow of the storekeeper on the home-farm. Her

husband having failed to make a will, she was left in complete control of his property after his death in 1862. With no children, she divided her estate between her sister, a woman friend and the friend’s husband. Mrs Pearson in 1879 left only ‘plate and jewellery’ —though worth almost £600—which she divided among

her five daughters. She had already arranged with the govern-

ment that a granddaughter should take her place at the Post Office.°8

These three favoured other women in their wills, a tendency which historians have noticed among women in other times and places.°? Unlike men, who typically saw land and goods as a means of embellishing the patriarchal name, women might often use it to increase the power of female friends and relations. In New South Wales before the Act of 1879 they could do this only by making clear provision against the claims of husbands. ‘Trustees were the best

safeguard. Mrs Middlehurst and Mrs Quirk both used them, and Mrs Quirk specified in very clear terms that her female heirs were to enjoy her property as their own.

When it comes to hard cash, and the disposition of land, goods and chattels, there is fair evidence about the manner of parting used by husbands and wives. More elusive for the historian who tries to know about minds a century old—who sets himself up as a universal legatee of past thoughts—are the traces of widowed grief. Bereave-

ment was well recorded only among men and women skilled with their pens. When James Macarthur died at Easter 1867, Emily his widow thus closed the diary she had kept for thirty years: ‘A night of

such stunning sadness—such a bitter blow—I can only weep’. In 1876 James Ryan, the schoolmaster at Menangle, told his superiors in Sydney that the death of his young wife had left his mind in such chaos that even ten weeks afterwards it was impossible for him to think clearly about his work.®° Other Camden people used the stiffer medium of the gravestone. Sivyer Rootes, a keen Wesleyan, boasted in verse of the faith of his lately dead wife, whose decline had coincided with the explosion of thunderstorms above the village:

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Speak ye who stood around her in that hour When faint and pale she breathed a farewell sigh When hope’s full bud was bursting into flower When light, when heaven was dawning on her eye Say how she smiled and rain and death defied. The verse carved on Kezia Herbert’s grave was used over and over by her generation, in English and colonial churchyards: Farewell dear husband my days are past I loved you well while life did last No more sorrow for me take But love my children for my sake. Yet it sounds sincere, and it conveys something of the sad authority deserved by the dead.

Others, from poverty or discretion, left simpler memorials and briefer statements to edify the passer-by. ‘Thus the end of Mrs Pearson’s long, sober and gentle widowhood—thirty-eight years alone— was celebrated on her gravestone with one line from the Psalms: ‘I

waited patiently for the Lord and he inclined unto me and heard me’.°! But most marriages among those early generations have now

shrunk to meagre detail, brief entries in a register, with barely a spark of life.

O

Traffic, Conversation and Faith

THE years about 1860 were momentous for many reasons. They brought to Camden the rush of general prosperity, then floods, drought, rust, ruin. They also brought the railway and the telegraph, both indices of outside life, fixed like bars sinister across the

farmers’ common rectangles. The changing forms of trafic and conversation affected the faith of the people, their attachment to old loyalties, to old ideas about time and eternity.

For fifty years after Elizabeth Paterson crossed the Nepean in 1809, the wheels that came this way were all moved with the muscle of man and beast. At the beginning of the 1840s there was a mail vehicle travelling on two wheels with three horsepower between Yass and the city. By this means the mail came daily to Camden. Letters given in at the Sydney Post Office by five in the evening were in the

hands of Mrs Pearson the Postmistress early next morning. Newspapers came in the same way, making them a day old when they reached their Camden readers. At this point twenty-five Heralds came daily through the Camden and Elderslie Post Offices, and possibly about the same number of letters on the average, except that St Valentine’s Day might see halfa bag full.! All mail had to be called for, which is the point of one story about the Postmistress: ‘She was very methodical. Any applicant for letters would have little hope of

getting them before the appointed time’. Over the years Camden Post Office became a household word for efiiciency. At Menangle in half the period the Post Office (begun in 1855) had six Postmasters, two of them being dimissed for getting drunk.?

There was much other traffic besides the mails but this varied with the season. There is no way of knowing how many men and women passed on foot and horseback, bringing news from the outside world. ‘The innkeeper of the Queen’s Arms on the Narellan side of the bridge boasted that more of the produce of ‘Tooth’s Brewery

152 Camden

was drunk under his roof than at any other country inn they supplied; which backs up another local claim, that this road to the south, to Goulburn, Yass and Melbourne, was ‘the Principal Highway of the Colony’. Nearly all wheeled vehicles, not counting the mails, carried goods, mainly wool. In the Autumn of 1842, the busiest time of the year, a traveller counted in one day more than thirty drays passing down the Camden road, laden with wool. ‘They moved at about 6 kilometres an hour, which was very slow, the roads being much cut up. Some holes were several feet deep, and a driver might see his wagon fall to its axle-tree.° After three years on this road the mail carts were ‘fairly worn toa stump’. They were replaced at the beginning of 1843 by spring carriages, running on four wheels behind four horses. From July 1845 the contractor was J. H. Jones of Bargo, much praised for his drivers, his horses and his vehicles. One of his men, Teddy, was said to have driven for years on the Camden stretch ‘without having met with a single accident worthy of notice’, an unusual record. From the beginning of 1846 there was a second passenger service as far as Goulburn, the competition meaning lower fares and increased comfort. The type of passenger was changing too. Tourists and townspeople were now coming more often into the bush, and they were harder to satisfy. One such, the Herald’s reporter, told his readers how hard it was to enjoy a journey ‘with an iron railing grinding away at your back’. His southern journey also led him to complain how the magistrates will persist in licensing coaches to carry nine, which are hardly big enough to stow away seven, even with the ordinary share of luggage to each individual, much less when the body of the vehicle contains a goodly assortment of boxes, &c., which every jolt sends against the shins of the passenger.

The surface of the roads continued to be very bad.*

The great events of the 1850s, especially the gold rush, meant that trafhe multiphed in and out of Sydney. Soon after gold was

discovered near Bathurst in May 1851, more than a thousand people were counted crossing the river at Penrith in one day on their way inland. At first Charles ‘Tompson was able to congratulate his Camden readers on their steadiness. Who would give up Gamden’s

beauty, he asked in May, her pleasant air, good leases and kind landlords, for ‘a gloomy gully, knee-deep in water’, and permanent

damage to body and mind? ‘Not we of this favoured spot.’ Then

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gold was discovered in the south country around Goulburn and Braidwood. In August, ‘Tompson was forced to note that the rush from Camden had begun. But this was unsettling, and nothing more: ‘Parties keep returning from the diggings with varying success, and others go; ...migration and return go on in a circle.’ Meanwhile other traffic moving through was very good for the village, especially its publicans. A traveller in 1853 found every kind of business brisk and the inns crowded with diggers, “parting with their money as if they never knew the value of it’.” It is easy to find local men who seem to have done well by gold. The last chapter showed William Gerhard coming back from the diggings in 1851 with £130 and taking his wife on a pleasure trip to Sydney. In the Winter of 1853 Gerhard was back at the gold-fields replenishing his pockets. At about the same time a more prudent man, William White, took up roo acres (40 hectares) near the village which he called Gold Hill, which may be evidence as to how he

got his capital. He stayed there into the 1870s.° It was no doubt partly gold traffic that made it possible for the Lakemans to retire from their inn in 1855, selling for £4000. Their purchaser, John Galvin, probably found this kind of money by his tenure of the Plough

and Harrow, a new establishment a few doors down, during the same vital years.’ Wage labourers also did well, at least to begin with. Camden village was borne up on the flood of profit and new population that affected many country towns in the south in the later 1850s, mainly as a result of gold (Chapter 4). If some of the local people showed the apparent good sense of William White and John Galvin by investing their takings on the spot, many others like Gerhard scattered them far afield. “There seems to be a charm in being their own masters’, a gentleman said of the more committed diggers, ‘and going about where they. like’.® Gold might anchor some men and women to Camden, but some it made part of the ceaseless and booming trafic for whom all New South Wales was home. All, perhaps, joined in the quickened conversation which now made Ophir, Araluen and other far-off ‘gloomy gullies’ into household words. Railways had been planned for New South Wales before the gold

rush, but growing wealth and growing trafic inland must have hurried the enterprise along. In May 1858 the railway from Sydney was opened as far as Gampbelltown, the intention being to push on through Menangle to Picton and thus into the south country. Campbelltown rejoiced at the opening more than it had done for any event

154 Camden

in its meagre history. At Camden hopes were more equivocal as the new traffic was to pass the village by. John Galvin of the Gamden Inn immediately established a coach service running from his door to the Gampbelltown station twice a day. His announcement went as follows: ‘Mr G. intends to keep horses at livery at Sydney prices,

on the best of hay and corn or oats. Mr G. guarantees gentlemen leaving their horses at the Camden Inn having them fresh for the road on their return’.? This meant changing from horse to coach at Camden and from coach to train at Campbelltown, which was inconvenient for passengers and expensive for the transporting of goods.

Thompson the miller followed Galvin’s example, and had bullock teams connecting Camden with the station. At the end of the year he

tried another expedient, giving notice to his neighbours that he meant to send his teams to the city every week and would charge less

for carriage than the railway prices. We hear no more of this proposal. However, for years afterwards in the areas near Sydney there was to be good custom for carriers who could undercut rail transport by loading and unloading once only.!°

The telegraph line marched beside the railway. ‘he survey for both had been completed by the end of 1856 and ‘the formidible looking posts’ that were to carry the telegraph made their appearance during the following year.!! Like the railway then, at first the telegraph passed Camden village by. Nor was there any office at Menangle. The nearest place for sending and receiving telegrams was Campbelltown. The use made of the Gampbelltown Telegraph Office fell steadily after its first few years, but then suddenly climbed again, especially from 1874. This can be seen as an index of the falling and rising

prosperity of the whole countryside, including Gamden. Money orders passing through Gamden Post Office also fell during the 1860s and then went up again, the first boom years being 1874-5. Business at Camden Post Office, including ordinary letters, moved

like this too, though increase in the long term must have resulted from better literacy. The fall in postage from about 1860 was put down to ‘the extension of the Railway’. That and the failure of

the crops certainly drained life from the place, though the 1860s were lean and silent years for the whole colony. During the 1870s the

tide turned; a tide both of traffic and of conversation. In 1874 the Postmistress at Gamden took on her young granddaughter, Amelia Pearson, as her assistant, and this may have been because, like her

Traffic, Conversation and Faith 155

neighbours 1n the village, she suddenly found herself with more work to do. By 1878 Mrs Pearson and Amelia were taking from the people

about eighty letters a day: very roughly one for every third household round about. This and about half as many telegrams (the village had its own Telegraph Office from 1877), point to an entirely new level of business in Camden’s conversation with the world.!2 Figures for railway traffic at each station in the colony have been recorded from 1872. On average, 44 people every week were then buying tickets at Menangle station, for all parts beyond. The number increased to 54 by 1874, and then briefly fell again. At least as many local people again—including Camden villagers—must have joined the train at Campbelltown. Throughout the colony the railway was suddenly growing more popular. For instance, the number of tickets sold all along the Great Southern Line doubled between the end of the 1860s and 1875.!3 Most of this increase must have taken place in the southern suburbs of the city, but Camden people probably shared in the change. This would mean that their use of the railway followed a sudden curve upwards at the beginning of the 1870s, which fits in with their increasing use of post and telegraph. To Gamden people such changes brought wonderful things within the circle of every day. In our minds we can run down to Sydney with

Tommy McMahon, aged fourteen, and his friends from Mr Gordon’s Academy at Macquarie Grove, to see the great match against the All England Eleven in 1862, and we can sense his admiration: ‘some very fine play indeed; they taught our players a lesson’. We can watch the King’s School boys come up the following Summer, with similar efficiency and speed, to play the Academy. Statistics for traffic on the Southern Line show how the railway became a com-

mon means by which families gathered at Easter and Christmas. Increased traffic about September each year suggests pleasant journeys to the city for Summer dresses, and parties of holiday makers coming up the other way, though unluckily no longer to Camden.

(Picton, being on the line, was a more favoured spot.) Gamden women began to carry home city bridegrooms, and young men likewise travelled further afield for wives, ‘in this era of liberty’, as the

Herald put it, ‘when locomotion is cheap and girls are plenty as blackberries’.'* Still, the exact changes to the shape of Gamden minds are hard to grasp. In order to understand clearly the way in which traffic and conversation of all kinds formed and reformed the people’s thoughts we need to take a different approach. We need to ask, who were the

150 Camden

people, especially the opinion-makers, who came and went by the roads and railway and who talked through the post and telegraph? What were the shifting networks of belief into which Camden was bound, by traffic and conversation, during these years?

This chapter and the next deal with a special sort of traffic through Camden, the movement of those who can be broadly called missionaries. [These were men and women who travelled in order to live by their skills. ‘They can be called missionaries because they had different habits of mind from those whom they found at their successive stopping places. What they brought to and broadcast at Cam-

den was new and strange, and their labours in the place—their conversations with the people—linked it to a wider and more abstract

world. ‘There were three main types: school teachers, Christian ministers and medical men. They all lived more or less by movement

and they moved as atoms, as individuals rather than as part of any chain migration. They did not move in order to settle, like the farming people. Instead they went about the country and the world for

professional reasons: for their training, and afterwards to find a market for their skills, an audience for their conversation, and a theatre for their ambitions. During the early 1840s there were two day schools at Camden. The first had been formed by the Macarthurs in 1838, mainly for the children of their bounty immigrants. ‘The building was weatherboard, within easy reach of the big house at Gamden Park and designed to

hold about a hundred children. The first teacher (see Chapter 3) was Josiah ‘Turner, a convict sent out for his part in the rural riots in southern England (not a missionary in any sense). Emily, Mrs James Macarthur, gave the Gamden Park school her constant attention and she was the final authority on all matters. She had broadminded ideas, especially about the place of religion in schools, and she largely shaped the enthusiasm of her husband and his brother. From 1841 the teacher—a very good one—was Mary Maclean, lately

Mrs Macarthur’s needlewoman, with a salary of £20 a year. Miss Maclean and most of her pupils were Protestant—-Germans were the main Catholic group—but Mrs Macarthur had them use the non-sectarian books of the Irish National system. From a religious point of view the teaching aimed, said William Macarthur, to convey ‘the great truths of Christianity’, including nothing that could be offensive to any sect, especially Catholics. In 1844 the school was

moved to the village, where it coexisted at first and then merged with a smaller Gatholic school.!°

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A separate Church of England school seems to have been formed in the village about 1845, possibly by parents who disagreed with the Macarthurs’ broad- (or loose-) mindedness. ‘There was certainly local opposition to the ‘godless’ aims of the Irish National system.

This was in spite of the fact that the rector of Gamden, Robert Forrest, was a Broad Churchman himself. He had taken over supervision of the other school from Emily Macarthur. The splinter move-

ment had to compete as well with a flourishing Anglican school at Narellan, formed under Forrest’s patronage while he was rector at Campbelltown, subsidized by the government and managed by Samuel Turton, one of the best teachers in the colony. !® So far none of the schools in the village enjoyed state subsidies. In 1848 a new system of schools’ administration was set up in Sydney

and Camden children were soon drawn into an increasingly farflung network of pedagogical bureaucracy. It was now to be the children’s duty to submit their minds to a new kind of traffic (much helped by railway and telegraph): the sudden visits of commissioners

of inquiry and school inspectors, under orders from Sydney, and reporting—ultimately to parliament—on whether they were good or bad, clever or slow, clean or dirty; and the slower passage of teachers, for whom Camden might be only a small stopping place on a life-long mission. ‘The reform allowed for the continued subsidizing of church schools, now to be under a single Denominational Schools’ Board, and also for non-church schools, on the Irish National model, to be supervised by a newly formed National Schools’ Board. In July 1849, at the Macarthurs’ instigation, a meeting was held

at Camden to petition the National Board for a school. The main speakers were an Anglican (Mitchell the saddler), a Wesleyan (Arnold the whcelwright), a Presbyterian (Buchan the stonemason), and a Catholic (John Scully, one of the Macarthurs’ overseers). But the Wesleyan minister took the chair and Wesleyans were central to the effort. Wesleyans were not inclined to stress fine distinctions of theology and ritual, which may explain why—at Camden at least— they were always enthusiastic for the National system. There was already a popular Sunday School in the village, run by Wesleyans but taking children of all sects as the Macarthurs’ school did, and teaching a ‘general Christian Theology’. ‘The Wesleyans now offered

their own building, their brick chapel, as interim housing for the new school (an offer not taken up), and Wesleyan children were to figure very largely on the first class lists.!7

James Macarthur took charge of the meeting’s petition and in

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August, when another meeting was held to receive the Board’s favourable answer, it was Macarthur who was voted to the chair. He spoke at length (as usual), explaining the principles and something of the teaching methods of the National system. He and his brother pledged their support by giving an acre block on the corner of John and Mitchell Streets, where they planned a good brick building, 50 by 24 feet, with a large schoolroom and a smaller classroom, to be erected by Richard Basden.!8

Meanwhile the schoal began with Charles Elder and his wife Mary Ann as master and mistress. Elder had been trained in Edinburgh and had begun his teaching in the colony with substantial help from the Reverend Dr John Dunmore Lang, the father of Pres-

byterianism in New South Wales. Elder was thirty-eight and his wife twenty-five.!9 The promoters had first envisaged about seventy pupils, probably counting on village children alone, but by the end of 1850 the numbers enrolled had reached about 125, with at least a

hundred in their places each day. This was due to the Elders, who were among the best teachers employed by the National Board. By the time the children moved into their new building (January 1851) their school was already famous, a central gem in the diadem of the Board, ‘frequently visited by persons of intelligence from all parts of

the Colony’, including neighbouring schoolmasters who came to watch and learn. The master and mistress also enjoyed the deep admiration—‘I might almost say, friendship’, wrote one inspector—

of James and Emily Macarthur and other nearby notables. No doubt the support of the Macarthurs helped the school to prosper (given the difference in social rank, true friendship was impossible),

but good teaching was at the bottom of it all.2° It was therefore a

great blow to the whole enterprise when Charles Elder died in 1853.7!

The Elders, with all their success, had never won over the whole Camden population. Many Anglicans held aloof. Encouraged by the example of their bishop in Sydney they still saw the National system as ‘godless’, believing that it taught religious indifference in the name

of tolerance. During 1851-2 a new Church of England schoolhouse was built, ‘a very neat brick building’ on a rise near St John’s

church, with aid from the Denominational Schools’ Board. The name of the first master was Harrington, but by 1855 Henry Pollock Reeves and his wife Emma were in charge. Like Elder, Reeves was a teacher of great skill. By mid-1855 he had 137 enrolled—more than the National school—and he and his wife had taken on an assistant.

Traffic, Conversation and Faith 159

From 1863 he had an infant school as well. Reeves was also organist

at the church and he made singing one of the best parts of his curriculum. ‘The Macarthurs thought him a ‘vain little man’, but he had some cause to be vain.** For twenty-five years—after Elder’s death—his was the most successful school in the district. Meanwhile the National school languished. The man who suc-

ceeded Elder, Matthew Smith; arrived with his wife Hannah in February 1854. He was ‘a man of. . . inordinate self-conceit’ and he depended too much on the cane. His pupils turned rough and noisy and their parents began to keep them away, but Smith’s chief mistake was to lose the countenance of the Macarthurs. Both James and Emily ceased visiting the school, convinced that ‘Mr Smith’s system was wrong in principle’ (for instance, he taught decimal sums without the children understanding what they did).*3 The Board even-

tually replaced him, but the new man, Edward Butterfield, failed even more conspicuously. Like Smith his discipline was too severe. He was guilty, the parents said, of ‘keeping the children after school for being late, not teaching them when they were so kept in, making

them stand at the bottom of the playground for punishment, insisting on their speaking out, [and] marching and drilling them’. The committee of Local Patrons, chaired by James Macarthur, sent him packing.*#

Butterfield was succeeded by John James, an Englishman, newly married and full of promise. His wife became music teacher to Miss Macarthur, and Mr James was such a success that the school was enlarged to take infants (so-called) as well, with their own teacher. Elhzabeth Banks was appointed in September 1858, aged twenty. She lived with the Jameses, a bad arrangement because it upset Mrs James. Her ideas about her husband and Miss Banks were stated so loudly and it seemed so unjustly that the Local Patrons decided she must be insane, and to avoid scandal her husband quietly went the way of Smith and Butterfield.*° Mrs James stayed on and took charge of a new Catholic school in

the village. She was Irish and Catholic herself and probably the people behind the new school were parents who had sided with her against her Protestant husband. However, about this time Catholic priests throughout New South Wales, like some of the Anglicans, were beginning to draw their people away from the ‘godless’ National

system. Mrs James taught in the old Catholic church, living with at least one baby behind a screen in a corner of the schoolroom.?® She lasted for about a year. She taught little more than music but

160 Camden

her school became a settled institution and yet another rival to the National one.

Meanwhile John Poole Ollis, the new National master, had arrived with his family from Carcoar, where he had much impressed the inspectors. He brought a show of peace, at last, to the longsuffering Camden school. The children, wrote an inspector in 1861,

‘seem happy, and free from unhealthy restraint’.*’ It was not the master’s fault that they now sat in a schoolhouse about three times too big for them, and Ollis himself was not happy (see next chapter). He was a true missionary but a man of powerful contradictions.

Three more National schools were now in operation, all in the western parts of Gamden Park. ‘Two were in Wesleyan chapels, at Cobbitty Paddock and at Gawdor. The school-books used at Cobbitty Paddock were among the first official parcels to come by rail to Campbelltown, and ‘thence by ‘Thompson’s teams’. The master, John Rablah, used the language of a perfect missionary: ‘the apparent incapacity or intractableness of some children’, he wrote, ‘is only the early indication of individuality of character’. However, the Board’s inspector found his pupils out of control, dirty and ‘utterly

destitute of any power of thought’. (What did they think of the inspector, forcing his shaven bulk among them, frowning at their

childish smells, assaulting them with strange questions?) They began to straighten out in 1860 under a new master.?® The second school was at Cawdor. The Wesleyans had had a day school in their Gawdor chapel since 1852, with James Humphreys, a former baker devoted to arithmetic, and his wife Winifred in charge. It enjoyed the supervision and subsidies of the Board from Septem-

ber 1858.29 About the same time a third establishment opened a little down the road, at Mt Hunter Bridge—the bridge over Mt Hunter Creek—which was now christened Westbrook. The Westbrook school began in a five-roomed slab building, especially built and vested in the Board, well lit, with brick chimneys and a shingle roof. It failed to flourish under its first two masters, but the appointment in 1862 of Simeon Brown, another keen missionary whom we will meet again, made for some improvement.*° A full account of schools at this time (to the early 1860s) has to include three more. One was at Brownlow Hill, run by an old bachelor named Sanderson, in his youth a college man in Edinburgh. He

was independent of both boards and as a result the records of his work are scanty.°! The other two were at Menangle, one of them Protestant (officially Church of England) and the other Catholic.

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Both were under the Denominational Board. The first was older but

it seems to have barely existed from year to year. In 1858 a man named Sydney Drew was teaching there with his sister, in a tiny slab hut on top of a steep hill—later the site of St James’s church—freely visited by wind and rain. The Board’s inspector found twenty dirty children crowded on to two old desks, the floor unswept, their copy-

books deformed with ‘mere scribble’. At least some of them must have been Primitive Methodists. The inspector warmed to their singing, but not much else.*?

The Catholic school at Menangle was bigger and better. From 1857 the master was Denis Kelly, who kept his numbers at about seventy, making his school second only in size to the Church of England school at the village. ‘The children, who were shy, according

to the inspector, ‘clean in person and decently attired’, met for lessons in the weatherboard building which was occasionally their church on Sundays.*°

Some of the great educational questions at Camden were also religious ones. School teachers and clergy were both missionaries, though with different methods and often different aims. Camden was much more Protestant than Catholic, and here Protestant means English Protestant. The three big groups among the English Protestants were the Anglicans and the Wesleyan and Primitive Methodists. ‘There seem to have been only two Baptist families, one of them, the Fiddens, being millers at Elderslie in the middle 1860s.°+ The only Congregationalists seem to have been the families of John Beeston, stationmaster at Menangle, and Henry Thompson, the miller in Gamden village. Thompson was linked with the great Congregationalist houses of Sydney: David Jones the draper, Fairfax of the Herald, and Foss the wholesale chemist. Besides these English Protestants there were also a few German ones, probably Lutherans, among the vinedressers; the Schmidts and the Haffners for instance, from Baden. They had no clergy of their own and conformed to the Church of England, even for their baptisms. There were also a small number of Presbyterians, nearly all Scots and most of them tenants on Brownlow Hill. Their nearest minister was at Campbelltown, nearly 20 kilometres away, but they

had a little brick church at Camden from 1853. Except for their gathering on one estate and their school, where Sanderson, a Scot who no doubt taught in Scottish style, there 1s no sign of solidarity among them. Communion lists for the 1870s show that only one

162 Gamden

family, the Millers, natives of Caithness, was in the habit of making the journey to Campbelltown to meet with fellow Presbyterians at the Lord’s Table.%

Catholic numbers—Irish, German and English—were bigger than this but still not very big, especially in early years. The 1841 census shows a population only 14 per cent Catholic (south of the river at least), compared with 28 per cent for the whole colony. The Irish at Menangle (parents of Denis Kelly’s pupils) made up a large share of them. In 1862 they accounted for a fifth of the Macarthurs’ tenants (thirty-six leases altogether), and they were always the main Catholic community.*© They had their own little schoolhouse-chapel

but, as with the Presbyterians, in spiritual matters they looked mainly to Campbelltown, about 10 kilometres away across the river.

There is a vivid account of the Menangle Irish, racing their horses home from Campbelltown on Sunday mornings, light of heart after spiritual conversation with priest and publican.%’ In such rituals lived their fellow feeling. They fought among themselves, but as a body of culture and faith they were remarkably clear-cut. Several other Catholic tenants were to be found at Cobbitty Paddock, west of the village. ‘These were English and German as well as

Irish, and different national origins made for a looser community than the Menangle one. ‘The Gerhards, for instance, were German Catholics, from Nassau. Two sons were tenants. Two daughters married Irishmen and two granddaughters married English Catholics. All were neighbours at Cobbitty Paddock and they must have worshipped together, but how far they sang a common tune outside church it is hard to tell. One of the sons, William Gerhard the gold miner, likewise married an Irish Catholic. During his first spell at the diggings the old couple, his parents, had their Irish daughter-in-

law staying with them but there was no meeting of minds: ‘his mother’, said Mary Gerhard, ‘desired me to go away from their house repeatedly... his father ran after me with a knife’.°® Another son, John Gerhard, did worse by marrying an English Protestant. The Catholic priesthood, missionaries of the Universal Church, must have encouraged Catholic unity. The early scarcity of Cath-

olics at Camden meant that until 1860 it was part of the parish of Campbelltown. In 1841 Father Goold, in true missionary spirit, was

riding monthly to five stations, the furthest 87 kilometres away. During the 1850s his successor, John Paul Roche, went to Gamden village every second Saturday, hearing confessions in the evening and returning to Campbelltown after mass next morning. Roche

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also held services at the chapel at Menangle. At the village there was a little brick church from about 1845, on land given by the Macarthurs. Early in 1859 the Archbishop laid the first stone for a bigger building beside it, consecrated for worship the following November. From 1860 Gamden had its own Catholic parish, with Jerome Keat-

ing first priest.°? Meanwhile, the old church became Mrs James’s home and schoolhouse.

The impact of the priests on the lives of the people is hard to measure. In Ireland there was a new devotional spirit abroad, so that the priesthood was rapidly growing in numbers and influence. ‘The message of redemption was being carried with new urgency into Irish homes. It was the old message but with new overtones, and in particular it changed the outlook of Catholic women. The number of nuns in Ireland grew enormously, and within the Church as a whole

there were new patterns of female piety. There were not only more

convents and female orders but a new or renewed emphasis on female saints, especially the Blessed Virgin, Mother of God. The doctrine of the Immaculate Conception of Mary, proclaimed by the Pope in 1854, was typical of the age; so were visions of the Virgin.

She appeared twice at Gamden to Thomas Bugden, one of the Catholics of Gobbitty Paddock, once while he worked in the fields and again on his deathbed.*° St Teresa of Avila, mystic, administrator, Bride of Christ, was another model for this generation, and a patroness of various convents.

The whole Catholic revival deeply concerned women, and it increased their sense of social importance. Mary was now treated not merely as an icon but as a model with whom women could identify— Our Lady of Intercession—and to talk with her in prayer involved, as one historian has put it, ‘a liberation through womanhood’. ‘The revival laid great stress on female sensibility and the

duties of the family circle. (The Holy Family was another new subject of adoration.) Sins which struck at the family, such as unchastity and adultery, were now matters of first importance. So was drunkenness, a vice especially condemned in the husband and breadwinner. John Rigney, pastor at Camden during most of the 1860s (‘one of the most gentlemanlike of the R. C. Clergy’, said James Macarthur), first made a name for himself twenty years before at Wollongong, preaching total abstinence.*! To some extent, all this was part of a movement of ideas stretching far beyond the Catholic Church. New South Wales felt the impact of Catholic reform very early. By

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the end of the 1830s the colonial priesthood had already made some progress in promoting marriage among the people, bringing to the altar many couples who had long lived in deadly sin. The morals of the Catholic people at Gamden were no doubt affected with the rest. The only evidence for the district as a whole is the number of Catholic women apparently pregnant when they married: 11 per cent for 1841-80, much more respectable than the 34 per cent for English Protestants.*? More certain effects of the new piety can be seen among Gamden’s better educated families, and none more than the Galvins, children of Thomas and Sarah (see Chapter 2). Thomas Galvin had been one of Father Therry’s leading laymen in the 1820s (services were held at his house), and a practical advocate of education. In 1859 his son

John gave a good deal of money for the building of the Gamden church, together with ‘a splendid harmonium for the use of the choir’. (Thomas Bugden helped by carrying most of the stones.) Among the people there were smaller forms of dedication such as rosary beads—Bugden always carried them—and the choice of Christian names.*? Ann Galvin took the name “Teresa’ after her own, presumably when she was confirmed, and almost certainly from devotion to the Sisters of Charity, the only community of their kind in New South Wales (except for a few Benedictine nuns). The sisters were profoundly admired by religious young women, and one of their own exemplars was Teresa of Avila. In the serene and secluded life of the sisters Catholic girls saw what truly pious families might be lke.

In a similar spirit John Galvin and his wife called their first daughter Mary Rose (the rose was the Virgin’s flower), while the second was another Ann Teresa. In the family of William Jones, a local farmer, the first girl was named for Teresa and the second Rose

Mary. The two saints were so honoured, often together, in many local Catholic families; usually by parents worshipping at Camden village, and mostly from the 1860s.44 The timing suggests that John

Rigney, the preacher of temperance and now pastor at Camden, may have been the man responsible. At Menangle the people were apparently less up to date and more steeped in old Irishness. They

clung to their Ellens and their Bridgets, all of a piece with their heart-hardened drinks after Mass. There were no changes like these within the Church of England at

Camden. The English Church was more conservative than the Church of Rome, and less vital as a religious body. Officially—from

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a census point of view—the Church of England always accounted for about 45 per cent of people in the district, but official figures do not reflect religious inclinations from day to day. Marriage ceremonies show how allegiances might shift, at least among the Protestants. During the 1860s, for instance, only a quarter of marriages were Anglican while 47 per cent were Methodist, and most of these were Primitive Methodist. Though the censuses suggest that the Primitives made up a meagre one-tenth of the population between 1861 and 1871, this was their heyday at Camden, when at least a third of the people, including some ‘official’ Anglicans, showed an active interest in the tenets of Primitive faith. There was certainly a hard core of Anglicanism at Gamden, manifest in the separate Church of England school which was always

well supported. These local Anglicans were strong for the preeminence of their church, as a citadel of Englishness and Rome’s great opponent. They therefore showed a ‘strenuous opposition’ to the Macarthurs’ broad type of Christianity in church and school affairs. The Macarthurs controlled appointments to the rectory and they chose clergy with ideas like their own. All could live happily among various sects, and all helped at some time to promote nonsectarian schooling. The Reverend Mr Rogers took a leading part in the founding of the National school at Westbrook.*°? The exact response of the Anglican people to all this is part of a wider political question (see Chapter 6). This was a time when men and women saw religion as a matter on which they had to make crucial decisions. The choice of school was one important point. They also had to decide what church to go to and what clergyman to follow. The great divide lay between the faith of the Catholics and the faith of the Protestants, but even this

was occasionally crossed by humble men and women, through mixed marriages for instance.

Mixed marriages were common at Camden in the 1840s and 1850s, many of the brides being apparently Irish servant women, without parents on the spot, who married Protestant farmers and labouring men.*© They usually married in the church of the bride,

but they came to various arrangements about the faith of their children. Couples who married in the 1840s often tried to follow both faiths at once. This meant that some of the children were Protestant and others Catholic, but in three cases individual babies were offered to both sides. Chief Constable Gibson’s son was both

166 Camden

Catholic and Wesleyan; christened Patrick in one church and Rowland in the other. For a while it was also common for the Catholic mother to give up all her children to her husband’s church. Not until the 1850s does the opposite practice become established—the Catholic mother triumphant—and from then on mixed marriages were usually victories for the Catholic party: Catholic brides might

win souls for their church simply by the bearing and nurture of their children. This change is a clear sign of the growing power of the priesthood, who could now make their voices heard within the family councils of their people. It also shows—and the new Catholic opposition to the National schools does the same—that the Church no longer saw fit to meet halfway those outside the faith.

The Catholic Church also grew a little by outright conversion. This too must have been owing to the new certainty which had been added to her ancient glories. Young women figured largely among the converts. Several communities in the older parts of New South Wales saw a flurry of enthusiasm at the end of the 1840s, following the conversion of two Anglican clergy, Makinson and Sconce, to the Church of Rome. Makinson was rector at Cooks River while Sconce had been at Penrith, and their names were possibly familiar at Camden. ‘They went over to Catholicism in 1848, in a storm of public

controversy. During the same year, or in 1849, Amelia Welling (daughter of Mrs Pearson the Postmistress), her husband and four small children began to worship among the Catholics at Campbelltown, and were soon afterwards formally received into the arms of the Church. Three other Gamden families, all farmers, followed them, Reid, Whybrow and Lodge. Lodge’s eldest girl Caroline renamed herself at confirmation Caroline Mary Teresa.*’ The same period at Gamden saw the beginning of the rise of the two Methodist bodies, the Wesleyans and the Primitives. This too was mainly by conversion from the Church of England, and once again female sensibilities played an important part. Women may be seen defining, or redefining, themselves as women. The Wesleyans

might not look to a Virgin Mother but they too had their model women, stainless in a fashion impossible for men, and mediums of virtue for the rising generation. Among the Primitives the female type was different, as we will see. The distinction between Wesleyan and Primitive Methodism was an old one when the two sects first flourished at Gamden. The Wesleyans were the Original Connection, and they traced their forms of piety back to John Wesley and the middle eighteenth century. Wes-

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ley and the church leaders who came after him saw themselves as missionaries to the people, their first duty being to add to the numbers of the faithful. Their message was conveyed by strong preaching. Unhke orthodox Anglicans, from whom they broke away, they relied very little on the notion of hallowed places or the quiet beauties of settled ritual. In time Wesleyan preaching circuits were established, each with its own headquarters, but Wesleyan ministers had to bear witness by moving from one circuit to another and their limit in any place was three years at a time. They were missionaries in an absolute way, self-consciously making themselves part of the moving traffic—through Camden as elsewhere—constantly carrying forward the Word. Constant movement within each circuit was also part of the Wesleyan style. The experience of the Reverend James Watkin, minister at Camden in the middle 1860s, may be taken as typical. Here is one week’s work: Yesterday [Sunday] I rode 16 miles, held three public services, baptized six

children, and dispensed the Lord’s Supper. Glenmore in the Forenoon; Westbrook in the Afternoon (Funeral Sermons), here at night. May I not have laboured in vain. Monday went to Westbrook; and found it difficult to find my way back in the dark; Tuesday here classes and public service; Wed. prevented from going to CG. P. [Cobbitty Paddock] by threatening weather; Thursday held the Q. [Quarterly] Meeting; a good attendance; a poor financial return. Went to Picton yesterday [Friday] and so crossed and recrossed the Razorback, formerly so terrible. Do not feel so well today.

One result of this method was that the minister was able to watch the progress of religion within each corner of his circuit, to discover new quickenings of faith, and to feed them immediately with the Word. A fortnight after the events just mentioned Watkin gladly reported to his diary, ‘A work of grace going on at Westbrook’.*® Much of this applies as well to the Primitives. The important dif-

ference lay in the relationship of ministers and people. Part of the early success of John Wesley came from his direct appeal to the mass of the English population. Purposely or not, he opened up to all who would listen the possibility that there might be spiritual power within

themselves; the idea that Providence might work equally in every single soul, rich and poor, male and female. This was a message of shattering significance. It continued to inspire individual men and

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women, including humble ones, through several generations, even while Wesleyanism was losing its early momentum and falling under the control of its own clerical élite. By the beginning of the nineteenth century another religious revival was under way which could not always work easily within the Original Connection. In some places new sects broke away from Wesleyanism, including the Bible Christians and the Primitive Methodists. Both emerged in England during the French Revolutionary Wars, and their democratic tone probably owed much to the ferment of the times. Methodism—including the radical sects—was not an intellectual movement. It first flourished on spiritual excitement, on passion and righteousness, rather than on any well formed ideas. It succeeded mainly where it fitted the social habits of lay people, because it could give a new and over-arching significance to their opinions and to the moral undercurrents of their conversation. So James Watkin found the ‘work of grace’ going on among humble circumstances at Westbrook. He did not do it himself. This is especially true of Primitive Methodism and Bible Christianity, both movements by which common men and women were able to sense immediately the energy of their own souls. Among both Primitives and Wesleyans there was a fair crosssection of the local people at Gamden, but the two cross-sections were not exactly matched and this difference was typical of the wider world. The Wesleyans were a mixed bag (see next chapter), but at their best they were more respectable than the Primitives. At one of the earliest Wesleyan gatherings Charles ‘Tompson exclaimed at the number of ‘well-dressed persons. ..highly creditable to a country viulage’.4? In both groups a small proportion of the people were tradesmen and their families. However, while the Wesleyans could boast millers, blacksmiths and substantial shopkeepers, the Primitives featured mainly shoemakers and small-time carpenters. ‘The Wesleyans also had the cream of the rural people. Nearly half of their communion appear to have been farmers, including the Nashes and Dousts, Whitemans, Bensleys and Cliftons. These family networks, eventually united, long managed church affairs at Cawdor

and Cobbitty Paddock. They also intermarried with the village people, producing in the second generation Camden’s most eminent retailer, C. T. Whiteman. Young Whiteman was a kind of secular pilgrim, a storekeeper at Goulburn and at Newtown before marrying a Bensley and coming home to gather around him family and fortune.

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The Primitives included farmers too but they were small in numbers and poor. Labourers and their families made up the staple of the Primitive congregation, apparently 40 or 50 per cent of the total over the years to 1880. [his helps to explain the peculiar social organization of the Primitives at Gamden. The Primitives looked inward on their own humble existence. Even the Primitive clergy, until the end of the 1860s, were men of very small social pretensions and were more on a par with their congregations than the Wesleyan ones. God met the Primitives directly, without introduction from the powerful on earth or exegesis from the learned. Members of radical sects such as the Primitives were often called ‘Ranters’. They were seen as the spiritual descendants of the original Ranters of the English Civil War period, who had believed in the same way that God might speak through anyone. It had followed for some of them that anyone of whom God had taken possession, anyone who believed, could do what they liked without sinning. The

same logic was sometimes used by members of the nineteenthcentury radical sects, and it could justify any kind of rebellion. From the more respectable, and disapproving, Wesleyan point of view it meant ‘not receiving pardon by the witness of the Holy Spirit—but pardoning ourselves’. There seems to have been a close connection between the sects and the rural labourers’ revolt in the south of Eng-

land in the early 1830s. According to one witness, rick-burning in Berkshire was ‘due to ranting; for they all say, do what you will, it is no sin’.°° The early Primitives and Bible Christians certainly had no

very keen awareness of sin. Like many illiterate or partly literate people, they were not introspective. They were not much afflicted by

any need to search their souls, or to make their way painfully towards salvation. Redemption came to them as they were, weighed down by poverty and the trials of daily life.

Here was a pattern of belief which might appeal especially to women. They need not abandon their families to bear witness, though some did. ‘They might be freed within their families, from a traditional and man-made morality, by their own sense of conviction. Among the Bible Christians women were the most active early

missionaries, making sea voyages about the British Isles to carry forward the Word. Among Primitive congregations they were seen less often as preachers, though technically they might even be admitted to the ministry. At Camden, Ruth Waters, wife of the Primitive minister in the early 1860s, appears as the only woman who ever addressed large religious gatherings. At a lower level, as

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prayer leaders and pillars of the Ghurch, women almost certainly took the lead.°! In New South Wales, in all branches of Methodism, laymen and

women were more active than in England, no doubt because consregations were scattered and clergy scarce. There were Wesleyan class meetings in Camden village from the very early 1840s, under the leadership of laymen with English experience. One such was Joseph Nash (Caleb’s father), from Sandhurst in Kent, who had been a class member from the age of nineteen and a lay preacher from twenty-four. ‘For about twenty years he [had] laboured in England in this department of service in the Church, walking frequently

twenty miles on the Sabbath to his appointment.’ His son-in-law, Joseph Doust, a founder of the Sunday school at Gamden, dedicated his life in the same way. Both belonged to a host of men and women, drawn by a process of chain migration from southern England, es-

pecially from east Sussex and Kent. Many were Methodist and in their migration they followed kindred souls. Another was John Gilbert, a blacksmith and lay preacher from Pevensey in Sussex. For

Gilbert, Gamden was only a milestone on his mission. He soon moved to the even greener pastures of South Australia.°? Methodism was a religion of movement. Wesleyan Methodists might travel both as pilgrims and as missionaries: as well as carrying

conviction to others, they themselves might move through doubt and temptation towards a final certainty. Joseph Nash’s gravestone at Cawdor has him declare to his God: “Thy statutes have been my songs in the house of my pilgrimage’. The spiritual anguish of such men might reflect various stages of life and also some long journey, metaphorical or real. For the Wesleyans—though not for the Primi-

tives—life itself was a pilgrimage towards something better, and the choicest Wesleyan adventure stories were those in which lost and stricken souls found a final peace.

The Church’s obituary of Stephen Gardiner, a lay preacher at Westbrook, is a fine example. He was born in Sussex. His parents sent him to a Sunday school, and even as a boy he thought deeply on heavenly matters: but this gradually wore away, and he continued far from God, both by nature and by wicked works, until he reached the age of 19—then these impressions returned with continued power, and after a long time of anxious

seeking and sorrow, the burden of sin was removed, and he became a converted—a happy man, and ‘a child of God, by faith in Christ Jesus’.

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He came to the colony in 1838, and went first to the Monaro: ‘unhappily there, destitute of the means of grace, and removed from those hallowing associations and religious ordinances which he had before enjoyed—he lost his piety and cast away his confidence—the

life of God in his soul died, and he wandered from the path of the faithful’. Fortunately he was moved to settle at Gamden in 184.5 and

‘there God by the instrumentality of a zealous local preacher, led

him back to the ‘‘fountain of living waters’. From that time ‘he... walked with God’, so that eventually, in 1865, ‘his spirit passed away to the “‘realms of the blest’’’.°% Gardiner’s adventure began in boyhood. ‘The Wesleyans put great

store by the souls of children, and much was said among them about the best way of leading small feet into the night path. This is partly why Wesleyans took such an interest in education, including Sunday schools. ‘They also had a lot to say about the duties of parents, especially mothers. For the Wesleyans, as for the Catholics, the mistress

of a family was ‘the grand wielder of the moral pruning knife’. At Gamden a female equivalent of Stephen Gardiner was Dinah Rootes, a labourer’s wife and sister-in-law of Joseph Nash. In 1842

she joined with her kinsman Joseph Doust and two others in the purchase of a block in Camden village, on which their chapel was to stand, presumably giving up her savings to this holy purpose. She had three sons, two of them being named after Wesleyan divines. One was to be a missionary in Fiji. “He enjoyed’, it was said, ‘the inestimable privilege of a pious mother’s example and training’ .>4

Among the Primitives on the other hand, at least at Camden, there is no suggestion of women finding such reflected glory merely as the mothers of Christian men. In their first years the Wesleyans at Camden met wherever there was room for them: in the granary at Macquarie Grove, in the house of Samuel Arnold the wheelwright, and out of doors.°> Meanwhile,

Camden became part of a clerical preaching circuit. Their own building, a good brick one, was ready for worship and Sunday school early in 1844, and soon afterwards mission work began in earnest. By 1848 the Wesleyan minister, who now lived on the spot, could report that ‘our Society is in a prosperous state; the members are living in the enjoyment of inward religion, and the Chapel 1s well filled with attentive hearers’. ‘There were four weekly classes in the village with eight members each (which equals about a fifth of the

entire adult population), and others at Cawdor and Cobbitty Paddock. Good progress was also made during the ministry of John

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Bowes (1851-4), at least among the farming people. A second brick

chapel was built, at Gawdor, for use also as a day and Sunday school, and a third built of slabs at Cobbitty Paddock. (These were the schoolhouses noted earlier.) ‘Two new classes were formed, at Menangle and Westbrook.°®

Here the mission spirit faltered, and growth ceased. Altogether classes usually totalled eighty or more during the 1850s, but this probably includes only sixty constant members, old hands like the Nash and Doust families. There was a slowing down at mid-century, which affected the Church even in the mother country. ‘The message preached by the Wesleyans was already an old one, and it now did

less to shake the sinner than comfort the converted. In the 1850s Camden’s total population grew by leaps and bounds, but all the class leaders could hope for were sudden revivals of interest— ‘showers of heavenly influence’—to make up for the feeble souls who

annually fell away. A new minister might help, but only for a time. Joshua Fillingham (1855-6) managed to get his numbers up from 70 to 103 in one year, presumably by his preaching. He suffered from some speech impediment, but nevertheless arranged a series of openair services (camp meetings) which were held throughout the circuit at full moon. Such meetings had once been regular Wesleyan practice, but they were now frowned on by the hierarchy as a source of undue enthusiasm. Fillingham clearly knew what his people wanted. Another sudden success was the Reverend Richard Amos (1865-6). His arrival saw a ‘gracious outpouring of the Holy Spirit’, and his

departure only a year later ‘occasioned a coldness’, or in other words an equally sudden dwindling of the faithful.°’ He was the last Wesleyan preacher at Gamden to make this kind of impact. By the late 1850s the Wesleyans were sore pressed by the Primitive Methodists. ‘The success of the Primitives must have been partly

owing to the fact that their preachers were less restrained than the Wesleyans. Open-air camp meetings, for instance, were part of

the Primitives’ normal stock-in-trade. As modern ‘ranters’ they responded to a longing for high drama in worship, making every humble soul a scene of ecstasy. It is true that Primitive ministers, by some inexorable process, were starting to look like the Wesleyan ones, with a special clerical dignity of their own, a process complete

by the end of the 1860s. At a lower level too, in the leadership of classes and the work of quarterly meetings, the formal work was now

normally done by men rather than women, on the Wesleyan model.°® However, for the time being much remained of the original

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Primitive tone. The Primitives had already compromised with the nineteenth century to the extent of joining the campaign against alcohol, but they did so with all their old enthusiasm; for instance, they scorned mere temperance, and demanded teetotalism. This possibly helped the power of women, however informal, within the Church, and throughout New South Wales statistics suggest that the Primitives still exercised a peculiar drawing power for women. Other evidence for New South Wales is scarce. But in a Church journal in Victoria nearly three-quarters of all lay obituaries were for women.°?

There is no record of Primitive worship at Camden before the arrival of the first minister, Jabez Langford, in July 1857, but there were Clearly men and women who had worshipped with the radical sects in England and who gathered to the minister as soon as they could. One was Susannah Loiterton, a farmer’s wife. She and her husband, his sister and her husband and a couple named Earl, came from near Holbeach in Lincolnshire, a strong Primitive area, and all seem to have worshipped with the Primitives at Camden. Mrs Earl was one of the first contributors to the church—she donated a hen— but Mrs Loiterton was among its central pillars. She made her own

house the place for worship while there was no chapel, and for Sunday school which she taught herself. For a while she boarded Langford, the minister. She is said to have shown ‘much kindness

and liberality’ to a succession of ministers, while supporting a family on nine shillings a week. “She loved them, and was loved by

them.’ Mrs Loiterton seems to have been a woman typical of the radical sects, a manager and not a madonna: ‘She thought honestly,

felt strongly, and expressed both her thoughts and feelings in the most uncompromising and fearless manner’. Her learning was small, except that she 1s supposed to have known the Bible by heart and to have understood that “she was God’s child’.®° Another variation on the type of radical womanhood can be seen in her neighbour, Ann Sheather, also a farmer’s wife. Mrs Sheather

was stricken with puerperal mania in 1851, when she cut up her children’s clothes, tore off her own and told her husband that God had forbidden her to work. ‘The form of her madness—the message from God, the cancelling of sin, the obsession with clothes, which were always seen by the sectarians as a symbol of Man’s fall from

innocence—was exactly in the old radical tradition. More up-todate was the way in which this sudden onslaught of Providence came

between a woman and her husband, a woman and her traditional

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duties. While this had happened in earlier times, it seems to represent the sharpest point of nineteenth-century Primitive thinking. Mrs Sheather was, in technical language, a chiliast, and a typical one for her time. The earthly dominion which she found invaded

by a heavenly radiance was the dominion of the family. God briefly took her husband’s place. Her religious background is unknown, but she later had dealings with the. Primitives.®! David Doust is a third example of the early Primitive. He arrived at about the same time as Langford himself. He was Joseph Doust’s

much younger brother, and he was still a boy at home when their father organized a Primitive congregation in their native village. On

David’s departure for the new land he was given the following advice by his father: the way to git on [sic] is to git the Bible open before you and read a verse and pray over it, and read it again and pray and let 6 verses last a hour in that way till you feel it is yours and heaven comed down on earth and you are filled with a power that will carry you above and through all.°

We may take this as typical of the Primitives: it explains among other things why Mrs Loiterton knew the Bible by heart. It also shows the enormous spiritual rewards which Primitives might win for themselves without any recourse whatever to clergy or other social superiors.

These three cases, Loiterton, Sheather and Doust, make a vital point about the Primitives. They took their orders from God himself,

or else from the Word read literally. They were indifferent to religious forms, which meant that they might have close ties with, say, the Church of England (Ann Sheather is an example), and even with Catholics. Several of the main Primitive families intermarried with Catholics. The same indifference, and a small awareness of sin, may have made the Primitives careless about that great current issue, the sanctity of marriage. This was certainly true of some of the old radical sects in England, the idea being as in other things, ‘Do what you will, itis no sin’. In New South Wales a leading politician described the modern sects as a people ‘who interpreted the Bible in their own

way, and who lived in a somewhat loose manner’.®’ At Camden among those marriages performed by the Primitive minister the brides were very likely to be already pregnant. Up to 1880 the figure is 41 per cent (15 brides in 37), nearly twice the percentage for Wes-

leyans and in even more striking contrast with Catholics. In this

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connection another fine type of the Primitive female can be seen in Ann Lorimer, a char and washerwoman, originally a Scots Presbyterian. When Langford arrived at Gamden, Ann was unmarried and using her father’s name but she had two grown daughters of her own. She rallied early to the Primitive cause and one of her girls, like Mrs Loiterton, took a turn in boarding the minister.°* Ann Lorimer later had two husbands, the first Anglican and the second Catholic. For administrative purposes Camden was joined with Greendale, near Penrith, as a single Primitive circuit, with little outposts of faith

at the Illawarra and down the highway as far as Berrima. When Langford first arrived he lived briefly at Greendale until Camden proved itself a more fertile field for mission work. He then formed classes at Camden village, Razorback, Gawdor and Cobbitty Paddock, and in 1858-9, by some master stroke, he was able to coax the Wesleyan class at Menangle into his communion. This last move meant an increase in committed membership at Gamden from fiftythree to seventy-eight. At this point a Primitive Methodist chapel was built in the village. There is no record of the first class leaders,

except for Simeon Brown, a carpenter, who was master of the National school at Westbrook. The only other names formally linked with the running of the Church in Langford’s time were those of the women who kept collection boxes, but what authority they might have had is not clear. Langford’s conquest of Menangle shows the kind of challenge which Primitives might offer to Wesleyans. The central figures on the spot were a farming couple named Haines, who had a large family of grown sons and daughters, numerous enough for a congregation in themselves. They had arrived in 1840. from Sandhurst in Kent. This was a strong Wesleyan area, and the Haineses had been Wesleyan in the 1820s though they had more recently conformed to the Church of England. They must have known something of the radical sects as well, because there were Calvinistic Methodists— yet another sect—in Mary Ann Haines’s native village, and a year before their emigration some of their neighbours had been won over by the Bible Christian missionary Jane Gardener.®©

Thomas Haines was one of the Macarthurs’ tenants at Menangle from 1845, holding some of his land in partnership with sons and sons-in-law. hey and their neighbours were proof against Wesleyan mission efforts until 1852, when the Wesleyan minister was able to

report ‘an abundant outpouring of the Spirit’ in that quarter. ‘Many’, he wrote, ‘have yielded to the power of the word and grace of

176 Camden

God’. A class with seventeen members was formed, led by ‘Thomas Haines and his son George. In 1855, on the minister’s departure, it was briefly disbanded and was afterwards much smaller. By 1859 it had shrunk to two (possibly father and son), and at least some of the family had taken up with the newly arrived Primitive minister. At

this point Haines announced his resignation to his Wesleyan brethren, informing them that meetings might no longer be held at his homestead. A few years later he was back in the Wesleyan fold,

though apparently without his family. Unable to ‘take appointments’—probably because he was not allowed to use the house for Wesleyan business—in 1867 he gave up again. He stayed henceforth with the Primitives.®’ We can only guess at the tensions within the Haines family over these twenty years or so. Haines was old and sick. His son George took over not only his class but his farm in 1853-4.°% At the same time his wife was setting herself up as the leading midwife at Men-

angle, a practice in which she was to be succeeded by a daughter, Mary Ann Chappell (once a Baptist), who had left her husband, a carpenter and undertaker at Parramatta. As midwives, these women took upon themselves not only the management of childbirth in the area—with all the peculiar authority of those whose skills brought new souls into the light—but also the control of households for a week at a time while mothers were confined. ‘They probably also laid

out the dead, and certainly the new-born dead. Another Haines daughter was the Sarah Giddy (mentioned in Chapter 7) who married her much younger husband in one of the first Primitive weddings at Gamden. Altogether we may be justified in imagining Thomas Haines, at least one of his sons and possibly all his sons-

in-law, holding out for Wesleyanism against the strong-minded women of the family, who led the way into the Primitive communion. In time Mrs Chappell’s own daughter, Charlotte, was to carry on the same spiritual tradition. She was baptized as a young wife by the Primitive minister at Camden. Methodism of both kinds, Wesleyan and Primitive, with its class meetings and weck-long commitment, was designed to fit closely

with daily life, and with common patterns of household order. Whereas the leading Wesleyan Methodists aimed to bring their households into a new communion and culture—remember their interest in a highly centralized system of schools—Primitive faith proceeded largely from the home, and from the women in it. It was a

cottage religion, and its piety was a kitchen discipline. The Primi-

Traffic, Gonversation and Faith 177

tives were better able to make religion a means of shaping the iron-

gateway events of family life: birth and death. Historians and anthropologists have only lately begun to understand the power of female rituals, often secret or partly secret, by which all kinds of women have organized their households. Imagine, for instance, the sense of sacred purpose with which Susannah Loiterton prepared her own home for each Sabbath, rising at four in the morning ‘so that the work may be done and the children got ready for school and church’ .®°

Primitive Methodist women at Camden and elsewhere might make trom these common rituals, and from their purely womanly skills, a type of priesthood. Other women (as we sce in the next chapter) might well behave as ‘God’s police’ within the home but they supported a different type of authority. Catholic and Wesleyan women looked to a more abstract kind of faith. ‘Theirs was a religion

articulated in a more polished and public way—run more like a railway network than a slab farmhouse—and ultimately it was governed, whether from the Quarterly Meeting, the National Schools’ Board in Sydney, or the Holy City, by men.

The impact of traffic and conversation at Gamden had not quite the same cffect on religious belief as it had on the schooling of children.

Education usually involved the whole-hearted imparting of new ideas. ‘The strength of religion, on the other hand, depended on traditional feelings, however much these might be overlaid by new thinking. The roads and railroads, the post and the telegraph, were the clear allies of education. ‘They brought the books. ‘They brought the teachers and inspectors. They made for better ideas about distant places. ‘They were not always so friendly to religious faith. The Primitives’ attitude to learning seems to have been narrow, though not always apathetic. Remember Mrs Loiterton: ‘She knew

but a few things in regard to her religion, but she knew them well. ..1t was sufficient for her to know that she was God’s child’. Within the Primitive part of the Haines family, the same narrowness of outlook probably applied to Haines Giddy, a young shoemaker, ‘a man of studious habits and strong religious convictions’. It also affected his cousin Walter Hilder, a farmer, who kept his sons from school on the grounds that education was ‘only a fad and a waste of time’.’° The Primitive Methodists in New South Wales had no day schools of their own, but they had a strong system of Sunday schools. There

178 Camden

is some evidence that whereas other parents might use Sunday schools as an optional extra, to supplement the ordinary education of their children, many Primitive parents tended to treat them as the only avenue to learning. Primitive Methodists in New South Wales

thus kept up a distinct attitude to the Sabbath, and in this they followed in the footsteps of English Primitives. Clergy in other churches were able to ensure that on every Sunday, throughout every circuit and parish, all labour among the godly should cease. The Primitive people, at Gamden and elsewhere, were not part of such a rigid communion, and in their Sunday schools children did a good deal of common schoolwork. Worship being done, Sunday was the most convenient day for their children to learn their letters. Religion, and their own salvation and that of their families, were at the heart of their schooling. Besides, the sort of learning prized by

the more traditional Primitives was very straightforward, and not likely to need more than one day a week. Mrs Loiterton only read her Bible. Even Haines Giddy’s acquirements as ‘a man of studious habits’ probably went little further. For such people traffic and conversation with the outside world (now so much more efficient) were perfectly unnecessary to the ancient business of sharing God’s glory. Such concerns were, as Walter Hilder might have put it, ‘a fad anda

waste of time’.”!

9

New Men and Women

THE great numbers of Wesleyan and Primitive Methodists at Camden were not in keeping with the landlords’ original intentions. The Macarthurs had hoped for a body of people in which the three

mother nations, England, Scotland and Ireland, and the three ‘national’ faiths, Anglican, Presbyterian and Catholic, would each be represented in due proportion and perfect order. In their plans

for a model community they had made no allowance for the Methodist view of things—for religious enthusiasm, springing not

from nationality but from an agitation of the soul, a concern for individual destiny. They never understood it properly. Religion for the Macarthurs was a social cement. Their God was Creator, not Judge. The thought of him inspired joy in the Divine

Order, of which human order was a part, rather than any strong sense of self-righteousness or sin. Sudden visitations of the Almighty,

such as the Primitives liked to hope for, breaking into the settled happiness of social life, made no sense to them at all. Nor did they

understand the link between individual salvation and making one’s way in the world, the notion of life as a pilgrimage, or what the mid-nineteenth century called Liberalism. Compared to the old hierarchical churches, Methodism was extremely individualistic, and Wesleyan and Primitive attitudes led men and women directly to Liberalism. Liberalism may be seen as a late expression of old revolutionary programmes, with not only the energy of seventeenthcentury religious radicalism but also the fervour of the late eighteenth century—of ‘Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’. Both Methodism and Liberalism had their most urgent expression at the local level, where individuals met in daily life, where they worshipped together, and where they tried hard to make themselves secure in the pursuit of happiness. Embedded in this new Liberal consciousness was a resentment of

160 Camden

old injustice and especially a resentment of the spiritual and moral authority of the landed classes and the old established religions.

‘Christianity’, said the Wesleyan minister at Camden in 1860, is ‘essentially aggressive’.! ‘The Macarthurs, on the other hand, thought that religion should bind rather than divide, that it should soften class distinctions and purify national loyalties. In the original plan for Camden they provided allotments, as virtual free donations, for the three ‘national’ churches alone. ‘Thus they hoped to transfer the established traditions of the United Kingdom to their new community. In fact the pushing enthusiasm of the Wesleyans meant that a Wesleyan church was the first place of worship in the village roofed and ready to provide the means of Grace. Up to a point the Macarthurs were happy to make allowance for such developments. The Wesleyans paid good money for their first church allotment but they were allowed to have their second for a nominal sum, like the older churches. Finding, in spite of other differences, that the Wesleyan view of education was close to their own, the landlords also joined with Wesleyan leaders to establish National schools in the village and elsewhere. However, by the end of the 1850s the Wesleyans were in the fore-

front of a wider development which left the Macarthurs at a loss. The Macarthurs believed in self-improvement and they hked to see clever and respectable men and women raising themselves in the world. ‘Their own hard work in founding schools throughout the district shows that they also hoped to see the entire population—men and women of all classes—participate more fully in the sweetness and light of modern civilization. However, they were not prepared

for the great political changes which went with the spread of education, and which were partly caused by it. They were taken aback to find a new self-confidence among middle-class individuals (trades-

men, farmers, teachers) which seemed to prefigure a change in the entire structure of society, at Camden and elsewhere. The class meetings and church services of the Wesleyan Meth-

odists provided a focus for individual piety and the gathering strength of middle-class power. So did the new style of Catholic worship. In both Wesleyan and Catholic congregations there were few,

if any, men and women like the Macarthurs (upper-class people), which meant that middle-class ones usually took the lead. Religious gatherings played a unique part in promoting middle-class solidarity. They fostered feelings of individual virtue and respectability, and they encouraged an idea that devou: men and women might

New Men and Women 181

plan their lives so as to ensure happiness in this life and salvation hereafter.

The Primitive Methodists, and some of the rougher, more enthusiastic Wesleyans, were particularly hard to accommodate. ‘Their faith drew on Methodist traditions which had deep roots among the poorest sections of the English population. ‘They did not share the

solid confidence of their middle-class brethren, or their belief that those who filled their lives with peace and good order must, in some

sense at least, inherit the earth. ‘There was an urgency about their idea that God was at work daily in the world, and that all were equal

before him. There was a sharp point of antagonism in their behaviour, a raw class resentment which went back to the time when their spiritual ancestors had aimed to turn the world upside down. At Camden, according to a Wesleyan minister of the more modern breed, Cobbitty Paddock and Cawdor were ‘hotbeds’ of this ‘oldfashioned Methodism’.* The village Methodists were mostly more

polite. ,

During the second half of the nineteenth century this older tradition found its best expression in the fight against alcohol: temperance, and even more teetotalism. Men and women of all kinds might agree with the main aim of the temperance movement, which was to limit drunkenness, but some were uncomfortable with the idea of total abstinence (teetotalism) and especially with the methods of the teetotal campaign, which seemed crude and fanatical. Like Primitive Methodism, teetotalism allowed laymen to make themselves into preachers. They claimed authority almost equal with that of ordained clergy and ministers, and they condemned even the habits of gentlemen. ‘Teetotalism also added to the power of women, giving

them moral support in the face of drunken husbands. However, teetotalism was more than just a moral cause. It was a ritual of daily life which set men and women apart from their fellows. They were more than just moralists or sectarians: they were saved.

Teetotalism made its appearance at Camden with the arrival of Primitive Methodism, and the two were closely linked. In August 1858 the Camden Band of Hope was established to win local children to the cause. The Primitive Methodist teacher Simeon Brown was the prime mover. He called his neighbours at Westbrook ‘habitual smokers and occasional drunkards’, a typical Primitive complaint because the Primitives disliked smoking as well. In 1860 the

Primitive Methodist minister declared that Camden people spent £6000 annually on alcohol and £2000 on tobacco. ‘The Band of

182 Camden

Hope, which followed the example of bands throughout Britain and the colonies, was quickly popular, like Primitive Methodism. There were weekly meetings and lectures at which the audience often numbered more than a hundred. On its second anniversary the boys and

girls paraded through Camden’s main street singing ‘total abstinence melodies’. At another time they celebrated outdoors at Cobbitty Paddock: At eleven o’clock, the various bands met in Mr Thomas Brown’s paddock, true to their motto, ‘Young, but in earnest’. Each company was received with a loud and animating cheer. The banners of various colours waved in the breeze; the garlands, rosettes and smiling faces produced happy feelings in all present.

After a little refreshment and a ‘scramble for lollies’, the Primitive Methodist minister spoke to the children, followed by Wesleyan and Primitive lay preachers. Within the first two years 214 children had been enrolled in Camden and surrounding districts, and within six years about six hundred.’ The Bands of Hope were the first children’s clubs. ‘They must have been fun except for the speeches. In 1864 the Order of the Sons of Temperance began in Britain, modelled on the masonic orders. A division was formed at Camden in June 1867, ‘the Star of the South Division No. 19’, with Simeon Brown as Worshipful Patriarch. The other officers of the division were nearly all Wesleyan and Primitive Methodists and they included a butcher, a tanner, two shoemakers (one was treasurer), and two or three small farmers. The ‘chaplain’ was James Phillips, a gardener from Menangle and a Wesleyan lay preacher, who was also active in the Band of Hope.* Another local advocate of total abstinence was John Ollis, the National school teacher in Camden village. When Ollis arrived in 1859 John Galvin of the Gamden Inn refused to put him up, which suggests that his reputation as an enemy to publicans might have gone before him. He too was a Wesleyan lay preacher. During his time in the district Ollis acted in a great number of public causes. He was intelligent, egotistical and energetic, and in some ways a typical member of a generation in love with moral progress. His enemies pointed to ‘His assumption of superior knowledge, his ungracious manner, his obtrusiveness, his powerful propensity to lead, manage, and have his own way’.? He was genuinely interested in the

way children thought about the world, and he told the National

New Men and Women 183

Schools’ Board that Australian school children should have schoolbooks of ‘an Australian character’. It was ‘a serious evil’, he said, to give them books written for British children. He saw education as a means of liberty—political as well as intellectual—and he resented the fact that teachers could be so largely controlled by people like the Macarthurs. He admitted that the people ‘almost worshipped’ James Macarthur but he thought their worship should be directed elsewhere. Before long he felt himself a misfit, ‘toiling without sympathy and without hope’. He sent reports of local news to the Empire,

the great Sydney newspaper dedicated to Liberalism, and _ this helped to stamp him as a man dangerous to the status quo.® ‘Progress’ means different things to different people. Men and women such as Ollis might have had up-to-date ideas, far from the old view of education described at the end of the last chapter, for

instance; but they did not necessarily belong to the newer type of Wesleyan Methodists, the quiet kind who stood for middle-class respectability. In their manners and their common style of life they tied themselves to the rougher habits of the poor. W. C. Wearne, for

instance, National school teacher at Cobbitty Paddock, was once abused on the grounds that he was a ‘noisy (or ranting) proslytizing’ type of Wesleyan, exhibiting a ‘most haughty’ demeanour and ‘very

repulsive’ manners. This was typical, said the same writer, of ‘a whole host of National school teachers’.’ It was certainly typical at Camden. Simeon Brown prudently informed the Board in Sydney that he was a Congregationalist, but he was an active Methodist of the old breed. ‘Though fastidious about alcohol and tobacco, he and

his family hved in conditions which were repulsive, lke those of Wearne, by up-to-date nineteenth-century standards. In his slab hut at Westbrook he and his wife slept in a room ‘full of vermin’. The man who succeeded him there in 1871 found that he had to get up during the night to ‘clear the snails and frogs from the bed’. In this house the Primitive Methodist minister had once boarded for seven weeks. When John Ollis left Gamden village the district inspector of schools was shocked at the state of his house: ‘AIl the floors dirty, some exceedingly so, strewed with rags, rubbish, straw, and in some

places haunted by cockroaches and other vermin’. The windows were broken, the wallpaper torn and filthy, and hens roosted in the school privies. It cost £12 to get the place in order again.® Neglect in such matters fitted with the old radical religious views about the unimportance of the world, compared with the imminence

of God and the world to come. Remember the form of Ann

184 Camden

Sheather’s insanity: she cut up her family’s clothes, tore off her own and told her husband that God had forbidden her to work. Such old ideas confronted new ones at Camden in these years. Modern views were best represented among the prosperous and well-dressed Wes-

leyan farmers and shopkeepers. Men like Ollis occupied a strange half-way position. They disagreed with the narrow educational ideas

of some of the Primitives, but they too thought that a high moral enthusiasm—a faith which carried you through thick and thin— should be central to everyone’s life. A scrupulous appearance proved nothing. Ollis had a high regard for the school of arts movement. He regarded local schools of arts as citadels from which the minds of the people might be captured for better things. At Gamden there was

a small reading and discussion club (not a proper school of arts) begun in 1854. The leading lights were Dr Josiah Wesley Walker, Martin the new Clerk of Petty Sessions, and Ebenezer Simpson, Camden’s young and high-minded tanner. Its success provoked a movement to form an association with much wider membership. In November 1856 a meeting was held in the village chaired by William Wild, a Sydney law student and son of John Wild of Vanderville, near The Oaks. John Wild was .an anti-Macarthur Liberal, and this effort by his son—soon afterwards an active politician himself—looks like an attempt to find allies in the heart of Macarthur territory. This was ill-advised, and the ‘Literary and Scientific Institution’ sank without trace.’

Within six months a new movement began. Macarthur himself was responsible. Wild had limited his efforts to the village people, which had apparently caused some resentment. Macarthur now made an attempt ‘to conciliate parties residing outside the limits of the town’, but in doing so he probably aimed at a more deferential body of men than the one Wild had sought to assemble. He thus established, in July 1857, “The Camden Farmers’ Club and General Improvement Society’. Members were to look to the “moral, social,

and physical [condition] of the people generally’. They could be expelled for ‘conduct. . . derogatory and injurious to the character of the society’.!° This too was unsuccessful, and during 1858 the initiative passed once again to the village. The movers this time were men with whom the Macarthurs could happily join. All were members of the old established church: the rector, the Clerk of Petty Sessions, the master of the Church of England school, and Timothy Burrett the storekeeper.!! The organization thus became, on 12 May 1858,

New Men and Women 185

an ordinary local institute or school of arts, centred on its library and reading room, aiming mainly at the improvement of youth, and occasionally offering talks whenever a speaker could be found.

At the first proper gathering, with all the Macarthurs present, Mrs James, wife of the National schoolmaster (Ollis’s predecessor), played the piano and sang from the opera La Somnambula. Burrett sang a patriotic piece about the Crimea, and John James gave the principal lecture, entitled ‘Knowledge’. A visiting Wesleyan minister of great celebrity wound up proceedings, amid thundering applause, by urging on his listeners the need to read and study in order to be

saved from ‘sensual vices’. According to a report in the Herald, ‘Standing before them, with look and gesture that cannot be understood unless seen, he exclaimed, “‘Crush the animal down and rise superior to it”’’.!4

For some time the School of Arts had no settled home, but at an early stage the Macarthurs said that they would provide an allotment on which the committee might build. The only useful land left at their disposal was on the hill above the main street: a site was chosen there and a building fund was opened at the first meeting. The colonial government was prepared to subsidize institutions of

this kind, and it offered £300 on condition that an equal sum be raised on the spot.!%

The promise of land fell through apparently because of Sir Wilham Macarthur, who was left in charge of the estate while James Macarthur was abroad. Sir William did not believe, especially after the general election of December 1860, that the village people deserved any more generosity from his family: he understood better

than James what their burgeoning Liberalism implied. First he dilly-dallied and then said he would have to consult James in England. ‘Tired of waiting, in 1863 the committee purchased a more central allotment, in John Street, for about £80. A fresh government subsidy was forthcoming and building finally began in 1865.!4 Meanwhile the committee leased a tiny wooden house to hold

its hbrary and to accommodate readers. ‘The library had grown fast, mainly by donations from James Macarthur. By 1865 it numbered more than three hundred volumes together with ‘a great number of useful and entertaining periodicals’.!° One particularly large parcel sent down from the Gamden Park library shows the kind of

thing that readers were offered. Most of them were eighteenthcentury works, and may well have belonged to John Macarthur: Nathaniel Hooke, Roman History (11 volumes); Modern Europe

186 Camden

[unidentified] (5 volumes); The Works of William Robertson [history | (12 volumes); Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations (3 volumes); J. L. de Lolme, The Constitution of England (1 volume); Sir Walter Scott, Marmion (1 volume); D. Lardner, Cabinet Cyclopaedia (5 volumes); J. Boswell, Life of Johnson (10 volumes); Annual Register, 1758-1803 (45 volumes); The Crown Lands of Australia [unidentified] (1 volume). The Wesleyans themselves had a large library which might well have been more popular than this old-fashioned fare, and where subscrip-

tion cost only four shillings a year. In both cases the libraries were undoubtedly designed to counter what James Macarthur called ‘the noxious effects of novel reading’. (The great Sir Walter Scott did not qualify as a common novelist. !6) Because of the shortage of accommodation, lectures organized by

the committee were usually held in the National schoolroom. After the first meeting, at which the Jameses performed so well, progress was Slow. In April 1860 the Reverend Mr Gibson, the Wesleyan minister at Gampbelltown, gave a talk on ‘Jamaica and the Carribbees’, where he had been a missionary.!’ Then there was silence, broken at the end of Winter by an explosion of controversy. Ollis informed the Empzre that the Band of Hope, with its regular meetings and lectures, was Camden’s only effective ‘school of arts’. The official school, he said, was virtually defunct, the only evidence of life being ‘a wooden box, labelled “‘Gamden Reading room’’, where, perhaps, some half-dozen persons would occasionally meet to look at Punch, see the daily papers, or play at draughts’. He called for more energy: ‘those who at present claim to be the School of Arts must move on, or stand aside’.'®

The committee immediately responded to this challenge and organized a series of lectures for the period left before harvest time. Attendance was very good, and Ollis declared himself satisfied.!% ‘The venue was moved back to his own schoolroom from the Church of England one, and he may have been given some say in proceedings. He was not a member of the committee, but he talked as if he was.

The effort faltered again during 1861, although Ollis spoke on “The Crust of the Earth’, and according to his own report, ‘the sim-

ple and pleasing manner in which the subject was treated, must have afforded both instruction and amusement’. The committee also tried to organize their first debate—‘Ought Capital Punishment to be Abolished?’—but this does not seem to have taken place.*° The following year was even less successful. The best talk was given by

New Men and Women 187

Mrs Beer, a touring phrenologist. Phrenology was the science of reading character from skull shapes and Mrs Beer obliged her audi-

ence by running her hands over several well-known local heads present in the audience. Everyone loved it. Soon afterwards, Ollis

himself began a series of talks on his speciality, rocks, but instead of fondling the poor brains in front of him as Mrs Beer had done, he bombarded them with all he knew about pctrifications, bituminization, metallization and impressions. The series came to a sudden halt.?! It took some time for the School of Arts to recover. During 1863 the only lecturer was the Reverend Mr Gibson, who spoke twice about his travels in neighbouring colonies.?? In 1864 there were no lectures at all, and there were probably none in 1865. The School of Arts was reborn with the laying of the foundation stone of the new building on 30 November 1865. The ceremony was performed by James Macarthur’s daughter Elizabeth, now twentyfive years old, and Macarthur gave ‘a very interesting and elaborate address’. On 26 October 1866 the building was opened. This was a

red-letter day in Gamden’s history. The structure was a splendid one and largely the work of Camden men: designed by Henry Reeves the schoolmaster, built by McBeath and Charles Furner and

adorned with stonework by Charles Minell. There was a library with a panelled ceiling and circular-headed, stained-glass windows, a committee room, and a hall capable of seating two hundred and fifty. Nearly five hundred people were crammed in for the opening. James Macarthur spoke, and there was a concert with glees, recitations, piano playing and more speeches.?%

The building cost £1256, of which £400 came in government subsidy and £300 was given by ‘a friend of the institution’, almost

certainly Macarthur himself. Macarthur disliked Ollis for his arrogance and unruly energy but like Ollis he took the School of Arts very seriously. It compared in its way with St John’s church and the National school: all were proof of the landlords’ ambition to make Camden a centre of enlightenment far beyond the immediate district. Although many other towns, including Picton and Campbelltown, now had their schools of arts, especially erected buildings were still rare: except for Wollongong, Goulburn and Braidwood there were currently no more south of Sydney.** Few anywhere were so impressive. Ollis was not allowed to enjoy the new building. For most of his

time at Gamden, James and Emily Macarthur had been absent in

188 Camden

Europe, and this alone explains why he managed to stay so long in charge of the school in the village. On the Macarthurs’ return his reports to the Empire ceased immediately and within a month the National Board in Sydney suggested to him that he might hike to go somewhere else. This became an order by the end of 1865.*° He at first found asylum at the Cobbitty Paddock school, currently without a teacher. However in August 1867 this school closed for want of children. Ollis, a bitter and disappointed man, moved to Branxton in the Hunter Valley. Macarthur died six months after the opening. The new building

was his final gesture of faith in the town he had created. Unfor-

tunately, without his inspiration, and without the enthusiasm of anyone like Ollis, lectures were apparently never held with any regularity in the new hall. During the 1870s the library was well patronized—it received ten or twenty visits a day during 1875—but otherwise the building was mainly used for occasional public meetings and dinners.*° After the incorporation of Gamden in 188g it was a home for the town council. It was partly demolished in 1963, and its remnant is now attached to a modern town library.

The early popularity of the School of Arts shows that some Gamden people were looking for more education than they could get at the

elementary schools. Here and elsewhere secondary schools were rare, and designed mainly for the rich. At Gamden a small one existed from 1843 to 1846: the rector, the Reverend Robert Forrest,

taught a few boys at his home at Elderslie, with some help, apparently, from W. H. Kingston, the then Clerk of Petty Sessions.?’ Much more ambitious was the Classical and Commercial School, or

Academy, opened in the village by William Gordon in January 1857. Gordon was a well-educated man who had written several books, or pamphlets: Demonstrations of the Divine Perfections, as manifested in the Material Universe, The Discipline of the Physical and Intellec-

tual Powers, adapted to the use of young persons, and First Principles of

Painting and Sculpture. He encouraged cricket, and the school team, the ‘Young Rose Club’, won against the Church of England college at Macquarie Fields and the King’s School. He was patronized by Henry Thompson the miller, who had several school-age sons. In 1859-60 Thompson began building ‘a very handsome house of elegant design’ in John Street as Gordon’s schoolhouse. ‘This came to nothing (though the house, Macaria, still stands) and in April 1861 Gordon moved instead to the new homestead at Macquarie Grove,

. New Men and Women 18 recently vacated by the Hassalls. Here he took a seven-year lease. However, the school closed before the lease was up.*®

It is not clear how many of Mr Gordon’s boys came from local families. The only surviving list of his pupils dates from 1862. None of the names on it are Gamden ones except for ‘A. ‘Thompson’, who was probably the miller’s ten-year-old son Alfred.2? Admittedly the

list is incomplete: it misses out fourteen-year-old Thomas McMahon, nephew of John Galvin the innkeeper, who went down to Sydney that year with some other boys to see a colonial cricket team play the All England Eleven.%° All the same, it is unlikely

that Gordon’s school had much effect on general standards of education at Camden. Only a few families, such as the Thompsons,

Galvins and McMahons, had the money for fees, especially after the move to Macquarie Grove, which must have made all the boys into boarders. Probably more important for local education was the school for

girls established by the Misses Walker at their home, Alpha Cottage, in John Street. These ladies were the elder daughters of Dr Josiah Wesley Walker and their school seems to have been in existence by 1856.°! It had narrower horizons than Mr Gordon’s school, apparently taking only day-girls and catering mainly for the village. Its activities were therefore publicized by word of mouth, and little has come down to us. It provided the means by which the daughters of the more successful tradesmen could acquire a few ladylike accomplishments: whether the Misses Walker aimed at more

than this we cannot know. The effect of the school can perhaps be seen in the distinctive handwriting of some of Gamden’s young women: the spiky ‘Italian’ style taught at such establishments, as the mark of female gentility, was quite different from the clumsy round letters practised at the elementary schools. This school may not have lasted beyond the end of 1857, but in spite of its short life its establishment was timely. Village life was becoming more attuned to female needs, to new cosmopolitan ideas of womanhood (see Chapter 4). One of the chief ladylike accomplishments of the time was skill with the piano and with other musical instruments. In the 1840s, even in Sydney pianos were rarely heard. This all changed by the late 1850s. Gamden’s awareness of good music was heightened by the arrival of Timothy Burrett the storekeeper, who organized the concerts for the School of Arts. ‘The

skill of Gatherine James, the National schoolmaster’s wife, was also much admired, and piano playing was taught at Alpha Cottage.

190 Camden

One of the younger Walker sisters was considered a ‘brilliant’ pian-

ist.22 In 1863 there were ‘at least a dozen’ pianos in and around Camden village, which suggests that within a few years a number of families had dedicated themselves, at some cost, to keeping their daughters in step with movements in the wider world. Singing with sweetness and precision was added proof of refinement. A ‘choir of young ladies’, trained by Burrett and Reeves, sang to ‘rapturous applause’ at the opening of the School of Arts.°° This female chorus was a powerful symbol of the new Camden, springing to life at the

same time as men like James Macarthur and John Ollis passed from the scene. Some of the teachers at the elementary schools offered advanced instruction to their older children. Ollis, with his interest in geology,

probably did so, and in 1868 one of his successors at the Camden school, John Mills, was teaching Latin, Algebra, Geometry, Trigonometry, Mensuration, Surveying and Navigation.** This answered part of the new demand for knowledge. Sometimes, too, there were night classes for those older children and youths who had missed the chance of going to the day schools. At Gamden these seem to date from 1862 when it was announced that ‘gentlemen connected with the Camden School of Arts [were] prepared to conduct classes. . . as soon as the young members were ready to avail themselves of such

advantages’.2° Note that these were for members, those who had paid their 7s.6d. a quarter. We hear no more about them. Such efforts were designed to benefit men and boys. The Wesleyan minister remarked on ‘the comparatively large number of young women’ currently at school, meaning girls older than the normal leaving age of thirteen or fourteen, but it took years before any special provision was made for them.°° ‘This applies even to the night classes organized later in the 1860s by John Mills. Mills taught young men aged from fifteen to twenty-five years, and he charged a shilling for three evenings a week. ‘The high cost—he did it for the

money—and the exclusion of girls seems to have prevented him from getting more than eight or ten students at a time. His classes lasted less than a year. More ambitious and more successful was a school opened by the rector, J. F. Moran, in 1873. He charged nothing and he attracted ‘shepherd boys, domestic servants, apprentices and farm labourers’, all between ten and sixteen years old. By August there were twenty-three boys and sixteen girls. The usual teacher employed was Miss Helen Walker, one of the younger

New Men and Women 191

sisters from Alpha Cottage, which must have helped to make the classes a decent rendezvous for ambitious girls.°7

These years, from the 1850s to the 1870s, were a turning point for women in the Australian colonies. Other historians have seen as ereat landmarks for women their admission to universities, and their winning the right to vote. These achievements were less significant than a great change in their basic literacy: during the third quarter of the nineteenth century women became much better educated, in a formal sense, than in any previous generation.

Educational standards had risen during the earlier years of the century, especially as free immigrant labouring families replaced the convicts. However, even in the 1840s white women in New South Wales had been much less literate than men: little more

than half could read and write compared with nearly two-thirds of adult males. By the beginning of the 1860s the situation had greatly improved for both sexes. Among men this was only partly due to the gold rush: the immigrant diggers were better educated on the whole than local men. The record for men who had been too young to join in the main rush—who were twenty to twenty-four

years old at the census of 1861—shows a new high standard of literacy which must be traced to their common schooldays about 1850. [he improvement for women is even more striking. Educational equality came to be the order of the day: such women were the first whose education was roughly similar to that of men of the same age. It must have been very obvious to them that they were set apart from all the generations of women who had gone before.*® The 1861 figures for the Camden area show how dramatic the change could be in a small community. While only 55 per cent of women in their later twenties could read and write, 70 per cent of the younger ones, aged twenty to twenty-four, could do so. Evidence of literacy can also be found in the local marriage registers. Among Protestants at Camden during the 1840s, 66 per cent of men could sign their own names when they married, and 60 per cent of women. During the 1850s men and women were about equal at 69 per cent. During the 1860s the proportions are 84 per cent for men and 86 per cent for women.*?

Girls growing up in the 1850s were inspired by a new type of womanhood, a consciousness of change, and this affected the way they thought about themselves and their own daughters. New ideas about female piety have been mentioned in the last chapter: they

192 Camden

affected even the names given to little girls, especially the choice of saints’ names. Other aspects of the new feminine ideal can be seen in

the fashion for pretty names; not only Rose but Rosetta, Rosina, Rosanna, and Flower, Flora and Florist. (The more discriminating Daisy, Lily and Violet were to come later.) The romantic heroines of new novels were also commemorated. James and Emily Macarthur might regret the ‘noxious effects of novel reading’, but they had to

admit that novels now had a fixed place among the ideas of the people. Thus, Ida, Eva, Clara and Evangeline made their appearance on the banks of the Nepean.*®? Mothers began to look more and more widely for new and pretty names for their girls. In the search for femininity those who could afford it might buy pianos, or patronize those local shopkeepers who offered ‘fine gee gaws &ca for the women and children’. In Sydney new methods of re-

tailing were introduced to capitalize on new female habits and attitudes.*! For most, it was cheaper to enrich the lives of little girls with splendid names like Lavinia, Ida and Rosina. The new aspirations of women who, in earlier years, would have

remained humble and unpretentious, can be seen also in the way

they dressed. For some, their wedding day was their supreme achievement. Betsy Boardman, married to a carrier in 1857, was incapable of signing the register but she long remembered her wedding dress as one of the highlights of her life: ‘I wore shot pink silk, full skirt and pleated stomacher, coal skuttle bonnet and pink silk sandals strapped up the legs’.4* Soon after this, in the late 1850s, the crinoline made its appearance throughout the colony. The crinoline was large, awkward and dangerous: there were stories

of the steel hoop breaking and stabbing the lady within, and the wide skirts often caught on fire. For its wearers, however, 1t summed

up the new and exciting spirit of modern Liberal democracy, for democracy affected women as well as men. The crinoline ‘makes them the admiration of the world’, wrote a gentleman in the Herald, ‘adds grace and elegance to their figures, and gives them the appear-

ance of well shaped rotundity’. Yet, in true egalitarian spirit, it seemed to raise all to the same level and even servants wore it about their daily work. It was the dress for everyone and it covered many natural defects: ‘it pleases all, for in appearance it equalizes all, and leaves none disappointed’. ‘This was exactly the central paradox in Liberal democracy for men as well. ‘The property qualifications were abolished, and ability to vote was a mark of mere manhood. Every man’s political opinion mattered, or seemed to matter. On election

New Men and Women 193

day—as a woman of the time caustically observed—‘AII masculines were agog with a natural sense of importance’. What the vote did for men’s self-esteem, the crinoline did for women’s. Everything about

Liberalism flattered the individual, and yet it made everyone the same.* The new womanhood had much in common with fashionable ideas about manhood, for it expressed the same kind of purposeful individual energy. Yet men and women became more different than ever. For women this difference seemed to imply superior virtue: just like the wider Liberal movement women represented (at least in

their own eyes) hope and high moral purpose. Beside them men seemed morally blind, insensitive and unthinking. The ideal woman became within her family one of “God’s police’, which implied not

only virtue, but the power to Judge right and wrong in others— and sometimes the power to do something about it. One result of women’s desire for independence was, apparently, a rise in the age of marriage (noticed in Chapter 7). Young, unprotected, unmarried women also began to take jobs which had once been restricted to men, to married women and to widows. The most

important was teaching. Fanny Dunsford came in 1867 to take charge of the Catholic school in Gamden village. She was the first unmarried woman to have much authority of any kind at Camden. She had not long left school herself, and her arrival, quite alone and

under no man’s protection, sent tremors of scandal among oldfashioned local people, especially the Catholics. She was, declared Dean Rigney, the parish priest, ‘a mere child, four feet high’ and this alone would prejudice ‘the well being and efficiency of the school’. She was English and there was a lightness and vivacity about her

which made her different from the God-fearing Irishwomen he was used to. He doubted whether she was Catholic at all and he demanded that she be replaced by a teacher who was recognizably of the right religion, and a married man.** The Council of Education, a new non-denominational body, paid no attention. Miss Dunsford, as breadwinner for her mother and two sisters, also stood her ground. Six months later she held a birthday party for herself and danced with some friends in the schoolroom. Rigney was away, but he had forbidden such behaviour. She did the same again on the Queen’s Birthday, and on this occasion she invited, as she said, ‘the teachers of the opposite public school and some other young people who are not of my religion which annoyed the Dean very much’. Rigney demanded that she write to Sydney

194 Camden

asking to be moved, but once again the Council declined to act.* Camden seems to have grown used to Miss Dunsford. Her school flourished and though Rigney departed she stayed for several years. Women might become ‘teachers’ on a wider scale through the temperance movement. At Gamden the local division of the Sons of Temperance had begun like a masonic lodge with—as far as can be judged—an entirely male membership. In 1869 there 1s a reference also to the ‘Daughters of ‘Temperance’, but probably it was a joke: they were the female friends and relations who prepared the dinner for the men at the anniversary of their foundation, 10 June. However, in June 1871, apparently for the first time, the Sons and Daughters sat down to eat together after spending part of the day marching

around the streets of Gamden.*© The principal Daughter, and an active evangelist of temperance, was Janet Simpson. She was the daughter of William Buchan the stonemason, and she had been a servant in the house at Gamden Park in the 1840s. Her husband, Simpson the tanner, was proud of her and of the ‘religious and moral

training’ which she had imbibed (if that is the word) from Mrs Macarthur. She may well have been the reason why the Simpson family turned to Primitive Methodism in 1868—g.*’ It was a remark-

able move for the tanner. He was rising rapidly in the scale of respectability, had become a leading member of the congregation of St John’s and lately a magistrate. It must be said, however, that by this time (the end of the 1860s) even Primitive Methodism was losing its former roughness. The campaign against alcohol was also more refined than hitherto. People like the Simpsons hastened the process. In Sydney there were attempts to trim the laws of the land to fit the new type of womanhood, and these had their repercussions at Camden. In 1870 a Permissive Liquor Bill was introduced into the Legislative Assembly. It was copied from American legislation, and it was meant to give ratepayers the right to vote on how many public houses they wanted. During the general election of 1872 one of the candidates for Gamden said that women should be allowed to vote in such local polls: ‘Women had as much, if not more, to do than men with this subject. When men were drunkards women were the greatest sufferers’. In this he responded to local wisdom. Petitions in favour of the bill had already been sent in from all over the colony, including one signed by 110 ‘Mothers and Daughters’ of Narellan, who declared that alcohol degraded those to whom they were bound by the ‘holiest of human ties,—husbands, brothers, children’, and

another from forty-three ‘Electors and Inhabitants’ (a nice dis-

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tinction of male and female) at Camden itself.4® The new Married Women’s Property Bill, which allowed married women control over

their own earnings, met with similar local approval. As Captain Arthur Onslow (Elizabeth Macarthur’s husband) remarked to a Camden audience, it promised to give wives and children some security from those useless men who would otherwise drink everything that came into the house.*9 I have simplified this legislative movement, leaving out factors which are not important for the history of Camden. From whatever point of view, both bills were far from perfect and only the second became law. However, they were supplemented by a Matrimonial Causes Act which, among other things, was designed to let women

divorce husbands who abdicated their responsibilities. All three were important attempts to make the formal rights of women match the new idea of the good woman’s authority, as the source of holiness in family lfe—holiness in a very real sense, as seen in the petition

from the Mothers and Daughters of Narellan. This holiness was linked with democratic power, and during political speeches at Camden public men—watching the faces looking up from the audience—tried hard to shape their comments for both sexes.

In these changes there were deep contradictions. It is not always easy to reconcile the pursuit of happiness in this world with a longing for salvation in the world to come. Security on earth can make it hard to worry about security hereafter. Death itself becomes, not the entrance to bliss, but a mere exit from the good things of the world. Educated people who did not think much about heaven, such as the Macarthurs, were already used to referring to the dead in:common conversation as ‘poor John’ or ‘our poor Father’. Seen in this light, there was something especially disastrous about the deaths of babies and children: belonging for a time to the rich future, they suddenly

belonged instead to the rejected past. When Emily Macarthur miscarried in 1842 she wrote in her diary simply and sadly, ‘at night was taken ill and all my hopes destroyed’.°°

We turn then to death at Gamden. Here more clearly than with anything else, we see the way in which local people, especially women, began to take more control of their daily circumstances.

Death was the great enemy and guarding against it was a task central to making one’s way in life. Evidence about causes of death at Camden comes mainly from the civil register of births, deaths and marriages, which begin in 1856.

196 Camden

Before this we have little more than the lists of burials kept by the clergy, who had no official interest in the reasons why people died. Nor did they bury everyone. Very small babies, for instance, those not yet christened, were usually beyond the official notice of the clergy. They were buried by their families, often close to the house, in whatever passed for a garden or orchard.

What, in particular, were the dangers to children? How were they affected by day-to-day decisions and by changes in ideas about health and household management? In the first place, it is clear that it was women who made these decisions. The daily lives of men and women were very different, at least from the middle 1850s, when the best evidence begins. They bore responsibilities of a different kind,

and they learnt to be cautious in different ways. When it came to protecting life and limb, men (and boys from about ten years old) were obliged to look first to themselves. Between 1856 and 1880 a total of forty men and boys died at Camden, an average of two a year, from accidents with horses, carts and machinery, from broken bones or other wounds, or from drowning. Only one girl died from causes like these (she was drowned in the river at the age of thirteen)

and no women. Whatever the situation in earlier years, from the middle 1850s women at Camden did not share equally in rough work outside the home. ‘The same message can be found in newspaper stories from Camden about disasters less than fatal. It was nearly always men and boys—‘brave fellows’—who suffered from

the sensational bloodshed, the shattered limbs and the awful amputations.”! Small babies, less than a year old, seem to have benefited most

from changes in the management of children. Afterwards, from about twelve months, children began to run risks by themselves, through walking or crawling beyond their mother’s eye, and not much could be done about it. Eight children, all between sixteen months and four years old, were drowned 1n these years, seven more

died from burns or scalding, and one was apparently poisoned by eating the heads of lucifer matches. All may have been kitchen and farmyard accidents, except for the case of one little girl who drowned in the creek near her parents’ hut, at Glendaruel. As they grew older

it was the Registrar’s sad duty to notice children dying in more dramatic accidents: one run over by a cart, one bitten by a snake or

insect, one poisoned after tasting deadly nightshade, and one through eating unripe fruit. One boy of five was shot by an older cousin, who had meant to kill birds among the grape vines: ‘Just as

New Men and Women — 197

the gun was ready the little boy came out of the bedroom to see what was going on’,°? One might think that accidents like these must have been a result of large families, from mothers having too many children to watch.

In fact, the inexperience of younger parents may have posed greater dangers. Hordes of children would normally include some old enough to help with the little ones, so that once parents were past the second or third birth, management might become easier. In May 1862 Mary Curry, daughter-in-law of old Pat Curry, had

two little girls, Ann aged three and Ellen, sixteen months. Mrs Curry had not yet reached the easy stage and the decisions she had to make were difficult and dangerous. One day The mother had shut [her daughters|...in a room, while she went to the paddock for the cows, and it would seem that [Ann]...managed to open the door which led to the room in which was the [kitchen] fire. The poor woman, on her return, found [the baby]. ..in flames, running to meet her ...8o severely burned, that death terminated its sufferings shortly after.°%

One little girl she might have taken with her. Three or more might have included a good child-minder. Two had to be left to look after themselves.

None of this affected very little babies, especially those younger than about six months. They were constantly under their mother’s eye, and this may be why they were the first object of motherly reform. There was also a good deal of professional interest in the

treatment of small babies. For instance, in September 1868 the Daughters of ‘Temperance at Balmain organized a talk by a visiting expert from Geelong on ‘Doctors and Nurses’, the gist of which they

published in the Herald for readers at Camden and elsewhere. Mothers should break with the tradition which attached their babies to them all the time. Babies should not be carried about everywhere but sometimes left to rest on their backs, and they should not be fed whenever they murmured—‘Many mothers killed their children by over-feeding’. The lecturer also told his audience about the process of digestion, including the damage done by alcohol.°* In short, he taught them that there was a system by which they lived and by which they must organize themselves and their children. This system had nothing to do with landlords, employers and other secular powers, or so this lecturer and many others implied. They had to control it themselves. The individual

198 Camden ] , who came to listen about child care was asked to organize her life and her family just as she organized her soul. In both areas life was a pilgrimage in which she only needed to have the road to salvation pointed out. This far-sighted authority which women now assumed, and their newly-perceived moral power—as ‘grand wielders of the moral pruning knife’-—were both allied to the invading virtues of Liberalism. Women, more than men, were really the makers of Liberal culture. They provided its sharp edge in local and family life where the work of application began. How did such scientific lessons reach Camden? At Campbelltown Dr William Bell was a great evangelizer and published long articles

and letters on medical matters in the Herald. In the late 1850s and early 1860s he attended a few cases at Camden and his reforming enthusiasm may have had some local impact.°° The leading doctor in the village from about 1855 to 1865 was John Bleeck (who built Nepean House, part of Gamden’s heritage). He was a different type. When Bleeck was about to leave the district John Ollis called for a replacement in the following terms: ‘A gentleman, skilful in his profession, whose conduct would not outrage decency, whose language would not disgrace a cockpit, who has feelings of humanity towards

others and a proper respect for himself...would doubtless be welcomed here and, I think, supported’. Bleeck was not a successful missionary of new ideas.°® Bleeck was succeeded by Edwin Chisholm, a young man and newly

married. Chisholm came from a well established colonial family with a large estate at Gledswood, several miles north of Gamden. His nephew, James Chisholm of Gledswood, had married Isabella Macarthur Bowman, niece and adopted daughter of the Gamden Park family. Edwin Chisholm had been trained at St Mary’s Hospital in London where he came under the influence of Dr (afterwards Sir Edward) Sieveking, a great reformer who worked to improve the relationship of doctors and patients, and to make medical knowledge

more widely available. It was probably through the patronage of Sieveking that Chisholm began his professional career as house surgeon at the medical school at St Mary’s. He was there for about three years before coming home.°’

He brought an immediate change to Camden. Before he arrived

there had been large numbers of babies dying in their first six months for vague and ill-defined reasons: ‘weakness’, ‘natural causes’, ‘unknown’. Mostly no doctor had been called, although

New Men and Women 199

Bleeck himself was not above equally useless pronouncements— such as ‘atrophy’ or ‘convulsions’—on the lifeless bodies of babies. Chisholm was more precise. He was genuinely concerned with the

causes of death. Nor did he shrink from scolding parents, or from leaving on record his belief that they had unintentionally killed their babies, especially through ‘improper food’.

Chisholm’s up-to-date methods seem to have saved lives by changing the habits of mothers. In earlier years four or five babies up to six months old died every year for unknown reasons. Chisholm apparently persuaded parents to call him in emergencies. He knew

what was wrong, and he could do something about it. From his arrival the number of mysterious deaths suddenly dropped to one a year. The overall number of babies dying was also reduced. He was able to undermine the idea that small babies died easily, that their hold on life was so slight as to make death seem natural. Only the

new-born still suffered from this old fatalistic attitude.°? It was probably a sign of his success that when the baby son of Robert and Esther Weeks died at a month old, in April 1873, for no apparent reason, there was a proper coroner’s inquiry at the village.°? Such a thing was unheard of in former times except when there were signs of foul play. Such fragile lives had been earlier entrusted to the vagaries of Providence. For all babies the most serious set of problems were those associated with diarrhoea, dysentery and, from the sixth month, the symptoms of misery known as teething. ‘These account for three in ten infant deaths (that is, deaths up to twelve months of age). They were all intestinal or digestive troubles, and they were partly a result of dangerous feeding methods. ‘Uhe worst age was nine months, which suggests that parents simply failed to bring their babies through the great initiations of weaning.©° However, there were other causes at work as well, tending to gather such tragedies within certain seasons and years. Deaths from infantile diarrhoea, dysentery and teething were most common in late Summer and Autumn, and especially when it was wet and sultry. The wettest Summer of all, 1859-60, brought the worst epidemic, carrying off eight small children and six babies between November and April.®! Living conditions were also important. There appear to have been

very few Summer deaths among babies at Camden before early 1850, and there is nothing that looks ike a Summer epidemic before 1854-5. The Summer of carly 1850, the breaking point, was dry but unusually sultry. Charles Tompson noticed that cuts and scratches

200 Camden

rankled much more than usual, especially among those of his neigh-

bours who neglected to wash and to pay due attention to what he called ‘the state of system’. He urged on them ‘cold plunges and frequent ablutions’.6* When so few thought of their anatomy as a ‘system’ in anything like scientific terms, it is hard to believe that his advice made much difference. This may well explain how infection

became endemic among the people. Not only was the season unfavourable. Prosperity meant that people were crowded together as never before. ‘Vhis must have made contagion easier. The mass of settled filth, in ditches, gardens, farmyards and huts, may well have reached a level where such diseases could live on from Summer to Summer, to thrive in standing puddles and on sweating skin. Summer epidemics continued at Camden fairly regularly until the

late 1860s, soon after Chisholm’s arrival, when they tailed off. Except for 1871-3 and 1878-9, the Summers of the 1870s were free of such mortality.®* This suggests cleaner habits, and so does other evidence. At about the same time the numbers of men and women dying from consumption (or, more scientifically, phthisis or pulmonary tuberculosis), a disease associated with dirt, also fell away. Between 1856 and 1869 there were two deaths a year on average. There was only one a year afterwards and these were mostly concentrated in three distinct households where the disease had lodged some time beforehand and had for some reason remained. Of these three, the Galvins of the Camden Inn, so respectable in many ways, suffered

most of all. heir experience of consumption may well have gone back to the 1840s.°* John Galvin was coughing blood for years before he died, aged only forty-four, in April 1865. He had already lost a brother, a sister and a niece, and he was followed by three of his daughters. There was better hygiene too in Gamden’s schools. In 1870 the Public (formerly National) schoolteacher in the village decided that his school now needed a washstand fitted with three tin washbasins, two towel rollers and a good supply of towels, each 3 yards long. Camden’s first towel rollers are as notable in their way as the first wheeled vehicles mentioned in Chapter 2. In the 1850s even school privies were still an optional extra, but they were afterwards obligatory. In 1880 there was an uproar over the school near Gamden Park house, revived by Mrs Macarthur in 1865, because the privy there

was said to be unclean and indecent. There was no door, and the building was so placed that when in use the legs of the children might be glimpsed from a nearby garden as they banged their heels

New Men and Women 201

against the hollow walls of the earth closet. What the Macarthurs had long considered good enough for the children of their people— and for their own, who went to the school too—now came under

the judgement of the people themselves. It was found barely

satisfactory.© |

Housewives, in their efforts to be clean, may have been following the advice of their new doctor. ‘Though tradition taught them otherwise they must also have been encouraged by the idea that cleanliness was next to decency and godliness, and by the range of goods which were now available for fitting out respectable homes. As in many other things, they were instructed not only by medical men, but by retailers and advertisers. Ironware, for instance, was becoming cheap and plentiful with the invention of casting and rolling, and

its use made for cleaner habits. In 1869 the Crown Inn in Argyle Street boasted a washstand in each bedroom. Ordinary household inventories are hard to come by, but some time over the next few years Martin Payton and his wife Mary were able to state that their homestead at Menangle accommodated six bedsteads, including three of iron (in the Payton family this meant two people per bed), two washstands and two wire safes in which to keep food away from

flies. Nor were the Paytons wealthy. They paid only £30 rent (see Chapter 5), which suggests that all this was the result of new ideas rather than mere riches.°® The Paytons also had two mirrors. Here too they were up-to-date

because mirrors were increasingly common in the 1870s. Mirrors yearly enframed a growing number of clean faces, bright shirt fronts and bonnets, tidy hair and shaven cheeks. In these, as in the fashion-

able portrait photographs which were now available at Camden, and in the letters they wrote and received (see Chapter 8), newmade men and women were enabled to see themselves as the world

saw them.®’ Here was the self-image, both public and intimate, uncovered by the rising sun of late nineteenth-century belief.

Edwin Chisholm was a great success at Camden partly because of his own abilities and partly because men and women were ready to take up new habits. The making of a new order meant the destruction of an old one. What Chisholm and others sought to replace was not sheer ignorance (though they might have thought it was), but knowledge which was haphazard and unreliable. If the people, in their unregenerate state, avoided doctors it was not only because they were fatalistic and doctors were expensive. It was also because

202 Camden

they had a certain kind of expertise among themselves. ‘Their experts

were usually female, often mothers who had raised large families,

who remembered traditional ideas from Britain and Ireland and who thought they could see patterns in their own experience. According to a gentleman at Picton, they were ‘ignorant and gossip-

ing women, every one of whom has some strange and ridiculous remedy to suggest’. They were, he said (this was early in the piece),

a ‘great cause’ of infant mortality because the people liked them better than the doctors.° Some women of this kind were able to set themselves up on a commercial basis, especially as midwives to the people round about.

They appear as such in the birth registers from 1856. One of the

earliest was Anna Rootes, whose mother had been a pioneer Methodist in Sussex; she followed her in piety, and perhaps in expertise since a midwife’s skills often descended from mother to daughter. Mrs Rootes had ‘a large share of energy’, and among her neighbours ‘she was much sought after’. Yet she brought gloom to other women’s houses. Not that her babies died: whatever people believed, there is no evidence from Camden that midwives caused more deaths than doctors. Rather, she ‘allowed herself to be much tried by the little cares of daily life’. ‘While she often took her burden to the Lord’, says her obituarist, ‘she did not always leave it there’ .®9

Mary Ann Haines and her daughter and successor, Mary Ann Chappell, were midwives at Menangle. Mrs Chappell had separated

from her husband, who was a carpenter and undertaker at Parramatta. Indeed, there was a common link between undertakers and midwives. Many carpenters were called on to make coffins from time to time. It was then highly convenient if they had a wife whose skills

reached not only to making the shroud but to laying out the body. Mrs Chappell had obviously been such a wife, and perhaps the combination of skills went back several generations, for both her grandfathers had been carpenters. At Brownlow Hill the midwife was Ann Clarke, and she too was the wife of a carpenter who frequently acted as local cofhnmaker. In Camden village Amelia Welling, the eldest daughter of the Postmistress, was the principal midwife. Her brother

James Pearson, whom we have seen as a recalcitrant carpenter’s apprentice, was the leading undertaker. James Pearson’s wife was a woman of delicate nerves and no apparent medical skill, and it was presumably his sister who helped him when he was called on to bury Camden’s dead.’”

Midwives such as these conjured with life and death, and they

New Men and Women 203

worked the intimate rituals which, as surely as baptism and burial, marked the limits of human existence. There was a hint of daring in such activity, and the women themselves had often led daring lives. Perhaps this, combined with their obvious intelligence, helped their reputation for knowledge beyond what ordinary women could aspire to. Sarah Rose, or West, an early midwife at Menangle, is a classic

case. She belonged to old Australia. Born in Governor Hunter’s time, she had married and left her husband while Camden was still a sheep run. In the late 1830s she was washerwoman at Gamden Park, making £20 or £30 a year washing by the piece, a better income than that of most of the men whose shirts and trousers passed through her hands. She was then living with George Rose, a carpenter and shingler who put roofs on the cottages of the new immigrant families and, probably, made coffins for their dead. She may have begun as mid-

wife at this time. She and Rose later cultivated a few acres at Menangle. In 1857, when he died, she was slipping into old age. She

delivered no babies after 1865, and she was called a pauper when she died in 1874.7!

Mrs Welling, like Mrs Rose, had had two men and married only one of them; her position, as the daughter of the gentle and genteel

Postmistress and the wife of a twice-convicted labouring man, added to her strangeness. Mrs Haines and Mrs Chappell were strong women of the old Primitive Methodist type. They too fitted awkwardly with the respectable model of mid-nineteenth-century womanhood. In every case reputation was woven from personality and local stories. Unlike the doctors, these women were not missionaries bringing their knowledge from the outside world. Their

power came from within. |

Mrs Welling was by far the most active midwife in the district. Unlike most of her colleagues, who began in middle age, she took up the work when she was a young mother herself. She may have had

some professional training, possibly from one of the early local doctors. Her conversion to Catholicism in 1848~—g9 (see Chapter 8)

points to keen religious sensibilities, while her signature suggests determination and a sure hand. She was employed as midwife by several of the leading families in the village, including those of two successive bank managers, several Wesleyan ministers and John Martin, the Clerk of Petty Sessions. Two doctors who lived nearby asked her to help in the confinement of their own wives. Her work was already important in 1856 when the records begin. During 1864—73 she was managing nearly a third of all births in the district.

204 Camden

She probably did well from the unpopularity of Dr Bleeck, but having established herself she went on to prosper even in Chisholm’s time.

Mrs Welling began to be less active after her brother left Gamden in 1871. (He was succeeded by his old master, John Lefevre.) She

was now fifty years old. Possibly the undertaker’s business had helped that of the midwife, but there were other current movements which affected all women in this line of work. (The statistical evi-

dence is slight, but it is in line with changes mentioned earlier.) Camden’s typical mother knew more herself. She looked with more

curiosity on the system which underlay the working of body and mind. In the business of childbirth she increasingly looked for special skills, and her changing attitudes, her search for security, led to two great turning points for the district. Until the early 1860s confinements were managed by a great variety of women, as they always had been, often simply next-door neighbours or older relations. Mrs Welling, probably the best educated of all Gamden’s midwives,

then rose to dominate the market. Afterwards, not only were the doctors a little more popular among mothers, but the active midwives shrank to a few who could claim real experience.’ The dwindling number of these midwives reflected a dwindling prestige. They were now mostly old; they no longer seemed to have the answers, offering only shattered pieces of knowledge and no system at all. Public lectures, libraries, the new products now advertised in the papers and sold in the shops, promised much more. Mrs Welling was never employed by the Chisholm family, nor among their relations at Gamden Park house, while Thompson the miller, so meticulous in many things, always called the doctor for his wife.

In the light of up-to-date ideas, even Amelia Welling was in due course cast into shadow.

IO

kind and Continuation

CAMDEN changed; and yet underneath much of Gamden stayed the same. Not only the Macarthurs, but numerous English, Irish, Scottish and German families were tied to the place by a web of material interest, memories and obligations. A sense of belonging to Camden

had grown through the years and, in spite of the dramatic changes of the 1850s and 1860s, this was to have long repercussions. ‘The history of Gamden was, and is, a cycle of seasons and generations. Robert Boyd was born at the home-farm on Camden Park, probably in January 1826. He was named after his grandfather, Robert Higgins, a former sergeant of the New South Wales Corps, who had

50 acres (20 hectares) at Eldershe given to him by Governor Macquarie.! Boyd’s father, Richard, had come to New South Wales a convict on the Lord Eldon, the ship which had carried John Macarthur and his sons, James and William, back from exile after the Rum Rebellion. Macarthur had noticed Richard on board. He liked him, and on their arrival he took him into his employment as groom and farrier. In 1824 Richard Boyd married Sarah Higgins. Robert Boyd, the second son, was born in the service of the Macarthurs.

Robert and his elder brother William followed in their father’s footsteps. They were both trained to work with horses and they both learnt to rely on the Macarthurs. They grew up within the network of loyalties which centred on the big house at Camden Park. Wilham Boyd helped in the stables but he was in trouble with his employers in 1847 for some minor breach of discipline. They took him before the Camden Bench, but let him off at the last minute—a well established technique by which the Macarthurs frightened their old servants back into line without hurting them. However, William was soon before the magistrates again. For months he had been spending time in the public house when he should have been at work and he stayed too long in bed in the morning, but his immediate offence this

206 Camden

time was the ruining of a very valuable mare while he was breaking her in. He spent six weeks in gaol. In the following year he fell from his horse and was killed.? Robert Boyd was apparently better behaved. In 1848 he married Augusta Sheather, whose family had come as bounty immigrants by the Royal George. In the first year of their marriage they were sent to

the Murrumbidgee, where Boyd was probably in charge of the horses at Nangus. They came back in about 1853 and he was then employed as groom ori Camden Park. By this time the family was bound to the service over and over. Boyd’s mother had washed for the big house and two of his sisters had been servants there. Augusta’s uncle was overseer of the vineyard and her sister-in-law had been a servant. A cousin, Ellen Sheather, who married one of the gardeners, was Emily Macarthur’s favourite maid, and the feeling between them was mutual: Mrs Macarthur was ‘dearest Madam. ..my only friend’.

The Boyds and their immediate relations did not have the smoothness and prosperity, the velvet sense of order with which some of their neighbours were blessed. Neither Robert nor Augusta could write their own names. Some of the men were wild and dissolute, and the women were not always models of respectability. Probably through ignorance rather than carelessness, their children were

often sick, and many died. Robert and Augusta lost their three youngest from various causes. [he last to die was their only son, seven years old and named after the unlucky elder brother William. Augusta herself lost the power of speech and became an invalid. On

the other hand, the Boyds and their kin were not abrasive and resentful like some of the poor. ‘They were straightforward, honest and unquestioning. They rarely wavered from the old established Church of England—they are buried in the churchyard which the Macarthurs meant to be the spiritual heart of Gamden—and they

clung to the service of their masters. In return the Macarthurs forbore to punish behaviour which they would not have taken from

anyone else. ,

A great deal of this book has been about conversation. In the

beginning the only people with a public voice were the rich, especially

the gentlemen. Better education increased the pace and quantity of all kinds of conversation, as can be seen by the growing size of newspapers and by the new flood of letters, telegrams and postal orders. This was all part of the tightening network which drew Cam-

End and Continuation 207

den people closer to city life. In theory literacy gave a voice to all classes. This was the Liberal ideal. In fact not everyone joined in. ‘The Boyds and their kind were the silent poor, who wait in the back-

ground throughout this book. This was the type whom James Macarthur referred to when he said that it was the duty of the gentry

to stand by the poor, whatever the middle classes might do: the gentry must be in their place when the poor looked for their ‘natural leaders’.

Iiven more central to Camden, and even more silent, were the Aborigines. These the landlords treated in much the same way, and

they got less in return. There was a permanent camping place on Camden Park, frequently visited from the big house. In 1843 there were eighteen people living there or around the house, but in 1865 only nine survived, most of them old. One of the women, Nanny, lived for years with Richard Barrett, a labourer, and had several children. In her old age she was watched over with infinite care by the Macarthur women, and it was probably their concern which

caused her to be buried in the churchyard, because the blacks usually looked after their own dead.*

On the other hand, Johnny, or Yellow Johnny, was William Macarthur’s responsibility. He belonged, as William put it, ‘by birth to this spot’, and William could date the event to about 1810. He worked in the orchard, shooting the birds which came to feed on the fruit, and he lived there in a slab hut with Black Nelhe. Nellie had come to Gamden with a visiting party of Aborigines. It was said to have been love at first sight between her and Johnny, and he had hidden her in a cask until her friends were gone; ‘they lived happy for many years afterwards’. In 1851 Johnny was féted by the Sydney Morning Herald for tracking down three white children lost in the bush near Appin. All the same, he was ineffective in the orchard and he was sometimes drunk for a weck at a time. In 1862 Macarthur

found that he was taking fruit and selling it across the river. He stopped his rations and told him to leave, though he was confident that he would come back. ‘I cannot reconcile it to myself’, he said, ‘to cast him wholely off. ‘The rations ought to be considered his inheritance, but for his own sake I am compelled to treat him with sternness’. He did come back, and Macarthur was paying his doctor’s bills in the late 1870s.° Johnny too identified with the place and with its rulers. When William was knighted in England, the ladies of the family wrote to tell him that ‘Johnny thinks he must call you Mr

208 Camden

William still’. He thought that Macarthur’s knighthood reflected honour on himself: ‘I wish I seed him now this minute. I would like it wery well | would’.®

Calling rations an ‘inheritance’ shows the Macarthurs’ idea of their duty, and its limitations. James Macarthur did not hesitate to tell people of his admiration for Old Bundal, the Aboriginal ‘chief?’ who was once ordered off government land at the Cowpastures. “The

government land’, said Bundal, ‘well, that’s a good joke; it’s my land, and was my father’s, and father’s father’s, before me’. Macarthur liked this idea of attachment to the soil and Bundal’s pride in

ownership (though the same land was later taken up by his own family). Such ideas were apparently allowed to shape local methods

of law and order as far as the Aborigines were concerned, to the frustration of the Gamden police. The Aborigines from nearby Burragorang drank in the public houses in the 1840s and gave the police endless trouble, ignoring their orders and telling them ‘that the land belonged to their fathers’. The police must have been aware of the landlords’ ideas, and they arrested only two, with whom they had actually come to blows.’ Such restraint makes a telling contrast with the long lists of “drunk and disorderly’ Europeans gracing the bench books.

In the 1870s much of this was changing. In former times Camden was a ‘principality’ where James Macarthur was ‘almost worshipped’. One traveller called it ‘this green patch in memory’s waste’.® James

had died in 1867 and Emily his widow and William his brother were growing old; she died in 1880 and he in 1882. Although James’s daughter Elizabeth and her husband Arthur Onslow were taking their places, the new regime was different. This was well symbolized by the family decision, in about 1880, to sell several thousand acres at Gawdor and Cobbitty Paddock, including a large number of tenanted farms (sold, in fact, in 1885-7). In his last years

James Macarthur had thought about this himself, because he saw the sheer size of Gamden Park as one of the causes of their awkward political position. William, a stickler for the honour and traditions of his family, had been less enthusiastic: he had succumbed to the idea in his old age.° Even before this the moral dominion of the family had narrowed

to the household at Gamden Park and the home-farm. Here was a walled garden, a secluded seat of ancient virtues. Once the Macarthurs had thought of order, quietness and morality as all the same thing. At Camden they were to walk like peacocks displaying a pat-

Lind and Continuation 209

tern of morality to the rest of New South Wales. Now no one cared

about the morality of the Macarthurs: they were rare birds from another age.

Robert Boyd had touches of heroism. In August 1857, when the river came up and the boat kept for such emergencies was lost, Boyd

stepped into the breach. Gamden, said the Herald, was ‘greatly indebted’ to him ‘for the skilled and brave manner in which he crossed the river on a sheet of bark, formed in the shape of a canoe, to get the Sydney mails’. ‘The making and managing of bark canoes must have been learnt from the Aborigines. Boyd was also apparently a cricketer, defending the honour of his native place against

foreign teams.!° In later years, when his babies died and his wife was incapacitated, he became irritable and unsteady, even a little mad. He kept a bottle of brandy in the house and he used to take some often. He was rough with Augusta, but at the same time he seemed anxious about the state of her health. He was even more violent with her sister, Mary Jane Wright, the overseer’s wife. At lunchtime on 5 January 1872, while a number of his friends

and relations were together at the home-farm, Boyd grabbed a butcher’s knife and took after Wright, his brother-in-law, shouting, ‘Pll do for you!’ George Mills, the sawyer, who had seen Boyd come in from the village, had thought him wild at the time. It later transpired that he had taken a drink at the Plough and Harrow, but he now looked mad rather than drunk. Mills had told James Stewart,

the clerk and storekeeper, that he thought Boyd wanted to kill himself. “Chere is no fear of that’, said Stewart, ‘he has more sense’. Now Stewart—a young gentleman, a squatter’s son not long on the place—went for his horse, intending to get Sir William Macarthur to restore order. Boyd turned from his original quarry and met Stewart. He remarked, ‘You are a bloody nice young fellow’, and darted the knife at his chest. It entered on the left side, and penetrated the heart.!! There was a lot of shouting, and somebody else slipped off to find Sir William. ‘The master arrived, having ridden as fast as possible

from the big house, and asked where Boyd was. He got no useful

answer for a while but finally someone said that he was at the cottage of Willam Avery, the coachman, a hundred yards away. Macarthur, seventy-one years old but assertive still in mind and body, set out to calm his maniacal servant. When he was nearly at Avery’s a shout came that Boyd had cut his own throat. The poor

210 Camden

man was with Avery, his drinking mate, his head on Avery’s knee. Macarthur faltered and instead of going forward himself, he told two men to bring Boyd to him. He died on the store veranda. He was buried with his children in the churchyard. Church law forbade the burial of a suicide in consecrated ground but Arthur Onslow prevailed on the rector to let the family rest together. Boyd had made his final fatal move in his own cottage, alone with his bedridden wife. He had gone to Avery’s afterwards. Since she was illiterate and voiceless, Augusta could provide no detail for her neighbours or for posterity, but his blood was all over her clothes. In Sydney, as usual, public opinion found its voice in its newspaper reporters. For them the double crime was sensational, and “considering all the circumstances, .. . without a parallel in the history of the colony’. Stewart’s murder was diabolical. The suicide was a different matter: readers were advised to see it as a blessing—-“The earth 1s well rid of such a monster’. However, considering all the circumstances, there 1s more justice in Augusta’s silence.

Descendants of the Camden described in these pages scattered themselves throughout Australia over the following century. Long after the deaths of Robert Boyd, of Eliza Pearson, of James, Emily and William Macarthur, Camden was still a central theme in widespread family traditions: a memory passed down to children, written into family trees and tied to the names of ancestors. In that early

period only one lunchtime gathering at the home-farm ended in murder. Little by little other gatherings had drawn together the circle of community which was to give the idea of Gamden its power to live for years in people’s minds. So did Betty McCain’s picnics at Menangle, the concerts at the School of Arts, and the night-time camp meetings of the Methodists, their enthusiasm lit by stars and moon.

It was this sense of attachment that the Macarthurs had looked for at Camden as the prize for all their labour. It had glhmmered among people like the Boyds but it had failed to shine as the landlords had hoped, with any brilliance in their own lifetime. Only new

birth, the coming and going of generations, could give it that unambiguous, myth-like character which seems to last for ever.

Appendix 1 Bounty Immigrants to Gamden

1037-9 The following lists show the people who came to Camden under the

Bounty system of immigration introduced in 1835. Most of them were brought out by the Macarthurs under a threc-year contract (five years for the Germans) to work on Camden Park. Except in the case of the Kinnear and John McLellan, the entire shiploads are listed. Information comes from the immigration lists in the Archives Office of New South Wales, supplemented with detail from parish and civil

registers. With this population the closer settlement of Camden began.

Arrived by the Brothers, 8 April 1837: ARNOLD, from Child Okeford, Dorset Samuel, wheelwright, 25 Ann (Savory), 24.

Children: Sarah Ann, 18 months son, born July 1837 BRADLEY, from Sixpenny Handley, Dorset George, labourer, 27 Mary Ann (White), 2]

“(Married 17 October 1836) These are clearly the ‘James and Ann Brady’ on the shipping list, as the Bradleys certainly came by this ship. BUTT, from Winterborne Stickland, Dorset George, labourer, 32 Charlotte, 34

Children: Isaac, 14 Samuel, 12 William, 9 Robert, 6 Stephen, 3 Caroline, 14. months * Married while waiting to embark for New South Wales,

214 Camden

BUTT, from Winterborne Stickland, Dorset Stephen, labourer, 22 Martha (Cook), 21

*( Married October 1836) COX, from Farnham, Dorset

Thomas, labourer, 23 :

Sophia (Gumbleton), 21 Son: John, 14 months

ELLIOT, from Farnham, Dorset William, farm steward, 19 Unmarried. Left Gamden for Taralga, September 1838. GUMBLETON, from Bishopstone, Wiltshire Henry, labourer, 26 Jane (Oxford), 24 Children: Caroline, 3 Emmeline (or Emma), 2 Martha Gumbleton, who also came by this ship (aged 17), was Henry’s niece. She went to ‘Taralga.

NEW, from Sixpenny Handley, Dorset James, labourer, about 25 Mary (Lane), 23 (sister of Sarah Thorn)

Children: Maria, 4 Charlotte, 2 NORRIS, from Child Okeford, Dorset Henry, sawyer, 30 (‘known well’ to Samuel Arnold) Caroline (Moore), 28 Children: Mary Ann, 9 Daniel, 6 George, 3 SMITH, from Donhead St Mary, Wiltshire Thomas, shepherd, 28 Charlotte (Oxford), 25 (2half-sister of Louisa Read, John McLellan)

No children THORN, from Sixpenny Handley, Dorset Elias, labourer, 25 Sarah (Lane), 25 (sister of Mary New) *(Married 27 September 1836) VINCEN, from Sixpenny Handley, Dorset George, labourer, 27 (or 30?) (in England sometimes called George Blanchard)

Appendix 1: Bounty Immigrants to Gamden, 1837-9 215

Jane (Weeks), 27 (sister of Benjamin, John and Richard Weeks) *(Married 17 October 1836)

No children |

WEEKS, from Sixpenny Handley, Dorset Benjamin, labourer, 24 (brother of John and Richard) Frances (James), 24 *( Married 17 October 1836) Son: born August 1837 WEEKS, from Sixpenny Handley, Dorset John, labourer, 26(?) Hannah (Hayter), 21 Children: Eliza Ann, 2 Mary Ann, about 12 months WEEKS, from Sixpenny Handley, Dorset Richard, labourer, 24 Mary Ann (Bradley), 24.

Children: William, 3 Elizabeth, 18 months Went straight to Taralga; never at Camden. WRIGHT, from Berwick St John, Wiltshire Samuel, shepherd, 30 (sometimes called Samuel Wright Burden) Ann, 28

Children: Sarah, 8 James, 6 Jane, 4 Charlotte, 1 Three others, Nathaniel COLVILLE, of Argyll, Scotland, and George

HARRISON and Thomas SMITH of London (all unmarried and aged 21), also arrived by this ship, but apparently as free agents. None went to Camden.

Arrived by the Kinnear, 23 April 1838: FLICK, from Nassau Caspar, vinedresser, 36 Rosina (Klam), 32

Children: John, 3 Henry, 1

GERHARD (Gherard, Gerhardt), from Hattinheim (Hattersheim, near Frankfurt?), Nassau George, vinedresser, 37

216 Camden Francesca, 4.0

Children: Anna Maria, 14 Barbara, 12 William, ro George, 9

John, 6 JUSTUS, from Nassau Johann, vinedresser, 26 Appolonia (Jabrey), vinedresser, 27

Daughter: Oneus, about 18 months SECKOLT (Seckold), from Middelheim, Nassau Frederick, vinedresser, 27 Margareta (Lana), 32

Children: Christianna, 12

Frederick, 9 Michael, 7

Peter, 5 Erinas (daughter), 18 months STEIN, from Erbach, Nassau Johann, vinedresser, 31 Henrietta (Fritzdorf), 36 (or 33?) No children VENTES (Wenz, Wens), from Nassau Johann, vinedresser, 44 Georgiana, 44

Children: Margret, 16 Anna Maria, 7 Catharine, 4 Only the Gerhards, Seckolts and Steins stayed beyond the period of their articles, 1843. The Macarthurs also brought out Germans in the 1850s, including twelve families by the Reihersteig, which arrived 5 August 1852. (Of these only the families of Philipp Fuchs, Christ-

1an Leuchel, Francis Schneider and Martin Thurn stayed at Camden for any length of time.)

Arrived by the John McLellan, 3 October 1838: BUGDEN, from Donhead St Mary, Wiltshire Thomas, labourer, 27 Elizabeth (Read), housekeeper, 24 (cousin of Charles Read)

Children: Agnes, 3 Austin, 13 months

Appendix 1; Bounty Immigrants to Camden, 1837-9 217

KELLOWAY, from Tollard Royal, Wiltshire Stephen, labourer, 25 Selina (Trowbridge), cook, 23

Newly married; no children LOADER, from (Woodlands?), Dorset William, labourer, 21

Phillis (Smart), servant, 22 Son: Thomas, 1 (on 24 January 1838) PENNY, from Donhead St Mary, Wiltshire Henry, labourcr, 28 Jane (Lucas), cook and housemaid, 24 Apparently never at Gamden. READ, from Donhead St Mary, Wiltshire Charles, labourer, 25 (cousin of Elizabeth Bugden) Louisa (Ingram), 24 (? half-sister of Charlotte Smith, Brothers) Daughter: born 5 October 1838 RIDEOUT, from Tollard Farnham, Dorset James, labourer, 35 Caroline (Bennet), farm servant, 26 Children: Wilham, 15 Jasper John, 13 Martha, 9 Mary, 3 John, born at sea, 25 July 1838 TALBOT, from Donhead St Mary, Wiltshire William, labourer, 22 Alice (Buckden, or Bugden), 20

No children

Arrived by the Royal George, 10 March 1839: APPS, from Horsmonden, Kent John, labourer, 40 Ann (Humphreys), house servant, 40 Children: William, 17 George, 15 Daniel, 13

James, I1 Stephen, 9 Horace, 5

Brought out by W. 8. Macleay, brother of George Macleay of Brownlow Hill; briefly at Gamden (Brownlow Hiill?).

218 Camden

BARRETT, from Tollard Royal, Wiltshire , William, bricklayer and plasterer, 24 Eliza (Long), house servant, 21 Son: born June 1839 BISHOP, from Benenden, Kent

Henry, labourer, 22 ,

Mary (Wichgarden), house and farm servant, 20 No children Henry’s brothers Edward, 35, and William, 25, both unmarried, came by the same ship. All were brought out by W. S. Macleay, and none apparently worked at Camden. BOOTH, from Benenden, Kent Stephen, farm servant, 39 Henrietta (Beech), house and farm servant, 39

Children: Louisa, 20 Caroline, 18 Ellen, 17 Sarah, 16 Charles, 12 Matilda, 9 Stephen, 7 Daniel, 5

Henrietta, 7 months CLOUT, from Benenden, Kent Charles, labourer, 34 Ann (Sharpe), 37 Children: Charles, 11 George, 9 Sarah, 4 DAVIS, from Beckley, Sussex William, sawyer and labourer, 36 Elizabeth (Field), farm servant, 35

Children: Charlotte, 12 Mary, 10 Keziah, 8 James, 6 Emma, 4 Eleanor, 23 months DOUCH, from Sturminster, Dorset John, shepherd and stockman, 23

Appendix 1: Bounty Immigrants to Camden, 1837-9 219

Jane (Toop), 19 Son: William, born at sea, 19 January 1839

FULLER, from Beckley, Sussex | William, shepherd, 34

Mary (Field), farm servant, 32 (sister of Elizabeth Davis) Children: George, 14 Eliza, 12 Jane, 10 William, 7 Mary, 6 John, 3 Benjamin, born at sea, 5 January 1839 FURNALL, from Tisbury, Wiltshire Reuben, labourer, 23 Harriet (Benton), housemaid, 20

No children GREEN, from Sixpenny Handley, Dorset Isaac, labourer, 22 Unmarried; apparently left Gamden, March 1840. HAYTER, from Tollard (Royal?), Wiltshire Jeremiah, sawyer, 21 Sarah (Elliot), 21

(Married in 1838) Son: born May 1839 INGRAM, from Donhead, Wiltshire Elias, labourer, 21 Unmarried NORRIS, from Child Okeford, Dorset Sampson, Sawyer, 25

Sarah (Wade, or Read), 25

Children: Henry, 3 Ann, 7 months PERCY, from Shillingstone, Dorset George, farm servant, 31 Mary (Kane), 31

Son: George, born at sea, 9 January 1839 Brought out by W. 8S. Macleay; apparently never at Camden. SANGER, (from Donhead St Mary, Wiltshire?) Ambrose, farm servant, 32

Anne (Plumer), house servant, 32 No children

220 Camden

SHEATHER, from Brede, Sussex Henry, labourer, 40 Mary (Button), ‘washing, brewing and [illegible] work’, 38 (died 18 June 1839)

Children: Harriet, 17 Silas, 16 Eliza, 14 Reuben, 12

Edgar, 9 * Lewis, 7

Julia (or Judith), 5 Ellen, 3 Son, born May and died July 1839 SHEATHER, from Beckley, Sussex James, labourer, 47 (brother of Henry Sheather) Mary (Mileham), farm servant, 39

Children: Edward, 14 Augusta, 12 Samuel, 10 William, 6 George, 5 Frederick, 2 Mary Jane, born at sea, 24 January 1839 Sheather’s age is given as 40 in the immigration records, presumably to ensure his eligibility. His two sons by an earlier marriage,

John, 20, and James, 18, came by the same ship. So did Thomas WILLIAMS, 18, Mary Sheather’s son by an earlier marriage, but he apparently never worked at Camden. SHELOCK, from London Joseph, house servant, 32

Jane (Judge), servant, 30 No children Brought out by W. 8. Macleay; apparently never at Gamden. THORN, from Sixpenny Handley, Dorset Edward, labourer, 21 (brother of Elias Thorn, Brothers) Unmarried

WATMAN, from Biddenden, Kent Joseph, labourer, 26 Hannah (Watchurst), farm servant, 27 Son: Joseph, 1 Brought out by W. 8S. Macleay; apparently never at Camden.

Appendix 1: Bounty Immigrants to Camden, 1837-9 221

Also

James BAYLEY, from Cuddington, (Buckinghamshire?), 25 Abel FENNEL, from Tisbury, Wiltshire, 20 Henry SOUTH, from London, 22 George William, TROWBRIDGE, from Tollard Royal, Wiltshire, 18 (brother of Selina Kelloway, John McLellan) William WENHAM, from Kent, 31 None of these people seem to have come to Gamden.

Appendix 2

Birth Intervals and Size of Families Much of the argument of this book depends on family reconstitution: the process of building family trees for an entire community over a

limited period, using mainly details from births, deaths and marriages registers. ‘his process has been useful for all sorts of purposes, from the construction of individual biographies to the demographic analysis of the population. However, there are problems. Under this system each family is filed in alphabetical order under the name of

the father, so that it 1s the father’s portrait and his family connections which emerge most clearly; the mother 1s adrift, her relations scattered through other parts of the alphabet. Also, family recon-

stitution takes litthe account of people who had no families at Camden (single men in particular). Those who came and went too quickly for detail to accumulate are often in the same situation. This last problem is partly met by the fact that the civil registers of births, deaths and marriages which were commenced in New South Wales in 1856, asked for an unusual amount of detail about past history. Also, the registrar at Camden, J. B. Martin, usually made a point of collecting all information required by law. Such energy was very rare among colonial registrars and the result is a magnificent body of detail.

Most of the statistical argument about Gamden demography is based on the reconstitution of 742 families, for each of which information has been available about at least two local and consecutive events, either a marriage and a birth, or two births. The following information refers to intervals between births, counting up to three years: a total of 2116. They are distinguished roughly according to mother’s age, women being categorized according to whether the birth closing each interval took place before or after they were thirty-one years of age. The detail in chapter 7 refers partly to mother’s birthplace. Here the figures show a clear difference between Irish-born mothers (total intervals, 191 for younger mothers and 155 for older) and those born in England (437 and 572) and Australia (382 and 194). Among the

Appendix 2: Birth Intervals and Size of Families 223

Irish-born 24 per cent of birth intervals were eighteen months or less. Among the English-born it was 11 per cent and among the native-born (some of them of Irish background) 15 per cent. Among all types there are few intervals of less than thirteen months (that is, few conceptions took place less than four months after the birth of the last child). From that point, among the younger Irish-born there

is only a slight increase in frequency until about twenty-four months, and afterwards a decline. In contrast, among the other two national groups the main increase in frequency takes place at about eighteen months, or nine months after last birth. This seems to suggest a suckling period of about nine months which does not apply to the Irish-born.

Chapter 7 also describes birth intervals among farmers’ families divided according to decades. Anything shorter than ten years makes the figures too small for significance. Besides, the two

central decades were distinct periods from an economic point of view, the boom years of the 1850s being marked off from the next ten years by the disastrous floods of 1860.

For the 1840s the total intervals number 70 for younger mothers and 65 for older; for the 1850s, 245 and 181; for the 1860s, 217 and 172; for the 1870s, 111 and 176. The figures show how the frequency of short intervals declined for

both age groups as the depression years succeeded the boom. Among the younger mothers there is a decline in the frequency of 14-19 month intervals: fewer conceived at 5—10 months after last birth. In 1851-60 these made up 25 per cent and in 1861-70 only 14 per cent. More obvious 1s the decline among older mothers, a falling away of the 20-22 month intervals: or in other words of the number of conceptions 11~13 months after last birth. In 1851—60 these made up 20 per cent and in 1861—70 only 6 per cent. For the second group the change suggests longer periods of suckling. In the 1870s there 1s a reversal of this movement, though not enough to restore the pattern of the 1850s. The total number of families completed at Gamden in the 1850s was 53, in the 1860s it was 53 again, and in the 1870s it was 46. The mean size in both the 1850s and the 1860s was 8.9 and in the 1870s it

was g.7. In relating size of family to age at marriage only those women married at Camden (1841-80) have been accounted for, and none have been included who had children after 1890. This makes thirty-seven families where the mother had been under 21 at marriage and forty-eight where she was aged 21-25.

Appendix 3 Camden Officials Magistrates Magistrates’ commissions did not assign them to any particular bench. Some magistrates served on more than one bench in succession or simultaneously. ‘The following detail shows who were active at Camden during the three periods for which there is evidence. The three original Camden magistrates, who recommended the establishment of the court in the village in 1841, were James and

William Macarthur and Charles Cowper. The district formed in August 1841 was known as Camden and Narellan. From January 1850 it was combined with Campbelltown and Picton for police pur-

poses, though courts were still held at all three places. In January 1857 Gampbelltown became separate again. From January 1847 to August 1854 the most active magistrates were James Macarthur and J. N. Oxley, of Kirkham. Also important were William Macarthur, George Bransby (the Camden doctor), who was appointed in 1848 and removed, insane, in 1852, and George Macleay. Cowper largely ceased to attend after 1848. From July 1858 to June 1860 the most active magistrates were all new: Edward Palmer of Elderslie, John Bleeck, the Gamden doctor (Bransby’s successor), J. M. Hassall, of Macquarie Grove, and Charles Cowper junior. William Macarthur kept up his attendance, but James Macarthur and George Macleay left for England. Oxley was less active. James Chisholm, of Gledswood, beyond Narellan, had been appointed in 1856 and Jeremiah Downes, of Brownlow Hill, arrived as a magistrate in 1859. From January 1863 to July 1865 Chisholm, now living at Gamden

Park, was by far the most active magistrate. Both the Macarthurs were abroad, and Bleeck apparently lost interest. Palmer, Oxley and Downes attended frequently, and so did Thomas Barker, a magistrate newly arrived at Nonorrah, near Cobbitty. Arthur Onslow, who married James Macarthur’s daughter Ehzabeth in 1866, was appointed a magistrate in 1867. He undoubtedly took a leading part on the bench in this later period. So did Henry

Appendix 3: Camden Officials 225

Arding ‘Thomas, a very able magistrate, who bought Wivenhoe, near Cobbitty, from the Gowpers in 1874. Evidence for 184.7—54 comes from Bench Books (NSWSA 4/5527,

4/5528); evidence for 1858-60 from a return dated 14 August 1860

(NSWSA 4/3431); and evidence for 1863-5 from Bench Books (NSWSA 4/5529).

Clerks of Petty Sessions

John Downes Wood 1841-3 Wilham Holland Kingston 1843-7 Charles ‘Tompson jr 1847-52

John Benson Martin 1852—86 Clergy, St John’s Church of England Before March 1843 Gamden was part of the parish of Narellan.

Robert Forrest 1843-8 Edward Rogers 1848-58

Henry ‘Tingcombe (on leave, 1860—2) 1858-72

John Fleming Moran 1872—90 Priests, St Paul’s Catholic Church Before 1859-60 Camden was part of the parish of Campbelltown; Dom Ruggiero Emmanuele, a Benedictine monk, officiated 1848-51. Jerome Keating 1860-1

Patrick White January—July 1861 John Rigney (dean) 1861-9 George Francis Dillon 1869-78

P. Cunningham 1878-9

J. Sheridan 1879-84 Ministers, Wesleyan Methodist Church Camden was originally part of the Parramatta circuit but seems to have been inaugurated as a separate circuit, at first with Wollongong, in August 1845.

Jonothan Innes 1845-6 John McKenny 1846-7 George Pickering 1847-50

John Bowes 1851-4 Joshua Fillingham , 1855-6 Charles William Rigg 1856-9

William Clarke 1859-61

226 Camden

Samuel Wilkinson 1861-4

James Watkin 1864-5 Richard Amos 1865-6 George Pickering : 1866-9

William Mansley Bennett 1869-71

Henry W. T. Pincombe 1971-4

Edward James Rodd 1874-7

Charles Wiles 1877-80 Ministers, Primitive Methodist Church Camden and Greendale were formed as a circuit in June 1857, and the minister lived at Camden from about August.

Jabez Langford 1857-60 Charles Waters 1861-4 Samuel Hart 1864-8 Bernard Kenny 1868-71 John Addison | 1871-2 Joseph Simmons Dobson 1872-5 William Sparling 1875-6

William Kingdon 1876-80 National School, Camden

The National school opened on 8 October 1849. The masters were all appointed as married men, with their wives taking an active role in teaching. National schools became Public schools in 1866.

Charles Douglas Elder 1849-53

Matthew Smith 1854-7

Edward Butterfield 1857-8

John C. James 1858-9 John Poole Ollis 1860-5 Matthew Kennet 1866-8 John B. Mills 1868—9 Richard Barton 1870-3 Richard Todd 1874-8 Henry Pollock Reeves 1879-92 Church of England School, Camden There was a Church of England school in the village during the 1840s, which closed on 1 September 1851. Another was begun, in a new building near St John’s church, in 1852-3, with J. Harrington as teacher. Harrington was succeeded in 1855 by Henry Pollock

Appendix 3: Camden Officials 227

Reeves, who remained in charge until the school closed at the beginning of 1879.

Catholic School, Camden

Catherine James 1860-1

P. Hynes 1862—-? John Beston ?—1867 Frances Sophia Dunsford 1867-71

M. J. Doyle ? — McGrath >.

Joseph Patrick Buggy 1871-3

From 1883 the school was managed by the Sisters of St Joseph.

Appendix 4 The Camden Aborigines There are so many doubts and difficulties in tracing the lives of individual Aborigines at Camden that it has been impossible to say much about them in the main part of this book. The following detail shows what evidence survives. The earliest account of the Gamden Aborigines where they appear

as individuals dates from 1810 and is to be found in Governor Macquarie’s Journals. He gives a list of nine adults who, with ‘4 or 5

children of different ages’, came to meet him on his first tour of Cowpastures and ‘honoured us with their company and attendance during our stay’.! They were: Koggie, whom Macquarie calls ‘the Native Chief of the Gow-Pasture Tribe’; Nantz and Mary, Koggie’s two wives; Bootbarrie; Mary, Bootbarrie’s wife; Young Bundle;

Mandagerry; Jindle; Bull. On another tour, in 1815, Macquarie had the benefit of Boot-

barrie’s (now spelt Boodbury) guidance between Stonequarry Creek and the Nattai River.* Again in 1816 the same man (but now

‘Budberrah’) stepped forward as interpreter when the Camden Aborigines attempted to mediate between the settlers and hostile people from the south. From the settlers’ point of view he was now ‘the native known by the name of Mr McArthur’s Budbury’.> As John Macarthur had been away from the colony since 1809, this may suggest a connection between Boodbury and the Camden Park

establishment dating back to the first years of white settlement, 1805-9. [The use of European names for the Aborigines as early as 1810 points in the same direction. During or soon after Macquarie’s time, Koggie apparently died and Boodbury seems to have emerged as the leading Aborigine of the Gamden area. However Bundal also made himself useful to the

settlers. He and another Aborigine, who was given the name ‘Broughton’, set off from Meehan’s farm in March 1818 to accom-

pany Charles Throsby on his exploring expedition into the south country, and Bundal acted as interpreter between ‘Throsby and the people there.* For a short period from early 1822 he was a constable

Appendix 4: The Camden Aborigines 229

at Upper Minto (Narellan), receiving as pay half a pound of tobacco

a month. In 1825 James and William Macarthur sought to reappoint him, and another Aborigine named Johnny, as constables on the Camden side of the river, on a proper wage. This was dis-

allowed. Bundal was then said to be thirty-five years old, and Johnny seventeen. On at least three occasions in 1825-6 Bundal helped the police catch thieves and runaway convicts. In December 1826 the Gamden Bench gave him a blanket by way of reward.°

A sketch of the Gamden Aborigines at the end of the 1820s appears in a letter from James Macarthur, then in England, to his brother William at Gamden Park. In it James refers to ‘Boodbury, Bundal, Botryan &c’. He asks to be remembered ‘to his Majesty and train, not omitting my old friend Johnny, Mrs Caso and Miss Lizzy’.

Thus Boodbury and Bundal seem to have remained the two most prominent figures of the group throughout these first decades of contact with the white people. Bolyan may be the ‘Bion’ who went with Throsby on his expedition to Bathurst in 1819; he is not to be found elsewhere.®

There was close contact between the Camden Aborigines and those who spent most of their time at Burragorang and Natta, so much so that the two were sometimes described as one tribe. However, Werriberri (or William Russell), leading man at Burragorang until his death in 1914, wrote that the Camden people were quite distinct; in his childhood (the 1830s) ‘Old Bundle was. . . the chief of that tribe’. The leading man, or ‘king’, of his own people was his uncle, the famous Morringally, or Moyengully (Werriberri spells it “My-an-garlie’).’ There are three surviving lists of the combined population, dating from 1837, 1838 and 1842. The 1838 and 1842 lists refer to Old Bundal, or Burreach (or Burryatt), aged about fifty (in 1842), with two wives and (in 1842) three young sons and a daughter. This is presumably the Young Bundal of 1810, the constable, who was thus about twenty years old when Macquarie saw him.® In 1843 William Howe, a Campbelltown magistrate, referred to ‘Bundle’ and his wife, whose usual resort was Camden, applying to him for blankets. ‘This man was again about fifty years old, which might identify him as the original Bundal except that his Aboriginal name was said to be Cuddeban. Certainly Old Bundal was still alive in 1843: he went to one of James Macarthur’s election meetings. At Gampbelltown he and his wife were accompanied by Jackey, another Gamden man, aged about forty, with a wife and three children. Jackey (Wolloring, Wollarung or Wallerawong) also appears

230 Camden

on the 1838 and 1842 lists. In 1838 he is said to be about thirty, with three wives and two sons, and in 1842, again about thirty, with one wife, Onoowolling, and one son.? The absence of Boodbury’s name from any of these lists suggests that he had died between 1829 and 1837. ‘The paddock named after him, where the people camped at Camden Park, was referred to as ‘Broadberry’s’, “‘Boadberry’s’ and ‘Bradbury’s’, during the 1840s, a vagueness of pronunciation which may indicate that the man him-

self had been forgotten.!° On the other hand, something lke his name does appear among those of four adult Aborigines who were baptized by the Catholic priest at Campbelltown during the 1840s. In the baptismal register it is spelt “‘Budberry’. He (if it was he) was admitted to the faith, with the Christian name John, on 5 June 1842, together with another Aborigine named Edward Barrett. A woman named Mary was baptized in 1846 and one John Mobbiter in 18409. Again, something like his name—John Badberry—appears on the first electoral roll under manhood suffrage, drawn up early in 1859. This Badberry lived at Camden Park and, like a common labourer, he was qualified to vote by mere residence. However, if this was Boodbury he was now at least seventy, an uncommon age for an Aborigine at the time. He was certainly dead by February 1860, when a report to the Herald referred to him as ‘the late chief of this part of the country’.!!

In May 1843 William Macarthur wrote that the Aborigines ‘constantly within the Police District of Camden and Narellan’ numbered eighteen. (In the previous year the combined groups , as described above, were said to number sixty-two.) Macarthur asked that they each be given a blanket for Winter in the annual distribution by the government in Sydney, although they had lately been obliged to share: ‘it is impossible’, he said, ‘in their state of destitution, to discriminate [among them]’.!* However, Governor Gipps argued that it would be wrong to make the Aborigines believe that they had any right to blankets without working for them, and that they should at least continue to share. In June 1845 James Macarthur attempted to compromise by sending in a list of only six names, explaining that “These people are quite incapable of doing work to earn money to purchase blankets’, and urging that they be given one each, in spite of ‘the general rule’. Gipps consented as the number was so small.!° James Macarthur’s list seems to have included four

women and two men: Mary, Polly, Bundai, Nelly, Bondal, and Jemima. These Aborigines, who made up a third of the group, were presumably all old and/or infirm. Boodbury is not on Macarthur’s

Appendix 4: The Gamden Aborigines 231

list but either “Bondal’ or ‘Bundai’ is presumably Old Bundal. In 1848 Gipps’s policy had been reversed by the new governor, Sir Charles FitzRoy, and twenty blankets were issued. This may suggest that the size of the group had increased slightly during the 1840s. In

fact twenty was found inadequate and the Camden Bench applied for thirty in the following year. However, according to John Antill, one of the magistrates at Picton, ‘some of the Blacks belong to no

regular tribe, but wander indiscriminately from one district to another, sometimes obtaining blankets here, and at others at Berrima or Camden, as they happen to be in the neighbourhood’. It was thus, he said, impossible to predict the number needed by each bench. In 1853 Camden asked for thirty-five, only to find that they had enough left over for 1854 as well.'* It may be that in 1853-4 only those ‘constantly within the Police District’ applied. There are only scraps of information about the individual Aborigines who survived into the tenant-farming period. One of them, Johnny Tindal, was employed from the 1830s on a regular basis at Camden Park. He is described as a ‘rough rider’, which means that he helped in breaking in horses. From March 1837 he was paid four shillings a week, increased to five shillings in October 1838. He was afterwards taken on by the year, and was receiving £20 p.a. in

1841-3, afterwards reduced to £15: a good wage for a common labourer.!° Johnny may well have been the constable of 1825 (the ages fit) and also James Macarthur’s ‘old friend Johnny’, mentioned in his 1829 letter. He may also be identical with the “Yellow Johnny’ whose story is told in Chapter 10. According to Wilham Macarthur

this man was born at Camden about 1810, while the description ‘yellow’ means that his father was a European. There was also a ‘Camden Johnny’, possibly identical with one or both of the above, who welcomed Mrs James Macarthur on her arrival at Camden in 1839 with a demonstration of boomerang throwing. Finally, one or all of these men may be the Jackey mentioned carlier, because the Camden Park account books refer to ‘Jackey ‘Tindal’ in 1834.!°

Other evidence confirms a gradual decline in numbers during these first decades of closer settlement. Some of the old ways were kept up: Mrs Macarthur went to watch corroborces near the Gamden Park house in 1839, 1846 and 1850.'’ However, in 1845 Matthew McAlister, a Picton magistrate, reported that local Aboriginal numbers (including, apparently, those at Gamden) had shrunk by about

5 per cent in the last five or ten years. He gave the total for the combined tribes as sixty-seven: 1n fact an increase on the sixty-two reported for 1842. ‘These included fifteen children, of whom nine

232 Camden

were part-Aboriginal. ‘hey could no longer find food for themselves

because of the increased occupation of their original hunting grounds’, but ‘A few occasionally reap, and pull and husk maize, for which they are paid in provisions, tobacco, old clothes, and sometimes muskets, and fowling pieces’. '8

The scarcity of children had affected numbers at Camden by the 1840s. The 1850s was a period of more radical decline, as the old people died. ‘There is no mention of corroborees after 1850. There are two more lists, similarly drawn up in connection with the issue of blankets, dating from 1863 and 1865.!9 The 1869 list is: Johnny, Nelly, Mary, Peggy, Nanny, Susan, Jemmy, Dickey, Willmot, and Bill Bursill. From this it appears that four of the old and infirm listed in 1845 (Polly, Bundai, Bondal and Jemima) had died. So too had Mary, as the Mary of 1863 was probably a different person. (The earlier Mary may have been one of the two noticed by Macquarie. )

Another who had died was Betsey Bundle (not listed in 1845), buried at public expense in 1855.7°

Most of the survivors can probably be sorted into two families.

Johnny and Nelly lived together at the Camden Park orchard. Nanny, a part-Aboriginal, had once lived with Richard Barrett, a white labourer on Camden Park, and Jemmy, Peggy (or Margaret) and Mary were probably their children, born 1845-56. Susan also seems to have been a close connection of Nanny’s.*! The 1865 list is

identical with that of 1863, except that Nelly has gone. She may have died, but other evidence suggests she outlived Johnny, who was still alive in 1880.?? Willmot (or Wilmott) was also still alive at the end of our period.

One of the Onslow children remembered in later years that ‘Old Wilmott. ..had a room where the laundry is now. He kept a gun in his room with a hole rusted through one of the barrels—shot possums with it... Never discovered whether Wilmott ate the possums or sold the skins—probably both.’*? However, Nanny died in 1870 of ‘chronic inflammation of the lungs’ and ‘general debility’, aged

about fifty-four.2+ She left five children, of whom Margaret and Mary married local labouring men. Thus it seems that the few Aborigines born in the period of closer settlement dispersed themselves among the settlers. According to James Macarthur-Onslow, writing in the twentieth century, ‘Some of their descendants are still here, and doing well, too’.2° However, their ancestry was largely forgotten.

Notes

Abbreviations

CO Colonial Office HO Home Office HRA Historical Records of Australia JRAHS Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society

ML Mitchell Library

NSWSA — New South Wales State Archives

SMH Sydney Morning Herald VisP Votes and Proceedings CHAPTER 1 1 James Raymond, The New South Wales Calendar, and General Post Office Directory, 1832 (Sydney, 1832), p.55.

2 SMH, 21 March 1842.

3 Patrick Curry’s statement to Caroline Chisholm, 6 January 1846. SMH, 6 June 1848 (incorrect in the number of his children).

4 Edward Hamilton to Miss Hamilton, his aunt, 21 June 1841, microfilm, ML MSS 57/o60 (original among the Hamilton Papers, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich). 5 James Macleay to William Macleay, 6 February 1834, ML Aqggog. 6 J.J. Moloney, Early Menangle (Newcastle, NSW, 1929), p.3; Griffith Taylor, Sydneyside Scenery and how it came about (Sydney, 1970), pp.84—90. 7 David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, vol.1

(London, 1798), p.366; George Caley, ‘Report of a Journey to the Cowpastures’ (in February 1804), ML Cr12, pp.8-9. 8 William Bligh to William Windham, 31 October 1807, HRA i, vol. VI, p.144; Marie E. Phillips, The Vegetation of the Wianamatta Shale and associated soil types (M.Sc. thesis, University of Sydney, 1947), p.3. g Collins, op.cit., p.437; Philip Gidley King to Lord Hobart, 1 March 1804, HRA 1, vol. IV, p.462; ‘Governor King’s Observations on [the] Cow Pastures 1805’, ML C119, p.3. 10 ‘Governor King’s Observations. ..’, p.3; Henry Waterhouse to John Macarthur, 12 March 1804, in Sibella Macarthur Onslow (ed.), Some Early Records of the Macarthurs of Camden (Sydney, 1914), p.87.

11 Caley, op.cit., p.7. Koalas, native cats, possums and platypus could still be seen near Camden in the early twentieth century. Wombats and

234 Camden

dingoes disappeared in the late nineteenth century. All the birds except brolgas still survived in the 1970s (Moloney, op.cit., p.5; information from Mr R. Nixon, Gamden, some of it originally from the late Mr A. V. Wood).

12 Description by John Macarthur jr, after his father, on a map of the Cowpastures, originally enclosed with Macarthur to R. J. Wilmot Horton, [31?] July 1823, CO 201/147, PRO MPG 305/22218 (I owe

this reference and a copy of the map to Dr Hazel King); Edward Macarthur’s notes on a visit to Gamden Park, 24-30 June 1824, ML A2Q913, pp.go-2.

13 Henry Waterhouse to John Macarthur, 12 March 1804, Macarthur Onslow, op.cit., p.87,

14 R.H. Mathews & M. M. Everitt, “The Organisation, Language and Initiation Ceremonies of the Aborigines of the South-East Coast of N.S. Wales’, Journal and Transactions of the Royal Society of New South Wales, vol.34 (1900), p.265.

15 Sir William Macarthur’s notes on Aborigines (incomplete), [1870?], ML A2935, pp.243-5; William Russell, MZy Recollections (Camden, 1914), pp.20—-1. Werriberri’s gravestone, a concrete representation of a tree stump, can be seen in the Catholic cemetery at Camden. 16 Caley, op.cit., pp.6—48. Cannaboygal was killed by soldiers near Appin in 1816 (R. H. W. Reece, Aborigines and Colonists, Sydney, 1974, p.109).

Perhaps ‘Kannabygles Plains’, mentioned by Governor Macquarie as between Bargo and Mittagong, was his place of origin (Lachlan Macquarie, Governor of New South Wales: Journals of his Tours in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land 1810-1822, Sydney, 1956, pp.144—-5).

17. J. F. Gampbell, ‘Notes on “Explorations under Governor Phillip’’’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, vol.12 (1926), p.34; Wat-

kin Tench, Sydney’s First Four Years (ed. L. F. Fitzhardinge, Sydney, 1961), pp.174—5; Collins, op.cit., p.131. 18 Sir William Macarthur’s notes on Aborigines, pp.244—-5; James Macar-

thur’s speech in the Legislative Council, 23 August 1842, SMH, 24 August 1842.

19 John Hunter to Duke of Portland, 21 December 1795, HRA i, vol.I, pp.550—1; Collins, op.cit., pp.436—7.

20 Hunter to Portland, 21 December 1795, ibid.; ‘Governor King’s Observations...’ (pagination not complete); Caley, op.cit., p.7. 21 Caley, op.cit., pp.3, 11, 48; Collins, op.cit., vol.IT (London, 1802), p.86; Sydney Gazette, 10 July 1803; 26 February 1804. King’s order was

repeated until late in Governor Macquarie’s time (see James Jervis, ‘Gamden and the Cowpastures’, /RAHS, vol.21 (1935), pp.243-4). 22. Lord Camden to Philip Gidley King, 31 October 1804, HRA i, vol.V, p.161.

23 See Macarthur Onslow, op.cit., pp.56-133, 314-44, 389-447; M. H. Ellis, John Macarthur (Sydney, 1955), pp.240—50, 484-9; Jill Kerr, ‘The

Notes 235 Wool Industry in New South Wales, 1803-1830’ (in two parts), Bulletin of the Business Archives of Australia, vols I and IT (1961, 1962); H. B. Carter, His Majesty’s Spanish Flock (Sydney, 1964), pp.288—98; Alan

Atkinson, The Position of John Macarthur and His Family in New South Wales before 1842 (M. A. thesis, University of Sydney, 1971), pp.29—40; Brian H. Fletcher, Landed Enterprise and Penal Society (Sydney,

1976), pp.73-6, 207-9; J. C. Garran & L. White, Merinos, Myths and _ Macarthurs (Canberra, 1985).

24 Waterhouse to Macarthur, 12 March 1804, loc.cit., pp.86—7; Camden to King, 31 October 1804, loc.cit., p.161; Ellis, op.cit., p.234; Atkinson, op.cit., pp.37—8.

25 King to Camden, 20 July 1805, and King to Camden, 1 November 1805 (enclosing Macarthur to King, 12 October 1805, King to Macar-

thur, 13 October 1805, and King’s order to James Meehan, Acting Surveyor—General, n.d.), HRA 1, vol. V, pp.510, 576-9.

26 Entries for 29-31 October 1805 and 4 December 1805 (two separate surveys, the first, in which Macarthur was given a single block, ‘being altered by permission of the Governor’, namely King), Meehan’s field notebook 1805-11, NSWSA $2734; list of land grants, 1792-1807, NSWSA 7/444, p.154; descriptions by John Macarthur jr on a map of the Cowpastures, 1823, loc.cit. The grants were formally made on 18 December 1805.

27 Caley, op.cit., p.50; ‘A New Plan of the Settlements in New South Wales’, in D. D. Mann, The Present Picture of New South Wales (London, 1811); Lachlan Macquarie. . . Journals of his Tours. . . , op.cit., pp.6, 9.

28 James Harrex to Lachlan Macquarie, 27 January 1810, Petitions to the Governor 1810, no.135, NSWSA 4/1821; Fletcher, op.cit., pp.51, 54-5. Harrex’s land was formally granted by Paterson (HRA i, vol. VII,

p.305), and the grant was confirmed by Macquarie on his arrival (NSWSA 7/447, p.7). 29 ‘List of Grants of Land surrendered into the Secretary’s Office’, 1810 (nos 122, 222, 252), HRA1, vol. VII, pp.307, 310: An Accurate List of the Names of the Land-Holders, in the Colony of New South Wales, Gc, Gc. (Lon-

don, 1814) (district of Minto), nos 76-83. 30 The thirteen grantees were Thomas Galvin, Henrietta Fletcher, Joseph Nettleton, Edward Lambe, Isaac Knight, Thomas Gilbert, Edward Johnstone, Robert Higgins, Thomas Trotter, ‘Thomas Jones, Barrow Jackson, Michael Geary and William Wells. See the entry for 27 July 1811, Meehan’s field notebook 1811, NSWSA 2/2747 (Macquarie Grove); entry for 10 August 1811, Meehan’s field notebook 1805-11, NSWSA 8Z734.

CHAPTER 2 1 Helen Heney, Australia’s Founding Mothers (Melbourne, 1978), p.208, quoting Ellis Bent.

236 Camden 2 Sydney Gazette, 22 October 1809; Elizabeth Paterson to W. G. Mackenzie, 24 March 1810, National Library of Scotland MSS 6366, ff.34—6. 3 Lachlan Macquarie, Governor of New South Wales: Journals of his Tours in New South. Wales and Van Diemen’s Land 1810-1822 (Sydney, 1956), pp.5—-12,

113-22,

4 Edward Johnstone, Robert Higgins and ‘Thomas Trotter, and Trotter’s servant Thomas Jones, an ex-convict.

5 The five were Thomas Galvin, Thomas Gilbert, Barrow Jackson, Michael Geary, and William Wells. 6 Old Bailey Sessions Papers, 7 December 1791-31 October 1792, p.157; entry for ‘James Galwin’. (sic), 9 February 1792, Newgate Register

1791-2, HO 26/1, f.57; report of the trial of Sarah Wood, Berrows Worcester Journal, 12 March 1801 (kindly communicated by the County Archivist of Hereford and Worcester).

7 Philip Gidley King, ‘A Statement of the Married and Unmarried Women, with the number of their Children, in New South Wales, August, 1806’, HRNSW, vol.VI, pp.151, 162; Peter F. McDonald, Marriage in Australia (Canberra, 1974), pp.25-31, 34.

8 Hannibal Macarthur to John Macarthur, 3 July 1813, in Sibella Macarthur Onslow (ed.), Some Early Records of the Macarthurs of Camden

(Sydney, 1914), p.299. Lachlan Macquarie... Journals of his Tours. .., op.cit., p.114; return of livestock at Gamden Park and Elizabeth Farm, 28 January 1814, ML A29q63. g Old Bailey Sessions Papers, 8 December 1790-26 October 1791, pp.1512; The Complete Peerage, vol.I1I (London, 1913), p.132.

10 Sydney Gazette, 16, 30 November 1806; Camden Park Day Book 180417, ML Aqi75-2, f.117; Lachlan Macquarie... Journals of his Tours. .., op.cit., p.120; J. F. Gampbell, “The Wild Cattle of the Cowpastures, and the Village [sic] of Cawdor’, /RAHS, vol.XIV (1928), pp.48—52; A. T. Yarwood, Samuel Marsden: The Great Survivor (Melbourne, 1977), p.218. Information about the Seven Hills farm kindly supplied by Mr H. Carr.

11 Lachlan Macquarie to Lord Bathurst, 10 October 1823, in John Ritchie (ed.), The Evidence to the Bigge Reports (Melbourne, 1971), vol.2, p.285; Gampbell, op.cit., pp.50—1.

12 Lachlan Macquarie... journals of his Tours..., op.cit., pp.165—6, 2357.

13 Numerous cases of illicit sale of alcohol, Gawdor Bench Books, 1825-6, NSWSA 4/7567, 2696; police report from Airds and Upper Minto, 1 June 1825, NSWSA 4/7419; Thomas Meyrick to Alexander Macleay, 24 August, 4 October 1831, NSWSA 4/1103, pp.83, 87-90.

14 Thomas Galvin and Edward Fletcher to Thomas Hassall, May 1822, ML A1677~3, pp.1031—3; Charles Gordon to Thomas Reddall, 29 July

1826, Reddall to Charles Cowper, 2 August, 4 September 1826, NSWSA 4/320. Simultaneously the government planned the building

Notes 237 of an Anglican church and school ‘near the Nepean on the Cowpasture Road’ (Sydney Gazette, 27 October 1825), but nothing was done.

15 Thomas Hassall to Charles Cowper, 17 September 1827, NSWSA 4/ 321, PP-353—4-

16 Herbert’s account, Gamden Park Day Book 1804-17, ML Aq4175-2; Herbert’s return of livestock at Gamden Park and Elizabeth Farm, 31 December 1817, ML A2963. The 1819 muster (HO 10/1, part 1, f.175) refers to Herbert as a labourer, not a landowner. For the ferryman, John Macnamara, see Cawdor Bench Book, 30 January 1826, NSWSA 2696.

17 Cawdor Bench Book, 20 September, 4, 10 October 1825, NSWSA 4/ 7567, and 17 October 1825, NSWSA 2696.

18 James Macarthur to John Macarthur, 12 February 1824, ML A2goo; Edward Macarthur’s notes on a visit to Gamden Park, 24~30 June 1824, ML A2g13, pp.go-2.

1g Stonequarry-Cawdor Bench Book, 1, 8 February 1830, NSWSA 4/ 7572:

20 John Hawdon to Gilbert Wood, 20 August 1832, ML DOC 1046. 21 Cawdor Bench Book, 13 February 1826, NSWSA 2696, and 19 February, 24 September 1827, NSWSA 4/7568. 22 G.K. Holden to Alexander Macleay, 28 September 1833, NSWSA 4/ 2189.1; but see also H. GC. Antill’s evidence before the Committee on Immigration (Legislative Council), V@P 1824-37, p.347 (24 June 1835).

23 Sydney Gazette, 9, 16, 23 March 1816; Samuel Hassall to Thomas Hassall, 16 March 1816, ML A1677—4, pp.619—-22; R. H. W. Reece, Aborigines and Colonists (Sydney, 1974), p.109.

24 Sir William Macarthur’s notes on Aborigines (incomplete), [1870?], ML A2935, pp.244—-5; notes by J. W. Macarthur—Onslow, [c.1945], “Told me by Sir Wiliam Macarthur, my Great Uncle’, kindly shown to me by Annette Macarthur—Onslow.

25 John Macarthur to Elizabeth Macarthur, Friday [1824?], ML A2808, p.366; see Appendix 4. 26 Sydney Gazette, 13 September 1838; Sir William Macarthur’s notes on Aborigines, op.cit., p.244; notes by J. W. Macarthur—Onslow, op.cit. 27 Stonequarry—Cawdor Bench Book, 18 January 1820, NSWSA 4/7572,

and 29 June 1832, 16 April 1834, NSWSA 4/5626; Cawdor Bench Book, 30 January, 27 March, 10, 24 April 1826 (involving the same men), NSWSA 9/2602. 28 Cawdor Bench Book, 1g November 1827, NSWSA 4/7568. 29 E. P. Thompson, ‘Patrician Society, Plebeian Culture’, Journal of Social Mistory, vol.7 (1974), pp.389—g0.

30 Stonequarry—Cawdor Bench Book, 14 January 1832, NSWSA 4/7573. See also Alan Atkinson, ‘Four Patterns of Convict Protest’, Labour History, no.37 (November 1979), pp.46-8.

238 Camden

31 Cawdor Bench Book, 24 July 1826, NSWSA 2696, and 11 June 1827, NSWSA 4/7568.

32 Samuel Hassall to William Macarthur, 5 August 1828 (not sent), ML A1677-4, pp.878-9. 33 Cawdor Bench Book, 22 August 1825, NSWSA 4/7567, and 23 November, 27 December 1826, 5 March, 18 June, 1 October 1827, NSWSA 4/7508; James Macarthur’s evidence before the Select Committee on ‘Transportation (House of Commons), 1837 (518) XIX, p.200 (23 May

1837); Patrick Curry’s statement to Caroline Chisholm, 6 January 1846, SMA, 6 June 1848.

34 James Macarthur’s evidence before the Select Committee on Transportation (House of Gommons), loc.cit., pp.163—4, 165, 201 (19, 23 May 1837); James Macarthur to Emily Macarthur, 21 June 1845, ML A4341.

35 Stonequarry—Cawdor Bench Book, 10 May 1830, NSWSA 4/7572. 36 ©6Judith Wright, ‘Space Between’, Alive: Poems 1971-72 (Sydney, 1973), p.21. lam grateful to Angus & Robertson, publishers, for permission to use these lines. 37 ‘|[Poem] Written on the banks of the Nepean River, Camden, Australia, Sept. 1827’, ML A2g20, pp.366—7.

CHAPTER 3 1 David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, vol.I,

(London, 1798), p.402. 2 John Barrell, The Idea of Landscape and the Sense of Place 1730-1840 (Cam-

bridge, 1972), p.76.

3 Edward Macarthur’s notes on a visit to Gamden Park, 24-30 June 1824, ML Ag2org.

4 New South Wales; its Present State and Future Prospects (London 1837), pp.186—7.

5 T.M. Perry, Australia’s First Frontier: The Spread of Settlement in New South Wales 1788-1829 (London, 1963).

6 Notices referring to a project for ‘Establishing a Bridge or Punt over the Cow pasture River’, Sydney Gazette, 24, 31 July, 14, 28 August 1823; James Raymond, The New South Wales Calendar, and General Post Office Directory, 1832 (Sydney, 1832), pp.88—90; James Macarthur to William

‘Macpherson, Collector of Internal Revenue, 19 April 1833, NSWSA 4/31. 7 Sydney Gazette, 1g August 1826, Alexander Macleay to Lt Hughes, Surveyor of Roads and Bridges, 22 April, 1 May 1828, NSWSA 2/1423;

T. L. Mitchell, William Cordeaux and George Innes (Commissioners for Apportioning the Territory) to Macleay, 17 April 1830, ML Aggzr, pp.125-—7; Macleay to Commissioners, and to Mitchell, both ro June 1830, ibid., pp.129-31; road gang reports, April-September 1830,

Notes 239

NSWSA 9/2689; James and William Macarthur to Macleay, 15 March, 12 November 1834, NSWSA 2/7917. 8 ‘T. L. Mitchell, ‘Report on the Great Road Southward’, 23 March 1830,

enclosed with Mitchell to Alexander Macleay, 26 March 1830, NSWSA 9/2684.

g Edward Macarthur’s notes, 24-30 June 1824; Peter Cunningham, Two Years in New South Wales (London, 1827), vol.I, pp.101—2, 105; James Atkinson, An Account of the State of Agriculture and Grazing in New South Wales (London, 1826), p.41. 10 James Atkinson, op.cit., pp.28, 81; Brian H. Fletcher, Landed Enterprise and Penal Society (Sydney, 1976), pp.220-4.

11 Muster book for Molles Main (so called), 1823, NSWSA 4/1222; 1828 census. 12 Sydney Gazette, 27 January 1821; James Atkinson, op.cit., pp.53-6.

13 Hawdon to Gilbert Wood, 20 August 1832, ML DOC 1046.

14 James Atkinson, op.cit., p.40; James Macarthur’s memorandum, 8 May 1832, ML Ag2g7r. See also Alan Atkinson, The Political Life of

James Macarthur (Ph.D. thesis, Australian National University, 1976), pp.42-4.

15 Returns for agriculture, 1835-41, NSWSA 4/7257. Compare the parishes of Gamden and Narellan, 1835, with the united police district of Gamden and Narellan, 1841. 16 Hawdon to Wood, 20 August 1832, ML DOC 1046. 17. James Atkinson, op.cit., pp.30, 32; Sydney Gazette, 12 January 1826; Camden Park Accounts, 29 March—15 October 1831, ML A42o02; J. and W. Macarthur’s account, Coghill’s journals, no.51, entry 35, and

no.52, entry 97, Maddrell Family Papers, NL microfilm; returns of mills, manufactures, etc., 1829, 1831-41, NSWSA 4/7267; J. B. M. [John Benson Martin], Reminiscences (Gamden, 1884), p.28.

18 Police reports and returns, 1830-1, NSWSA 4/1103; 1831, NSWSA

4/7419; 1833-5, NSWSA 4/7385-7; 1839-41, NSWSA 4/7839-

4/7841. ,

19 Australian, 2 February 1826, 15 July, 15 December 1831, 20 April 1832; Sydney Herald, 28 July 1841 (Pearson’s obituary).

20 Memorandum enclosed with James Raymond, PMG, to Sir George Gipps, 27 April 1839, Legislative Council V@P 1839, vol.I, p.484; list of farmers supplied by the government with seed wheat, 12 September 1839, and H. C. Antill to Colonial Treasurer, 28 September 1840, both NSWSA 4/758. It has been stated, quite wrongly, that Cawdor was a village in this period, with a population of more than goo (J. F. Gampbell, “Che Wild Cattle of the Gowpastures, and the Village of Cawdor’, JRAHS, vol.14 (1929), pp.51—5. 21 Stonequarry Bench Book, 12 September 1837, NSWSA 4/5627; J. W. C. Cumes, Their Chastity was not too Rigid: Leisure Times in Early Australia

(Melbourne, 1979), p.113.

240 Camden

22 Lucy Hassall to Thomas Hassall, 29 May—16 August 1821, ML A1677—3, pp.1187—9g0.

23 Samuel Hassall to Thomas Hassall, 6 February 1820, ML A1677-4, pp.687—90; Edward Macarthur’s notes, 24—30 June 1824; Colossians 3—4 and Romans 13. 24 Reddall to T. H. Scott, 2 August 1826, NSWSA 4/320; Reddall to Thomas Hassall, 23 February 1827, A1677—-1. This last letter shows that by

early 1827 Camden Park was also a preaching station. Marsden had preached at Kirkham and Camden in 1825 (S. Hassall to T. Hassall, 6 June 1825, ML A1677-4). 25 Hassall to Charles Cowper, 14 October 1829, NSWSA 4/322B; Hassall and Cowper to Bishop Broughton, 26 August 1839, NSWSA 2/1845; W. W. Burton, The State of Religion and Education in New South Wales (London, 1840), pp.180-3. 26 Bishop Polding to Sir Richard Bourke, 6 May 1836, Legislative Council V&P 1832-7, pp.516-—17; James Waldersee, Catholic Society in New South

Wales 1788-1860 (Sydney, 1974), p.192; entries by Fr Therry and Fr

Goold in the registers of baptisms and marriages, Catholic church papers at Campbelltown. For the life of Goold (1812-86), later Archbishop of Melbourne, see the Australian Dictionary of Biography, vol.4.

27 Memorial to the Governor from the Synod of NSW, 23 July 1838, V@P 1838, p.265.

28 For one such escape, see Thomas Meyrick to Alexander Macleay, 24 August, 4 October 1831, and Constable Edward Fletcher’s explanation, 10 September 1831, NSWSA 4/1103.

29 Memorial to the Governor from John Coghill and others, mainly inhabitants of Upper Minto and Cook, 16 December 1830; T. L. Mitchell to Alexander Macleay, 7, 27 May 1831, and Darling’s minute, 18 May, on the first letter, and John Macarthur to Macleay, 3 June 1831, all at

NSWSA 4/2519.7. ,

30 T. C. Harington’s memorandum, “Township at Kirkham Bridge’, 21 September 1831, ibid. One result of this decision was that the government returned briefly to the idea of taking the main road by Menangle (Governor’s minute with the financial estimates of 1833, 27 September 1832, V@P 1832-7, p.52; Sir Thomas Mitchell, ‘Report upon the progress made in Roads and in the Construction of Public Works in New South Wales from the year 1827, to June 1835’, n.d., ML A331, p.294). 31 Memorandum [by Peter Louns?], 15 July 1835, on a loose sheet in the Camden Park Account Book, 1835-7, ML A4186, f.39. 32 James Macarthur’s speech at a diocesan committee meeting, Sydney, 7

October 1841, SMH, 9 October 1841; James Macarthur’s election speech, Liverpool, 14 January 1843, Australian, 16 January 1843; Alan Atkinson, “The Political Life of James Macarthur’, op.cit., pp.14—16, 22-7, 193-9, 427. 33 “Subscription for a Church and Schoolroom to be built on Public Land

Notes 241 near the Cow Pasture bridge in the District of Camden, in aid of which

objects the Government will contribute funds equal to the amount subscribed by Private Individuals’ (two copies), 9 September 1835, Anglican church papers at Camden. 34 This letter and a number of others on the same subject are no longer to

be found among the State Archives. For a summary, see Colonial Secretary’s Register of In-letters, NSWSA 2367, no.35/7485; and see T.

C. Harington to T. L. Mitchell, 8 October 1835, NSWSA 2/1468; T. CG. Harington to Mortimer Lewis, Colonial Architect, 8 October 1835, NSWSA 4/3883; Mitchell to H. F. White, 21 November 1835, NSWSA 4/5425 (this letter appears not to have been sent). 35 This is the only possible explanation, though the evidence is incomplete (see last note; Colonial Secretary’s Register of In-letters, January—June 1836, NSWSA 2369, no.36/1778, referring to a letter from James and William Macarthur, 26 February 1836). For two copies of the original

plan, see NSWSA X753, no.51 (rough draft), and NSWSA AO Map

no.89 (fair copy). A third, with some pencil additions (by James Macarthur?), is in the Historical Society museum at Camden. 36 Compare the plan for a village at Riversford (Menangle), 3 February 1849, ML A4a2r7, p.31. For some of Mitchell’s ideas on town planning, see his letters to the government, 1829-40, NSWSA 4/2519. 37 E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth, UK, 1968), p.248. For accounts of the labourers’ revolt, see J. L. & Barbara Hammond, The Village Labourer 1760-1832 (London, 1911); E. J. Hobsbawm & George Rudé, Captain Swing (Harmondsworth, UK, 1969).

38 James Macarthur’s speech in the Legislative Council, 7 July 1855, SMH, 8 July 1855. 39 Norwich Mercury, 30 March 1833 (account of Turner’s trial, kindly located and photocopy supplied by M. C. Wilkins—Jones of the Norwich

Central Library); other useful information from Miss Jean Kennedy, Norfolk County Archivist; indents for convicts by the Aurora 1, NSWSA

4/4018; William Macarthur’s evidence before the Committee on Immigration (Legislative Council) V@P 1838, p.838 (15 August 1838); Alan Atkinson, ‘Master and Servant at Camden Park, 1838’, Push from the Bush, no.6 (May 1980), pp.42—60.

40 Stonequarry Bench Book, 13 June 1831, NSWSA 4/7572. The four tenants were Thomas King, Richard Boyd, Patrick Curry and Richard Jones. See the entries under their names in the Camden Park Account Books, 1835-44, ML A4186-—A4189.

41 R. B. Madgwick, /mmigration into Eastern Australia 1788-1851 (Sydney, 1937), pp. 150-68.

42 Edward Macarthur to Lt.-Col. Greaves, military secretary to Lord Stanley, 14 June 1844, Papers of the 14th Earl of Derby, box 135/5, Provost’s House, The Queen’s College, Oxford (seen by kind permis-

242 Camden sion of Lord Blake).

43 Edward Macarthur to J. and W. Macarthur, 4 August 1836, ML A2914; Reverend John West to Edward Macarthur, 22, 26 September, 3, 7, 10 October 1836, ML A2g18; J. Macarthur, New South Wales. ..,

op.cit., appendices, pp.164-71; certificates of immigrants by the Brothers, arrived 8 April 1837, NSWSA 4/4826; Alan Atkinson, ‘Camden, the Initial Arcady’, Time Remembered (journal of the Murdoch University History Club), no.2 (February 1978), pp.125—-37. For names of immigrants by the Brothers, see Appendix 1.

44 Certificates of immigrants .by the Kinnear, arrived 23 April 1838, NSWSA 4/4830. For names, see Appendix 1.

45 Certificates of immigrants by the John McLellan, arrived 3 October 1838, NSWSA 4/4830. For names, see Appendix 1. 46 ‘T. L. Hodges to G. W. Norman, 28 October 1838, Norman MSS U310

C167 (Norman was James Macarthur’s brother-in-law, and had presumably introduced him to Hodges, his own close political friend within the emerging Liberal Party); certificates of immigrants by the Royal George, arrived 10 March 1839, NSWSA 4/4848. For names, see Appendix 1. 47 Edward Macarthur to William Macarthur, 11 June 1838, ML A29q14; W. Macarthur’s evidence before the Committee on Immigration, 1838, p.837; Hobsbawm & Rudeé, op.cit., pp.79—-81, 100; J. H. Bettey, Rural Life in Wessex 1500-1900 (Bradford-on-Avon, 1977), p.118.

48 R. Towns’s evidence before the Committee on Immigration (Legislative Council), V@P 1832-7, pp.647—-8 (26 June 1837); J. Macarthur, New South Wales... , op.cit., appendices, pp.166—71; Reverend J. West to A. Brandram, 14 November 1838, photocopy, Dorset Record Office

475/2 (original with the British and Foreign Bible Society, London);

W. Macarthur’s evidence before the Committee on Immigration, 1838, p.18; Benjamin Weeks’s account with J. and W. Macarthur, 1 July 1837, ML Aq187.

49 Edward Macarthur to Reverend J. West, 17 September 1836, Edward Macarthur’s contracts with the Germans, 9 October 1837, both ML A2918; W. Macarthur’s evidence before the Gommittee on Immigra-

tion, 1838, pp.836—7; James Macarthur’s contract with George Richards, commander of the Royal George, 9 August 1838, ML Aqgra.

50 William Macarthur’s dispensary book, kept between 11 November 1838 and 22 March 1839, at Camden Park (I am grateful to Mr Q. Macarthur-Stanham for showing me this document); Edward Macarthur to William Macarthur, 11 June 1838, ML Ag2gr4.

CHAPTER 4 1 Summary of household returns for the district of Picton, no.73, 1841 census, NSWSA X9Q409.

Notes 249

2 J. and W. Macarthur and CG. Cowper to Colonial Secretary, 5 June 1841, printed with a petition to the Legislative Council, NSWSA 4/ 2661.2; J. B. Martin, newspaper items, 6 August 1896, ML Qoo1.8/M.

3 Memorial to the Governor from the inhabitants of Picton, 11 May 1841, NSWSA 4/2542.8 (and other documents in the same place); SMH, 22 July 1841; ‘Sobriety’ to the editor, Sydney Herald, 24 July 1841;

‘A Subscriber’ to the editor, SMH, 3 August 1841; ‘A Settler’ to the editor, SMH, 15 September 1841. 4 H.C. Antill to Colonial Secretary, 29 April 1841, NSWSA 4/2542.8. 5 SMH, 5 May 1841. 6 Colonial Secretary to Antill, 1, 5 May 1841, NSWSA 4/3846; J. Macarthur to E. D. Thomson, 10 May 1841, Antill to Colonial Secretary, 12 May 1841, both at NSWSA 4/2542.8, together with other relevant letters; J. and W. Macarthur and C. Cowper to Colonial Secretary, 5 June 1841, as in note 2.

7 Emily Macarthur to her Aunt Martin, 22 April 1840, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; James Macarthur to E. D. Thomson, 1o May 1841, NSWSA 4/2542.8.

8 See extensions sketched in Andrew Murray’s map, ML A4218, suggesting a population of at least 1000.

g Frances Allman, Police Magistrate at Campbelltown, and six other magistrates to Colonial Secretary, 3 July 1841, as in note 2.

10 SMA, 17, 24 July 1841. Lists of purchasers are to be found at ML A4203 and A4218.

11 Report of Eldershe sale, SMH, 19 April 1841; J. M. Antill to the editor, SMA, 16 June 1848.

12 As for note Io. 13 For James Macarthur’s change of opinions, see Alan Atkinson, The Political Life of James Macarthur (Ph.D. thesis, Australian National University, 1976), pp.127—8. The original central street names ‘Marsden’ and ‘Hassall’ (which can be seen on the 1836 map in the Historical Society museum, Camden), commemorated Anglican clergymen. By 1841 these were replaced with ‘Mitchell’ and ‘Oxley’, the names of the two Surveyors-General. (Murray Street was named after the Macarthurs’ surveyor, Andrew Murray. John, Elizabeth and Edward Streets were named after Macarthurs. Exeter Street was probably named after the principal town in Devonshire, John Macarthur’s native county.)

14 Anglican church papers, Camden; notice to ‘carriers and others’, Australian, 20 June 1840; description of village site, SMH, 28 June 1841.

15: An earlier ‘Grecian’ design by James Hume of Sydney, drawn up in 1838, was abandoned apparently by late 1839 (W. Mason to Mortimer Lewis, 6 December 1839, and Hume’s bill, 2 July 1840, both Anglican

church papers, Camden). For the origin of the final design, see Joan Kerr, Colonial Gothick: The Gothic Revival in New South Wales (Sydney, 1979), pp-46-7.

244 Camden

16 Anglican church papers; Australian, 3 June 1841; SMH, 21 March, 9 April 1842, 9 February, 23 September 1843, 16 May 1844, 9 June 1849; William Macarthur to John Backhouse, 1o April 1846, ML A2933. 17 Morton Herman, The Early Australian Architects and their Work (Sydney,

1954), p-204. For descriptions of the church in its original condition,

see SMA, 11, 22 June 1849.

18 Basden’s contract for the church, 1 October 1840, and other documents, Anglican church papers; Basden’s account with J. and W. Macarthur, 4 September 1840-12 November 1843, ML A418q. The street named after him in Camden is spelt ‘Barsden’. 19 Sydney Gazette, 18 February 1840; Australian, 29 February 1840, 25 June 1842; SMH, g April 1842; Basden’s account with J. and W. Macarthur, 26 September 1842, ML A4189; Basden’s insolvency papers, declared 5 June 1845, NSWSA 2/8794, no.1433; SMH, 2, 26 August 1845; Sir William Denison, Varieties of a Vice-Regal Life (London, 1870), vol.I, p.345. 20 Goodlucke’s notice, SMH, 25 June 1842; J. T. Goodlucke to J. and W.

Macarthur, 14 December 1842, and memorandum of agreement between Goodlucke and the Macarthurs, 15 December 1842, ML Agari; Lakeman’s notices, SMH, 9 February, 14 October 1843; memorandum of agreement between Lakeman and J. and W. Macarthur, 25 October 1843, ML Agara. 21 Camden Bench Book, 26 June 1849, 3 June 1849, NSWSA 4/5527, and 16 August, 27 September 1852, 25 March, 3 June 1854, NSWSA 4/ 5528; James Macarthur’s speech in the Legislative Council, 14 August 1855, SMH, 15 August 1855.

22 Camden Bench Book, 26 June 1849, NSWSA 4/5527. There was an

Edward Lakeman, landlord of the White Horse Inn, Parramatta (SMH, 25 October 1842).

23 Lakeman to J. and W. Macarthur, [October 1846], ML A4212; deed of conveyance of the Gamden Inn, J. and W. Macarthur to Lakeman, 1 July 1846, Land Titles Office, book 12, no.622; deed of conveyance, Lakeman to John Galvin, 1 January 1855, ibid., book 35, no.850. 24 Deed of conveyance of lot 5, section 9, J. and W. Macarthur to Lakeman, 30 July 1846, ibid., book 11, no.589; various other deeds, loc.cit.; lists of purchasers in Camden village, ML A4203.

25 James Macarthur’s declaration, 29 August 1855, J. Macarthur to Michael Fitzpatrick, 2 September 1855, and map showing Lakeman’s house [1855], and other papers, NSWSA 4/3339. The extraordinarily meticulous detail on the family birth and death certificates must have come from Mrs Lakeman. 26 Camden Bench Book, 25 March 1854, NSWSA 4/5528; Lakeman’s declaration, 11 August 1855, NSWSA 4/3339. 27 Lakeman’s notice, SMH, 14 October 1843; James Macarthur to James Bowman, 17 October 1843, ML A4252; Humphrey Weston’s case, November—December 1846, NSWSA 4/2738.7; enries for various

Notes 245 slaughtering licences, Camden Bench Books, NSWSA 4/5527, 4/5528. It is not clear how long the market lasted, but probably not long.

28 Mrs Pearson’s bills to J. and W. Macarthur, 31 December 1844-10 January 1846, ML Uncat Mss 326; entries in the Camden Bench Books, NSWSA 4/5527, 4/5528; James Pearson’s account with J. and W. Macarthur, ML A4188, p.86; deed of lease, J. and W. Macarthur to Mrs Pearson, 11 April 1860 [of the allotment occupied by her since 1841], ML A4214; Mrs Pearson’s statement, 9 September 1845, in the

case of Mary Aldridge and Ann Gates, NSWSA 4/2664; SMH, 17 September 1653; Mrs Pearson’s will, g February 1879, Probate Divison, Supreme Court.

29 John Welling’s account with J. and W. Macarthur, 13 March 1843, ML A4189; proceedings at Campbelltown Quarter Sessions (committed 8 April 1843 and tried 29 May 1843), NSWSA 5/3012. 30 For the lists of householders at Gamden, 1841 census (south of the river only), see NSWSA Xo409. The lists for north of the river have not survived. The two last-named households were those of Robert Jackson (married couple) and George Billet (two men). Billet was a carpenter working on the church. 31 Camden Bench Book, 13 March 1847, NSWSA 4/5527. 32 For the location of these and other censuses, see Bibliography. 33 Alan Atkinson, ‘A Slice of the Sydney Press’, Push from the Bush, no.1 (May 1978), pp.82—-99.

34. SMH, 27 September 1845, 23 September, 12 November 1847, 28 May 1849, 8 July 1850, 29 June, 17 October 1855; Empire, 4 July 1850. For local banking see, for example, John Hood, Australia and the Fast (London, 1843), p.134. Publicans as debtors and creditors appear frequently among insolvency papers, NSWSA.

35 R. and F. ‘Tooth, Kent Brewery Account Book, September 1845December 1846 (apparently the earliest surviving), Fisher Library, University of Sydney.

36 Joseph Thompson and Son bought 2 acres (0.8 hectares) within Camden village at the auction of 1841 and at about the same time 4 acres (1.6 hectares) for a mill and store (lists of puchasers in Camden village, ML A4203 and A4218; deeds of conveyance, Joseph and Mary ‘Thompson to Henry Thompson, 14 December 1852, Land Titles Office, book 24, nos 730, 731). See also SMH, 23 September 1843. They also bought land at the Elderslie auction (ibid., 19 April 1841). For the Yass busi-

ness (1841-54) see ibid., 29 December 1849, 7 January 1851, 19 July 1854; deed of conveyance, Land ‘Titles Office, book 79, no.888.

37 By the ‘bigger places’ I mean Liverpool, Gampbelltown, Wollongong, Goulburn, Braidwood, Yass and Albury. 38 ‘Notes of an Overland Journey to the Ovens and Melbourne’, no.g, SMH, 31 October 1853. The 1861 census shows the number of men in every town employed with wood and with stone and earth. The latter

246 Camden

would nearly all have been builders, but the former would have included coopers and wheelwrights as well as carpenters. The calculation here is very approximate. 39 Camden magistrates to Colonial Secretary, 12 August 1842, NSWSA

4/2585.1; J. and W. Macarthur to Colonial Secretary, 31 May 1843, NSWSA 2622.7; J. and W. Macarthur to Colonial Secretary, 15 May 1844, NSWSA 4/2661.2; memoranda entered in the Camden Bench Books, 10 February, 12 May 1849, 17 June 1854, NSWSA 4/5527, 4/5528; numerous correspondence about the building of the lock-up, 1849, NSWSA 4/2886; Camden magistrates to Colonial Secretary, 6 May 1856, NSWSA 4/3327; Legislative Council V@P 1857,.1858, Re-

ceipts and Disbursements; J. B. M. [John Benson Martin], Reminiscences (Camden, 1884), p.26. The cottage, which had belonged to Sarah

Tiffin, housekeeper at Camden Park, was sold by her executors to Henry Thompson in April 1855, for £656.5s. 40 The exact figures for average household size in Camden village are as follows: 1851, 2.6 children, 0.7 adolescents, aged 14-20, and 2.6 adults; 1856, 2.5 children, 0.8 adolescents and 2.7 adults; 1861, 2.1 children, 0.8 adolescents and 2.4 adults. The age groupings in the 1861 census call for a little guesswork to allow for a comparison with those of 1851 and 1856.

41 In 1846, 34 per cent of the men in Camden village had been convicts. In 1851 it was 17 per cent. No figures were given in later censuses. A comparison with the figures for Gampbelltown and Windsor, both much older settlements, suggests that both causes of change were 1mportant. 42 SMH, 9 March 1847; and see note 62, below. 43 The list is the electoral roll of 1859-60, the first under manhood suffrage and dating from early 1859. Only 74 electors in the village, out of 110, were qualified as freeholders or householders (by the ownership or lease of their own homes) as under the old system. The remaining 36 were said to be qualified simply by six months’ residence. And

yet we know from family reconstitution data that among these 36 there were at least 16 married men, and several with large families. It can only be assumed that at least half of the 36 lived under separate

roofs, especially in view of the fact that according to the censuses there were then between 100 and 110 inhabited houses in the village. In other words, I conclude that, in the case of Camden, men were said to be qualified by residence only if they had no title to the houses they lived in, whether they were heads or mere members of their households. Whether this was a general rule for the colony I cannot say. 44, NSW Statistical Registers, listing of annual wage levels. 45 Insolvency papers of Lawrence McDonagh, 12 June 1858 (with a very detailed inventory of goods), NSWSA 2/8949, no.4.165. 46 Mitchell and Lefevre were sureties for Lakeman’s annual publican’s

Notes 247 licence (Gamden Bench Books, NSWSA 4/5527, 4/5528); Mitchell and Lakeman were sureties for Lefevre’s tender for the building of the Cam-

den lock-up, 24 March 1849 (NSWSA 4/2886, paper no.50/1181); Lakeman was one of the trustees for Mitchell’s property in the village

(deed of conveyance, 28 May 1859, Land Titles Office, book 61, no.503). 47 Basden’s insolvency papers, 5 June 1845, NSWSA 2/8794, no.1433. For

evidence of Lefevre’s learning, see his letter to the editor, SMH, 6 December 1844. 48 Mitchell’s bills to J. and W. Macarthur, 10 July 1842-31 March 1845, ML Uncat Mss 326; Camden Bench Books, 30 July 1848, 14 May, 26 November 1853, 8 April 1854, NSWSA 4/5527, 4/5528. For the quality of local meat, see SMH, 23 December 1847. 49 ‘Pons’ to the editor, SMH, 30 November 1844, and Lefevre’s reply, SMH, 6 December 1844; SMH, 2, 19 June 1846; William Macarthur to Colonial Secretary, 5 June 1847, and further correspondence, NSWSA 4/2763.1, paper no.47/4527; papers referring to the building of Camden lock-up, January—March 1849, NSWSA 4/2886, paper no.50/1181. 50 The building of Arnold’s cottage, possibly the first on the village site, appears in the account of Henry Norris, 4 August 1838, and of George Stewart (glazing and painting), 13 August 1838, both with J. and W. Macarthur, ML A4188. For Buchan, see his tenders of 9 April 1841 and 29 July 1845, Anglican church papers, Camden; SMH, 11 June 1849.

51 ‘Thomas Cahil’s statement, 8 November 1845, in the case of Humphrey Weston, NSWSA 4/2738.7; Camden magistrates to Colonial Secretary, 1 October 1858, NSWSA 4/3385; SMH, 9 October 1858. 52 Camden Bench Book, 28 February, 27 March, 27 September 1852, 9 April, 14. May 1853, NSWSA 4/5528. 53 Thomas Brenan’s account with R. and F. Tooth, from 24 June 1846, Kent Brewery Account Book, Fisher Library; ‘Fair Play’ to the editor, SMH, 11 November 1858. 54. his appears by calculation from the 1861 census. Skilled workmen are there categorized both as masters and as servants and I assume that the servants were generally employed by masters in the same trade, very likely at Gamden.

55 J. Sullivan to the editor, SMH, 22 February 1856. 56 Camden Bench Book, 20 March 1847, NSWSA 4/5527. 57 7 December 1850, ibid. 58 SMH, 1 May 1843; Camden Bench Book, 22 September 1849, NSWSA 4/5527.

59 Camden Bench Book, 29 October 1863, NSWSA 4/5529. 60 SMH, 23 February 1849; ‘A visit to Camden’, SM//, 24 January 1854. 61 James Macarthur’s speech in the Legislative Council, 14 August 1855, SMH, 15 August 1855.

248 Camden

62 Lakeman’s case is documented in several places: J. N. Oxley to Attorney-General, 14 July 1855, and E. Palmer to Crown Solicitor, 28 July 1855, Gamden Bench Letter Book NSWSA 4/5530; James Macarthur to Emily Macarthur, 8, 14, 15 August 1855, ML A2986; bundle of letters, declarations and petitions, August 1855—-September 1856, NSWSA 4/3339; Darlinghurst Gaol Entrance Book, 7 August 1855,

NSWSA 5/1892; debate in the Legislative Council on a motion to amend the law on rape, and editorial, SMH, 15 August 1855; Deputy Sheriff to Colonial Secretary, 6 September 1855, NSWSA 5/2301. For the sale of the Gamden Inn, see deed of conveyance, 1 January 1855, Land Titles Office, book 35, no.850. 63. ‘A Lover of Justice’, Camden, 17 August 1855, to the editor, SMH, 20 August 1855. 64 Colonial Secretary’s Register of In-letters, NSWSA 24092, no.7861; register of daily state at Cockatoo Island, 1 December 1855-7 January 1857, NSWSA 4/6511. 65 SMH, 12 May 1869, p.2; Lllustrated Sydney News, 13 May 1869, p.183.

CHAPTER 5 1 Emma Oxley to James Norton, n.d. |[1828?], 19 January [1849?], and other letters at the same place, ML A5322-2; ‘Tooth’s account with the Oxley estate, 1843~5, ML A5322-1; Sydney Herald, 19 February, 16 April 1838 (leasing of Kirkham); SMH, 1 July, 5 September 1842 (departure of the family for England). 2 James Macarthur to Emily Macarthur, 14 September 1852, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; SMH, 29 September 1849, 23 February, 22 March 1850, 1 January 1855. 3 Indenture of release of mortgaged estate, John Oxley to Francis Irvine, 16 February 1827, Land Titles Office, book B, no.400; indentures of lease and release of various farms, T. C. Harington to Irvine, 17-18 June 1837, book J, no.917; deed of conveyance of Elderslie and various farms, Francis and Frances Sophia Irvine to Charles Campbell, 12-13 August 1840, book U, no.614; SMH, 29 March, rg April 1841. 4 SMH, 28 December 1853; deeds of conveyance from Charles Campbell to various individuals, Register of Land Titles. 5 Camden Bench Book, NSWSA 4/5527, 4/5528. 6 Alan Atkinson, ‘Landed Authority in Rural New South Wales, 18301850’, paper presented at the 1977 ANZAAS Conference, Melbourne, pp.17—21. The original layout of Elderslie appears on the parish map for Narellan, NSW Lands Department.

7 The land sold in 1854 to James Lorimer as a paddock, called Sandy Paddock, covered all the former village site except for three sections along the highway (Register of Land Titles, book 32, no.778).

8 The blacksmith was Charles Butcher, the shoemakers John Buckley,

Notes 249

Michael Flaherty (or O’Flaherty) and Henry Newton. The first three were freeholders. ‘The carpenters we know of were William Wilkinson,

Josiah Hervé, F. L. Standen, Louis Casimir and Edward Peck, who lived at Elderslie in that order. g SMH, 7 October 1847; ‘A Visit to Camden’, SMA, 25 January 1854. 10 ‘These calculations are made from the 1861 census. 11 Curry’s statement to Caroline Chisholm, 6 January 1846, SMH, 6 June 1848.

12 For the backgrounds of farmers see shipping lists, which give details of their immigration. The Whitemans came by the Neptune, arrived 27 September 1839 (NSWSA 4/4780); the Rideouts by the John McLellan, 3 October 1838 (NSWSA 4/4830); the Haisells by the William Metcalf, 31 August 1838 (NSWSA 4/4784); the Tickners by the Florist, 26 October

1839 (NSWSA 4/4780). For the leases see ML Agarr (Haisell), Aqor4 (Rideout), Ag215 (Tickners), A4216 (Whitemans), and Emily Macarthur’s diary, 12 August, 22 September, 13 November 1840, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park. 13 The first men mentioned as farmers on Brownlow Hill were Alexander McLeod and Joseph Roohan (1845) and Henry Small and Aaron Biffin (1847). See their family reconstitution forms. 14 This agreement was to formalize possession already given, making the full term of the clearing lease five years (Empire, 1 January 1857). 15 N. Whiteman’s lease, 9 April 1846, ML A4e216. See other leases at A4209-A4216.

16 No clear distinction was made at the time between the Macarthurs’ system and clearing leases proper (SMH, 30 September, 7 October 1847, 27 April 1849). For discussion of clearing leases, see SMH, 25 December 1843; M. E. Robinson, The New South Wales Wheat Frontier 1851 to rg11 (Canberra, 1976), pp.163—4.

17 ‘There are several lists of tenants (called terriers) for Gamden Park, with a variety of details for each tenant: two, dated 1849 and 1854, ML A4220, showing names of tenants (in most cases), quantity of arable and grass, and total acreage; one dated 1862, at ML A4203, showing names of tenants, acreage cleared and uncleared, years of lease unexpired and

rent; another dated 1862, at ML A4220, showing names of tenants, acreage sown with wheat, and produce of wheat and hay from the late harvest; one dated 1869, at ML A4220, showing names of tenants and acreage sown with wheat, oats, barley, rye and peas; one apparently dating from 1880-1, at ML A4203-2, showing names of tenants, total acreage and acreage cleared, date of entry, rent, tenure, and remissions of rent during the last five years; one dated 1885, at ML D185, showing names of tenants, acreage and rent. For Brownlow Hill there is one list apparently made in 1859, showing names, date and term of leases and rent (Norton Smith Papers, ML Box A5377-3); and three others, still at Brownlow Hill, dated 1863, 1866 and 1881-2, all showing names, rent

250 Gamden

and acreage and in the first case, term of lease. I have seen the Brownlow Hill ones with the kind permission of Mr and Mrs Downes. For the system at Camden Park, see William Macarthur to John Backhouse, 10 April 1846, ML A2933; ‘Jack Straw’ to the editor, SMH, 1 June 1859;

and at Brownlow Hill, Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 20 January 1862, ML A2934. See also a report, made between February and June 1846 by the Gamden Bench on the leaseholders of the district, HRA, series 1, vol.xxv, p.93.

18 James Macarthur to Sir W. Macarthur, 24 January 1862, ML A2g32. 19 SMH, 28 December 1857, 8 March 1858; Sir W. Macarthur to Edward Macarthur, 20 January 1858, ML A2Q933. 20 Lord Ernle, English Farming Past and Present (London, 1922), pp.346—73; Christabel S. Orwin & Edith H. Whetham, History of British Agriculture 1846-1914 (London, 1964), pp.158-9. 21 James Atkinson, An Account of the State of Agriculture and Grazing in New South Wales (London, 1826), p.go (drainage); SMH, 24 February 1842 (silo); Thomas Dawson to J. and W. Macarthur, 14 October 1852, ML A41g0 (terms of his appointment); Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 11-20 August 1861, ML A2934 (drainage).

22 A. & W. Smith, Paisley, to Edward Macarthur, 31 November 1838, ML Agzoog; Richart Garrett & Son, Saxmundham, Suffolk, in account with J. and W. Macarthur, 27 April 1854, and Burgess & Key, ibid., 13

March 1857, ML Agoo4; Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 9 February, 11 April 1857, ML A2934.

23 James Bowman to William Macarthur, 5 March 1855, ML A2qg53; James Macarthur to William Macarthur, 6 March 1855, ML Az2g32; SMH, 1, 4 August 1857.

24 James Bowman to William Macarthur, 5 March 1855, ML A2Q953; James Macarthur to Willam Macarthur, 6 March 1855, ML A2932; SMA, 1, 4 August 1857.

25 ‘An Old Farmer’ to the editor, SMH, 14 April 1859; and for Gumbleton’s prize, SMH, 16 September 1857. 26 As for note 11. Curry’s land at The Oaks appears on the Camden electoral roll, 1859-60. 27 Evidence of partnerships appears from the terriers (note 18) and from the deeds of lease (note 16). 28 For Cass’s son, see SMH, 8 August 1857. MacNamara’s son-in-law was John English. 29 Agreement between Edwards and Lodge, 25 August 1830, ML Aqaii; Edwards’s will, 29 November 1852, Probate Division, Supreme Court; Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 16-21 May 1862, ML A2g34. 30 Depositions taken in the case of R. v. Ann Norris and Sarah Norris, 24 February—1 March 1855, Camden Bench Letter Book, NSWSA 4/ 5530. For Sampson Norris’s end, see 1854 terrier, Gamden and Great South Road farms, ML A4220; SMA, 9 April 1856. The lines of verse

Notes 251 are from ‘No Problem’, by Kevin Porter, Times Literary Supplement, 5 September 1980.

31 The list is the electoral roll for Camden, 1859-60 (made out early in 1859), supplemented from family reconstitution forms. 32 Trial of W. Smith, Camden Bench Book, 3 April 1854, NSWSA 4/5528 (the case came from Westwood, beyond Brownlow Hill). 33 KE. T. Palmer to Attorney-General, 5 September 1855, Camden Bench Letter Book, NSWSA 4/5530.

34 For the Tickners’ farms, Gamden Bench Book, 18 November 1848, NSWSA 4/5527; Camden Park terriers, as for note 18; deeds of leases and maps, ML Aqgart5. For the immigration of the Dowle family, paid

for by John Tickner, see Gamden Bench Book, 26 March 1853, NSWSA 4/5528; SMH, 11 July 1854. 35, Cummings’s statement to Caroline Chisholm, n.d. [1846?], Monteagle Papers, National Library of [Ireland MSS 13400. 36 ©6William Brett’s insolvency papers, 9 December 1861, NSWSA 2/9046, no.5679; inventory of goods of Henry Shoemark, distrained for rent, 19 October 1864, ML Aqgai5.

37 Curry’s statement, as for note 11. For roadmaking see, for example, William Macarthur to Colonial Secretary, 5 June 1847, NSWSA 4/ 2763.1. For carrying, see Chapter 9. 38 Comparison of livestock returns (Camden Bench Letter Book, NSWSA 4/5530), with figures from the 1851 and 1856 censuses. 39 «Trial of Mary Aldridge and Ann Gates, evidence enclosed with James Macarthur to Colonial Secretary, 17 September 1845, NSWSA 4/2664; Camden Bench Book, 19 February 1848, NSWSA 4/5527, 3 June 1854, NSWSA 4/5528; SMH, 15 September 1848, 11 February 1857. 40 William Brett’s insolvency papers, loc.cit.; B. G. Salmon’s insolvency papers, 31 May 1866, NSWSA 2/9190, no.76g99. 41 Register of insurance policies, from 24 January 1849, at the AMP Society Head Office, Sydney. I am grateful to the successive Archivists of the Society, Mr I. H. Gampbell and Mr M. R. G. Fiedler, for their kind help with this material. 42 SMH, 3 August 1848. 43 Gamden Bench Book, 24 November 1849, NSWSA 4/5527, and 6 October, 22 November 1851, 28 February 1852, 21 January 1854, NSWSA 4/5528; SMH, 24 January 1854. 44. Camden Bench Book, 5, 26 March 1853, 3, 17 June 1854, NSWSA 4/5526.

45 SMH, tg December 1856, 1 January 1857; Empire, 1 January 1857; information about Thomas’s departure and death kindly supplied by his descendant, Mr P. F. Beaver, Canberra.

46 SMH, 25 October 1847; Gamden Bench Book, 28 February 1852, NSWSA 4/5527.

47 SMH, 7 September 1848.

252 Camden

48 Mrs Stumpf’s and Mrs Clout’s accounts with J. and W. Macarthur, Housekeeper’s Account Book, ML Aq1g6. For wages throughout the colony, see Statistical Registers for the period.

49 The harvest wage is calculated by multiplying the sum offered per acre (10 to 15 shillings) by the acreage of wheat which might be cut by a man in a day (from a fifth to a third). See SMH, 12 November 1852; E. J. T. Collins, ‘Harvest Technology and Labour Supply in Britain, 1790-1870’, Economic History Review, and series, vol.22 (1969), p.4.60.

50 SMH, 13, 20 October, 1 November 1848, 12 November 1852. 51 SMH, 27 October 1848. 52 SMH, 13 October, 6 December 1848, 21 October, 15 , 16 November, 7, 14. December 1850, 22 November 1851, 7 January, 20 November 1852, 30 November 1853, 28 October 1858. Several of these items refer to parts of the colony other than Camden. 53 SMH, 1 December 1848. 54 SMH, 27 October 1848; David H. Morgan, “The place of harvesters in nineteenth-century village life’, in. Raphael Samuel (ed.), Village Life and Labour (London, 1975), p.50. For more on English harvest gangs, see W. Hasbach, A History of the English Agricultural Labourer (London,

1908), p.82; Collins, op.cit., pp.465—-6. For public houses and labour see, for example, Alexander Harris, Settlers and Convicts (Melbourne, 1953; first published London, 1847), p.14. For a similar process of harvest recruiting in the nineteenth-century United States, see Carville Earle & Ronald Hoffman, “The Foundation of the Modern Economy: Agriculture and the Costs of Labor in the United States and England, 1800-60’, American Historical Review, vol.85 (1980), esp. pp.1059—60.

55 Camden Bench Book, 22 February, 22 March 1851, NSWSA 4/5528. 56 Camden Bench Book, 19 December 1863, NSWSA 4/5529. 57 Atkinson, op.cit., p.41; paper read by Mr Deane, ‘On the Necessity of Promoting Improvements in Agriculture’, before the Horticultural and Agricultural Society, Sydney, SMH, 5 March 1857; Collins, op.cit.; J. A. Perkins, “Harvest Technology and Labour Supply in Lincolnshire and the East Riding of Yorkshire 1750-1850’, Tools and Tillage, vol.3 (1976-7); Michael Roberts, ‘Sickles and Scythes: Women’s Work and Men’s Work at Harvest Time’, History Workshop, issue 7 (Spring 1979). 58 Mary Gilmore, More Recollections (Sydney, 1935), p.87.

59 SMH, 11 November 1848, 22 November 1849, 16 December 1850. 60 SMH, 21 April, 28 October, 1 November 1848, 22 June 1849, 17 May 1850; papers on the sale of horses, ML A2963; J. B. M. [ John Benson Martin], Reminiscences (Gamden, 1884), p.20.

61 ‘Plan of the Vineyard, Camden, January 26th 1841’, and unheaded paper, n.d. [1850-1] giving a history of the Camden Park vineyard, ML Azgb6q9; SMH, advertisements, 30 November 1844, 25 February 1846, and correspondent’s reports, 22 March, 7 April 1848, 23 February, 27 April 1849, 26 January, 23 February 1850, 8 May 1851.

Notes 253

62 Basden’s account with J. and W. Macarthur, 26 September 1842, ML A4189; papers on sales of dairy produce, ML A2g97; SMH, 8 December 1848, 29 September 1849; F. M. Bowman to Sir W. Macarthur, 20 March 1862, ML A2953; Martin, op.cit., p.16. 63 Fifty milking cows belonging to the late Alexander Macleay were sold in September 1848 (SMH, 9, 21 September 1848), and Small moved from Elderslie to a dairy at Glendaruel in about May 1849. See also Martin, op.cit., pp.16-18. 64 Papers on sales of garden produce, ML A4235. 65 Stein’s certificate of naturalization, 28 February 1850, NSWSA 4/1200, p.g5; deed of conveyance of 20 acres, Charles Campbell to Stein, 28 February 1854, Land Titles Office, book 32, no.495. Stein had been one of the Macarthurs’ bounty immigrants by the Kinnear, arrived 23 April 1838.

66 For McMahon, see James Macarthur to William Macarthur, 1 June 1855, ML A232; William Macarthur to James Macarthur, 21 April 1856, ML A2934; SMH, 15 July 1859. For Ferguson, see James Macar-

thur to William Macarthur, 23 January, 20 February, 4 December 1855, ML A2932; William Macarthur to James Macarthur, 5 April 1856, ML A2934; SMH, 28 May, 4, 11 June 1859.

67 Papers on sale of garden produce, ML A4235; papers on sale of dairy produce, ML A2997; SMH, 26 January 1850. 68 SMH, 22 March 1850; J. N. Oxley’s evidence before the Select Committee on the State of Agriculture (Legislative Council), V@P 1855, vol.2, pp.309—10 (26 July 1855). For agents’ advertisements, see SMH, 5, 20 August, 2 October, 30 December 1858, 15 January, 8 December 1859.

69 SMH, 4, 10 June 1851; ‘Misopseudes’ to the editor, SMH, 8 July 1857. 70 «Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, g February 1861, ML A2g3a. 71 Empire, 23 January 1860.

72 ibid. CHAPTER 6

1 SMH, 14 February 1860. 2 SM, 14 February, 3 May 1860; Sir W. Macarthur to the editor, SMH, 25 February 1867; D. G. Bowd, Macquarie Country: A History of the Hawkesbury (Sydney, 1979), pp.15—2!.

3 SMA, 30 April, 1, 5 May, 19, 21 November 1860; Empire, 2, 4, 8 May, 27, 28, 30, 31 July, 21, 23 November 1860. 4. M.E. Robinson, The New South Wales Wheat Frontier 1851 to rg11 (Canberra, 1976), pp.32-4, 36-41. 5 Empire, 8 April, 1, 2, 3 May 1861, 27 November 1862; various letters from J. K. Chisholm, Isabel Chisholm and F. M. Bowman to Sir W. Macarthur, 21 July-21 December 1862, ML A2g53; terrier ‘giving the

254 Camden

number of acres sown under wheat by each [tenant], and the produce, Season, 1862’, ML A4220, pp.37-45.

6 Empire, 5, 23 January, 27 November 1863; J. K. Chisholm to Sir W.. Macarthur, 21 January 1863, ML A2953; Camden magistrates to

Colonial Secretary, 25 March 1863 (and other letters in the same place), NSWSA 4/758; T. Lawry to the editor, SMH, 17 November 1863; SMH, 28 November 1863; J. Lawson to the editor, SMH, 9 December 1863; J. K. Chisholm to the editor, SMH, 14 December 1863 (corrected on 17 December 1863); Henry Tingcombe to the editor, SMH, 8 February 1864.

7 Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 16-21 March 1862, ML A2934; Empire, 27 November 1863. George Haines is to be found on the

NSW electoral roll, 1869-70, resident at Murrumburrah (Lachlan electorate), and his three daughters were married there 1872-6. On the

same roll a John Flint appears resident at Emu Creek, 50 or 60 kilometres away. 8 SMH, 9, 22 February 1864; Empire, 9 February 1864. g Lmpire, 21 April 1864; NSW Statistical Registers; Robinson, op.cit., pp.41—4. For debate about the conflicting claims of Camden and Mait-

land, see letters to the editor from ‘Custodian’ (twice), Reverend Andrew Phelan and J. P. Ollis, Empire, 11, 28, 31 March 1864; Sir W.

Macarthur to James Macarthur, 17 March 1861, 21 July 1864, ML A2934.

10 SMH, 9 March, 12 April 1864, 25 June 1864 (E. Simpson to the editor), 23 February 1865; Empire, 17, 28 June, 21 July 1864. 11 J. K. Chisholm, reported SMH, 12 April 1864; Empire, 28 June, 21 July 1864; SMH, 23 February 1865.

12 Camden Park terriers, 1862 and 1869, ML A4203; various lists at Brownlow Hill; NSW Statistical Registers.

13 Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 20 March, 21 April 1861, 1819 February 1862 [filed as 1861], ML A2934; J. K. Chisholm to Sir W.

Macarthur, 21 December 1862, ML 2953; document headed ‘Rents owing to Messrs Macarthur, Remission deducted from all (except Town allotments)’ [apparently late 1862], ML A4203-2, pp.g—16; James Macarthur to Sir W. Macarthur, 26 January 1864, ML A2g32. 14 Nearly all were yearly tenancies by 1880 (Camden Park terrier [1880-— 1], ML Aq4203-2, pp.21—9), but there is no evidence as to exactly when and how the change was made. See also Arthur Onslow, ‘What I am thinking of saying’, draft speech, 1881, ML A4337, pp.373-84. 15 Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 17, 20 March 1861, 20 January 1862, ML A2934; James Macarthur to Sir W. Macarthur, 22 December 1861, 24 January 1862, ML A2g32.

16 Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 20 January, 16-21 March 1862, ML A2934; various letters from J. K. Chisholm to Sir W. Macarthur, ML A2g53.

Notes 255

17 Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 20 January 1862, ML A29334; F. M. Bowman to Sir W. Macarthur, 20 June 1862, ML A2953; deed of conveyance of Brownlow Hill, George Macleay to S. K. Salting, 8 September 1862, Land Titles Office, book 81, no.234. 18 SMH, 20 October 1856; J. K. Chisholm to Sir W. Macarthur, 21 July 1862, ML A2953. The amount by which rents were lowered has been estimated by a comparison of a terrier dating apparently from the last months of Macleay’s trme (ML A5377—3, pp.63—4) with terriers from about 1863 (now at Brownlow Hill). 19 The election of 1843 1s more fully dealt with in James Waldersee, Catholic Society in New South Wales 1788-1860 (Sydney, 1974), pp.219—25;

Alan Atkinson, The Political Life of James Macarthur (Ph.D. thesis, Australian National University, 1976), pp.280—303, 468-70. 20 Australian, 1 July 1843. 21 SMH, 12 January 1843; Macarthur to the editors, SMH, 16 January 1843; Australian, 10 July 1843.

22 Statement by William Macarthur, Australian, 8 February 1843.

23 William Macarthur to James Macarthur, 28 December 1843, ML A1g23.

24 Australian, 13, 16, 18 January 1843; SMH, 17 January 1843. 25 SMH, 15, 16 June 1843. 26 Australian, 26 June 1843.

27 SMH, 27 June, to July 1843; Elizabeth Macarthur to Edward Macarthur, 15-20 August 1843, ML A2go7. 28 For elections at Gamden 1843 to 1859, see Atkinson, op.cit., pp.465— 80.

29 ‘Sydney’ to the editor, and ‘A Plumper for Oxley’ to ‘Sydney’, SMH, 28 January, 8 February 1858.

30 Robert Forrest to James Macarthur, 5 July 1843, ML A2gq22; James Macarthur to Emily Macarthur, 14 December 1853, Macarthur Papers at Gamden Park. 31 James Macarthur to Emily Macarthur, 16 December 1853, 6 July 1854, n.d. [1854], Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; Edward Rogers to — W.G. Wills, 22 January, 31 May, 9 August 1856, NSWSA 1/394, f.223, and 1/395, ff.151, 440!/. 32 Henry Tingcombe (Armidale) to the editor, SMH, 22 June 1848; James

Macarthur to Emily Macarthur, 10 May, 29 July 1858, n.d. [30 July 1858, referring to ‘Tingcombe’s imminent appointment]. Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; various letters between James Macarthur and Bishops Broughton and Barker, 1847-58, and Tingcombe to Macarthur, 27 April 1859, Anglican church papers; Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 19 February 1861, ML A2934; James Macarthur to Sir W. Macarthur, 16 May 1861, ML A2g3e. 33 Emily Macarthur to her Aunt Martin, 5 August 1851, ML A4344; Atkinson, op.cit., p.4.27.

256 Camden

34 James Macarthur to Sir W. Macarthur, 26 March, 1o-11 May 1861, ML A2g32. 35 Empire, 28 November 1857; SMH, 10 December 1857.

36 SMA, 1 February 1859. 37 Empire, 23 January 1860; SMH, 2 October 1861. For the second, see also Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 12 September 1861, ML A2934.

38 SMH, 4 July 1862; Empire, 5 July 1862; J. K. Chisholm to Sir W. Macarthur, 21 July 1862, ML A2g53. For a biography of Downes, see his obituary, Camden Times, 21 June 1887 (cutting at Brownlow Hill). Downes’s purchase of Brownlow Hill from George and W. S. Salting (by their attorney, Edward Knox) is recorded in Land Titles Office, book 103, no.g2, and in Downes’s day books at Brownlow Hill. The latter gives the date of purchase as 20 November 1874 but the deed in the Land Titles Office was signed 22 February 1875. 39 SMH, 4 July 1862, 30 December 1864; Empire, 30 December 1864. 40 SMH, 9 February 1849, 22 September 1851, 25 August 1853, 28 May 1856. The 1853 report calls him ‘Henry Mitchell’ but there was no such

person at Camden. Mitchell was appointed Camden agent for the Empire from July 1851 (see issue of 4 July). 41 SMH, 17, 20, 27, 30 June 1859. For the results of the 1860 election, see SMH, 24 December 1860. 42 Oxley’s evidence before the Select Committee on the State of Agricul-

ture (Legislative Council), V@P 1855, vol.2, p.308 (26 July 1855); leases at Camden Park, ML A4209~-A4216, and terriers, A4203, A4220, NSW Statistical Registers.

43 SMH, 16 June 1849; ‘Remembrances in the Life of Caleb Nash, written December 1914’, typescript, copy kindly supplied by Mr W. F. Nash of

Parkes. For the record of the farm leased by Joseph Nash, Caleb’s father, see terriers, ML A4203, A4220 and for the lease itself, Ag213. 44 His evidence before the 1855 Select Committee on Agriculture shows that Robertson was working on two precedents, American ‘squatters’ and Australian tenants (Legislative Council V@P 1855, vol.2, pp.311— 13, 31 August 1855).

45 Empire, 24 November, 6, 7, 12, 13, 15, 18 December 1860; SMH, 5 (pp.5,6), 6, 20 December 1860. For James Macarthur’s ideas on free selection see his speech, SMH, 27 June 1859, and Alan Atkinson, op.cit., pp.433-4. 46 Empire, 5 January, 23 July 1861. 47 Empire, 2 May 1861; Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 20 January, 18-19 February, 16-21 March 1862, ML A2934 (the February letter is wrongly filed as 1861).

48 For Martha Gumbleton, see William Macarthur to Edward Macarthur, 23 February 1845, ML A2g933. I am grateful to Kay Gaut of Neutral Bay, for information on Richard Weeks’s family.

Notes 257

49 SMH, 9 February 1849 (the source of Tompson’s statement), 31 August, 9 November, 7 December 1860, 11 August 1863, 25 June 1866; George Clout, ‘Echoes of the Past: The Old Carrying Days’, typescript (original dated 1918), kindly supplied by Mrs P. T. Sherriff, Belmont; Olaf Ruhen, Bullock Teams: the building of a nation (North Ryde, 1980).

50 SMH, 4 December 1858, 2 December 1861, 12 July 1862; Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 17 March 1861, ML A2934.

51 Elizabeth Boardman, ‘A Grandma’s Autobiography. Being the Life Story of Elizabeth Boardman’ (1921), MS very kindly shown to me by Mrs Haddon, Balgowlah.

52 For Jacob Ward, see the record of his various purchases in the Land Titles Office, and of family events entered on family reconstitution forms. For Herzog, see SMH, 15 January 1867, and Lionel Gilbert, An Armidale Album (Armidale, NSW, 1982), pp.143~-4. 53 SMH, 18 May 1867; deeds of conveyance, James Gibson to Jeremiah Hayter, 21 July 1862, and Jeremiah Hayter to R. J. Martin, 5 January 1869, Land Titles Office, book 79, no.212, and book 112, no.63. The Hayters’ purchases around Sutton Forest are recorded under Torrens Title in the Land Titles Office—see, in particular, vol.108, no.169.

54 Extract from the reminiscences of Thomas Hobbs’s granddaughter, very kindly supplied by Mr L. H. Hayward of Picton. Mrs Hobbs’s son, Henry Coker, 1s mentioned as a bullock-driver by Betsy Boardman, op.cit. Her daughter Frances was married to Thomas Gates. See also the parish map for Jindalee, county of Harden. 55 Parish map for Currenjong, county of Harden. 56 Electoral rolls; Conditional Purchase Registers, Land District of Wag-

ga Wagga (William Chapman, George and James White, Robert Tholey Shoemark), and Land District of Gundagai (William Henry _ White and John Boothby Boardman); Betsy Boardman, op.cit. 57 Terrier, apparently 1880-1, ML A4203~-2, pp.21-9. 58 J.J. Moloney, Early Menangle (Newcastle, NSW, 1929), pp.22-3, 29. 59 Robinson, op.cit. pp.67—72, 84-92. Among men from Camden who have been identified as free selectors (mainly from the Conditional Purchase Registers) thirty-eight took up their land in 1869-76, compared with five in previous years.

60 Ellen Channell (Simpson) was married in 1879, Martha Fairall (Newell) in 1879 and Ellen Fairall (Farrell) in 1878. The numbers of farmers’ and farm labourers’ daughters who married Sydney men were two before 1869, ten in 1869-74 and twenty-one in 1875-80. 61 For the Lodge Southern Cross, see SMH, 16 June 1863; Empire, 16 June, 27 November 1863; Bailliere’s New South Wales Gazetteer (Sydney, 1866), p.114; K. R. Cramp, A History of the United Grand Lodge of Ancient, Free and Accepted Masons of New South Wales, vol.I (Sydney, 1938), p.135. For the Royal Foresters, see J. B. Martin & G. V. Sidman, The Town of Camden (Camden, 1939), p.22. Lam grateful to Mr R. Nixon, Camden,

258 Camden for detail on masonic lodges.

62 Martin & Sidman, op.cit., pp.20-1. I am grateful to Mr A. N. Whiteman of Narellan for information about his family. The Camden Times was taken over by its rival in 1891.

63 Bailliere’s New South Wales Gazetteer, op.cit., p.114; Martin & Sidman, op.cit., p.22. The number of AMP policy holders at Gamden increased dramatically in April 1863, following a visit and lecture by a Sydney representative (Empire, 10, 20 April 1863; records at AMP Head Office). This was partly owing to the skill of the lecturer, but he spoke to ‘a numerous. ..audience, who manifested most evident interest in the subject’.

CHAPTER 7 1 ‘T. L. Hodges to G. W. Norman, 28 October 1838, Norman MSS, U310 C167, Kent Archives Office; Reverend J. West to Reverend A. Bran-

dram, 14 November 1838, Document 475/2, Dorset Record Office (photocopy—original among the archives of the British and Foreign Bible Society). 2 Shipping list for the Royal George, NSWSA 4/4848; Arthur Hodgson’s

shipboard journal, Royal George, 31 October 1838-10 March 1839, Arthur Hodgson papers, Australian Joint Copying Project mfm reel M675; Emily Macarthur’s diary, 1838-9, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; William Macarthur’s dispensary book, kept between 11 November 1838 and 22 March 1839, at Gamden Park. 3 James Macarthur, New South Wales; its Present State and Future Prospects (London, 1837), appendices, p.165.

4 ‘A Visit to Camden’, SMH, 25 January 1854. 5 Electoral roll for Gamden, 1859-60 (showing property status of electors); Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 16-21 March 1862, ML A2934.

6 David Fitzpatrick, ‘Irish [Immigrants in Australia: Patterns of Settlement and Paths of Mobility’, Australia 1888, no.2 (August 1979), p.50. 7 ‘This discussion depends on details gathered through family reconstitution. See Appendix 2.

8 Parish register for Bisley, Gloucestershire, 1813-36, County Record Office, Gloucester; James Macarthur’s evidence before the Select Committee on Transportation (House of Commons), 1837-8 (669) XXII, p.6 (5 February 1838); shipping list for the Layton, arrived 18 January 1838, NSWSA 4/4831. Camden families who came by the Layton were: Jacob and Ann Butt and five children, of whom two died at sea; Mat-

thew and Puah Parsons and two children, one died and one born at sea; Reuben and Hannah Parsons and one child, who died at sea; Henry and Eliza Pettit and one child, who died at sea; Jonathan and Jane Wheeler and nine children, of whom two died at sea. The Wheelers’ surviving children were James (married, no children),

Notes 259

Harriet, John, Ann, Jonathan and Philip Henry. See also J. B. Martin & G. V. Sidman, The Town of Camden (Camden, 1939), p.25. g ‘An Old Settler’ to the editor, SMZH, 3 March 1858.

10 Thomas Woore’s testimonial for William Whybrow and family, 22 December 1842, ML A4216; Francis Ferguson to Thomas Dawson, 18 January 1865 (referring to Robert Young), ML Aqgarr. 11 SMA, 22 June, 14 July 18409.

12 From Picton, John Gilbert; from Narellan, James Dempsey and Thomas Cook; from Cobbitty, William Charker and Charles Minell; the innkeepers, ‘Thomas Brenan and John Galvin. 13 List of prices current, SMH, 3 December 1859; SMH, 15 January 1867. Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 19 February 1861, ML A234; N. G. Butlin, Investment in Australian Economic Development 1861—1g00

(Cambridge, 1964), p.184. 14 The number of bridegrooms per decade ranges from 53 in the 1840s to 136 in the 1860s; and brides from 58 in the 1840s to 147 in the 1860s. Widows and widowers remarrying are, of course, not counted. 15 Oxley’s evidence before the Select Committee on the State of Agriculture (Legislative Council), V@P 1855, vol.2, p.308 (26 July 1855). 16 See, for example, Etienne van de Walle, ‘Marriage and Marital Fertility’, in D. V. Glass & Roger Revelle (edd.), Population and Social Change (London, 1972), p.143. The number of labourer bridegrooms marrying

per decade ranges from 29 in the 1850s to 46 in the 1860s; farmer

bridegrooms, from 34 in the 1870s to 83 in the 1850s; villager bridegrooms, from 11 1n the 1840s to 27 in the 1860s. Figures for brides are roughly equal.

17 Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 20 September 1860, ML A2934.

18 ‘The steady rise in the average age of brides can be traced through the whole period 1841-80, the only perceptible effect of the hard times of the 1860s being a sudden disappearance of very young farmers’ brides. E. A. Wrigley describes similar complexities in the relationship between economic status and age of marriage in his Population and History

(New York, 1969), pp.102—6. See also J. A. Banks & Olive Banks, Feminism and Family Planning in Victorian England (New York, 1964), p.4.5.

19 Camden Bench Book, 26 February, 4 March 1848, NSWSA 4/5527. 20 No doubt a number of first conceptions did not come to full term. It is assumed that these were evenly spread over the period before and after marriage. The total number of first children conceived before marriage, 1841-80, comes to 26 per cent of all first children (counting only those cases where the parents were married in or near Camden). See also Geraldine Spencer, ‘Pre-marital Pregnancies and Ex-nuptial Births in Australia, 1911-66—A Comment’, Australian and New Zealand Journal of

Sociology, vol.5 (1969). For Smith and Norris, see “Uhe Trials of Ann Norris’, Push from the Bush, no.23 (October 1986), p.46.

260 Camden

21 Parish registers and bishops’ transcripts for Cranborne Chase (parishes of Sixpenny Handley, Farnham and Tollard Royal), Dorset and Wiltshire Record Offices; same for the parish of Beckley, East Sussex and West Sussex Record Offices. For Cranborne Chase 206 marriages were listed, for which 115 first births (56 per cent) were found here and in surrounding parishes. For Beckley 212 marriages were listed, for which 113 first births (53 per cent) were found. Probably about 10 per cent of marriages in each area were childless. At Cranborne Chase there were 51 illegitimate births and at Beckley 58. At Gamden marriages were celebrated regularly within the district from about 1850. Between 1851 and 1880 there were 416 marriages which can be called English Protestant (mainly Anglican, Wesleyan and Primitive Methodist) and 58

illegitimate births within the same communions. Within the same period illegitimate births at Camden were 2 per cent of all births.

22 Cissie Fairchilds, ‘Female Sexual Attitudes and the Rise of Illegitimacy: A Case Study’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol.8 (1978), pp-651~3. 23 Alexander Harris, Settlers and Convicts (Melbourne, 1953; first published London, 1847), p.67. 24 Itis impossible to be sure exactly where bridegrooms were living when

they were married, beyond the various neighbourhoods (Cawdor, Menangle, etc.). An examination of the marriages of farmers and labourers shows that among the forty-two cases where, by the evidence

available, bridegrooms might have lived with their brides’ family twenty-six brides were pregnant at marriage (62 per cent). Among the sixty-nine cases where bridegrooms could not have done so only twelve brides were pregnant (17 per cent). 25 John Brand, Observations on the Popular Antiquities of Great Britain (London,. 1854), vol.2, p.176; ‘Robin Bridegroom’ to the editor, SMH, 29

January 1856; author’s interview with Mrs O’Brien, Gamden, 29 March 1981. 26 F.M. Bowman to Sir W. Macarthur, 21 July 1862, ML A2953. 27 “The Life Story of A. [Albert] Doust’, by himself (1971) (typescript), p.12. 28 SMH, 17 November, 23 December 1847, 14 January, 1 December 1848; Jj. B. M. [J. B. Martin], Reminiscences (Camden, 1884), p.8; author’s interview with Mrs O’Brien, Camden, 29 March 1981. 29 See, for example, evidence of Sarah Randle, 28 November 1863, Camden Bench Book, NSWSA 4/5520. 30 See, for example, the accounts of George Butt, Henry Norris, Reuben Parsons, George Vincen, George Witts and Samuel Wright with J. and W. Macarthur, ML A4188, A4189 (referring to the late 1830s). 31 SMH, 27 January 1849. Figures for ‘drunk and disorderly’ come from the Bench Books, 1847-54, NSWSA 4/5527, 4/5528. 32 SMH, 10 November 1847, 10, 22 March, 17 November 1848, 22 June,

Notes 261 3 November 1849, 23 February, 22 March 1850, 30 May 1851.

33 See Appendix 2. 34 See Appendix 2. Women convicts in the Female Factory, Parramatta, were allowed extra rations as ‘nursing mothers’ until their babies reached eight months (Sir G. Gipps’s memorandum, 20 November 1839, NSWSA 4/28570); and see Bryan Gandevia, Tears often Shed: Child Health and Welfare in Australia from 1788 (Sydney, 1978), p.25. Margaret Grellier mentions 9 to 18 months as typical in Western Australia (see “The Family: Some Aspects of its Demography and Ideology

in Mid-Nineteenth Century Western Australia’, in C. T. Stannage (ed.), A New History of Western Australia, Nedlands, 1981, p.487). 35 Nancy Scheper-Hughes, Saints, Scholars and Schizophrenics: Mental Illness in Rural Ireland (Berkeley, 1979), p.146. I owe this reference to Miriam

Dixson. .

36 «6See Appendix 2.

37 SMH, 17 November, 2 December 1847; Gamden Bench Book, 25 March 1854, NSWSA 4/5528.

38 J.N. Dickinson (judge of the Supreme Court), report to the Executive Council, 28 August 1855 (taken from the deposition of Mary Ann Woods in Lakeman’s case), NSWSA 4/3330.

39 Papers on emigration from Bisley to NSW, 1837, P.47a/OV8/1, County Record Office, Gloucester; Gamden Park Day Books, 1836-8, ML A4187; Alexander Harris, op.cit., pp.5, 88, 104, 203. 40 Camden Bench Book, 27 April 1850, NSWSA 4/5527; SMH, 10 June 1859; Camden Bench Book, 28 March 1863, NSWSA 4/5529. 41 New South Wales; its Present State and Future Prospects, appendices, pp.167—

8, 171; various employees’ accounts with J. and W. Macarthur, ML A4186 to A4189.

42 Statement of Henry L. [i.e. Lodge], 20 October 1845, in Caroline Chisholm, Emigration and Transportation relatively considered (London, 1847), p.34; Gurry’s statement, 6 January 1846, SMH, 6 June 1848.

43 Cummins’s statement to Caroline Chisholm, n.d., Monteagle Papers, National Library of Ireland MSS 13400; accounts of sale of plants, Camden Park, ML A2949; SMH, 22 March 1848.

44. List of subscribers to the fund for relieving poverty in Lancashire, SMH, 22 August 1862; Gamden Bench Book, 14 February 1863, NSWSA 4/5529. 45 Report of Bleeck v. Rapley, Gamden District Court, SMH, 14 February 1861.

46 Alan Atkinson, ‘Four Patterns of Convict Protest’, Labour History, no.37 (November 1979), p.33; author’s interview with Mrs O’Brien, Camden, 29 March 1981.

47 ibid.; reports from the masters of the National schools at Camden village, Cobbitty Paddock and Cawdor, in answer to a circular from the National Schools’ Board dated.15 February 1859, NSWSA 1/367.

262 Camden

48 Camden Bench Book, 16 February 1850, NSWSA 4/5527. 49 ibid., 15 December 1851, NSWSA 4/5528. 50 ibid., 7, 26 April, 24, 26 May, 23 August, 27 December 1851, 14 May, 24 September 1853, NSWSA 4/5528; Register for Parramatta Quarter Sessions, trials of 19 November 1851, NSWSA 5/2999; editorial, SMH, 19 August 1861.

51 Camden Bench Book, 29 August 1854, NSWSA 4/5528. 52 A total of 60 men and 52 women were widowed at Gamden and stayed there until death or remarriage. Of the 19 widows aged under 46 all but 2 remarried; of the 15 aged 46—55 only 3; of the remaining 18 only one. Six, all young, remarried within a year. Of the 31 widowers aged under

46 all but 2 remarried; of the 12 aged 46-55 all but one; and of the remaining 17 only four. Eighteen remarried within a year.

53 Will of Ebenezer Simpson sr, Probate Division, Supreme Court (the location of all wills referred to here); Emily Macarthur’s diary, 12 March 1850, Macarthur Papers at Gamden Park; deed of conveyance, Mitchell to J. and W. Macarthur and John Lakeman, trustees for Anna Maria Mitchell, 28 May 1859, Land Titles Office, book 61, no.503; notice by Mitchell, SMH, 2 June 1859. 54 Alan Atkinson, ‘Women Publicans, 1838’, Push from the Bush, no.8 (December 1980), pp.g!I, 101.

55 Rachel White was wife to Thomas White (died 1866); Sarah Giddy (born Haines) was first married to Grantham Giddy (died 1858) and afterwards to Robert Heggie, or Haggie. For ‘free bench’, see E. P. Thomson, “The grid of inheritance: a comment’, in Jack Goody et al. (edd.), Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1600 (Gambridge, 1976), pp.349—-55.

56 Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 1ro—-16 February 1861, ML A2934. Maria Tiddyman was wife to William (died 1863), and Sophia Langridge was wife to George (died 1856). Evidence for the manage-

ment of farms comes mainly from the Macarthur Papers and the Brownlow Hill rent rolls, and from the electoral rolls, which name leaseholders even where no deed of lease seems to have been issued. 57 Henry Clifton, died 1856, and Joseph Fuller, died 1873.

58 Eliza Pearson to PMG, 5 October 1878, Postal Inspector’s report, 24 October 1878, and Amelia Pearson’s letters to secretary, GPO, 28 May, 12 June 1879, Camden Post Office file, Australian Archives.

59 Stanley Chojnacki, ‘Dowries and Kinsmen in Early Renaissance Venice’, in Robert I. Rotberg & Theodore K. Rabb (edd.), Marriage and Fertility: Studies in Interdisciplinary History (Princeton, 1980), p.67; Pat

Grimshaw & Charles Fahey, ‘Family and Community in Nineteenth Century Castlemaine’, Australia 1888, no.g (April 1982), p.118. 60 Emily Macarthur’s diary, 22 April 1867, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; John Ryan to William Wilkins, 24 April 1875, NSWSA 1/1004. 61 These three gravestone inscriptions are all to be found at St John’s,

Notes 263 Camden. Mary, wife of Sivyer Rootes, died 1858; Kezia Herbert, wife of ‘Thomas (of Narellan, died 1889) died 1872; and Eliza Pearson died 1879.

CHAPTER 8 1 Sydney Herald, 31 March 1841. The number of letters 1s calculated on the assumption that the relative proportion of letters and papers was typical of the colony as a whole (see A. Atkinson, ‘Postage in the SouthEast’, Push from the Bush, no.5 (December 1979), especially pp.24 (fn.4), 27.

2 H.N. Whiteman’s Reminiscences (MS), p.8; Arthur Onslow to S. H. Lambton, 29 August 1878, and W. Davies, report to PMG, 24 October 1878, Camden Post Office file, Australian Archives; Menangle Post Office file, Australian Archives. 3 SMH, 21 March 1842, 2 September 1844, 31 October 1851. 4. SMH, 13 January 1843, 23 July, 27, 29 December 1845, 13 March 1846, 11 January 1847. 5 SMH, 30 May, 6 June, 30 August, 10 October 1851, 31 October 1853.

6 For Gerhard, see Gamden Bench Book, 15 December 1851, NSWSA 4/5527. White seems to have arrived at Camden between mid-1851 and

mid-1852. He appears on the 1854 terrier (ML A4220), though his lease was dated 1 July 1857 (ML Aqg216).

7 For the Plough and Harrow Inn, see reports of annual licensing meetings, in April 1851-4, Camden Bench Books, NSWSA 4/5527, 4/5528 (apparently first licensed 15 April 1851). Galvin leased this public house from Samuel Arnold, who built it on his purchase of 1841. It still stands. For the purchase of the Camden Inn, see deed of conveyance, | January 1855, Land Titles Office, book 35, no.850.

8 Evidence of C. H. Green before the Select Committee on the Gold Fields’ Management Bill (Legislative Council), V@P, 1853, vol.g, p-444 (16 June 1853).

g SMH, g June 1858.

10 Reverend C. W. Rigg to W. C. Wills, 21 June 1858 (referring to “Thompson’s teams’ connecting Camden and Campbelltown), NSWSA 1/400, f.511; SMH, 29 December 1858. For later debate on Camden and the railway, see Empire, 14 July, 14 August 1863, 12 March 1864. 11 SMH, 1 September 1857, 31 March, 3 April 1858. 12 NSW Statistical Registers; S. H. Lambton’s memorandum for PMG, 23 September 1878, and Eliza Pearson to PMG, 5 October 1878, Gamden Post Office file. 13° NSW Statistical Registers; J. Rae, Railways of New South Wales. Report on their Construction and Working, from 1872 to 1875 inclusive (Sydney, 1876),

and the same annually thereafter, NSW State Rail Authority Archives.

14. Thomas McMahon to Emily Macarthur, 6 March 1862, Macarthur

264 Camden

Papers at Camden Park; SMH, 4, 5 November 1862, 6 August 1863; statistics as for the last note.

15 Mary Maclean’s account with J. and W. Macarthur, 31 December 1840-30 September 1845, ML A41g6; list of pupils at Camden Park school, 27 September 1841-30 October 1843, ML A2o981; William

Macarthur’s evidence before the Select Committee on Education (Legislative Council), V@P 1844, vol.2, p.583 (30 July 1844); Emily

Macarthur’s diary, various references to schools in the 1840s, and James Macarthur to Emily Macarthur, 14 August 1849, both Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; William Macarthur to John Backhouse, 10 April 1846, ML A2932, book A. 16 SMH, 25 June 1842, 17 May, 4 October 1845, 8 June 1846, 1 June 1847. In his 1844 evidence (last note) William Macarthur mentions a Church of England school in the village.

17 SMH, 27 January 1848; James Macarthur to Emily Macarthur, 21, 23 July 1849, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; minutes of the meeting to petition the National Board, 23 July 1849, NSWSA 1/381; National Board’s Letter Book, 13 August 1849, and Fair Minutes, 13 August 1849, NSWSA 1/327, 1/331; Inspector’s report, September 1852, NSWSA 1/402, f.477; Reverend C. W. Rigg to William Wilkins, 19 June 1857, NSWSA 1/397, f.501.5. 18 SMH, 31 June 1849; Local Patrons to Wills, 5 January 1850, NSWSA 1/383, f.791. For a plan of the school grounds, see James Macarthur to Wills, 3 March 1854, NSWSA 1/399, f. 160.

19 C.D. Elder to Reverend J. D. Lang, 23 September 1843, ML A2226, pp.228-9; Inspector’s report on Gamden school, September 1852, NSWSA 1/402, f.477. Elder’s appointment dated from 3 October 1849. 20 Charles Tompson to Wills, 22 July 1850; report from Gamden school, 11 January 1851, NSWSA 1/384; Local Patrons to National Board, 28 February 1851, NSWSA 1/385, f.243; Inspector’s report, 23 September 1852, NSWSA 1/388, ff.81-2; Wilkins to Wills, 17 August 1854, NSWSA 1/402, f.361.

21 William Macarthur to National Board, 16 December 1853, NSWSA 1/390, f.494. The cause of Elder’s death is unknown but he was ailing for some months. 22 SMH, 5 July 1850, 11 February 1851, 14 November 1853; Tompson to

Wills, 23 January 1850, NSWSA 1/383, f.865; James Macarthur to National Board, 14 October 1853, NSWSA 1/390, f.320; Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Education, 1855, NSWSA 4/1258.2, sheet 17, and Legislative Council Journal, vol.1 (1856-7), p.275; reports of the Denominational Schools Board for 1858 and 1863, ibid., vols 3 and 12 (1858, 1865); James Macarthur to Sir W. Macarthur, 22 December 1861, ML A2gge.

23. James Macarthur to Emily Macarthur, [24 June 1854], ML A4343; Wilkins to Wills, 17 August 1854, 9 August 1858, NSWSA 1/402,

Notes 265 ff. 361, 393; J. W. Walker to Wilkins, 27 February 1856, NSWSA 1/394,

f.373; Matthew Smith to National Board, 28 April 1856, NSWSA 1/

395, £.65; James Macarthur to Wills, 7 July, 24 September 1857, NSWSA 1/308, ff. 10, 220.

24 Butterfield to Wills, 21 September 1857, NSWSA 1/208, f.214; various letters, 25 February—13 March 1858, NSWSA 1/399, ff.198—240.

25 Wilkins to Wills, 28 June 1858, and Reverend C. W. Rigg to Wills, 17 July 1858, NSWSA 1/400, ff.145, 240; Rigg to Wills, 6 October 1858, NSWSA 1/401, f.341; various letters, 1o September—3 October 1859, NSWSA 1/405, ff.304-—23; Emily Macarthur’s diary, 28 November 1859, Macarthur Papers at Gamden Park. 26 Report on the Catholic school, Camden, 5 June 1861, NSWSA 1/324. Mrs James took charge of the School in about September 1860, and it

had apparently not existed earlier in the year (Emily Macarthur’s diary, various entries during 1860, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; Catholic Almanac, 1860, pt 1, pp.66, go). 27 Inspector’s report on Ollis’s work at Carcoar school, 7 September 1858,

NSWSA 1/402, f.403; Local Patrons, Camden, to Wills, 7 April 1860, enclosing Ollis’s report, NSWSA 1/407, ff.296—7; Report of National Schools Board for 1860, Legislative Council Journal, vol.8 (1861-2), p.225.

28 Report from Cobbitty Paddock school in answer to a National Board circular dated 15 February 1859, NSWSA 1/367; Inspector’s reports, Legislative Council Journal, vol.7 (1861), p.320, and vol.8 (1861-2), p.225. There is no evidence of a school at Cobbitty Paddock immediately before Rablah’s appointment in July 1858, but W. Riches was teaching there in 1855 (Police District returns, March—April 1855, Camden Bench Letter Book, NSWSA 4/5530). Rablah’s successor was William C. Wearne. 29 For the origins of the Cawdor school (occasionally called Razorback), see Minutes of the 34th, 35th and 36th Annual Meetings of the Austra-

lian District of the Wesleyan Church, 29 July 1852 (p.461), 28 July 1853 (p.503), 23 November 1854 (p.532), in the Uniting Church Archives, which imply that a Sunday school was begun in 1852-3 and a day school in 1853~—4. See also Police District returns, March— April 1855, Gamden Bench Letter Book, NSWSA 4/5530; Reverend C. W. Rigg to National Board, 11 May 1858, enclosing an application for affliation with the Board, and Wilkins to Wills, 21 June 1858, NSWSA 1/400, ff.447—8, 510; report from Cawdor school in answer to a National Board circular dated 15 February 1859, NSWSA 1/367.

30 James Macarthur to Wills, 26 September 1857, enclosing an application for a National school at Mt Hunter bridge, NSWSA 1/308, ff.266— 7; James Macarthur to Wills, 18, 22 February 1859, NSWSA 1/403, ff.291, 316; Inspector’s reports, Legislative Council Journal, vol.g, pti (1862), p.349, and vol.1o, pt2 ( 1863-4), p.188.

266 Camden

31 Sanderson seems to have begun at Brownlow Hill in 1862 (Sanderson to Council of Education, 1 August 1867, NSWSA 1/737, f.76; Inspector’s report, 18 May 1868, on an application for a provisional school at

Brownlow Hill, NSWSA 1/770, ff.372-4). There was a school at Brownlow Hill as early as 1852, established by George Macleay and taught by Charlotte Stone (Police District returns, [February 1853], Camden Bench Letter Book, NSWSA 4/5530), but it does not appear in 1855 (similar return, ibid.).

32 Edward Lomas (Drew’s predecessor) to PMG, 7 February 1856, Menangle Post Office file; Report of the Denominational Schools’ Board for 1858, Legislative Council Journal, vol.3 (1858). The first teacher at this school seems to have been John Nix, who moved over from Camden between March 1847 and September 1849 (Emily Macarthur’s diary, 31 March 1847, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; baptisms). 33 Report on the Catholic school, Menangle, 4 June 1861, NSWSA 1/324; Inspector’s reports for 1863 and 1864, Legislative Council Journal, vol.12 (1865), pp.281, 334. The first teacher at this school seems to have been Daniel O’Brien, who had arrived by July 1856, but was not there a year earlier (baptisms; Catholic Almanac, 1855, p.108, and 1857, pt2, p.50).

34 The other known Baptists were the family of Matthew Roberts, a tenant on Brownlow Hill (NSWSA 1/770, f.374). 35 SMH, 2 October 1852, 14 November 1853; Gampbelltown Presbyterian communion rolls, 1870-2, 1880, John Ferguson Library 145. 36 ©$They account for half of the leases at Menangle, the rest being equally divided between Anglicans, Wesleyans and Primitive Methodists. Elsewhere the great majority were Anglicans and Wesleyans. 37 SMH, 11 February 1857. 38 Camden Bench Book, 15 December 1851, NSWSA 4/5528. 39 ©Australian Catholic Directory, Sydney 1841, p.23; Catholic Almanac,

1854, p.g3, and subsequent issues to 1861 (in 1860, part 1, p.66, the date of opening of the new church is incorrect); SMH, 28 January 1859; Emily Macarthur’s diary, 8 November 1859, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; Preeman’s Journal, 12 November 1859. The site was transferred to the Church by deed dated 28 May 1844 (book 12, no.645,

Land Titles Office), and there was a building there by early 1846 (William Macarthur to John Backhouse, 1o April 1846, ML A2933, book A). ‘The first Catholic marriage recorded there was on 15 August 1848 (Campbelltown register). Between 1848 and 1851 a Benedictine

monk, Dom Ruggiero Emmanuele was stationed at Gamden. He officiated at several baptisms, marriages and burials (see the registers).

He was a Sicilian whom Bishop Polding had brought to the colony, and according to J. B. Martin he was known at Gamden as ‘Father Rogers’ (Reminiscences, Gamden, 1884, p.27; F. O’Donoghue, The Bishop

Notes 267 of Botany Bay: The Life of John Bede Polding, Australia’s First Catholic Archbishop, Sydney, 1982, p.g2).

40 Information on Bugden kindly supplied by his descendant, David Ralph. For Ireland, see Emmet Larkin, “The Devotional Revolution in Ireland, 1850-75’, American Historical Review, vol.77, no.3 (June 1972).

41 SMH, 28 July, 2 December 1841; James Macarthur to Emily Macarthur, 14. September 1858, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park. 42 For Catholics the number of bridal pregnancies is 12 in 108; Wesleyans, 15 in 71; Church of England, 64 in 184; and Primitive Methodists, 15 in 37. An interval of eight months or less between marriage and first birth is the standard used here.

43 For Thomas Galvin, see Chapter 2, above, and James Waldersee, Catholic Society in New South Wales, 1788-1860 (Sydney, 1974), p.104. For John Galvin, see Freemans Journal, 12 November 1859. For Bugden, see note 40.

44. The names occur in twenty-seven Catholic families in the 1860s and 18708.

45 Rogers to Wills, 22 January 1856, NSWSA 1/394, f.233, and 31 May, 9 August 1856, NSWSA 1/395, ff.151, 440.5. 46 In the 1840s mixed marriages total 8 (6 with wife Catholic); 1850s, 8 (7); 1860s, 5 (3); 1870s, 4 (3). Note that the number of all marriages in the 1850s and also in the 1860s was more than twice the total for the 1840S.

47 For these conversions, see the Catholic registers of baptisms, Campbelltown and elsewhere. At West Maitland five women and two men appear to have been converted between 1848 and 1850. 48 Watkin’s journal, 1, 6, 20 August 1864, ML A835.

49 SMH, 21 January 1848. Figures for occupational groupings are deduced from records of baptisms, marriages and burials. 50 Thomas Cooper, The Life of Thomas Cooper (London, 1872), p.38 (I owe this to John Knott); E. J. Hobsbawm & George Rudé, Captain Swing (Harmondsworth, UK, 1973), pp.63, 156-7, 251. 51 F.W. Bourne, Bible Christians: Their Origin and History, 9 parts (London, 1901-5), p.181. For the Primitive Methodists, compare obituaries for men and for women, in, say, Primitive Methodist Magazine, 1837 (new series, vol.7): 32 men and 51 women. For Mrs Waters, see Empire, 5 January, 29 September 1863, 19 September 1864 (the last reference in particular shows how she was held to have shared in her husband’s ministry). Waters was the second minister and Langford, the first, was unmarried while at Camden. 52 Christian Advocate and Wesleyan Record, 14 January 1869, p.137; Weekly

Advocate, 2 August 1884, p.149: W. H. Gilbert, ‘In Memoriam John Gilbert’, n.d. (typescript). 53 Christian Advocate and Wesleyan Record, 1 April 1865, p.4.

54 Purchases in Camden village, 15 December 1842 (lot 8 sect. 9; price of

268 Camden

£40 paid partly by Mrs Rootes, cash, and partly by Peter Tickner and James Locke, fencing on Camden Park), ML A4203; SMH, 23 September 1843; Weekly Advocate, 21 April 1877, p.25.

55 Weekly Advocate, 2 August 1884, p.149; ‘Remembrances in the Life of Caleb Nash’, December 1914 (typescript). 56 Minutes of the Annual Meetings of the Australian District, 1846-54, Uniting

Church Archives; Record of Quarterly Meetings, 1852-63, ML 317;

p.24. .

Eric G. Clancy, A Giant for Jesus (The Story of Silas Gill) (Sydney, n.d.),

57 As for last note; record of Quarterly Meetings, 4 July 1865 to 27 March 1866, ML 318; Christian Advocate and Wesleyan Record, 9 March 18609, p.163; NSW Wesleyan Methodist Conference Minutes, 1875-80, Uniting Church Archives.

58 ‘This appears from the preachers’ plan, Gamden and Greendale circuit, 1862, ML MDO 287.491/1. 59 Figures from the 1881 census (table 32) show that in 1871-81 the rate of increase in ‘Other Methodists’ (in NSW almost identical with Primitives) was far beyond that of any other sect, and the increase for females was more than for males (126 per cent compared with 119 per cent). The other two groups likely to have grown by conversions were the Wesleyans, where the male rate is slightly greater, and ‘Other Protestants’, where the female rate is higher. For Victorian obituaries, see Primitive Methodist Miscellany, vols 1-4 (1863-79).

60 Cuttings from the Union Signal and Bowral Free Press, both n.d. [May 1895], in the possession of Daphne Koob. 61 James Macarthur and J. N. Oxley to Colonial Secretary, 17 November 1851, and enclosures, NSWSA 4/3224. 62 Stephen Doust to David Doust, 15 May 1857, photocopy in the possession of Daphne Koob.

63 William Forster’s speech in the Legislative Assembly, 4 September 1870, SMH, 5 September 1870.

64 ‘This appears from the entry for September 1861, Primitive Methodist Account Book, ML 320 (when the daughter was living with her future husband, John Rowe, a tanner). 65 ibid. The foundation stone survives at Camden, inscribed ‘Primitive Methodist Chapel A. D. 1859’. 66 A Jubilee Memorial of Incidents in the Rise and Progress of the Bible Christian Connexion (London, 1866), pp.164—5. For information about the Haines

family in Kent I am grateful to Peter Bennett. 67 Minutes of the Annual Meetings of the Australian District, pp.408, 449 (21 August 1851, 29 July 1852); record of Quarterly Meetings (Wesleyan), 1852-63, 1864-9, ML 317, 318; Primitive Methodist Account Book, ML 320. 68 Record of Thomas Haines’s lease, ML Aqgait; list of parents of school children at Menangle, June 1867, NSWSA 1/747, f.46.

Notes 269 69 Cuttings from the Union Signal and Bowral Free Press, \oc.cit. 70 ibid.; J. J. Moloney, Harly Menangle (Newcastle, NSW, 1929), pp.21—2, 29.

71 ‘T. W. Laqueur, Religion and Respectability: Sunday Schools and Working Class Culture 1780-1850 (New Haven, 1976), p.128. For Sunday school attendance see the NSW Statistical Registers. A comparison of table 46 in the 1881 census (interpreting ‘Other Methodists’ as mainly Primitives) with table 17 in the Statistical Register, 1881, shows that the number of

children at Primitive Sunday schools was more than four times the number of children of school age in Primitive families. This suggests that such schools served an important function in giving a secular education to large numbers of children outside the Primitive faith. Also, unlike other Sunday schools, the Primitive schools drew more boys than girls, which is as one would expect if they were seen as teaching useful secular skills.

CHAPTER 9g

1 Reverend W. Clarke, reported in the Empire, 5 June 1860. For Liberalism, individualism and Methodism, see J. Vincent, The.Formation of the Liberal Party 1857—1868 (London, 1966), pp.xii—xxui; Alan D. Gilbert,

‘Methodism, Dissent and Political Stability in Early Industrial England’, Journal of Religious History, vol.1o (1978-9); F. Dreyer, ‘A ‘Religious Society under Heaven”: John Wesley and the identity of Methodism’, Journal of British Studies, vol.25, no.1 (January 1986).

2 J. E. Carruthers, ‘Methodism—and Merinos: Concerning Camden, Cawdor, and Cobbitty’, in his Australian Scenes and Sketches, vol.1 [1916]

(Mitchell Library). 3 Empire, 30 March, 28 August, 17 October 1862; SMH, 22 November 1864; Simeon Brown quoted in inspector’s report, 11 August 1868, NSWSA 1/793, f.441. For the relationship of teetotalism and Methodism, see L. Billington, ‘Popular Religion and Social Reform: A Study of Revivalism and Teetotalism, 1830-1850’, Journal of Religious History, vol.1o (1978-9). 4 SMH, 17 June 1867. 5 J.P. Ollis to William Wilkins, 5 September 1865, NSWSA 1/436, f.295; Ollis to Wilkins, 12 January 1866, NSWSA 1/439, f.160; J. Gardiner’s report on the public school at Branxton, ro August 1869, NSWSA 1/ 808, ff. 3-10.

6 Ollis’s report from Carcoar to the National Schools’ Board in reply toa circular dated 15 February 1859, NSWSA 1/367; Empire, 23 January 1860; Ollis to W. Wilkins, 5 September 1865, NSWSA 1/436, f.295. Ollis’s reports to the Kmpire begin on 23 January 1860 and end on 30 December 1864. For local attitudes to them, see Wilkins to W. C. Wills, 22 February 1861, NSWSA 1/411, ff.262—3.

270 Camden

7 G. Sanders to the editor, Empire, 28 May 1863.

8 Entry for September 1861, Primitive Methodist Account Book, ML 320; James Macarthur to Wilkins, 3 January 1866, J. Gardiner to Wilkins, 5 January 1866, and bill for repairs, NSWSA 1/4309, ff.137, 138, 140; W. J. Rollo to Council of Education, 20 November 1871, NSWSA 1/887, f.231. g James Macarthur to W. S. Mitchell, 24 November 1856, ML A2g20; SMH, 28 November 1856; J. and W. Macarthur to Reverend H. Ting-

combe and others, 27 December 1858, and H. P. Reeves to James Macarthur, 31 October 1 865, both ML A2087.

10 ‘Report from the Committee of The Camden Farmers’ Club and General Improvement Society’, 25 July 1857, and J. and W. Macarthur to Reverend H. Tingcombe and others, 27 December 1858, both ML A2987; SMH, 1 August 1857. 11 SMA, 17 October 1857, 16 June 1858. 12 SMH, 21 May 1859.

13 H. P. Reeves to J. and W. Macarthur, 17 January 1859, ML A2987; William Burrett to J. and W. Macarthur, 25 February 1859, ML A2937; William Burrett to Colonial Secretary, 9g August 1860, NSWSA 4/523 (in file 64/2081); J. B. Martin to Sir W. Macarthur, ‘Saty. Evening’ [15 September 1860], and William Burrett to [Sir W. Macarthur], 18 September 1860, both ML A2087; Empire, 22 September 1860; H. P. Reeves to Colonial Secretary, 19 June 1861, NSWSA 4/3450.

14 Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 19 February 1861, ML A2934; Empire, 24. May, 20 July, 7 November 1861, 9, 15 May 1862, 29 September, 29 December 1863; ‘Timothy Burrett to Colonial Secretary, 22 De-

cember 1863, NSWSA 4/523 (in file 63/2081); H. P. Reeves to James Macarthur, 31 October 1865, ML A2087.

15 J. B. Martin to Sir W. Macarthur, [15 September 1860], and H. P. Reeves to James Macarthur, 31 October 1865, both ML A2987. 16 James Macarthur to Emily Macarthur, 6 July 1854, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park; ‘Books for School of Arts’ (an undated list, possibly

the books referred to in William Burrett to [Sir W. Macarthur], ro April [1860]), ML A2926, p.534; Empire, 10 September 1860. 17 Empire, 5 April 1860, 2 August 1862.

18 Empire, 30 March, 31 August, 6 September (William Burrett to the editor), 10 September 1860. 19 Empire, 6, 19 September, 17, 30 October, 6, 12 November 1860; J. B. Martin to Sir W. Macarthur, [15 September 1860], ML A2987.

20 Empire, 22 March, 8, 20 April, 20, 29 July, 11, 16, 27 September, 14 October, 7, 19 November 1861. 21 Empire, 9 May, 12 May (‘A Friend’ to the editor), 15 May, 17, 30 June, 15, 24 July, 7 August 1862. 22 Empire, 9 June, 22 December 1863. 23 SMH, 5 December 1865, 29 October 1866; Empire, 30 October 1866.

Notes 271

For the final arrangement about funding the building, see Timothy Burrett to Colonial Secretary, 22 December 1863, and 26 January 1864,

and John Morrice to Colonial Secretary, 9 April 1864, and minute thereon, NSWSA 4/523 (in file 64/2081); minute by ‘B. C.’, 5 March 1866, and H. P. Reeves to John Morrice, 21 March 1866, NSWSA 4/572. 24. SMH, 29 October 1866. For schools of arts buildings, see NSW Statistical Registers. Schools of arts were formed at Picton and Campbelltown in 1859 (SMH, 13, 23 July, 26 August 1859), but it is not clear whether the Picton one was kept up.

25 Ollis to W. Wilkins, 5 September 1865, NSWSA 1/436, f.295. 26 For the library, see NSW Statistical Registers, 1875, 1876; George Nadel, Australia’s Colonial Culture (Melbourne, 1957), p.127.

27 Emily Macarthur’s diary, September 1843—June 1846 (Macarthur Papers at Camden Park), with its numerous references to Forrest, Kingston and ‘boys’ (apparently the Macarthur nephews, James and William Bowman, and Henry Lowe, of Bringelly) shows that such a school existed, though it may have been limited to these three. Kingston had been tutor to the sons of Captain P. P. King (H. W. Parker’s minute, on Camden magistrates to Colonial Secretary, 24 March 1843, NSWSA 4/2622.7). 28 SMH, 27 November 1856, 18 January 1857, 4 June, 25 October 1861, 29 May, 5 November 1862; deed of lease, J. M. Hassall to W. Gordon, 13 February 1861, Land Titles Office, book 76, no.644. Gordon occupied the new homestead at Macquarie Grove, not the building later known as ‘Lucyville’, or ‘Hassall Cottage’. He ceased to advertise the school after 1866 and had presumably given it up. 29 SMH, 22 August 1862. This list contains seventeen names besides those of Mr and Mrs Gordon, Mary Wallace (servant?), and ‘A friend’, and is part of a much longer list of those who gave money for the relief of poverty in Lancashire.

30 Thomas MacMahon to Emily Macarthur, 6 March 1862, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park. 31 SMH, 5 January 1857 (very brief notice, implying that the school was already in existence), 26 October 1857. Some uncertainty surrounds the movements of the Walkers. ‘There were three older daughters, aged between sixteen and, perhaps, twenty-three in 1856, all of whom may

have been involved with the school. Clarissa, the eldest, had been trained to help her father in his dispensary (reminiscences of Miss Hilda Walker, Historical Society museum, Camden). She never married. The second daughter, Anne, married W. H. Simpson at Camden in July 1857. The family was at Gamden as early as 1851. There is no sign of Walker practising there between 1861 and 1872, and he may have been at Wollombi, where the third daughter, Mary Elizabeth, was married late in 1861.

272 Camden 32 SMH, 29 October 1866; J. B. M.[ J.B. Martin], Reminiscences (Camden, 1883), p.40. The last reference to the school at Alpha Cottage is SMH, 28 October 1857, and Ollis makes no mention of it in his detailed reports to the Empire from the beginning of 1860. 33 SMH, 29 December 1862, 28 November 1863; Empire, 25 December 1862, 27 November 1863, 30 October 1866. 34 John Mills to Wilkins, 5 August 1868, NSWSA 1/771, £.365. 35 Empire, 17 June 1862.

36 Reverend Samuel Wilkinson to W. C. Wills, 26 December 1862, NSWSA 1/4109, f.513.

37 John Mills to Wilkins, 11, 21 May, 9 November 1868, NSWSA 1/771, ff.351,352,372; Reverend J. F. Moran to Wilkins, 28 March, 16 June 1873, and W. MclIntyre’s report to Council of Education, 9 August 1873, NSWSA 1/940.

38 B. M. Penglase, ‘An Enquiry into Literacy in Early Nineteenth Century New South Wales’, Push from the Bush, no.16 (October 1983). 39 In 1861 there were 176 women in the younger age group and 177 in the older in those parts of the Gamden Registry District counted here. In the 1840s there were 48 married at Camden, in the 1850s, 95 and in

the 1860s, 72. I have used only Protestant data because during the period of research the Gamden Catholic registers were transferred from the presbytery at Camden and cannot now be found. ‘Totals for men vary slightly because of mixed marriages, and because second marriages have not been counted. 40 SMH, 3 July 1862, 23 September 1864; Charlotte M. Yonge, History of Christian Names (London, 1884), pp.464—5. For the new popularity of novels, see Nadel, op.cit., pp.88—94. 41 See, for instance, the advertisement for Arden and Edmondson, “The Ladies’ Establishment’, SMH, 10 March 1863. Compare, for instance, Richard Sennett, The Fall of Public Man (Cambridge, 1976), pp.141—8.

42 Elizabeth Boardman, ‘A Grandma’s Autobiography. Being the Life Story of Elizabeth Boardman’, 1921, MS very kindly shown to me by Mrs Haddon, Balgowlah. 43 For crinolines, see “Tom Pinch’ to the editor, SMH, 27 January 1862; extract from Saturday Review, SMH, 17 May 1863; ‘Dame Trot’ to the editor, SMH, 1 August 1864; SMH, 19 October 1864, 19 December 1865. For the caustic woman, see Mary Fullerton, remembering elec-

tions at mid-century, quoted by J. Damousi, ‘Socialist Women in Australia: 1890-1920’, Melbourne Historical Journal, vol.17 (1985), p.66.

especially Part 3. |

For the relationship of equality and individuality, see Sennett, op.cit.,

44 Dean Rigney to Council of Education, 16 November 1867, NSWSA 1/738, f.11. I am grateful to Mrs Shirley Clarke, a descendant, for information on Fanny Dunsford’s family background. 45 Fanny Dunsford to John Huffer, 9, 13 June 1868, and Huffer’s report to

Notes 273 Council of Education, 22 June 1868, NSWSA 1/771, £6378, 379, 380; Dunsford to Wilkins, 9 February 1869, NSWSA 1/808, f.521. 46 SMH, 17 June 1867, 17 June 1868, 14 June 1869, 12 June 1871. 47 Empire, 30 December 1864; SMH, 14 June 1869. Ebenezer Simpson appears as a leading figure in the Primitive congregation from September 186g (Primitive Methodist Account Book, ML 320). 48 Petitions presented to the Legislative Assembly, dated 15 September 1870 (Narellan) and 27 September 1870 (Camden), V@P_ 1870-1, vol.4, pp.29, 74; [Thomas Garrett’s speeches at Camden, SMH, 20, 23 February 1872. 49 Onslow’s speech at Gamden, SMH, 23 February 1872.

50 Emily Macarthur’s diary, 27 September 1843, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park. 51 Fatal horse and dray accidents were the most common (17 in 1856-80), followed by broken limbs and wounds from other forms of violence (10) and drowning (12). 52 For the matches case, see ‘A Lover of Justice’ and J. M. Conroy to the editor, SMH, 8, 11 August 1862. For the shooting, see SMH, 24 February 1863 (Empire, 26 February 1863, tells a slightly different story). Other cases come from the death registers. 53 Lmpire, 7 May 1862. 54 SMH, 18 September 1868. See also F. B. Smith, The People’s Health, 1830-1910 (London, 1979), pp.85—-91; Patricia Branca, Silent Sisterhood: Middle-Class Women in the Victorian Home (London, 1975), much of

which is relevant to the following paragraphs.

55 For Bell’s reputation, see SMH, 4 October 1859. His report on croup appears SMH, 29 December 1856, and on teething, 30 December 1857, 21 January 1858. 560 Empire, 4,7 October 1864. Bleeck gave one lecture at the School of Arts, on “The Microscope’ (Empire, 14 October, 7 November 1861). 57 Iam indebted to Mr Robert N. Smart, Keeper of the Muniments at the University of St Andrews, for details of Chisholm’s medical career between 1856 and 1876 (when he went to St Andrews for his M.D.) He was a Member of the Royal College of Surgeons (London) and a Licentiate of the Society of Apothecaries. See also Medical Board Minute Book, 4. March 1865, NSWSA 7/5151 (which is incorrect in the date of his doctorate). For Sieveking, see Dictionary of National Biography and the

publications under his name in the British Library catalogue.

58 ‘The argument here has been constructed almost entirely from the pattern of infant deaths appearing in the registers. Among babies of up to a week old 17 died of ‘atrophy’, ‘weakness’ or ‘debility’ in 1856-65 and 11 in 1866-80. Most of these, and nearly all in the later period, were unattended by doctors at the time they died. Among babies between a week and six months old 24 died of these ‘causes’ in 1856-65 and 2 in 1866—8o0. Of the 24, 8 were attended by doctors; of the 2, one

274 Camden

was attended by J. W. Walker and the other was the inquest case. Discounting apparent accidents (other than feeding) and deaths from air-borne epidemic diseases, the mortality rate for infants up to six months was 48 per thousand in 1856-65 and 30 in 1866—80. For comparable figures for the United Kingdom, see Branca, op.cit., pp.g6—9. 59 Died 3 April 1873, unnamed. In 1855 and 1860 inquests were held following the deaths of babies, but in each case the baby was new-born and the mother was accused of direct responsibility for its death. 60 SMA, 30 December 1857. 61 From 1856 to 1880 there were 95 deaths from bowel complaints (including ‘teething’) in the five months December to April, and 31 in the remaining seven months. Of these 126 deaths, 62 were infants and 44 were babies between one and two years old. See also Brian Gandevia, Tears Often Shed: Child Health and Welfare in Australia from 1788 (Sydney,

1978), pp.80, 88; F. B. Smith, op.cit., pp.go—1. Total infant mortality amounted to go per thousand in 1856-60, 86 in 1861-6, 50 in 1866—70, 85 in 1871~5, and 68 in 1876-80. In 1841-6, as far as we can tell, the figure was 35, in 1846-50, 54, and in 1851-5, 65. The increase in the 1870s was due to epidemic diseases coming from Sydney. 62 SMA, 23 February 1850. ‘Tompson also wrote that the flies were early

and common this Summer: they usually arrived in February (29 December 1849, 3, 19 January, 2 February 1850).

63 There were at least 4 such deaths (among all age groups) every Summer from 1856 to 1864. Except for 1871-3 and 1878-9, there were never more than one or two each Summer after 1867-8, and in four cases there were none. However in the 1870s improvement of this kind was balanced by deaths from epidemic diseases, especially bronchitis, diphtheria, whooping cough, scarlet fever, measles and croup, coming from Sydney. 64 F. B. Smith, op.cit., pp.287—-g0. The other families in which comsump-

tion lingered were Rix and Schmidt, both of them, like the Galvins, village people, but labourers. 65 Richard Barton to Arthur Onslow, 27 July 1870, and Barton’s estimate of cost, 8 August 1870, NSWSA 1/842, ff1g1, 192. The papers for the Camden Park case make up a bundle in NSWSA 4/830.2. The Camden Park school opened on 27 November 1865 (Emily Macarthur’s diary, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park).

66 Charles Waters’s involvency papers, October 1869, NSWSA 2/9356, no.g742; Martin Payton’s insolvency papers, March 1882, NSWSA 2/9926, no.17035; J. M. Freeland, Architecture in Australia, A History (Harmondsworth, UK, 1968), p.131. 67 For mirrors, see numbers imported, and compare with population, NSW Statistical Registers. According to the Herald, 23 November 1866,

in Sydney photography had ‘immensely multiplied the desire for likenesses’. At Camden, J. B. Mummery, a druggist who arrived in

Notes 275 1863, took portrait photographs (his insolvency papers, October 1866,

NSWSA 2/9210, no.7937). He was probably the first commercial photographer, though there was a druggist in the village by 1857 (‘An Old Settler’ to the editor, SMH, 22 May 1857).

68 SMH, 7 January 1863. See also G. Fullerton’s evidence before the Select Committee on the Medical Profession Bill (Legislative Council), V&P 1849, vol.2, p.634 (8 August 1849). 69 ‘The birth registers include a column for those who officiated at deliveries, with the heading ‘accoucheur’. For Anna Rootes, see Methodist Weekly Advocate, 6 October 1888, p.288.

70 For Pearson’s wife, see Elizabeth Boardman, ‘A Grandma’s Autobiography’, op.cit., pp.37—8. Pearson last appears as an undertaker at Camden at a burial on 1 August 1871. Other detail in this paragraph has been similarly deduced from birth and death certificates. 71 Rose’s account with J. and W. Macarthur, ML A4186, A4187, A4188. For biographical detail, see the 1828 census (under Absalom and Sarah

West) and Sarah Rose’s death certificate (died 4 July 1874). I am grateful also to Mrs J. Page, of Northmead, whose ancestor Robert Reid was a friend and workmate of Rose’s at Gamden Park (for information here see “The Career of a Master Carpenter’, Push from the Bush, no. 22, April 1986). The only weak link in this reconstruction of Sarah Rose’s life is the supposition that she was the woman living with George Rose in the late 1830s, as she was in later years. However, this seems very likely.

72 ‘Those midwives who practised commercially have been distinguished, for the sake of the argument, by looking at the record over a period of years. A midwife is here supposed to be commercial when she manages confinements at the rate of one a year for at least five years. In each of the three periods 1856-63, 1864-73, 1874-80, doctors managed 19.5 per cent, 11.0 per cent and 22.4 per cent of confinements; Mrs Welling

managed 14.6 per cent, 32.0 per cent and 21.0 per cent; and other supposedly commercial midwives, 44.6 per cent, 34.9 per cent and 44.1

per cent (total confinements, 1029, 1037 and 433). The number of women in the third category declined from 24 in the first period to 13 in the last, and only two began practising later than 1863.

CHAPTER 10

1 On the death certificate of Sarah Boyd, his daughter (died 6 December 1870), Higgins’s name is given as John, but this is clearly a mistake. The evidence for much of the genealogical and biographical detail given in this chapter is too scattered to be described in full. 2 Camden Bench Books, 25 September, 2, 9, 16 October 1847, 13 January, NSWSA 4/5527. For William Boyd’s death (g June 1850), see SMH, 5 July 1850.

276 Camden

3 Ellen Sanderson to Emily Macarthur, 17 August 1862, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park.

4 Isabel Chisholm to Sir W. Macarthur, 21 January 1863, ML A2953; Nanny’s death certificate (died 17 February 1870); William Russell (Werriberri, or Yellow Billy), My Recollections (Gamden, 1914), pp.16, 20.

5 SMH, 30 September 1851; Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 20 January 1862, ML A2o934; F. M. Bowman to Sir W. Macarthur, 20 August 1862, and Isabel Chisholm to Sir W. Macarthur, 21 January 1863, ML A2953; Sir W. Macarthur to George Goode, 24 August 1876, ML A4337; J. W. Macarthur-Onslow, “Told me by Sir William Macar-

thur, my Great Uncle’, typescript, [c.1945], kindly shown to me by Annette Macarthur-Onslow; J. J. Moloney, Early Menangle (Newcastle, NSW, 1929), p.9.

6 Isabel Bowman to Sir W. Macarthur, 20 May 1856, ML A2g53; Emily Macarthur to Sir W. Macarthur, note added to a letter from James, 1 November 1856, ML A2g32.

7 Australian, 18 January 1843; SMH, 9 February 1849; Camden Bench Book, 3 February 1849, NSWSA 4/5527.

8 Thomas Woolner, n.d., quoted in Rachel Roxburgh, Early Colonial Houses of New South Wales (Sydney, 1974), p.44.

g James Macarthur to William Macarthur, 23 January, 1 June 1855, 25 February, 16 May, 26 September 1861, ML A2g32; Sir W. Macarthur to James Macarthur, 5 April 1856, ML A2934. The proposed sale of the farms at Cawdor and Cobbity Paddock was announced to the tenants by Arthur Onslow at a picnic in 1881 (Arthur Onslow, ‘What I am thinking of saying’, ML A4337, pp.373-84). 10 SMH, 26 August 1857. 11 This account of the murder-suicide is taken from SMH, 10, 15 January 1872; Empire, 13 January 1872; Town and Country Journal, 20 January

1872; Stewart’s death certificate. , APPENDIX 4

1 Lachlan Macquarie, Governor of New South Wales: Journals of his Tours in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land 1810-1822 (Sydney, 1956), pp.g—10.

2 ibid., pp.116-17. 3 Sydney Gazette, 16 March 1816.

4 Charles Throsby’s journals, 3, 28 March 1818, 9 April 1819, ML 9g/ 2743:

5 Sydney Gazette, 1 March 1822; Cawdor Bench Books, 26 April, 27 June 1825, NSWSA 4/7567, and 18 December 1826, NSWSA 4/7568; J. and W. Macarthur to John Ovens, 1 July 1825, and enclosed police returns, NSWSA 4/7419. The later appointments were never gazetted.

6 James Macarthur to William Macarthur, 8 June 1829, ML Ag2g3!; Throsby’s journals, 26 April, 11 May 1819, ML 9/2743.

Notes 277 7 SMA, 26 July 1843; W. Russell, My Recollections (Camden, 1914), pp.g, 20.

8 Papers on Aborigines, NSWSA 4/1133.3.

g W. Howe to Colonial Secretary, 17 June 1843, NSWSA 4/1133.3; Australian, 18 January 1843. The story of the death of ‘Old Bundle’ in Sydney in 1838 (Sydney Gazette, 13 September 1838) clearly refers to someone else.

10 Emily Macarthur’s diary, 16 August 1841, 4 June 1844, 27 December 1846, Macarthur Papers at-Gamden Park. 11 SMA, 14 February 1860. 12 William Macarthur to Colonial Secretary, 15 May 1843, NSWSA 4/ 2622.7.

13 James Macarthur to Colonial Secretary, 5 June 1845, NSWSA 4/ 2664.3.

14. J. N. Oxley to Colonial Secretary, 8 April 1848, NSWSA 4/2817; J. M.

Antill to Colonial Secretary, 18 June 1849, and Oxley to Colonial Secretary, 21 April 1849, NSWSA 4/2869; J. B. Martin to Colonial Secretary, 24 January 1853, NSWSA 4/3183; W. Macarthur to Colonial Secretary, 11 February 1854, NSWSA 4/3226. 15 Camden Park accounts, 1837—44, ML A4187—Aq4189.

16 Camden Park accounts, 22 February, 22 March 1834, ML Aq4177; Emily Macarthur’s diary, 27 March 1839, 20 February 1840. 17. Emily Macarthur’s diary, 3 August 1839, 14 January 1846, 2 February 1850.

18 M. McAlister, report to the Legislative Council Select Committee on Aborigines, V@P 1845, pp.975—6.

19 Camden Bench Book, 23 May 1863, 13 May 1865, NSWSA 4/5529. 20 J. N. Oxley to Colonial Secretary, 27 August 1855, NSWSA 4/3280. 21 Family reconstitution forms. 22 J.J. Moloney, arly Menangle (Newcastle, NSW, 1929), p.9.

23 J. W. Macarthur-Onslow to E. Rothe, n.d., typescript, Macarthur Papers at Camden Park.

24 Death certificate. 25 J. W. Macarthur-Onslow to E. Rothe, op.cit.

bibliography

This work has relied on a number of standard sources for the social history of New South Wales: the Historical Records of Australia; the Votes and Proceed-

ings of the New South Wales Legislative Council (to 1855) and of the Legislative Assembly (from 1856); the Journal of the Legislative Council (from 1856); parish maps (copies supplied by the Department of Lands); the Government Gazette; the annual Statistical Registers; and the abstracts of censuses, which are to be found in the Sydney Gazette (1828), the Government Gazette (1833-56), and as separate government publications (from 1861). Various contemporary almanacs and directories (some of them republished in facsimile) have also been used, besides the sources listed below. Special mention should be made of a quantity of published material on

the Methodist churches which has been consulted in the Uniting Church Archives, Sydney: the minutes of the annual meetings of the Australian District (Wesleyan) (1846-49); the minutes of the annual conferences of the

Australasian Wesleyan Methodist Church (from 1855); the Australian Methodist Ministerial Index (Melbourne, 1889); A Jubilee Memorial of Incidents in

the Rise and Progress of the Bible Christian Connexion (London, 1866); The Methodist Jubilee Conference Album 1885-1905; and the Methodist periodicals listed below.

MANUSCRIPT SOURCES Australian Archives, Sydney. Post Office files, Camden and Menangle. AMP Society Archives, Head Office, Sydney. Accounts of early insurance policies.

Brownlow Hill, Gamden. Papers of Jeremiah Downes, including records of tenants on Brownlow Hill. Camden Park, Menangle. Macarthur Papers. County Record Office, Dorset, UK. Parish registers of baptisms, marriages and burials. Records of emigration to NSW, 1830s. County Record Office, Gloucestershire, UK. Parish registers of baptisms, marriages and burials. Records of emigration to NSW, 1830s. County Record Office, Kent, UK. Norman MSS (U310 C167). Records of emigration to NSW, 1830s. Ferguson Memorial Library, Presbyterian Assembly Building, Sydney. Communion roll, Gampbelltown 1870 (145). Registers of baptisms, mar-

Notes 279

riages and burials at Campbelltown (146).

Fisher Library, University of Sydney. R. and F. Tooth, Kent Brewery Account Books.

Mitchell Library, Sydney. Caley, George “Report of a Journey to the Cowpastures’ (in February 1804) (C112). Hamilton Papers (MSS 57/ 060) (microfilm, original at National Maritime Museum, Greenwich). Hassall Papers (A1677-3, A1677-4). King, P. G. ‘Governor King’s Observations on [the] Cow Pastures 1805’ (C113). J. D. Lang Papers (A2226). Macarthur Papers, Ist and 2nd collections (numerous references, but especially the records of tenants on Camden Park, A4203, A4209-A4216, A4220). Marsden Papers (A5412-1/3). Martin, J. B. Newspaper items (Qgq1.8/M). Norton Smith and Co. Papers (A5322-1, A5377-3, A5427-2). Primitive Methodist Church MSS (317, 320, 321, 323), Reverend J. Watkin, journal (A835, OOM322). The Mitchell Library also holds the printed ‘Primitive Methodist Preachers’ Plan of the Camden and Greendale Circuit, 1802’ (MDQ 287.491/1).

National Library, Canberra. Maddrell Family Papers (microfilm). National Library of Ireland, Dublin. Monteagle Papers (MSS 12400). National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh. Henry Mackenzie Correspondence and Manuscripts (MSS 6366).

New South Wales State Archives, Sydney. Items used in the State Archives are too numerous and scattered to list individually. The most important material is that relating to bankruptcy, education and immigration, the civil registers of births, deaths and marriages at Camden, the Colonial Secretary’s correspondence (especially with the Camden bench of magistrates), and the Cawdor and Camden Bench Books. Provost’s House, The Queen’s College, Oxford. Papers of the 14th Earl of Derby (box 135/5). Public Record Office, London. Home Office papers: details from 1841 and 1851 censuses. Wesleyan baptismal registers, Rye circuit. Registrar-General’s Department (Sydney): Land Titles Office. Numerous deeds relating to Camden. Registrar-General’s Department (Sydney): Registry of Births, Deaths and Marriages. Civil registers of marriages, New South Wales.

Riverina-Murray Institute of Higher Education, Wagga Wagga (Archives). Conditional Purchase Registers, Land Districts of Gundagai and Wagga Wagga, 1862-79. St John’s Church Office, Camden. Anglican Church papers. Registers of baptisms, marriages and burials.

St John’s Presbytery, Campbelltown. Registers of baptisms, marriages and burials. St Paul’s Rectory, Cobbitty. Registers of baptisms, marriages and burials. St Peter’s Church Office, Campbelltown. Registers of baptisms, marriages and burials. State Library of New South Wales, Sydney. Electoral rolls (microfilm).

260 Camden , Supreme Court of NSW (Probate Division), Sydney. Various wills relating to Camden. PERIODICALS Australian Christian Advocate and Wesleyan Record Empire Freeman’s Journal Illustrated Sydney News Methodist Primitive Methodist Magazine Primitive Methodist Miscellany Sydney Gazette Sydney Herald, and Sydney Morning Herald Town and Country Journal (Wesleyan) Weekly Advocate

CONTEMPORARY WORKS Atkinson, James. An Account of the State of Agriculture and Grazing in New South

Wales. First published 1826. Sydney University Press, Sydney, 1975. Brand, John. Odservations on the Popular Antiquities of Great Britain. H. G. Bohn, London, 1854. Burton, W. W. The State of Religion and Education in New South Wales. J. Cross,

London, 1840. Chavanne, H. Un Jeune Suisse en Australie. E. Beroud, Geneva, 1852. Chisholm, Caroline. Emigration and Transportation relatively considered. John Olliver, London, 1847. Collins, David. An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales. 2 vols, first

published 1798 and 1802. A. H. & A. W. Reed, Sydney, 1975. Cunningham, Peter. Two Years in New South Wales. Henry Colburn, London, 1827. Delessert, Eugéne. Souvenirs d’un Voyage a Sydney (Nouvelle-Hollande), Fait pen-

dant l’anée 1845. A. Franck, Paris, 1847. Denison, Sir William. Varieties of Vice-Regal Life. Longmans, Green, London, 1870.

Godley, J. R. Extracts from the Journal of a Visit to New South Wales in 1853. Published anonymously, London, 1853. Harris, Alexander. Settlers and Convicts: Recollections of Sixteen Years’ Labour in the Australian Backwoods. First published in 1847, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1953. Hood, John. Australia and the East. John Murray, London, 1843. Hutchins, John. The History and Antiquities of the County of Dorset. 3rd edn. by W. Shipp and J. W. Hodson. 4 vols. J. B. Nichols, Westminister, 1861—73:

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J.B. M. (John Benson Martin). Reminiscences. A. J. Doust, Camden, 1884. Kendall, H. B. History of the Primitive Methodist Connexion. J. Toulson, London, n.d. Macarthur, James. New South Wales; its Present State and Future Prospects. D. Walther, London, 1837. Macquarie, L. Lachlan Macquarie, Governor of New South Wales: Journals of his Tours in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land 1810-1822. Public Library of

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Mossman, Samuel & Banister, Thomas. Australia Visited and Revisited. Addey, London, 1853. Petty, John. The History of the Primitive Methodist Connexion from its Origin to the Conference of 1859. R. Davies, London, 1860. Tench, Watkin. Sydney's First Four Years: ‘A Narrative of the Expedition to Botany Bay’ and ‘A Complete account of the Settlement at Port Jackson 1788-1791’, ed. L.

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MODERN WORKS Anderson, Michael. Approaches to the History of the Western Family, 1500-1914.

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printed, Bankstown, NSW, n.d. Aries, Philippe. The Hour of Our Death. Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1983. Banks, J. A. & Banks, Olive. Feminism and Family Planning in Victorian England. Schoken Books, New York, 1964. Barrell, John. The Idea of Landscape and the Sense of Place 1730-1840. Cambridge University Press, London, 1972. Bayley, William A. History of Campbelltown, New South Wales. Campbelltown City Council, Gampbelltown, 1974. Bettey, J. H. Rural Life in Wessex 1500-1900. Moonraker Press, Bradford-onAvon, 1977. Bourne, F. W. Bible Christians: Their Origin and History. Bible Christian Book Room, London, 1905. Branca, Patricia. Silent Sisterhood: Middle-Class Women in the Victorian Home. Croom Helm, London, 1975. Bridge, Carl. A Trunk Full of Books: History of the State Library of South Australia

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282 Camden

Callaghan, Leo. They Sowed, We Reap. Privately printed, Narellan, NSW, (1983?).

Clancy, Eric G. A Giant for Jesus (The Story of Silas Gill). Privately printed, Sydney, n.d. Cramp, K. R. & Mackaness, G. A History of the United Grand Lodge of Ancient, Free and Accepted Masons of New South Wales. Angus & Robertson, Sydney,

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Darley, Gillian. Villages of Vision. Paladin, London, 1978. Ellis, M. H. John Macarthur. Angus & Robertson, Sydney, 1955. Ernle, Lord. English Farming, Past and Present. Longmans, London, 1922. Flandrin, Jean-Louis. Families in Former Times: Kinship, Household and Sexuality. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1979. Fletcher, Brian H. Landed Enterprise and Penal Society. Sydney University Press, Sydney, 1976. Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality. Pantheon Books, New York, 1980. Freeland, J. M. Architecture in Australia, A History. Penguin, Ringwood, Vic, 1968.

Gandevia, Brian. Tears often Shed: Child Health and Welfare in Australia from 1768. Pergamon, Sydney, 1978. Gilmore, Mary. More Recollections. Angus & Robertson, Sydney, 1935. Glass, D. V. & Revelle, Roger (edd.). Population and Social Change. Arnold, London, 1972. Goody, Jack, et al. Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 12001600. Gambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976.

Hammond, J. L. & Hammond, Barbara. The Village Labourer 1760-1832. Longmans, London, r1grt. Hasbach, W. A History of the English Agricultural Labourer. P. S. King, London, 1908. Herman, Morton. The Early Australian Architects and their Work. Angus & Robertson, Sydney, 1954. Hirst, J. B. Adelaide and the Country 1870-1917. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1973.

Hobsbawm, EK. J. & Rudé, George. Captain Swing. Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1969. Kerr, Joan. Colonial Gothick: The Gothic Revival in New South Wales. David Ell, Sydney, 1980. Knott, John. Popular Opposition to the 1834 Poor Law. Croom Helm, London, 1986. Laqueur, T. W. Religion and Respectability: Sunday Schools and Working Class

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Reece, R. H. W. Aborigines and Colonists: Aborigines and Colonial Society in New South Wales in the 1830s and 1840s. Sydney University Press, Sydney, 1974.

Rendall, Jane (ed.). Equal or Different: Women’s Politics, 1800-1914. Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1987. Ritchie, John (ed.). The Evidence to the Bigge Reports. Heinemann, Melbourne, IQ7I. Roberts, Jack L. A History of Methodism in the Cowpastures 1843-1977. Privately

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Samuel, Raphael (ed.). Village Life and Labour. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1975. Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. Saints, Scholars and Schizophrenics: Mental Illness in Rural Ireland. University of California Press, Berkeley, 1979. Sennett, Richard. The Fall of Public Man. Cambridge University Press, Gambridge, 1976. Smith, F. B. The People’s Health, 1830-1910. Croom Helm, London, 1979. Stannage, C. T. (ed.). A New History of Western Australia. University of Western Australia Press, Nedlands, WA, 1981. Taylor, Barbara. Five and the New Jerusalem: Socialism and Feminism in the Nineteenth Century. Virago, London, 1983. Taylor, Griffith. Sydneyside Scenery and how it came about. Angus & Robertson, Sydney, 1970. Thompson, EK. P. The Making of the English Working Class. Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1968.

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versity Press, Sydney, 1974. Walker, R. B. The Newspaper Press in New South Wales, 1603-1920. Sydney University Press, Sydney, 1976. Ward, J. M. James Macarthur, Colonial Conservative, 1798-1867. Sydney University Press, Sydney, 1981. Warner, Marina. Alone of All Her Sex: The Myth and the Cult of the Virgin Mary.

Picador, London, 1985. Wright, Lawrence. Clean and Decent: The fascinating history of the bathroom and the water closet and of sundry habits, fashions and accessories of the toilet, principally

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Wrigley, E. A. Population and History. McGraw-Hill, New York, 1969. Wrigley, J. D. (ed.). A History of Camden, New South Wales. Privately printed, Camden, NSW, 1980. Wrigley, J. D. (ed). Pioneers of Camden (including derivations of street names). Privately printed, Gamden, NSW, 1981. Wrigley, J. D. (ed.). Historic Buildings of Camden. Privately printed, Gamden, NSW, 1983.

NSW, 1985. :

Wrigley, J. D. Camden Interim Heritage Study. Privately printed, Gamden, Yarwood, A. T. Samuel Marsden: The Great Survivor. Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1977.

ARTICLES | Agnew, Jean Christophe. “The Threshold of Exchange: Speculations on the Market.’ Radical History Review, no. 21, Fall 1979, pp.gg—118. Atkinson, Alan. ‘Camden, the Initial Arcady’. Time Remembered (Journal of the Murdoch University History Club), no.2, February 1978, pp.125—-37. Atkinson, Alan. ‘A Slice of the Sydney Press’. Push from the Bush, no.1, May 1978, pp.82—99.

Atkinson, Alan. “Vhe Moral Basis of Marriage’. Push from the Bush, no.2, November 1978, pp.104~—15.

Atkinson, Alan. ‘Four Patterns of Convict Protest’. Labour History, no.37, November 1979, pp.28—51. Atkinson, Alan. ‘Master and Servant at Camden Park, 1838’. Push from the Bush, no.6, May 1980, pp.42—60. Atkinson, Alan. ‘Women Publicans, 1838’. Push from the Bush, no.8, December 1980, pp.88—106. Atkinson, Alan. ‘Marriage and Distance in the Convict Colonies 1838’. Push from the Bush, no.16, October 1983, pp.61—70.

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Aveling, Marian. ‘She Only Married To Be Free; or, Cleopatra Vindicated’. Push from the Bush, no.2, November 1978, pp.116—24.

Basavarajappa, K. G. ‘Pre-marital Pregnancies and Ex-nuptial Births in Australia, 1911-66’. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, vol.4, 1968, pp.126—-43.

Beckett, J. V. “The Debate over Farm Sizes in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century England’. Agricultural History, vol.57, 1983, pp.308-25. Billington, Louis. ‘Popular Religion and Social Reform: A Study of Revivalism and Teetotalism, 1830-50’. Journal of Relgious History, vol.10, 1978-9, pp.266-93.

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Brownlee, W. Elliot. ‘Household Values, Women’s Work, and Economic Growth, 1800-1930’. Journal of Economic History, vol.39, 1979, pp.199—-209.

Campbell, J. F. “Notes on “Explorations under Governor Phillip”’. Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, vol.12, 1926, pp.26—40.

Campbell, J. F. “Phe Wild Cattle of the Gowpastures, and the Village of Cawdor’. Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, vol.14, 1929, pp-43-56. Clarkson, L. A. ‘Agriculture and the Development of the Australian Economy during the Nineteenth Century’. Agricultural History Review, vol.19, 1971, pp.88—96.

Collins, E. J.T. ‘Harvest Technology and Labour Supply in Britain, 17901870’. Economic History Review, 2nd series, vol.22, 1969, pp.453-73.

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Gilbert, Alan D. ‘Methodism, Dissent and Political Stability in Early Industrial England’. Journal of Religious History, vol.10, 1978-9, pp.381—99. Grigg, Susan. “Toward a Theory of Remarriage: A Case Study of Newburyport at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century’. Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol.8, 1977, pp.183—-220.

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Interrante, Joseph. ‘You Can’t Go to Town in a Bathtub: Automobile Movement and the Reorganization of Rural American Space, 19g001930. Radical History Review, no.21, Fall 1979, pp.151—-68.

Jeans, D. N. “Town Planning in New South Wales 1829-1842’. Australian Planning Institute Journal, vol.3, 1965, pp.1g1—6.

Jervis, James. ‘Camden and the Cowpastures’. Journal of the Royal Australian Flistorical Society, vol.21, 1935, pp.240-55. Jones, E. L. “The Agricultural Labour Market in England, 1793-1872’. Economic History Review, 2nd series, vol.17, 1964—5, pp.322—38.

Lake, Marilyn. ‘The politics of respectability: identifying the masculinist context’. Historical Studies, vol.22, 1986, pp.116-31. Lake, Marilyn. ‘Socialism and Manhood: The case of William Lake’. Labour History, no.50, May 1986, pp.54—62. Lancaster, H. O. ‘Infant Mortality in Australia’. Medical Journal of Australia, 1946, vol.2, pp.100—8. Larkin, Emmet. “Che Devotional Revolution in Ireland, 1850-75’. American Historical Review, vol.77, 1972, pp.625—52.

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Mathews, R. H. & Everitt, M. M. “The Organisation, Language and Initiation Ceremonies of the Aborigines of the South-East Coast of N.S. Wales’. Journal and Transactions of the Royal Society of New South Wales, vol.34, 1900,

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Perry, P. J. ‘Working-Class Isolation and Mobility in Rural Dorset, 18371936: a Study of Marriage Distances’. Institute of British Geographers Transactions, no.46, March 1969, pp.121—-41.

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UNPUBLISHED WORKS

Atkinson, Alan. The Position of John Macarthur and His Family in New South Wales before 1842. M.A. thesis, University of Sydney, 1971. Atkinson, Alan. The Political Life of James Macarthur. Ph.D. thesis, Australian National University, 1976. Atkinson, Alan. Landed Authority in Rural New South Wales, 1830-1850. Paper presented at the 1977 ANZAAS Conference, Melbourne. Boardman, Elizabeth. A Grandma’s Autobiography. Original ms with Mrs Haddon, Balgowlah, NSW. roar. Clancy, E. G. History of the Primitive Methodist Church in New South Wales. M.A. thesis, Macquarie University, 1986. Clout, George. Echoes of the Past: ‘The Old Carrying Days. Copy with Mrs P. ‘IT. Sherriff, Belmont, NSW. 1918.

De Ferranti, L. Z. The Legacy of Gamden Park. B. Arch. thesis, University of Sydney, 1979.

Doust, Albert. The Life Story of A. Doust. Copy with Mrs A. Koob, Copacobana, NSW, 1971.

Macarthur-Onslow, J. W. Notes—Told me by Sir William Macarthur, my Great Uncle. At Gamden Park. ¢. 1945. Nash, Caleb. Remembrances in the Life of Caleb Nash, written December 1914. Copy with Mr F. W. Nash, Parkes, ACT. Phillips, Marie E. ‘The Vegetation of the Wianamatta Shale and Associated Sou Types. M.Sc.thesis, University of Sydney, 1947. Whiteman, H. N. Reminiscences (c. 1950?). Original with Mr A. N. Whiteman, Narellan, NSW. Wolniakowsk1, Elizabeth. Family and Population Change in a Nineteenth Century English Village. Ph.D. thesis, Cornell University, 1976.

Sources of illustrations

LANDSCAPES ETC.

LL. Cowpastures hut — a watercolour by an unknown artist, 1804, in the Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, reproduced with permission. (For the vice-regal visit, see Sydney Gazette, 11 December 1803.)

2L. Camden Park house — a watercolour (attributed to John Verge, c.1834) in the possession of Lady Macarthur-Onslow, reproduced with her permission; copy supplied by James Broadbent and the Historic Houses ‘Trust.

Macquarie Grove — a photograph taken by the late Mrs E.

Onslow. |

Macarthur-Onslow, about 1930, suppled by Annette Macarthur-

4-5L. | Good slab hut — a photograph taken in about the 1870s; copy supplied by Daphne and Arthur Koob. Poor slab hut — a nineteenth century photograph; copy supplied by Annette Macarthur-Onslow.

6L. Home farm — from Andrew Garran, A Picturesque Atlas of Australia (Sydney, 1886), p.22.

7L. Reaping — a watercolour sketch (attributed to Emily Macarthur, 1850s), in the possession of Quentin Macarthur-Stanham, reproduced with his permission; copy supplied by Annette MacarthurOnslow.

8-10L. School of Arts, Bank of N.S.W., Church of England schoolhouse — photographs in the possession of Gamden Historical Society; supplied by John Wrigley.

LiL. Doust’s store — a photograph supplied by Daphne and Arthur Koob.

12L. Flood — from the J/lustrated Sydney News, 9 June 1869, p.209.

PORTRAITS

1-3P. James, Emily and Sir William Macarthur — paintings in oils by Alessandro Capalti, done in Rome 1862, in the possession of Quen-

Onslow. ,

tin Macarthur-Stanham, reproduced with his permission; copies by photographer Kerry Dundas, supplied by Annette Macarthur-

4P. Henry Tingcombe — painting in oils by an unknown artist, in St Peter’s Cathedral, Armidale; reproduced with the permission of the Dean of Armidale.

Koob. ,

5-6P. Dean Rigney — a photograph in St Mary’s Cathedral, Sydney; supplied by the Cathedral Archivist.

David Doust — a photograph supplied by Daphne and Arthur

7-8P. — John Lakeman — a photograph in the possession of Mr and Mrs P. 'T. Gooke, who kindly provided a copy.

C. T. Whiteman — a photograph in the possession of Mr A.N. Whiteman, who kindly provided a copy. 9-10P. James Hawes — a photograph in the possession of Mrs M. K. Benn, who kindly provided a copy. William Apps — a photograph supplied by Daphne and Arthur Koob.

11-12P. John and Ann Veness, James Boardman and Elizabeth Loiterton — all photographs supplied by Daphne and Arthur Koob.

13P. Annie Hawes and J. C. Johnston — a photograph in the possession of Mrs M. K. Benn, who kindly provided a copy.

Index

Aborigines, 228-32, z//. 9L; Boiyan, 229; Beeston, John, 161

Broadbury, 14, 21, 94, 228-30; Bell, Dr William, 198 Broughton, 228; Bundal, 14, 21, 208, Bensley, Hannah, 75, 148 228-32; Cannaboygal, or Cannamikel, Bensley, Henry, 148 7, 234n; customs and skills, 5-6, 7,8,14, | Bensley family, 135, 168

207, 209, 231; Jackie, or Wolloring, Biffin, Aaron, 249n 229, 231; Koggie, 14, 228; labour, 87, Billet, George, 245n 231; migration, 138, 207; Nanny, 207, birds, native, 5, 6, 138, 234n 232; Nellie, Black, 207, 232; race re- Bishop family, 218 lations, 7-8, 21, 58, 208, 230-2; tribalor- Bland, Dr William, 101-2

ganisation, 6-7, 229; Willmot, 232 Bleeck, Dr John, 56, 106, 107, 110, 198,

alcohol, 51, 58-9; illicit sale, 19, 34 199, 204, 224

Aldridge, Mary, 79 Bligh, Governor, 11

Allcock, William, 24 Boardman, Elizabeth, 113-15, 118, 192 Alpha Cottage, 56, 189-90, 191 Boardman, James, ill. /2P animals, native, 6, 26, 233-4n | Boardman, John, 113-14

Antill, Major Henry C., 22, 23, 32, 42-3 Boardman, Joseph B., 113-15, 118

apprentices, 49, 53, 60-1, 143, 190 Boardman, Reuben, 113

Apps, William, id. /0P Boardman family, 113, 135

Apps family, 217 Boyan, 229

Arnold, Samuel, 2, 39, 49, 55,60,157,171 Boodbury, 14, 21, 94, 228-30

Arnold family, 213 Booth family, 218

Atkinson, James, 29 Bourke, Governor, 38, 46 Avery, Thomas, 19 Bowes, Reverend John, 171-2 Avery, William, 209-10 Boyd, Augusta, 206, 209, 210 Boyd, Richard sr, 20, 205 Boyd, Richard jr, 60

Bankes, Mary, 20 Boyd, Robert, 205-6, 209-10 banking, 51, 121, 2d. 9L Boyd, Sarah, 20, 205 Banks, Elizabeth, 159 Boyd, William, 205-6 Baptists, 161, 176 Bradley, George, 141, 213

barley, 29, 97, 98 Bradley, Humphrey, 80 Barrett, Richard, 207, 232 Bradley, Mary Ann, 141, 213 Barrett family, 218 Brailsford, John, 145 Basden, Richard, 46-7, 49, 54, 56, 90,95, Brandon, Joseph, 88

111, 130 Bransby, Dr George, 47, 77, 224

Basden, Theodosia, 49 Brenan, Thomas, 55, 58-9, 259n

Bayley, James, 221 Brett, William, 79, 80 Beer, Mrs (phrenologist), 187 Broughton, 228 290

Index 291

Broughton, Bishop W.G., 46, 158 Casimir, Louis, 67

Brown, Ann, 146 Cass, Edward, 76

Brown, Simeon, 160, 175, 181, 182, 183 Cate, William, 76-7

Brown, Thomas, 182 Catholics, 162-4, 165-6; Aborigines, 230; Brownlow Hill, 81-2, 217;. house, 2-3; buildings, 44, 159, 161, 163, 164, 266n;

management, 20, 21, 70-1, 90, 98, clergy, 34, 163-4, 225 (list); schools, 249n; name, 17; original grant, 3, 19; 156, 159, 161, 193-4; Sisters of Charity, sale, 100, 106-7, 115, 256n; school, 160, 164; social status, 180

266n cattle, 78-80, 98; dairy, 78, 85, 90-1, 120;

Buchan, William, 55, 62, 194 wild, 8-9, 10, 17 Bugden, Thomas, 163, 164 Cavenagh, William, 112 Bugden family, 216 Cawdor, 3, 75, 81-2, 239n; land sales, 208; Bundal, 14, 21, 208, 228-32 name, 17; original grant, 19; religion,

Burne, Frederick, 121 168, 171, 175, 181; school, 160, 265n Burrett, Timothy, 104, 142, 184,189,190 |Channell, Ellen, 117

bushrangers, 34, 43, 91 Channell, William, 72

Butlin, N.G., 128 Chapman, Wilham, 118

Butt families, 213-14 Chappell, Charlotte L. 176

Butterfield, Edward, 159 _ Chappell, Mary Ann, 176, 202, 203 Charker, William, 131-2, 259n

childbirth, 124, 173; illegitimacy, 133,

Cady, Alfred, 85 260n; intervals, 136, 139, 222-3; see also

Caley, George, 7, 9 midwives

Camden, Ist Baron (and Ist Earl), x1 children: Band of Hope, 181-2, 186; famCamden, 2nd Earl (and 1st Marquis), xi, ily size, 139, 197, 223; labour, 89, 137;

10 management, 143, 196-9, 200-1, 206;

Camden, William, x1 mortality, 196-200, 273-4n; religion,

Camden, name, xi 165-6, 171; see also schools Camden Farmers’ Club, 72-3, 184 Chisholm, Caroline, 141

Camden Inn: building, 2, 46, 56; man- Chisholm, Dr Edwin, 198-9, 201, 204 agement, 47-8, 60, 138, 154; sale, 62, Chisholm, Isabella M., 198

153 Chisholm, James K., 96, 98-9, 100, 110,

Camden News, 121 111, 198, 224

Camden Park: early buildings, 13, 20, Christian names, 164, 192 28-9; garden and orchard, 2, 29, 91, Church of England, 35-6, 104-5, 164-5; 207; home farm, 81-2, 208-10, 2d. 6L; clergy, 33-4, 225 (list); schools, 156-7, management (convicts), 16-17, 20, 21, 160-1, ad. JOL; see also St John’s church

23-4, 29; management (tenants), 38, Clarke, Ann, 202 68-74, 96, 98-100; original grant, 3, Clarke, James, 202

10-11, 235n; school, 37-8, 156; Clifton family, 147, 168

vineyard, 29, 137, 206 | Close, Edward C., 67

Camden Park house, 2, 28-9, zi. 2L clothing, 140-1, 173, 192-3

Camden Times, 121 Clout, Amelia, 85

Camden village, 45, 56-7, 101, 103; ap- Clout family, 218 pearance, 52, 124; land sales, 42-3, 44; | Cobbitty Paddock, 75, 148; land sales,

layout, 36, 44, 55, 67; No.39 John 208; settlement, 69, 74; religion, 162, Street, 52; population structure, 53-4, 167, 168, 171, 175, 181; school, 160, 128-9, 245n; proposals for, 34-6, 42, 183, 188, 265n

236-7n; street names, 243n Coghill, John, 23, 31, 66

Campbell, Charles, 66, 67 Collins, David, 26

Campbelltown, 21, 27-8, 35, 97, 153-4 Condron, John, 16 Cannaboygal, or Cannamikel, 7, 234n Congregationalists, 51, 161, 183

Carroll, John, 87 contraception, 139; see also childbirth carrying trade, 30, 79, 112-14, 154 convicts, 53; see also Brownlow Hill, Cam-

Casey, Ellen, 144 den Park, Elderslie, Kirkham, Mac-

292 Camden

quarie Grove Elder, Mary Ann, 158

Cook, James, 60, 61 Elderslie farms, 18; management and

Cook, Thomas, 80, 259n subdivision, 18, 20, 66; original grants, Cornwell, George, 80 3, 12, 235n, 236n; see also farming (free-

Coss, John, 59, 60 hold)

Cowpasture (or Camden) Bridge, 1, 34, —__ Elderslie village, 44, 66, 67, 81-2, 248-9n

106 electoral politics, 100-3, 194-5

Cowper, Charles, 101-4, 108, 224 Elliot, William, 214

Cox family, 214 Emmanuele, Dom Ruggiero, 225, 266n Crain, Irwin, 87 Emprre, xii, 108, 110-11, 183

cricket, 155, 188, 189, 209 England: agricultural disturbances, 36-8,

Cross, ‘Thomas, 64 39, 169; farming methods, 71-2, 87, 89;

Crown Inn, 56, 201 labourers, 134; marriage, 132-3; reCummins, James, 79, 141 ligion, 104, 166-8, 169-70, 175; widow-

Currency Lass Inn, 146 hood, 147; see also immigration

Curry, Ellen, 2 exploration by Europeans, 5-6, 8-9, 26

Curry, Mary, 197

Curry, Patrick, 2, 68-9, 74, 79, 83, 141,

197 Fairall, Martha, 119

Fairfax, John, 51, 161 family reconstitution, xiii, 222-3

dairying, see cattle Farley, Edward, 32

Darling, Governor, 19, 34 farming: clearing leases, 70; co-operation,

Davidson, W.S., 3, 10-11 75-7, 136, 175; freehold, 14, 18, 29, 66,

Davis family, 218 68, 73, 125, 148; methods and tools, 32,

Dawes, William, 8 72-3, 79, 81, 88-9, 136-7; records,

Dawson, Thomas, 72, 81, 100 249-50n; tenant, 49, 108-9, 110, 116-17, death, 145-50, 195-200, 273-4n 126-8, 147-8, 241n; see also Brownlow

Death, Thomas, 64 Hill, Camden Park Delany, James, 87 feasts, 105-7 Delow, Miss (shop assistant), 142 Fennel, Abel, 221

Dempsey, James, 57, 259n Ferguson, Francis, 81, 91

Denison, Governor, 47, 63 Fidden family, 161

Denison, Lady, 47 Fillingham, Reverend Joshua, 172 domestic servants, 53, 60, 62-3, 119-20, FitzRoy, Governor, 231

131, 206 Fletcher, Edward sr, 15, 18

Dominish, John, dl. 4L Fletcher, Edward jr, 32

Dominish, Matilda, il. 4L Fletcher, Henrietta, 14, 18

Doran, Andrew, 88 Flick family, 215 Douce, William, 141 Flint, John, 96

Douch family, 218-19 flooding, see Nepean River

Doust, David, 174, il. 6P, 11L | flour milling, 31-2, 66, 92-3, 168

Doust, Joseph, 170, 171, 174 Fondwen, Charles, 18

Doust family, 75, 135, 168, 172 food, 40, 136, 140, 141-3 Downes, Jeremiah F., 100, 106-7, 224 Forrest, Reverend Robert, 66, 104, 157,

Drew, Sydney, 161 188, 225

Dunn, Henry, 110 Foss, Ambrose, 51, 161

Dunsford, Frances S., 193-4 Foveaux, Joseph, 11

free enterprise, xli-xill, 30, 36, 71-2

freemasonry, 120

Earl, Joseph, 173 free selection, 108-10, 114-19 Earl, Myra, 173 Fuchs, Philipp, 216 Edwards, Joseph, 76 Fuller family, 117, 147, 219 Elder, Charles D., 158-9 Furnall family, 219

Index 293

Furner, Charles, 187 Harrex, James, 11, 235n

Furner family, 135 Harrington, J., 77, 158 Harris, Alexander, 134 Hassall, J. M., 224

Gallagher, Jane, 49 Hassall, Lucy, 65, 112, al. 3L Galvin, Ann (born 1815), 164 Hassall, Rowland, 11-12, 14

Galvin, Ann (Mrs John), 146, 148 Hassall, Samuel Otoo, 14, 20-1, 22, 23, Galvin, John, 62, 64, 148,153, 154, 164, 33, 65, al. BL

189, 200 Hassall, Reverend Thomas, 33

Galvin, Sarah, 15, 148, 164 Hassall, ‘Thomas, 65

Galvin, Thomas, 14, 15, 18, 29-30, 34,164 Hassall family, 67, 104, 189

Gardener, Jane, 175 Hawdon, John, 20, 30, 31

Gardiner, Stephen, 170-1 Hawes, Annie S., zl. /3P

Gates, Ann, 79 Hawes, James, ll, 9P Gerhard, John, 162 cerne, oats

gentility, 51, 67-8, 105, 163, 180, 207 hay, 30-1, 85, 86, 88-9, 95, 137; see also lu-

Gerhard, Mary, 144, 162 Hayter, James, 115

Gerhard, William, 144, 153, 162 Hayter, Jeremiah, 74, 115

Gerhard family, 215-16 Hayter, Jesse, 115

German settlers: arrival, 38-9, 41, 213, Hayter, John, 115 215-16; farming, 91; religion, 161,162 | Hayter family, 219

Gibson, Reverend Mr, 186, 187 Henness family, 117

Gibson, James, 165-6 Herbert, Catherine, 16-17, 18-19, 29 Giddy, Haines T., 177, 178 Herbert, Kezia, 150 Giddy, Sarah, 147, 176, 262n Herbert, Thomas, 3, 16-17, 18-19

Gilbert, John, 170, 259n Herman, Morton, 46

Gilchrist, Reverend Hugh, 34 Herzog, Bernard, 114, 128

Gilman, Mark, 15 Higgins, Robert, 29, 205

Gipps, Governor, 43-4, 230 Hilder, Walter, 177, 178

Glendaruel, 19, 34, 78 Hobbs, Mary, 115

Godwin (convict), 23 Hobbs, Thomas, 81, 114, 115, 148 gold, 52, 86, 113, 114, 126, 144, 152-3 Hodges, Thomas Law, 39, 123, 242n

Goodlucke, Joseph, 2, 44, 47, 49, 52 Hollinshed, John, 21

Goodlucke, Rebecca, 2 horses, 71, 79-80, 90

Goold, Father J.A., 34, 80, 162 households: regulation, 140-4, 171, 173;

Gordon, Charles, 18, 33 structure, 49, 53-4, 78, 246n

Gordon, William, 155, 188-9, 271n houses, 41, 49-50, 77, il. 2L, 3L; furni-

Great South Road, 34, 116, 151-2 ture, 77, 201

Green, Isaac, 219 Howe, William, 229 Greenhills, 81-2 Howell, John James, 65, 112 Grundy, John, 84 Humphreys, James, 160

Gumbleton, Henry, 74 Humphreys, Winifred, 160 Gumbleton, Martha, 112, 214 Hunter, Governor, 8, 9, 203 Gumbleton family, 214 Hunter Valley, 68, 97 hygiene, 143, 199-201

Hacking, Henry, 8

Haffner family, 161 immigration, 38-41, 74, 123-7, 140, 170;

Haines, Elizabeth, 96 lists, 213-21, 258-9n Haines, George, 96, 176 Ingram, Elias, 219

Haines, Mary Ann, 175-6, 202, 203 inheritance, 48, 147-9

Haines, Thomas, 175-6 inns, 51, 55, 91-2, 146, 151-2, 153, 208; and Haines family, 96, 175-6, 177 see Camden Inn etc

Haisell, John, 69 insurance, 50-1, 81, 121, 258n

294 Camden Irish settlers, 74-6, 112, 124-5, 126; cus- | Lakeman, John jr, 62

toms, 80, 139, 162, 223 Lambe, Edward, 14

Irvine, Captain Francis, 66 Lang, Reverend Dr J. D., 158 Langford, Reverend Jabez, 173, 174, 175, 267n

Jackey, or Wolloring, 229, 231 Langridge, Sophia, 147

Jackson, Robert, 245n laundry, 143, 203

James, Catherine, 159-60, 185, 189 Lawson, Henry, 137

James, John C., 159, 185 Lawson, William, 101, 109

Jobnny (Johnny Tindal?), 21, 207-8, Lefevre, Georgiana, 58, 59

231-2 Lefevre, John, 54-5, 56, 59, 60, 61, 204

Johnston, David, 17 legislation: Land Acts, 108, 110, 114; Johnston, George, 17 Married Women’s Property Act, 148, Johnston, John C.,, zl. 8P 149, 195; Matrimonial Causes Act, 195 Jones, David, 51, 161 Leuchel, Christian, 216 Jones, J. H., 152 Lewis, Mortimer, 46 Justus family, 216 Liberalism, xi-xiil, 107-12, 179, 183,

192-3, 207; elections, 103, 107-8, 110-11; religion, 178; women, 198

Kains (or Kean), ‘Thomas, 1 literacy, 62, 120; male and female, 191

Keating, Father Jerome, 163 Little, Margaret, 60

Kelloway family, 217 Loader, Annie, 119 Kelly, Denis, 161, 162 Loader, George, 119 Kelly, Fanny, 145 Loader, Louisa, 119 Kelly, Michael, 145 Loader family, 217

Kemp, Charles, 55, 56, 128 locality and sense of place, x1-xi, xv, 25, Kemp, Miss (shop assistant), 142 26-7, 50, 80-3, 136, 205, 208, 210

Kennett, Matthew, 88 Loiterton, Elizabeth, z//. /2P

King, Governor, 9, 10-11, 15, 234n, 7/2. /Z ~~ Loiterton, Susannah, 173, 175, 177, 178

King, Anna Josepha, il. /L Loiterton family, 115, 173

King, Thomas, 38 Lodge, Caroline, 166

Kingston, W. H., 188, 271n Lodge, Henry, 166 Kirkham, flour mill, 31-2, 66; manage- Lodge, James, 76-7 ment, 20, 21, 23, 65-6; original grant, | Lorimer, Ann, 175

11; religion, 33, 34 Lorimer, James, 66, 248n Koggie, 14, 228 Lusted, Miss (shop assistant), 142

Knight, Isaac, 14 lucerne, 4, 137

Lutherans, 161 Lyons, Samuel, 44 labour: conditions, 37, 49, 53-4, 59-61, 74, 84-9, 133-4, 153; harvest, 85-9, 136-7,

138, 73; male and female, 53-4, 85, McAlister, Matthew, 231-2 88-9, 136-8, 140, 142, 196; see also McAlister, Rose, 145 Brownlow Hill, Camden Park, Elders- Macaria, 188

lie, Kirkham, Macquarie Grove Macarthur, Edward, 26, 27, 33, 39, 41, labourers, 77-8, 126, 129-31, 141, 146, 123 169; see also apprentices, convicts,dom- Macarthur, Elizabeth (Mrs John), 13, 14, estic servants, etc 15-16

Lacy, James, | Macarthur, Elizabeth: see Elizabeth Ons140, 143, 153 Macarthur, Emily, xiii, 123, 149, 194,

Lakeman, Catherine E., 48-9, 53, 62-4, low

Lakeman, John sr, 4; conviction, 62-4; 195, 206, /; Aborigines, 207, 231; dairy, household, 53, 140; influence, 54, 55-8; 85, 90; death, 208; religion, 46, 105; politics, 110; property, 47-9, 51, 56, 59, schools, 156, 157-9, 187-8, 200-1

60, 66, 153 Macarthur, James, xi, xii, 3, 19-20, 25,

Index 295 26, 107, 123, 125, 183, al. 1P; Aborigi- 145-50; see also households nes, 8, 21, 208, 229; ambitions forCam- Marsden, Reverend Samuel, 17, 18, 32, den, xi, 27, 35-6, 43-6, 187; community 240n ideals, 35, 37, 38, 104, 207; convicts, | Marshall, Peter, 23

23-4; death, 149, 188, 208; farmers, Martin, John Benson, 56, 73, 184, 203, 98-100; magistrate, 23, 55, 62-3, 224; 225n politics, 101-3, 110; School of Arts, Mate, Thomas H., 114 184-8; schools, 37-8, 157-9; visits | Meehan, James, 12 England, 96, 99-100, 107, 187-8; see also men: manhood suffrage, 107, 109, 192-3;

Camden Park, Camden village, etc public dinners, 105-7, 194; self-image, Macarthur, John, xi, 3, 10-11, 19, 26, 35, 136, 137-8, 140, 193, 195, 201, 7; tem-

185, 205, 228 perance, 194-5; see also freemasonry,

Macarthur, Sir William, xiii, 3, 19-20, 23, households, labour, marriage, etc 26, 72, 92-3, 105, zl. 3P; Aborigines, 7, | Menangle, 82, 202, 203; Post Office, 151;

8, 21, 207-8, 229; death, 208, em- railway, 94, 153, 155; religion, 162-3, ployees, 40, 41, 209-10; farmers, 96, 97, 164, 172, 175-6; schools, 149, 160-1,

99-100, 112, 125, 147; gardens, 29, 91; 266n; settlement, 69, 74-7, 81-2; magistrate, 23, 55, 224; politics, 101-2, village, 118, 241n

111, 185; vineyards, 91 Methodism, 62, 115, 133, 210; see also

Macarthur family: patronage, 42, 51, 55, Primitive Methodists, Wesleyan 111, 128, 158, 165, 183, 204; religion, Methodists 179-80, 195; settlement schemes, 16-17, | Middlehurst, Sarah (née Tiffin), 149,

38-41, 46, 124 246n

Macarthur-Onslow, James W., 232 midwives, 81-2, 176, 202-4

McBeath (builder), 187 Miller family, 162

McCain, Elizabeth, 118-19, 210 Mills, George, 209 McDonagh, Catherine, 54, 55, 129 Mills, John B., 190 McDonagh, Lawrence, 54, 55, 129 Minell, Charles, 187, 259n

Maclean, Mary, 156 Mitchell, Anna Maria, 146

Macleay, Alexander, 3, 19, 90-1 Mitchell, Major T. L., 28, 35, 36

Macleay, Barbara S., 4 Mitchell, William Stuart, 54-5, 56, 60, Macleay, George, 4, 20, 67, 84, 90, 100, 125, 143, 146; politics, 108, 110, 157

103, 106; see also Brownlow Hill Moran, Reverend J. F., 190-1

Macleay, James, 20 Moran, Mary, 22

Macleay, W. S., 217, 218, 220 Morpeth, 67, 68, 97

McLeod, Alexander, 249n Morrice, John, 108, 110

McLucas, Daniel, 30 Morringally, 229

McMahon, John, 91 Mt Hunter Bridge: see Westbrook McMahon, Thomas, 155, 189 municipal government, 121, 188 MacNamara, Martin, 76 Murdoch, Peter, 3, 19 Macquarie, Governor, 11, 14-17, 205, Murrell, Catherine, 20

228, 234n music and singing, 26, 32, 106, 159, 185,

Macquarie Grove, 14, 171, ad. 3L; man- 187, 189-90 agement, 20-1, 64; original grant, 11-12; school, 155, 188-9, 271n

maize, 2, 29, 95, 96, 97, 136-7 Nangus station, 112, 116, 117, 206 Makinson, Reverend T. C., 166 Nanny, 207, 232

Mannix, William, 31 Narellan, 33, 43, 146, 157, 194, 195

marriage, ill. /3P; age, 129-32, 139, 193, | Nash, Caleb, 109, 110, 114, 118, 170 259n; geography, 80, 119-20, 155; inci- Nash, Joseph, 170 dence, 15, 53; love, 137-8, 149-50; net- Nash family, 62, 75, 109, 135, 168, 172 works, 61-2, 134-6; religion, 165-6, needlework, 140, 142, 146 174-5; ritual, 131-4, 138, 145; separ- Nellie, Black, 207, 232 ation, 144-5; sons-in-law, 76, 78, 79, | Nepean House, 198 133-4; violence, 22, 144-5; widowhood, Nepean River, 1, 45, 75, 82; alluvial flats,

296 Camden

2, 9; European discovery, 8, 9; flood- Percy family, 219 ing, 2, 25, 35, 64, 94-8, 113, dl /2L; Petty Sessions, 17, 22-3, 42-4; Clerks, 65,

geological history, 4-5 67, 73, 225 (list); court house, 52, 56;

Nettleton, Joseph, 14 magistrates, 224-5

New, James, 74 Phillips, James, 182

New family, 115, 214 photography, 201, 274-5n New South Wales: patterns of settle- Picton, 42-3, 44, 155, 187 ment, 27, 50, 52, 114-17, 153; popu- pigs, 29, 30, 41, 79

lation, 124 Plough and Harrow Inn, 55, 56, 153, 209, Nix, John, 266n 263n Norris, Ann, 77 Plows, Thomas, 58 Norris, Sampson, 77 Polding, Archbishop J.B., 163

Norris (Henry) family, 74, 214 police, 18, 32, 34, 42-4, 208, 229

Norris (Sampson) family, 74, 77, 219 Pollack, Charlotte (nee Pearson), 61, 81 Pollack, Samuel, 57, 81. ‘population figures, 49, 50, 126

oats, 97, 98, 137 Post Office and postage, 32-3, 43, 48, 56, Oliver, Miss (shop assistant), 142 149, 151, 154-5

Ollis, John Poole: teaching, 160, 182-3, potatoes, 29, 90, 98, 141 188, 190; temperance, 182; hygiene, Potter, James, 147 183; religion, 182, 184; School of Arts, Potter, Leah, 147

184-8 Potter, Richard, 147

Onslow, Captain Arthur A.W. 195, 208, poultry, 38, 41, 79, 141

210, 224 pregnancy, 124, 132-4, 164, 174, 259n; see

Onslow, Elizabeth (nee Macarthur; af- also childbirth

terwards Macarthur-Onslow), 99,159, Presbyterians, 34, 44, 56, 131, 161-2

187, 195, 208, 224 Primitive Methodists, 56, 165, 166-78,

Oxley, Emma, 20, 66, 131 179-84, 203; education, 161, 177-8, 184,

Oxley, Harriet, 66 269n; social status, 168-9, 181, 194 Oxley, Henry M., 110 Oxley, John J.W.M., 3, 11, 12, 20, 23, 27,

28 Queen’s Arms Inn, 151

Oxley, John Norton, 66, 73, 103,107,112, Quirk, Ann, 149 130; see also Kirkham Oxley family, 66, 67, 104, 114

Rablah, John S. 160 railways, 94, 113, 116, 119, 120, 151, 153-5

Palmer, Edward ‘T. 66, 67 Razorback range, 6, 8, 26-7, 28, 167

Parsons, Obediah, 140 Reddall, Reverend Thomas, 33

paternalism, 22-3, 83, 105, 207-10 Read family, 217 Paterson, Elizabeth, 13-14, 24, 151 Reedy, Ann, 134

Paterson, Colonel William, 11 Reedy, ‘Thomas, 134

Payton, Martin, 201 Reeves, Emma, 158

Payton, Mary, 201 Reeves, Henry Pollack, 158-9, 184, 187,

Pearson, Alfred, 61-2 190

Pearson, Amelia: see Amelia Welling Reid family, 166 Pearson, Amelia (born 1858), 149, 154-5 religion, 33, 123, 161-78, 240n; and comPearson, Eliza, 32, 33, 42, 48-9, 60, 104, munity, 35, 46; Bible, 115, 150, 170-1,

146, 149, 151, 166 174, 177, 178; education, 156-7; pat-

Pearson, James sr, 32-3, 42, 43, 48, 146 terns of affiliation, 161-2, 164-5, 266n; Pearson, James jr, 56, 60-1, 114-15, 202, sectarian differences, 15, 18, 69, 101-5,

204 125, 156-7, 158, 159, 165-6

Pearson, Rebecca B., 202 retailing, 48, 50-2, 54, 58-9, 90-3, 128, 142, Pearson family, 42, 44, 57, 58, 61-2 192

Penny family, 217 Richlands: see Taralga

Index 297

Rideout, James, 69 206, 217-21

Rideout family, 217 Shoemark, Henry, 79 Rigney, Father John, 163, 164, 193-4, 3 sickness and disease, 124, 138, 140, 145, Risley, Isabella, 146 198-200, 206; see also death Risley, William, 110, 146 Simpson, Alexander, 56, 62 Rix family, 274n Simpson, Ebenezer sr, 55, 146, 148 roads, 27-8, 79, 240n; see alsoGreat South Simpson, Ebenezer jr, 62, 146, 184

Road Simpson, Janet, 194

Robertson, John, 108, 110, 256n Simpson, Sarah, 146 Roche, Father John Paul, 162-3 Simpson family, 56, 125, 128 Rogers, Reverend Edward, 104, 165 Small, Henry, 78, 90

Rootes, Anna, 202 Small, James, 78

Rootes, Dinah, 171 Small family, 78, 79

Rootes, Sivyer, 149-50 Smith, Charles Heath, 61 Rose, George, 87, 203 Smith, Hannah, 159

Rose, Sarah, 203 Smith, Isabel, 61

Russell, William (Werriberri), 7, 229, Smith, Matthew, 159

236n Smith family, 214

Ryan, James, 149 soil types, 4-5

rye, 29, 97, 98 South, Henry, 221

Stein, Johann, 91, 153n Stein family, 216

St John’s church, 42, 194, il. /0L; con- Stevens, Elijah, 29, 30 struction, |, 35-6, 54, 55, 126, 245n;de- Stewart, James, 209-10 sign, 43, 46, 243n; parsonage, 104 Stumpf, Mrs (dairywoman), 85

Salmon, Benjamin G., 80 Sydney, 50, 97, 119, 121, 189, 192, 210;

Salting, George, 100 market, 30-1, 51, 58-9, 71, 90-3, 113,

Salting, S.K., 100, 106-7 120-1, 155

Sanderson, John S., 160, 161, 266n Sydney Morning Herald, 50, 51, 65, 91, 152,

Sanger family, 219 198, 207 Schmidt family, 161, 274n Schneider, Francis, 216

School of Arts, 120, 184-8, 190, 210, /4 Talbot family, 217

schools: buildings, 56, 75, 156, 158, Taralga, 112, 214 159-61, 183, 186, 200-1, 2//. JOL; ‘Taylor, Griffith, 4 elementary, 18, 33, 104, 111, 143-4, Teele, Joseph, 47 156-61, 180, 193-4; night, 190-1; sec- telegraph, 154 ondary, 52, 155, 188-90; Sunday, 170, temperance and teetotalism, 110, 120,

173, 177-8, 269n 163, 164, 173, 181-2; women, 194-5, cil.

schoolteachers, 37-8, 80; methods, 6P

158-61, 182-3, 190 Tench, Watkin, 8 Seckolt family, 216 Therry, Roger, 101-2 Seven Hills, 16 Thomas, James, 70, 83-4, 85 Sconce, Reverend R.K., 166 Therry, Father J.J., 164

Sheather, Ann, 173, 174, 183-4 Thomas, Mary, 84

Sheather, Ellen, 206 Thompson, E.P., 22, 37

Sheather families, 74, 117, 220 Thompson, Henry, 51-2, 56, 66, 92-3, 95, sheep and wool, xiii, 10, 14, 16, 31, 71, 161, 188, 246n; family, 189, 204; first

113, 137 flour mill, 51; second flour mill, 106,

Shelock family, 220 120, 128, al. /2P; social status, 51, 67; ships: Brothers, 39, 40, 112, 126-7, 213-15; store, 51, 58, 80, 92-3, 114, 142, 160 John McLellan, 39, 126-7, 216-7; Kin- | Thompson, Joseph, 51, 245n near, 39, 127, 215-16; Layton, 125-6, 140, Thompson, Samuel, 51, 54 258-9n; Lord Eldon, 205; Rethersterg, 216; © Thomson, Edward Deas, 103

Royal George, 39, 40, 115, 123-4, 127, Thorn, Edward, 220

298 Camden

Thorn, Louiza, 20 Weeks, Esther, 199 Thorn family, 214 Weeks, John, 112

Throsby, Charles, 228, 229 Weeks, Richard, 112

Thurlow, William, 84 Weeks, Robert, 199 Thurn, Martin, 216 Weeks families, 74, 215 Tickner, Edward, 78 Welling, Amelia, 49, 56, 118, 166, 202-4 Tickner, John, 69, 78 Welling, John, 49

Tickner, Sarah, 78 Wenham, William, 221

Tickner family, 69, 78-9 Wentworth, W.C., 101-2 Tiddyman, Maria, 147 Wesleyan Methodists, 135, 149, 166-72, Tiffin, Sarah: see Sarah Middlehurst 175-7; buildings, 56, 75, 148, 157, 160, Tindal, Johnny (or Jackey?): see Johnny 171, 172, 180; clergy, 167, 172, 225-6 Tingcombe, Reverend Henry, 96, 97, (list); education, 157, 176, 180, 186;

104, 2 numbers, 172; social status, 62, 141,

tobacco, 31, 181 168, 180-1, 184; solidarity, 118, 135, Tompson, Charles, 65; reports in Sydney 147 Morning Herald, 65, 86-7, 89, 112-13, West, Reverend John, 39, 123

128, 138, 140, 152-3, 168 Westbrook, 81-2, 147, 181; religion, 167,

Towns, Captain Robert, 40 170, 172, 175; school, 160, 165, 183

tradesmen, 55-8, 60-2, 67, 81-3, 128, | Westwood, William (Jackey Jackey), 43

129-31 wheat, 2, 29, 30, 85-9; destruction of

traffic and internal migration, 49, 79-81, crops, 95-8, 112; see also flour milling

126-9, 151-6, 170-1 Wheeler, Jonothan, 126

Trowbridge, George W., 221 White, Rachel, 147, 262n

Turner, Josiah, 37-8, 156 White, William, 153

Turton, Samuel, 157 White family, 118

Whiteman, Charles Thomas, 120-1, 168,

ill. 8P :

undertakers, 176, 202-4 Whiteman, James Butchers, 69, 75, 129 Whiteman, Nelson, 69, 70, 75, 129 Whiteman family, 62, 135, 168

Veness, Ann, i//. //P Whybrow, 127

Veness, John, il. //P Whybrow family, 127, 166 Ventes family, 216 Wild, John, 102, 103, 184 Verge, John, zl. 2L Wild, William V., 103, 184

Viles, John, 110 Williams, Thomas, 220

Vincen, Jane, 112 Willmot, 232

Vincen family, 214-15 women: consumers, 128, 142-3; insecurity, 122, 204; public dinners, 106-7, 194; quarrelling, 123; religion, 163,

Wade, John, 19 166, 169-70, 171, 172-4, 176-7, 201; selfWalker, Helen, 190 image, 136-7, 140, 142-3, 191-5, el. /2P,

Walker, Dr Josiah Wesley, 184, 189, 271n 13P; solidarity, 137, 149; see also child-

Walker, the Misses, 189-90, 271n birth, dairying, domestic servants,

Ward, Jacob, 110-11, 114 households, labour, laundry, marriage,

Ward, Samuel, 110 needlework, literacy, Liberalism, etc

Ward family, 75, 118, 135 Woods, Joseph, 62, 63

Waters, Reverend Charles, 267n Woods, Mary Ann, 62-3

Waters, Ruth, 169 Woolpack Inn, 49, 55, 56, 58, 110, 120, Watkin, Reverend James, 167, 168 121

Watman family, 220 Worgan, George, 8 Watson, James, 131-2 Wright, James, 209

Watson, Mary Ann, 131-2 Wright, Mary Jane, 209 Wearne, William C., 183 Wright family, 215 Weeks, Benjamin, 112