By Women, For Women: A Study of Five Women's Organizations in Thailand 9789814376273

Table of contents :
CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES
LIST OF FIGURES
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
PART I. Background and Social Context
I. Introduction: A Study of Thai Women and Their Organizations
II. Dutiful but Overburdened Women in Thai Society
III. Invisible Force Growth of Women's Collective Action
PART II. Case Studies
IV. Gold Leaf on a Buddha Image National Council of Women of Thailand
V. Be Useful Girl Guides Association of Thailand
VI. Emergency Home Association for the Promotion of the Status of Women
VII. Legal Support Friends of Women
VIII. Knowledge as a Tool Foundation For Women
IX. Training and Education Committee of Women's Welfare Promotion, Hotline, and EMPOWER
PART III. Conclusions
X. A Hopeful Future Collective Efforts of Thai Women NGOs
Appendix A. List of Presidents and Vice Presidents of NCWT (1959-91)
Appendix B. Member Organizations of NCWT by Regions and Categories (1983-85)
Appendix C. Socio-Economic Background of the Board and Committee Members of NCWT (1983-85)
Appendix D. An Open Letter to the Japanese Prime Minister from Thai Women (1981)
REFERENCES

Citation preview

BY WOMEN, FOR WOMEN A Study of Women's Organizations in Thailand Darunee Tantiwiramanond University of Wisconsin, Madison

Shashi Ranjan Pandey University of Wisconsin, Madison

Research Notes and Discussions Paper No. 72 Social Issues in Southeast Asia INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES 1991

Published by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Heng Mui Keng Terrace Pasir Panjang Singapore 0511 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

© 1991 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies The responsibility for facts and opinions expressed in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of the Institute or its supporters.

Cataloguing In Publication Data Darunee Tanti wiramanond. By women, for women: a study of women's organizations in Thailand/Darunee Tantiwiramanond, Shashi Ranjan Pandey. (Research notes and discussions paper/ Institute of Southeast Asian Studies; no. 72) 1. Women-Thailand-Societies, etc. 2. Women in development-Thailand. I. Pandey, Shashi Rajan, 1953ll. Title. Ill. Series. DS501 1596 no. 72 1991 sls91-10472 ISBN 981-3035-66-8 ISBN 0129-8828 Printed in Singapore by Prime Packaging Industries Pte Ltd

CONTENTS

List of Tables

v

List of Figures

vi

List of Abbreviations

vii

Preface and Acknowledgements

PART I Background and Social Context I Introduction A Study of Thai Women and Their Organizations II Dutiful but Overburdened Women in Thai Society III Invisible Force Growth of Women's Collective Action PART II Case Studies IV Gold Leaf on a Buddha Image National Council of Women of Thailand V Be Useful Girl Guides Association of Thailand VI Emergency Home Association for the Promotion of the Status of Women

lX

3 13 25

43 61 77

iv

Contents

VII VIII IX

Legal Support Friends of Women Knowledge as a Tool Foundation For Women

109

Training and Education Committee of Women's Welfare Promotion, Hotline, and EMPOWER

123

PART III X

92

Conclusions

A Hopeful Future Collective Efforts of Thai Women NGOs

143

Appendix A List of Presidents and Vice Presidents of NCWT (1959-91)

166

Appendix B Member Organizations of NCWT by Regions and Categories (1983-85)

168

Appendix C

Socio-Economic Background of the Board and Committee Members of NCWT (1983-85)

170

Appendix D An Open Letter to the Japanese Prime Minister from Thai Women (1981)

175

References

178

LIST OF TABLES

2.1 Percentage of Population by Industry, 1986 2.2 Percentage of Population by Occupation, 1986 3.1 Chronology of the National Coordinating Body on Women's Affairs 3.2 Women's Participation in Local Administration 5.1 MembershipofGGATin 1984, 1986and 1988 5.2 In-School Youth Members ofGGATin 1987 6.1 Total Number of Clients at the Emergency Home I Classified by Age and Education, September 1981 to July 1985 6.2 Services Given at Emergency Home I, September 1981 to July 1985 6.3 Types of Problems at Emergency Home I, September 1981 to July 1985 6.4 Expenditure Incurred in Providing Services to 4,889 Cases at Emergency Home I, September 1981 to July 1985 7.1 Rape Victims, Resident and Non-Resident, at Ban Tanom Ruk Classified by Age, Location of Rape Incident, and Relationship with the Rapists, December 1986-December 1987 9.1 Classification of Clients of Hotline Ce.ntre (Bangkok) by Means of Service, 1985, 1986 and 1987 9.2 Classification of Clients of Hotline Centre (Bangkok) by Sex, Age and Region, 1985, 1986, 1987

15 20 34 36 65 66 83 84 85 86

101 138 136

vi

Lists of Tables and Figures

9.3 Number of Clients and Type of Problems Consulted at Hotline Centre (Bangkok) in 1985, 1986 and 1987 9.4 Classification of Clients of Hotline Branches in Chiengmai, Haadyai, and Khon-Kaen by Means of Service, Sex, Age and Residency in 1986 and 1987 9.5 Number of Clients and Type of Problems Consulted at Hotline Branches in Chiengmai, Haadyai, and Khon-Kaen in 1986 and 1987 10.1 Origins and Links of the Selected Women NGOs 10.2 Initial and Current Objectives of the Selected Women NGOs 10.3 Three Types of Groups and Their Characteristics

137

138

139 146 148 154

LIST OF FIGURES 4.1 Organizational Structure of NCWT, 1985-87

47

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ACWO APDC APHD APSW A SEAN

AVA AWL AWRAN BP CONTOUR

cu cuso

CUSRI CWWP ECTWT EMPOWER FFW FOW GGAT GO ICCO ICW IYW

ASEAN Confederation of Women's Organizations Asia and Pacific Development Centre Asian Partnership for Human Development Association for the Promotion of the Status of Women Association of Southeast Asian Nations American University Alumni Association for Women Lawyers Asian Women's Research and Action Network "Be Prepared" or "bum pen prayote" Concerns for Tourism Chulalongkorn University Canadian University Service Overseas Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute Committee on Women's Welfare Promotion Ecumenical Coalition on Third World Tourism Education Means Protection of Women Engaged in Recreation Foundation For Women Friends of Women Girl Guides Association of Thailand government organization Inter-Church Organization for Development Cooperation (Dutch) International Council of Women International Year of Women (1975)

viii

List of Abbreviations

LDAP NCSW NCWT NESDB NGO NOVIB OISCA PVO SAUW TDSC TVS TU WAGGGS WCB

wee WCPA WIC WID WIDCIT WLTCD WVCD

Local Development Assistance Program National Council of Social Welfare National Council of Women of Thailand National Economic and Social Development Board non-governmental organization Netherlands Organisation for International Development Cooperation (Dutch) Overseas Industrial and Spiritual Cooperation Agency (Japan) private voluntary organization Siamese Association of University Women Thai Development Service Committee Thai Volunteer Service Thammasat University World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts Women's Cultural Bureau Women's Cultural Club Women's Cultural Promotion Association Women's Information Centre Women In Development Women In Development Consortium In Thailand Women Leadership Training for Community Development Women Volunteers for Community Development

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Women's movements are one of the most significant social movements today in many countries. Thailand, where women's groups are just emerging, provides an interesting case study. This book is an exploratory work to document and analyse, and publish for the first time, case studies of women's organizations in Thailand. Having been born, brought up and initially educated in Bangkok, and having witnessed the activities of student revolt during 1973-76 as a college student, the first author wanted to know more about the growth of subsequent social actions. Only after working for a higher degree in the United States did she realize how closely her own growth as a woman was linked to Thai culture and history. A desire to study the lives of Thai women and their organizations was a natural extension of her developed consciousness as a woman and of her interest in social action. Her familiarity with various women's groups and her identity as a native Thai gained for her some acceptance from them. Yet, being educated and employed abroad, she was an outsider, and allowed some degree of objectivity. The second author had a general theoretical background in Southeast Asia and grass roots development groups. He participated in all aspects of the study (research and design), and in most interviews with key women of various groups. This research has taken us several field visits and years to complete between 1985-90. Many colleagues and friends have helped us in several ways through discussions, comments and critiques to complete the work. The research work began in 1985 with the encouragement of the Director of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), Professor K.S. Sandhu, under an

x

Preface and Acknowledgements

ASEAN Economic Research Fellowship funded by USAID. Work continued at the Women's Studies Research Center of the University ofWisconsin-Madison, USA, where we received encouragement and support from Professors Cyrena Pondrom, Janet Hyde, Russell Middleton, and Joseph Elder. Professor Michael Apple read the manuscript and gave valuable feedback. Critical reading and insightful suggestions of Professors Kathleen Bowie, Pamela Oliver, Carol Compton, and Lin Compton were greatly appreciated. In Thailand, the following experts and activists generously spent several hours explaining their activities, and engaging in in-depth discussions on women's issues with us: Dr Amara Pongsapich, Ajam Chalermsri Thammabutr, Khunying Dittakarn-Pakdi, Mrs Chanthawipa Apisuk, Ajarn Jirati Tingsapat, Khunying Kanittha Wichiencharoen, Khunying Kanok Samsen-Vii, Ajam Kattiya Kannasut, Khun Nilawan Pinthong, and Mrs Ruenkaeo Kuyyakanon-Brandt. Special thanks are due to the following friends who shared with us their insights willingly: Ajarn Malee Pruekpongswalee, Ms Niramon Prukthathorn, Mrs Siriporn Skrobanek, Ms Srisawang Phuavongphat, Mrs Sudarat Srisang, Ms Sukanya Hantrakul, and Ajarn Yupa Wongchai. We value their cooperation and the opportunity to know them better. The time spent with them was empowering for us. Staff members of the National Council of Thailand, Girl Guides Association of Thailand, Association for the Promotion of the Status of Women, Friends of Women, and Foundation For Women made us feel welcome among them, and gave us access to their organizational resources. Credit for most of the information, analyses and merit of the book goes to these Thai women activists and academics. Any shortcomings are ours.

Darunee Tantiwiramanond Shashi Ranjan Pandey Madison, Wisconsin May 1990

PART I BACKGROUND AND SOCIAL CONTEXT

I INTRODUCTION A Study of Thai Women and Their Organizations

Women constitute half of the population, and they are an integral part of family and the labour force. Their effective integration into the process of socioeconomic development of a society is, therefore, of paramount importance. However, the meaning and the process of"integration" have not emerged clearly in development plans. Integration into what, and by what means? How can women actively participate in shaping the future of their societies? Do women's organizations have a role in this process? The concept of development itself has been a topic of debate: should the development process give priority to welfare or to growth, to income generation or to consciousness raising, to Western-inft uenced urban development or to reconstruction based on indigenous cultural roots? Not only women's participation but the means thereof have been questioned. Sometimes, increased participation is considered the natural consequence of an overall development of a society. Sometimes, this is demanded by women as a separate agenda, and is often expressed through the formation of women's autonomous organizations. Studies on economic development programmes (especially in agriculture) show that they often bypass or adversely affect women. These programmes frequently weaken women'spositions in their families and communities (Boserup 1970; Tinker 1990). The adverse effect of development on women has been studied by several authors (Bene ria 1985; Dauber and Cain 1981; Tinker 1976) who show that, from economic development and agricultural mechanization programmes, men derive most of the benefits while women remain in the same or deteriorating states. That is why the "Forward Looking Strategies", the consensus document of the 1985 international meeting in Nairobi marking the end of the UN Women's Decade, defines "total development" to include political,

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By Women, For Women

social, cultural and other dimensions of human life. Exemplifying this new sensitivity, a new Third World women's group called DAWN, formed in 1985, has demanded an end of gender-based inequality which limits women's access to productive resources such as land, capital and labour.' In order to increase the potential of women and to provide an effective means of integrating them in the development process, we must understand not only the specific society in which the target women are born and socialized but also what they perceive as their immediate needs. A country-specific study, assessing the structural and cultural factors which shape women's status and assigned role, is helpful in formulating policies and strategies for improving their position. At the same time, the contributions and demands of women, particularly from deprived social groups, also need attention so that the majority of women can give feedback and act as both beneficiaries of and participants in the development process. Since women's voluntary organizations have been one form of their social and independent participation, the study of women's voluntary groups or non-governmental organizations (NGOs), in this case in Thailand, is essential for gaining insight into the issues of Thai women and their role in the development process.2 Thailand is an agrarian society where agriculture has been, and still is, the foundation of the country's social and economic structure and Thai women, especially those among the rural peasantry, have played a significant role in family and community life. Historically they have been involved in agriculture and trade. The bilateral kinship system has given them considerable power and importance in the family, and freedom of mobility in the community (Hanks and Hanks 1963). However, with the introduction of modem agricultural inputs for export-oriented production, women's power base-in agriculture and trade-has suffered (Phongpaichit 1982). While capitalism has penetrated the hinterland (improving the profits of capitalists and introducing labour-saving technology), and consumerism has been on the rise, jobs in the rural areas have remained limited. And without enough education and skills-training, rural women lack access to employment in the modern sector. Thus, they lack jobs both at the local village level and in urban areas as well. In spite of their high rate of participation in the labour force, almost 40 per cent of the total, most of the women continue to hold low-paid unskilled jobs, and remain neglected in health and education (Paitoonpong 1982). Thus Thailand, far from being a stable society, is undergoing rapid change with the city exploiting the countryside, and with more women being proletarianized. Programmes organized for women by Thai government-assisted organizations or by international development agencies are few, and have not been always beneficial to poor women. The evaluation of USAID-sponsored women-oriented programmes of siriculture indicates that the positions of trainers

Introduction

5

and managers in these programmes were male-dominated, and unfairly benefited those families already possessing resources (Mitchell et al. 1979). Similarly, income-generating programmes for women such as sewing and handicrafts may be beneficial to the market economy and urban consumers as well as convenient to trainers' backgrounds, but they do not necessarily meet the specific and immediate basic needs of rural women. How can the urban and gender bias in national policy be reduced? How can the seclusion of women from politics be lessened? Is there a way to improve the health, education and employment prospects for the majority ofThai women? And what practical and theoretical steps are feasible and desirable for Thai women and their society? These questions and challenges have been addressed by some of the contemporary women NGOs in Thailand. Before this century, there were individual cases of protest and resistance by royal women such as the legendary Queen Chamadevi, Queen Suriyothai and Queen Saowapa, and commoners such as the women of Bang Rachan and Thanphuying Mo (Thailand 1983). Most of these women were heroines who, in the absence of men, fought against invaders of the kingdom in defence of their society. However, there were some cases of common women who contested their right to choose their partners. At the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, the situation changed slightly; men of the royalty and nobility encouraged their women to modernize and become socially active. This resulted in an upsurge of "early feminism" and womenoriented writing published in women's magazine and other publications. Institutionalized women's groups came into existence after the start of the democracy era of 1932, and unlike many other developing countries, women's organizations in Thailand started long before World War II. Greater momentum in these activities was, however, gained during the UN's Decade of Women (1975-85) as it followed the period of the "democracy boom" (197376) in Thailand. During this period the students' movement superseded the military dictatorship, and the protests of students, farmers, and factory workers demanding justice and a greater share in development processes resounded and thrived. Since that time, several women activists and social workers have felt an inadequacy in the government's current views and approaches to the issue of women's development. One issue increasingly being vocalized is the decreasing number of women in agriculture and their increasing rural outmigration. Women join and outnumber men in migrating to Bangkok and even travel overseas to earn money as maids or prostitutes? Women activists and leaders have been working to demonstrate alternative strategies of education and training to improve the lot of their disadvantaged sisters.

6

By Women, For Women

Case Studies To gain insight into the issues of women in development and the role of women's organizations in Thailand, case studies of five well-established women NGOs were undertaken. The criteria for the selection of the NGOs included the relevance of their programmes to women's causes such as economic welfare, political rights, and vocational training. The selected women NGOs were chosen to reflect the spectrum of both old and new groups, and a diversity of perceptions and approaches to women's problems. The five groups are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

National Council of Women of Thailand (NCWT) Girl Guides Association of Thailand (GGAT); Association for the Promotion of the Status of Women (APSW); Friends of Women Group (FOW), and Women's Information Centre (WIC). 4

To complete the list of major representative groups and to help generalize the findings from these five case studies, brief studies of three other important groups were also undertaken. Those groups are:

1. Committee on Women's Welfare Promotion (CWWP) 2. Education Means Protection of Women Engaged in Recreation (EMPOWER) 3. Hotline. The study concerns itself with women's development in Thailand as seen through the contributions of women NGOs. The objectives of the study are not only to present an overview of the work done by selected women NGOs but also to analyse them for an in-depth understanding of the social significance of their programmes and experiences. Such analyses may help explain factors affecting women's actions and organizations in the Thai context, and identify desirable approaches and policies for advancing the status and role of Thai women. We hope that this study will offer theoretical and historical insights into the needs and priorities of Thai women and lead to further discussion and dialogue on the role of women NGOs. We also hope that the research observations will be useful not only to women activists and academics but also to development planners in Thailand and in Southeast Asia.

Methodology In order to study contemporary phenomena in real life, and to find out how various women NGOs have evolved and have been functioning, a qualitative, case study approach, both exploratory and descriptive, was used.

Introduction

7

To describe and interpret the types and interests of women's groups, the use of qualitative research methods was appropriate. But while conducting the study, we realized that there existed elements of conflict in the actions of the community groups under study. Women's groups presented some opposition to the state as well as to males. They were also sometimes in conflict with each other. Fearing that the respondents might not develop enough trust and objectivity for valid qualitative work, we merged the qualitative method with an investigative one (Sanders and Pinhey 1983). Qualitative research involved observations, interviews and obtaining information from multiple sources. Investigating research extended this by taking into account the conflict laden nature of the research-the tendency of some informants to lie or stonewall (Douglas 1976), and the problems of stereotyping and exaggeration by those who advocated a particular vision. s To overcome such biases, we designed a study rigid enough to have internal causal consistency, and external cross check validity, and yet flexible enough to leave room for later modification in data collection and analysis (Yin 1984).6 The study is based on six months of field work in Thailand in 1985 and two return visits of three months each in 1986 and 1988. During this period, we visited various projects of selected women's groups in order to gain experience first hand. Whenever possible, we had an informal interview with both the planners and beneficiaries. In all cases, we tried to discuss at length with key persons in each organization, and to check their statements with those of other activists, workers and observers. In some cases, we were able to participate in seminars organized by women NGOs. Since the research was dependent on openness in interaction in order to obtain reliable information, it was crucial to locate knowledgeable and trustworthy persons. We used different types of contacts and networks in order to establish friendly relations and to obtain independent confirmation of data collected. Making a new contact often resulted in new information and led to other informants. It was productive not only in collecting data but also to us personally as it gave us greater awareness, sensitivity and understanding of women's problems and what the everyday life experiences meant for the people involved. Other sources of data were documents from each group and publications of the government and academic studies in both Thai and English. In addition, library sources were consulted, newspapers clippings utilized, and women formally active in women's organizations were contacted. We collected two kinds of data on Thai women: first, pertaining to socially determined roles and status of women, i.e. how the structure of the state, religion, and the kinship system have defined women's positions inside and outside the family, and how modernization has affected their life opportunities (Tantiwiramanond

8

By Women, For Women

and Pandey 1987; Pandey and Tantiwiramanond 1989). Second, pertaining to the growth of women's organizations, i.e. what Thai women have done to counteract their deteriorating situation. While conducting case studies, we looked at women's organizations as providers and recipients of development services. We also investigated the organizational structures of these groups to find out how certain structures either facilitated or impeded personal growth and group-goal attainment. While collecting this information, most discussions and interviews were first tape-recorded in Thai language, then transcribed, and finally translated into English. The combined text of all interviews totalled 300 pages. The contents of many interviews are assimilated in this analysis and some are utilized as direct quotations. Because of the structure of the Thai language, it was difficult to remain true to the original tone and style of the informants. The quoted interviews have been mildly edited. Theoretical Concerns Recent social science literature has suggested a number of ways to explore the phenomena of collective action. North American literature often cite three approaches: structural, psychological, and resource-mobilization. European social scientists have developed a view of"new social movements". The insights from both American and European paradigms can be useful for understanding the emergence and growth of Thai women NGOs. Structural theory deals with objectives and macro situations in a society, and suggests that social disequilibrium and strains are often a prerequisite for the growth of collective action (Johnson 1966). The psychological approach in contrast rests on a subjective sense of deprivation (Gurr 1970). Both are helpful in understanding social or personal causes in starting a social action, but they do not fully help in understanding what sustains it. Resource-mobilization theory, based on interactions between government and groups and the mobilization of resources including leadership, provides some insights into acquiring and sustaining political opportunities for a collective goal (Jenkins 1983; McCarthy and Zald 1973; 1977). Within the framework of resource-mobilization theory, our study inquires into the causes of participation, contribution of organization, and possibility of success as key factors for collective action. In contrast to these considerations, the perspective of the "new social movement" is based on the perception of young people about the failure of modernization and the welfare state (Frank and Fuentev 1988; Melucci 1980). This approach gives importance to emerging new values and actions in society, and compensates for the lack of "why" or attention to structural preconditions in the resource-mobilization paradigm. To understand the emergence of young and radical groups, it is especially useful to ask: what is new about the progressive

Introduction

9

groups, and how do they come about? Could the rise of these groups be understood as new social movements? What are their new values, actions and constituencies? Are they rooted in reaction to modernization that clashes with traditional dignity and freedom? While utilizing insights from the resource-mobilization and new social movement perspectives, we do not want to lose sight of our central concernthe patriarchy. Patriarchal relations have their own history independent of mobilization. For a theory of patriarchal power and patriarchal economics, we use the concept ofpatriarchal state (Connelll987). We are interested in understanding the government's responses to organizations. When groups try to work with government to receive resources, it is important to know what is the relationship of the state to patriarchal relations, and how the relations of the state to capital, industry or business are similar to, or different from, its relations to patriarchy. How the government, which is largely male and interested in maintaining patriarchal relations, considers what is legitimate, what it funds, and who populates the government. A government may not be receptive to the needs of the disadvantaged in a society, and in fact may indeed exacerbate the situation. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) emerge to address this lack, but they exist only when permitted by the government. It is, therefore, instructive to study the links of these NGOs with the government, and how these NGOs use "organizations as a resource". Elite groups often recognize the disequilibrium and strains in society first, and then react to it. It is, therefore, not a surprise that leaders of most women NGOs are elite women.7 The elite women have both negative (preserving the status quo) and positive (mobilization for progressive strength) potential. How elite women mobilized their "class resources" or "social capital", and how gender issues relate to class issues are questions this study explores. With a theoretical framework that combines the resource-mobilization and new social movement perspectives, we are interested in investigating how these women's groups mobilize people and resources through their strategies, ideologies and structures, and how welfare-oriented elite groups differ from the newer and younger women-sensitive social movement groups. Their links with the state, and the interaction of class and gender issues within their actions also acquire a natural importance in our analytical considerations. The overall framework of the study is interdisciplinary and centred around women in a development perspective. This perspective recognizes that development processes are not class or gender neutral, and the issues of justice and inequality are both gender specific and development oriented. The study is women-centred in two ways. First, it makes women the centre of the inquiry by asking: how does life appear to them? Second, it is critical on their behalf by

10

By Women, For Women

asking: how can society be made more humane for both women and men? No adherence to a particular academic discipline or scientific neutrality of observation is claimed. Many of the observations are subjective and reflective of our current understanding. The goal, however, is to participate in the dialogue and actions to improve the life-opportunities of Thai women. Organization of the Study While discussing the problem of Thai women and presenting case studies of Thai women's groups in subsequent chapters, we have used several guidelines for the use of Thai words, quotes of interviews and defining feminist categories. In keeping with the Thai custom, we often use honorific titles before people's names. For the spelling of Thai words, popular spelling as used by the person or groups is often utilized, in contrast to using a standard phonetic dictionary such as that of the Royal Institute. English equivalents are usually given after Thai words. A group, however, may have an independent English name that may not coincide with the English translation of its name. While quoting an interview, the name of the speaker is usually not stated. Instead, an identification of the speaker is made indirectly. In Western society the word "feminism" sometimes connotes a strong "anti-male" attitude. It often gets conflated with lesbianism. Because of this impression of confrontation (male-hatred), or individual pursuits (often related to "bra-burning, free sex), the word "feminist" is often disliked (frowned upon) or explained differently in the Third World specifically in Thailand. There is no feminist movement in Thailand as a unified theory. Those using it assign levels of meaning to it: welfare, autonomy, choice and justice. Compared to the categories of feminism in the West-conservative, liberal, Marxist, socialist and radical-there is no similar category in Thailand. Suppressed by the anti-Communism policy of the government, socialist, Marxist and radical groups hardly exist in the open. What is prevalent, however, are the three main categories: conservative (nationalist), liberal (individual rights), and progressive (collective welfare) groups. Conservative groups, emphasizing the home-bound, nurturing role of the women, are sometimes called "classical" groups, and progressive groups, speaking about violence against women such as forced prostitution and rape, are called "new generation groups". Progressive groups are sometimes labelled as "radical" because any vocalization of "right" or "justice" is "leftist" enough to be regarded as "radical". This study of women NGOs is arranged in nine chapters. Chapter II provides a background on problems of Thai women in the contexts of culture and political economy. Chapter III shows an historical evolution of women's participation (in various organized activities) in Thai society, and the parallel

Introduction

11

efforts of both governmental and non-governmental agencies in improving women's activities. Chapters IV to VIII deal with the five selected women NGOs. The case study in each chapter presents a group's profile under seven headings: history, objectives, organization, activities, funds and linkages, and appraisal. Brief case studies of an additional three groups are included in Chapter IX. And finally, Chapter X compares the characteristics of the case studies and concludes by showing the weaknesses and strengths of women NGOs in Thailand. Summary To seek women's input for their improved welfare and appropriate participation in development processes, it is important to understand women's problems as addressed by women NGOs. A qualitative investigative case study of selected Thai women NGOs is proposed to understand how women's groups mobilize themselves into collective action, and what new values and action they offer in relation to the state, class and development processes. NOTES 1. For the analysis and vision of DAWN (Development Alternative with Wan en for a New Era), see Sen and Grown (1987). 2. Often overlooked in discussions about development agencies is the role of nonprofit organizations often referred to as PVOs (private voluntary organizations) or NGOs (non-governmental organizations), that operate at both the national and international levels. In this study, both terms PVOs and NGOs are used interchangeably and the term "women NGOs" stand for women's assistance groups run by women for women in Thailand to build their capacity for self-help. Case studies of women NGOs in other countries have been carried out. For Latin America, see Yudelman (1987), for India, Caplan (1985) and Sen (1990); and for Africa, Muntemba (1985). 3. For this information on growing problem and the concern of women activists for these untrained and vulnerable women, see "The Trials and the Glories ofWorking in Foreign Lands", Bangkok Post, 4 September 1986, and "Labour Exports to Middle East Face Difficulties", Bangkok Post, 19 September 1986. 4. Now known as the Foundation of Women. 5. Thai respondents by nature avoid conflicts and critical comments. The problem was not that they would intentionally lie but that they were culturally inhibited from sharing their feelings. As one respondent put it, "I can't interfere in people's privacy and criticize them because they are senior. I have much less age and knowledge (waiyawoot). Therefore, I reserve my right not to make any evaluation about them." 6. Although we prepared ourselves to be so-called logical and causal, we did not

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By Women, For Women

want to be so controlled or mechanical that we may be shut off to spontaneity, natural deviation, gossip, or even illogical observations. 7. Two studies on the background and opinions of Thai elite women are available, see Rathanamongkolmas ( 1983) whose definition of elite women is based on level of education and specific economic and political backgrounds, and Krannich and Krannich (1980).

II DUTIFUL BUT OVERBURDENED Women in Thai Society

Under the present social, economic and political conditions, as far as the status of women is concerned, the age ofprivilege ofmen is passing and the era of equality is approaching -Sanya Dharmasakti

It is a common sight in Bangkok to see women working-as food and vegetable vendors, factory and construction workers, shopkeepers, sales assistants or bus conductresses. In the countryside, on the other hand, they tend to work as rice farmers and agricultural labourers. To support themselves and their families at home, many of the less educated women seek jobs abroad as maids, mailorder brides or prostitutes. The high visibility of Thai women and their high level of participation in the labour force, however, does not imply autonomy. The modem cash economy, introduced in 1855 with the signing of the Bowring Treaty, together with contemporary socio-political factors have undermined their control over their own lives, especially among the majority of poor urban and rural women. Their work, particularly in the casual sector, which includes jobs such as bazaar trade, self-employed vendors and farm workers, have been increasingly undervalued. Poor working women today are struggling to survive in a hostile urban environment. Development processes, like capitalism, assume different structures depending on the historical, political and social context of the country in which they originate. An attempt is made in this chapter to discuss the structure of economic development in Thailand, the shape it assumed in social/class and regional terms, and the effects it has had on women. This chapter shows that political institutions such as the monarchy and the state, and cultural institutions such as the kinship system and religion define the status of women differently and relegate them to varying degrees of power and autonomy. Due to politicohistorical reasons, poor rural women are at a severe disadvantage in terms of education, health and employment. They suffer physically and are forced to take low-paying jobs to survive, in addition to supporting their families.

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By Women, For Women

The structure of the local state government in Thailand today consists of 73 administrative provinces (changwad) headed by governors; 650 districts (amphoe) headed by district officers (nai amphoe); 6,430 communes (tambon) led by headmen (kamnan); and 50,415 villages (mu ban) led by headmen (poo yai ban).'

Geographically, Thailand is divided into four regions: the Central Plains, the North, the Northeast and the South. These regions have had differential access to various resources; hence, they differ in their level of prosperity and degree of development. The Central Plains is more prosperous because of its fertile lowland area, the remote Northeast is the poorest, suffering from unproductive saline soil and extensive drought or flood periods. While the Central Plains, where Bangkok is located, is well endowed with communication systems and public infrastructure such as water and electricity, the North, the Northeast and the South have been deprived of these development benefits, and remain largely rural and poor. Thailand is mostly rural; 86 per cent of the population, approximately 44 million out of 51.6 million in 1985 (of which half were women), live in rural areas. 2 While women constitute up to 46 per cent of the total labour force, in rural areas the percentage is as high as 49 per cent. About 16 per cent of Thai women aged 15 and above are illiterate (compared to 8 per cent of men), and only 8 per cent of women are employers (in contrast to 13 per cent of men). The number of unmarried women in the age range of 40-60 is as high as 26 per cent (against 9 per cent for men). 3 There were only 12 women out of a total of 335 members in the national parliament, and 4 women out of the 225 members in the senate, from the July election in 1986.4 Thus, though the conditions of Thai women vary among the four regions, in general they are more rural and less educated than men (most have less than four years of schooling [Bovornsiri 1982]). Their participation is proportionately high in the labour force, but they are obviously under-represented in terms of economic ownership and excluded from the decision making processes in society at large. But what these statistics do not show is the psychological and legal inferiority, and the poor working conditions of a large number of low-paid Thai women. Thai society seems to have an indifferent attitude towards the underprivileged position of Thai women as a whole which leads, for example, to a high level of tolerance towards women in the most disadvantaged part of the service sector-prostitution. A look into the cultural and economic history of Thai society, which has combined both egalitarian and non-egalitarian characteristics, helps explain the growth of such tolerance and its links to the deteriorating conditions of some women (Omvedt 1986). Thailand first emerged as a consolidated state in the thirteenth century. Until recently the interplay of three politico-cultural factors-the monarchy,

Dutiful but Overburdened

15

TABLE2.1 Percentage of Population by Industry, 1986

Industry Agric., forest., hunting & fishery Commerce Services Manufacturing Construction, repair, & demolition Transport, storage, & communication Mining & quarrying Electric., gas, water, & sanitary services Activities not adequately described

Female

Male

Total

%

%

%

30.0

36.0 4.8 5.1 4.4 2.3 2.0 0.2 0.4

66.0 10.3 10.0 8.2 2.7 2.2 0.2 0.4

5.5 4.9 3.8 0.4 0.2

SOURCE: Labour Force Survey, National Statistical Survey, May 1986.

Buddhism and matrilocality-played an effective role in separating women into two distinct strata: the royal and aristocratic women and the common peasant women. This clear-cut stratification became diffused only in the late nineteenth century after the introduction of Western education and modernization, and resulting in the emergence of a white-collar class.5 As the economy became increasingly dependent on the world market, social disparity increased and gave rise to the beginning of a new middle class. Within this middle stratum, a small number of women enjoyed the freedom to choose from a variety of modern roles and careers, such as teaching, medicine and law. Left behind were a large number of deprived and disadvantaged women. Many of them were channelled into the service sector. Most Thai women, however, remained in the rural agricultural sector (Table 2.1 ). For centuries, Thai peasantry enjoyed a relatively "free" and "easy" life in social interaction, although they suffered from poverty and slavery. Most village customs, based on indigenous animistic beliefs, tolerated-and even encouraged-women's public mobility even after marriage (Dickinson 1963). The matrilocal and bilateral kinship system also supported women's "independence" (Potter 1976; Potter 1977). However, under the increasing hold of absolute monarchy, both the feudal corvee system (which required mandatory

16

By Women, For Women

labour) 6 and the constant wars with neighbouring kingdoms, especially Burma, depleted the male labour force in the villages. These factors indirectly forced peasant women to support the men. Their free and easy life came under increasing pressure as they were forced to shoulder the burden of subsistence farm production in addition to their household chores (Chandhamrong 1986). Though burdened, peasant women continued to enjoy some degree of autonomy. Their mobility was not restricted by any severe social customs such as purdah in India, and foot binding in China. Although Buddhism placed a high value on motherhood, it undermined the esteem in which women were held by refusing them the right to become monks. The monastery was not simply a sanctuary for the pursuit of otherworldliness (spirituality); the right to join a monastic order also had profound socio-economic implications. Before the introduction of Western education, Thai education was administered solely by the monasteries (and this is still the case in the more remote villages). Since women were unable to become monks and were considered "polluting agents" to ordained men, they were deprived of any education, even though a few women were taught to read and write at home by their more open-minded male relatives. Buddhism, therefore, was an avenue for men to leave behind the burdens of this world (family responsibility and the corvee system). Since ordination was not class-specific and could be temporary, the monastery was equivalent to an open university where all men could come and go at will and acquire literacy. The knowledge of arts and medicine were "tools" and "accessories" to aid them in their quest for upward mobility. Buddhism encouraged women to be more active economically in order to support the Buddhist order and to gain merit, indirectly through men, in the hope of better rebirth (as a man). In this context, Buddhism slightly undermined women's position in the matrilocal and bilateral kinship system that existed in most parts of rural Thailand. It is vital, therefore, to understand the paradoxical situation in which women found themselves. Under the kinship system women had freedom and authority, for example, to control the family purse strings and share in the decision making in the household. However, the male-oriented feudal and religious system imposed an economic burden on peasant women. Women worked as hard as men, yet they remained subordinate to men (lords, husbands, fathers and monks, but not sons). Since women were mostly illiterate, a woman was alluded to as a buffalo while a man was regarded as a human being (phu ying pen kwaai, phu chaai pen khon). Aristocratic women had less physical autonomy and independence compared to commoners. Upper-class women played the relatively passive and decorative roles of wife and mother in the patriarchal, polygamous system of the ruling elite. Such roles were crucial for the continuity, through

DuJiful buJ Overburdened

17

inter-marriages, of the feudal system under an absolute monarchy. Also, these women were often exchanged as "gifts" among the royalty and nobility to cement political allegiance. Efforts at modernization in Thai society started in the mid-nineteenth century and changed the character of urban life. The efforts included some legal changes in polygamy during King Mongkut's reign ( 185~5), promotion of women's education in King Chulalongkom's reign (1865-1912), advocacy of a public role for women under King Vajiravudh (1912-27), and acceptance of women into the expanding bureaucracy at the beginning of constitutional monarchy in 1932. To show the British and French colonizers that Thais were as civilized as Westerners and thus unworthy of colonization, a number of women from the Thai elite were educated (Western style) in foreign languages and Western social manners. Such "proper" knowledge was crucial if these female elite were to support their husbands in their role as leaders during the process of nation building (Vella 1978). It was social and legal reforms such as these, and the rising aspirations among the emerging middle-class bureaucrats and military men that eventually led to the removal of the absolute monarchy and its replacement by a constitutional monarchy in 1932. This democratic phase created a demand for an educated labour force to fill the rapidly expanding administrative machine created by the central government. Since the number of educated people was low, educated women for the first time were recruited into the public sphere of polity in the 1930s, although most of the jobs that were available were clerical positions (Krannich and Krannich 1980). During 1932-60, amidst the power struggle among the new ruling elite, the Thai economy became increasingly dependent on the global market economy (Wantana 1982). From 1932 to 1947, amidst the power struggle among the ruling elites, Thai politics came under the inft uence of capitalism. After 194 7, capitalism became the major mode of production in Thai society under the full market force of export-oriented policy. The changes during the second period (1947-60) began with the US intervention in 1950 which laid the foundations for national economic and social development. From 1957 to 1963, as Wantana (1982) records, Thailand became a country fully dependent on capitalism, albeit an "underdeveloped" one. Thus, within one century (1855-1960), Thailand had shifted from a "peripheral capitalist" to a "dependent capitalist" country. The first two national development plans ( 1960-65 and 1966-71) strongly emphasized the building of infrastructure for industrialization and the export trade. The major sources of capital were derived from agriculture and foreign loans and investments. The surplus, however, was not reinvested in the rural agricultural sector. Instead, it was channelled into urban expansion by offering

18

By Women, For Women

incentives (such as modem infrastructure, tax relief, and an unlimited pool of cheap labour) to ensure high returns on urban investments (Phongpaichit 1982). This urban-biased strategy had an unequal impact on Thai women. For the privileged few, equal access to modern education and employment enabled them to take advantage of the ever-expanding job opportunities in the modern sector. 7 Many elite women were educated abroad and occupied higher positions ranging from leadership in various modem sectors to ambassadors. Many of them were wives of high-level bureaucrats or military men. These welleducated urban women saw their career aspirations fulfilled and worked to keep abreast of a changing world. However, a large proportion of disadvantaged poor women were still found in the rural areas, and were illiterate because education in many rural areas continued to be dependent on Buddhist monasteries. The promotion of popular education after 1932 resulted in schools being established in some rural areas, yet they were unable to meet the local demand in terms of quality and quantity. Ordination was still a way to escape poverty and social deprivation for poor rural males (even though this was no longer as effective a channel for upward mobility as before). The majority of the rural people-both women and men-had to work hard simply to survive because of the state's negligence in reinvesting the newly available surplus (for example, rice export) in the depleted agricultural sector. The fact that the size of the nation's forests were fast shrinking (from 71 per cent in 1947 to 33 per cent in 1977) limited free access to land, while the gradual penetration of rural areas by capitalism increased their appetite for consumer goods. Poor peasants, particularly those in the North and the Central Plains, gradually drifted into tenancy and debt. 8 The unequal distribution of income and public services between rural areas and the one dominant major city, Bangkok, made it a centre of opportunity, education and employment, essential for upward socio-economic mobility. It acted as a magnet, drawing people from the countryside. Since the 1950s the influx of rural migrants has contributed to an annual increase of 5 per cent in the population of the capital city. Because rural women have a long tradition of being economically active in Thai society and of sharing economic responsibility in the family, they too joined the stream of migrants flocking to Bangkok in search of jobs (Tongudai 1982). Between 1960 and 1970, the ratio of men to women migrating to the city shifted from 131:100 to 115:100. The reasons for migration varied. According to the 1977 survey conducted by the National Statistical Office, 70 per cent of migrant women came to Bangkok to find jobs, 22 per cent to accompany the heads of their households, and 8 per cent to continue schooling (quoted by Piampiti [1982] p. 126). Women coming from the poorer regions of the North and the Northeast outnumbered men by ratios of 5:4 and 4:3, respectively. Women also exceeded men in the younger age

DuJijul buJ Overburdened

19

range of 10-19 although the ages of most women migrants were concentrated in the 15-24 age brackets (Phongpaichit 1982).Among the migrants to Bangkok, their rate of participation in the labour force was higher than that of the city's total population (Piampiti 1982). Among the female migrants, 80 per cent of the active labour force belonged to the age group 11-19 as compared to 25 per cent for the total population. Their level is also high in the other important working age ranges of20-29 and 30-39: 73 per cent and 68 per cent respectively, in contrast to 59 per cent and 60 per cent of the total number of females in Bangkok. The pattern for male migrants is the reverse of that for females. The rates of economic participation is highest in the 30-39 age group (migrant: total males 97 per cent versus 97 per cent), followed by those between 20 and 39 (91 per cent versus 79 per cent) and then by those in the 11-19 age bracket (72 per cent versus 23 per cent). The rate within the 40-59 age group is still high for males (73 per cent versus 93 per cent) but is markedly lower for females (two per cent versus 49 per cent) (Piampiti 1982). The sex and age patterns of migrants reflect the rapid movement of young, uneducated females in the labour force from agriculture to the modem urban sector. 9 But the modern industrial sector has not expanded proportionately to absorb this ever-increasing supply of cheap labour. In 1970, about 68 per cent of unmarried female migrants under the age of 25 were employed as service workers-maids, cooks, and waitresses-while a further 17 percent were engaged as production workers and labourers (Smith and Crockett 1980). Apparently, migrant women today either risk unemployment in an alien city like Bangkok, or, if they are lucky, get manual jobs or lower management positions which are poorly paid (Meesook 1980). In theory, the increasing level of participation in the labour force by migrant women in urban areas together with their continued employment in rural agriculture may be thought to have contributed to the impressively high rate-in general-of female participation in the economy. But in practice, being ill-equipped in both urban and rural areas, they are concentrated mostly in jobs with low pay and little security (Table 2.2). The occupational stratification of women in both urban and rural areas has further differentiated them especially in terms of income and status into subsets of the advantaged and the disadvantaged. Consequently, although all women share the common problems of social and economic discrimination, their specific problems vary within each of these two subsets. The few advantaged urban women face problems similar to women in most parts of the world in terms of having to shoulder the dual burdens of career and motherhood, as well as in terms of their individual rights. But because of the less rigid division of labour (an inheritance from the peasant tradition), Thai women usually fare better than most women in the West. They are accepted

20

By Women, For Women

TABLE2.2 Percentage of Population by Occupation, 1986

Occupation Fanners, fishermen, hunters, loggers, miners, quarrymen, & related work Sales workers Hawkers, pedlars, newspaper delivery Others Crafts., prod. process, & labourers Tailor, dressmaker, & rei. workers Carpenter, & rei. workers Food process, & beverage workers Labourer Others Service, sport, & recreation workers Professional, technical, & rei. work. Clerical work Administ., execut., managerial work. Transport., communicat. workers Not classified by occupation

Female

Male

Total

%

%

%

30.0

36.0

66.0

5.6 2.2 3.3 4.3 1.0 0.1 0.6

3.9 1.2 2.7 7.2 0.2 1.5 0.5

9.5 3.4 6.0 11.5 1.2 1.6

2.6 1.7 1.5 1.2 0.3 0.1

5.0 1.6 1.8 1.3 1.1

7.6 3.3 3.3 2.5 1.4

2.4

2.5

1.1

SOURCE: Labour Force Survey, National Statistical Survey, May 1986.

professionally once they have proven their abilities. 10 Nonetheless, a strong family socio-economic background has been a key factor to success for many Thai women. Srisvang Phuavongsephatya, in an interview, comments that women who have successfully reached the upper echelons and become "equal" to men have done so because they have had better opportunities to develop their potential and skills rather than just being exceptionally capable. 11 The contemporary position of women in this category has improved significantly compared to that which existed in the early twentieth century, primarily in the areas of economic independence. Sexual prejudices unfortunately have not been totally removed since laws and government regulations continue to favour males. 12

Dutiful but Overburdened

21

Recently, several women from the urban elite have become increasingly active in the political arena, as evidenced by the increasing number of women candidates in the last two general elections. In contrast, advantaged rural women are still bound by tradition and subject to male prejudice. Through their perseverance, dedication and communication skills, however, some have moved into positions oflocalleadership such as village head and kamnan (sub-district chief). 13 For disadvantaged women, the main problem is a combination of long deprivation, primarily in education and in their standard of living. Deprivation of education and training limits women's potential. Illiterate women tend to have low self-esteem and very little self-confidence in public, while substandard living conditions, particularly malnourishment during early life, contribute to the suppression of their intellectual development. This mental underdevelopment inhibits their thinking, limits their world-view, and their perception of life beyond the daily routine of their liveso' 4 Similarly, traditional Thai culture, partly rooted in the Buddhist concept of the accumulation of merit and the Law of Karma, encourages Thai women, particularly those living in rural areas, to view men as their superiors. Women see themselves as disadvantaged and less worthy. They need money as a means of showing gratitude to their parents for bearing and raising them, as a way of taking care of their younger siblings and giving them a wider range of opportunities, including education. 15 This selfless- or family-centred internalization sometimes prevents them from forming groups to express their needs and to improve their bargaining power. 16 The situation is exacerbated when they migrate to urban centres where they have no family or kinship base and have to struggle alone in an uncertain social environment. The plight of the rural/urban working poor (woman) has been discussed in Voices from the City by Thorbeck (1987). She discusses the everyday objective conditions of women, such as street vendors, who are trying to survive in an economically (and probably socially) hostile environment. It is a struggle for a poor, unskilled female to survive in an uncaring world where she is divorced from the native (village) social network. For example, there is harassment by the police, the scarcity of materials with which to work, the constant search for the most basic of material goods, the chronic lack of money, and the feeling of insecurity. Those who migrate to the city very often end up in slums. The majority of female migrants under the age of 25 become maids. As maids, their monthly wages are very low (about 500 to 1,000 baht or $20 to $40), and their rights and "security of employment" are not safeguarded by the labour laws. Often, however, being a maid is just a path to upward socio-economic mobility, a transition for her either into industry or to other jobs in the middle-range of the service

22

By Women, For Women

sectors (Piampiti 1982). In this effort some do succeed, but the overall conditions in which they live show no marked improvement. Worsening conditions in the rural areas in terms of land availability, employment opportunities and self-awareness are the main problems faced by most rural women. For those in urban areas, in addition to congested living, sexual crimes, poorly paid jobs and an unhealthy working environment are readily discernible facts of life. These problems are further exacerbated by the increase in the rate of certain types of social violence such as wife-beating and rape (Tanchainan 1986). The government's policies which are oriented toward the export and industrial sectors, the legal system, and prevailing social values which tend to favour males have been of little help. Women are considered to be elements of corruption and a lower form of humanity. For example, women-even the Queen-are not allowed to touch the image of the Emerald Buddha, or certain Buddha images for fear that these will lose their potency or protective power; women's undergarments are hung at a lower 'level than those belonging to men; a coward is teased as a sissy or literally "the face of a female creature" (naa tua mia), and some rural people still believe that "a man who pounds his own rice will never have enough to eat as long as he lives", etc. Though several private women's organizations are beginning to raise their voices for better treatment, to provide services to disadvantaged women and to represent them by voicing their concerns, one has to look carefully into the history, functions, and efficiency of these institutions. These women NGOs have not sprung up overnight, nor have all Thai women, historically speaking, been merely passive victims of oppression. They have attempted to organize themselves and participate in a given cultural context; to use whatever means and public opportunities that are available to them and turn them to their advantage. The next chapter traces the historical evolution of women's participation in Thai society. Summary

Before modernization, Thai peasant women were relatively free and economically active whereas women members of the aristocracy enjoyed economically secure, but passive, lives. The development processes have had a positive impact upon upper-class women by giving them opportunities to pursue education and careers; upon lower-class women, they have had an adverse effect. The majority of rural women are low-skilled and less educated, and have little access to the job market or the political arena. They end up working in low-paying jobs and in the service sector. Male-dominated institutions have generally been insensitive to the worsening conditions borne by poor women. The need for freedom from violence, and the lack of access to

Dutiful but Overburdened

23

opportunities in the areas of employment, health, and education are the main problems facing the majority of poor Thai women whether from the rural or urban areas. NOTES 1. Statistical Survey ofThailand 1986, National Statistical Office (NSO), Office of the Prime Minister. 2. All the statistical data are taken from "Selected Indicators on the Situation of Women 1985" (A/CONF. 116/10) a UN publication prepared for the World Conference in Nairobi, Kenya, in 1985. Thailand is becoming increasingly industrialized and the percentage of population in rural areas is declining. 3. Ibid. 4. "Poor performance by women candidates", Bangkok Post, 29 July 1986, and Parliamentary News, 16 August 1987. 5. In order to preserve its independence, Thailand yielded to the British colonial pressure and signed the Bowring Treaty for trade in 1855. This date is often regarded as the beginning of modernization in Thailand. 6. Until the nineteenth century, all land theoretically belonged to the king, and every male peasant paid a "tax" in one of the following two ways. Either he gave his free labour by working for three to six months for the lord under whom he was registered, or donated as much as two-thirds of the produce from the land that he leased: onethird to his immediate lord and the other third to the king. 7. "(Thai women) have never heard of women's liberation but they [have] already achieved it" (quoted by Della Denman, "Letter from Bangkok", Far Eastern Economic Review, 12 May 1983, p. 82). This statement implies the smooth entry of some Thai women into the modern economic sphere, which was the second area to become open to women, the first one being their entry into the political arena after the 1930s. But both opportunities have proven to be very class specific and limited mostly to the urban sector. 8. Tenancy is not a problem for all the four regions. Since the North and the Central Plains are relatively more fertile than the other regions, the land there has been subjected to consolidation for the production of cash crops for export, such as rice, rubber, and maize. Landlessness is an acute problem in these two regions. It is less serious in the Northeast and the South. 9. Migration streams in other countries, African or South Asian, have often been characterized by men going to cities, leaving women behind in villages. However, the migration of largely single and young women is very much a Southeast Asian or Thai phenomenon. See Pawadee Tongudai (1982). 10. For example, Sirilak Ratanakorn was once president of the Bangkok stock exchange (the Securities Exchange of Thailand) and Sukanya Chollasuek (pen name Krisna Asoksin) a winner of the 1985 SEA Writers' Award. 11. See "Viewpoints", Friends of Women Magazine 1, no. 3 (1983): 10 (in Thai). For additional examples of "successful women" see also Della Denman, "Letter from

24

12. 13.

14. 15.

16.

By Women, For Women

Bangkok", Far Eastern Economic Review, 12 May 1983, p. 32, and "Six Thai Women's Success Stories" Bangkok Post, 11 September 1986, p. 10. For further discussion on sexual discrimination, see Pruekpongsawalee (1982 and 1986). See Bangkok Post, 11 September 1986, p. 10. The amendment of the Local Administration Act (No. 6) of 1982 has enabled women to be elected to local leadership positions. There were 8, 163, 23, 65, and 340 women respectively, holding such positions as sub-district chiefs, village chiefs, sub-district doctors, assistant sub-district chiefs, and assistant village chiefs. (Women's Development in Thailand, National Commission on Women's Affairs, 1985, p. 71). According to the 1986 survey of the Local Department of Administration, Ministry of Interior, the numbers have increased to 16, 288, 32, 84 and 523 respectively, but still there is no woman leader at the provincial and district levels. See Sanitsuda Ekachai "Why Grandma Must Learn about Feeding the Baby" in Bangkok Post, 16 September 1986, p. 34. Sukanya Hantrakul discusses the belief in the accumulation of merit and the decision of the poor and disadvantaged rural women to become prostitutes (Far Eastern Economic Review, 5 January 1984, p. 39). For other details, see "Working Condition of Women Workers and their Participation in Trade Union", Asian Action, July-August 1987, pp. 5-9.

III INVISIBLE FORCE Growth of Women's Collective Action

The growing movement of emancipation of women in Thailand is not simply a fight for equal rights or legislative change, it is a manifold campaign directed towards an improvement in the administration oflaws itself, the recognition ofwomen--lheir capabilities as well as their weaknesses-and social liberation from hard bound customs and traditions. -An Activist

Women's participation in all spheres of human activities is neither a recent phenomenon nor does it exclusively happen through formal women's organizations. The significance and the extent of women's participation at home and in communities have often been overlooked in historical and sociological analyses. In Thailand, women have traditionally participated in social and cultural events, and they have demonstrated their political acumen during several social crises. This chapter traces the historical growth of women's participation and their efforts to form organizations in Thai society. Part 1 elaborates on the natural growth of women's collective action not planned by a specific agency but shaped by historical, informal social ties and cultural institutions (March and Taqqu 1986). Part 2 contrasts this to the recent (post World War II) phase of planned development, when it was planned and implemented from outside by the government. And finally, Part 3 introduces some selected efforts of nongovernmental organizations which assist and encourage disadvantaged women to organize for self-help. Part 1

Historical Growth of Women's Organizations

For convenience, we will discuss the evolution of women's organizations in three periods: before 1932, from 1932 to the 1960s, and the 1960s to the 1980s. The first period was under the absolute monarchy, when women participated in social functions mainly through informal family and friends' connections (the primary groupings) and occasionally in an organized form. The second period was mostly under the nationalist campaign of military-led democracy, when the upper- and the upper-middle class women started to formally organize

26

By Women, For Women

themselves and moved toward the secondary groupings beyond their family circles. The third period was the era of drastic political change that began when the students' movement in 1973 brought down the two decades of military dictatorship. This period also coincided with the UN Decade for Women (197585). It experienced a diverse involvement of women's associations on specific issues such as social justice and development. Amorphous Stage (Before 1932)

Before Thailand conceded to the "open door" policy in trade to outsiders and linked to the international market in the mid-nineteenth century, women informally participated in the wider social and political processes through their roles within a family. The degree and characteristics of participation varied with the social and political position or status of the family head, the father or the husband, who may belong to either the ruling class or the peasantry. Under the subsistence agricultural system women's reproductive ability was crucial as it determined the survival of the family as well as of the village community. Traditionally, peasant social and cultural activities, and the kinship system revolved around women. Women played key roles in various activities and ceremonies of the family, such as birth, marriage and death, which were created around the life cycle of men and women. Various festivals were celebrated around agricultural seasons, in which women were responsible for most of the activities, and they were given importance. For example, before rice planting, offerings were made to the deity of the field, who was a woman called Mae Posob. Women were also the key to neighbourhood and community co-operatives in the provision of labour and food. They occasionally gathered together to accomplish certain projects such as flower arrangement, dancing, taking turns to cook for local Buddhist monks. Women might not have directly participated in community discussions, but their influence over their husbands could reach the community level. Widows and divorced women were automatically the heads of their families; therefore, they could directly participate in community decision making (Chandhamrong 1986, de Young 1966). Aristocratic women were not as mobile as their peasant sisters but were covertly, politically active. Their role and proper behaviour were crucial not only for their families' survival but also for the stability of the absolute monarchy. When King Rama V (1860-1912) went on a trip to Europe, he entrusted his consort, Queen Saowapa, to administer his court. The way upper-class girls were "educated" within the palace also further expanded the influence of the queen. Traditionally, the nobility and wealthy commoners preferred to send their daughters for "education" in the Inner Palace, where, except for the King, all the residents including the guards were female. The main Queen wielded

Invisible Force

27

the supreme power, had her own treasure house, and had a court to administer the Inner Palace (Moffat 1961). There, the young girls learned the arts of home-making, handicrafts, entertainment, etiquette, and some literacy. Graduates from the Inner Palace had a better chance of being married into royal, noble or rich families. In a sense, the Inner Palace was comparable to a women's university which generated an alumni network linking wives of courtiers at all levels to the Queen. This powerful network had a chance to test its potential in 1893 when the kingdom was facing a crisis from a border dispute with the French. Queen Saowapa mobilized her subjects to contribute and raise money for medicine to heal the wounded soldiers and to attend to their needs at the frontier. The exercise could not stop the French encroachment, but it successfully won respect from men-the King and the public-for the service role of women. This also set a pattern of voluntary activities for national security and welfare carried out by elite women. The Queen's initiative was eventually transformed and institutionalized into the Thai Red Cross. Since then, the Queen is the permanent president of the Thai Red Cross, and all the wives of provincial governors and bureaucrats are obliged to voluntarily participate, especially in fund-raising. Another trend of participation of elite women was much more womenoriented than supporting the status quo. Shortly before the overthrow of the absolute monarchy in 1932, there was a brief emergence of "new enthusiasm" of Thai women. Small groups of highly educated middle-class women started to demand equality through their own women's magazines and newspapers. They vigorously criticized patriarchy by focusing on polygamy and demanded women's rights. This unprecedented activity, however, proved to be shortlived; both Thai women and society in general were not prepared for such a radical challenge. This feminist thrust lasted for about two decades (till the 1920s and the early 1930s) and died off at the onset of Thailand's democracy era in 1932. 1 These women activists, however, formed themselves into the first registered private voluntary women's organization, called the Thai Women's Association of Thailand (TWAT or Samakom Satri Thai) (Skrobanek 1983b). While still active today, TWAT activities reflect much less emphasis on and commitment to disadvantaged women than it originally intended. 2

Consolidation Stage (1932-60) Thailand's infant democracy had little time to nurture itself as the country was soon drawn into World War II (1939-45). After the war, military strongman Field Marshal Phibun held dictatorial power from 1947 to 1957. Amidst the political turmoil of internal power struggle, he promoted nationalism as a policy for national development. This political attempt influenced the nature

28

By Women, For Women

and characteristics of the women's associations which proliferated during this period. These women's associations continued to concentrate on charitywelfare activities, and to be the gathering places of elite women. Their characteristics slowly differentiated into housewife-dominant, professional, and religion-oriented organizations. Although all these groups were initiated by civilians, many of them had quasi-governmental functions. The process of establishing the quasi-governmental network began formally in 1943 under the responsibility ofThanphuying La-iat, wife of Prime Minister Phi bun. La-iat was then the official chairperson of the Women's Bureau, the Office of Cultural Affairs under the Council of National Culture. She founded a parallel Women's Cultural Club (WCC) as the meeting place of women inside and outside the bureaucracy. WCC adopted the approach of Western women's city club by concentrating on home economics and social welfare. The association pioneered various programmes such as showing movies or organizing bazaars for public fund-raising. This approach became a pattern of fund-raising for other urban women's associations of housewives or alumni of female schools (Chandhamrong 1987). After World War II, women's associations expanded to cover both urban and rural areas although the majority were housewives or alumni of women's schools. During this period, four professionally-oriented organizations were founded: Siamese Association of University Women (1948), Women Lawyers Association (1950), Home Economics Association (1956), and the Girl Guides Association (1958). The first religion-oriented association, the Young Women Christian's Association (YWCA), was registered in Bangkok in 194 7. All these five groups were members of their corresponding international organizations. The objectives of most women's associations were not clear. Their activities were mostly related to charity and welfare issues as well as socializing among friends and members. Later, in the early 1950s, international concerns about women's rights resulted in the initiation of various programmes such as conferences and research studies sponsored by the United Nations. In order to respond to this change at the international level where representative participation was required, the National Council of Women of Thailand (NCWT) was formed as an umbrella organization for Thai women's associations in 1956 (Pinthong 1977). While these city-based groups of elite women were flowering, there was apparently a decline of women's participation in agriculture in rural areas as many young women migrated to cities. The centralized stress on nationalism and modernism actually curtailed some of the family and neighbourhood ties which in turn limited the autonomy and self-determination capacity of rural women. 3

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Diversification Stage (1960s-80s) Phibun was eventually toppled by Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat, another military strongman, at the end of the 1950s. The political system, however, continued to oppose political participation by the people, primarily under the AntiCommunist Act. Concomitantly, the economic structure was increasingly streamlined according to the world market economy. The first Five-Year Plan for national economic development was launched in 1960. Foreign aid and loans in the form of business and military assistance (in exchange for allowing the United States to use Thai territory as air bases for the Vietnam War) were wooed to boost the Thai economy. This in turn created a rapid expansion of job opportunities in the modern sectors such as business and services. Along with the economic boom during the 1960s and the 1970s, more professional women's associations were formed. These included the formation of the Association of Housewives of Tha Moung and the Association of Women's Physicians in 1960, Business and Professional Women Association in 1964,Association of Women Secretaries in 1968, Zonta in 1971, Soroptimist in 1974, and Promoting Business for Women Association in 1974. But after two national plans for development, social and economic problems of Thailand began to worsen because of unequal distribution of income between regions-Bangkok versus the rest of the country, the central plains versus the other parts-and between sectors-urban manufacturers versus rural agriculture (Meesook 1977). As the wind of students' movements from the West swept through Asia, Thai students, including women, organized themselves nationwide and started demanding for civil rights and justice in Thai society. The militancy and vitality of students' groups slowly grew into a force to be reckoned with, and eventually succeeded in ousting the military dictatorship on 14 October 1973. After this national involvement, students' groups became more diversified and more specialized in local issues such as organizing poor farmers and politicizing rural people. Meanwhile, women's groups in universities such as Ramkhamhaeng and Thammasat shifted their focus from campaigning for justice for all to voicing women's problems, particularly those of women labourers and prostitutes.4 Just before the wave of student activities, a semi-progressive women's group-the Women's Status Promotion Group-was founded in 1972 by a group of concerned women and men. The focus of this group and other university women's groups was later on partly shaped by the declaration of the year 1975 as International Women's Year (IWY) and the decade 1975-85 as the Women's Decade by the United Nations. The surge of democracy, however, was short-lived. The victory of Communist Vietnam over Laos and Kampuchea in 1975 diverted public attention

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from justice and equality to national security. The student movement was severely crushed on 6 October 1976, and the return ofthe military shifted the government's position to ultra right. To avoid the military repression, thousands of students and academics fled to the jungle. Meanwhile, another wave of housewife associations began to emerge, with some of the wives of the ruling elite playing key roles. In 1976 Queen Sirikit took the lead in initiating the Foundation for the Promotion of Supplementary Occupations and Related Techniques (SUPPORT), a private organization to promote local Thai handicrafts. In addition, the Association of Thai Women Farmers was founded in 1976; the Associations of Housewives to Protect Thailand, Wives of the Professionals, Army Housewives, Navy Housewives, and Physician Housewives in 1977; the Associations of Housewives ofMahardthai (the Ministry oflnterior), and Air Force Housewives in 1984. The emergence of these wife-associations was a revival and extension of those earlier associations for women's cultural promotion initiated by Thanphuying La-iat in the 1950s. These associations were highly politicized to support the status quo, expressed in terms of national security or the upholding of national culture and heritage, and anti-Communism. Their major activities were visiting military casualties at the frontiers, and handing out gifts to the rural and slum poor as well as victims of natural disasters. Some were also involved in inculcating nationalism in villagers through a quasi-governmental network of Village Scouts (Chandhamrong 1987). Before the end of the 1970s, the government took a different approach towards anti-Communism. Instead of outright suppression with armed force, it used a paternalistic measure to control, or convert, Communist sympathizers. An amnesty decree through Prime Ministerial Order No. 66/2523 was designed to attract student and academic defectors who had fled to join the Communist groups in the jungle after the 1976 clamp-down on them by the military. That order also justified the army's role in politico-economic development, encouraged rural development and more people's participation but in a top-down manner with emphasis on national security. Examples of such groups are the National Defence Volunteers, Voluntary Development Villagers, and Military Reserves for National Security. The Order also allowed returning, as well as the new, activists and intellectuals to organize development-oriented groups at the grass roots level. In 1980, there was a surge of "NGOs" in the form of unregistered groups, committees, projects, clubs, centres and offices. At least 19 groups were founded in 1980, 12 groups in 1981, and 14 in 1982 (TVS 1986). Along with the rise of various progressive development groups aimed at rural areas, two significant women's groups-Friends of Women (FOW) and Women's Information Centre (WI C)-were also formed in Bangkok. Both the FOW and WIC (started in 1980 and 1984 respectively) took a sharp departure

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31

from their seniors. These young groups were heavily influenced by the worldwide feminist movements. Subsequently, other small action-oriented groups of young women made their debut. For instance, the Hotline (which became active in 1985) provided not only phone counselling but also courses on selfdefence. And EMPOWER (which started in 1986) paid exclusive attention to bar girls in the red-light Patpong area to educate them in English and increase their self-confidence. Thus, in less than a century, urban Thai women steadily organized and evolved into the secondary groups which eventually enabled them to carve out a niche for women's role in the public arena. These groups have served as bases for women's collective participation. While the pattern of voluntary organizations of urban women has diversified, traditional forms of collective action of rural women have begun to disintegrate. Deprived of education beyond some rudimentary literacy, rural women are not prepared for rapid socio-economic change, and are unable to adjust their "traditional" organizations like their urban sisters in response to the expansion of capitalist consumerism. The penetration of the market economy has weakened the traditional collective base of women by replacing co-operation with monetary rewards. In many co-operative efforts of labour reciprocation such as agrarian festivals and life-cycle ceremonies, women play a central role. These traditional collective functions are now too time-consuming and costly. Since rural areas have few job opportunities, women and men migrate to urban areas for jobs. Migration makes it difficult for young women to follow their traditions. Realizing that more than 80 per cent of women reside in rural areas and rural women are important to national development, the Thai Government did make certain efforts to develop and organize rural women. The growth of governmental efforts is worth a detailed discussion in order to understand the emergence of non-governmental efforts. Part 2

Governmental Efforts

Governmental efforts for women's development can be seen at three levels: formation of national commissions and task forces, formulation of national plans, and implementation of the plans through various schemes and ministries. National Commissions on Women's Development

As a response to the United Nations' call for world-wide celebration of the 1975 International Women's Year (IWY), the Thai Government took consideration of women's issues. Between 1974-83, six committees under different names,

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but under the same leader, Khunying Amporn Meesook, were appointed and subsequently dissolved. 5 In 1974, the government appointed for the first time a National Executive Committee, under the Ministry of Education, to plan and organize activities for the celebration ofthe 1975 IWY. The committee sent its delegates to attend the 1975 World Meeting in Mexico. Upon returning from the meeting, they conveyed to the government the UN's message that encouraged all member governments to initiate a national commission in order to participate in the World Plan of Action on women's issues; the delegates also recommended that the government set up an organization for women and youth affairs. The recommendation was accepted in 1978, and the Executive Committee was replaced by a Subcommittee in Planning for Women and Child's Development under the National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB). The subcommittee did a study and organized a seminar on "The Contemporary Status of Thai Women". This resulted in a wealth of information for formulating a plan on women's development to be incorporated into the Fifth National Plan (1982-86). The subcommittee, however, was soon dissolved after the 1978 legislation on national economic and social development. In March 1979, an Interim Task Force on Women's Development, comprising six persons, was set up to study women's problems and to suggest solutions to these problems. In spite of the uncertainty over the fate of the various subcommittees and their limited resources, their efforts created widespread awareness of women's issues, particularly in the bureaucracy. Women's affairs finally gained official recognition in November 1979 when NESDB set up an office within its Social Programme Division and appointed a subcommittee for women's development affairs. Its functions were to co-ordinate the planning processes (women and NESDB's plans) and the implementation processes (governmental, non-governmental and international agencies), and to monitor and evaluate the programmes. Meanwhile, the office also served as a clearing house for information on women. It published a monthly bulletin in Thai called Women's News (Khao Satri), co-ordinated tasks between various development agencies, participated in development planning, and was a secretarial office to the subcommittee. This subcommittee appointed two task-force committees to draw up two women's development plans, a short-term plan (1982-86), and a long-term plan (1982-2001). The staff oftheNESDB formed a team to work on the shortterm plan whereas fourteen women and four men were on the team for the long-term plan, comprising nine bureaucrats, eight academics, and one journalist. Since such planning was a responsibility at the national level, the subcommittee recommended the Cabinet to elevate its status to attach to the Office of the Prime Minister. Thus, the National Commission on Women's

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Affairs was promulgated in 1981. The commission was chaired by a man, then Deputy Prime Minister, Mr Bichai Rattakul. The life-span of the National Commission on Women's Affairs under the Prime Minister's Office, however, was rather short. At the end of 1981, the Cabinet dissolved the commission. It acted on the recommendation of the Committee on Administrative Reform which had argued that since there was no allocated budget, and private NGOs were known to be more efficient and less expensive, they should be given this task. As a result, the Cabinet simply tossed the responsibility to NCWT, and eventually transferred the Women's Documentation Centre and the publication unit of the dissolved National Commission to NCWT, but only after a year's delay. NCWT, however, could not act as a co-ordinating body of the women's development plans (Pongsapich 1986a) because it lacked the authority of being a legitimate arm of the government. It was only after two women Members of Parliament (MP), Dr Yupa Udomsak and Mrs Supatra Masdit, had followed up this issue that the government in 1983 agreed to recreate an official organ-the National Commission on Women's Development. This commission was temporarily entrusted to the Planning Division of the Ministry of Interior. This, the government claimed was a step forward, but women NGOs claimed was a setback.6 This commission was technically not a National Commission which was supposed to have its own office and facilities. It was not an independent secretariat which could act as an adviser on women's issues to the government. It did not have the authority to carry out its co-ordinating role. Finally, it did not have its selfdetermination; its fate was subject to the fluctuations in the Cabinet. The lack of governmental commitment to women's programmes was clearly reflected in the reiterations of the Prime Minister and his Deputy: women's development would be successful only when women had the will to develop themselves, and only when women took initiatives in their own course instead of waiting for the government, especially in financial terms.' This attitude was well recognized and accepted by leaders of women NGOs. Yet, in spite of such insincerity, the government should be acknowledged for its support in drawing up the twenty-year plan (1982-2001), and for incorporating the short-term women's plan in the Fifth Plan. Undoubtedly, both plans were impressive, especially the Twenty-Year Plan that has been acknowledged as "second to none" in the region covered by the Economic and Social Commission for the Asia Pacific. Only with the then MP, later Minister, Supatra Masdit's efforts, and the arrival of new Prime Minister Chartchai Choonhavan in 1989, finally, has a permanent body, the National Commission on the Promotion and Co-ordination of Women's Affairs, officially materialized after fifteen years of an uncertain fate and a long struggle (Table 3.1). The commission is not an implementation bureau. It is empowered to plan, evaluate and monitor women's

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TABLE3.1 Chronology of the National Coordinating Body on Women's Affairs, 1974-89 Year

Committee/commission

Under

1974

National Executive Committee

1978

Sub-Committee on Planning for Women and Child Development Interim Task Force on Women's Development Sub-Committee for Dev. of Women's Affairs National Commission of Women's Affairs National Commission on Women's Development National Commission on the Promotion and Co-ordination of Women's Affairs

Min. of Education NESDB

1979 1979 1981 1983 1989

NESDB NESDB PM's Office Min. of Interior PM's Office

programmes carried out by various agencies of the government. 8 The commitment to women's causes, however, is demonstrated by more than just the presence of an advisory commission or a written promise. It requires implementation and enforcement of the policy.

Women's Development and the National Plans The Thai Government launched the first five-year plan for national development in 1961. Thailand is now at the end of the Sixth Plan (1987-91). These plans were formulated by the National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB). Even though NESDB was also responsible for two separate plans for women's development, its commitment to women's issues has largely become tangential to its main emphasis on economic growth: the awareness to include women into national plans has come late. Among the six plans, only the Fifth Plan has women's development as an autonomous heading. The first two plans (1961-66 and 1967-71) were growthoriented with heavy emphasis on developing infrastructure for industrialization. There was no specific mention of women. The Third Plan ( 1972-76) continued to emphasize growth although it made some references to women by identifying them as the objects in a population control programme on the requirement of

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the United Nations. The Fourth Plan (1977-81) coincided with the first half of the Decade for Women (1975-85). As a recognition of the decade, women's development was included in the national plan, but only primarily as another important productive force-the other half of the human resource in economic development. Promotion of education, employment and modification of laws in relation to women's development were part of the policy. In implementation, training programmes, however, were limited to home-bound activities such as handicrafts, dressmaking, and hairdressing. Many programmes did not suit local needs, many had difficulty competing for markets. The Fifth Plan (1982-86) had the advantage of past experience in addition to the enthusiasm of the Women's Decade. By 1981, two national women's development plans were produced by the two task-force committees appointed by NESDB. The two plans were for short-term (1982-86) and for long-term (1982-2001) goals. The short-term one was to be incorporated into the Fifth Plan whereas the long-term plan was to be a twenty-year guidance for future national development plans. Both plans were similar in their recognition of women's double role in the family and in their occupations. They were different in defining the target groups. The short-term plan identified 38 of the poorest provinces of Thailand with the purpose of promoting education and health services by providing vocational training for 5.6 million women in the age range of 12-44 years to help raise their annual per capita income to at least 5,000 baht. The long-term plan specifically singled out six groups of women: (1) in agriculture, (2) in non-agricultural rural employment, (3) in government bureaucracy and state enterprises, (4) in religion (mae chi-Buddhist nun), (5) in service sectors, and (6) in prison. Unlike the short-term plan, the long-term plan provided a series of guidelines for future policy formulation as well as some measurements of the advancement of women's status and role in areas ranging from education to religion and culture. The Fifth Plan did create some changes in women's opportunity, especially in women's political participation in local administration. From 1982 onward women were allowed to hold positions of local power. The number of women's positions in local administration, as indicated in Table 3.2, is still much smaller than men's, although this is an encouraging sign of the government's attempts. As the Fifth Plan progressed to its final stage, critics were disappointed. They argued that the government was confused and lacked sincerity on issues concerning women's development and failed to tackle the more fundamental problems (Skrobanek 1985c). While it lacked a theory to create programmes, it replaced the autonomous National Commission on Women's Affairs with a vague and dependent National Commission on Women's Development. The latter was impaired by its cumbersome structure of five subcommittees and the lack of full-time core personnel to co-ordinate the work. Thus, the National

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TABLE3.2 Women's Participation in Local Administration Total Sub-district chiefs (kamnan) Assistant sub-district chiefs Village chiefs (phu yai ban) Assistant village chiefs Sub-district doctors

6,194 12,388 51,204 14,796 6,194

Women

8 68 163 340 23

Percentage

0.13 0.52 0.32 0.30 0.37

SOURCE: "Some Statistics about Thai Women", compiled by the Documentation Centre (NCWT) for the second Meeting of Experts on Women's Documentation Centres for ASEAN Development, Bangkok, 1985.

Commission was unable to function effectively. Most importantly, the commission expired when the tenure of the Cabinet ended. In terms of programmes, the top-down nature in implementation resulted in women's training programmes which increased women's work-loads without increasing income to levels commensurate with expenditure. Often, products were low in quality and difficult to place in large markets. Many of the programmes generated debts faster than income (Chandhamrong 1986). The Sixth Plan (1987-91) was criticized as a regression because it reflected a lack of understanding on issues of women's development. With heavy economic emphasis, the plan focused on maximum exploitation of all useful resources. Without referring to the Twenty-Year Plan, there was no differentiation of target groups by their needs. It mentioned only human resource development, social development and job creation (Subcommittee on Co-ordination 1985). This left the future of women's development in Thailand unpredictable. 9 Implementation of Governmental Programmes Women's programmes gained momentum during the Fifth Plan. According to the summary report of the subcommittee on co-ordination and implementation, there were eight governmental agencies which carried out 21 programmes comprising 699 projects. The total expenditure was 484,237,452 baht compared to 1,777,800 baht for NGOs. The latter had three major agencies and 16 projects.

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Most of the governmental programmes on women's development were entrusted to four ministries: the Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Health and Ministry of Education. The Ministry of Industry has also conducted training programmes for women. The Ministry of Interior was responsible for a wide range of women's programmes handled by five departments: Community Development, Administration, Social Welfare, Labour, and Accelerated Rural Development. Programmes included leadership training, skills training, promoting culture and traditions, legal knowledge useful to women, education for developing attitudes, values and behaviour for social participation, and women's groups. The Department of Agriculture Extension has had, since 1962, a Home Economics programme which includes home-making activities, food, nutrition and health. It also encouraged farm women to form young women farmers' groups and farmers' wives groups all over the country. Often through these groups, new information and agricultural techniques are introduced. The Department of Public Health has a specific plan on family planning. It also promotes the programme on primary health care for the people (abbreviated in Thai as jor por tho) in addition to its emphasis on maternal and child health. The Department of Vocational Education provides programmes for interest groups' training, vocational schools, mobile schools and mobile adult schools, with emphases on skill training and developing desirable attitudes, values and behaviour as well as promoting culture and traditions. The Department of Industrial Promotion through its Cottage Industry Division and Industrial Service Division provides assistance by conducting handicraft training courses, giving information on marketing, and helping in new product promotion. The department also supplies upon request resource persons for training women in trades. Governmental efforts have good facilities in reaching out to the majority of women in rural areas, but their efficiency is impaired by their overlapping functions and bureaucratic attitude. Such attitude is often imposed (top-down) rather than seeing the beneficiaries as equal partners in development. An evaluation study of income-generating activities of rural women organized by the Community Development Department was carried out by Kosiyanon and Supachanya in 1986. They found that the programmes were too centralized and were not suited to the areas or the needy poor. They discovered that government officials, in order to obtain speedy results, were often concerned with quantity rather than quality of the programmes. Similar difficulties have been experienced by village women as those of Ban Thung Yao who were exasperated by pointless, officially imposed activities such as Chinese cooking in areas where nobody eats Chinese food, or attempts to teach dressmaking or

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artificial-flower making skills to village women in a week. When asked to wear uniforms, and to travel far from their villages to join the parades, many of them refused. 10 A separate study also found that poor women are generally absent from official organizations because they have little leisure time, and because these organizations tend to serve the interests of the more prosperous families (Sirisambhand and Gordon 1987). Part 3

Non-governmental Efforts

Realizing the limits of the government in solving problems of the poor, and that conservative women's associations could not serve or reach the needs of poor women, new groups of younger women have emerged in Thailand during the last two decades. The latter usually comprise politically conscious people from the urban, educated middle class. They feel that welfare-oriented and top-down approaches for "curing" women's problems will not improve women's conditions. Unless women themselves consciously understand their own problems and needs and are also able to relate themselves to society, the situation of the majority of Thai women is bound to worsen. Their primary efforts have been in organizing workshops for factory women, creating dialogue forums (for example, seminars among NGO workers) and educating the public (such as exhibitions and publishing newsletters) on such issues as child labour, violence against women, beauty contests and prostitution. The new progressive groups are trying to search for an alternative strategy for development with special attention on women as an integral part of the process. They are more research and action oriented, often collaborating with academic institutions such as the Women's Studies Programme at the Social Research Institute of Chulalongkorn University (CUSRI), and the Women in Development Consortium in Thailand (WIDCIT) at Thammasat University. Meanwhile, other conservative groups have also slowly streamlined their activities towards women's development. At present there are over 500 NGOs which carry out development-related projects for women, but only 5 per cent are operated by women (Wongchai 1985). Many NGOs such as the Drug Study Group or Union Civil Liberty Group, which, though not gender specific, have worked indirectly on women's issues, too. The National Council of Social Welfare, a quasi governmental organization like NCWT, also has a large programme on women's development. Its current outstanding programme is mae chi training. Compared to the government efforts, w.omen NGOs show more promise. This is partly because of their motivation and commitment to the issues, and the flexibility in their structures. In spite of their high potential, they need governmental support and co-operation, ranging from guidance to funding. While they are different in interests and approaches, their activities are

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concentrated in urban areas. Thus it is necessary to study the role of autonomous women groups (organized by women for women) that act as effective instruments for national development where women are constructive actors and beneficiaries of the process. This study has selected five main women's voluntary organizations that are at the forefront of the Thai women's movement. The diversity of focus, interest and form is reflected in their varying degrees of feminist consciousness. They range from being conservative (supporting status quo, and promoting traditional wife/mother role), and liberal (concerned with the individual's rights and betterment) to progressive (raising uncomfortable issues such as violence against Thai women). In the next five chapters (Chapters IV to VIII), we will discuss the characteristics of each women NGO under the following topics: historical background, objectives, organizational structure, activities and programmes, and funds and linkages. In Chapter IX, a brief discussion on three additional women's groups will also be included to provide a fuller and comparative analysis of Thai women's groups in Chapter X. Summary Rather than being passive spectators, Thai women have acted as an active mirror to reflect and transform their environment. Depending on their class location, they have acted to enhance their benefits. Poor women continue to seek participation and self-reliance even in dangerous and miserable conditions of poor jobs. Government programmes have given little importance to women's welfare. Extra governmental efforts though small in number are emerging as a historical growth of the invisible force. This force has not been properly recognized or encouraged, but it has the potential to grow into an effective instrument for social change. NOTES 1. Some oftheearlyThai women'smagazines of this period wereKulsatri (1906), Satri Niphon (1914),Satrisap (1922), and YingThai(1932). The history ofThai women's magazines is about a hundred years old. See "A Centenary ofThai Women's Magazines", Bangkok Post, 22 December 1988. 2. Although in the traditional period there was a clear dichotomy between elite palace women and common peasant women, we do not intend to conflate class with region in this chapter: urban rich and rural poor. The rural agrarian class structure is complex. There are some rural women who are also elite: politically powerful, educated and wealthy. The converse is true in urban areas. The case is not merely that of urban versus rural but frequently rich versus poor, and landed versus landless as well.

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3. The interest mode in this section has been institutional analysis as we have discussed what elite urban-based women's groups were doing. The sociological analysis at the community/people level is avoided because little is known about organizations actually working at the community level, say of working class and peasant women. The objective conditions of their daily lives or the issues of their daily struggles are not well documented. 4. Various university women's clubs commemorated the International Women's Day (8 March) in 1974. Books on the feminist movement written in Thai were published, for example, Lok Thi Si (The Fourth World: A New Page of Thai Women's History) by Jiranan Pitpreecha (Bangkok: Chulalongkom University, 1975) reinterpreted Thai culture and values for womanhood, and March 8th, the International Women's Day contained articles on the global feminist movement. 5. "Chronology of Women's Development Process from the International Year of Women" in Friends ofWomenMagazine, 3, no. 1 (1985): 40-45 (in Thai), and Kao Satri (NCWT), 1984, p. 6 (in Thai). 6. Some other structural weaknesses of NCWT were also responsible, for instance its dependence on the skills or commitment of its voluntary members, and its policy change every two years with the election of a new president. (See "Women's Groups Agree to Work Together", Bangkok Post, 22 January 1985.) 7. Frustrated leaders of women NGOs complained about the insincerity and uncommitted attitude of the government ("Women's Development Work Not As Smooth As Silk", Bangkok Post, 11 September 1984). 8. See "National Women's Machinery: A New Year Gift for Thai Women", Bangkok Post, 23 December 1988, p. 3B, and "Thailand Lags Behind in Women's Rights", Nations, 10March 1989. 9. Development plans have been discussed by several authors. See Chandhamrong (1986), Pongsapich (1986a), Muntarbhom (1985), and Thomson (1988). 10. See a "ADo-It-YourselfldeaforVillageDevelopment", BanglwkPost, 20June 1988.

PART II CASE STUDIES

IV GOLD LEAF ON A BUDDHA IMAGE National Council ofWomen ofThailand

Sabha Satri Haeng Chart or the National Council of Women of Thailand (NCWT) is one of the largest, longest lasting and best-known women's organizations in Thailand. It came into existence in 1956 as the first umbrella body for Thai women's organizations. The success in starting and initially sustaining this big organization was largely due to the support of two women dignitaries-a Prime Minister's wife and a princess. During the past 30 years, the organization has mostly been run by high society women. Recently, however, NCWT has attempted to add development perspectives into its predominantly charity-welfare programmes. Representing over 100 organizations from all over the country, NCWT continues to enjoy significant participation from elite women, and a close association with the government. As a pioneer women's organization in Thailand, NCWT is worth studying for its history, role and contribution.

Historical Evolution After World War II, the Thai Government started reviving Thai nationalism. The formation of NCWT was a culmination of efforts to "bring out" Thai women during the two successive premierships of Field Marshal Phibun (193844, and 1948-56). The then First Lady, Thanphuying1 La-iat (the wife of Phibun), saw an opportunity to utilize the resources of high-class women -their ample free time and training-to bring all Thai women out to join their men in nation building. Her proposal to set up a government wing for women was approved, and she was appointed chairperson of the Women's Cultural Bureau (WCB, Samnak Watthanatham Faai Ying). The aim of the bureau was to promote nationalistic spirit in Thai women by encouraging them to form

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groups and to assimilate nationalistic values and behaviour (NCWT 1987). In order to incorporate the participation of women outside the government such as wives of governors, judges, police, high-ranking military officers, in 1943, the First Lady founded a private women's association called the Women's Cultural Club (WCC, Samosorn Watthanatham Ying) in Bangkok. Echoing the national goal, its purpose was to encourage socialization among elite women in order to improve their home-making role and to make them more compatible partners of their men (NCWT 1977). The two pillars ofWCC were the First Lady La-iat, as President, and Princess, or Mom Ngarmjit, 2 as Secretary General. In 1950, during his second year of premiership, the Prime Minister Phibun and Thanphuying La-iat were officially invited to the United States. There, the First Lady learned about the potential of women's clubs and their network. This gave her the idea to expand her WCC work beyond Bangkok. In 1953, with the First Lady's blessing, most provinces in Thailand started their own women's associations. Each association had a generic prefix f Samaakom Songserm Watthanatham Ying (Women's Cultural Promotion Association or WCPA), added to the name of the home province, and the governor's wife automatically became its president. Thus, WCC and WCPAs together formed an extensive network that enabled urban advantaged women to teach new ideas and inculcate modern values and practices to the rural and less advantaged women (Jatikawanich 1985). Though this was a private network of women's associations, all the key members were wives of high-ranking government personnel. Therefore, it had an inherent quasi-government nature. Meanwhile, more urban women's associations were emerging in Bangkok. They represented such women groups as housewives, girl-school alumni, professionals, or religion-affiliated institutions such as YWCA. Since they were formed initially to serve their own respective members, they were not unified. In the wake of the human rights movement in the mid-fifties, the United Nations included women's issues in its programmes and goals. Thailand, as a U.S. ally and centrally located in Asia, was occasionally chosen to host various international conferences and seminars. The WCC, assisted by other women's associations, often played the role of a host, and many Thai women had the chance to participate in these meetings. Such experiences convinced Thai women of the need to set up a central body which would coordinate all types of women's organizations, and represent them in international meetings. They presented the idea to WCB, then chaired by Thanphuying La-iat. This idea was soon materialized when Rose Parson, a committee member of the International Council of Women (ICW), visited Thanphuying La-iat and informed her about the powerful status of ICW as an advisory board to the

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United Nations. The First Lady then decided to set up a national umbrella organization in Thailand which could be linked with the ICW. The new organization, called the National Council of Women of Thailand (with 71 founder member associations), was registered in September 1956, and was headed by a temporary Board of Directors. Before the board could do anything else, a new military strongman, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat, took over the ruling power from Field Marshal Phibun in early 1957. This downfall ofPhibun paralysed the NCWT, and the date for the first general assembly was postponed indefinitely. Meanwhile, Princess Ngarmjit was appointed in place ofThanphuying La-iat. She was approved by the founding members because she had high political and socio-economic status, and yet was viewed as "politically neutral". With her background, they hoped she would be able to sustain the infant NCWT (NCWT 1977). After two years of dormancy, the temporary board was able to call for the first general assembly on 11 January 1959, and appointed a nine-person committee to nominate 25 candidates from the member associations. The second assembly, held on 10 May 1959 and attended by 53 member associations represented by 140 women, elected the Board of Directors from the 25 candidates, and Princess Ngarmjit was formally elected as the first president of NCWT (NCWT 1985, 1977). The assembly also decided to join ICW. The Princess was re-elected for a second term (1961-63) and successfully solicited Queen Sirikit's patronage to NCWT in 1961. The Princess was associated with ICW from 1963 until her death in 1983. As ICW Vice President, President and Honorary President, she contributed to the prestige of NCWT at the international and national levels. From 1963-89, 16 presidents of NCWT were elected. All of them were from elite families-royalty, aristocrat, wealthy business--often closely related to high government officials (Appendix A). Varied in degree of experience and social consciousness, they were concerned with the upliftment of women's lot, and broadened the scope of activities of NCWT. The government permitted NCWT to use part of the Manangkhasila Mansion, built by Field Marshal Phi bun for his own use, as its headquarters. The royal family also leased out a large building complex, Baan Phra Karunani vaat, at a subsidized rate to NCWT, which is utilizing it for income-generating purposes. Objectives The official objectives of NCWT are fixed by the declaration of its charter. However, policy and priorities have changed according to the interests and knowledge of the president elected every two years. According to the charter, there are two broad objectives:

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1. To act as a co-ordinator for the exchange of information and ideas among women's associations in Thailand in order to promote welfare and understanding among women. 2. To carry out activities aimed at raising the standard of living, status and welfare of Thai women, and to find ways to eliminate obstacles confronting women's associations (NCWT 1983). In general, NCWT's objective is to promote better roles for wives and mothers within a nationalistic framework. Frequently used words for goals and objectives of programmes are "bringing safety and security to women" and "supporting the government". As one active executive member put it, From the time of establishment, it was our policy that we have to uplift the status of women in the whole country. We do everything to follow the fifth and the sixth national plans ... to create more co-operation and understanding between the people and the government.

One of the main concerns of some members is to improve the image of Thai women which they feel has been damaged by the recent increase in sex tourism and international sex trafficking. The interpretation of the stated objectives of NCWT is often influenced by personal passion or understanding of the committee members whose goals range from being helpful to giving lectures and reducing the undesirable inequalities. Three active and important members expressed the following views about their personal motivation and goals: I joined NCWT because I am interested in charity work. I wanted to help the poor and give them health care ... I used to work until1984 with polio patients and children with heart diseases. I have already been working for public welfare for a long time. I used to be the president of a local women's association which is sophisticated in social welfare work. I felt that I am now ready to serve at the national level. When I travelled to villages, I realized the sharp difference in the living conditions between urban and rural areas. Here in the city we live comfortably. But other people in villages (living in poverty), are human beings, too. Even for women of the same country, we coming from the city are considered the chao nai (the boss or master). Rural people bow down (norb norm, implying to be obedient, humble, polite, submissive) to us. We should try to be equal like other countries, and not to show such uncivilized practices of hierarchy. So, I think I can use my knowledge and theory for the benefit of others, to help them rise up and be successful ... . . . I went to give a lecture in rural areas about consumerism, ... I got to use my knowledge and gave advice. At one time, people called on me for

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help, but I could only give them some moral support ... This, I consider a success.

Organization and Structure NCWT has three categories of membership: general members (affiliated women's associations), associated members (qualified individual women approved by the board), and honorary members (individual women or men invited to join

FIGURE4.1 Organizational Structure ofNCWT in 1985-87 Associate Members

Honorary Members

General Members

General Assembly

I Board of Directors

I

Secre~ariat

Executive Committee _ j

Permanent Project Committees Consumers' Affairs Member Organizations Supporting Funds Ban Phra Karunanivas Administration

Standing Committees Child & Family Health & Hygiene Education & Civil Arts & Letters Music Laws Economy & Employment Economy & Energy Women & Employment Home Economics Social Welfare Environment & Habitat Migration International Relations and Peace

Continual Project Committees Dharma Land, Golden Land Fund Raising for Eucalyptus Cultivation

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on the basis of their professional merit 3). To become a member, an association has to be registered, function for at least three years and have about a hundred members. Out of the three categories, only the general members can vote while the other two may be appointed to various specific committees. The general members, whose number has grown from the initial 71 to 120 within the past three decades, can be classified according to regions and kinds. For example, during 1983-85, 38 member associations were located in Bangkok while the rest, including 66 provincial WCPAs, were distributed all over the country. The associations in Bangkok were of three kinds: 13 national branches of international professional organizations (for example Association for Women Lawyers, Nurse Association), 16 alumni associations, and eight housewife associations (Appendix B). Thus, NCWT structurally brings the majority of women leaders, from the Queen to housewives, in urban and remote rural areas under the same umbrella. But those who play a more influential role in policy making are mostly from Bangkok as representative of a member association, or as an individual. The administrative structure of NCWT follows the pattern of ICW. It comprises the Board of Directors, the Executive Committee, fifteen Standing Committees, and a variable number of Project Committees (Figure 4.1 ). Nineteen members are elected every two years from member associations to make up the Board of Directors, which in turn appoints 11 members for the Executive Committee (six from the Board, the rest from elsewhere), and the working teams for the 15 standing committees and several project committees. According to NCWT's constitution, the headquarters acts only as a coordinator to set policies and priorities about activities and programmes for a certain period of time. It is supposed to persuade, assist and facilitate its member associations to initiate and implement programmes in line with the policy. Here, the fifteen standing committees are the resources to provide the expertise and assist member associations, and the Executive Committee's role is to ensure that the member associations receive assistance, implement, and complete their programmes according to the policy decided by the Board. While the areas of the Standing Committees are invariably fixed (by the ICW structure), the natures of the Project Committees are different. In 1985 the Project Committees were classified as Permanent or Temporary. Permanent projects included Consumer Projections, Supporting Funds for member organizations, and Administration of Baan Phra Karunanivaat. Temporary projects varied from term to term depending on the perceived needs and priority decided by the Board. During the 1983-85 term, for example there were seven promotional projects covering Education, Health, Religion and Culture, Vocation, Women's Advancement, Consumers Protection, and Improvement of Densely Populated Communities. For the 1985-87 term, NCWT aimed to promote four

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major activities: vocational and income development, women's status and rights, security and safety of women and their families (especially, of the less privileged), and the Dharma Land, Golden Land project (which included training Buddhist nuns as development change agents, and raising funds for planting eucalyptus trees to celebrate the King's 60th birth anniversary). In terms of structure, NCWT is so well-designed that it should be able to function effectively. In practice, however, there has been some confusion in the research-action processes. While the Standing Committees were not supposed to carry out field projects (such as training), many did. And while the Project Committees were supposed to seek advice and information from, and work in conjunction with, the Standing Committees, they often tended to carry out their own projects independently. To avoid conflict between the research and action divisions, the Project Committees were made independent at the end of the 1980s. They can carry out their own projects, and the consultation to the Standing Committees is a matter of choice. Activities The bylaws of NCWT indicate that it shall be a co-ordinating body concerting its member associations to carry out programmes for the upliftment of women. But the concepts of"co-ordination" and "women's programmes" have probably been too vague or new for the organizers. Therefore, NCWT's committee members or member organizations have sometimes launched various programmes according to their own skills and knowledge. They carried out these programmes under NCWT's name so that they may receive some legitimacy for success and safeguard them against mishaps. During every bi-annual general meeting, besides electing a new Board of Directors, NCWT sets up a master plan detailing the activities and goals to be accomplished. During the past three decades, these activities have varied, and we can review them in three phases.

First Phase: 1956-67 During the first twelve years, besides sorting out problems on internal administration and raising funds for a new organization, NCWT carried out four major projects. The aim was to inculcate "desirable values and behaviours" such as reading and saving habits to modernize Thai women. Initially, such training was carried out in Bangkok, and then was slowly implemented in provincial areas in the form of leadership training and home economics. The first project, started in 1961, was the Trokjan Community Club Project. It was a follow-up of a training class given in 1959 by NCWT to its member

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associations on how to formulate projects on various aspects of social work, and how to carry out social surveys and services. As a demonstration, this project was initiated in the Trokjan area of Yannawa district, then a suburb of Bangkok, to promote family welfare. Since women were considered the key to improvement of the community's living standard, they were trained in the principles of good sanitation, health and hygiene. They were taught not to be spend-thrift, and to develop desirable habits such as reading as recreation. The project also organized youth and children's clubs, where women members with good socio-economic background and no economic obligation assisted in training similar values, i.e. using time and resources wisely. The second project was a response to a rape-and-murder case of a young woman called Tuanjai, who had come from a nearby province, Saraburi, to further her education in Bangkok. The WCPA of Saraburi donated a sum of money to NCWT to form a Tuanjai Foundation to carry out a project for young women in Bangkok to prevent recurrence of such crimes. The project, called Promotion of Young Women's Security, was initiated in 1964. It taught women how to dress properly as well as the skills of home-making, and sports and recreation, which were considered to be essential for the improvement of their bodies and minds. In response to Queen Sirikit's call that in order to help the people, development programmes should reach out to rural areas, NCWT extended its social-welfare services to rural areas through its third project, Women Volunteers for Community Development (WVCD). In 1964, the programme gave its assistance to Saraburi province with the collaboration of the governor's office and the local WCPA. The project built a rice mill, an underground water system and a year-round water reservoir for a village. In 1967, WVCD together with the Roi-et governor's office and its WCPA provided training to Roi-et women in home economics, child rearing, health care, and hygiene. In the same year, NCWT improvised the project to become Women Leadership Training for Community Development (WLTCD). Unlike the former project which went out to train local women leaders, the latter brought women from various provinces, covered by the government's development scheme, to Bangkok. This project was a joint effort among NCWT, the Community Development Department of the Ministry of Interior, and the Pacific and Southeastern Asian Women Association.

Second Phase: 1968-77 The government soon recognized the good services ofNCWT. In 1971, WVCD and WLTCD were combined. With closer co-operation from the government, NCWT undertook three kinds of projects for outside-school education: family

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planning, consumer protection, and non-formal education. These projects, situated in Bangkok, were designed primarily to disseminate information on birth control, consumer awareness and income-generation. The consumer awareness and non-formal education projects were continued untill981. As world focus on women's issues became increasingly sharper, international requests for information on Thai women poured in. To respond to this demand NCWT, as a national women's organization, in 1967 sponsored a study on Thai women's status and published it. The study was completed in 1975 and was published as a book (in Thai) entitled Satri Thai (or Thai women). Later another study was published, Kiat Lae N garn Khong Satri (Honor and Work of Women), in 1979, also in Thai. This study is a compilation of interviews of25 outstanding and successful women in various professions from the fields of entertainment, mass communication, law, medicine, diplomacy, finance, politics, administration, development, engineering, and agriculture. The objective is to confirm that Thai women have been participating in building and developing Thai society, and are pioneers in various occupations at various levels by their own merit.

Third Phase: 1978-88 The direction of activities in this phase was influenced by the UN-sponsored women's decade (1975-85) and the decision of the government to transfer the co-ordinating responsibility of the national commission on women's development to NCWT in 1981. NCWT turned to the more development-oriented projects such as the promotion of security of women and youth, and of indigenous arts and crafts. In 1983, it decided to take up seven projects in the fields of education, health, culture, employment, women's advancement, slum reform, and women as consumers. This was meant to co-ordinate women's development programmes between government and non-governmental organizations, according to the fifth national plan. On the government side, women's development-related programmes were entrusted to four key ministries: Interior, Education, Agriculture and Health. But the co-ordination was unsuccessful because the NCWT suffered from internal structural problems, and had no authority to command government offices. Nevertheless, the NCWT continued its training projects on health care and vocational skills. It also conducted its projects on consumer education and village libraries. The Library and Documentation Centre became active during this phase. Besides providing library services to the public, it also continues to publish routine and occasional materials. Routine publications are reports, newsletters, and periodicals. For communication among its members-who is doing whatthe Executive Committee publishes two issues of a newsletter calledlodmaaihate

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each year (the date of publication is not fixed). Besides being a progressive report, the newsletter includes articles that may be of interest to members, for example group management skills. At the end of each presidential term, a report summarizing the activities of various committees and member organizations is usually published. The achievements of each 10-year period have been compiled into decade-anniversary publications. With the annexation of the publication and documentation unit of the national women's commission to NCWT's library in 1981, a small newspaper called Khao Satri was published primarily to continue the duty of informing the public about progress in women's development at the national and international levels. The publication has been random, partly because of lack of funds and personnel. It was inactive in 1987-88 but slowly revived in 1989 and 1990. Most of the contents, however, are about NCWT's activities. The clearing house received money from Unicef for working on bibliographies of Thai women. The first bibliography, Thai Women: Bibliography and Information Source (1984), covers publications on women published until1982, and their availability at various libraries and sources in Bangkok. The second bibliography covers publications from 1983-86. And the third volume, Union Bibliography of Women's Studies, is a collaboration between the 35libraries in Bangkok and the provincial areas. It was also during this phase (after 1980) that the Standing Committees started to implement some of their own projects. For example, in 1985 the Standing Committees were active in the following areas: education (Knowledge for Housewives), training mae chi as change agents (Dharma Land, Golden Land programme), maids' training (Helpers of Housewives), and stop smoking campaign (Consumers' Affairs) (NCWT 1985). Funds The NCWT's major sources of funding are the government, international and national funding agencies, membership fees, and its own income-generation schemes. Although NCWT in many ways has been serving as an extension of the government, particularly in delivering social services in line with the rural and community development programmes of the government, direct governmental support to NCWT has been minimal and unreliable. In 1983 for the first time, two years after the government assigned NCWT the co-ordinating role of the National Commission of Women's Affairs, the government allocated a substantial amount of money, about one million baht, as aid to NCWT. In 1984, the amount was reduced to 800,000 baht. While funding from national and international donor agencies has played an important role, the contributions came at various periods, and were allocated

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for specific programmes. The Asia Foundation, for example, supported operational costs during the early years of NCWT. Other agencies that supported field projects ranging from training women to giving them credit and loans were the Ministry of Interior, Bangkok Bank, Bangkok Municipality, Siamese Association of University Women, various embassies (such as Israel's), other national councils of women (such as Australian), and UN organizations (such as Unesco). When Princess Ngarmjit was elected President of ICW during 1976-79, the Thai Government provided one million baht yearly for the reception of women and wives of leaders of other countries who visited NCWT. NCWT is well known as an active and effective organization in raising its own income locally. These funds are generated from its membership dues, interest from its saving accounts, and income from organized fairs. Administrative expenses largely come from its permanent income-generating facilities located at the Baan Phra Karunanivaat. Part of the building complex is rented for offices, hostel facilities, and conferences. It has a shop managed by NCWT where handicrafts produced by villagers, a part ofNCWT's projects for vocational promotion, are sold. The income-generating scheme of the complex also includes a tennis court and a cafeteria. Occasionally, NCWT organizes fund-raising events such as selling New Year cards, cookbooks, or tickets for dinners or dancing fairs. Because ofNCWT's extensive programmes, there is great demand for money to operate these activities, and most elected office-holders (volunteers) devote quite a lot of their time and energy to fund-raising. In spite of some criticisms of excessive emphasis on social activities, NCWT has been self-reliant with minimal support from the government. During 1977-79 the annual budget was one million baht (about US$40,000). Twenty-five per cent of this amount was internally raised while 75 per cent came from national and international donor agencies (Kannasut 1980). The expenditure of NCWT doubled in 1985-87 to over two million baht, and half of the amount was raised from internal sources (Pitrachart 1985).

Linkages Unlike most ASEAN countries where governments have an official wing for conducting women's affairs, NCWT is not a formal governmental agency but has sometimes acted as a national spokesperson on the issues of Thai women at international gatherings. It enjoys dual status as a registered NGO, and as a semi-governmental women's organization because of its close, informal links with the government. At the global level, it is a member of ICW among many international organizations. At the regional level, Southeast Asia, it is official representative to the ASEAN Confederation of Women's Organizations (ACWO), a regional

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bloc for governments' national commissions on women's development, initiated in 1980. At the local level, NCWT has the most extensive network among Thai women's associations. This network reaches every province in the kingdom via the governors' offices. In Bangkok it covers most of the women's groups, especially those internationally linked organizations of professionals. Because most of the leaders of NCWT are wives of businessmen or government officials, NCWT thus has a strong informal bond with the bureaucracy, stretching from the office of the Prime Minister to those of provincial governors that, to some extent, helps cut through the red tape in implementing programmes or making requests which have to go through the complicated bureaucracy. The two infrastructures-the Baan Phra Karunanivaat and the office at the government's mansion Manangkhasila-were acquired through personal contacts of individual woman leaders of NCWT close to the Queen and the then Prime Minister, Kukrit, respectively. Nevertheless, how seriously the government takes NCWT into consideration in its women's programmes and planning is uncertain. Though the government entrusted NCWT with the responsibility of the National Commission of Women's Affairs in 1981, it did not give enough money to support the overal! programmes, nor did it delegate the authority which would empower NCWT to co-ordinate them. Appraisal Formally uniting over 500,000 individual members, NCWT is a large organization which has worked for a long time (for over three decades). It has the potential to be effective. But the promise has remained largely unrealized. For a proper assessment of its role, it is important to understand its strengths and weaknesses. We record here some of the opinions which women in Bangkok hold about it, and the changes which are being planned and implemented. NCWT has four areas of strengths. First, it has been able to create and evolve a national infrastructure of (a particular kind of) women's organizations which enables it to reach out to almost all the regions in Thailand. Second, being helped and supported by many well-meaning women of rich families and wives of government officials, it has a link and access to the government and bureaucracy. Nominated by the government to participate in international gatherings especially during the last decade, NCWT has developed connections, and experience of working, with international women's organizations. Third, it is self-sufficient financially in its office and minimal organizational expenditure. It has developed its own methods and expertise in fund-raising through events such as dinners, dances, handicraft bazaars, and fashion shows. And fourth, though most members are from the elite class and may not always

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be professionally trained, they do want to uplift to some extent the lot of Thai women and work for it. According to Professor Kattiya Kannasut, "Even though the government did not give enough attention to women's work, NCWT continued to carry out their task" (Kannasut 1980). In one sense, NCWT is truly a voluntary organization as most of its administrative officers are unpaid workers who devote their time and talents to the exclusive welfare of women, including small children and youth. The process of participation in NCWT's activities has exposed many privileged women to the harsh realities of Thai women living in poverty and rural areas, and to the difficulty of running a women's organization in a male-guided society.4 Among the shortcomings, the lack of depth in the volunteers and the programmes, and the lack of efficiency in the organizational structure have frequently been brought up by its own members as well as by outside observers (NCWT 1985, 1986; Kannasut 1980; Rattanosot et al. 1985). Quality and efficiency have been lacking in both the paid staff and volunteer administrators. NCWT generates the salaries for its paid clerical staff (of 10-15) through its internal fund-raising schemes. Though the salaries are comparable to those in the governmental sector, there is no welfare benefit or job security like the government's. Hence the staff members often leave after gaining some training and experience at NCWT. In addition, there are three problems. First, the paid staff have no voice in decision making. Second, the hierarchical atmosphere creates distance and low morale. And finally, a mere "housekeeping" job lowers the esteem in which they are held because they work for pay, while the unpaid volunteers, endowed with social prestige, are considered noble because of their "self-sacrifice". The members of various committees (except the secretary-general) are unpaid volunteers. They change every two years. Because these women work voluntarily, they sometimes resist suggestions from others and are usually impatient of criticisms. They are by and large somewhat intolerant of any question relating to the quality of their work and the accountability of their skills. The change of administrative members by the biannual election prevents some from learning enough about the organization, for example how to improve the ongoing programmes. Instead, they sometimes enthusiastically initiate new programmes which are convenient to them. The two-year time frame also limits the nature and the continuity of the new programmes. According to a committee member, The work of NCWT depends on the committees. Since the committees change frequently, the activities are disconnected, and there is no smooth growth from year to year. The volunteers' performances vary according

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to their personal backgrounds, attention, and commitments. If the new committee members were to study the work done previously, the work would run more smoothly. But they don't. They start anew again.

The motives of the volunteers vary: some wish to acquire "merit" (perhaps for a better life in the next rebirth) by doing sacrificial work and being generous and helpful; others, though the number is decreasing, try to win recognition from the royal family. It is not uncommon to hear the remark that NCWT is a "madames' council" (sabha khunying khunnai), and that some of members are trying to earn the honorary title of Khunying (a title bestowed to women by the King in recognition of their exceptional social services). This kind of general remark does disturb most NCWT members because not every woman has this aspiration, and few receive the Khunying title. A committee member defends this point, The criticism that these volunteers aspire to be Khunying, and they come merely to complete their terms in order to get the title of Khunying, is absurd. Earlier it was easy to become a Khunying, but it is not so now. You have to work hard and you may or may not get the title. In reality, every one here works sincerely and genuinely. We contribute a lot to our nation. We raise money for the Red Cross by setting up shops at the annual Red Cross fair.

Another member, while agreeing that NCWT members work hard, did not see anything wrong in winning a title, The committee members are not bad people. They sacrifice their time to help others. We should thank them. Some of them work and want rewards. Sometimes they get medals and rank. This depends on the results of their work. It is human nature to aspire for recognition. Not only NCWT but all people work to get name and fame. It is an innate human weakness (kilesa).

The problems of personnel at the regional level arise from the requirement that regional associations should be headed by wives of governors. Sometimes some governors' wives may not have enough interest in NCWT work, they may be overburdened by other similar obligations (such as the Red Cross), or other people may respect their positions and be too polite (kreng-jai) to the extent of being yes-women and merely sham participation. Furthermore, since the wife of a governor (and also wives of the deputy governor and district chief, who usually are the committee members) has to move with her husband to a new assignment, this interrupts the continuity of the work. All these reasons contribute to the instability ofWCPAs and limit the functioning of the provincial member associations (Kannasut 1980; NCWT 1986). Other problems in programme planning and implementation are equally great, and may arise because of three factors. First, the programmes tend to be

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"do-gooder" types and welfare-oriented, promoting either nationalism or women's family-centred roles such as a better mother and wife. One outside observer reacted sharply to such a tendency, NCWT is not an NGO but a conservative group. In their programmes of flower arrangement or cake baking, there is nothing about real development. Such programmes go counter to the direction of real development.

The criticism was reiterated during the annual meeting in January 1986. One senior member admitted, Sometimes we did not have enough clear information about what rural people really want. We can't be sure what are their actual needs. For example, making cloth flowers seems to be an attractive programme to us. When we advertised about the project, 27 people signed up. But when we said that they had to pay 650 baht for the material, then most dropped out.

Second, as the committee members change every two years, there is very little continuity. In addition, the priorities and work styles of committees also change. An active member sees it as inevitable, There is a problem in transferring of responsibilities, and in the continuity of ongoing programmes. Members are volunteers and their appointments are temporary. It is difficult to expect any substantial work from them because that depends on their voluntary free time.

And finally, the many sub-divisions of the executive, standing, and project committees (totalling more than 20 departments) dilute the intensity ofNCWT's work and diminish its achievements. Various committees have not been able to work together. The NCWT is spreading its resources too thinly or, to borrow a local expression quoted by an observer, "trying to make a hot chilli sauce by stirring chilli into a river". Many people feel that the absence of trained women and fresh young minds in NCWT, and its subordinate role to the government are additional handicaps. In response, NCWT is now trying to attract more professionals (a few of them are already members). But the inclusion of young women is only at a token level because the ideological gap (whether women are "different" or unequal) between senior and junior members is wide. An active committee member attributes this problem to structural barriers and different personalities, We want to bring in young women. But NCWT can't select them into the administrative committees by itself. As a rule, member associations do the selection. But most young groups are not registered, so they do not fulfil the prerequisite of being our member organization. In addition there is a feeling that if you are working with the poor to demand rights and justice (as the younger groups often tend to do), you are considered

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extremely leftist. Our philosophies are different, but the goals are the same-working for the betterment of disadvantaged women. People at first were afraid of khunying-khunnai. But they (elite ladies) worked hard according to their positions, although often in their own styles. If we can accept their styles, we can work together because we have the same goal. I think it won't be long when the young and the old can work together, because in general many parts of NCWT have been trying to attract younger people of age 30-40.

Since NCWT does not explicitly take any stance on women's rights while younger groups consider women to be unfairly disadvantaged, there are often some ideological conflicts with the younger groups. The same member admits, It is not easy to create a good understanding between the younger groups and us. We used to invite them here for discussions. We found that we saw things from different angles. So, any co-operative effort couldn't be accomplished as fast as we expected.

How can this ideological or generation gap be bridged? According to her, The activity that will help us unite is through having seminars together. Frequent meetings will help each side to know what the other is doing so that we can work together in finding a common direction. Sometimes we invited them here. But once we failed, then we stopped ... Youth are "high fire" and tend to overlook many things. Adults (phu-yai) have to have more understanding, not discredit the young. Outsiders who have never worked in NCWT perceive that the people sitting in NCWT are those without family or economic burdens. But in fact they also have children of age over 20. So, they do understand the needs of the new generation. I believe that it will take time. Yet the younger people have to look from our angle also.

The lack of critical outlook is still a real issue because most women come from the wealthier or elite class with a view of modernization, charity, or preserving the status quo. An analysis of the socio-economic backgrounds of the 1985-87 committee members reveals that the average age was 51, about one-fifth were khunying-khunnai and housewives, more than half were educated abroad, and ninety per cent of them belonged to Bangkok-based associations (Appendix C). For some outsiders, NCWT continues to appear as a council of senior women who work to satisfy their own consciences and are unable to meet the real needs of rural Thai women on a large scale, in an effective manner. The criticisms are usually directed atNCWT-sponsored fancy galas, its patronizing attitude, and foreign trips. To some extent, there is also a dislike for theoretical and critical inquiry within NCWT. Several evaluations of NCWT have been conducted, but the

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women volunteers working inside have not taken them kindly. In their opinion, the evaluations were too theoretical and unsympathetic about the real obstacles they were facing. They also felt that, as volunteers, they were making sacrifices, and that many people including the evaluators do not appreciate them enough. Critics in the past had asked for better professional and more organizational efforts. For further expansion and growth of NCWT, funds are clearly a real difficulty. (Since the government does not sufficiently recognize women-oriented development work, NCWT has remained deficient in government funds.) And for the type and the quality of programmes, the class background of the women in charge is another real issue. Because of the class-specific perception of these women very little attention, for example, has been paid to the pressing problem of prostitution. It is also not uncommon within NCWT for women who are linked to each other by their family or alumni connections to be simultaneously or successively present in various positions. There is a tendency to reproduce class characteristics by enlisting a particular kind of member, by reproducing elite culture through their daily contacts, and by favouring particular kinds of programme and sets of priorities. The dualism of the perception continues. Insiders in NCWT feel that they are doing unappreciated sacrifices like "putting a gold leaf on the back of a Buddha image".s Outsiders, especially the academics and younger women's groups, feel that it is a symbolic, patronizing past-time job of dignitaries and "honourable" women who neither understand nor have experienced poverty, nor do they have a genuine wish to bring about justice and equality-the absence of which is the root cause of women's problems. Thus, their work is like putting gold leaves on to the front part of a Buddha image, which is more of a parade of the work than the actuality. This is a strong criticism, and NCWT may be a victim of cultural expectations which require privileged women to function effectively for the welfare of the less privileged whereas their class background and interests permit them only a limited gender concern. Only through dialogue, and by addressing these structural limitations, can NCWT represent the wider interests of Thai women effectively, and implement its original role of co-ordinating and supporting its member associations. To sum up, with the impetus to have a network of women's clubs for the collective representation of Thai women, privileged elite women such as Thanphuying La-iat and Princess Ngarmjit initiated NCWT and became its driving forces. They borrowed its administrative structure from ICW, and adapted its programmes in accordance with the United Nations or the national growth model of development emphasizing family welfare and national security.

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Both committees and programmes have often been guided by the Bangkokbased elite perception of senior housewives and socialites. Over the years, the participation and the programmes of member associations have been decreasing, and the umbrella role of NCWT has not been able to develop fully. Despite the lack of funds, the absence of full support from the government and younger groups, NCWT has been able to develop its infrastructure of national and international linkages, and has the potential to play the role of a more critical and effective organization. As one of the evaluation studies commissioned by NCWT pointed out, "NCWT and its member organizations are ready to take the challenge of carrying out women's development work, provided their consciousness is raised to understand the real problems of women, and that they study policy and strategy of delivering services and management to improve their efficiency" (Rattanosot et al. 1985). NOTES 1. Thanphuying is a title conferred by the King, and is usually an automatic title for wives of Thai prime ministers. 2. Daughter of a high ranking officer, Ngarmjit married Prince Prem Burachatra (a Thai ambassador to several countries). Not being linked to the royalty by blood, she is not referred to as princess in Thai but as mom, a prince's consort. 3. This category was incorporated because members felt that knowledgeable women members were few and they might need expertise from outside as well as from men. The aim was to expand the quality ofNCWT's human resources. Male members, however, have to be approved by the board consisting of elected member associations. 4. Many women in Bangkok are hesitant to admit the presence of patriarchal oppression in Thai society. Some (mostly belonging to the upper class) believe that male domination (conflict model) does not exist in Thai society. In spite of the fact that the structures of the government, military and the Buddhist religion are headed by males, Thai society is considered to be male-guided (harmony model) rather than male-dominated. 5. Thai Buddhists generally put a small thin piece of gold leaf on Buddha images or statues in a temple as a way to show their reverence to the Buddha. They normally plate the gold leaf on to the front part of the Buddha image. "Plating a gold leaf on the back side ... " thus implies a genuine desire to sacrifice (cash, kind, labour and time) without caring for public recognition or reward.

V BE USEFUL Girl Guides Association of Thailand

Samakom Phu Bumpen Prayote, or the Girl Guides Association of Thailand (GGAT), is a member of the World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts (WAGGGS) but it has also developed its own Thai identity. Rather than imparting leadership training only to school-age girls, it has included out-of-school young women and young men. Similarly, rather than merely being confined to moral training of good citizenship, it has extended its scope of activities to rural development. That is why the well known motto of scouts, Be Prepared, is translated appropriately in Thai as Bumpen Prayote (Be Useful) to correctly portray its wider range of activities. 1 The association is today known for its expertise in leadership training. It, in fact, was active in development training for 15 years before it became in 1972 a full member ofWAGGGS. It thus has a history, like NCWT, of more than 30 years of useful existence. Concentrating on the education of girls under 20 years old, it adds an additional dimension to the development programmes of women in Thailand.

Historical Evolution In the late 1950s, a group of highly educated urban women raised their concern about the lack of training opportunities for girls. While boys in their schools received training in leadership and self-reliance through the boy-scoutcurriculum, Thai girls had no such opportunity. In 1957, a small group called the Benevolent Club (Chom Rom Phu Bumpen Prayote) was formed with the collaboration of a Thai women's weekly magazine called Satri Sarn and the Siamese Association of University Women (SA UW) in which two active young women, Nilawan Pin thong and Kanok Samsen, 2 played key roles. Both women were members of

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SAUW and worked with Satri Sarn. While Nilawan was the publisher and editor, Kanok edited the youth section, called "Darun Sam", with the ideas of Bumpen Prayote in mind. However, after realizing that the published media could promote only limited change, they founded an organization with its own plan of activities. In 1959 the group registered under the name Samakom Phu B umpen Prayote (usually referred to in Thai as B umpen Prayote or abbreviated as Bor Por) which literally means the Association of the Benevolent. It aimed to train women and youth to be self-reliant and to contribute to society. As a new organization, Bor Por searched for a training format to translate its ideal into practice. In the process, the programme ofWAGGGS came to its attention. After a brief correspondence, WAGGGS sent a specialist to train the first batch of 19 Thai volunteers selected from SAUW's hostel in April1957. The trainees were soon put to test in 1958 when two successive cholera epidemics broke out in Bangkok. During both emergencies, the young volunteers were able to contribute effectively by assisting doctors and nurses in hospitals and providing preliminary medical tests or first aid to patients who were overcrowding various hospitals. The performance of the newly trained volunteers was impressive. It proved the usefulness of WAGGGS's training and of young women who were selfreliant and resourceful during a crisis. The useful services of Bor Por received recognition from the Royal Family. Queen Sirikit in 1963 granted her patronage to the association. A few months later, Bor Por was accepted as an experimental, "tenderfoot" member of WAGGGS. Princess Ubolrat, the eldest daughter of the Queen, was approached to become the Chief Guide of the Association. She accepted the invitation and took the oath of office in 1966. Though the Association adopted the methods and philosophy ofWAGGGS, it persistently continued its income-generation development programmes tailored to suit the conditions of Thai society and meet the needs of rural communities. This perseverance was directed by the vision of its long-term leader and one of the founders of the association, Khunying Kanok Sam sen Vii. The positive reputation that Bor Por, or now GGAT, has since then enjoyed is largely due to her pioneer work. Born and brought up in Bangkok, Kanok graduated from Thammasat University. Her spirit of voluntarism was inspired by her English language teacher, a blind American woman. By teaching English, this woman earned a living not only for herself but also for her adopted Thai children who were also blind. This exposure to her teacher's self-reliance and desire to assist others inspired the young Kanok to help the less privileged. It played a role in her later involvement with the Girl Guides programme. But Khunying Kanok had her own way of interpreting the concept of Girl Guides and "good citizenship" to fit the Thai context. She believed that good

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citizenship according to Western criteria might mean duly paying taxes to the government and obeying the laws. For Thai society, the majority of Thai people were unable to pay taxes because they were poor. They needed skills training to rise up from poverty before they could be good citizens in a Western sense. The goal of the training, according to Khunying Kanok, had to be adjusted with prior attention to rural areas, Our work is based on two principles. The first one is defined by the international objectives already written in the form of oaths and rules. These give us a direction. We train youth so that they know their duties toward the nation, religion, and monarchy. We want them to have a compassionate mind, to be always helpful to others, and to behave according to the ten commandments of the Guides. Meanwhile, as a second principle, we follow the national·plan of women, because we are also dealing with women. We consider both issues-what the national plan wants women to be, and what its goals are. So we adjust our strategy to match the goal of the nation.

For this reason, the association identified one of its target groups as the large number of rural poor. The new association committed itself to skills training in village conditions. Rural women and youth were perceived as under-utilized resources or potential for the "progress and security" of the nation. Her rationale is as follows, Now if the goal of planning is self-reliance, the question is self-reliance for which group of women: slum group, out-of-school, or poor children, etc. We have to train these groups besides doing our "regular" activities of Girl Guides. Suppose you are a rice farmer, the question is, "Have you had enough to eat?" If not, you should improve, you should improve your production. If you don't like farming or growing rice, and want to have other professions, we will train you. If you don't have the capital, we will try to give you a loan so that you can acquire some training. This is a way to implement according to the plan that wants women to be developed. Some people cannot understand this aspect: why Girl Guides have to do this development work. Our goal is not economic development alone but to develop women to be quality citizens. We are catalysts of this process.

Initially, Khunying Kanok's persistence in incorporating development activities in Girl Guides' training programmes prolonged its status of "tenderfoot". A representative from WAGGGS, who came to evaluate the organization, reported ~ack to the headquarters that this approach was irrelevant to the goals ofWAGGGS; hence, she was reluctant to recommend Bor Porto become a full member. But when Kanok had the chance to articulate her reason, not only was the association granted full membership (in 1972) but the goal of development, which was based on the reality of rural poor girls in

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Thailand, earlier considered to be beyond the scope of WAGGGS, was then hailed as a model for WAGGGS. 3 This earned Khunying Kanok and GGAT international renown for bringing the Girl Guides a respected role in the process of national development (Stegall1979). To reach the majority of the rural poor, rural development has remained one of the association's main goals. And to achieve this goal, a gradual decentralization process has started. After two decades of operation, the goal of decentralization of the headquarters has been partially fulfilled. In the North, the Chiengmai Centre was built in 1958 soon after the establishment of the Bangkok headquarters. In the South, a regional training centre in Pattani was started in 1976 in a private Islamic girls' school (Satri Pattana Suksa). This was partly a result of the 1975 International Women's Year when the government actively encouraged women non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to participate in the celebration. The GGAT took part by concentrating in home economics and cottage industries in its citizenship training courses. To effectively promote these programmes, it needed more regional centres to co-ordinate and implement the programmes. 4 In the Northeast, two agricultural and vocational training centres were established respectively in 1974 and 1980 in Muang and Prasart Districts of Surin Province. And in the East, one training centre in Tapraya district is operating. Objectives The Association aims to develop devoted and virtuous (defined as productive and patriotic) youth and women. The overall goal is to improve trainees' personal discipline, habits and health, to teach some vocational skills and proper socialization, and to inculcate love of, and pride in Thai culture as well as the sense of being good members of family and society.~ Specifically, GGAT aims: 1. to provide training and education to youth and women to be selfreliant, physically, socially and economically, and 2. to promote good relations and friendship between women and their associations inside and outside the country. It is instructive to realize the objectives through the motives of the members of GGAT. Two members said that they work for the satisfaction they derived (peace of mind) from seeing that benefits reach the villagers. One member enjoyed the freedom of work, I like working here, it is sanuk (fun, enjoyable]. We have freedom in work.

Another found meaning in being useful.

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TABLES.1 Membership of GGAT in 1984, 1986 and 1988

Youth members In-school no. of schools no. of provinces Out-of-school Adult members Associated

1984

1986

1988

26,365 184 56 6,990

na 239 na 7,050

19,948 213 62 7,517

777

837

858

59

67

67

NOTE: na means not available SOURCES: "Thinking Day" pamphlets issued by GGAT in 1985, 1986 and 1988

They train us well, and let us make decisions and work independently. I used to help Bor Par's activities when I was a student. I have peace of mind while working here because I see that the benefit is not going to anyone in particular, but it reaches the beneficiaries. Bor Por is the only NGO that does not expect personal gains. The result of work goes directly to the villagers.

Organization and Structure The GGAT is a large organization with about 30,000 members all over the kingdom. The membership consists of three categories: Youth (in-school girls and out-of-school youngsters aged seven to 20), Adult (women of over 20, leaders and participants), and Associate (men interested in and are approved by GGAT). During 1984-88, there seemed to be some decrease in the youth membership and a slight increase in the other two categories (Table 5.1). In the youth categories, although the number of members in the in-school section is about three to four times larger than the out-of-school section, there is a gradual increase in the latter section. In this section GGAT deliberately offers development training to both boys and girls, an idea not originally prescribed by WAGGGS. The in-school programme offers basic Girl Guides training. Following WAGGG S 's curriculum, the programme has been supervised through the Bangkok

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TABLES.2 In-School Youth Members of GGAT in 1987 Region

North South Northeast Central Bangkok Total SOURCE:

No. of No. of Provinces Schools 15 13 13 20 1 62

51 52 39 56 15 213

Blue Birds 1,435 134 36 310 2,479 4,394

Girl Guides 2,918 2,206 1,834 2,565 1,865 11,388

Seniors

108 3,488 68 310 192 4,166

Total

4,461 5,828 1,938 3,185 4,436 19,948

Leaders

159 200 110 130 153 752

"Thinking Day, 1988", GOAT

headquarters and co-ordinated regionally by the Chiengmai and the Pattani Centres. The training has three levels: Blue Birds 6 (seven to 11 years old), Girl Guides (11-15 years old), and Senior Guides (16-21 years old). Table 5.2 shows the number and distribution of members of the three levels of Guides in the four regions of Thailand in addition to Bangkok. However, not all schools integrate a Girl Guides programme into their curriculum. In 1988, the programme was operative in 213 schools of 62 provinces, out of the total 72 in Thailand (Table 5.1). In those schools that offer it, the girls have an option to enrol in Guides as part of the school's games programmes. The cost is minimal, about five to ten baht, of which half goes to the school for conducting the programme, the other half to GG AT as membership fees (MacDonald 1988). The cost of uniforms is borne by the girls' families and is kept low. There is another similar training programme for schoolgirls in Thailand and not operated by GGAT, called Net Nari. The major differences between Net Nari (Girl Scouts) and Bumpen Prayote (Girl Guides) are in the colour of members' uniforms, and in the administrative structure-the executive bodies and affiliations. Net Nari, in green uniforms, is under the wing of the Thai Boy-Scout system whereas Bumpen Prayote, in grey-blue skirt and blouse with a navy and white tie, is led exclusively by women, under an autonomous national organization affiliated to an international body, WAGGGS. Most schools choose either Girl Guides, Girl Scouts, or Red Cross for the games programmes for their girl students.

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The administrative mechanism of GGAT comprises four basic units: the General Council (the assembly of all the registered members), the Board of Directors, the Executive Committee, and the Provincial Committees. The Board of Directors has 21 women members, 14 of whom are elected by the General Council at its biannual meeting. The elected group will then appoint the remaining seven from the General Members. The Executive Committee has seven members and is virtually a subgroup of the Board. Out of these seven positions, the posts of Secretary, Treasurer, two Chairwomen of International Relations and Training Division are fixed and overlapping between the Board and the Executive Committee. The rest can be selected from either the Board or the General Members. The Provincial committees are the administrative bodies of the four branches. In the past, the Provincial Committees were subordinated to the Board of Directors of the Bangkok headquarters. Recently, the association's charter was re-drafted to raise the status of these Provincial Committees to be at least equal to the Executive Committee of the headquarters. In the late 1980s, there were about 60 to 70 persons in the total staff of GGAT, 30 of whom work in Bangkok. The personnel consists of two categories-the volunteers and the paid employees. As a rule, committee members of the Board of Directors and the Executive Board must be volunteers. While the chairwoman of the Training Unit is a volunteer, the training staff are paid for full-time work. Although the pay and fringe benefits at GGAT are not as attractive as those offered by the governmental sector, most of the training staff find it fulfilling to work at the association. They refer to the warm and family-like relationships between the committee members and the staff. The working relationship between the two categories is more or less amiable and informal in delegation of authority to the staff in supervising a project, as one staff member put it, "sitting down and chatting" instead of giving orders. The policy making process, however, is solely controlled by the volunteer committees. The young paid staff often feel challenged and enthusiastic in the implementation process because they are entrusted with the responsibility to hold the project money and to follow-up the results of the experiments. But they also feel frustrated sometimes when they need to communicate back to the top. Activities and Programmes The association is said to have the most professional staff among women's organizations in Thailand and probably also in Asia (Stegall 1979). After almost three decades of operation, the association has developed a unique two-level mode of operation. The first level is the training scheme which enables GGAT

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to reach out and cover girls both in, and out of schools all over the country. The second level is its own income-generation schemes which pay for its administrative costs. The GGAT attempts to develop in the girls the senses of citizenship, responsibility, and morals, and personal skills. The in-school training programme adopts the basic curriculum of the WAGGGS which is undertaken through three different levels-Blue Birds (7-11 years old), Girl Guides (11-15 years old), and Senior Guides (16-21 years old). Apart from learning to skip, polish shoes, set the tables, and treat a nosebleed, they receive training in health, domestic-craft, environmental awareness, and cultural programmes. The series of programmes incrementally trains girls to be self-reliant (physically and mentally), and resourceful to their families and communities. The training of schoolteacher leaders or Guides takes place in Bangkok, and is conducted by local trainers, or sometimes trainers from abroad. The trainees learn the patrol system, new songs, knots, outdoor camping skills, hand signals and other skills which have to be imparted later to young girls. The GGAT's in-school activities include occasional camping administered by GGAT, and other social activities in collaboration with local or international organizations including national Girl Guides associations of other countries. Some students are financially supported for higher education and training. Most Thai students stay in school only for six years of free public education. To reach the out-of-school girls, training programmes are designed primarily to develop girls and young women in rural areas to become quality citizens. The training scheme focuses on income-generation skills such as dressmaking, weaving, food preparation, food preservation, needlework, handicraft and agriculture. It also includes courses on health, sanitation, child care, family planning, and ethics. These courses aim to teach rural girls some basic skills so that they can earn their own living, and therefore have a dignified and appropriate way of life, and be productive and constructive to their families and society at large. Upon completion of the training, the association sometimes helps these young women to find jobs in local or in urban areas. This category of programmes has been constantly modified not only to fit the needs of the needy majority but also to match the interests of international funding agencies as well as the national development plan. The staff of GG AT take pride in their many initiatives in development programmes. For example, GGAT started a project in the early 1960s to train urban educated youths in rural development, and it claims to be the pioneer in training mae chi (Buddhist nuns) to be trainers in needlework and handicrafts to village girls. These projects were often terminated whenever any government or non-governmental agencies carried out the same kind of projects.

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Currently, there are three major projects for out-of-school young women. The first project, Rural Young Women Development Project, trained about 150 women at either the Surin or the Chiengmai centres. The second project, Promotion of Women's Efficiency and Effectiveness as Health Care Providers, was a two-year nationwide project funded by the World Health Otganization (WHO). It was a collaboration between GGAT, the Ministry of Public Health, and the Association for the Promotion of the Status of Women (APSW). The project trained about 2,000 people (including men) in such practices as proper sanitation, child care, disease and family planning. Realizing that health is also linked to the availability of water, the third project, Women's Participation in Water and Sanitation, a two-year project funded by the United Nations Development Programme for 1985-87, educated several thousand people. The target group of the out-of-school training programme has gradually expanded beyond young women to include rural young men. This category of programmes emphasizes youth rather than young women alone, and the scope encompasses various aspects of development such as human resource, community, agriculture, and occupations (skilled labour, weaving, etc.). During the early 1980s, the association started a pilot project on Training for Elementary School Graduates. Under this programme, 11-15 youths are selected from poor farm families to be trained in agriculture for one year at the two Surin centres. The training covers crop diversification and new techniques in integrated farming, including fishery, poultry rearing, and animal husbandry. It also attempts to expose the young trainees to the practical dimension of team-work, and to the marketing of their products. Another programme emphasizes fisheries for breeding, and for consumption. This programme includes both youths and adults in the Northeast of Thailand. In 1989, according to GGAT's record, more than 3,000 families have their own fish-ponds, and many raise enough fish for family consumption and for sale. The programme extends its services to rural elementary schools in the vicinity by co-ordinating school lunch programmes as well as by increasing students' knowledge of food production. Initially, not all GGAT members agreed with this approach. They asked, "If we train people about fishery, why then we don't take loans from the World Bank so that we can train a lot of people". But Khunying Kanok had a different vision. She said, Fish farm is not the goal, but the means to train fisherman to achieve the goal of being good citizens. They will be more healthy if they have fish to eat. They will have a better economic status if they can sell the fish as rice farming alone may not bring enough money. But the goal is that they will become good citizens. We assist them to become self-reliant.

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Our goal is different from that of the Bank for Agriculture Promotion (Thor Gor Sor) or the World Bank. They emphasize more production to sell more. They don't care what kind of attitude people develop. People may achieve the goal of self-reliance, but not necessarily have the attitude of helping others. On the contrary, they may take advantage of others. We believe that to be a good citizen, one must be compassionate, sharing, and non-exploitative.

Besides rural development, GGAT has also extended its programmes into the areas of child development and environmental concerns. Five daycare centres have been opened for children in rural areas and are operated by the graduates of GOAT's home economics programmes. A separate pre-school, Child's Health and Behaviour Centre, has been opened at the Bangkok headquarters to train workers for day-care work. In the environmental area, for the past 10 years GGAT has participated in the nationwide campaign for reforestation together with such agencies as the Bangkok Municipality (under its Community Development Project), the ForestrY Department, and other local and international organizations. Under this campaign, GGAT planted over 100,000 eucalyptus trees in Surin, Chonburi, Chiengmai and Bangkok. Funds and Linkages

GGAT has good relations with both the government bureaucracy and nongovernmental groups. The aim of in-school training for girls to become good citizens is congruent with government policy. In planning for its community development programmes, training staff usually consult district officials to identify the priorities and needs of rural villagers. At the field level in rural areas, project managers of GGAT see themselves as NGO workers rather than Girl Guides trainers. Most of them come from local areas and therefore mix well with the local environs. For example, at the Surin-Prasart centre, the project managers (two women and two men) were born in the nearby provinces. The GGAT sponsored their education and training in agriculture, and even sent one of them for further one-year training in Japan through an exchange programme of OISCA (Overseas Industrial and Spiritual Cooperation Agency). Being close to the villagers and other grass roots development groups in the vicinity, these project managers slowly integrated themselves into an evolving network of grass roots NGOs. Recently (in 1985), when a new regional grouping of NGOs was formed (called Southern E-sarn Chapter for six Northeastern provinces-Surin, B urirum, Roi-et, Srisaket, Ubon, and Yasotorn), GGAT was one of its members.

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The association is relatively self-sufficient in terms of its operational and administration costs. Part of its income is derived from its internal mechanism such as donations, membership fees, course fees in urban areas, and fundraising activities such as earning commissions from selling insurance policies. To generate part of its income and to attain a degree of self-reliance at least for its administration costs, the Bangkok headquarters provides services and training to its urban members. At the headquarters are a hostel, cafeteria, conference hall, and swimming pool. While the cafeteria and the conference hall are open to the general public, the swimming pool and the hostel are limited to its members' use only. The building complex also houses a gift shop which serves as an outlet for products such as handicrafts, and Girl Guides uniforms and accessories, produced by villagers attending GGAT training programmes. Additional services oflaundry and sauna are being planned.7 From about 500 girls who live in the dormitories, GGAT earns about half a million baht every year. Courses tailored according to the demands of urban women are offered in language, needlework, cooking, and social etiquette. Usually, the teachers are skilful members who volunteer to teach. The tuition fee, after deducting a small amount for teaching materials, goes to GGAT's account. Similar income-generating schemes have been started at the Chiengmai centre. The Surin-Prasart centre in Surin is still dependent on Bangkok's support since it has not yet developed its service facilities. The primary problem is its location in a remote and poor rural environment of the Northeast, and its status as a new centre started only a few years ago. The Southern centre is part of a well-established girls' school which is a source of income that ensures the centre's self-sufficiency. The size and distribution of Guide members in the four regions seem to correlate with the level of facilities and autonomy of the regional centres (Table 5.2). External sources of income include both national and international aid agencies. As a member of WAGGGS, GGAT receives funds for sending its staff overseas for further training. Support for its development projects is given by various donor agencies that include both Thai and foreign agencies. For instance, the National Council of Social Welfare granted funds for GGAT's weaving scheme in rural areas. Two ongoing projects on Promotion ofWomen as Health Care Providers of Family, and Community and Women's Participation in Water and Sanitation are supported by the UNDP and WHO. Other funding sources include Catholic Relief Service, foreign government agencies such as The Netherlands and Canada, and private agencies such as Canadian University Service Overseas (CUSO), The Asia Foundation, Bread for the World, OISCA, United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (Unesco), United Nations Industrial Development Organization (Unido ),

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and the Peace Corps. These sources are relatively consistent financial backers for GGAT's development projects. The annual budget of GGAT is about eight to 10 million baht, with 70 to 80 per cent of the amount coming from foreign donor agencies, and about 20 per cent generated by its own services. Some income is gained from private local donors, membership fees and the interest from saving accounts. Appraisal

The GGAT is being praised for the quality of its training programmes, and for the sustained enthusiasm of its leader. However, because it is a Girl Guides' organization, many observers neither identify nor include it as a women's NGO; some do not consider it a serious development group though some have praised its work in guiding the development of discipline and skills in women. They question its programmes of merely "being useful" and its somewhat authoritarian leadership. Several programmes such as those on ethics and training are designed in part to lure young girls away from vices such as prostitution. The motive behind some health and fish breeding programmes is to combat malnutrition. How far they have achieved this goal is uncertain. The GGAT focuses on individual (human) development rather than community, and has very little control on how the training is utilized. The association must be credited, however, for developing its own identity rather than being a passive extension or branch of the international Girl Guides network. It has a certain degree of self-determination and flexibility. Also it has insisted on being a development NGO, and a women's organization in a broader sense because it trains both girls and boys, and also accepts those male workers (on their technical merit) who are willing to accept women's leadership. The ideal of GGAT has helped to generate a morally-inclined and fairly competent staff who maintain a sense of "sisterhood" and an attitude of "helping each other". One worker felt, We have a sisterhood spirit in our team work. The committee members are like "helpful big sisters" (phii liang) rather than bosses. If we make mistake, they will explain to us but not repeatedly, as they perceive that there will always be some mistake at work and can be forgiven. It is a family concern. Most of the committee members are like that.

Being a large and old organization, GGAT has its share of organizational problems. Although staff members of the training unit are trusted as project heads and are given financial responsibility, they do not always participate in the decision making process beyond the scope of their projects. Sometimes conflicts arise because some top-down decisions may be unrealistic to field

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situations, or perhaps delays in action (decision or funds) from the Bangkok headquarters may disrupt the continuity of field programmes. Once, for example a decision from Bangkok was made to promote growing tomatoes in some rural development programmes because tomatoes fetched good prices in Bangkok being in high demand by restaurants. But the field manager felt that a tomato crop was not practical since it took one day to transport these tomatoes to Bangkok and they would perish on the way. Similarly, one staff member talked about the lack of quick response in money matters which once created low morale among field workers, For the workers, we urgently needed the money, but they (the central office) couldn't give it to us promptly ... If the work failed, we had to face the project's owners and the local sponsors of the fund, such as the governor ... This was very frustrating. The controlling committee couldn't see the importance nor sense the urgency in field work;

This lack of speedy and appropriate action is attributed many times to the backgrounds of the committee members, and one of the field workers shared her frustration, I am not sure whether all the committee members understood the principles as well as Khunying Kanok does. Most of the committee members are housewives; therefore, they think according to their own background, not necessarily in a broader development aspect ... because they can't catch up with Khunying Kanok.

The early success of GGAT has led it to a rapid growth in organization size and programmes. This "bigness" has created several small but significant problems in co-ordination and participation. Since development activities are also carried out on an ambitious scale, some fundamental problems have been related to the nature of its income-generating development projects. The needlework and dressmaking projects, for example are facing high costs in raw materials, and market competition. According to a self-evaluation by a field manager on the weaving project, The cost was high because we had to import cotton from foreign countries such as Malaysia. The question therefore was promotion and development to support whom? So, we reduced the target areas and turned to support Thai fabric. But the cost was still higher than those available in the local market, and even so, our quality couldn't compete with theirs. We could only cater our products to foreigners who helped us in funding and work. This was not practical at all. We tried to use the products for decoration, etc .... but when we found out later that the resources were not Thai, we gave up ... We used to teach the villagers to make their own clothes, but when we went to the target areas/field, we found out that it

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was cheaper for them to buy from the market. We then didn't want to teach them any more.

She criticized that the training programmes create dependency on the institution, For the dressmaking project, we are the outlet agent for the villagers. The bad point was that we thought we helped them, but how did they perceive us-we were those who had a lot of opportunities and had a more convenient life, they saw that life in the city was better. So, they used us to leap out of the village. This was as if we were deceiving ourselves because it was true that the city had more opportunities. We could talk about remaining in villages because we had enough.

And also, Bor Por has to invest ... that was wrong. The boon (blessing) that we took to them ... cultivated a "begging" habit in the villagers. Every working unit in rural development, approaching villagers this way, was likely to encounter this problem because we imposed our own perception of their immediate needs.

Many of these difficulties were apparent in a youth (ages 15-19) training programme in the Northeast centre. The governor's wife selected these needy teenagers for a month-long training and funds were obtained from donor agencies. But in the middle of the programme, some students started wanting to return home to help their parents, who were deeply indebted and needed the children's labour. If they go back GGAT had to explain to the governor's wife and the donors. The training programmes might be useful, but it was doubtful whether the students, who were from very poor families, would be able to put all the knowledge to practical use, for example operating irrigation equipment required a large sum of money. Some other youths, from remote backward rural villages, who were selected as youth leaders for training in Japan confided that their experience found no place in their home villages. The training programmes cannot stop the trained youths from migrating into towns and cities. The field worker reflected, In principle, we wanted them to stay in their home villages, but after the training they moved into town ... From our evaluation on the kids we trained, those who had potential and good characters usually left the village unless they married their home village men. We have to ask ourselves whether we had achieved what we wanted.

In spite of these honest admissions of some contradictions and conflicts, the development work has been beneficial to thousands of youth and other people living in the rural areas. The resourceful and active personality ofKhunying

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15

Kanok has contributed positively in the sense that she understands the issues, is able to delegate authority, and is able to bring money and resources into the organization. However, her somewhat authoritarian and "maternalistic" style, which reflects her high degree of barami (charisma), does discourage participation, and as one worker stated, when "She was not around ... the work stopped". Her participation in politics, and, as one worker stated, being elected a Member of Parliament (on a Prachakorn Party ticket) during 1983-84, did result in additional infrastructure-a handsome building-for the Bangkok headquarters, but it further confused people's perception of the role of GGAT. Some people felt that she used her social work contacts and base for her political gain. Politicians of other parties saw her work as linked to Prachakorn party work. But, according to Khunying Kanok, social work and politics cannot be separated. The association has been lucky to have had a smooth infant stage to develop its own identity and a strong and continuous leader in Khunying Kanok. After more than 30 years, the time has come for GGAT to develop new leaders who can carry on the work, and are able to cope with the changing direction and expanding structure. It is a positive sign that many of its workers were honest about the difficulties of implementing development programmes. New leadership which could deepen the principles of GGAT, and provide a more meaningful direction to its development and training programmes has to evolve. NOTES 1. The founding group consulted Prince Naratippongprapan, a noted royal scholar in culture, history, and literature, in choosing the association's name as Bumpen Prayote as a Thai equivalent of Girl Scouts. The Prince approved it because the association's efforts were to be beyond the school boundary. Not only was the scouts' motto, Be Prepared, translated as Bumpen Prayote (Be Useful) but the concept and name of Girl Guides itself was expanded to the idea of being helpful. The members are often called phu bumpen prayote, or persons who are doing useful work (to others and to the society). 2. Later, both these distinguished women were conferred the honorific title of Khunying. Since the prefix Khunying is used for a married woman, and Khun for a single woman, it is proper to address these women as Khun Nilawan Pinthong, and Khunying Kanok Samsen Vi! (married last name). 3. The WAGGGS has 108 countries and 10 million individuals as its members, with the main office in England. Each country has its autonomy, and the headquarters does not impose a particular approach to programmes but a set of objectives. A world conference is held every three years to discuss country reports. 4. See, "Thailand: Women and Employment", ASEAN Seminar on Women and Employment, Kuala Lumpur, 1976, p. 115.

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Each Girl Guide has to make a promise and follow the ten laws. The promise is to do her best to fulfil her duty to the country, religion and the King; to help other people at all times; and to obey the Guide Laws. The ten laws arc related to honour, loyalty, being useful and helpful to others, sisterhood, courtesy, being kind to animals, obedience to orders, maintaining a cheerful attitude under all difficulties, thrift, and sincerity in thought, words and deeds of a Guide. The motto of Girl Guides is "Be Prepared". 6. In the United States, the term Blue Bird is used for the youngest members, not of Girl Guides, but of another girls' organization called Campfire. 7. It should be noted that these in-house programmes and facilities are the responsibility of the Executive Committee, and the contents of these services and training, according to some, have little to do with Girl Guides' principles (although any service can be defended as a Girl Guides' activity). The staff members who administer the offices usually wear the Girl-Guide uniform. These incomeraising programmes are different from its external outreach programmes of rural development which arc administered by a separate, autonomous unit called the Training Unit. 5.

VI EMERGENCY HOME Association/or the Promotion of the Status of Women

About the time of the students' revolt in 1973, some women activists got together in Bangkok to work for legal justice for women. Samakom Songserm Sthanaparb Satri, or the Association for the Promotion of the Status of Women (APSW), started out as a pressure group to deal with the problems and obstacles relating to economic and legal rights which prevented women from becoming full-fledged citizens. Core members of APSW were professionally established women and men. The target groups included less privileged women such as labourers,low-skilled workers, prostitutes, and the urban poor and migrants in Bangkok. During the last ten years, its initial emphasis as a pressure group has weakened. The activities of APSW have shifted more to welfare and immediate relief work such as running an emergency home, and the WE-TRAIN project. Rather than being known by its long name, the group has often been recognized for, and has become synonymous with, Ban Pak Chukchoem (Emergency Home). Historical Evolution The APSW is an offshoot of an earlier organization, the Association of Women Lawyers of Thailand (AWL). 1 In the early 1970s AWL realized that there were certain laws which either discriminated against or did not protect women in employment. For example, in the local administration system women were not allowed to become chief in a district bureaucracy from village level onward, and in the military, the highest rank a woman doctor could reach was colonel while a male doctor of equal qualifications could become a general. Also a female factory worker earned 50 haht while a male earned 70 baht for similar

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work. When amendments proposed by the AWL were turned down by the Cabinet, this motivated some members of the association to think about an alternative strategy (Setasuwan and Wongchai 1984). One of the key and active persons in AWL at that time was Khunying Kanitha Wichiencharoen, elder sister ofKhunying Kanok Sam sen Vii of GGAT, and President of AWL during 1961-63 as well as an official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As a lawyer herself, she recognized the loopholes in Thai laws which allowed discrimination against women or did not guarantee women's rights vis-a-vis men's. Unlike most AWL members, she was interested in the legal rights of poor working women and found that her concerns were shared by other professionals such as physicians, nurses, and teachers, who could not be part of AWL. In order to enable other professionals to join this forum for working women, a small group called the Status of Women Promotion Group (SWPG) was formed in 1972. 2 Concomitantly, the victory of the students' movement in October 1973 resulted in the ouster of the military dictatorship and the rewriting of the Thai Constitution. The SWPG persuaded other organizations to join together in demanding that the government appoint female representatives on the drafting committee. They were successful in getting one woman included in the drafting committee. The group, in collaboration with other social groups, was also successful in getting an explicitly written clause--Clause 28-in the Constitution stating that men and women have equal rights. The United Nation's declaration of 1975 as International Year of Women (IYW) triggered more activities in SWPG. The group celebrated IYW by organizing four seminars on the theme of women in the labour force for women working in factories. The purpose was to encourage these woman workers to seek more education, and to provide them with some leadership training. A series of monthly panel discussions was also scheduled at the AUA building (an English language centre run by the American University Alumni Association) throughout the year. Various women's issues were discussed, including education and welfare for working women; hygiene and legalization for prostitutes; rape, sex education for young people; abortion, family planning, and day-care services for mothers. These activities were meant to voice women's problems to the general public and the government. The group also staged a public exhibition on Outstanding Women Around the World to pay tribute to those women who had contributed useful services to the wider society. A similar exhibition was organized during the middle of the Women's Decade. These activities generated some public awareness about the roles and abilities of women as well as about the plight of women resulting from various discriminatory laws. In 1978, Khunying Kanitha was invited to observe the work on women's shelters in Europe and the United States. That visit inspired her to establish a

Emergency Home

19

similar shelter for destitute Thai women. During that period, Khunying Kanitha also chaired a project of AWL on Welfare for Distressed Women and Children which aimed to provide legal assistance and counselling to disadvantaged women and children. She then involved SWPG in this project and proposed a women's shelter as a temporary refuge for women and children in crisis. The idea was approved and publicized for fund-raising between 197980. With the collaboration ofGGATandAWL, the group raised more than two million baht. The fund was called the Emergency Home and Relief Funp for Distressed Women and Children. About half of the fund went into construction of the shelter, which was built on the third floor of AWL's building.3 The shelter became ready for public service in 1981. In the following year, SWPG registered as the Association for the Promotion of the Status of Women, which is now often recognized for its Emergency Home. Since then APSW has grown. Its services have been expanded to include the setting up of information booths, and running a second Emergency Home and a training centre for women. The Information-booth project was introduced in early 1985. Four booths were set up at Bangkok's main train and interregional bus stations as a way to provide information to prevent rural migrant women from being lured into forced labour and prostitution. Each booth gave information about potential jobs and possible salaries as well as information on traps and exploitation techniques used. In 1968, soon after the Information Booth project, another project for vocational training was initiated, and a new building constructed. This project is called the Women's Education and Training Centre (WE-TRAIN). Khunying Kanitha describes the need for such a centre, 4 Women's problems are basically due to the lack of education and vocational training. They always say, "I did not go to school, I don't know what to do". In a farm family of eight, during a drought season, working in a factory even with very low wage is still better than nothing. Yet the earning is not enough. In addition, these factories take advantage of child and woman labour. We don't have a social welfare system yet ... so these poor people steal for their living. That is why I want to build a vocational training centre so that women can acquire skills and have better employment opportunities.

In spite of some warnings that this centre might not be cost-effective because the target group might not want to or could not come to the centre for training, Khunying Kanitha insisted on the idea, Some people are afraid that we will not get anything back from this investment because nobody will come for the service .... For us, the training centre has to be built first so that people can see that there are good women in brothels, and there are good policemen. We will teach them to be good women, wives, and mothers, as quality citizens.~

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A nine-acre piece of land near the Don Muang Airport was donated by one of Khunying Kanitha's classmates, Mrs Ravivan Bunyarak. On this land, the construction of a large complex, the WE-TRAIN Centre, began in 1987. First, the Emergency Home II was completed in 1988. This Emergency Home was opened in January 1988 by Her Royal Highness Princess Somsawali who granted royal patronage to APSW, and the complex for distressed women was named after her. The clinic was named after Jimmy and Roselyn Carter. Names of other buildings in the complex were given by members of the royal family. The Queen granted a name "Narinkaruna" to the administrative building. The Crown Princess Sirinthorn chose "Rachsuda" for the gymnasium, and the youngest, Princess Juraporn called the swimming pool "Jutharom". The whole complex with clinic, administrative and recreation facilities began operations in 1990.

Objectives According to Khunying Kanitha, Our objective is to promote women's rights and correct the laws. We run our projects for research and study, so that we can disseminate the information about the pressing problems of women to the public.

The following are objectives of the association at the time of its formation: 6 l. to study women's problems in terms of their rights, duties, and vari-

ous unjust treatments against them, 2. to promote women's knowledge and skills for earning a living, 3. to promote and help women to achieve equality and justice in society, and 4. to promote women's role in sharing the responsibility of national security and progress. Currently, the objectives of APSW have been expanded to include the provision of services. Without altering those in its charter, the new objective could be said to be defined through various current projects such as the Emergency Home, the information booths, and the WE- TRAIN Centre. The Emergency Home has the following objectivcs: 7 I. to give assistance to women and children in distress, and to give special relief in emergency cases, and 2. to act as an intermediary in referring cases to appropriate government bodies or voluntary organizations.

The ohjcctivcs of the WE-TRAIN Centre arc expressed as follows: 8

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81

I. to improve the economic and social status of disadvantaged women and children through provision of non-formal education and vocational training, 2. to expand the existing capacity of the first Emergency Home for serving distressed women and children, and 3. to provide service facilities (such as for holding a conference) to other women's organizations, youth groups, disadvantaged women and children, and interested individuals, and to serve as a centre for non-formal education as well as a forum for information on women's issues.

Organization and Structure After IS years of service, APSW remains a relatively small group of about 70 members. The structure of APSW is vague, and although the presidency is by election and could vary, Khunying Kanitha has been in this position since its inception. Today, APSW, Khunying Kanitha, and the Emergency Home have become indistinguishable from each other. Since the establishment of the Emergency Home, APSW has de-emphasized its role as a pressure group. While Khunying Kanitha has been Project Chairperson of Emergency Homes I and II, APSW is only one of four supporting bodies from which its Board of Directors are drawn. This Board has 28 members, and has a two-year term of office. For instance, in 1989 it had 18 members representing AWL and APSW, and nine members from governmental offices (such as the Police Department, and the Vocational Education Department), and nine members from nongovernmental organizations in addition to the President, Khunying Kanitha from APSW (and AWL). The Board of Directors and the Advisory Board set or approve policy for the Emergency Homes I and II projects and the WE-TRAIN Centre. A few (six to 10) paid staff arc involved in running the routine of the Emergency Home I, and 10 to IS at Emergency Home II although all the projects arc directed by Khunying Kanitha. She speaks about the difficulties of finding a motivated staff because of the demanding nature of the work, I told our staff that our work is 24-hour, that we have promised the people our service. I told them, "We hired you here to work. If you can't do the work, and feel that it is too heavy, maybe you want to find a job somewhere else. We have to work like angels."

In addition, the low economic security of this service job makes it difficult to retain committed staff on a long-term basis. According to Khunying Kanitha,

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We advertised in newspapers for social workers. There were about 10,000 applicants. We interviewed them to find out their education and family backgrounds, and to evaluate their personality and their spirit of giving and sharing ... The turnover has been high because other places offered better salary. Those who left felt that there was no future here. So, we have people who either love to do service work or cannot find a job elsewhere.

However, some of the staff who left cited the lack of organization, planning and participation as the main reasons for their departure.

Activities The APSW has been involved in four kinds of activities: the Emergency Home I, the information booths, and the Emergency Home II which is part of the larger WE-TRAIN project. The beneficiaries of the Emergency Home I Programme are the disadvantaged women and children who are victims of forced labour and prostitution, the physically or mentally abused at work or in their families, single mothers and widows, the homeless, or ex-convicts as well as migrant workers. Occasional dramatic cases include a woman with a small baby knocked down by a car; a factory woman whose fingers were cut off accidentally during work; runaway girls, victims of incest by their father or grandfather; an abused girl with a torn vagina; and an old Chinese woman who lost her way home. Emergency Home I provides free shelter and food; for those who can afford to pay, it charges 25 baht (about US$1) per night. The Home offers social, legal and medical counselling to its clients. To help its clients get settled, the Home provides placement services for the unemployed, and also finds sponsors for the homeless. Recently, the placement service was extended to locate benevolent and understanding employers overseas who will hire or adopt these young victims. According to Khunying Kanitha, the motivation behind this action is her understanding that disadvantaged children have lacked needed love during their upbringing, and a caring home will help. She elaborated, There are many suffering people ... I used to hire some women who used to be in the prison to do housework at my home, but these people have already formed a habit of stealing that cannot change easily. This kind of people have problems because they lack love. Our parents love us; if we ask, they will give.lf we make any mistake, they will forgive us. The lack of love, therefore, cultivates a habit of stealing and lying.

Unlike most women's shelters in Europe which have confidential locations to protect the security of their clients, this Emergency Home is highly publicized and is in an easily accessible location. The Home, however, is relatively safe because a police commander and officers from other government authorities

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TABLE6.1 Total Number of Clients at the Emergency Home I Classified by Age and Education, September 1981 to July 1985 Percentage

Classification

Cases

Age Under 14 15-44 45-60 Over 60 Total

1,270 3,023 429 167 4,889

26.0 61.8 8.8 3.4 100.0

Education None Less than four years More than four years Total

1,404 2,190 1,295 4,889

28.7 44.8 26.5 100

are members of the Board. Thus, the Home can get prompt attention from the police in the event of an attack. "We are not afraid ... , we want people to come" is the group's attitude. The advantage of being easily accessible is not only to serve any immediate needs but also to save on operational costs such as transferring the victims to a hiding place. Until1985, the Home was the only women's shelter in Thailand to which police stations, hospitals, private voluntary, and governmental agencies often referred women and children suffering from unjust treatment. Such demands for the Home's services have been immense. During the first two years of operation, the number of clients was 871. In the following years, the number soared to 1,164, and reached 2,610 cases in the fourth year. The total number of services given between September 1981 to July 1985 is 4,889 cases, and has been rising since. As Table 6.1 shows, most clients were young, uneducated (less than four years of education), mostly in need of shelter and jobs. 9 Most clients came to the Emergency Home seeking short-term shelter (Tables 6.2 and 6.3). The maximum stay was about one week. About one-third of the clients came for other types of assistance such as job placement, legal counselling, advice, or even bus fare. Most clients were referred to the Home by the police or were contacted by the staff in person or through correspondence.

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TABLE6.2 Services Given at Emergency Home I, September 1981 to July 1985 Services provided

Cases

Percentage

Not staying Staying overnight 1-7 days 8-15 days 16-30 days More than 30 days

1,591

32.5

2,352 466 277 203 4,889

48.1 9.5 5.7 4.2

Total

100.0

Realizing that the Home could only provide some relief but could not treat the causes, Khunying Kanitha then proposed two other projects for providing employment information and skills training. These projects extended the curing-the-symptom approach a little further into areas such as giving useful guidance to rural women newly arrived at Bangkok, and giving more training to victimized women and children. The first project was a preventive measure, and the latter was to supplement the relief and service cycle at the Emergency Home. The preventive measure was translated into practice as the information booth in October 1984. Four small information booths were successfully set up at various transportation centres in 1985-86 at Hua Lam pong Railway Station and the northern-route bus terminal (talaat moe hit). At each booth, at least one social worker and a lawyer were supposed to provide necessary information and consultation to newly-arrived rural migrants. After five months of experimentation, the programme had serviced 848 cases. The project was still in operation at the time of writing, and receiving about five women daily. The proposed training centre, WE-TRAIN, completed in 1990, ambitiously aspires to build a self-reliant institution which would have an integrated farming system (fish, vegetable, and poultry) for training and consumption, dormitories for living, a multi-purpose building for class meetings and training, and a gymnasium for physical, cultural, and recreational programmes. It was hoped that these facilities could serve the twin purposes of being a training ground and an income generating scheme. This project was estimated to cost 30 million

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TABLE6.3 Types of Problems at Emergency Home I, September 1981 to July 1985 Type of problem

Cases

No shelter No job Lured from rural areas Raped, forced prostitution Health and accident Family Lost their way Forced labour Undesirable pregnancy Abandoned by husbands No support or guardian No bus fare to return to village

3,298 985 234 742 545 759 714 421 182 225 474 689

baht (about US$1 ,11 0,000) for construction and equipment alone (the cost was thirty times more than the first construction of the Emergency Home I). Emergency Home II, located within the area of the WE-TRAIJ'iCentre, currently has an average of 70 clients daily, including children and mothers. Clients arc mostly mothers with young children or pregnant women who have been abandoned by their husbands, and arc non-residents of Bangkok. The Home provides them shelter and food, counselling and some jobs training. It has placed many women as baby sitters, dress makers and domestic servants. The house is a part of the bigger project, the WE-TRAIN Centre. Since the fund-raising was an enormous task, very little attention has been given to the development of courses and training programmes. It has been proposed that the centre will provide training in several areas, and the hostel and sport complex will be opened to outsiders to recover some of the operational costs. The complex has been beautifully designed and will provide good facilities to distressed women who arc probably used to worse surroundings. Along with these activities of APSW, Khunying Kanitha has also continued the legal campaign started during her days in the AWL by suggesting some

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TABLE6.4

Expenditure Incurred in Providing Services to 4,889 cases at Emergency Home I, September 1981 to July 1985 Category Personnel Three meals Transportation Office and EH supplies Utilities (electricity, phone) Total

Baht 620,066.00 189,787.25 51,614.00 154,984.00 235,759.80 1,252,211.05

Percentage 49.5 15.2 4.1 12.4 18.8 100.0

changes in laws on prostitution and by advocating improved laws for protecting children. However, in working for changes in the Thai legal system, women often have come face to face with the rigidity and loopholes of the Thai court system. Khunying Kanitha lamented, While we are sitting here there are tens of thousands of women who are being oppressed and raped as prostitutes, who are being enslaved and earning money as bonded labour. In many cases women were sold as commodities; they were abducted by using chloroform. Children were threatened, and [are too] frightened [to] stand up in the court ... to identify their oppressors. We supported these children in fighting the cases. But these men were allowed to be bailed out of jail. Once they left the prison, it is difficult to get them back. Usually they [forged] a death registration, then the laws can no longer go after a "dead" person. So the case became fraud. The children were very afraid of revenge. Both policemen and pimps all followed the children to their homes, both threatened and persuaded the children not to be witnesses. Still there are cases of giving "white envelopes" (bribery) by pimps to policemen. The only way to punish pimps as criminals is when the prostitutes die, then the pimps will be executed.

Funds and Linkages The APSW has good rapport with national and international funding agencies and has been working closely with AWL and GGAT. But in terms of finance,

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APSW is still not self-reliant in running its ongoing projects, the Emergency Homes I and II, and the information booths. According to APSW's report, the total expenditure for running the Emergency Home for four years (1981-85) was about 1.25 million baht, half of which were incurred for salaries while the rest were for office administration and meals for the clients (Table 6.4). The financial resources were obtained through Khunying Kanitha's ability to generate wide public support in cash and kind before the programme was started. In 1980, a sum of two million baht was raised, half of which were utilized for the construction of Emergency Home I while the other half were kept as a fixed deposit, generating interest for the expenditure of the Home during the first two years of its operation. In 1983 and 1984, an additional fund of 402,000 baht was provided annually by the Danish Embassy. Similarly in 1985, the Thai-German Foundation gave 150,000 baht for a five-month period, and it has continued to extend its support. In addition to miscellaneous donations from Thai and foreign individuals and from private organizations, the Po Tek Tung Foundation and Ma Boon Krong, Co. provided three 100kilogramme sacks of rice monthly to the Home. Funds for the information booth project came from World Vision. For the WE-TRAIN programme, funds came primarily from the embassies of Canada, Australia, The Netherlands, and West Germany. Other private donor agencies were the Ramboll and Hannermann fund of Denmark, the Nippon Television Network of Japan, the Thai Air Force and individual Thai philanthropists. The first building complex in the WE-TRAIN Centre is a mother and child care unit, or Emergency Home II. It was started in 1987 with a contribution of about 400,000 baht from proceedings of the International Arts Exhibition. The Redd Barna (a Norwegian donor agency) provided funds for the children's playground. Money amounting to 3 million baht for the dormitory and kitchen building were raised by NTV (a Japanese TV show). Former US President Jimmy Carter donated US$40,000 on behalf of Global 2000 for the construction of the clinic. Funds for operating Emergency Home II were obtained from the Thai-German Foundation. The WE-TRAIN Centre as a whole received first a grant of 34 million baht, and later 12 million baht from a Japanese shipbuilding corporation. The whole centre was named after the corporation's president, Mr Sasakawa. The official name of the complex is the Sasakawa WE-TRAIN Centre. Khunying Kanitha was once associated with the Thai-US Association and has enjoyed support from some Americans as well. For instance, on International Women's Day in 1986, APSW organized an International Women's Art Exhibition to raise money for the WE-TRAIN project. The exhibition was

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presided over by Princess Galyani Vadhana, the King's sister, and the US Ambassador's wife who chaired the organizing committee. While APSW has been able to get the blessings of the royal family, its relationship with the government has not been as fulfilling as APSW would like it to be. Khunying Kanitha explained, The government refused to give any direct assistance. We invited the Commander of the Police (Bangkok), the Director of the Vocation and Welfare Division (under the Ministry of Interior) to join our board of directors. We requested funding through the Division of Social Welfare. It was extremely difficult to get any money from the government; they always postponed things to the next year.

According to Khunying Kanitha, the government in general has failed to carry out its full duty, for example in appointing committee members to the National Commission of Women's Affairs, ... they did not appoint those who work, but appointed those who have never worked on women's issues. So, the discussions at the Commission meetings didn't get anywhere ... What it is working on now is drafting new laws. If we want a whole new set of laws, that will take a long time. So we should correct the old laws, correct them clause by clause, in words and phrases. The Women's Commission wants to draft a new set of laws, when will it be done?

Appraisal The APSW has lost its earlier emphasis of being only a pressure group and is now functioning more as a relief, educational and training organization, an emphasis which it considers to be more important. The progress and continuity of APSW has been dependent on one woman, Khunying Kanitha. Because of her professional background, she has good relationships with various bilateral agencies (German-Thai, US-Thai), various embassies, and the royal family. According to some observers, the Sasakawa WE-TRAIN project (which is APSW'S major one) tends to equipment, facilities and buildings. The proposal pledged to build the centre for the distressed, illiterate, unskilled and unemployed women, but very little detailed evaluation has been done of intended and existing training and other programmes. Though inexpensive new agricultural techniques and approaches are needed by rural women, the integrated agricultural system at the centre seems to emphasize mechanization. Usually such facilities are costly and not easily available in most villages. Moreover, most migrant workers are either landless or indebted.

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The challenge for the WE-TRAIN is not whether the group can raise 60 million baht (which it probably can), but whether it can generate appropriate training programmes, and an organizational structure that will enable the work to continue. In addition, because the centre is located in Bangkok, it does not necessarily address the root causes of the unequal relationship between the urban and rural economies. The large infrastructure of the WE-TRAIN Centre will further deepen the dependency of the organization on outside funds. This dependency may prevent the Centre from raising fundamental questions about existing injustices in the social, economic and political structures that actually prevent a large number of Thai women from becoming full-fledged citizens. The APSW has been mostly guided by one person. It may not have an elaborate or concrete structure, but it has been able to provide some concrete services such as opening the first women's shelter, which has expanded to accept women with problems ranging from abused children to old women unable to find their way home. Some useful services such as providing legal aid, and preparing maids for overseas job placement have been attempted. 10 Emergency Home I docs not have effective training programmes, and as the clients usually stay for two to three days or one week, it isn't feasible to set up a permanent class. The classes offered there are just for passing time because the handicraft products made by the clients do not have enough quality and cannot be sold. Emergency Home II is better because it allows a longer stay for women who decide to do so. The staff can plan a class of three-months' duration. But in the next five years, the constraints oflimited time, talent, space and budget may increase, and affect the quality of the staff and services. The WE-TRAIN complex suffers from some subtle ideological and managerial problems. The most urgent problem is the tension that arose from the funds being procured from a controversial source like Sasakawa,11 and having such luxurious items as a swimming pool, a tennis court, and a gymnasium which it claims are for generating income to run Emergency Home II. According to some, there has been more emphasis on the quantity of service rather than the quality of social welfare and of women's awareness and rights. The emphasis is on control and management rather than on diversification of services and participation of the workers, and on acquiring funds rather than having an appropriate policy on donor agencies. The APSW has changed from a pressure group to an institution. It is somewhat diffused as a group about its ideology, and has been solely dependent on the good credit and leadership of Khunying Kanitha for the past 10 years. But it lacks an experienced team to carry out the training and managerial work at the WE-TRAIN Centre. While the importance of a relief agency cannot be undermined, and its efforts should be appreciated, the extent, depth and

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absence of the collective nature of APSW leaves much to be desired. Critics have commented that APSW is a "correction at the end of the causes". One of the woman workers shared her dilemma, I used to question the merit of social work lhat it was just a treatment at the end of the tunnel. Later I saw that social work is also important. We need many more organizations to work separately but co-operatively because we can't see people die in front of us. Governmental agencies have limited capacities. Government employers work nine to five. We are open 24 hours. We are not working like the government because we'd rather work it out carefully and caringly. There are three government houses to rehabilitate former prostitutes, run mechanically by the Department of Public Welfare. We are more interested in human beings, their hearts and minds. Sometimes people comment that we take care of our cases "like taking care of a baby!" running around everywhere for them-to hospital, the Labour Department, employers' homes, etc. So we question ourselves, "Are we spoiling our cases?" Or "Should they try to fight for themselves again?"

The workers feel that responsibility for the causes rests with the government, and the group should continue to provide relief services, education and training to distressed people, on the one hand, and pressurize the government for legal reforms, on the other. Other sympathetic critics realize the difficulties and contradictions in voluntary work. According to them, the links with establishments are not always bad; it can be a strategy for survival and getting the work done. They respect the attempts of APSW for not being dogmatic but trying to accomplish something under the volatile Thai social and political environment. In spite of the lack of participation and quality training programmes, APSW is led by a good and kind-hearted woman who is overwhelmed by the enormity of the work. NOTES 1. Established in 1947, AWL from time to time voiced its concern on various discriminatory laws such as the family laws. Dharmasakti and Jamnarnwej (1972) document some of these legal aspects. 2. Professor Wimolsiri Jamnarnwej (the then Vice President of AWL, and once the Minister of Education) and Khunying Loesak Sombatsiri (a business woman with a wealthy family background) were also instrumental in the formation of SWPG. 3. The construction of the Emergency Home was scheduled such that it would be completed in one year to coincide with the date of the Queen's birthday, 12August 1981. This was intended to be a celebration of the Queen's 48th birthday. The opening ceremony of the Emergency Home was presided over by the consort of the Crown Prince.

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4. In a personal interview in January 1986. 5. Like most places around the world, corruption and brutality have been associated with the Thai police bureaucracy. Nevertheless, with increasing social consciousness, many of those in uniform who have moral conscience are trying to work for the oppressed. Also, not all prostitutes intended to become prostitutes in the first place. 6. From TVS Newsletter, 1986, p. 238. 7. Khunying Kanitha Wichiencharoen, "A Summary Report of the Emergency Home between September 1981-July 1985". Journal of Association of Women Lawyers ofThailand, January 1986. 8. From APSW's pamphlet on the WE-TRAIN proposal, n.d. 9. Tables 6.1, 6.2, 6.3 and 6.4 are adapted from "Summary of the Performance of 'Emergency Home' in 47 months, September 1981 -July 1985" by Khunying Kanitha Wichiencharoen, Journal ofWomenLawyers' Association ofThailand, January 1986, pp. 34-35 (in Thai). 10. Christian Science Monitor, 20 December 1987. 11. In Japan Mr. Sasakawa is the owner of an enormous gambling empire, and a motor boat racing association valued at US$7 .4 million in 1980. He is said to have links with the Yakusa gang, and is regarded as a big booster of sex tourism. For more details, see Yakusa by David Kaplan, page 99-252, Center for Investigating Reporter, San Francisco, CA, 1987.

VII LEGAL SUPPORT

Friends of Women

Klum Phuan Ying, or the Friends of Women (FOW) group, is a relatively recent organization of the 1980s run by young, educated urban women. The group has a distinct approach from those women's associations which emphasize women's traditional roles. The founding members felt at the time of its inception that most programmes of the traditional groups were based on charity and welfare, and were sometimes irrelevant to the real needs of the majority of Thai women. They believed that the government also lacked the will-power to promote women's status, specifically on the issues of women's rights. 1 Thus, there was no group that was a real support or a friend to women. Contrary to most women's associations whose members came from high society, FOW was formed by young middle-class women mostly with a university education. During its early enthusiastic phase, the group once claimed itself to be the continuation of a historical struggle of Thai women which grew shortly before 1932. 2 Even though FOW is about a decade old, it has gone through various stages of structural adjustments and funding uncertainty. Devoted now to creating awareness and providing relief, the group is moving towards stability and growth.

Historical Evolution Around 1978-79, when student activity had subsided but their critical awareness lingered on, some women activists and academics in Bangkok felt that the existing women's organizations (both governmental and non-governmental) were not meeting the pressing needs of the majority of Thai women. Some

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doubted the government's will or the intentions of the various organizations formed by the "government's servants" as pointed out by one activist, The government did not have that far-reaching vision, or the will to go into organizing women. The associations of wives of the army, the air force, or the navy were all clearly extensions of the military. The Association ofWives of the Ministry oflnterior (Maharthai) which included wives of sub-district chiefs (kamnan), village chiefs (phu-yai-baan), and governors aimed to perpetuate values already existing in the society. Instead of focusing on meeting people's needs, they emphasized the importance of sacrificing for the nation.

Other women felt that Thailand at that time still did not have a women's organization which responded to the pressing needs of women at the grass roots level. Many were critical of NCWT, We had a national organization for women, but we felt that it had not been able to meet the actual needs of women at the bottom rung. From its activities, it (NCWT) projected an image of socialites busy in arranging gala parties and fairs. In reality, the benefit from their activities should be accrued down to women of the bottom rung of society.

Thus a clear need was felt for a women's organization which could seriously take action about the widespread deteriorating position of poor women in Thai society. 3 Realizing this, two initial meetings were arranged in 1980. The first was held at the Sunflower Home. Concerned women were informally invited to discuss women's issues. The discussion group (comprising about 30-40 people) represented diverse professional backgrounds and included university lecturers, researchers, politicians, journalists, social workers, trade unionists, and individual men and women activists. 4 Curiosity motivated many women to attend the meeting, which included a discussion about the meaning of women's liberation. At the second meeting, held at Chulalongkorn University (CU), Amornsiri Sunrattikul was elected the first Secretary. She was then a lecturer in French at the Arts Faculty, CU, and also active in bringing about constitutional changes. Siriporn Skrobanek and Tiranarth Kanchanasthira were entrusted with the responsibility of framing the structure and objectives of the group. The meeting resulted in the formation of a women's group, the Friends of Women. Several monthly meetings were subsequently held to discuss the nature of the membership and the structure ofFOW. It was suggested that FOW should be an umbrella organization co-ordinating and facilitating those women's groups working on issues of women's oppression in different sectors or professions. The membership, therefore, would consist of representatives of these groups. But because there were not many groups solely devoted to the causes of women,

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the founding members compromised by allowing individuals to be members, who would then start their own professional- or issue-specific organizations. Although most members agreed that it was time for women to unite for women's causes, they were not clear on details of the organizational structure and its goals. Nevertheless, they gave their consensus for the tentative plan of activities. These activities, focusing on education and relief, were to be carried out by four divisions: the information centre, a publication (a magazine), research, and legal counselling. One founding member, Siriporn Skrobanek, was entrusted with the task of drafting a proposal for funds application from donor agencies. The group, however, could not wait for outside financial support to arrive and had no time to set up formal infrastructure. Soon after its formation, it was drawn into two ongoing women's issues in early 1981. The first was related to a campaign against Japanese sex tourism. Women's groups in Japan and the Philippines were organizing a series of protests in the region to coincide with then Japanese Prime Minister Senko Suzuki's tour of the ASEAN countries. Since they did not have any group in Thailand to co-operate with, they asked their Thai friends who then asked FOW whether it would join the protest. The FOW members decided to participate even though they realized their own resource limitation and inexperience. One member recalled, Actually, the issue of sex-tours had never been an agenda in our discussions. So, we started evaluating our resources in order to decide whether we should accept that proposal. But in this situation we felt that "we must leap while falling from the ladder". Each member did understand the problem of prostitution, and each wanted to work on it, but we were not clear about our ideas. When the news of Suzuki's coming became public, then everything was hurried up. The group spent all the time in preparing the demonstration to "welcome" the Japanese Prime Minister. Since this prostitution problem involved our side (Thai women) as well, blaming Japanese (men) alone was not right. At the same time, Nai Boonchu gave an interview that Thais should not feel ashamed of sex tourism because we needed foreign currency.

Mr Boonchu Rojanasthien was then (1981) the Deputy Prime Minister. He explicitly hinted at introducing "erotic entertainment" to promote the economy in a speech to provincial governors in October 1980. His message was that Thailand was famous for tourism, and the special attraction for foreign tourists was Thai women. He indirectly made a plea to the local governors to make use of this fact by suggesting that they should not feel ashamed about this practice because it was a very good way to solve the economic problems. When this speech was publicized in the newspapers, as one member of FOW recalled,

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We were very upset. It was like forcing women to carry the economic burden. He was concerned only with the balance of trade without considering how such a proposed solution would affect women's lives. Therefore, we carne forward to protest Boonchu.

With the help of six other non-governmental organizationss which worked on human rights issues, FOW initiated a two-step protest. First, the coalition submitted an open letter to Deputy Prime Minister Boonchu Rojanasthien attacking his encouragement of sex tours on the grounds that it boosted the Thai economy. Second, it organized a rally in front of the Japanese Embassy in Bangkok, and delivered an open but carefully written letter (Appendix D) to the Japanese Prime Minister. One member shared her feelings about the contents of the letter, We were very careful in our approach that we did not attack the Japanese Prime Minister at a personal level. We saw him as a politician who had enormous responsibility toward his country. We wanted to call his attention to other interesting aspects, for instance, his people should not come to Thailand only to have sex with Thai women. We indicated in the letter that our country had many interesting arts and cultural things, and we would like Japanese to come for these beauties.

These actions stirred public controversy. The government and some conservative women's associations were not happy. They were afraid that this protest might upset the good relationship between the Thai and Japanese Governments especially in terms of foreign investment and loans. Some argued that a sex tour was an internal Thai problem, and it was not fair to blame outsiders such as the Japanese. The outspokenness of FOW, however, created a militant image for the group. It was a new experience and a time to pause for some activists. One of the attendees recalled, During that time ... I myself did not know about sex tours before and also felt uneasy that I had to be one of the representatives of the group who must stand up and give interviews. We were not sure because we did not study the issue long enough to decide how to handle this issue. Now we had jumped in, we must continue. After that sex tour protest incident, we carne back to give more thought to the work of the group.

The other activity was a celebration of the International Women's Day. A colourful exhibition was organized during 7-8 March 1981 at the Sanam Luang and in front of the Ministry of Justice building. The exhibition brought together activists from various social-action groups, professionals in law and health, entertainers, and working women including teachers, hawkers, and labourers as well as housewives. The programmes included a series of poster displays and exhibitions on women's problems (such as sexual crime, sex services, and

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women's labour), giving advice on legal and health issues, stage performances and panel discussions. The first issue ofFOW's Thai-language magazine Siang Phuan Ying (Voice of Women's Friends) 6 was also published at this time to commemorate Women's Day. These two events (protesting against sex tourism and celebrating International Women's Day), uncommon till then for Thai society, brought sudden public attention on FOW. Letters of praise and encouragement poured in, and news correspondents visited the group almost every week. T)lis external pressure forced the group to retreat and to find its own priorities. Soon it found that its staff needed more knowledge on women's issues. As a result, a few of the staff members, including one enthusiastic member, went abroad for further study. 7 This forced FOW to play a low-profile role for the next three years. Jirati Tingspat, a lecturer of the Faculty of Political Science at Kasetsart University, was elected Secretary-General for 1981-83. Activities of the four divisions, however, continued in co-operation with other NGOs; for example in 1982 a discussion panel was organized on International Women's Day, and an open letter was delivered to then Prime Minister Prem Tinsulanond opposing the government's limited measures to solve the problems of sex offences and sex tours. 8 FOW also organized a seminar on Legal Measures on Prostitution, in co-operation with the Women's Studies project of Chulalongkorn University. The proposal for funds submitted earlier was eventually granted in 1983 when some of its staff started to return from study abroad. The funds enabled the group to set up a permanent office and employ women to co-ordinate the four units, reorganized now as the Women's Rights Protection Centre, the Documentation Centre, the Publications Unit, and the Campaign and Dissemination Unit. Publication of the magazine resumed in 1983 with a new name Satritat or Friends of Women Magazine. 9 A women's cafe providing freedom and space exclusively for women was also attempted for a while. 10 In 1984 some members, including Siriporn, left FOW to start a new group, the Women's Information Centre. Between 1984-88, and 1988-90, Malee Pruekpongsawalee, an Assistant Professor of the Law Faculty at Thammasat University, was elected Secretary-General. In spite of some funding and staff uncertainty during 1985, the work on documentation, publication, campaign and rights protection continued. A three-year work plan for 1986-89 was worked out. The four ongoing projects were reorganized in 1986 by continuing the documentation and rights protection work but combining publication and publicity together into one section, and adding one more section on industrial women workers. A shelter for rape victims, Ban Tanom Ruk, also started operating at the end of 1986. In 1987, FOW initiated a research project on factory women.

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Objectives The objectives of FOW have changed since the time of its inception from aspiring to be merely a co-ordinating organization to a support, service and action group. The first meeting had aimed to bring together people interested in the problems of rights and equality between sexes and enable them to analyse the situation, and to take action by building up small groups concerned with specific women's issues. 11 The group then stated that the undesirable status of contemporary Thai women was due to limited opportunities for them to develop themselves. In addition, restrictive social values and attitudes made society judge human worth only by sex. 12 They concluded that such a "misunderstanding" was damaging to human development because it caused social injustice. At that time, the overall objectives of FOW were,

1. To enable Thai women to obtain equal rights with men. 2. To encourage equal treatment of women and men in legal and other aspects. 3. To develop the belief, social values and concepts of equality of women and men in terms of human rights and social opportunity. Primarily, the group visualized itself as a co-ordinating agent which could serve as a medium or platform for dialogue on women's issues. The idea was to encourage, support and facilitate co-operation in actions initiated by its members. This was to exploit the advantage of diversification it possessed in its members who ranged from social workers to trade unionists. It was hoped that the group would evolve into an umbrella organization whose goals and actions would answer the pressing needs of the majority of women. But because of the novelty of a "women's movement" and women's studies in Thai society, the group took a more direct involvement in action instead of co-ordinating these activities. Except for the disillusionment over the possibility of unifying the "bottom up" forces, FOW still maintains some of its principles,IJ

1. To be a conceptual movement group which disseminates ideas and approaches for raising women's rights. 2. To carry out activities concerning the rights and benefits of women who are the victims of society, particularly in terms of concepts, beliefs and opportunities. 3. To encourage the formation of new groups which share a common goal with FOW. 4. Avoid becoming a political device for furthering the personal interest of any political party. These objectives are often reflected in its current and future policies, 14

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1. To awaken public consciousness about sexual inequality. 2. To make efforts to eventually eliminate social injustice by tackling the socio-political structure, but in the short-run, ·to provide casespecific welfare/assistance. 3. To encourage collaboration with, and initiative in individuals, regardless of sex who share a common ideal with the group. 4. To support the role of new activist groups (which may become the important strength ofFOW in future), to create a co-operative working atmosphere. The shelter for rape victims carries out these policies with more specific objectives, 15 1. To provide a convalescent home, psychiatric therapy, encouragement and moral support to help victims regain self-confidence. 2. To provide legal consultation and service. 3. To co-ordinate with the other governmental organizations, nongovernmental organizations and individual authorities to stage joint campaigns against this sexual crime. 4. To compile data about the crime of rape for anti-rape campaigns. 5. To stage legal campaigns to rectify the laws and legal procedures which today put rape victims at a disadvantage. 6. To promote public awareness about women's and human rights. Activities and Programmes The main activities of FOW are now carried out by its five projects or subdivisions. The Documentation Centre is designed primarily for internal use, an information resource for the Campaign and Dissemination Unit. However, it is also open to the public. The centre has collected over 1,000 publications of which half are written by Thai authors, the other half by Westerners, and a small collection of miscellaneous information in Thai and foreign languages. The Campaign and Dissemination Unit designs programmes to study selected women's issues, and also organizes seminars and exhibitions. The unit has organized panel discussions on topics such as women in politics, mass media, national plans and women's development, rape, and Thai women's working conditions abroad. It produces pamphlets and slides to highlight the problems arising from rape, conducts educational programmes on sexual violence and exploitation, and carries out related research. It also collaborates with other human rights groups in organizing panel discussions and exhibitions. The Publication Unit produces a quarterly magazine, Friends of Women Magazine. The purpose of this publication was once vocalized as continuing

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the struggle of Thai women for their rights in the same manner as N ari Rom, a women's magazine which was published in 1888 during the reign of King Rama V, and the newsletters Satri Nipon (published during King Rama VI's reign), and Satri Thai (published during King Rama VII's reign). 16 This quarterly magazine is the platform for an exchange of ideas on women's rights at both the international and local levels, and presents to the public the problems of women, and their proposed resolutions. After the first few issues of highly specific and technical articles written on women's problems and feminism, the magazine has attempted to incorporate other issues which are not specific to women but are helpful for resolving women's problems, and hence promote peace and coexistence in societyPThe magazine is distributed to about 300 mail subscribers, while about 500 issues are sold at book stands. It strives to reach its readers all over the country. No issue of the magazine came out in 1988 because of the lack of funds and staff. Instead FOW published a monthly newsletter. The Women's Right Protection Centre is the most active wing ofFOW. It selectively champions those cases which evoke public sentiment and involve helpless female victims. The most conspicuous effort of this unit was a campaign over the case of Som Sriphang, a woman charged with the murder of a rapist in self-defence. The charges were dropped after two months of campaigning by FOW and other groups, and the woman was finally released. The centre also provides legal aid and advice to disadvantaged women. The achievements of this legal unit are notable when measured against its small team of three full-time staff members (lawyers). Between 1985 and 1987, cases advocated by the centre increased from 17 to 64 for cases related to sexual violence, from three to 57 for domestic conflicts and wives charged with murdering their abusive husbands. The cases of children and women being lured into prostitution remained the same (eight cases), and one or two concerning labour disputes (FOW annual reports of 1985, 1987). In addition, the number of consultation cases increased from 131 in 1985 to 212 in 1987. The kind of legal consultation sought ranged from family law to legal rights. Though the principle of struggling along with the oppressed women was clear, the strategy evolved was not without difficulty and personal conflict. For example on the rape issue one member pointed out, (Initially) our lawyers usually asked such questions as, how to persuade a rape victim who had long been deprived and was unprepared to accept our help in filing the case. Our lawyer felt that it was unkind to repeatedly probe the wounded feelings because this would only make the victim feel more ashamed.

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Some staff members who felt uncomfortable resigned. Others, however, continued to work with difficult cases and victims, Even if she is not ready, ... we should not let her go and give up. We must persist and must wait for the right time to interact and talk with her so that she will stand up and defend her rights. Then we systematically follow up her case and help her in this process ... It is not that we are cruel. Women have their own rights according to the laws. But because of social values, women are forced to yield them .... we have no intention of shaming the woman victims like policemen. We talk to them so that they will understand the situation and know their legal rights.

The three-year experience of the legal unit gave FOW quite a lot of confidence and led it to plan two other programmes. To help selected rape victims, particularly young girls, overcome their trauma so that they can live a normal life again, FOW started in December 1986 the Ban Tanom Ruk (literally means a home for nurturing love) which serves both non-resident and resident rape victims by providing them legal and psychological support as well as shelter. Table 7.1 combines 12 months' data of both resident and nonresident clients. Most clients are teenagers below the age of 20. Rape cases come equally from Bangkok and outside Bangkok. The rapists belong equally to acquaintance and stranger categories. Resident clients are provided with physical examinations, psychological counselling, and legal advice. They stay at the home on the average for one to two months. The house's location is kept secret to protect the rape victims. The section on women industrial workers was also set up towards the end of 1986. The FOW found that among several problems of industrial women workers such as low wages, poor working conditions, and lack of security, the most crucial was poor physical health. To promote health consciousness and to provide women workers with better opportunities to develop their status, FOW started in 1987 a welfare and health fund project to provide financial and educational assistance for health. A workshop on traditional massage was organized. Other outreach activities included counselling, co-ordinating and training women workers. In 1988 a video on the condition of women workers was completed. This video depicts the life of a hard-working woman worker who initially stayed away from the union. But after she gets tired, sick, and is fired, she has no alternative but to join the union. Also in 1988 a curriculum for training women workers were developed in co-operation with the Women in Development Consortium in Thailand (WIDCIT) at Thammasat University.

TABLE7.1 Rape Victims, Resident and Non-Resident, at Ban Tanom Ruk Classified by Age, Location of Rape Incident, and Relationship with the Rapists, December 1986-December 1987 Location of Incident Age Group

5-13 13-20 20-25 25+ Total SOURCE:

No. of Cases 13 22 5 2 42

Bangkok 5 9

2

16

Relationship with Rapist

Others

Same Family

Acquaintance

6 12 3 2 23

2 10 12

5 4 3 12

"Annual Work Report of Friends of Women, Thailand, January-December, 1987", pp. 39-42.

Stranger 3 7 2 2 14

Teacher 3 1

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Organization and Structure In organization FOW comprises the committee and the staff. There are seven women in the executive (or co-ordinating) committee, six to ten women and one man in the advisory board, and eight to nine women and one man in the working staff. Most of the members of the advisory and executive committees are volunteers with the exception of the office co-ordinator who is one of the staff employed full-time. The executive committee, comprising the secretary, treasurer, four supervisors of the four working units, and the office co-ordinator, supervises and is responsible for the outcome of the programmes. The staff participate in defining the goals and policy as well. It is the aim of the volunteer committees to gradually delegate decision making authority to their staff. Since 1981, there have been two elected Secretaries-General, Jirati Tingspat (1981-83) and Malee Pruekpongsawalee (1984-86, and 1987-90); both are professors respectively in Political Science at Kasetsart University, and in Law at Thammasat University. There have been some problems in recruiting new staff. Many have left because of uncertainty over funding and programmes. Some conflict has occurred between the staff and committee members over decision making, and unity among the four subdivisions. But the communication and procedures have improved over the years, according to a committee member, The staff at first felt uneasy and frustrated because at one level, it was the committee which made the decisions. When the staff had to be responsible in implementation, they hesitated and did not know what was appropriate. Consequently, this misunderstanding became an obstacle. The problem was clarified and now initiative and implementation come from the staff, and then they report to the committee those policies and issues that may affect the group as a whole. Earlier the women's rights protection centre had a separate meeting among its members to decide which cases to pursue, how to follow up the cases, and how to formulate the cases, whom to contact, etc. The magazine unit had its own meeting between the editor and its staff to decide the contents of each issue. Thus, during the early period, each division did not get to know the work of other divisions. Then we decided to have a general meeting when all the staff report the work of each division. This has been very helpful.

Funds and Linkages The group is heavily dependent on contributions for its annual expenditure of about two million baht which is distributed between its five functional units. Most of the organizational expenditure has come from foreign agencies such

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as NOVIB and APHD, and other groups such as Interchurch of The Netherlands, National Centre for Cooperation in Development in Belgium, some women's groups in The Netherlands, AWRAN, Bread for the World, and the Ford Foundation. Within the consortium, FOW has established good relationships with other NGOs such as the human rights groups, Children's Right Protection Centre, Women Labourer Group, CONTOUR, and European Justice and Peace. While they were FOW committee members, Malee Pruekpongsawalee and Naeng-noi Panjapan were appointed by the National Commission on Women's Affairs (1979-81) as members of the Task Force for drafting the Long-Term Plan on Women's Development (1982-2001). The FOW has also helped a new group, Hotline, (discussed in Chapter IX) in its initial stages, and maintains good relations with several NGOs. Appraisal The FOW is an outgrowth of the student movement (1973-76) in Thailand, which gave an opportunity to middle-class students to think about social injustice, and the unjust treatment of women. Some of them came together to form a women's organization. The start was neither easy nor systematic because the group lacked both a clear ideology and experience. One group leader reflected on FOW's early experience, The problem of the direction of FOW was partly due to its vague perception about women's issues. The understanding of its members at that time was directly influenced by Western feminist literature concerned with the primacy of the struggle--class or gender. The discussions revolved around the importance and the interrelatiooship of one over the other.

Another initial concern, according to her, was about the definition of target groups. Some members wanted FOW to be closely linked with labourers while others were uncomfortable in working with trade unions. Because of this hesitation, representatives from trade unions also became disillusioned, We needed to define the targets: should one work with labourers first, or should one do whatever one wanted to, for example the abortion issue .... There was no clear direction from the beginning that FOW was created to work with the labour groups. It might be clear to some people, but the written objectives mentioned only the struggle for women's rights ... When we found out the hidden agenda (of working with labourers), some felt that was not their interest or what they stood for.... They started withdrawing .... On the other side, the representatives from trade unions felt that they were not able to understand why FOW was talking all the time about the structure and activities, and the protest against sex tourism,

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but making no progress about the issue of woman labourers. Finally, during the first two years, the interest from the trade unions slowly decreased.

Activities during the early period were more emotional, being expressions of enthusiasm. They were also primarily educational because of the background of the volunteers, the same leader recalled, The ideal that the group should be a gathering of representatives of women from various professions, slowly transformed to the reality that it had a majority of women who were well-educated. There were some representatives from the trade unions, but they could not compete with us in speaking.

The organization went through an ideological change. It wanted to be an umbrella organization, representing disadvantaged women. It also thought of several ambitious activities, and she added, Icitially, when we talked about what FOW should do, we covered everything. Whatever each member wanted to do, we just included them all in FOW's agenda. Finally, ... we classified our tasks into four divisions, and yet we did not know what was the actual work of each division .... This was because we thought big, i.e. having our own documents and producing our own material, translating foreign books, journals, etc. We wanted to do all, but without knowing what kind of resources we need.

The planning for the magazine was also ambitious with uncertain outcomes, and the same leader describes the struggle to accomplish that task, We did push out two issues of our magazine by borrowing money for the production. We did not know who were the target groups. We wanted it to be the normal common people (chaw baan), but we did not have a definite criteria. After it came out, the common people (the audience) could not enjoy the reading, it was too dry. Intellectuals complained that it was too shallow. Thus there was another crisis that we did this for whom.

After several trials and errors but still imbued with unflagging enthusiasm, FOW eventually became a Bangkok-based, somewhat accommodating group which was afraid of being labelled feminist or perceived as separatist (lesbian). One member explained the reason for their choice of the nonconfrontational approach, Sometimes if the approach is aggressive, ... it creates weariness and withdrawal. ... The common ground is to make everyone see the importance, and need not to suffer. Militancy does not have to alienate others. Also we must remember that women's work requires patience.

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In terms of activities, it has now focused on legal and rape issues and is very successful in these two areas. It is still searching for its own larger identity, growth and stability in terms of diversity and depth. The current working staff comprises young, recent graduates, who derive their experience from reading, and dealing with immediate work such as attending to rape cases rather than through their participation in student movements. Some of them have gone through changes in their personal perceptions while working at FOW. One staff member revealed Before working with FOW I did not understand or think about issues of women and development. After working for one to two years here, I nnderstood them better, and have affection for these issues.

Several members are satisfied with their work. A staff member shared her experience of growing awareness, When I was new to the work I had a lot of problems about talking style and listening to the problems. People here are quite far ahead in their thinking, I could not follow. I was slow. After reading and following up with discussions, my understanding improved. Reading the Friends of Women Magazine at first did not help. The contents were too serious ... I slowly understood what it meant about women's rights. I felt very fortunate that I came to work here, and were able to develop myself very fast.

One staff member felt a sense of friendship and fulfilment, I feel that I have friends here, a group of people whom I can communicate with, and who understand each other. We can share our feelings- frustration, hope, and weariness. This helps ine to fight against obstacles.

Adding to this, another group member found in being useful, What gives me satisfaction is my belief that happiness is not dependent on money and status alone. I see those who Jive in prestige and luxury like living in a jail. Working here makes me feel humble .... Being here I am happy. I visited and stayed at villagers' houses where there was no toilet. I had to walk many kilometres in order to bring them aid money because their daughter was raped. That is difficult physically, but it also makes me happy, and I enjoy doing it.

For some, however, it was difficult to stay on, and they left the group. One committee member argued that this was normal, From talking to friends in other groups, I found that every group has this conflicting problem (of people moving in and out). Here, we support each other, exchange ideas and search for whatever we thought is best for all of us.

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The FOW programmes are of both types-research and action. The links among the workers are often of organizational or job/task-oriented rather than only of ideological commitment or feminist solidarity. Some face the pressure of having to find more permanent and secure jobs. Different motivations have inspired them to work for FOW. One member cited committed friendship, I feel that we human beings have the need for not just colleagues, family or friends of the same class during school-days, but friends who share ideas, share the suffering in some issues .... The friendship that calls for our responsibility, that we cannot abandon the issue but want to get involved in the struggle .... It was the characters of people in the movement that they were friends no matter where they were from, that there were always friendships with trust and confidence. We shared our problems and hopes.

Another found spiritual reward, We see disadvantaged people as also coexisting world residents. It is to do good deeds which rewards the spirit/mind, and give meaning to life.

The other had a sense of mission, My personal motivation is that I want to use my knowledge to open up more opportunities for other women.

The FOW has been successful to a certain extent in fighting against the indifference of the public, male-bias in daily life, and written laws about rape, which is a political and a cultural issue. But still several of its workers face problems; they witness their case victims being harassed. One staff lawyer illustrated this point, In front of five to seven policemen, they asked the girl (rape victim) such questions as "you were raped? How many times he raped you? How did you feel?" etc. They had fun discussing the intimate details of how the rape was performed, and where ... and concluded that the rape incident was satisfactory to both parties .... Nowadays, even though many things have changed quite a bit, the laws still do not grant equal rights to women. Women have to chew the sweet and swallow the bitter.

Staff lawyers often receive constant discouragement from society. One member recalled, People with old attitudes cannot see why women have to stand up and fight when the laws have now given them so many opportunities. For instance, now a woman can become a minister, etc. They often say, "See, you can be a lawyer! Why do you keep on making wars and never know enough. We want peace and you keep on creating problems!

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They also face the anti-women attitude from men and officials in villages, and in the prison. One activist narrated her awkward encounters, When I went to a village, I talked to the officials nicely. They perceived me as merely a girl so they teased me, "FOW? You are with the Friends of Women, we are with the Friends of Men". Actually they are quite lonely folks, because there are only villagers around. When I was there they had an opportunity to tease someone. I had to tolerate that and be patient. At another time, I went to meet the director of a prison. The director called himself "Pa" and said, "When an attorney opens his court gown, you see nothing, but when a woman lawyer opens her gown, you see herlegs".

The FOW is continuing to provide legal aid and a supportive home for rape victims. It, however, has to carry out more research in order to understand various problems of Thai women. It also needs to achieve clarity about its ideology on the oppression of women. For example, what is more important in solving the problem of prostitution: to directly tackle the patriarchal structure, or to focus only on providing legal aid and relief centred around individual rights? What is the best way to link up with other groups and attract more knowledgeable activists? However, these are difficult issues to be tackled by a group like FOW, which has middle-class urban background, is dependent on foreign funding and runs mostly educational programmes. The group may not have a direct link to the government, or with high class women, but it does provide an opportunity for younger women to learn and grow by participating in social actions for the benefit of disadvantaged women. NOTES 1. One example cited was the reversal of constitutional rights of women. The 1973 Constitution explicitly stated that men and women have equal rights. But when the ultra-right government returned to power with the military's support in 1976, it abolished the 1973 Constitution and removed the explicit clause on women's rights. Most educated Thai women, however, believed that once written in the Constitution, the principle has been accepted and cannot be reversed. 2. A small band of well-educated middle-class women then appeared to have challenged patriarchy and polygamy in Thai society through their own publications. 3. Interestingly, this point of view that women needed a forum for themselves was initially raised by a man, Suparb Passa-ong, a former student activist and a trade union worker. 4. Among women activists were Sukanya Hantrakul and Siriporn Skrobanek, and among men were Ajarn N arong and Suparb Passa-ong. 5. They were the Religion for Society Coordinating Group, the Justice and Peace

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Committee, the Catholic Life and Family Project, the Union for the Rights and the Freedom of the People, the Union for Women Labour, the Study Group on Women's Problems of five universities (Thammasat, Ramkhamhaeng, Mahidol, Kasetsart, and Khon Kaen). 6. Three issues of Siang Phuan Ying were eventually published in 1981. The theme of the first issue, distributed on 8 March, was "The International Women's Day". The other two issues were concerned with women labourers, "The Victory of theN amchai Women Labourers", and prostitutes, '"From Farmers to Massage Girls". The publication stopped after one year because of insufficient funds and human resources. When FOW's proposal to foreign donor agencies was finally approved in 1983, the publication resumed but under a different name (note 9). 7. Siriporn Skrobanek was awarded a scholarship by the Government of The Netherlands to study at the Institute of Social Studies in The Hague. Anchana Suwannanond, the co-ordinator of educational activities, also went to study there. 8. These actions were carried out in collaboration with two groups: the Union for the Rights and Freedom of the People, and the Justice and Peace Committee. 9. Between 1983 and 1987, twelve issues of Friends Of Women Magazine were published, focusing on the following themes: Rape, Women and the Media, Feminism, Women and Buddhism, Love and Sex, Family, Women's Decade, Youth, Women Factory Workers, Politics, Health, Tourism. 10. Jenkin (1985) visited the cafe. We will discuss more about the cafe in Chapter VIII on the Women's Information Centre. 11. Contents extracted from the Thai version of POW's pamphlet. 12. Some POW's members cited examples of early childhood training that adults usually frowned upon girls who were playful (or "Tom Boy" in the West) and reproved, "a proper girl (look phuying or feminine) should not speak like this, or walk like that ... ". Mothers taught their daughters that their undergarments should be placed at lower levels than men's, and especially their underwear should be dried and kept at an out-of-sight area. On the contrary, manhood (look phuchaai) was supposed to be strong, and be a leader. If a man refused to fight, he would be ridiculed as "having a face of a female creature" (naa tua mia) or sissy. A derogatory phrase for an unemployed or disabled man who survived by his wife's income was "holding on to the hemline of her skirt for living" (ko chai krapong kin). 13. Translated from the recent information sheet "an Introduction to Friends of Women". 14. Extracted and translated from FOW's Three-Year Plan: 1986-88. 15. Ibid. 16. This historical link is described in Friends ofWomen's Magazine 1, no. 2 (1983): 33 (in Thai). 17. Many women (and some men) have contributed their writings. People who wrote frequently were Naeng-noi, Jirati, Malee, Sucheela, Siriporn, and Amornsiri.

VIII KNOWLEDGE AS A TOOL Foundationfor Women

Moonlaniti Phuying, or the Foundation for Women (FFW), is the youngest among the five selected non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Its origin can be traced back to one of its first projects, the Women's Information Centre (WIC), which began in 1984 as an autonomous project operated initially from the borrowed premises of the Friends of Women (FOW). After one year, WIC rented an office for itself, and became an independent organization. Initially, the aim ofWIC was to provide advice and counselling to women in the service sector and to those seeking ways to go abroad hoping to find a "better life" there. Two years later, the group expanded its activities to running a shelter for battered wives, preparing teaching modules for women in disadvantaged sectors, and carrying out research work. To put all these projects under one umbrella, the Foundation for Women (FFW) was registered in 1987. The WIC remains one of the main sub-divisions of FFW and is beginning to be known for its analytical strength, publications and critical independence.

Historical Evolution The key person of FFW and WIC is Siriporn Skrobanek, a committed social worker and an activist scholar. Before forming WIC, Siriporn was one of the founders of FOW and also the Director of a separate project for children, called Baan Tarn Tawan (Sunflower Home), which continues to act as a rehabilitation home for malnourished babies, and provides aid to children and their mothers. 1 Between 1981 to 1983, Siriporn left FOW to pursue a Master's Degree in Women's Studies at the Institute of Social Studies at The Hague. While doing her research on Transnational Sex-Exploitation of Thai Women, she

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interviewed a number of Thai prostitutes in West Germany, and acquired a better understanding of the dynamics of prostitution there. She felt compelled to share this knowledge with, and to assist, other Thai women, especially those wishing to seek their fortunes abroad. This sense of compulsion arose from Siriporn's own experiences in Germany about the prejudiced opinion of generalizing all Thai women as prostitutes, and the shocking knowledge of how badly Thai prostitutes were being treated. On a more personal level, her warm conversation with a German couple came to a sudden end when they realized that she was a Thai. At another time, while waiting at a bus stop, she was asked her charge for a night. On a wider social level, her interviews with Thai prostitutes in West Germany exposed her to their bizarre sexual encounters, for example "he ordered me to put his shoe in my mouth and crawl on a floor while he was masturbating" said a Thai prostitute. 2 On her return in 1984 to Bangkok, a project called the Women's Information Centre was set up with financial assistance from The Netherlands Embassy. At first, it was housed in FOW offices and provided counselling and information to needy women. Siriporn Skrobanek and Anchana Suwannanond also initiated a Women's Cafe where women who might not feel comfortable in a regular cafe or bar could meet other women and enjoy their strength and support. 3 The Women's Cafe was primarily educational. It held regular meetings and group discussions. In 1984-85 the Women's Cafe conducted a variety of seminars on topics such as the life of migrant women in other lands, sexual violence in the family, women's image in novels, homosexuality, and various legal issues. The seminars combined with the ongoing monthly study circles of the women's information project provided opportunities for a core group to sort out the main issues. As a result, the group's definition and direction of women's work became clearer. These seminars also helped to raise women's consciousness, and served as a medium for their self-expression. Men were excluded from the Women's Cafe not because of "man-hatred" but for fear that they might dominate or take over the discussion. This ideological approach that excluded men, however, proved to be too "foreign" or drastic for some woman members of FOW (who feared to be labelled "radicals" or "lesbians") and created uneasiness in them. The Women's Cafe did not continue for long, and by early 1985 when the women's information project won an additional grant from Bread of the World, the staff left FOW and started their independent office, Women's Information Centre. 4 The founding team was small and tightly-knit, comprising Siripom and three younger colleagues, Jirapa, Munthana, and Oraphan. Since then WIC has expanded its scope of activity from giving necessary information to women seeking employment overseas to providing shelter services, producing both media and

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teaching modules, and publishing research studies. In 1987 WIC renamed itself, or more correctly, became one of the programme activities of the group called the Foundation for Women which is now a registered organization.

Organization and Structure The original team, .comprising four young women, continued to work together for several years. Graduates of Thai universities, they had close experience with the students' movements in the 1970s. Each member took charge of one of these responsibilities: project research, general research, newsletter publication, and co-ordination. They shared their experiences and work at their weekly formal meeting. This routine weekly gathering served many purposes: it was an opportunity to update on the group's activities, it served as a forum for discussion on theories of women's oppression, and for sharing of personal experiences. This dialogue-oriented meeting-intensive and goal-orientedhelped to remove the unnecessary boundaries among official responsibilities. It also helped to create an equal ground for participation in decision making. The staff members wanted to consider themselves part of a women's collective which was decentralized rather than hierarchical. The Centre had been ideologically opposed to forming an advisory board for fear that it could discourage creativity and self-confidence in its members and erode the autonomy and collective nature of the group. Some of the original members left after working for a few years, new ones have joined, and the organization continues to grow now as a part of FFW. After eight months of initial operation, WIC extended its educational activities to service-oriented programmes. From the staff's close association with marginal women-slum dwellers, or women labourers-they discovered that sexual violence in the family (particularly the battering of wives) was a serious problem and needed immediate remedy. After conducting a survey of 150 women in October-November 1985 on whether a women's shelter was needed, and what benefits it should provide, they opened a shelter called Baan Pak Phuying (Women's Shelter) in December that year.s The project was sponsored by the Government of The Netherlands (the Ministry of Development and Employment). It employed three full-time workers as housekeepers and counsellors. At the time of writing, six women were working there, and the project was in full swing. To seek local and outside funds systematically, WIC decided to formally register as the Foundation for Women (FFW). This foundation includes, in addition to WIC and Women's Shelter, other projects such as Studies of Thai Women in The Netherlands, and a project called Kamlaa for teaching children in the North and Northeastern provinces and alerting them to the lure and

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perils of prostitution. As a registered organization, FFW had to have an advisory board consisting of several progressive and prominent women. Technically FFW now supersedes WIC, and most of the discussions of WIC can be considered that of FFW.

Ideology and Objectives The members of FFW believe that women's problems are not isolated from other social, economic, political and cultural issues. Hence, they feel it is not enough to pursue a unisectoral approach such as welfare, health, or income generation to ameliorate women's inferior social position. The way to solve women's problems is first to increase the awareness of disadvantaged or underprivileged women, then empower them to acquire skills, and thus enable them to participate in social transformation. This will involve women's understanding of the complexity of their oppression, which is rooted in economic dependency between the rural and urban areas, and the national and international economic order. This dependency gradually takes away women's control of, and access to, resources such as land. In the words of one founding member, Under the present (globally-linked) situation, it is not enough to investigate a problem only within the limit of our society, we must see the interconnection of such issues as prostitution. Sometimes we just try by trial and error to solve this problem by pulling the women up. But the problem involved is directly the problems of economics and politics. Therefore, we must link the situation to the world political economy and understand how rich countries take advantage of poorer countries, and also how they exploit Third World people, especially women. While (Third World) men are a more desirable labour force than women, still they want (Third World) women to comfort or boost the ego of their men. This (prostitution) is not a problem of any individual woman or any one country. But it deals with people in the middle who manage and control the system. We must understand this dimension too so that we can think about what we can do to create a strategy to fight back.

To alter this unjust relation, WIC feels that women must equip themselves with information, and join together in the efforts toward achievement of national and international solidarity. She continues, We try to disseminate the information, such as wife battering, to the wider public. We want society to understand the causes. Before, they blamed it on women. We want to show how this violence is related to social problems, and what influence it will have on the future of children and people in the society.

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The group also believes that "both men and women have equally important roles to play in transforming the social position of women. However, women have to be the prime movers of change". Based on this theory and understanding, WIC limits its four primary target groups to those in the most disadvantaged sections of society: factory women, slum women, prostitutes, and rural women. The group intends to reach them through its research-action approach, primarily through a process of participation and mutual learning. This process is being utilized in the production of media material, and in leadership training to enhance their understanding and participation. The initial objectives of the Shelter for Women were as follows (WIC 1986a):

1. To provide proper assistance to battered women in terms of providing an alternative home, a temporary refuge for physical and mental recovery as well as to provide legal consultation. 2. To organize group therapy in which victimized women can exchange their experiences, ideas and feelings in order to increase their capacity in understanding and dealing with their own problems. 3. To mobilize public consciousness over the issue of battered wives as another form of violence which any woman, regardless of status or class can fall prey to. 4. To produce visual aids and educational media for public dissemination on the whole issue of family violence in order to seek public resolution. 5. To encourage the setting up of other women's shelters in other provinces. Not all the objectives have been fulfilled, but the programme continues. Simultaneously, WIC has continued its secondary aim of informing the general public. The group publishes a bimonthly newsletter, and organizes and participates in seminars, conferences and exhibitions concerning women's issues. The centre also produces posters and media materials relating to women's movements. Prostitution has been a constant interest of the group. For the Kamlaa project, the objectives were "to inform rural girls of the problem so that they may avoid falling prey to the situation. It is also meant to convey the message that at least someone in society cares about this problem and its victims" {WIC 1988). Thus, to develop educational and media materials for exploited women, to support women's solidarity and women-related studies and research, publication, counselling and services such as the shelter have become some ofWIC's main activities. The goal is to empower women through training and participation, and by maintaining a constant flow of communication.6

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Activities and Programmes The activities of FFW can be seen on three levels. The first level consists of action-research oriented toward helping to define service or action, and issue-oriented research (such as recording the life histories of prostitutes) to contribute to the progress of social understanding of women's problems at the national and international levels. The second level is service through the Women's Shelter, where the centre not only provides professional counselling and moral support but also offers loans to help women start their new ventures. And the third level is educational, training disadvantaged women through workshop programmes, and media modules. It also includes publishing newsletters and books, and producing slides and videos on their lives. Concern for prostitutes has also been a constant issue and the group has developed several papers and booklets, and a network as an aid to its action activities. The group does not intend to be merely a "loud mouth", staging public debates or arranging vocal campaigns demanding change. It aims to provide useful and critical information. The centre also does not intend to be solely academic. According to one team member, From the beginning we felt that there was no need to delve into academic research. Whatever is available in abstract form in academic studies, we should be able to utilize and integrate it into some small but substantial action.

From 1985 onwards, the group has devoted most of its time and energy to producing teaching modules for its four designated target groups-women in factory and construction sites, in prostitution, in urban slums, and in rural areas. The objective of the teaching modules was to increase the consciousness of these women to such a level that they would be able to see the causes of their problems clearly and be able to initiate appropriate action. Preparation of these teaching aids involved the target women themselves. The group started its action with women in factories. In May 1985, workers (both men and women) from trade unions and social action groups were invited for a brainstorming session to identify the pressing needs and problems. The workers expressed the need for some form of educational material not only to mobilize women workers and to raise their consciousness for solidarity, but also to help them to become articulate. The most acute problem which women workers were facing was losing their jobs and economic security. To put these problems into context, the group decided to introduce a teaching module with the first chapter discussing the root causes of female oppression. During the following six months, the group worked with ten women workers from factories near Bangkok to identify other issues and methods for inclusion in the modules. As a by-product, they produced an exhibition on

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Dreams of Woman Workers which proved the suitability of the media for education and also gave the participants confidence in their own abilities. By November the module had been assessed by women from trade unions and some social action groups. The first test was carried out in February 1986 on factory workers (both women and men) in collaboration with the International Food Trade Union which organized a three-day training course for women. The WIC was invited to organize a one-day training and to try its newly produced teaching module. This experience made the group decide to exclude men from the training session, not because of prejudice, but to give women enough confidence to speak out freely. At least initially it was felt that the agenda should be exclusively for women. One month later, the first formal workshop was held to enable female factory workers and their trainers to guide or teach their own friends. At the workshop its purposes, and the role of WIC were made clear. Trainers then tried to involve and facilitate the participants into discussions through games, stories, skits, and plays on the four parts of the module. The module tries to demonstrate how capitalism and patriarchy function in Thai society. The first part, "Discovering Ourselves", illustrates the unequal distribution of resources in society through a drawing exercise. In the workshop, women are divided into several groups. Thoy are given a big piece of paper and a supply of colour pencils, and each group is sequentially asked to draw pictures by using as much space or colour as they want. As the game proceeds, one quickly finds that the first group takes away most of the colour pencils and uses up most of the paper space. The last group is left with a few pencils and hardly any space to draw. The early access to colour and paper space enables some participants to become the privileged and to draw big pictures such as mountains and rivers, while those who came to draw at the end become the disadvantaged. The second part, "Who Determines?", shows how a society assigns roles and values to women through culture and the media. In this part a story is told of a poor woman who, in order to travel to see her sick lover, earns money by sleeping with a rich man. This enables her to meet and take care of her lover. But when he recovers and discovers that she is no longer a virgin, he throws her out. The story raises the question, "Who is bad, and who is good in this story?" Part three, "This Is Life", focuses on the journey of migrant women into the urban labour market. This part is illustrated by a skit in which a man interviews many women for the factory. But he selects the workers based not on their capabilities but their physical beauty. The last part "Finding Our Own Way" provides ideas about conscientization, forming groups, and the importance of co-operation in solving women's problems. All these sections produced lively discussions among the women participants, and helped them to realize the

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complexity of gender issues in Thai society, and the role of their own socialization and biases. The aim of the module was not to provoke immediate action but to heighten the consciousness of the trainees. The first batch of participants evaluated the workshop positively. It enabled them to understand their condition and position in the macro structure of social and economic change, and helped them to discuss common problems in factories and trade unions. It was felt that with some modifications, the module could be applicable to women living in congested areas (slums) and also those in rural areas. This extension was carried out in 1987.7 The follow up of the teaching module for women workers was carried out by sending questionnaires and making personal contacts. The Bangkok Textile Union organized a one-day seminar for its women members and applied the module. The Committee for Asian Women (CAW) from Hong Kong provided a small amount of funds not only for the seminar but also for translating the module into English for the use of other Asian women workers. Compared to women in factory and slum areas, prostitutes are poorly organized. Because of the dispersed nature of their work (difficult to organize), the group planned to approach this target group differently. It identified another target group, schoolchildren, as prospective prostitutes in the North and the Northeastern provinces, where prostitution is most prevalent. A textbook, Kamlaa, which is now a project in itself, was designed in a narrative form to educate these children to protect them from what would otherwise be their destiny. The book Kamlaa is based on a true story of a girl named Kamlaa, a young prostitute among four who were burnt to death during the Phuket fire in January 1984. WIC traced the journeys of Kamlaa-how she came to Phuket, and from where. The story is presented in a cartoon book, and relives Kamlaa's life, a 13-year old girl from a poor peasant family in a northern village. Trying to earn some money to cure her sick father, KamJaa was lured and misled into prostitution by a middlewoman who then sold her to other middlemen and pimps. From one brothel to another, she was eventually sold into a brothel in Phuket, a resort area in the south. Kamlaa was cruelly abused by pimps when she resisted. She and three other young prostitutes were routinely chained and locked up. When the fire broke out, they could not escape. The story ends with their tragic deaths and the broken-hearted family of Kamlaa. The Kamlaa text and related workshops provoked interest and reactions from students and teachers. As a follow up, the text was reprinted in February 1988 and a separate newsletter was circulated among teachers and interested readers. The newsletter focuses on the educational materials and discussions

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on the Kamlaa project. Kamlaa was approved to be used as a reading material for primary schoolchildren by the Education Ministry. It is now used by nine provinces in the Northern part of Thailand. Despite the middle class, urban origin of WIC, and limited staff and time, it has extended its teaching module to the rural areas. The Kamlaa project helps it to stay in touch with the problems of women in the rural areas. The process of producing a teaching module for rural women started in May 1986 when two staff members ofWIC lived with some poor families in the Northeast in order to observe the problems of rural women. This was followed by a seminar for the first time with development workers in July 1986, and the second time in November of that year in the Northeast with more than 50 participants representing governmental agencies, universities, and NGOs. A decision was made by WIC to prepare a one-day module for rural women (as they are not used to lengthy seminars). The module was tested with selected women from the Northeast, and a trainers' workshop was held in May 1987. This module stimulated discussion among rural women, and was well received. The module for women in slum areas has also been prepared, and analyses the questions of slums, migration, and domestic violence. It was first tested in January 1987, and then used for actual training in May 1987. Support from the Duang Prateep Foundation was sought to help prepare this module. An ambitious five-day teaching module for women in the construction sector was also under preparation in 1989. Several groups such as the Sunflower Home, Drug Studies Group, and Women's Studies Programme at Chulalongkorn University were involved in completing the project. Along with the main project of producing teaching modules, WIC has regularly disseminated information on women. Its bimonthly newsletter in Thai has been distributed to several hundred subscribers. Some issues have concentrated on the lives of mail-order brides and battered women, and it updates on women's movements worldwide. Two books (in Thai) have been published by the group: Women and Peace 8 and a handbook Someone You Can Turn To When You Have Problem for women seeking jobs abroad. 9 The centre disseminates facts and figures on women's issues such as domestic violence, and experiences of Thai women in West Germany, 10 and produces posters for raising consciousness. These posters are about fighting traffic in women, on prostitution in Thai society, and availability of social services in Thailand and elsewhere where distressed women can find help. In co-operation with another group, the Ecumenical Coalition on Third World Tourism (ECTWT), 11 WIC has produced an illustrated (cartoon) book called When Thai Women Went to Earn Money in Europe (in Thai). 12

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Funds and Linkages The WIC has worked with several international feminist pressure and resource groups such as ISIS (Rome), Kali (India), Sheba (London), the APDC (Kuala Lumpur), International Women's Tribune Center (New York), and the Green Party (West Germany). "We have learned," one of its sympathizers spoke, "that the locally authentic is at once internationally real. Above all, the struggle for participation and justice is global, and since we are a part of the same humanity, we must be united in our struggle as well as in our celebration." (Srisang 1988). The WIC participated in the 1985 World Conference marking the end of the United Nation's Women Decade in Nairobi as partoftheNGOs' Forum. It sent a representative to the Second World's Prostitutes Meeting at the European Council, Brussels, and the 1988 annual conference of the National Women's Studies Association in Minneapolis, USA. The group also maintains good rapport with the local media such as newspapers and radio stations. Stories of its new attempts often appear in Bangkok Post and The Nations. It also aimed to establish good relations with other NGOs in Thailand and the Thai Government. To collect local funds and support, it has enlarged into a legally established organization which has a board of advisers and to which local financial contributions could now be made. Presently, WIC is heavily dependent on foreign funds. During a routine workshop when a factory woman inquired if the funding money created any problem, Siriporn responded, We are careful about this. There have been many agencies contacting us, but we made our choice based on their motivation. We take only those funds that do not have many conditions attached. We give them information only when we know how they will use it. The Netherlands Government (sometimes invited us to their meeting) did not interfere much. We should give them some information so that they will know what they should change (our priorities) so that they can help us better.

At another time, she said, But for private donors we are selective and choose only those which share similar ideas with us and [whose funds] do not have strings attached. The policy should be to support us as a help to humanity. We reject those who are not clear politically, or those who will come to "embrace and carry" us by laying down their policy for us. We are proud of ourselves.

The Bread for the World was the first aid agency to grant support to WIC for its first-year operation. Both ICCO and Bread for the World supported WIC. The Netherlands Embassy and Local Development Assistance Program (LDAP) have supported the initiation of the Women's Shelter. Other projects received support from UN organizations, the Friedrich Ebert Foundation and local people.

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The Committee on Asian Women (in Hong Kong) financially supported the seminars and the translation of the media module on factory women workers while the Thai Students Association in Australia provided the funds for producing an English version of Kamlaa. Most part of the current annual budget of about two million baht still comes from The Netherlands and goes into four areas of operation. The group generates a very small amount (5 per cent) of income from the sale of its books and posters, and from the newsletter's subscriptions. As the group grows, it will be able to generate more local support and resources. Appraisal The WIC is a critical and active group which separated from FOW to preserve its ideological emphasis on women and on information. It is the only group which has worked at the international, national and grass roots levels simultaneously. Some of its significant achievefl\ents are (1) it has actively taken up the issue of prostitution at the national and international levels, (2) it has entered into a participatory interactive research with working women, (3) often it has not hesitated to speak out on the class and gender inequality inherent in the political and economic structure of Thai society and in the world order, and (4) it often tried to analyse the critical role of training, participation and communication for women by women. It is a young group but because of the facility of WIC's co-ordinator in writing and vocalizing, it is beginning to reach out widely through its publications/media works and anti-prostitution studies. It is not possible, however, to separate WIC from its founder Siriporn, who has travelled her own ideological and institutional journey. Earlier she had her middle-class and male biases, she recalls, At Baan Tarn Taw an I gave training on the problems of malnutrition to women. I met many mothers and their children. At that time I did not understand the problems of women. With the attitude of middle-class intellectuals, I thought, "Because you are such a loose woman, your husband therefore punished you." At that time, I had bias against women because deep inside I still did not appreciate the value of being a woman. I emphasized their role as housewives and forgot about the structure of the society, and the problems of economics and politics.

She also resisted the idea of having a project for women, About five to six years back, I still said, "No, why do we need a project for only women? Both women and men are equally poor." ... When ESCAP organized a workshop on raising consciousness, it s.aid that there should be a project for women which I resisted by arguing that women and men were under the same miserable conditions.

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But Siriporn's perception expanded as she continued to be involved with the campaign against prostitution in Bangkok from 1984 onward. Her analytical capacity increased after her studies at the Hague. She has always emphasized building women's capacity, and made much headway in explaining in simple terms the complexity of gender relations, for example the module "Media for Women" enables ordinary women to participate in social change. As she is a senior worker of the group, the media has focused on her articulate voice, and her coworkers have not shared the limelight much. But they, too, have also contributed diligently to make WIC effective. Siriporn's consciousness is also at a slightly higher level. Her desire to decentralize to encourage equal participation is not easy to institute in a cultural environment where obedience and respect to seniority is valued (and to work dutifully without questioning is rewarded). Her enthusiasm is not entirely reciprocated in the group, as is natural in a heterogeneous setting. Disagreeing that she is the only active and knowledgeable woman around, she said, There are many knowledgeable people in our society, they read a lot. But they don't want to work in university, they work independently. There are many feminists. But nobody tries to involve them in work.

She feels strongly about the issues of Thai women and somewhat dissatisfied with the safe/indifferent attitudes of Thai society, Thai society is relatively closed for exchanging ideas. People work but do not like to be evaluated or to be criticized .... We (women) have been the object for so long. Now when we want to be the subject and take charge, then someone is afraid that they (men) will be upset and complain about us. This is the character of Thai society .... Women's problems have become more serious and increasingly violent. So, people chose to work as a side line rather than immerse themselves in the issues.

In the process of trying to draw attention to gender issues, she pointed out there are institutional dichotomies as well as difficulties in combining theory with practice and in following up, Research funds are usually allocated to academic institutions. In a university setting, you have to be an ajarn (lecturer) to be able to carry out research on women. But it does not mean that an ajarn has a clear theoretical concept to carry out such research ... On the other hand, some people have a clear perception and show enthusiasm to bring people together to form a group. But when there is action, nobody stands out to take charge seriously. Therefore, it becomes problematic again.

It is not a surprise that Siripom has been viewed by conservative Thai women as afarang (Westerner) rather than a Thai (with a social image of being

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modest and shy) primarily because she has been outspoken about women's problems on the controversial issue of prostitution (which some Thai elite women dismiss by attributing to the greed or the low morality of the women). In reality Siriporn is a composed and soft-spoken woman who has inspired and guided many young Thai women activists. Her ideological and financial links to the West and concentration on prostitution, however, do have their limits. She may not be able to pay sufficient attention to indigenous thinking, to local cultural resources, or to the daily needs of the majority of rural women. But then, not all the problems can be tackled at the same time, and this is a problem not unique to WIC and FFW. NOTES 1. The desire to care for babies led the project to initiate a programme for improving the economic status oftheirmothers. A Rag-Rug project (making rugs from rags) was designed for women living in construction sites. For a feasibility study on this skills training programme for the self-promotion of women, see a report by Siriporn Skrobanek, "Skill Training Programmes for the Self-Promotion of Women at Construction Sites in Bangkok" (Bangkok: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 1984). 2. For other details, see Paul Jasvinder, "Elusive Search for that Overseas Paradise", BangkokPost,16 September 1984, describing some of these encounters. For Siriporn Skrobanek's own work, see her thesis "The Transnational Sex-exploitation of Thai Women (The Hague: International Institute of Social Studies, 1983a), or her reports, "In Pursuit of an Illusion: Thai Women in Europe", in Southeast Asia Chronicle, no. 96 (1985a): 7-12, and "Three Women", in Southeast Asia Chronicle, no. 96 (1985b): 14-16. 3. The opening day (1 July 1984) was celebrated with poetry and music. On that day Siriporn noted, "It will be a place where women from all walks oflife are welcome to exchange and share their views, thoughts and problems" (''Women Get A Cafe of Their Own", Thai Development Newsletter, 1984, p. 25.) 4. Although disagreement over "not to include men in decision making" was one of the main reasons for WIC 's separation from FOW, other aspects such as differences in working style and ideologies also played a part. 5. The aims of the shelter programme were not only to provide a temporary refuge from physical and mental violence, but also to offer legal counselling and monetary support for those who wished to be economically independent. Admitting that the programme might not totally solve the problems, WIC realized that it would serve as a forum at least for self-expression of these victims (see "Home Provides Shelter for Battered Women",BangkokPost, 21 November 1985. 6. Sudarat Srisang (1988) identifies training and participation as the most effective method of empowerment in WIC. "Training means learning together and from each other in self-understanding, in becoming aware of their plight as well as their possibilities or power, and in methods and skills of self-organizing. Participation means sharing in the power to make decisions which affect or shape their life and

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community. That is, sharing in the planning, execution, benefits and ownership of the work of the organization." An interesting aspect of all these modules is the use of "women's media" (that actually is the title ofthe modules) through skits, plays and games which are more appropriate for disadvantaged women having low educational background. ("Attempt to Bring Back Women Workers' Rights", Bangkok Post, 27 June 1986). These are tailored to suit target women. They often include additional picture cards and posters. Women and Peace is a collection of translations from Western articles on various issues related to the peace movement such as disarmament. The handbook is a guidebook for women seeking employment abroad. It lists problems overseas and provides a directory of organizations in various countries which have social services for women. ("Handy Tips for Women Wishing to Work Abroad", Bangkok Post, 3 March 1986). Resource persons such as women from other countries are also occasionally invited to share their knowledge and experiences. Staff ofWIC also attend various seminars or workshops at local and international levels to voice their concern on prostitution (see for example Suwanna Chungviroj, The Nations, 6 March 1986; "Prostitution: More than Just Taking themAwayfromBrothels". The Nations, 23 June 1985). A transnational organization founded in early 1982, ECTWT built on the earlier work of the World Council of Churches (WCC) on the impact of tourism on the economy, culture and lifestyles of people of the host countries. The partnership of the Coalition includes the networks of Conference of Churches in Asia and Pacific, Caribbean and Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East. Other collaborations of ECTWT are networks of church and secular groups in Europe, North America, Australia, New Zealand, and Japan. A quarterly newsletter called CONTOURS (Concern for Tourism), which aims to share information and views as well as current news on tourism, is published by ECTWT. This cartoon book portrays the hardships encountered by Thai women ranging from disasters in their rural families in Thailand to being cheated and treated as subhuman in Europe, which they dreamed of as a place to "dig gold".

IX TRAINING AND EDUCATION Committee on Women's Welfare Promotion, Hotline, and EMPOWER

In addition to the five larger selected groups described in previous chapters, there are several other small women's groups operating in Thailand based mostly in Bangkok. They contribute to women's issues in many significant ways. Instead of describing them all, we chose three relatively known and effective groups: the Committee on Women's Welfare Promotion (CWWP), EMPOWER and Hotline. These groups respectively pay attention to young village women by providing them vocational training, to bar girls by increasing their self-confidence through English and drama classes, and to women of all ages by counselling them mostly over the phone. The efforts of these groups are predominantly educational. They tackle the problems of different groups of women ranging from rural to urban, but differ in their ideology and in using different methods and forms of educational media. Committee on Women's Welfare Promotion The Committee on Women's Welfare Promotion is not an independent grass roots women's group, but a programme of a larger organization, the National Council of Social Welfare (NCSW). To co-ordinate social welfare activities among government and private organizations, NCSW was established in 1960 and was granted royal patronage in 1961. King Bhumipol donated one million baht in 1965 for the construction of the council's office building, appropriately named after his father, Prince Mahidol. The NCSW comprises a variety of subprogrammes focusing on social welfare and development. Women's issues are taken up by CWWP on the grounds of promoting women's welfare. Since its

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inception in 1971, CWWP has been active under the leadership ofKhunying Dittakam-Pakdi. It has stressed the development of rural women. It has over 30 members and four staff members. History Khunying Dittakarn-Pakdi was one of those few Thai women who went abroad for medical training in 1940. At the John Hopkins University she did two years of internship, and married soon afterwards in 1942. The next 20 years she followed her husband, who was as an ambassador, abroad. After her husband's retirement at the age of 60 she stayed at home for two years, and then started working as a volunteer in Bangkok. At that time she felt that very few people had any real knowledge about women's issues. Most women's projects, according to her, were ad hoc. Being familiar with international activities, Dittakam-Pakdi wanted to make a more systematic attempt. She presented a project on women's development in 1971 to NCSW and succeeded in getting it approved as a committee. In the early 1970s, CWWP realized that prostitution was one of the key problems of Thai women. During that time, an increasing number of women were going into the sex-service sector. Prostitutes were also being rounded up by the police in Bangkok. Roads built to bring development to the villages in fact were bringing girls to the towns. Lacking education and training, and unable to find jobs, or to survive on a small income, they often became trapped in the sex trade or drug addiction. Hence CWWP decided to study the problems of prostitution and did so for three years. It found that it was impossible to get rid of this problem because society is not "pure", and the problem will exist as long as there are men. Thailand has had a law against prostitution since 1960, which prohibited prostitutes from attracting men on the street, and pimps from running brothels. But it was difficult to prove them guilty, and the punishment was not harsh enough. Barely 25 per cent of prostitutes were proven guilty, according to Khunying Dittakarn-Pakdi. They were first taken to a prison and then to a correction house. After six to eight months of stay in the house, they were released, supposedly to become responsible citizens and lead a straight life. In reality they went back to prostitution, and their numbers kept on increasing. The legal machinery failed to reduce the number of prostitutes. Based on these observations, CWWP was instrumental in making two recommendations to the House of Assembly in 1974. First, prostitution should be legalized so that it could be controlled, and second, both non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and governmental organizations (GOs) should concentrate at the grass roots level to initiate non-formal educational programmes. The motion was presented by the President of NCSW. For the first proposition,

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there was great opposition even from women representatives such as Khunying Jintana Yossoontorn on the ground that prostitution was already a disgrace to the country, and would be more so to recognize it; and that she could not tolerate making it legal. For the second proposition the result was an order issued by the Ministry of Interior to the Community Development Department to launch women's development programmes. Realizing that a development NGO can do very little to change the social structure, CWWP for the last ten years (during the 1980s) has been carrying out its own educational and training programmes hoping that appropriate education would have sufficient impact on the personal and economic life of the rural poor, thus indirectly reducing the rate of migration or the number of women in prostitution. Objectives and Activities The main objective of CWWP is to educate women and increase their productive capacity. This overall objective is achieved by three programmes: training of trainers, basic training of rural women, and training of domestic workers. In general, the training programmes could be classified according to the age group they are directed at: youths, adults (over 25 years old) who no longer need guardians, and housewives. As CWWP felt that a lot of work had already been concentrated on adults or housewives, it decided to concentrate on youths because they remain neglected. Many rural mothers often learned various economic activities from tradition or government programmes, such as growing mushrooms, but do not know how to raise their children. Schools also take their children away from home. Thus youths no longer have an opportunity to learn how to manage a house or be self-reliant. This, according to CWWP, created a generation gap in family co-operation and communication. Also simple-minded youth, usually with primary-level education, easily fall prey to the prostitution business or to drug addiction. That is why CWWP thought it important to train these rural youth in moral education to help them avoid sex traps, and to teach them domestic skills so that they can occupy themselves and earn some income. The basic training is given to out-of-school girls who have little or no education. It is conducted in non-formal educational classes lasting one to three months. A basic education curriculum includes topics such as health, citizenship, morality, sewing, flower making, and handicrafts. To train these village women, the training of trainers is also organized. Selected trainers are recruited from two groups: the first group includes nuns-Buddhist or Catholicand the second group village girls who have already taken basic training courses and want to work as trainers. The training lasts about four months and

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is held in Bangkok. After completing this training, the youth leaders go back to their respective provinces while the nuns go wherever they are required. ln January 1990, trainers' training classes for young women numbered 24. Each class has about 35 girls coming from various parts of the country. There are two classes each year (while the government offers only one), and they have been conducted at Din Daeng area on the premises of a Christian organization, "Good Shepherd Sister", which itself is a pioneer in offering training to slum women in skills such as sewing and handicrafts. The training concentrates both on productive skills (agriculture and sewing), and service skills (domestic). At the end of the course, each trainee receives a certificate. This is considered important for finding jobs. Jobs are, however, not easy to find, according to CWWP. Employment promotion needs money and advice from CWWP, which it cannot give. It also needs the willingness of the women to take up whatever jobs are available. Another skills training programme is under the supervision of the Buddhist nuns (mae chi) of Samnak Sa-ngob Jit (Centre of Peaceful Mind) in Bangkok. Student-nuns are selected from various parts of the country and are given some training in domestic skills (cooking and cleaning) as well as in productive skills (sewing and making artificial flowers). This emphasis is part of the Dharma Land, Golden Land project.' The training of mae chi is significant in several ways: as a modern, developmental use of a traditional religious occupation, and also as a means to increase social importance of the low prestige mae chi. One area which has been specialized in training is that of domestic workers. According to CWWP, basic education in school does not bring much money. Therefore it hopes that domestic training can bring young women to Bangkok to fairly safe jobs such as housemaids. This programme was started in 1985 in Nakornrachsima. The 25-day course includes training in home economy, cleaning, food preparation, primary health care, and moral education. The demand for housemaids in Bangkok is high, and CWWP has helped many rural girls to become housemaids. Khunying Dittakarn-Pakdi started this training when she realized that the problem of prostitution originated in rural villages and is difficult to eradicate directly. She used skills training to attract young girls and to teach them moral education. Training rural girls to be self-reliant was a long-term process and the results depended on the backgrounds of the girls, which were usually varied. But these girls needed immediate results and substantial income. Therefore, the best programme appeared to be maid training. People have criticized and questioned her about the value of training these girls to be servants. However, CWWP's efforts in basic educational projects at places such as Payao in Northern Thailand also remain to be evaluated for their full impact. It is difficult to be conclusive about the outcomes of moral and basic education training.

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Funds, Linkages, and Experiences Most of the funds for CWWP's annual budget of 500,000 baht are from parent organization, NCSW, which has an annual budget of 40 million baht. Additional funds are given by the government. For the women training programmes, CWWP received money from USAID. it also obtained funds from The Asia Foundation and other donor agencies from The Netherlands and Canada. The CWWP has worked with government machinery. For example, in order to work in a province, the governor is often contacted first, and with the help of local government officials, CWWP organizes training sessions in villages. During the last ten years the training programmes have been offered to villagers in about 40 provinces. It has not been able to evaluate its achievement concretely, and therefore does not know how valuable or sustainable have been its training programmes. It only feels that the training does provide the trainees with certain perspectives on life, and directs them toward thinking interactively. Numerous agencies are reaching villages and offering development resources, so women have to be equipped and trained to utilize these resources. It feels that if the funds come from a common source, training programmes and subjects are divided into geographical areas and allotted to different agencies, then all these scattered efforts may lead to a more concrete and coherent result. Appraisal While CWWP was originally interested in the issue of prostitution, the organization has not been able to do much about it directly. The organization's stress on rural training may be appropriate, but mere training cannot provide the trainees with jobs or material resources. The lack of a productive asset, and access to it, often binds women to poverty. The Committee on Women Welfare Promotion is not well-known in Thailand for the following reasons, 1. The NCSW has many sections and programmes, and CWWP is only one of them. Like a child of a minor wife, it gets very little attention. 2. Most of the staff or committee members ofNCSW are men so CWWP does not get recognition, being a women's group. 3. The personality of the leader, Khunying Dittakarn-Pakdi, is that of a "straight-talker" rather than someone who tries to please others. Only those who work and benefit from her programmes remember her. The general public, especially in Bangkok, regard her with mixed feelingseither as part of the elite khunying-khunnai or "crazy" (devoted) for a cause she believes in.

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But Khunying Dittakarn-Pakdi thinks of herself differently. She cares little about others' opinions and feels that she has been doing useful work without trying to publicize or advertise it. She criticizes agencies which try to implement development programmes with inadequate understanding. For example the Youth Commission built various youth centres in Lopburi and Lampang during its heyday. It gave priority to buildings and external factors rather than to creating quality youth. Now the programme has slowed down, and the buildings are not well utilized. The motive of this programme was also questionable. It was started as a strategy to win back rural youth from the Communist-afflicted areas-the Northeastern. The programme had good support during the early 1970s mostly because of this strategic reason, rather than for its quality implementation or because it met the needs of the youths. Khunying Dittakarn-Pakdi used to work with NCWT also. But between NCWT and NCSW, she chose NCSW because it has more infrastructure, particularly it receives direct financial support from the government whileNCWT, though doing more direct work on women, is obstructed by the year round fund-raising efforts. But she admits that there are some intrinsic problems for both councils. Both are heavily dependent on volunteers' commitment. The volunteer administrators can work only when they are free. Work discontinues every two years when a new administration is appointed in the general election. One way to cope with this problem, in her opinion, is to allow the president to be re-elected for three terms of office. In the last 12 years of existence CWWP has done useful work on education and training. The rural orientation of CWWP's work is commendable since there are not many agencies paying attention to the training of rural women. However, the training is limited and of short duration. Its impact is not long-lasting because it is up against the dominant political, social and cultural forces which block opportunities for women. The CWWP hopes to tackle the root cause of prostitution indirectly by imparting moral and vocational education. Its achievement, however, is still far from its goals. The organization and the work of Khunying Dittakarn-Pakdi is often admired because she has kept her programme small and manageable, and dedicated herself to it. EMPOWER In the early 1980s, the problems of women working in prostitution were realized by some women activists in Bangkok. The issue was not women against men but to make small positive contributions by assisting women in the sex-service sector individually so that they can have better image and self-pride. Rather than telling them as outsiders what to do or not to do, the women activists chose to build their confidence, and equip them with

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English-language skills to be able to better control their situation. EMPOWER (Education Means Protection of Women Engaged in Recreation) was an outcome of this concern for bar girls in the Patpong area. Today, it has grown in its programming and is a consolidated organization. It has shown persistence in serving the immediate and felt needs of the women in "special-service'? It hopes to generate a sense of"community" among these "fallen" women in this red light district of Bangkok. History Nai Udom Patpong was a wealthy Chinese merchant who inherited a piece of land, less than half a square kilometre in size. The plot, located in the middle of Bangkok between Silom and Suriwong Streets, cuts across by three lanes. In the 1960s the area was occupied by foreign corporations, airlines and restaurants. During the Vietnam War, the area became a centre for "Rest and Recreation" of American Gls. In the late 1970s, once the war was over, bars and nightclubs at other military bases of the country, such as the US airbase at U-Tapao, were closed down, and those bar girls started pouring in to Patpong. With the booming of "sex tourism", the place became a popular "sin-street" or a red light zone. There are about 200 bars in which 4,000 girls work on a typical night. In 1980-81, a group of women activists in Bangkok were interested in problems of the disadvantaged and less fortunate women in society. One former active member recalled her personal experience, I personally started to work on women's issues with passion. I felt sorry for women in prostitution and wanted to help them. A foreign friend asked me if I knew any of them. I realized that I didn't. So I started to search for an answer and I learned to respect these women. They were from Chiengmai, Dok Kam Taai, Payao (all in Northern Thailand). It was hard to contact them at the beginning. I spent a whole year, in 1981-82, getting to know them by living with them.

A few women activists formed a team, and a girl at Patpong offered her home for the interaction. The group met and tried to find an appropriate solution for prostitutes instead of just leaving them to police raids and imprisonment. This invited police reaction. The same active member recalled, We personally experienced the police harassment on prostitutes. The police at Lumpini (near the Patpong area) put a female worker of a textile factory in jail accusing her of being a prostitute. Her friend came to ask us for help. We bailed her out and filed a case against those policemen for abusing innocent women by accusing and punishing them as prostitutes. (At that time) we avoided publicity to protect the girl. The police threatened me to withdrew the case. The experience was quite personal and

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dramatic, and I was frightened. That is why I felt more compelled to help prostitutes.

The group attempted to present the positive side of these women in order to create a right attitude in society. One approach selected was training these women in English conversation. But there were some unanticipated limitations and obstacles. Each member already had a permanent responsibility. So the teaching went irregularly, and eventually stopped. But Max Ediger, then a development worker (of the Progressive Media for Education and Development group), continued teaching these women and translating their letters without charging any fees. At the end of 1985, Chantawipa Apisuk, who had working experience with human rights groups in Thailand, Australia and United States, joined Max Ediger. She tried to find a better strategy. That year, EMPOWER got a Thai name, Soon Pitak Sit Ying Borikarn (Centre for Protection of the Rights of Service Women) and started as a planned project with more definite and clearer directions. A study of the area in 1986 revealed that the women who made their customers happy and gave joy to others lived very sad lives. 3 They were paid less than the minimum wages after a series of deductions, and were powerless against the strict exploitative rules of the bar owners who were unreachable by the law. Most of the bar girls either did not complete four years of primary education or never entered a school. They entertained men from various parts of the world but could not read a world map. According to the study, the girls aspired for more education or knowledge so that they could have a better alternative source of income. The study reported that, psychologically, they looked down upon themselves. They respected the boss, agents or customers, because, to them, being rich and educated is being good and deserving of respect. In contrast, they see themselves as bad, low, dirty and a source of diseases. Because of their bad social reputation, they are afraid to travel by bus or even go to a post office to send a letter. They live in a state of submission, fear and self-loathing. Many of these bar girls in Patpong are young (about 13-16 years old). Minors (under 19 years of age) are not allowed to enter bars, but these underaged girls are already working inside as prostitutes. Thus, this "service" business is illegal on two counts: operating prostitution (which is illegal in Thailand) and prostituting the minors. However, the bar owners, mostly foreigners, do not declare these two facts and are running their businesses legally. The daily lives and working conditions of the bar girls are extremely harsh. Loud music often causes ear infection, cold air-conditioning may result in skin infections, constant walking on high heels produce swollen feet, excessive drinking results in throwing up, and odd working hours, tiredness and sleeplessness. They get

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very little pay (1,800 to 2,500 baht per month). And their wages are often cut if they fail to sleep with (or find) the required number of customers, or if they are slow in dancing or late in coming. They also have to pay for abortion fees, and VD check-ups. Each month, they are allowed to have only two days off. Tired, sick, lowly-paid, illegal, young, going through numerous abortions, their condition is worse than an animal's. Even an abortion nurse (who may take 1,200 baht) often deprives them of anaesthesia because she thinks that abortion on these "female animals" (e tau) has to be painful. The bar girls are the life-blood of Patpong. The incomes of doctors, shopkeepers, and bar owners depend on them but they receive only inhumane treatment. They feel bad about their profession and inadequate about their language skills. To help them regain their rights, self-pride and dignity, the members of EMPOWER taught these women English so that they can communicate and negotiate with their clients, and also try to organize them to ask for better working conditions such as better bathrooms. To boost their morale, EMPOWER added activities such as publishing a newspaper, playacting, and disseminating health (AIDS) education. 4 Objectives and Structure The group formally started with four women workers at the end of 1985. Now it has an office (house) in the Patpong area where five staff and six volunteers work. It caters to the needs of about 500 women prostitutes and bar girls in Patpong with the following aims, 1. To protect bar girls' rights, 2. To rebuild their sense of dignity and self-pride by finding ways to regain control of their lives, 3. To encourage them to build a base for their next step in life. 4. To provide information on health care and legal rights. Activities Five programmes are administered by EMPOWER: teaching English, publishing a newspaper, running drama classes, providing health care services, and conducting a career workshop to train them in some skills which they can use such as photography.s A grasp of English is a necessity for the women because most foreign customers of Thai bar workers speak English, especially in the Patpong area. Knowing English helps these women to avoid exploitation. Without the ability to communicate with customers they can be easily conned. When choices of

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jobs are limited and wages are insecure, language training opens up the possibility of other employment. English classes also provide a medium where women from different bars can sit together and discuss their feelings, their work and problems. Together in a classroom, women begin to feel that they are not alone. A bi-monthly community newspaper (in Thai) called Patpong, intended for the women working in this major "entertainment" district is being produced by EMPOWER. It is probably the first organ of community news of any kind ever to serve Patpong bar women. This newspaper is produced by workers and students of EMPOWER and issued free to Patpong workers. It provides a means for people, hitherto without a voice, to communicate their ideas and express their opinions. A sense of pride is generated in being involved in a collective newspaper project, a sense of pride that says, "Patpong is forme, about me, and by me". Most women in the Patpong area have had little or no chance to receive any formal education. EMPOWER assists those who wish to enrol in the government's Continuing Education programmes. With official certified qualifications women's opportunities of finding alternative employment increases. The hopes and dreams ofPatpong bar workers for their future often include the desire to set up a small shop in their hometown or attain a skill that they could rely on when they become too old to continue working in the industry. At their request, EMPOWER assists them to enrol in skill-training programmes. Also they frequently need to learn other skills which are often taken for granted such as opening bank accounts and handling official procedures. While conducting the education project, it was found that, after a short time, many girls dropped out. Some of the women disappeared because they felt discouraged at being unable to speak, or did not progress well. To attract them back, and to encourage participation from those who had little education, were unable to read or write, or had difficulty in articulation, supporting activities such as drama and plays were introduced. Drama became a valuable medium for the women to express their thoughts, and to learn how to use their rights. They now could act with their "body movements" and according to whatever was in their minds. Drama helped them regain their confidence, know the function of their own muscle and breathing, and use the power of the voice. They now knew themselves better. It helped them to learn to co-operate in a group because each play could not carry on without even one missing member; it was a collective activity and reflected the spirit of a group; and they helped each other to write scripts and develop ideas. They acted out their own life stories.

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Drama brings people together to work towards the same goal, and offers the performers the chance to prove to themselves and others that they can achieve something and do it well. This is the basis for self-confidence and dignity. Drama provides an opportunity to express one's feelings and communicate with those who may never have had the chance to listen and understand. Although many bar workers in Patpong know of the risks of sexually transmitted diseases and AIDS, not many women have the confidence or the ability to assert their right to demand that their clients use condoms. An AIDS booklet for bar workers produced by EMPOWER explains in simple language what AIDS is and some methods of protection. Group discussions and class activities help the women become aware of their rights, build up self-confidence and provide a language base for discussing safe sex with customers. EMPOWER has also created a mobile AIDS exhibition to further promote public awareness of AIDS. Funds and Linkages

In the early phase EMPOWER did not need much money because teachers volunteered their services. From 1987 onward, funds were secured from foreign donor agencies such as Christian Aid, and International Women's Development Agency (Australia) to run classes on a continuous basis, for publicity purposes, to run a clinic, and for administration costs. Donors for small projects included the Australian Embassy, American Women's Club, Family Health International (USA), and Christian Education Department of NCC (Japan). Some funds were obtained from the Rotary Club, Dusit. The group worked with other women's organizations as well as with media and music groups. Appraisal

EMPOWER is a unique grass roots effort mostly carried out by bar girls of the Patpong area for their own upliftment. Both the annual drama show, which attracts a good-sized crowd in Bangkok, and its newspaper have helped the women to project themselves as workers in need of understanding and better working conditions. The organization is sometimes wrongly accused of helping women to become smarter prostitutes and thus indirectly legitimizing this profession. It is also viewed by some as an effort on an individual level not connected to the wider women's movements. Some women's groups find it difficult to relate to it because EMPOWER has remained hesitant to participate in women's movements. But few critics can deny that it is providing a useful service that is appreciated by the bar girls and fulfils their long-neglected needs.

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Hotline

Hotline is a telephone psychotherapy centre where women in distress could call. It was established with the co-operation of a group of women led by Mrs Orn-anong Intarajit who has been the director of the project. Initially, the objective of Hotline was to provide counselling services to housewives and women of all ages (including teenagers) and educational levels, but it has now expanded its services to include men. It also uses other means of communication such as personal discussions and magazine publications. History It was found that middle-class women as well as ordinary housewives spent their time mainly .in rearing children, serving husbands, and caring for the welfare of all members in their families. But when these women face domestic or interpersonal problems, they have no one to turn to. To seek therapy or treatment from hospitals would take much time, energy and money which the women rarely had. Eventually, prolonged accumulation and suppression of these problems or negligence of self-care would result in imbalanced mental health, and in the worst cases, would be beyond treatment. Tragedies of this nature would also affect their family members, resulting in complex social problems. When Hotline started its counselling service in early 1985, its workers soon found that besides many women, men also sought its help. It was also realized that, in _grder to provide assistance to women in solving their problems and to help develop them, helpful and supportive men may also be needed. Therefore, Hotline opened its services to both women and men from then onward. It also expanded to other parts of the country and added other modes of services such as personal visits, self-defence classes, and a magazine.

Objectives Hotline has defined several broad objectives for its work: 1. To reduce tension in Thai society by offering counselling to those who suffer emotional stress, mental tension, and problems concerning legal, sexual, marital, family, education, teenagers as well as personality complex. 2. To develop the communication structure of Thai culture towards a two-way communication pattern. 3. To educate women about rights and equality so that they can assert themselves to protect their own individual rights.

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4. To befriend lonely people, those who are desperate (having no hope in life), and those who need moral support. 5. To promote personal improvement and the ability to look after one's self during a crisis period. 6. To offer appropriate consultation to teenagers and youth on coping with their own emotional development. 7. To help, advise, and enable rural migrants to Bangkok to be better prepared So that they can adjust themselves better to the new environment 8. Outside Bangkok, to inform and prevent women from being lured or victimized into illegal and immoral trades. Structure and Activities Hotline has its headquarters in Bangkok and three branches in the North (Chiengmai), Northeast (Khon-Kaen), and South (Haadyai). At the Bangkok centre there is a staff comprising three to four full-time workers, and 10-15 volunteers who attend to the telephone calls. In addition they conduct personal counselling, visit schools and participate in producing the Hotline Women's Magazine. All the staff or volunteers have code names such as Rung (rainbow) or Nam Fhon (rain-water) so that clients can talk to the same anonymous volunteer if they like. Four categories of women seek help from Hotline,

1. Women of all classes, age groups, and educational levels, especially ordinary housewives and friendless teenagers who have nobody to talk to or consult with during a crisis. 2. Women who have been raped, harassed, pregnant outside wedlock as well as sex service women. 3. Teenage girls and boys of all levels of education. 4. Women and men who have family conflicts, sexual and marital problems as well as general problems. As Tables 9.1 and 9.2 indicate, at the Bangkok centre most clients talk over the phone. On the average, there are 20 calls, and one to two people writing or visiting the centre daily. Hotline also reaches more clients when they visit schools. Services have doubled to meet the increasing demand. Of all the clients, 70 per cent are women, predominantly below age 30. Hotline has also slowly gained acceptance from male clients. The number of male users increased by 91 per cent from 1985 to 1987 while the number of female clients increased by only 62 per cent during the same period. As far as the problem areas are concerned, most clients in Bangkok sought Hotline's help for problems related to family tension, personality adjustments

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TABLE9.1 Classification of Clients of Hotline Centre (Bangkok) by Means of Service, 1985, 1986 and 1987' Means of service Frequency Over the phone Letters Walk-in to the centre Meet outside the centre Hours Self-defence class Therapy for parents/guardians Women with gay husbands Train counselling to teachers Visit schools University students

1985

1986

1987

Total

6,878 112 189

8,668 585 382 319

11,062 788 SIS 58

26,608 1,485 1,086 377

630 259

1,660 180 27 384 3,615 579

500

1,660 180 27 384 2,485 320

TABLE9.2 Classification of Clients of Hotline Centre (Bangkok) by Sex, Age and Region, 1985, 1986, 1987

Sex Female Male Total Age 10-25 26-35 36-45 46+ Regions Bangkok Provincial Foreign

1985

1986

1987

Total

Percentage

1,240 557 1,797

1,220 463 1,683

2,012 1,064 3,076

4,472 2,084 6,556

68.21 31.79

898 628 193 78

1,149 411 91 32

1,571 1,067 331 107

3,618 2,106 615 217

55.19 32.12 9.38 3.31

1,050 747

1,380 303

2,510 552 14

4,040 1,602 14

75.35 24.44 0.21

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TABLE9.3 Number of Clients and Type of Problems Consulted at Hotline Centre (Bangkok) in 1985, 1986 and 1987 Problem Family Personality Love affair Marital Employment Sexual Financial Equcation Health/mental ills Legal Homosexual Pregnancy-abortion Suicide Drug addiction Rape Handicap, prisoners

1985

1986

1987

Total

605 246 545 395 238 237 190 141 111 59 45 67 30

745 333 635 400 283 194 222 320 162 88 119 50 37 3 10 10

2,981 3,669 2,953 1,384 1,081 869 857 629 625 379 253 148 68 48 9 5

4,331 4,248 4,138 2,179 1,602 1,300 1,269 1,090 898 523 417 265 135 51 35 26

16 11

and love affairs (Table 9.3). Over the years, the number of people seeking help in these areas have increased eight- to ten-fold. Problems related to marriage and sexuality have also been on the rise. The number of services offered at the other three branches is much less than that provided in Bangkok but demand for the Hotline service (Tables 9.4 and 9.5) is rising there. Apparently, the cities ofChiengmai, Haadyai and KhonKaen are treading the same path to modernization, and facing similar problems of modern urban life. These problems are the result of interpersonal conflicts and competition coming in the wake of rapid social change. In these branches, Hotline reached 66 per cent of the clients by phone and over 20 per cent by visiting schools during 1986-87. Compared to the Bangkok centre, records for the branches show two main differences: the male users are almost twice that of female users, and educational problems are equally important to love affairs. While the problems of personality adjustment or conflict surpasses other types, family tension seems to be less pronounced than in Bangkok (Table 9.5).

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TABLE9.4 Classification of Clients of Hotline Branches in Chiengmai, Haadyai, and Khon-Kaen by Means of Service, Sex, Age and Residency in 1986 and 1987 Chiengmai Client Means of service Over the phone Letters Walk-in to the centre Meet outside the centre Visit schools Psychological therapy Total Sex Female Male Total

Haadyai

Khon-Kaen

Total

1986

1987

1987

1987

730 76 93 82 480 30 1,491

1,455 166 305

297 38 56

2,616

1,532 118 90 48 336 49 2,173

93 336 429

204 272 476

212 268 480

360 47 18 4

359 99 12 6

360 90 19 5 6

112 19 4

1,191 255 53 15 6

300 129

286 190

366 114

92 43

1,044 476

690

13

55 459 74 61 135

4,014 398 544 143 1,561 79 6,739 583 937 1,520

Age

10-25 26-35 36-45 46+ not known Residency Local Non-local

Hotline has counselled students in schools in Bangkok such as WatRamang School and Prakanong Pittaya School. It has also organized self-defence training courses for women in collaboration with the Police Department.' Many people wanted Hotline to record their experiences or run a question-answer type service in a printed form. This was useful as a reference and also for those who do not have access to telephone service or those in other parts of the country beyond the reach of telephone. This desire or demand for something long-lasting led Hotline to launch a women's magazine. In July 1988, its first issue came out. Its glossy 200 pages dealt with the theme of Women and Sexual Fantasies with

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TABLE9.5 Number of Clients and Type of Problems Consulted at Hotline Branches in Chiengmai, Haadyai, and Khon-Kaen in 1986 and 1987 Problem

Personality Love affair Education Family Sexual Financial Marital Employment Health/mental/emotional Legal Drug addiction Handicap, prisoners Pregnancy -abortion Suicide Rape

Chiengmai

Haadyai

Khon-Kaen

1986

1987

1987

1987

396 175 485 137 58 119 26 26 2 12

528 537 207 120 97 40 63 124 48 19 1 4 7

746 585 481 394 191 180 240 229 98 46 34 29

150 104 82 53 8 38 15 43

11

3

2 2

8

1

1

9

2 3

Total

1,820 1,401 1,255 704 357 396 344 333 157 79 38 35 23 9 2

articles on male-female relationships, sex scenes in Thai classical literature, marital life and fantasies, virginity, homosexuality, and loneliness. It also published interviews with teenagers, physicians and novelists. Appraisal

Professional counselling was a "foreign" service in Thai society until recently. Seeking psychiatrists' therapy or treatment is new because interpersonal or family tensions used to be mediated by the extended family system, temple monks, relatives, or close friends. But modern family and fragmented personal life, and the pressure of hectic careers or migration break down the traditional life-support systems and inhibit expression of deep intimate feelings. In this new constrained situation, the generation gap becomes wider in a family. Competitive urban life and the salary dependence of the middle class make it hard to use professional treatment, because of time and financial constraints. Therefore, the Hotline service provides valuable service at this time of change

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and meets people's needs. It fills the gaps in sexual knowledge (sex education is not developed but sexual stimuli are promoted in Bangkok and other urban cities by the media), especially for teenagers. Instead of regarding psychological problems as a disease, Hotline views them as the result of the interaction of individuals and the environment in society. Such problems can be solved by counselling the individuals, and the call-in feature of Hotline provides an essential service lacking in urban areas. The magazine, however, is oriented more toward urban, Westernized well-to-do youngsters, and is rich with images or pictures of Western middleclass lifestyle and values. The magazine is a remedial service dealing with emotional stress arising from family and married life, and it can be an educational aid to improve self-expression and understanding. Overall, the services of Hotline deal with social structural problems only at the individual level. They treat the symptoms of the victims and suggest some remedies. The group maintains a low profile, and does not have much interaction with other women's groups. Other activists in Bangkok are only recently beginning to know about its ongoing activities. NOTES 1. The concept of Dharma Land, Golden Land guided various development projects initiated in the late 1980s to celebrate King Bhumipol's 60th birth anniversary in 1988. The name and the concept were inspired by the King's declaration at the time of his coronation, "I will rule this land with dharma". This was translated as the need to improve the knowledge and the minds of the people to make Thailand a dharma land (a land of righteousness) and to keep up the development process to make it a golden land (with a better economy). There are many government and non-government agencies involved in this programme. Often the training of Buddhist nuns comes under this category. 2. Prostitution is illegal in Thailand so official papers use a soft term "special service" to separate them from other service jobs. "Hospitality girls" is a similar euphemism used in the Philippines. 3. The study was done by ChantawipaApisuk, sec "Exposing the Harsh Life of Service Girls at Patpong", Siam Rath, 4 October 1986 (in Thai). 4. See, "EMPOWER Rcfifi Bar Party", Thai Development Newsletter, 4 (1987): 1-2. 5. See "Awakening Patpong Bar Girls to Fight for their Rights", by Sanitsuda Ekachai, Bangkok Post, 28 May 1986. ' 6. Tables 9.1, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4 and 9.5 are based on Hotline's records. 7. See"WorricdAboutScx?Call thcHotlineGirls",BangkokPost, 10May 1985, and "Thai Women Learning the Art of Self-Defence", Bangkok Post, 7 February 1986.

PART THREE

CONCLUSIONS

X A HOPEFUL FUTURE Collective Efforts of Thai Women NGOs

We are women together, we are Thai together We want the government to seriously improve the lot offarmers So that people who grow the rice would for a change have some rice to eat So that they no longer need to sell their daughters, their mothers and their wives We wish that all privileged people of the world both Thai and foreign would stop taking advantage ofthe disadvantaged ... -AnActivist

The progress of women's collective action in Thai society has grown slowly and unevenly. Early organized efforts were noticeable at the tum of this century, when modernization began. They also acquired some momentum during the 1920s when democratic forces started to develop. But after 1932, when the political regime of the country changed from absolute monarchy to democracy, women's organized attempts declined. It was hoped that democracy would bring more justice, equality being already written into the constitution. But contrary to this expectation, under the military regimes between the 1930s and the 1960s, women's collective action came to a standstill and mirrored national interests. A few national women's organizations came into existence but, being elite or charity~oriented, were mostly pro-government. It was only in the mid-1970s that women's participation matured politically. Though confined mostly to Bangkok, this participation has been growing steadily. This maturity has little to do with the United Nations Decade ofWomen (though that made it easier) but much with the inner unrest created by the student movement of 1973, and the attitude of questioning generated by it. This critical attitude towards government and modernization led to the formation of new and somewhat radical women's groups, which were added on to the efforts of previously existing welfare-oriented ("classical") women's organizations. Thus, in Thailand today, the new-generation groups coexist with the traditional ones. Earlier chapters dealt with sample representatives of these groups, and with their internal characteristics, growth and impact. This section will take a composite view of these efforts, and will compare their pitfalls and potential. The comparison will help to achieve a greater synthesis, to sort out differences, and to find out what contributes to their vitality. Comparison may

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also save us from sweeping theoretical generalization and enable us to explore practical possibilities. From this collective analytical perspective, we can derive better understanding of the totality of women's current attempts and future directions. In order to present a collective picture of Thai women's organizations, this chapter compares not only the internal ideologies and strategies of women's groups but also their external national and international links. Part 1 summarizes their comparative characteristics under five sub-headings: history, objectives, structures, activities, and linkages. In Part 2, two polar types of women's groups, the classical and the new generation, are analysed in the light of theories of resource mobilization and new social movements. Ideological differences are illustrated further by discussing the issue of violence in Part 3. Part 4 deals with the strengths and weaknesses of the selected women non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and their collective impact on society. This leads, in Part 5, to the discussion of some policy lessons for development planning and action in Thailand, and in the final section, to comparative qualitative insights about women's groups in Southeast Asia. Part 1 Summary and Comparative Analysis Historical Evolution: Two Waves

In the post-war period, the government actively campaigned for nationalism. It promoted Thai identity, stressing Thai culture, and asking women to take care of the home front. Two early and big groups, the National Council of Women of Thailand (NCWT) and the Girl Guides Association of Thailand (GGAT), were established during this period of political instability and control. The NCWT followed the city-housewife model while GGAT chose a youth-centred Girl Guides' training programme to inculcate the concept of good citizenship. The founders of both groups were the first handful of upperclass women who enjoyed the advantage of "equal opportunity" in modern education. Exposure to Western liberalism stimulated them to modernize their sisters and, in line with the government policy, to help raise the nation's self-esteem to that of the West. In contrast the Association for the Promotion of the Status of Women (APSW) was a more liberal professional group of the 1970s, which emerged along with the growing interest in legal reform, the students' movement, and the UN Decade for Women. Because of its original link to the Association of Women Lawyers (AWL), it first took a stance of "demanding" (legal reform) from, rather than "answering to the call of', the government (for domestic roles). The group was founded to enable women and concerned people from all

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walks of life to involve themselves in campaigning for the legal rights of women. But as the Women's Decade progressed, APSW slowly reduced its role as a pressure group and became more interested in providing welfare services though it still maintains some legal-aid links. Friends of Women (FOW) was a product of the students' movement of the 1970s. During that period Thai youth were exposed to a variety of Western ideologies, especially of the Left. This influenced the formation of various grass roots groups, including FOW, to address such social ills as mass poverty and prostitution. Reacting to the incapacity of the government and traditional women's associations in solving the problems of poor women, FOW wanted to further women's real interests and initiative, originally by playing the role of co-ordinator. It has, however, expressed its emphasis on both liberal (remedial) and radical (structural) approaches. The Women's Information Centre (WIC) of the Foundation for Women (FFW) is the youngest and smallest group among the five but is probably the most dynamic. Realizing that ambivalence among women has become a barrier to spearheading women's emancipation, a key founder of FOW with a few like-minded colleagues started WIC near the end of the Women's Decade, and has continued the educational programmes. The period of origin of these five groups (the 1950s, the 1970s, and the 1980s) have influenced their formation and linkages (Table 10.1). It was the political situation at the time of inception, and the founders' leadership that have set the organizational philosophy and strategy of promoting the status and role of Thai women. Both NCWTand GGAT are the products of the 1950s. As a sign of conformity they were duly registered and were blessed with the Queen's patronage. The APSW originated in the 1970s, and reflects a reformist middle course of a professional interest group. It is a registered organization but has only occasional royal support until recently in 1987 when the Emergency Home II obtained the princess's patronage. FOW and WIC are both the products of the questioning attitude of the 1980s. They have struggled with the issue of registration 1 and do not have royal patronage. Thus, we see that over the years, there is a historical progression toward radicalization of women's groups which have grown with the increase in women's consciousness and the availability of political opportunities of succeeding decades. The histories of APSW and FOW show that it is not the early phase but the sustained emphasis over the years which determine the basic characteristics of a group. Both groups have softened their respective brands of radicalism. Almost all Thai women activists absorbed the Western concepts of starting women's "projects" and of"enhancing the status of women". They differed in their constituencies (which women) and approaches (what enhances status). Like their Western counterparts, they were either reformist (first wave) groups

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TABLE 10.1 Origins and Linkages of the Selected Women NGOs Key Founders

Year NGOs NCWT GOAT APSW POW WIC

Founded Registration 1956 1957 1972 1980 1984

1956 1958 1982 1987

Name

Affiliation

La-iat Kanok Kanitha Siriporn Siriporn

PM's wife SAUW AWL Sunflower Prj POW

Royal Patronage 1961, Queen 1963, Queen 1987, Princess

of elite women with royal links, or feminist (second wave) groups of middleclass urban women who demanded equality and justice from women's perspectives. In order to justify and continue their existence, both types adjusted their activities over time to survive the political fluctuations of Thailand.

Objectives: Diversity of Goals The ideologies of the women's groups are often reflected in their objectives. In the light of our case studies we can divide their objectives into three broad types: nationalistic, professional, and emancipatory. The nationalistic groups try to work within the constraints of the existing social and political systems. This category of women's groups often acts as "extension agent" of the government to enforce official policy in national economic development by delivering welfare and educational services. The emancipatory category sets as its ultimate goal the transformation of the existing unjust and unequal system, and to humanize it so that women and men are treated as equals. Between the two categories are the professional women's groups which question the existing discriminatory structures, and believe that they themselves have no power to define or alter the existing system. Their strategy, therefore, is to compromise with the status quo and seek new perspectives and values in various institutions, from bureaucracy to work places, in order to promote greater equality and more meaningful participation and decision making by women. Both NCWT and GGAT fall into the first category of voluntary supporters of the national development policy but the characters of both organizations differ. Because of its origin within the government, the main objective ofNCWT

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was not only to lead other women's organizations but also to uphold the traditional values of motherhood and home-making to fit the ideology of nationalism. However, GGAT expanded the scope of motherhood beyond the household sphere to inculcating good citizenship values in youth by adopting the principles and training schemes of its world counterpart. Both did not consider women as a separate issue. While NCWT perceived women as an integral part of the family as wife and mother, the key unit of national economic development, GGAT gave priority to all youth and to the rural community. Both attributed the present undesirable condition of poor women to limited opportunities in education and training. They believe that a trickle-down approach will better women's condition. APSW falls into the second category of professionals. It once attempted to put pressure on society to improve the existing situation of poor women. Its earlier objective was to be an alternative organization or an extension for AWL's campaign to eradicate discriminating laws in the Constitution. But the role as a pressure group for women's rights has now been reduced to being a relief group under the Emergency Home project to aid distressed women and children, and a support group under the WE-TRAIN project to train disadvantaged and deprived women. FOW and WIC are in the emancipatory category. FOW, however, has been revising its original objective of challenging the patriarchal structure to that of promoting "harmony in society where women and men are equal". The group has become more issue-oriented in action, concentrating on the rape problem, and has tried to be more general in disseminating feminist ideology including information on health, education and the problems of youth. It calls itself a "movement group". WIC had the advantage of experimenting its concept and approach on women's problems within the structure ofFOW. Among the five women NGOs, WIC is the only group whose leader was trained abroad in women's studies.2 The group has clear objectives of empowering women, particularly the "oppressed and exploited", to enable them to participate in transforming existing class and gender relationships, and to build a more equal and just society. Over the years, although objectives have expanded and seemed to have shifted a little, the groups have, however, maintained their overall respective categories. Their initial and current objectives are summarized in Table 10.2.

Structures: Centralized and Decentralized In size and strategy, these five women's groups can be classified into three categories: large and hierarchical, small and participatory, and a combination of both (small and hierarchical).

TABLE10.2 Initial and Current Objectives of the Selected Women NGOs Objectives

NGO

Initial

Current

NCWT

National co-ordination centre of women's activities and information Training young girls to be good citizens

Carrying out various charity/welfare-oriented programmes. Co-operating with the government in delivering services.

GGAT

APSW

Pressure group--on women's rights

POW

Consciousness raising ("movement" group) Counselling women who are looking for jobs abroad ("radical" group)

WIC 1

NOTE 1. WIC became a unitofFFW in 1987.

Improvising training to suit local needs, a means to the goal of good citizenship. Supplementary to government's development programmes. Providing remedy through Emergency Home, and services through WE-TRAIN programme. Supplementary to government's service system. Giving top priority to the rape issue. Fighting against discriminatory laws. Empowering women through media modules to understand patriarchal control (sexual exploitation and violence). Fostering women's participation in social change.

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Both NCWT and GGAT encompass a hierarchical administration with a nationwide network. The NCWT's highly-centralized structure, adopted from the International Council of Women (ICW), is appropriate to make it a capitalcity based umbrella organization which could co-ordinate and mobilize other women's organizations from the outlying provinces. The headquarters is in Bangkok, and the Board of Directors, and Executive and Standing Committees comprise member organizations mostly from the metropolitan area. The starting basis of NCWT historically was to create a web of provincial women's organizations, but the development did not proceed in that direction. As the national body for the training of Girl Guides, GGAT also has an influential network distributed all over the country through schools. The four regional centres made it possible for GGAT to translate its philosophy of good citizenship into various out-of-school development programmes suitable to local needs. In contrast to NCWT, it has attempted to be decentralized, but still it is a large organization with the Bangkok headquarters having a major say in decision making. FOW and WIC are departures from these large, conservative, and hierarchical structures. They foster participation both inside and outside the groups in an attempt to avoid the pitfalls of monopoly and domination. Although FOW has two supervisory committees, advisory and executive, its policy is to "train" their permanent (paid) staff to be independent by involving them in decision making and setting directions. The group's five basic units act on equal footing. FOW has also extended its functions and have gathered resources to start a home for rehabilitating rape victims. WIC has a more compact structure, with a team of four women forming the core. The group separates its responsibilities into four parts, but the functions of the group, however, are not fixed since the women collectively decide and act as an autonomous body for their ongoing programmes. Unlike the other four groups, WIC has no supervisory committees. Symbolically, it intends to show that women too can be mature enough to act independently. It hopes to be a working collective engaged in participatory research and action. APSW lies between these two categories. After one decade of operation as a small pressure group, it has shifted its focus to the project Emergency Home for Distressed Women and Children, a shelter for women such as forced prostitutes, runaway youths, and battered wives. Theoretically, the project is a joint venture between two organizations, AWL and APSW, but practically it is a one-woman show. Structurally, there are supervisory boards whose members are representatives of governmental agencies and NGOs. But in day-to-day operation, the work is predominantly carried out by one woman. On the positive side, this makes APSW appear as a dynamic group because one person is free to act. On the negative side, the group may be weakened in future because it

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lacks the second line of leadership and larger participation from co-workers. Unlike the staff of GGAT, FOW and WIC, the staff of the Emergency Home are not as motivated and do not share the enthusiasm of their leader. With the construction of a new training centre for distressed women, APSW may shift its aspiration from being a small centralized group to a larger, more stable and centralized institution which provides permanent services and generates its own income. While NCWT's leadership is weakened by its overpowering bureaucratic structure and periodically interrupted by its biannual election, GGAT andAPSW are each directed by the vision of one leader. The leaders of both groups are senior women of the upper class (they happen to be sisters) who have the advantage of a similar experience of growing up in a politically active family, whereas those of FOW and WIC are young, middle-class intellectuals. The latter have paid more attention to cultivating continuity in leadership through a more spontaneous interaction between the leaders and the staff. The administrative members of all the groups, except WIC, are elected volunteers. The degree of involvement of paid staff in the planning and evaluation processes of their programmes is highest in WIC, closely approximated by FOW, and progressively less in GGAT, APSW, and NCWT. Activities: Service or Struggle Activities of these groups have been influenced by their abilities to mobilize material and ideological resources. Since International Women's Year in 1975, most women's