Bulgarians by Birth: The Comitopuls, Emperor Samuel and Their Successors According to Historical Sources and the Historiographic Tradition 9004352384, 9789004352384

Table of contents :
Introduction / Kiril Petkov 1
1. Bulgarian Sources 17
2. Slavic Adaptations of Byzantine Chronicles 26
3. Greek Sources 29
4. Bilingual Sources 131
5. Latin, French and Italian Sources 154
6. Eastern Sources 165
7. Italian, Dalmatian, French and Other 16th- to 18th-Century Sources 180
8. The Bulgarian and Serbian Revival Historiography (18th Century) 273
9. Seals 309
Additional Notes 315
Bibliography 316
Index 331

Citation preview

Bulgarians by Birth

East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450 General Editor Florin Curta

VOLUME 47

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ecee

Bulgarians by Birth The Comitopuls, Emperor Samuel and Their Successors According to Historical Sources and the Historiographic Tradition By

Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova Translated by

Pavel Murdzhev With an Introduction by

Kiril Petkov

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Originally published in 2009 as Българи родом. Комитопулите в летописната и историографска традиция by the University Press “St. Cyril and St. Methodius University of Veliko Turnovo” (УИ „Св. св. Кирил и Методий”-Велико Търново). Cover illustration: The Bitola inscription, early 11th century. NU Zavod i Muzei, Bitola. Photo in the archive of the National Institute of Archaeology with Museum, Sofia, http://www.naim.bg. Reproduced with permission. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Tŭpkova-Zaimova, Vasilka, author. | Murdzhev, Pavel, translator. |  Petkov, Kiril, writer of introduction. Title: Bulgarians by birth : the comitopuls, Emperor Samuel and their  successors according to historical sources and the historiographic  tradition / By Vasilka Tŭpkova-Zaimova ; Translated by Pavel Murdzhev ;  With an Introduction by Kiril Petkov. Other titles: Bŭlgari rodom… English Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, 2017. | Series: East Central and  Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450 ; Volume 47 | Includes  bibliographical references and index. | Translation of the revised second  edition of the Bulgarian work “Bŭlgari rodom.” Identifiers: LCCN 2017040730 (print) | LCCN 2017049693 (ebook) | ISBN  9789004352995 (E-book) | ISBN 9789004352384 (hardback : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Bulgaria—History—681–1018—Sources. |  Bulgaria—History—1018–1185—Sources. | Bulgaria—Historiography. Classification: LCC DR77 (ebook) | LCC DR77 .T8713 2017 (print) | DDC  949.9/01—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017040730 Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1872-8103 isbn 978-90-04-35238-4 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-35299-5 (e-book) Copyright 2017 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi, Brill Sense and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. Brill has made all reasonable efforts to trace all rights holders to any copyrighted material used in this work. In cases where these efforts have not been successful the publisher welcomes communications from copyright holders, so that the appropriate acknowledgements can be made in future editions, and to settle other permission matters. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Introduction 1 Kiril Petkov 1 Bulgarian Sources 17 2 Slavic Adaptations of Byzantine Chronicles 26 3 Greek Sources 29 4 Bilingual Sources 131 5 Latin, French and Italian Sources 154 6 Eastern Sources 165 7 Italian, Dalmatian, French and Other 16th- to 18th-Century Sources 180 8 The Bulgarian and Serbian Revival Historiography (18th Century) 273 9 Seals 309 Additional Notes 315 Bibliography 316 Index 331

Introduction Kiril Petkov

Problems and Periods

At the turn of the twentieth century, one of the finest British historians, Lord Acton, in his inaugural lecture at Cambridge, advised his colleagues to “study problems in preference to periods.” A century later, his recommendation is more relevant than ever. In a sense, it has become even easier to follow. Since the days of Lord Acton, practitioners of history have become quite adept in spotting problems in the murky currents of history, and bringing them up for scrutiny. The epistemology of the later twentieth century accelerated this trend. History moved from knowledge of the facts to knowledge about the facts, shifted focus from status to change, and abandoned positivist narratives to embrace the infinite varieties of meaning. In the process, the discipline embedded itself even deeper in the principal intellectual currents of the time as these responded to social, economic, and political developments. For the discerning mind, the result is a polyphony of interpretations on any given subject matter. For the uninitiated observer, the chorus of differing voices may appear a disturbing cacophony. For the earnest student of history, however, the intricacies of the trajectory from “how it actually was” presented by immediate witnesses, to the “it depends” verdict of modern historiographies, competing on methodological, theoretical, national, or ideological grounds, is above all a terrific opportunity to comprehend the essence of history as the meaningproducing discipline par excellence. The present volume, the fruit of painstaking labor by one of the most erudite Bulgarian scholars of the medieval Balkan and Byzantine history, showcases well these vicissitudes of history. It offers to the English-speaking public the definitive collection of commented primary material for the reconstruction of the last half of a century of the early medieval Bulgarian state; and in doing so, it presents the reader with a rather instructive picture of the way history operates. Set against the background of southeastern Europe, one of the most contentious areas to reconstruct the medieval past, the collection of written sources translated and commented here is an object lesson not just for the aspiring medievalist, but for the reflecting historian in general. The period covered by the sources is a dramatic one. In the last quarter of the tenth century, the Bulgarian state, carved out from Byzantine territories on the lower Danube in 680, and comprising an area in the European southeast,

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which at different points of its history spread across the borders of the modern states of Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, Serbia, Macedonia, Albania, Greece, and Turkey, suffered a major setback. A resurgent Byzantium, under a series of capable and determined military emperors, launched a relentless offensive that culminated in 971 in the capture of the Bulgarian capital of Preslav and the re-conquest of the central and eastern Bulgarian lands north of the Haemus (the Stara Planina Mountains), the geological backbone of the country. The last male members of the Bulgarian ruling dynasty, Tsar Boris II and his brother Roman, were seized and transferred to Constantinople, where they were divested of imperial authority. The Byzantine triumph was incomplete, however. Resistance continued in the southwest of the deeply wounded state, and the head of the Bulgarian ecclesiastical establishment, the patriarch, moved there his residence, transferring the aura of legitimacy to the defiant leaders of the local aristocracy. Chief among them were David, Moses, Aaron, and Samuel, the four sons of a count (komes) named Nikola, the administrative-military governor of one of the ten districts into which the early Bulgarian state had been divided. Initially, the comitopuls (“sons of the count”) upheld the rights of the Bulgarian dynasty, now in exile. Soon, the situation changed. The two eldest brothers died, the Byzantines attempted to sow discord among the comitopuls by dispatching the captured heirs to take over the movement, an internecine strife ended in the wiping out of most of Aaron’s line for sympathy with Byzantium, and the surviving dynastic heir, Roman, went back to Constantinople after a short stint with his subjects. That cleared the field for the youngest comitopul, Samuel, who assumed the traditional title of the Bulgarian rulers, tsar (emperor), and founded a new, short-lived dynasty. Samuel, his son Gabriel Radomir, and his nephew, John Vladislav, attempted to recover lost Bulgarian territories and led a series of successful campaigns, stymying for a while the Byzantine advance. By all accounts, it was an epic struggle, with many twists and turns, a protracted, debilitating fight between unequally matched opponents. For a while, it seemed that the Bulgarians would recover, as Samuel and his son made deep inroads to the south, into Thessaly, established suzerainty over the Serbian prince of Duklja, John Vladimir, in the west, and held onto territories ruled from Bdin (modern Vidin) in the northwest of the old state. In the end, Byzantine resources turned out to be too much for the truncated state. In 1014, after a major defeat, the Byzantine emperor Basil II reputedly had thousands of captured Bulgarian soldiers blinded, earning himself the name of Bulgar-Slayer, and sent them back to Samuel; the embattled tsar was not able to bear the sight, suffered a heart attack, and passed away. Pressure mounted, and as it did, internal strife further weakened

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the dynasty. After a few months’ reign, Samuel’s heir, Gabriel Radomir, was assassinated by his cousin, John Vladislav (the one remaining son of Aaron), who assumed the tsar’s title. But the new ruler was not in a position to stem the progress of the formidable Byzantine military machine. In 1018, after his death during a diversion campaign against the Adriatic port of Dyrrachium (modern Durrës in Albania) the last existing foci of resistance were extinguished. Later attempts at revolts by surviving members of the new dynasty and their nobility (last in 1074) were suppressed. By the early 1040s, it was all over. The remaining Bulgarian princes and high aristocracy were integrated into the multi-ethnic Byzantine upper classes and rapidly assimilated. The Bulgarian state disappeared for nearly two hundred years, only to be restored in 1185–87 under a new dynasty, the Asenids, who ruled through the later medieval centuries. The memory of the comitopuls, however, remained an integral part of the medieval Bulgarian state tradition, and was duly recalled both in the later medieval Bulgarian historical record and in the early modern historical reconstructions of the Byzantine, Slavic, and Balkan history. Such is the narrative that can be reasonably reconstructed from sources of all kinds and shapes collected in this volume, dating from the days of the comitopuls through the early modern period. The sources agree on the key point. Indigenous, Byzantine, Arab, Russian, Serbian, Latin, and other witnesses are unanimous: the tsars from the comitopul dynasty considered themselves Bulgarians by birth; claimed to have continued the Bulgarian state tradition, temporarily suspended in the northeast of the old state’s territory; their subjects, nobility, commoners, and armies were Bulgarian; their institutional and administrative arrangements and nomenclature were those of the Bulgarian state; and their Church and Patriarch were the same old Bulgarian ecclesiastical establishment, ministering to the needs of their flock in Old Bulgarian (otherwise known as Old Church Slavonic). They were acknowledged as bearers of the Bulgarian state tradition by the Asenids’s ideologues. The Bulgarian clergy kept them in the Bulgarian traditional memory through the two hundred years of Byzantine control, and throughout the long centuries of the Ottoman rule over the territories populated by Bulgarians. For the pre-modern observers, that was all there was to the story. Why then, had the half-century run of the comitopuls dynasty generated heated historiographical debates and turned the comitopuls era from a period into a problem? As modernity dawned upon the region, and modern polities took shape and developed first romantic, antiquarian, and then ideologically nationalist and regional historiographies, and as history and its related disciplines themselves matured intellectually, parts of the story began to change

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subtly. Out of the simple cloth of the early historical tradition new narratives were woven. The manners, in which the latter reconstructed the accounts of the medieval people are indicative of the accomplishments, as well as the shortcomings, of modern history-making. And while this volume enables modern students of history with no command of the bewildering variety of languages of the primary material to reconstruct the era of the comitopuls on their own, the sources contain several pitfalls, which should be carefully considered by the scholar. The first issue, transpiring at the very outset of the collection, is the tantalizing paucity of indigenous, contemporary written sources of the region. This is a headache with which the medieval historian is quite familiar, but it is perhaps nowhere more troubling than in the Balkans. Moreover, what exists is rarely a product of the indigenous tradition. All that is available for half a century of history fits on a postcard: a handful of official stone or fresco inscriptions, commemorative and funeral, incomplete, damaged, and laconic. On the one hand, these may be taken as a natural continuation of the traditional Bulgar, and then Bulgarian, manner of chronicling on stone, a custom documented from the early days of the Bulgar(ian) state and practically absent from neighboring Balkan cultures. On the other hand, cultural contamination, independent innovation, and conscious imitation for legitimacy’s sake cannot be excluded. The scholar is thus forced to contextualize on assumptions, and the relevance of the latter is in the eye of the beholder. Apart from direct official indigenous sources, there are the much later narratives of the popular tradition. Three problems suggest themselves here. First, these accounts while possibly circulating in the immediate aftermath of the events upon which they reflect were committed to writing much later, most likely centuries after the events. Second, most of them are in the guise of “historical apocrypha,” a mixed genre, which only needs a fragment of historical reality to insert in the providential frame that so appealed to its public—and that fragment need not be coming with its original context. As recent studies have demonstrated (on the Vision of Prophet Isaiah, for example), making them meaningful requires bringing together a large amount of contexts, and this can be a life-time pursuit. In the end, it would still be arguable how much of what they tell us is murky memory, and how much fantasy. Modern psychology suggests that the same part of the brain that is responsible for memory supports imagination. Third, no matter their historicity, such accounts are subject to the conventions of transmission and content of popular culture. Central figures, actions, and expectations are all conventionalized in a trans-cultural framework that leaves little room for particularities. In this, they fit well Peter Burke’s outline of the principal aspects of pre-modern popular culture; this, in turn, means that reading them

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for specifics is a futile exercise; then again, it may not be. There is simply no way to tell it one way or another. In short, the scarcity of the sources and their inherent shortcomings do not allow the construction of a coherent and discrete heuristic framework that would encompass them all. To avoid, or minimize the impact of pure guesswork, historians are both free and constrained (depending on approach) to “open” the interpretive environment and insert the direct references into any outside context they considered relevant, based on their skill, knowledge, methodology, and/or ideological preference. The unfortunate and inevitable result of this predicament is to make interpretation the only viable heuristic approach to the immediate primary material. The introduction of inter-disciplinarity (involving linguistics, literary studies, art, Biblical exegesis and, above all, the disciplines dealing with material culture, archeology and sigillography) has ameliorated the situation somewhat, but the basic premise still applies. The overwhelming amount of material thus comes from outside of the indigenous tradition, in this case, from contemporary Byzantine authors. This is the principal historical tradition, and its impact on later reconstructions is overwhelming. Where conscientious and detailed, Byzantine historians recorded a trove of information, from which the modern scholar can distill an adequate account of the last years of the Bulgarian state. Many of them, however, are unabashedly apologetic, frequently outright hostile, and not always thoroughly informed; they also seldom had it as a purpose to chronicle contemporary developments for history’s sake. Their task was primarily the glorification of the reigning emperor and the strength of the Byzantine state: much of what did not meet that relevancy test was left out. This also explains why, for example, the records they compiled, and practically the entire written documentation (with very few notable exceptions, such as Basil II’s immunity charters for the ecclesiastical domain of the conquered state) is political history. The modern reader is thus severely limited in the attempt to comprehend the epoch’s social, cultural, and economic arrangements. There is simply not enough written evidence for that. This sad state of affairs can be attributed to the thoroughness, with which the victorious Byzantines suppressed the native record, or simply to the fact that not much was written during the period. The early medieval Bulgarian and Byzantine societies were not notarial cultures. Here as elsewhere, later Byzantine sources and modern-day archaeology come to the rescue; but their contributions can only partially alleviate the dearth of information. But even the scrutiny of the richest and most interested Byzantine authors is not without snags. A good many of them work within the tradition of legitimizing the Byzantine state as an organic outgrowth of the marriage between

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the classical Roman political legacy and Greek culture. As a result, their use of place and ethnic names is often thoroughly classical. For Leo the Deacon and John Geometres, for example, the Byzantine opponents are barbarians, Mysians, Scythians, and Thracians, while the imperial Byzantines are Ausonians: all long extinct populations of the ancient and classical Balkans and southeastern Europe, which the archaizing trend of the Byzantine literati called back to life on the pages of their erudite reflections. Such usage has fueled speculations as to what, exactly, did an author mean when referring to “Thracians,” for example, on any given occasion. If motivated by factors other than legitimate scholarly suspicion, such hypercriticism tends to omit the fact that a good deal of witnesses do, as Michael Attaleiates did, clarify their archaic nomenclature by adding the contemporary identity of the population in question. Relatively rich as the Byzantine tradition is, no single author could keep up with the slowly evolving toponymy of the region, both in terms of time and space. This too, complicates matters, as a compiler like Paolo Ramusio refers to the region of Vlachia in what is modern Thessaly in Greece. That there was a substantial Vlach population in Thessaly, which earned it the name “Great Vlachia” is a well-known fact of the Byzantine nomenclature of the period: but which Byzantine source was he using, for what period did his source locate that Vlachia, and where was it located in the region Ramusio was discussing, is debatable. Given the modern multi-national make-up of the core territories controlled by the comitopuls, and the almost certain multi-layered identities of many of the protagonists in the accounts, it is not a surprise that ethnicity has emerged as one of the murkiest and most disputed category of the identity-oriented currents of history making for both pre-modern and modern authors. Modern English terminology does not make things easier. This collection uses the standardized concepts of “race” and “nation” to convey categories used by Byzantine and other authors. Both, however, are fully modern concepts, and are only approximations to the meaning the sources use to designate large, culturally defined groups. In most cases, the sources give us precious little to make an informed decision about the character of the identity to which they refer. We are left in the dark on the criteria that an eyewitness or later compiler would be using; meanwhile, they could be working with any base for determining the category—cultural (language, name register), geographical (territory), and political (polity affiliation). In such matters, translations, this one included, are normally only a starting point to identify a problem-area: any study purporting adequate reconstruction will need to scrutinize the original terminology of the authors in the contexts they employ it. Against this backdrop, it bears repeating that Byzantine authors have as a benchmark their fairly complex notion of

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imperial identity, which was in most cases hybrid rather than ethnically and culturally monolithic, especially where the upper classes were concerned. The modern reader will do well to keep this in mind, and consider that the populations described by the Byzantines are not, for the better part, to be judged by the same standard (again, nobility excluded), as well as discern carefully between ascribed versus self-conscious expressions and designations of identity. A good example is Stepanos of Taron’s suggestion that the comitopuls were Armenian. This has led a modern author to proclaim the dynasty Armenian by descent, on rather flimsy grounds: the name register of the dynasty (which is decisively drawn from the Old Testament), and the latter re-settlement of their Byzantinized descendants in Byzantine Armenia. The fact is, however, that Byzantine political strategy was to relocate co-opted nobility as far away from any “home base” loyal to them as possible, and that the mere presence of the last identifiable descendants of the comitopuls in Armenia must have sufficed to give rise to a popular tradition about them, which Stepanos converted into ethnic affiliation. Of a different register, but potentially misleading in the same vein, is the imperial myopia, so solidly established within the Byzantine historical tradition that the reader approaching the era of the comitopuls from within it would hardly notice. For the Byzantine authors had every reason to consider the sniffing out of the dynasty of the comitopuls, on the one hand, as a re-conquest of imperial lands lost time ago, but legitimately Byzantine nonetheless and, on the other, as suppression of recalcitrant nobility that disregarded political hierarchy and the fact that Bulgarian state tradition, however legitimate it might have been, had been officially extinguished. Hence their standard, if loaded, characterization of the events as “revolt,” “rebellion,” “uprising,” or “secession.” The very term comitopuls that the sources employ, adopted in this collection as a convenient designation of the dynasty, is already delegitimizing the dynasty’s claim to the leadership of the Bulgarian state tradition, suggesting, as it did, affiliation with a relatively low level of the administrative hierarchy. Byzantine terminology had a strong political hierarchy built within it. Defining the line of Count Nikola after Samuel as comitopuls (rather than tsars) and describing their actions as a “revolt” (rather than expressing the continuity of the Bulgarian state tradition after the old dynasty faltered, and mere dynastic change) is part and parcel of the Byzantine political ideology, which modern accounts need to take into consideration. Later Slavic writers picked up the same delegitimizing tone in the tradition about the martyrdom of Prince John Vladimir. The dramatic story of his affiliation with the dynasty and his murder, a political case of a slippery vassal potentate who attempted to gain independence and to shift his loyalties as his overlords came under pressure,

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is cast in terms of personal feelings, rather than an act committed for reason of state. A problem in its own right, the imperial bias in the discourse on the movement of the comitopuls gets exacerbated in some modern national(ist) historiographies. If the comitopuls “revolted,” and subsequently founded a new dynasty, the argument goes, this must be because they were just waiting on the Byzantines to suppress the Bulgarian state, which was foreign to them from the very beginning. In that reading, “Bulgaria” and “Bulgarians” are conventions akin to “Byzantine,” indicating nothing more but political affiliation and obfuscating indigenous cultural and ethnic identities. The thinking is fallacious, as it disregards the cultural production of the region, the entire written record of the period, which stresses the continuity of the Bulgarian state tradition within the regime of the comitopuls, and the political agenda of the Byzantine imperial sources, to list but a few clusters of evidence. Thus the problem of contorted source criticism gets compounded by the problem of ideological bias. “New dynasty” becomes an equivalent of “new state:” a conceptually dubious conflation, which the contemporary evidence emphatically rules out. The case of John Vladimir is suggestive also of a more common problem, visible in the trajectory of medieval historical memory in general and that of the dynasty of the comitopuls more specifically, and its diffusion in various strands of the medieval and early modern historiography. The dominant narrative of the era of the comitopuls, the Byzantine historical record, filtered through a variety of other traditions, due to factors ranging from it being the authoritative tradition in the eastern Mediterranean world to there being simply nothing else available on the time and subject in question. Echoes of the Byzantine accounts are thus traceable in a roster of other historical traditions, as a norm in a fragmented, truncated, and frequently distorted manner. The latter fact needs to be kept in mind though, as there is very little ground to believe that distant (in time and space) Arab, Armenian, or Latin authors would have had access to more adequate records than Byzantine eyewitnesses. It is imperative to remember that taking bits and snippets of the grand Byzantine narrative preserved in such distant sources in isolation from the tradition that generated them, the Greek-speaking Byzantine historiography, as independent and trustworthy evidence, is only justifiable if they could be verified within the context that produced them in the first place. To avoid such “insights” becoming yet another problem (as in the case of Stepanos) one needs to work with the entire written record of the comitopuls, an undertaking of some difficulty when working with sources in a variety of languages. Herein lies one of main contributions of this collection, as it allows the discerning scholar to grasp the range of the evidence in full before deciding whether following an insight derived from a single author is worth pursuing.

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This conclusion obtains for the medieval sources properly so defined; the projection of the historical record of the comitopuls into the early modern period generates problems of its own. The uncritical approach of the early modern worthies, Romantic re-creators of the Slavic past or simply antiquarians with a taste for dramatic action, is well known. A signal part of their reflections is the tendency to moralize, within the context of the normative ethics of their time, or, perhaps more problematic for the history they claimed to unveil, their ideological agendas. Blasius Kleiner, for example, reflects upon the suspected betrayal of Aaron, referred to by the Byzantine sources as “sympathy for the empire,” in the context of his concept of the intrinsic kinship of the Slavic peoples and traditional notions of fratricide. Against such a backdrop, Aaron’s collaboration, a political crime, which ended with capital punishment, is glossed over. Instead, Samuel’s action in enforcing state self-preservation at the cost of shedding closest kin’s blood (fully in the tradition of Prince Boris’s extirpation of the entire clans of the nobles who rose against him after the conversion to Christianity), is seen as personal clash, and condemned simply as fratricide. Kleiner eschewed concrete political context in the name of the larger ideological stance of Slavic unity—and from that point of view, Samuel too, is condemned as committing the treachery of eliminating close kin. In the same vein of disregarding specific political context (here most likely due to lack of knowledge) is the reduction of political matters to personal relations in the case of the love story between Samuel’s daughter and the Byzantine commander of Dyrrachium by Kleiner. Like him, Du Cange, too commits the same fallacy of interpreting affairs of state—strategic marriages of members of the ruling dynasty—through the prism of love stories. The same moralistic, pietistic, and providential attitude transpires in the ground-breaking work of the father of the Bulgarian national revival, the monk Paisius, for whom Samuel had clearly became morally “corrupted” to kill his family (brother); that brought God’s wrath on his head and his ultimate downfall. For Paisius, who advocated Bulgarian unity as the indispensable condition for the restoration of the Bulgarian state, church, and nation after long centuries of Ottoman rule, there simply was no excuse for fratricidal struggles among Bulgarians. Moral considerations enter the story on an even larger scale, as the antiquarians pass a verdict on Basil II, a Christian slaughtering and blinding other Christians— both Orthodox in this case. Moral reduction occasionally gives way to outright invention—witness Mauro Orbini’s Slavic prince “Sabotin”—as the antiquarians were confronted with lacunae in the record and had recourse to popular memory; as we have seen, its reliability is highly questionable. The antiquarian approach persisted well into the nineteenth-century Slavic Romantic historiography, as documented by Jovan Rajić, who– much like Mauro Orbini and

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Kleiner—took a medley of Byzantine sources and added the romantic elements in an uncritical compilation of old and new. To conclude these notes, the collection that follows presents both the expert and the uninitiated reader with three accomplishments. It gathers translations of practically all the evidence, of numerous languages and provenance, necessary to grasp a specific historical occurrence, the dramatic half of a century of struggle that accompanied the fall of the early medieval Bulgarian state. It enables the scholar to put in the various contexts of the written tradition, with the turning of a few pages, any individual piece of evidence that had caught his or her eye. And it illustrates, in an uncompromising way, the crucial importance of sound methodology to any reconstruction of the medieval past in general, and of that of southeastern Europe in particular.

The Comitopuls and Samuel in the Historiography of the Last Decade (2007–2017): A Selected Bibliography

Angelichin-Zhura, Goce. “Nov arkheoloshki nalaz v Okhridu. Da li e otkriven katedralni khram Samuilove patriarshije?” (Serbo-Croatian: A new archeological discovery in Ohrid—the cathedral church of Samuel’s patriarchate?) Zbornik Matice Srpske za likovne umetnosti 36 (2008): 9–18. Angelichin-Zhura, Goce. “Samuilovata Okhridska patrijarshija.” (Macedonian: Samuel’s patriarchate of Ohrid) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 124–38. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Angelov, Petăr. “Car Samuil v predstavite na vizantiicite.” (Bulgarian: Tsar Samuil and the ideas of the Byzantines) In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 258–65. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Atanasovski, Aleksandar and Vojislav Sarakinski. “Koi bile komitopulite i od kogo “otpadnale”?” (Macedonian: Who were the Cometopuli and from whom did they “apostasize”?) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil DjorgievLikin, 13–26. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Bărlieva, Slaviia. “… I poiavi se zvezda-kometa, i umria car Samuil …” Bălgarskiiat motiv v latinskite khroniki ot Salicheskata epokha.” (Bulgarian: “And a comet

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appeared and Tsar Samuel died …” The Bulgarian topics in the chronicles of the Salian era) In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 597–606. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Belchovski, Jovan. “Pravnata polozhba na crkvata vo Samuilovata drzhava.” (Macedonian: The legal position of the church in Samuel’s state) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 106–13. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Cvetanov, Duško. “Voeno-strategichesko znachanje na Strumichkata oblast za vreme na car Samuil (X–XI vek).” (Macedonian: The military-strategic significance of the Strumica area in the time of King Samuel (10th–11th centuries)) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 200–16. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Delikari, Angeliki. “Die Situation in Nord-West Makedonien während der Regierung des Basileios II., die sogenannte Kirche des Zaren Samuel und die Gründung des Erzbistums von Ochrid.” In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 236–43. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Djorgiev-Likin, Vasil. “Opshtestveno-politichkite, crkovno-religioznite i kulturnite priliki vo Strumica i Strumichko vo vremeto na Samuilovata drzhava.” (Macedonian: Social-political, ecclesiastic-religious, and cultural conditions in Strumica and its environs at the time of Samuel’s state) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 59–69. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Georgiev, Dragan. “Eden znachaen muzejski predmet od vremeto na Samuil.” (Macedonian: A prominent museum item from the time of Samuel) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 320–24. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Giakoumis, Konstantinos. “Contesting the sacred in space. Saint John Vladimir and the westernmost dominions of Tsar Samuel.” In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 607–30. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015.

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Gjalevski, Dragan. “Vizantiskata voena strategija za vreme na konfliktot so Samuil.” (Macedonian: The Byzantine military strategy during the conflict with Samuel) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 70–79. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Gjalevski, Dragan. “Za brakot na Samoil i Agata.” (Macedonian: [On Samuel’s marriage with Agatha]) In Samuel’s State and Byzantium: History, Legend, Tradition, Heritage. Proceedings of the International Symposium “Days of Justinian I,” Skopje, 17–18 October, 2014, edited by Mitko B. Panov, 78–89. Skopje: “Euro-Balkan” University, 2015.​​​​​​​​ Ivanov, Ivelin. “Tsar Samuel against Emperor Basil II: why did Bulgaria loose the battle with the Byzantine empire at the beginning of the 11th century.” Studia ceranea 1 (2011): 205–12. Krăstev, Krasimir S. “Egipetski izvori za gibelta na Samuilovite priemnici.” (Bulgarian: [Egyptian sources for the death of Samuel’s retainers]) In Car Samuil, samodărzhec bălgarski. 1000 godini ot bitkata pri Belasica i smărtta na car Samuil (1014–2014), edited by Krum K. Civiev, 101–06. Petrich/Sofia: AIS Inszenering, 2013. Kuiumdzhieva, Svetlana. “Bulgarian music during the epoch of Tsar Samuil (10th to 12th century).” In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 686–99. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Maksimović, Ljubomir and Bojana Krsmanović. “The Byzantine administration in the northern Balkans and Tsar Samuil.” In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 191–98. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Mitreski, Goran. “Okhrid vo vremeto na carot Samuil.” (Macedonian: Ohrid in the time of King Samuel) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 187–99. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Mitrev, Georgi. “Samuilovata krepost-dema v Kliuchkata klisura—novi terenni prouchvaniia i nabliudeniia.” (Bulgarian: Samuil’s fortress-dema in the Kleidion Pass area—new field surveys and observations) In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 432–50. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Moutsopoulos, Nikolaos K. “Istoricheski izvodi ot arkheologicheskoto prouchvane v bazilikata “Sv. Akhil” v Prespa.” (Bulgarian: Historical implications of the archaeo-

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logical investigation of the basilica of St. Achilleios in Prespa) In Car Samuil (+1014) v bitka za Bălgariia, edited by Liudmil Vagalinski, 29–49. Sofia: Nacionalen arkheologicheski institut s muzei—BAN, 2014. Nesheva, Violeta. “Voennooporni punktove na bălgarskiia car Samuil v dolinite na Sredna Struma i Strumeshnica prez 1014 g.” (Bulgarian: Military bases of the Bulgarian tsar Samuil in the valleys of the Middle Struma and the Strumeshnitsa rivers in 1014) In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 451–67. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Nikolov, Georgi N. “Epokhata na velikiia bălgarski car Samuil.” (Bulgarian: [The era of the great Bulgarian emperor Samuel]) Makedonski pregled 37 (2014), 3: 7–28. Nikolov, Georgi N. Bălgarskiiat car Samuil. (Bulgarian: [The Bulgarian Emperor Samuel]). Sofia: Bălgarsko sdruzhenie na rodovete ot Makedoniia, 2014. Nikolov, Georgi. “Bălgarskiiat car Samuil i negovoto vreme.” (Bulgarian: Bulgarian Tsar Samuil and his time) In Car Samuil (+1014) v bitka za Bălgariia, edited by Liudmil Vagalinski, 7–28. Sofia: Nacionalen arkheologicheski institut s muzei—BAN, 2014. Ovcharov, Nikolai. “Nadpisi ot epokhata na car Samuil.” (Bulgarian: Inscriptions from the age of Tsar Samuil) In Car Samuil (+1014) v bitka za Bălgariia, edited by Liudmil Vagalinski, 65–76. Sofia: Nacionalen arkheologicheski institut s muzei—BAN, 2014. Panov, Mitko B. “Samuilovata drzhava vo voenata i dukhovnata reprezentaciia na Jovan Geometar.” (Macedonian: [Samuel’s state in the military and spiritual representation of John Geometres]) Istorija 49 (2014): 105–24. Panov, Mitko B. “Zamisluvanjeto na Samuil vo balkanskata istoriografija (prva polovina na 19 vek).” (Macedonian: [The manipulation of Samuel in the Balkan historiography of the first half of the 19th century]) In Samuel’s State and Byzantium: History, Legend, Tradition, Heritage. Proceedings of the International Symposium “Days of Justinian I,” Skopje, 17–18 October, 2014, edited by Mitko B. Panov, 130–43. Skopje: “Euro-Balkan” University, 2015. Paunova, Marija. “Samuiloviot natpis kako najstar kirilski epigrafski spomenik od Makedonija.” (Macedonian: Samuel’s inscription as the oldest Cyrillic inscription from Macedonia) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 247–58. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Pavlov, Plamen. Vekăt na car Samuil. (Bulgarian: [The century of Emperor Samuel]). Sofia: Iztok-Zapad, 2014. Pavlov, Plamen. “Belezhki za politicheskata ideologiia na Părvoto bălgarsko carstvo pri car Samuil i negovite naslednici.” (Bulgarian: Remarks on the state ­ideology

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of the First Bulgarian Kingdom at the time of Emperor Samuel and his successors) In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 199–207. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Petkova, Ilka. “Bălgarskata istoriografiia po niakoi problemi, svărzani s car Samuil i negovata epokha.” (Bulgarian: Tsar Samuel and his age in the Bulgarian historiography) In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 299–307. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Petrov, Petăr. Samuil—cariat voin. (Bulgarian: [Samuel: emperor and soldier]). Sofia: Macedonian Scientific Institute, 2014. Petrovski, Boban. “Central-southern Europe under the restored Byzantine administration after the fall of Samuel[‘s] state.” In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 266–76. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015.​​​​​​​​ Popović, Mihailo. “Das Herrschaftsgebiet des Zaren Samuel im Mittelalter und dessen Erforschung zwischen 1890 und 1918.” In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunaro d n a ko nferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 277–98. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015.​​​​​​​​ Rujak, Zoran. “Sistemot na odbranbeni fortifikacii vo potbelasichkiot is strumichkiot region od vremeto na Samuilovite vojni (X–XI vek).” (Macedonian: The system of defense fortifications in the Belasica and Strumica region from the time of Samuel’s wars (10th–11th centuries)) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 161–80. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Săbotinov, Anton. “Komitopulite i car Samuil v chuzhdestrannata istoriopis.” (Bulgarian: The Komitopouloi and Tsar Samuel in the foreign historiography) In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 308–21. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Shepard, Jonathan. “Communications across the Bulgarian lands—Samuel’s poisoned chalice for Basil II and his successors?” In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia,

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Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 217–35. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Stoichev, Aleksandar. “Voenata strategija na Samoilovata vojska.” (Macedonian: The military strategy of Samuel’s army) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 52–58. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Stojkov, Stojko. “Bitolskata plocha—dilemi i interpretacii.” (Macedonian: Bitola plate—dilemmas and interpretations) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenno-politichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradiciia na Makedoniia, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 80–105. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Stojkovski, Boris. “Samuilovo carstvo i Ugarska.” (Serbo-Croatian: Samuel’s empire and Hungary) In Vizantijski svet na Balkanu, edited by Bojana Krsmanović, Ljubomir Maksimović and Radivoj Radić, 1, 65–76. Belgrade: Vizantoloshki Institut SANU, 2012. Tabov, Iordan. “Obrechennaia na zabvenie era v Vodenskoi nadpisi caria Samuila.” (Bulgarian: An era condemned to oblivion in the inscription for Emperor Samuel found in Voden) In Pamet i zabrava văv Vizantiia, edited by Albena Milanova, Veselina Vachkova and Cvetelin Stepanov, 220–30. Sofia: Voenno izdatelstvo, 2011. Tăpkova-Zaimova, Vasilka. “Les sources historiques sur le Comitopoules.” In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 20–29. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Totomanova, Anna-Mariia. “Samuilovite nadpisi i starobălgarskiiat knizhoven ezik.” (Bulgarian: Samuel’s inscriptions and the Old Bulgarian literary language) In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 512–20. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015. Vasilevski, Gorjan. “Samoilovata politika kon bogomilskoto dvizhenje.” (Macedonian: Samuel’s policy towards the Bogomil movement) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 181–86. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Velev, Iliia. “Ulogata na Samuilovoto vladetelstvo pri vtemeluvanjeto afirmacijata na makedonskata slovenska civilizacija i kultura.” (Macedonian: The role of Samuel’s rule in the foundation and affirmation of the Macedonian Slavic civilization and

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culture) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil DjorgievLikin, 27–37. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Vlakhov-Micov, Stefan. “Samoilovata drzhava od civilizaciski aspekt.” (Macedonian: Samuel’s state from the point of view of civilization) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 39–43. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Zajkovski, Dragan. “Crkovnata khierarkhija na Okhridskata patrijarshija vo vremeto na Samuilovata drzhava.” (Macedonian: The ecclesiastical hierarchy of the Patriarchate of Ochrid under Samuel) Istorija 47 (2012), 1: 173–85. Zajkovski, Dragan. “Okhridskata patriarshija vo vremeto na Samoilovata drzhava: erarkhija i dieceza.” (Macedonian: The archbishopric of Ohrid at the time of Samuel’s state: hierarchy and diocese) In Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin, 114–23. Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015. Ziemann, Daniel. “Samuil and the West.” In Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov, 85–94. Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015.

CHAPTER 1

Bulgarian Sources

Samuel’s Inscription

The inscription, carved into a marble slab, was found during the building of a church in 1888 in the village of German (now Agios Germanos, in Western Macedonia, Greece), near the eastern shore of the Great Prespa Lake. In the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. I, Samuel, the servant of God, wrote on this cross in memory of /my/ father and /my/ mother and /my/ brother. These are the names of the deceased: God’s servant Nikola, /Rypsimia and/ David. Written in the year of the Creation 6501 (AD 993) indiction 6. Literature: The inscription has been repeatedly republished after Iordan Ivanov, Bălgarski starini iz Makedoniia Sofia, 1931 (reprint Sofia, 1970), pp. 23–25; Nikoghayos Adontz, Samuel l’Armenien, roi des Bulgares (Mémoires publiés par l’Académie de Belgique, Classe de lettres, 39)(Brussels, 1938), p. 40; Ivan Duichev, Iz starata bălgarska knizhnina, vol. 1 (Sofia, 1943), p. 141; Phaidon Malingoudis, Die mittelalterlichen kyrillischen Inschriften der Hämus-Halbinsel. I, Die bulgarischen Inschriften (Thessaloniki, 1979), pp. 39–42.1

The Inscription of John Vladislav, Emperor of Bulgaria

The marble slab with inscription was used as a step for the entrance into the Chaush Mosque in Bitola, which was built in 1522. The inscription was discovered in 1956, during the cleaning of the mosque ruins as part of a city 1  A slightly different translation into English is available in Kiril Petkov, The Voices of Medieval Bulgaria, Seventh-Fifteenth Century. The Records of a Bygone Culture (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2008), pp. 38–39. The inscription is also discussed in Marija Paunova, “Samuiloviot natpis kako najstar kirilski epigrafski spomenik od Makedonija,” in Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin (Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015), pp. 247–58 (translator’s note).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���7 | doi ��.��63/9789004352995_003

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modernization plan. It was first published by A. Burmov2 and V. Moshin,3 then it was copied and (re)published by Iordan Zaimov. † In the year 6523 (AD 1015) from the creation of the world, this fortress was renewed, built and made by John, emperor of the Bulgarians, with the help and prayers of our sovereign, the Holy Mother of God, and the intercession of the twelve supreme apostles. This fortress was made as a haven for the salvation and for the life of the Bulgarians. [Work on] the Bitola fortress started in the month of October on the 20th day and was completed in the month … at the end … This emperor was Bulgarian by birth, grandson of the pious Nikola and Ripsimia, son of Aron, who is the brother of Samuel, the ruling emperor, the two who routed the Greek army of Emperor Basil at Stipone where gold was taken […] and who in […] this emperor was defeated by Emperor Basil in 6522 from the creation of the world (AD 1014) in Kliuch, and passed away at the end of the summer. Main publications: Iordan Zaimov, Bitolski nadpis na Ivan Vladislav, samodărzhec bălgarski (Starobălgarski nadpis ot 1015–1016 g.) (Sofia, 1970); Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, “Otnovo okolo Bitolskiia nadpis na Ivan Vladislav,” in Vasilka GerasimovaTomova in memoriam (Sofia, 2013), pp. 565–79.4

2  Aleksandăr Burmov, “Novonameren starobălgarski nadpis v Makedonia,” Plamăk 3 (1959), 84–8 (translator’s note). 3  Vladimir Moshin, “Bitolska plocha ot 1017,” Makedonski jazik 17 (1966), 51–61. See Radmila Ugrinova-Skalovska, Zapisi i letopisi (Skopje: Makedonska kniga, 1975), pp. 43–44 (translator’s note). 4  Two English translations of the inscription have been published in Paul Stephenson, The Legend of Basil the Bulgar-Slayer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 29–30; and Petkov, The Voices, p. 39. The inscription is also discussed in Srđan Pirivatrić, Samuilova drzhava: obim i karakter (Belgrade: Vizantoloshki Institut, 1997), p. 183; Paul Meinrad Strässle, Krieg und Kriegführung in Byzanz. Die Kriege Kaiser Basileios’ II. gegen die Bulgaren (976–1019) (Cologne: Böhlau, 2006), p. 172; Stojko Stojkov, “Bitolskata plocha—dilemi i interpretacii,” in Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin (Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej, 2015), pp. 80–105 (translator’s note).

Bulgarian Sources



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The Tomb Inscription of Prince Presian II

Found during the archaeological excavations carried out in Michalovce (eastern Slovakia). Here rests Presian [born] in the year 6505 (AD 996/997), [who] died in the year 6569 (AD 1060/1061) Main publications: Vojtěch Tkadličik, “Cyrilský nápis v Michalovcích,” Slavia 52 (1983), no. 2, 113– 123; Vojtěch Tkadličik, “Kyrylivs’kyy nadpys v Mykhalivtsiakh,” Naukovyy zbirnyk Muzeiu kul’tury u Svydnytsu (1986), no. 14, 397–407; Plamen Pavlov, Kniaz Presian vtori—posledniiat vladetel na părvoto bălgarsko carstvo i pretendent za vizantiiskata korona 996/997–1060/61 (Veliko Tărnovo/Stara Zagora, 1993), p. 47. Additional literature: Plamen Pavlov, Zalezăt na Părvoto bălgarsko carstvo (1015–1018 g.) (Sofia, 1999), pp. 63–64; V. Despodova, “Grobot na Presijan, vnukot na car Samoil, se naoga vo Michalovce Slovachka?” Slavica Slovaca 30 (1995), no. 1, 16–23. Authors who raised doubts about the relation of the inscription to Presian, son of John Vladislav: Lubomír Matejko, “Niekoľko poznámok k náhrobnému nápisu kniezaťa Presiana v Michalovciach,” Slovanské štúdie 21 (1992), 136–47; Lubomír Matejko, “Ein Zeugnis von den Berührungen Südosteuropas und der Slowakei im 11. Jahrhundert,” in Mitteldonaugebiet und Südosteuropa im frühen Mittelalter, edited by Tatiana Štefanovičová and Zuzana Ševčiková (Bratislava, 1995), pp. 35–45; Khristo Dimitrov,“ Za razchitaneto i tălkuvaneto na taka narecheniia “kirilski nadgroben nadpis na kniaz Presiian ot XI v.” ot Mikhalovce/Mikhald (dneshna Slovakiia),” Palaeobulgarica 26 (2003), no. 4, 81–88. Authors who confirmed the relation of the inscription to Presian: Marian Vizdal and Nikolai Nikolov. “Epigrafskia pametnik ot rotondata w Mikhalovce v svetlinata na novite prouchvaniia,” Preslavska knizhovna shkola 9 (2009), 408–425. The last publication confirms Tkadličik’s identification of the remains in the Michalovce grave with those of Prince Presian II.

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The Inscription about the Enthronment of Gabriel Radomir

Next to the village of Trekliane, some 60 miles to the west from Sofia, there is rocky hill, at 4,206 feet above the sea level, called Pisan kamăk (The inscribed rock). On the walls of two niches in the rock there are drawings, accompanied by inscriptions. The local population calls the two niches Cărkveto (the Chapel) and Uchilishteto (the School), respectively. The former name is related to the image of a human with a halo around the head, while the School derives its name from the image of two crosses and four human figures. According to Vania Ilinkina, the iconography, particularly the two crosses, suggests an altar cross, of a type used in the feast of the Elevation of the Holy Cross (September 14). Out of the four figures sketched in the Chapel, two are noteworthy: an archangel blessing a royal figure, receiving a scroll with the left hand. According to Ilinkina, the scene, drawn by a hermit, who may have lived in the cave, depicts the coronation of Samuel’s son, Gabriel Radomir, also called Romanus Symeon (according to John Skylitzes). The coronation is known to have taken place on the day before Ascension. There is an inscription of only three lines in the northwestern corner of the niche: [For] Roman [wrote] in the cave Commentary: Though interesting, Ilinkina’s interpretation has remained so far without support in any other source. Publications: Vania Ilinikina. “Nov izvor za văzcariavaneto na car Roman-Simeon (Gavril Radomir).” In Prinosi kăm bălgarskata arkheologiia. Dekemvriiski dni bălgarskata arkheologiia “Prof. d-r. Stancho Vaklinov”, edited by Dimităr Ovcharov and Irina Shtereva, vol. 2 (Sofia, 1993), pp. 170–187.

The Bulgarian Apocryphal Chronicle

This is one of the most popular apocryphal works that appeared in the Balkans in the aftermath of the Byzantine conquest of Bulgaria in 1018. As demonstrated by Anatolii A. Turilov, “Kichevskii sbornik s ‘Bolgarskoi apokrificheskoi letopisiu,” Palaeobulgarica 19 (1995), no. 4, 2–39, the text is based on only one 17th-century. The story is narrated by Prophet Isaiah, who was elevated by an

Bulgarian Sources

21

angel to the seventh heaven to receive his special mission from the Lord. The Apocryphal Chronicle has been published several times. In the days of Tsar Basil [II] there were three tsars—brothers born to a widow prophetess: Moses, Aaron, and Samuel. And there was a son of Samuel, named Augustian, who received the Bulgarian Tsardom as well as the Greek one and reigned for 37 years. Then another tsar of the same widow arose; and received the tsardom; and ruled for three years before he died. Then came another [tsar] of the same kin, named Roman, who received the Bulgarian tsardom. And he gathered his army and he became angry at the eastern tsar and went by sea to the east to destroy two tsars, but he destroyed his own army. And he returned from the east in the town of Preslav. And Roman reigned in his tsardom for 9 years and died. Then there was another tsar, the son of Theodora the righteous, a pious and devout tsar. And he built great monasteries in the Bulgarian and Greek lands. And his kingdom was all wealthy and prosperous. And he ruled in his tsardom for 23 years and died. Then came another tsar, named Gagan, and his nickname was Odelian, very handsome. And he received the Bulgarian and Greek tsardoms. And he destroyed two towns in Kumida that were beyond the sea. And he created three towns in the Bulgarian land: 1. Cherven 2. Nesebăr, 3. Shtip. And there he ruled for 28 years, and then he was slain by a foreigner at Ovche Pole.5 Commentary: Ivan Duichev, Iz starata bălgarska knizhnina (Sofia, 1943), p. 240 rightly interpreted the name of Augustian in the Apocryphal Chronicle as that of Alusian, the son of Ivan Vladislav. Moreover, Roman mentioned in the Chronicle is not the Byzantine Emperor Roman III Argyros, as proposed by Constantin Jireček in his “Khristianskiiat element v topografskata nomenklatura na Balkanskite zemi,” Periodischesko spisanie 55–56 (1898), p. 266, but the son of Samuel, Gabriel Radomir. As indicated by Skylitzes, the latter also bore the name Roman. It is important to note also the opinion of Ivan Venedikov, who, in his Voennoto i administrativno ustroistvo na Bălgariia, (Sofia, 1979), p. 124, believes Theodora of the Apocryphal Chronicle to be the daughter of Samuel, 5  A slightly different translation of this text is available in Petkov, The Voices, pp. 198–99 (translator’s note).

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Theodora Kossara, who married the Prince of Zeta, Joan Vladimir (see his vita below). Odelian of the Apocryphal Chronicle is obviously Peter Delian, the son of Gabriel Radomir and the leader of the Bulgarian uprising of 1040–1041 (the scribe turned Delian into Odelian by adding the Greek definite article ó. Finally, Gagan is the Greek version of the Bulgar title of khagan, for which see the commentary below, as well as Anton Săbotinov, Bălgariia pri car Samuil i negovite naslednici (976–1018 g.) (Sofia, 2008), pp. 37–38. Publications: Anisava Miltenova and Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, Istoriko-apokaliptichnata knizhnina văv Vizantiia i v srednovekovna Bălgariia (Sofia, 1996), pp. 199–206; Anisava Miltenova, “Bălgarska anonimna khronika,” in Bălgarska literatura. Enciklopedichen rechnik, edited by Donka Petkanova (Veliko Tărnovo, 2003), pp. 80–81; Anisava Miltenova and Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, Historical and Apocalyptic Literature in Byzantium and Medieval Bulgaria (Sofia, 2011), pp. 274–300.6

The Vision of Prophet Daniel

There are several sources in the Bulgarian historical and apocalyptic literature with the title Vision of Prophet Daniel. All of them following the model of the Book of Daniel, which containing prophesies regarding the four great empires: Babylon, Medo-Persia, Greece, and Rome. During the 11th century, in Byzantium, two versions of Daniel’s Prophesies were in existence, in addition to another from Sicily, now known as Pseudo-Daniel. The latter was adopted in the Bulgarian literature in several versions. The full text of the Vision is included in the 13th-century, so-called Dragolov Miscellany, a manuscript now in the National Library of Serbia in Belgrade. Another, incomplete copy (the so-called Beliakovski version) is in a 16th-century manuscript that in the Bulgarian National Library in Sofia. Finally, an early 18th-century copy of the Beliakovski version (ms. D17) is in the manuscript collection of the Center for Slavic and Byzantine Studies in Sofia. An interpolation in this latter manuscript contains the names of Samuel’s son, Gabriel Radomir, as well as of Ivan Vladislav.

6  See now Biliarsky, Tale of the Prophet Isaiah.

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Then another scepter will rise from his (an unidentified ruler of Gothic origin) seed—his son Gabriel, the most transient of all. Another scepter will rise, whose throne will bear the name Vladislav7 … Publications: Miltenova and Tăpkova-Zaimova, Istoriko-apokaliptichnata knizhnina, pp. 113– 115, 128 (text), 129–134; Anisava Miltenova, “Apokrifi za prorok Daniil,” in in Bălgarska literatura. Enciklopedichen rechnik, edited by Donka Petkanova (Veliko Tărnovo, 2003), pp. 44–45; Miltenova and Tăpkova-Zaimova, Historical and Apocalyptic Literature, pp. 301–331.

The Synodicon of Emperor Boril

A synodicon is a collection of canons, i.e., of decrees adopted at various church councils and synods. The Synodicon of Boril contains canons against the Bogomils, that were adopted at a synod summoned by Emperor Boril in 1211. Beginning of the Bulgarian tsars. To … Samuel, Radomir Gabriel, Vladimir, Vladislav, ancient Bulgarian tsars, who inherited the heavenly kingdom with the early one, eternal memory!8 Comment: This entry appears only in the so-called Drinov copy dated to the 14th century. Vladimir is mentioned among the successors of Samuel. Whether this is John Vladimir, the Prince of Zeta and husband of Samuel’s daughter Kossara, remains unclear. Publications: M. G. Popruzhenko, Sinodik caria Borila (Sofia, 1928), p. 77; Ivan Bozhilov, Anna-Mariia Totomanova, and Ivan Biliarski, Borilov sinodik. Izdanie i prevod (Sofia, 2010), pp. 150 and 311.

7  The name Vladislav appears only in ms. D17, while other copies have instead “with the name of an angel.” 8  English translation from Petkov, The Voices, pp. 253–54 (translator’s note).

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Commemorations of Bulgarian Rulers

Commemorations are lists of names, mentioned during the church service. 1

Boyana Church Commemoration Make, O Lord, the memory of the pious tsars eternal: Boris, tsar Symeon, tsar Roman, tsar Peter, tsar Samuel, tsar Radomir, tsar Gabriel, tsar

2

Commemoration from the Monastery of St. John the Theologian in Poganovo, Serbia O Lord, make eternal the memory of: Boris, tsar Symeon, tsar Peter, tsar Roman, tsar Samuel, tsar Radomir, tsar Gabriel, tsar

3

Commemoration from the Zographou Monastery at Mount Athos Make, O Lord, memory eternal in the orthodox faith of the Bulgarian tsars: Boris Roman Gabriel

Comment: Details for the commemorations that do not differ much from each other may be found in the following literature.

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Publications: Duichev, Iz starata bălgarska knizhnina, pp. 198–201; Mikhail Kovachev, Zograf. Izsledvaniia i dokumenti. I (Sofia, 1942), pp. xxiii and 1–271; Ivanov, Băgarski starini, pp. 479–483 and 489–524; Magdalina Stancheva and Stancho Rangelov Stanchev, Boianskiiat pomenik (Sofia, 1963).

CHAPTER 2

Slavic Adaptations of Byzantine Chronicles

The Hellenic and Roman Chronograph

This work appears to be a mid-15th-century imitation of Byzantine chronicles and short chronicles. [Kingdom] 53 of Basil Porphyrogenitus, who killed the Bulgarians too, years 8, of orthodox faith … Publications: O. V. Tvorogov, Letopisec ellinskii i rimskii, 2 vols. (St. Petersburg, 1999–2000); Snezhana Rakova, Chetvărtiiat krăstonosen pokhod v istoricheskata pamet na pravoslavnite slaviani (Sofia, 2007), p. 206.

The Russian Chronograph

This Russian compilation survives in three redactions dated to 1512, 1617, and 1620–44, respectively. The text in each of them is organized in 200 short chapters.

1512 redaction The tsardom of Basil and Constantine, sons of Tsar Roman As the Arabic sword conquered Asia, the Assyrians squeezed the Greek borders. At the same time, the Bulgarians attacked the Greeks along the Danube River and captured Thrace, which is located close to the borders. Yet suddenly, after the long winter, the spring shone and the storm was replaced by deep silence, which brought profound calmness. Bardas subdued himself to the ruler. Basil conquered the Arab country and the sweet stream of the Phasis,1 which fed the Iberians, as well as the Phoenician land. Tsar Basil had never given peace to his eyes; he had never closed them; he had never slept until he drove away the wolves that tormented

1  The ancient Greek name of the river now known as Rioni, which flows through western Georgia into the Black Sea next to the city of Poti (ancient Phasis)(translator’s note).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���7 | doi ��.��63/9789004352995_004

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the sheep. His power was recognized by the strong Bulgarians. Again, he belted on a sword, like the victorious Ares. And he did not remain in the royal chamber as a young lady, who escapes the gaze of a man, but, on the contrary, he preferred the morning dew to wash his hair, thus intensifying his royal aroma. Again, the regiments clashed in vicious battles. And again, the barbarians, like wild goats wounded by a spear edge in the womb, exhibited homicide and ferocious impudence. Soldiers of both sides got armed—Bulgarians and Greeks. And they all breathed wrath and war. And all were ironclad; and bore copper shields and spears. The war began—ruinous for both sides. Shields got smashed and spears were broken with ferocious roar. Emperor Basil walked among his subjects like a rooster and guided them against the headstrong Bulgarians. And of course, the Bulgarians broke into a run and jostled with each other. The Greek regiments rushed after them killing those who could not run faster, striking and crushing them under their feet. Their princes ran away as well, cutting the tendons of their horses, and getting back home to enjoy the booty. Bulgarian fields were covered with blood and bodies of the dead and swamps of blood were formed elsewhere. And the Greek soldiery, armed and unarmed, walked at ease in Thrace and throughout the entire Bulgarian land in great jubilation. Thus, Emperor Basil not once but twice destroyed the tsar of the Bulgarians. His name was Samuel. He captured Vidin, and Pliska and Great and Little Preslav, and many other towns. Skopje was given to him by Roman, the son of the Bulgarian tsar Peter. This town was given to Roman by Samuel, when the Bulgarians ruled over the land from Ohrid to Dyrrhachium and farther. Thus, the emperor crushed the haughtiness of the Bulgarians, as he destroyed the pillar of their pride and rebuffed them as poor dogs away from his sheepfolds. Some of them he captured; and he blinded 15,000 prisoners of war. And as he left a one-eyed man to every hundred blinded, he sent them in that state to tsar Samuel. And he, as he saw them, was struck by grief and died of sorrow. Basil, on his turn, appeased the haughty ones and enslaved the free ones. Since then, the Bulgarian kingdom had fallen under Greek power—up to the time of Asen, the Bulgarian tsar. Commentary: As Liudmila Gorina points out in her “Zavoevanie Bolgarii Vizantiei (konec X–nachalo XI v.) v russkom Khronografe,” in Makedoniia: problemy istorii i kul’tury, edited by R. P. Grishina (Moscow, 1999), pp. 46–71, the information in the Russian Chronograph derives from various sources—Skylitzes, the

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Bulgarian translation of Zonaras, and Yahya of Antioch. Its version X is most likely based on the so called Paralipomenon of Zonaras. I have borrowed some of the excerpts from the text and their translation from the work of Snezhana Rakova, The Fourth Crusade in the Historical Memory of the Eastern Orthodox Slavs (Sofia, 2013). The text discussed by Gorina was translated by Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova. Publications: Andrei Popov, Obzor khronografov russkoi redakcii, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1866), pp. 65–72; Russkii khronograf, edited by S. P. Rozanov (Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei, 22/1) (St. Petersburg, 1911; new edition, Moscow, 2005). The Chronograph of Bogišić This 16th-century chronograph is a Serbian version of the Russian Chronograph. Since the reign of Tsar Basil, the Bulgarian tsardom had passed under the Greek rule … Publications: Russkii khronograf, pp. 388–94; Rakova, Chetvărtiiat krăstonosen pokhod, pp. 286–87; Rakova, The Fourth Crusade.

CHAPTER 3

Greek Sources

The Life of St. Fantinus the Younger

St. Fantinus was a hermit (c. 902–967) who, for a while, lived as a monk in a monastery in Calabria. In the aftermath of Muslim attack that destroyed his monastery, Fantinus headed forth to Thessaloniki in the company of two disciples. He arrived in the city, after reaching the Peloponnese and passing through Athens and Larissa. In Thessaloniki, however, he fell ill and died soon after his arrival. Fantinus is known to have made a number of prophecies, the most important of which is that Larissa would one day fall into the hands of the “enemies,” most likely the Bulgarians. To be sure, the city had already been taken once by Bulgarians, namely under the reign of Symeon, shortly after his victory over the Byzantines in the Battle of Acheloos (917). However, Fantinus clearly had in mind a later event, one and the same attack on the city that, as Vasil Giuzelev has pointed out, must have happened between 965 (the year in which Fantinus visited Larissa) and 986 (the year in which the city was taken by Samuel). This attack is also mentioned in the Praise for St. Thomas of Thessaly, a text written in the 11th century. Elsewhere in the vita of St. Fantinus there is another mention of the deterioration of Bulgarian-Byzantine relations after 967. This is his third prophecy concerning the Bulgarian attack on Thessaly and the environs of Thessaloniki. The excerpts from the vita have been translated into Bulgarian by Vasil Giuzelev. The tribe of the Bulgarians desired to ravage these lands again. The governor, Duke Pediasimes, gripped with horrible fear, planned to burn down all the nearby places located outside the walls of the fortress. He had the same plans about our monastery, because it was situated outside the town. Yet Fantinus, with the assistance of the Holy Spirit, told the governor: “Because the ethnarch is worried about his unpredictable fellow-countrymen, I am joining him. It is better for these citizens to keep the fruits that the invaders will otherwise ravage.” Seeing himself in a deadlock, the duke responded that he had no troops at his disposal. The great [saint] replied: “Do not worry about that, because they will not be destroyed by an armed force, but by a force from on high”. The duke took hope and soon not a small part of the Bulgarians perished. And we came to know that the prophecy of the saint had not been proved wrong …

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The Bulgarian tribe captured a servant, who for a long time nourished unwavering faith in the saint. When he was chained in the fortress of Kalidros, his master unceasingly begged Fantinus to help the captive. One night, in the dungeon of the above-mentioned fortress, into which the prisoner had been thrown, the saint appeared to him and released him immediately from his chains. Then, as he took him by hand, he led him outside without either guardians, or other prisoners noticing them. Thus the saint took the prisoner away from the fortress of Kitros. And as he found a fast ship, he placed the prisoner in its hold. At midnight, the sailors sailed off and in the morning, they arrived in Thessaloniki. However, one of them went down to the hold and found the man asleep. Then all of the sailors took him out and worried, as they began to question him. As he started his story from the moment of his captivity, he continued thus: “As for the one, who at midnight rescued me from the chains of the prison and took me to you, he was a monk, with a large, scary-looking body, grey-haired, barefoot, and with very long beard.” As he said that, leaving everyone in bewilderment, he joyfully returned home. When his master heard that, he took him to the church of St. Fantinus. As the ex-prisoner, saw the image of the saint, he said: “It was this man who appeared to me and freed me from the heavy chains.” Commentary: Vasil Giuzelev has provided a detailed analysis of the events mentioned in those excerpts from the Life of St. Fantinus. He compared this information to that from Kekaumenos’ detailed account of the Bulgarian-Byzantine relations at that time. According to Kekaumenos, the fortress of Kalidros (Kalindăr) was next to Lake Dojran (on the border between present-day Macedonia and Greece), while the fortress of Kitros, as evident from the text, was by the sea.1 Publications: Vasil Giuzelev, “Svedeniia za bălgarite v Zhitieto na sveti Fantino Mladi ot X v.,” Palaeobulgarica 36 (2012), no. 2, 31–39; Germaine Da Costa-Louillet, “Saints de Sicile et d’Italie méridionale aux VIIIe, IXe et Xe siècles,” Byzantion 29–30

1  This is most likely the present-day village of Kitros in the Pydna-Kolindros municipality of Central Macedonia (Greece) (translator’s note).

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(1959–1960), 89–173; Enrica Follieri, Vita di San Fantino il Giovane (Brussels, 1993), pp. 400–70.2

Leo the Deacon3

Leo the Deacon is one of the most renowned Byzantine historians. He was born in 950 in Kaloe, Asia Minor. He received his education in Constantinople, where he later became a monk. In 986, as a court deacon, he participated in Emperor Basil II’s campaign against the Bulgarians, which ended with the Byzantine defeat in the battle of the Trajan’s Gate Pass (the Ihtiman Gorge). Leo the Deacon finished his History shortly before 992. Initially, his work covered the events from 959 to 976, but soon after that the author wrote a sequel up to 989. Loyal to the Byzantine historiographic tradition, Leo the Deacon used works of earlier historians and chroniclers. However, his eyewitness account of the events between 986 and 989, when Berrhoia fell into the hands of Samuel, makes his work one of the most important sources for Samuel and his struggle against Byzantium. Then, when Bardas Skleros’s robber band of conspirators was completely dispersed, the emperor Basil mustered his troops and marched against the Mysians.4 For those arrogant and cruel people, who breathed murder, were harassing Roman territory and mercilessly plundering Macedonia, killing everyone from youth upwards. Therefore he was roused to greater anger than was proper or provident, and hastened to destroy them at the first assault, but he was deceived in his hopes through the intervention of fortune. For after he traversed the narrow and steep tracks and reached the vicinity of Sardica, which the Scythians are accustomed to 2  See also Panagiotis A. Yannopoulos, “La Grèce dans la Vie de S. Fantin,” Byzantion 65 (1995), no. 2, 475–94; Florin Curta, The Edinburgh History of the Greeks, c. 500 to 1050. The Early Middle Ages (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011), p. 175 (translator’s note). 3  The following excerpts from Leo the Deacon’s History are from the English translation with introduction and annotations by Alice-Marie Talbot and Denis F. Sullivan, The History of Leo the Deacon. Byzantine Military Expansion in the Tenth Century (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2005), pp. 213–215 and 217 (translator’s note). 4  This was the disastrous Bulgarian campaign of 986 against Tsar Samuel, who had invaded Macedonia and Thessaly in the early 980s. Here, as well as elsewhere in his work, Leo the Deacon refers to the Bulgarians as Mysians and to the Russians as Tauroscythians (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation).

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call Tralitza,5 he set up camp here for the army and settled down and kept watch over [the city] for twenty days. But he was not able to accomplish anything, since the army fell into indolence and sluggishness as a result of the incompetence of the commanders. Thus the Mysians ambushed them first, when they left the camp for forage and fodder, and killed many of them, and carried of a large number of their pack animals and horses. Then, after the siege machines and the other contrivances accomplished nothing, because of the inexperience of the men who brought them up against the walls, and they [the machines] were set on fire by the enemy, and when lack of supplies began to overwhelm the army, since the provisions they brought with them were already exhausted because they did not consume them sparingly but greedily, he and the army packed up and headed back to Byzantium. And after marching all day he pitched camp in a thicket and allowed the army to rest. The first watch of the night6 was not yet concluded, when suddenly an enormous star7 darted from the eastern side of the camp and illuminated the tents with boundless light, and then dropped into the trench on the west side and was extinguished after disintegrating in a burst of sparks. The sinking of the star foretold the imminent destruction of the army; for wherever something of this sort has occurred, it has meant the total destruction of whatever lay below. Clear proof of this is the star that descended upon the Trojan host, when Pandaros was shooting at Menelaus;8 for there on the same day the Trojan army was forced into ignoble flight by the Achaeans. And if one were to peruse the history of the Roman wars, he would find that this has been a frequent occurrence and that the army has been destroyed when the phenomenon appeared. And we ourselves saw such [a star] descending upon the house of the proedros Basil, and, after only a short time passed, he departed this life

5  Sardica (or Serdica) is Sofia in modern Bulgaria; Tralitza is apparently a corrupt form from Triaditza, as suggested by Panagiotakes. For Triaditza as an alternative name for Sardica, see also Michael Glycas, Annales, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1836), 465.16–17 (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 6  The first night watch lasted from approximately 6:00 PM to 9:00 PM (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 7  Perhaps a meteorite (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 8  See Homer, Iliad 4.85ff. Pandaros, son of Lykaon, was a Trojan who shot at Menelaus, thus breaking the truce (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation).

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and his property was plundered and looted.9 But this is enough about the apparition of the star. The next day, then, the army was traversing a wooded defile, which was full of caves, and as soon as they passed through it they came to steep terrain, filled with gullies. Here the Mysians attacked the Romans, killing huge numbers of men and seizing the imperial headquarters10 and riches, and plundering all the army’s baggage. I myself, who tell this sad tale, was present at that time, to my misfortune, attending the emperor and performing the services of deacon. And my steps had well nigh slipped11 and I would have fallen victim to a Scythian sword, if I had not been led away from this danger by some divine providence, which made me gallop off quickly before the enemy arrived at the steep slope, and [allowed me] to pass over it and quickly reach the ridge. The remains of the army, going through [nearly] impassable mountains, barely escaped the Mysian attack, losing almost all their horses and the baggage they were carrying, and returned to Roman territory.12 … Still other calamities were portended by the rising of the star that appeared and again by the fiery pillars that were manifested in the north13 in the middle of the night and terrified those who saw them; for these portended the capture of Cherson by the Tauroscythians14 and the 9  Basil the Nothos, illegitimate son of Romanos I; on him, by Alice-Marie Talbot and Denis F. Sullivan, The History of Leo the Deacon, p. 97. On the location of Basil’s house, see W. G. Brokkaar, “Basil Lacapenus. Byzantium in the 10th century,” in Studia Byzantina et Neohellenica Neerlandica, edited by W. F. Bakker et al. (Leiden, 1972), p. 233 with n. 1. In 985 the emperor Basil II sent Basil into exile: see ibid., 232–33. The precise date of his death is unknown (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 10  Τήν βασίλειον αρχήν. Perhaps it means the command tent (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 11  Psalms 72 (73):2 (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 12  The Byzantine defeat occurred at the pass of Trajan’s Gate on 16/17 August 986 (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 13  Evidently an aurora borealis; D. Obolensky, “Cherson and the conversion of Rus’: an anti-revisionist view,” Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 13 (1989), 250–51, agreed with O. M. Rapov’s rejection (“O date prinyatiya khristianstva knyazemVladimirom i Kievlyanami,” Voprosy Istorii [1984, no. 6], 37) of the suggestion by A. Poppe (see next note) that the “columns of fire” were a phenomenon observed in Cairo in April 989 and described by Yahya of Antioch (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 14  The date and circumstances of Vladimir’s capture of Crimean Cherson are under dispute, but must have occurred in 989 or 990; see A. Poppe, “The political background to the baptism of Rus’: Byzantine-Russian relations between 986–989,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 30

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occupation of Berrhoia by the Mysians.15 Then there was the star that rose in the west at sunset, which, as it made its evening appearances, did not remain fixed on one point, but emitted bright and far-reaching beams and frequently changed its position, now visible in the north, now in the south;16 and sometimes during a single appearance17 it would change its place in the sky and make a clear and rapid shift in position, so that people who saw it were amazed and astonished and suspected that the peculiar movement of the comet did not bode well … Commentary: The comet mentioned in the text appears in the works of a few more authors of Greek or other origin, for example, in Leo the Grammarian. The comet was seen in July or August 989. There is another mention of a comet in the text, as seen near Thessaloniki in 975. It is not altogether certain whether this is the same comet or not. Greater details are provided in the Russian edition of Leo the Deacon’s History (full reference in the “Publications” section), as well as in the explanations to Charles Lebeau’s History.18 I provide more detailed comments on the events mentioned here in my discussion of John Skylitzes’s work. Worth mentioning here is the style of Leo the Deacon, who employs the archaic names so often used by Byzantine authors: Bulgarians are Moesians or Scythians, while the Rus’ are Tauroscythians. Leo also employs of parallels with events and characters from the Trojan War, e.g., Pandarus of Troy wounding Menelaus.

(1976), 195–244, at 211–13; and Obolensky, “Cherson.” This is the only mention of the event by a Byzantine source (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 15  The date of the capture of Macedonian Berrhoia by Samuel of Bulgaria is disputed; for the various proposals, see G. C. Chionides, ‘Ιστορία της Βέροιας, vol. 2 (Thessaloniki, 1970), pp. 20–23. Most scholars accept the date 989, which Leo seems to imply by his linking of the conquest with other events securely dated to 989; but see Obolensky, “Cherson,” 250 and n. 25 (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 16  This is Halley’s Comet, which was observed in August and September 989 in Europe and Asia: see V. Grumel, La chronologie (Paris, 1958), p. 472 and D. J. Schove and A. Fletcher, Chronology of Eclipses and Comets AD 1–1000 (Woodbridge, 1987), p. 297 (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 17  Reading κατ’ αυτήν τήν μίαν έπιτολήν for κα αυτήν τήν μίαν έπιτολήν with Panagiotakes and as conjectured by Hase (the original note of A.-M. Talbot and D. F. Sullivan’s translation). 18  See the chapter Latin, French and Italian Sources (translator’s note).

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Publications: C. B. Hase (ed.) Leonis Diaconi Caloënsis Historiae Libri (Bonn, 1828); Lev Diakon, Istoriia, transl. by M. M. Kopylenko, with commentaries by M. Ia. Siuziumov and S. A. Ivanov (Moscow, 1988); Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije, edited by Franjo Barišić and Ljubomir Maksimović, vol. 3 (Belgrade, 1966), p. 14.

A 10th-Century, Anonymous Letter

Both the author and the recipient of this letter are unknown. The letter provides a short glimpse into Samuel’s invasion of Thessaly. Its publisher, Jean Darrouzès, hesitantly dates the letter to 975. As I already wrote to you, this is how matters look like with the rebels. Their phalanx was destroyed and spilled all over. Or to employ a saying, like water that God would not gather but scatter like dust, and would despise like a broken shell. Mourning over those who perished would signal empathy and compassion for those that have suffered badly. At any rate, people must hear about these facts in detail because the story is edifying for anyone, and it will deter those inclined to go down the same route. After their first attack and subsequent failure, the general pursued them closely and on the road he found many wounded, who were still breathing. The sons of Baldos were lifted and Theodosius himself, who was wounded, took off his armour and set off for Ezeros by the shortest way possible. A much larger crowd then joined the general. He acted prudently and got rid off them keeping only the regiments that, by God’s will, were at his disposal. He is about to attack Ezeros now and, with God on his side, will chase away those who have hidden there … Commentary: This text is about a military campaign of Samuel that took place towards the end of the century, as suggested by the letter’s date. However, Pirivatrić, Samuilova drzhava, p. 25 is not inclined to trust the information in this letter. Publications: Jean Darrouzès, Epistoliers byzantins du X e siècle (Paris, 1960), pp. 356–357; Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, “Autour de la pénétration du tzar bulgare Samuel dans les régions de la Grèce proprement dite,” Byzantinobulgarica 2 (1966), 237–239.

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Life of St. Achillius of Larissa

This vita was written by an unknown author in the late 10th or early 11th century. The text below refers to Samuel’s campaign to Larissa in 979. Many days went by without the flow of newcomers to stop. Nor did the gathering of people, or the traffic, decrease. Because of that, and due to God’s will, confusion spread among those arriving. Consequently, the coffer was hidden and the sacred relics were covered to protect them from being touched by the unworthy. Following the bishop’s decision, the treasure was hidden as well and the sacred relics were covered and made inaccessible to pilgrims. Thus, many years went by—as it is said by those who have written about this—and the treasure was rediscovered again, but how and by what means—we do not know. So, the sacred relics were found again, and became renowned for myrrh flowing (from them) and for curing illnesses, and good times returned to the inhabitants of Larissan one more time. But the devil was jealous on them because of their great treasure. And the one who was envious of our good deeds incited an attack of the Bulgarians against the Romans. Having gained a temporary military superiority, the Bulgarians took away the treasure, stole away the richness of Larissians and took it to their own country … Commentary: This text contains the story of the sacred relics of St. Achillius, which are regarded as the “treasure” of Larissa. Samuel translated them to his first capital, on an island in the middle of the Little Prespa Lake. For the most recent archaeological information on that site, see Nikolaos K. Moutsopolos, He basilike tou Agiou Achilleiou sten Prespa. Eva mnemeio kibotos tes topikes istorias (Thessaloniki, 1999). Publications: Khr. Loparev, “Opisanie nekotorykh grecheskikh zhitii sviatykh,” Vizantiiskii Vremennik 4 (1897), 337–401, at 363–364.

Encomium for Photius of Thessaly

Photius was a hermit who lived during the reign of Basil II in the Monastery of Sts. Cosmas and Damian near Thessaloniki. An unknown author wrote an encomium (praise) for him, excerpts of which are given below.

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The people of Moesia rose against the Roman rule. The Ausonian [Roman, i.e., Byzantine] emperor was greatly alarmed by the destruction they caused to the entire land of the Thessalians and the Dolopians. Taxes from those lands stopped reaching the state coffers, and travel there was not possible any more. All travellers were gruesomely taken hostages, mercilessly slayed by sword, or taken into slavery, in accordance with slavery laws that do not honor the kinship of tribes and stir tribesman against tribesman. The emperor rightly decided that this could continue no longer. He mobilized a large infantry [ force] and waged a brave war with [that] considerable army. The emperor faced the barbarians with his entire army in a fearsome battle but he was unable to prevail over the barbarian hordes. As this happened many times, the emperor, having reached a grave deadlock, sought a different assistance, much more majestic and noble—in the prayers of the saints, who offered a higher aid, unrivalled in battle. And so, he reached Thessaloniki—a fortress and shelter from enemies … Photius went with him [Emperor Basil II] to face the enemy: one of them with his weapons, the other with prayers. Later, when the uprising was put down and all the emperor’s men returned to their country, Photius arrived in Thessaloniki and he was praised for having tamed the reckless barbarians. Not only did the emperor recognize that status by means of gallant words and praises, but he also gave Photius a chrysobull. They say that the charter praised Photius for his services to the state, faith and love for God, indicative for those who are capable of providing salvation by means of their own sense of justice and virtue and, because through His own sacrifice and suffering the enemy was vanquished, of Christ himself. Such was the content of the chrysobull, which had a golden seal and the emperor’s signature in red letters. It also described the royal gifts in detail … Commentary: This text is about Samuel’s campaign into Thessaly in 980. The unknown author of this encomium used archaic terms, such as mentioning the land of the Ausonians, the ancient inhabitants of Thessaly. In addition, Emperor Basil is called “emperor of the Ausonians,” which is one of the names given to the ancient Greeks. Vasil Zlatarski, Istoriia na bălgarskata dărzhava prez srednite vekove, vol. 1, part 2 (Sofia 1927), pp. 659–660, provides a detailed commentary on the information in the Encomium of Photius of Thessaly.

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Publications: Gyula Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1958), pp. 574–575.19

John Geometres

John Geometres was born in the first half of the 10th century, most likely in Constantinople. He first held a position in the imperial court, and later became a monk in the Studios Monastery. He rose to the rank of metropolitan of Melitene, in Asia Minor. John Geometres was an author of political poems, echoing historical events of his lifetime. Some of those poems passionately reflected the struggle between Basil II and Samuel.

On the Events of the Rebellion And what had happened in the West, how could one put it in words? Hordes of Scythians go across and wander around as if in their homeland. They uproot the noble scions of invincible, iron-made men, as if pulling out roots from the earth, and the sword slains the infants. And while the mother holds onto one of her babies, the arrows kill the others. Previously strong cities are turned now into lamentable dust. How can I stop my tears from falling, when I see herds of horses where people once lived? Provinces and towns they set to fire, and even you, imperial hearth of Byzantium, what misfortune has befallen you? A city that was once victorious over all ills, and winning through good deeds! … Don’t you tremble every day; aren’t your foundations crumbling from shaking? Don’t you see the offspring that has grown in your bosom now falling in battle as a prey to the sword? Oh misery, from the hands of your kin, while others instead of living in shining and wonderful palaces now dwell in desert islands, abysses, and rocks. And they suffer, alas, more than one can tell. Yet this is Your will, Lord! Nobody softens one’s own stone heart, no one to make peace with one’s neighbors, nobody sheds healing tears for salvation. But the sun is getting dark and the moonlight is fading away, and a new star is rising, unusual miracle for a new hope and innumerable are their follies and tresspassings.

19  The encomium was first published together with a Russian translation by Bishop Arsenii, Pokhval’noe slovo Sv. Fotiiu Fessaliiskomu (Novgorod: Parovaia tipografiia I. I. Ignatovskago, 1897) (translator’s note).

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On the Bulgarians Being [our] allies against the Scythians before, now you Thracians, will you ally with the Scythians against your friends? Rejoice and clap your hands, Bulgarian tribes! Take possession and carry the scepter, the diadem, the imperial purple, and the purple garments […] with changed clothes, with a long, wooden yoke around the neck, and with fettered feet; with the back and the entrails torn by many wounds; and thus without moving, remain standing in front of him [our emperor] and thinking of great things.



On the Comet(opouli) While the comet burns the ether above, the komit sets the West into fire below.20 The heavenly body is a symbol of the dark, made more seductive by the light of the morning star, but kindled by Nicephorus’ death. Smoking and raging out of divine vengeance, it consumes everything. Where is the roar of your power, oh, commander of invincible Rome? Emperor by nature, victory-maker21 rise for a while from the tomb, roar, lion, and teach foxes how to live among rocks!



On the Disaster of the Romans in the Bulgarian gorge22 I did not think that I would live to see that day even if the sun had disappeared: the bows of the Moesians are stronger than the lances of the Ausonians!

20  This is a pun on the word “komes” (Greek form of the Latin word comes, “count”). The word’s spelling is very similar to that of Greek word for “comet” (translator’s note). 21  This is a pun on Nicephorus’ name: νικηφόρε = Νικηφόρε. The name literally means “victorious” (translator’s note). 22  Based on the previous editions, the author took those four lines to be part of another poem (no. 90), which in some manuscripts is not separated from no. 91. However, a clear distinction is made between the two poems in John Geometres, Poèmes en hexamètres et en distiques élégiaques, edited by Emile Marlene van Opstall (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2008), p. 314 (translator’s note).

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[No. 91] … While you, Phaethon [Sun], make your gold-shining chariot turn to the earth, tell this to the great soul of Caesar: The Ister [Danube] has taken the crown of Rome. Go quickly and pick up your weapons: the bows of the Moesians are stronger than the lances of the Ausonians.

Commentary: John Geometres depicts the atmosphere of 989 in Costantinople, Eastern Thrace, and Macedonia, in the aftermath of Samuel’s capture of Beroia. He uses archaisms and poetic expressions to refer to the nations involved. Thus, the “Scythians” mentioned in the text are the Rus’ whom the Prince of Kiev, Vladimir, had sent as mercenaries to serve under Basil II. Similarly, the Bulgarians are addressed as “Moesians” or “Thracians;” the Byzantines as “Ausonians;” and Constantinople as “Rome.” John also creates interesting puns, such as that on the comet that appeared in 989 and portended the defeat of the Byzantines. In Greek, “comet” is spelled in the same way as “komit,” a word which in this case refers to Samuel. The “commander [strategos] of invincible Rome” is the deceased emperor Nicephorus II Phocas. Publications: Jacques Paul Migne, Patrologia Graeca, vol. 106 (Paris, 1864), col. 901–1002; Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, pp. 319–320; “Samiiat Tărnovgrad shte raztrăbi pobedite”. Srednovekovni poeti za Bălgariia, edited by Vasil Giuzelev (Sofia, 1981), p. 9; Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije, vol. 3 (Belgrade, 1966), p. 24.23

Life of John the Younger of Thrace

This anonymous vita is about certain John, called the Younger as well as the Thracian, because he lived in Thrace. The vita was written in the 11th century and contains some general information about Basil II’s military success, as well as his earning the sobriquet Bulgar-Slayer.

23  See also John Geometer, Progymnasmata, translated into English by Anthony Robert Littlewood (Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1972); John Geometres, Poèmes en hexamètres et en distiques élégiaques, edited by Emile Marlene van Opstall (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2008).

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This one was called John the Younger and, until recently and in various ways, he worked in places near our town, like the men renowned for their wonderful and great memory during the times when Basil, who held the emperor’s power over the Romans, distinguished himself against the Bulgarians, so brilliantly that he was nicknamed after his victories over them … Commentary: The vita mentions a monastic fraternity that existed somewhere in the region of the Lower Maritsa River, near the town of Dimotikon (now Didymoteicho, in northeastern Greece). The nickname of Basil II is, of course, Bulgar-Slayer. Publications: Acta Sanctorum. Novembris, edited by Hippolyte Delehaye and Paul Peeters, vol. 4 (Brussels, 1925), p. 679.

Life of St. Athanasius the Athonite

This vita was written ca. 1040, a few decades after the death of the famous founder of the Great Lavra on Mount Athos, the core of the greatest Orthodox monastic community. There are two redaction of the vita, the 11th-century one known as “Narrative” (Διήγησις), and a shorter one from the 14th century. There is a village called Hierissos located at the entrance of Mount Athos. There, the Lavra owned a cloister with monks, at the head of whom was a monk called Ioanicius. Together with few other brothers, he sailed off on business to Strymon. At dusk, they disembarked from the ship to find some rest and food. When those who set ambushes in those places— quite a big number of the nearby barbarian people—saw them, they attacked and enslaved them and took them as captives. And so, Ioanicius, who carried gold with him for his business, secretly dropped it into the water. He thus did not throw himself into the deep sea to search for gold, as it is said, but rather threw the gold instead, lest the gold that passes for a rescuer from death become a cause for death. Because the captives brought by the barbarians to their chief were carefully searched for gold, for the bandits assumed that they could get a ransom or some other kind of payment—as the barbarians often do—for those who had gold. And in repayment and retaliation, they kill them, in a manner fit for their cruelty. And to silence them up, they would

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not accept any other kind of retribution but death. Therefore, Ioanicius threw the gold into the sea. The barbarians tied their hands behind their backs, like prisoners, and rushed them across the hills on the border in the middle of the night, to get back to their abodes. At sunrise, the barbarians, mighty not only in numbers, but also in swords, untied them, yet not because of some humane feelings, as might have been thought (for what humane feelings could the barbarian brutal nature foster?), but to make them cross the border faster. When the sun’s shining rays appeaedr, they were grasped by fear of running into some Roman border regiment that could make them prisoners of their prisoners. Therefore, they untied them all. And so, as they untied them, Ioanicius started to speculate that the barbarians did that not without divine interference, and the thought of the miracles of the great Athanasius excited him. He mustered courage, focused, and summoned the saint for help. Thus, suddenly elated by enthusiastic courage he cried out loudly and fearlessly: “There are our people!” And as he simultaneously started to clap his hands, he ran down the slope as if he was running to meet his people. The barbarians, seized by great fear, started to tremble inwardly and took to their heels. As they saw the barbarians fleeing in disorder, the people who were with Ioanicius followed his example and started running as fast as possible. They all ran to the Lavra, proclaiming the great miracle and their rescue. Commentary: Ioanicius, who was mentioned in the text, was the abbot of a metochion of the Great Lavra in the town of Hierissos (now Ierissos, in Greece, 6 miles from the border with the Autonomous Monastic State of the Holy Mountain). The information in the vita is confirmed by a document of 989 preserved in the archives of the Lavra, which mentions incursions in the region by the “Bulgarians living nearby.” The document refers to the monastery of the Mother of God of Gomatou, which was located in the theme of Thessaloniki and was under the rule of the town of Hierissos.24 Paul Lamerle, however, believes that the document does not refer to Bulgarians, but to the Slavs in the valley of the river Struma (Strymon).25 On the same topic, Ivan Bozhilov admits that 24  Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, “Svedenia za bălgari v zhitieto na sv Atanasii,” in Izsledvaniia v chest na akademik imită. Dechev po sluchai 80- godishninata mu, edited by Veselin Beshevliev and Vladimir Ivanov Georgiev (Sofia, 1958), pp. 759–762. 25  Paul Lemerle, “La vie ancienne de saint Athanase l’Athonite composée au début du XIe siècle par Athanase de Lavra,” in Le millénaire du Mont Athos (963–1963). Études et mélanges (Chevetogne, 1963), p. 83.

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the attackers could have been Bulgarians, but does not see how the matter could be decided with certainty.26 Publications: Ivan Pomialovskii, Zhitie prepodobnogo Afanasia Atonskogo (St. Petersburg, 1885); Louis Petit, “La vie de Saint Athanase l’Athonite,” Analecta Bollandiana 25 (1906), 5–89; Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, “Svedenia za bălgari v zhitieto na sv Atanasii,” in Izsledvaniia v chest na akademik Dimităr. Dechev po sluchai 80godishninata mu, edited by Veselin Beshevliev and Vladimir Ivanov Georgiev (Sofia, 1958), pp. 759–760.

Life of St. Nikon Metanoeite27

St. Nikon lived during the second half of the 10th century. He hailed from the Armeniakon theme in Asia Minor. After traveling to many parts of Asia Minor, he went to Crete in ca. 961, and then to Sparta in the early 970s. From that location, and benefitting from the assistance of Basil Apokaukos, the ­general-governor (strategos) of the province (theme) of Peloponnesus, he went to spread the word of God among the inhabitants of southern Greece. He earned his nickname because of the word(s) that he kept repeating when preaching: “You should repent!” (μετανοείτε!, in Greek). He is believed to have died on November 26, 998. His vita was written by an anonymous author in the 11th century. Shortly before or after 1600, the Jesuit scholar Jacques Sirmond translated it into Latin using a Greek manuscript believed to be that which is now in the Barberini collection of the Vatican library (no. 583). A second, and different manuscript was found in 1880 in the library of the Koutloumousiou Monastery on Mont Athos. This manuscript was produced in 1630 by Parthenios, Bishop of Bresthena (now Vresthena, in Lakonia, Greece). Not long after[wards] Basil, who was surnamed Apokaukos, was just undertaking the office of his praetorship, and, being in Corinth, was guarding the isthmus there against the Bulgarian attack. Not only was the harsh and invincible disease which had befallen him pressing him terribly, but far more than that was fear of the attack of the Bulgarian nation. For the rumor was heard that this people was going through all the mainland and 26  Ivan Bozhilov, Bălgarite v Vizantiiskata imperiia. (Sofia, 1995), p. 22. 27  The following excerpt is from The Life of Saint Nikon 41 and 42, edited and translated by Denis F. Sullivan (Brookline: Hellenic College Press, 1987), pp. 141, 143, and 148.

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making campaign against Hellas itself and the land of Pelops. For this reason Apokaukos, sending the Lacedaimon, supplicated the saint to come … Now the divine man, who possessed an abundance of charity, approved the request of Apokaukos. None of the matters at hand were of sufficient seriousness for him to wait even a little or to give the matter over to any time or delay. But considering anything [else] quite minor, he went to Corinth with great speed, ignoring the very difficulty of the road and the pain of travelling on foot. [Nikon] came to Corinth and the broken man Apokaukos was relieved as healthy through the prayer of the just man. And moreover the grace which the great one possessed in abundance from God was made clear to those who did not know it. But in addition, Apokaukos was relieved of his anxiety over the Bulgarians, the blessed one prophesying to him their destruction … But he [John Malakenos] was slandered to the one who then held the scepter of the Empire of the Romans. This was Basil the son of Romanos II, and more fortunate than all other emperors. His life was famous and the time of his rule the longest and his trophies over opponents quite numerous. It was through him that the late Samuel, the leader of the Bulgarian nation who was invincible in power and unsurpassed in strength, was destroyed. And with him all the nation of the numberless Bulgarian phalanx was struck down and humbled, as the story about him shows in fuller detail. Commentary: John Malakenos mentioned in this excerpt is most likely the same person as the protovestiarios accused of being sympathetic to the Bulgarians. According to Vasil Zlatarski, the events mentioned in those excerpts of the Life of St. Nikon took place in 996 and are related to the battle on the Spercheios River.28 Publications: Odysseos Lampsidis, Ho ek Pontou hosios Nikon ho Metanoeite. Keimena, scholia (Athens, 1982); Sullivan, The Life of St. Nikon. See also the commentary in Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije, vol. 3 (Belgrade, 1966), pp. 36–37; Da Costa-Louillet, “Saints de Grèce,” pp. 349–369; Christos Staurakos, “Die Vita des hl. Nikon Metanoeite als Quelle zur Prosopographie der Peloponnes im späten 10. Jahrhundert,” Südost-Forschungen 5 (1999), 1–7.29 28  Zlatarski, Istoriia na bălgarskata dărzhava, p. 848. 29  In addition, see now J. O. Rosenqvist, “The text of the Life of St. Nikon ‘Metanoeite’ reconsidered,” in Leimon. Studies Presented to Lennart Rydén on His Sixty-Fifth Birthday,

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The Life of Lazarus by Gregory the Monk

Lazarus (968–1053) was a monk, born in the vicinity of Magnesia (now Manisa, in Turkey). He spent some time in Jerusalem, then in the Monastery of Galesia near Miletus. His vita was written by his disciple, Gregory, during the second half of the 11th century. It mentions the uprising of Peter Delian. And so traveling in this manner, he reached the borders of Bulgaria. At that time, Dolian’s uprising was raging there. And thus, when he arrived there and entered in a certain town, the strategos of that town, upon learning about the monk, sent for him. When he arrived, he asked him— because he intended to wage war on the Bulgarians—which was the best time for that. And [the monk] replied: “Let me go tonight, and I shall give you an answer about it tomorrow.” In the morning, he went and told the strategos: “If you want victory, attack them on Sunday.” It was Wednesday at the time. The strategos, trusting the words of the false prophet, announced the news to the entire town. And one could see how all gathered around the stranger, greeted him like a saint and a prophet, and bowed before him. When Sunday came, the strategos went to the monk with his whole army. They bowed down to him and he blessed them, and they [all] went out of the town, led by the strategos. In the combat that started, the strategos was the first to fall. As the rest saw that, they immediately fled from the battlefield. The Bulgarians chased them and killed almost all. The surviving [soldiers] and the inhabitants of the town began to look for the monk to kill him. However, upon learning about that, he left the town in secret and went to the Bulgarians. There, I do not know how, he met Dolian and remained with him, encouraging him with his deceitful words, until he [Peter Delian] was blinded by Alusian. Thus, having fled from there as well, he wandered from place to place, both deluding others and delusional himself. Commentary: Peter Delian’s name is deliberately changed into Dolian as a pun, for in Greek dolos means “deceiver, impostor.”

edited by J. O. Rosenqvist (Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1996), pp. 93–111; Florin Curta, The Edinburgh History of the Greeks, c. 500 to 1050. The Early Middle Ages (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011), pp. 261–63 (translator’s note).

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Publications: Acta Sanctorum, Novembris III (Brussels, 1910), col. 578–579.

Charters of Emperor Basil II

Emperor Basil II’s charters were issued after the final conquest of Bulgaria.

First Charter Many and great are the favors which the man-loving God, at different times, has conferred upon our empire and which surpass any number; the greatest of them [all] is that the Roman state has expanded and that the state of the Bulgarians has passed under yoke /in it/. Therefore, on account of that, we confirm the most pious monk John (of Debar) to be the Archbishop of Bulgaria and to manage the affairs related to the archbishopric. And because he asked that the kleroikoi and paroikoi30 that have to work for churches in his eparchy, as well as for his suffragan bishops, be determined in writing, we give him the present sigillion of our imperial majesty by which we order: The archbishop shall have 40 kleroikoi and 30 paroikoi in the towns of his diocese, that is in Ohrid, Prespa, Mokros and Kichevo. The bishop of Kastoria shall have 40 kleroikoi and 40 paroikoi in the towns of his eparchy, that is in Kastoria, Kureston, Kolonos, Devol, Voiusa [Veliusa] and Moron. We order to the bishop of Glavinica to have 40 kleroikoi and 40 paroikoi in the town of Glavinitsa, in Kanina, and in Neaniska. The bishop of Moglena shall have 15 kleroikoi and 15 paroikoi in the town of Moglena in Prosek, Morichovo, Setena, Ostrovo, and Zaodria. The bishop of Buteleos [Bitola] shall have 15 kleroikoi and 15 paroikoi in Pelagonia, Prilapon [Prilep], Devreti,31 and Veleson [Veles]. The bishop of Strumica shall have 12 kleroikoi and 12 paroikoi in the town of Strumica, in Radoviston [Radovishte] and Koneca [Konche]. The bishop of Morovizdon shall have15 kleroikoi and 15 paroikoi in the town of Morovizdon, in Koziakon [Koziak], Slavistin [Slavoshtin],

30  Two categories of non-proprietary peasants (translator’s note). 31  Debăr, according to Stoian Novaković, Ohridska arhiepiskopija u početku XI veka (Belgrade, 1908), p. 9 (translator’s note).

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Zletovon [Zletovo] and Loukovitson [Lukovica], Pianats and Malesovon [Maleshovo]. The bishop of Velebuzhdion [Velbuzhd] shall have 15 kleroikoi and 15 paroikoi in the town of Velebuzhdion, in Soteskon, Germania, Terimer, Stob, and in Lower Soteskon and Razlog. The bishop of Triadica shall have, as we order it, 40 kleroikoi and 40 paroikoi in the town of Triadica, in Pernik, Sukovo, and Svenian. The bishop of Naissos [Niš] shall have 40 kleroikoi and 40 paroikoi in the town of Naissos, and in Mokros, Komplos, Toplica and Sveligovo. The bishop of Branica shall have 15 kleroikoi and 15 paroikoi in the town of Branica and in Moravisk, Svederevo, Grota, Visisk, Istrialanga, and Brodarisk. The bishop of Begrade32 shall have 40 kleroikoi and 40 paroikoi in the town of Belgrade, and in Gradec, Omc, Glaventin and in Bela Cărkva. To the bishop of Tramos we order to have 15 kleroikoi and 15 paroikoi in his entire eparchy. The bishop of Skopje shall have 40 kleroikoi and 40 paroikoi in the town of Skopje, and in Vinec, Priamor, Lukovo, and Prinip. The bishop of Prizdriana [Prizren] shall have 15 kleroikoi and 15 paroikoi in the town of Prizdriana, and in Hostno, Liaskovec, and Vrat. The bishop of Lipenion [Lipjani] shall have15 kleroikoi and 15 paroikoi in his entire eparchy. We order the bishop of Servia to have 30 kleroikoi and 30 paroikoi in his entire eparchy. All those kleroikoi are to be exempt from oikomodion and other eporoi33 for they were free at the time of Samuel. For this reason and for the information of the emperors who will come after us, we drew up this sigillion and gave it to the most holy archbishop, authenticating it with our imperial seal.

Second Charter Since, after issuing the sigillion concerning the scope of each Bulgarian bishopric, the holiest archbishop of Bulgaria asked our imperial majesty for another sigillion concerning his other bishoprics not listed in the first sigillion and his other suffragan bishoprics, because the neighboring metropolitans had seized them from the Bulgarian region and had

32  Modern Berat, in Albania (translator’s note). 33   Oikomodion, known as komod in Bulgarian, was the household tax collected in kind during the reign of Samuel. Eporoi were extraordinary taxes (translator’s note).

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misap­propriated them, and since our imperial majesty does not allow any one of them or of their people to make even one step into the boundaries of the Bulgarian region, we therefore decree that the present, most holy archbishop shall possess and govern all Bulgarian bishoprics, as well as all other towns, which were under the power of Emperors Peter and Samuel and were also held by the archbishops of that time. For it was not without blood, toil and sweat, but by years of long persistence and with God’s help that that country was granted to us in subordination to God, whose goodness most obviously assisted us, blending into one the divided parts, and placing under one yoke the boundaries, without in any way infringing upon the rules well established by thos who have ruled before us. For, although we became the master of the land, we still preserved its rights intact, reaffirming them by our decrees and sigillia. We also lay down that the present, most holy archbishop of Bulgaria shall have an eparchy as large as it was under Emperor Peter, and that he shall possess and govern all bishoprics of Bulgaria, that are not only those mentioned in the first sigillion, but also those omitted and not in­dicated together with the others, but are announced and listed by name in the present sigillia. To them, as well to the others, we present kleroikoi and paroikoi. We therefore decree that the bishop of Dristra shall have 40 kleroikoi and 40 paroikoi in the towns of his eparchy and in the other towns around it. For during the reign of Peter in Bulgaria that /bishopric/ shone with archiepiscopal dignity, and then the archbishops /of Dristra/ moved from one place to another, once to Triadica,34 another time to Vodena35 and Moglena, and after that we found the present archbishop in Ohrid. Wherefore /we decree/ that Ohrid itself shall have an archbishop, while another bishop shall be consecrated for Dristra. The bishop of Voden shall have 40 kleroikoi and 40 paroikoi in the towns of his eparchy, because that eparchy was for me the most useful and loyal as it opened the passages to the country, and thererfore has to be rewarded and placed above the others. But in order not to be placed above [the eparchy of] the archbishop, we granted to it a number of kleroikoi and paroikoi that is equal to that of the archbishop, and we gave the archbishop 70 and another 10 [Here follows the description of the grants to the bishops of Rasa, Orea, Chernik, and Hymara]. We order the metropolitan of Dyrrachion to stick to his seat and be satisfied with his possessions and incomes, and to leave alone the bish34  Present-day Sofia (translator’s note). 35  Present-day Edessa, in Greece (translator’s note).

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oprics of Bulgaria, which we ascribed to the archbishop of Bulgaria, as he had them from old times, along with his power. For we do not change anything established for the archbishopric of Bulgaria in earlier times. However, if something has remained unclear, we clarify it with the current sigillion and reassert it again, so that everything that belongs to the archbishopric from earlier times remains intact and unaltered. The metropolitan and the others in the Bulgarian bishopric shall not complain, but must be content with whatever they have had from earlier times. They must always stay within the limits of their possessions. [A list follows with the grants for the bishoprics of Drinople, an unidentified town, Votrot [Butrint], Ianina, Kozel, Petra. and Rigi] We decree that the most holy archbishop of Bulgaria shall possess not only the bishoprics mentioned here, but also any other situated in the Bulgarian lands, but previously omitted. He shall possess and govern them as well. Whatever other towns were omitted in the charters of my imperial majesty, those shall be possessed by the same archbishop and he shall collect the kanonikon36 from them all, as well as from the Vlachs throughout Bulgaria and from the Turks in the region of the Vardar river, insofar as they are within Bulgarian boundaries. And all strategoi of Bulgaria and the other officials and archons shall hold him in great respect and listen to his word and precepts, and they shall not interfere in the affairs of any Bulgarian monastery, church, or any ecclesiastical matter whatsoever and shall not obstruct either him or his suffragan, God-fearing bishops and shall not hinder them, lest such people draw upon themselves the great and merciless wrath of our imperial majesty. For this reason and for the information of the emperors that will come after us, we drew up this sigillion and gave it to the most holy archbishop, authenticating it with the seal of our imperial seal in the month of May, indiction 3, year 6528 (1020).

Third Charter The present sigillion of our majesty is given to the most holy archbishopric of Bulgaria, so that it may, without any hindrance, take posses­sion of the following bishoprics, namely those of Servia, Stagoi and Beroea,37

36  Ecclesiastical tax levied annually on all laity and meant to cover the costs of the bishop’s maintenance (translator’s note). 37  Present-day cities of Servia, Kalabaka, and Veria in northern Greece (translator’s note).

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because they also lie within the Bulgarian boundaries. With this present sigillion we included them in the list of the other bishoprics that are suffragan to the archbishopric of Bulgaria, and decided to endow them also with kleroikoi and paroikoi … [here follows a list of grants to Stagoi, Beroea, and Servia]. Commentary: Basil II’s charters bear the imperial seal . Of all three charters, only the second is precisely dated to 1020. Because of that, the first one is commonly dated to 1019, and the third sometime after 1020. I did not provide the location of the settlements mentioned here, because many of them are subject of debate. Some authors raise questions about the authenticity of all, or of some parts of the charters. One of the recent authors to do so is Εvanthia Konstantinou he Tegou-Stergiadou, Ta schetika me ten archiepiskope Achridas sigillia tou Basileiou B’ (Thessaloniki, 1988). Publications: Ivanov, Bălgarski starini, pp. 547–562; Tegou-Stergiadou, Ta schetika; Paul Stephenson, Basil the Bulgar-Slayer (Cambridge, 2003), p. 46.38 Note: In a few instances, I referred the reader to Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije, because of the good bibliography. However, one must be warned that in the accompanying commentaries Samuel’s state is presented as Macedonian, as well as his people. See, for details, the review of the third volume of Vizantijski izvori published by Mikhail Voinov, Vasilka TăpkovaZaimova, and Liubomir Ionchev in Istoricheski Pregled 3 (1968), 113–118.

The Du Cange Catalogue

This document is a list of eparchies issued by the office of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and concerning the centers of the imperial church. Here, 38  See now Angeliki Delikari, “Die Situation in Nord-West Makedonien während der Regierung des Basileios II., die sogenannte Kirche des Zaren Samuel und die Gründung des Erzbistums von Ochrid,” in Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov (Sofia: Izdatelstvo na Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015), pp. 236–43.

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I provide the list of the church centers and eparchies in the archbishopric of Ohrid, also known as the Bulgarian Church, created by Emperor Basil II. This list had been created in the 1170s and was first published by the French humanist Charles du Fresne, sieur Du Cange, hence its name.39

Archbishops of Bulgaria 5. D  amian in Dorostol, now Dristra. Under him, Bulgaria was also recognized as autocephalous. On the orders of the Emperor Romanus Lekapenos, he was proclaimed patriarch by the imperial council, and was later removed by John Tzimisles. 6. Germanus, called Gabriel, in Voden and Prespa. 7. Philip in Lychnida, in antiquity, called Sasaripa, now Achrida. 8. Ioannes, also in Achrida. He was from Debăr, from the village of Agnoandniki, abbot of the monastery of the Holy Virgin in that place. 9. Leo, first among the Byzantines, [former] chartophylax of the Great Church in Constantinople. He built the lower church [in Ohrid] in the name of God’s Holy Wisdom [i.e., St. Sophia]. 10. Theodule, abbot of Saint Mocius. He built the upper large church [in Ohrid] with the assistance of John, [the son] of Ancho. 

Commentary: Out of the entire list, I provide here only the part concerning the bishops in the archbishopric of Ohrid after the conquest of Bulgaria. There is a debate about the personality and the term of Damian, as well as about where exactly did the Bulgarian patriarchs reside after the conquest of Bulgaria by John Tzimiskes, but before the recognition of the archbishopric of Ohrid as autocephalous. This is not the place to engage in that debate (although, it may be that Damian was buried in Dorostol/Silistra), but Skylitzes mentions that, following the conquest of eastern Bulgaria, the Bulgarian patriarch moved to Serdica (Sofia), then to Edessa, and then to Moglena, before finally moving to Ohrid. There are uncertainties about John of Debăr as well, namely whether he was the head of the Bulgarian Church, and not David, who is mentioned by Skylitzes. For more details about those uncertainties, see the bibliography in Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, “Cărkovni problem na Balkanite sled 971,” Studia Balcanica 23 (2001), 80–81; as well as Ivan Bozhilov, Bălgarskata arkhiepiskopiia XI–XII vek. Spisăkăt na bălgarskite arkhiepiskopi (Sofia, 2011). It is worth 39  See more of Charles Du Cange’s History in Part 7: Italian, Dalmatian, French, and Other Sources of the 16th through 18th Century.

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mentioning here the terms of the archbishops of Ohrid in Du Cange’s list: Philip, most likely, was archbishop between 1000 and 1015. An important moment is also the appointment of Leo the Paphlagonian in 1037, because from that moment onward, all archbishops were Byzantines. More comments on the archbishops of Ohrid will be provided below, for the sources related to the subject. Publications: Ivanov, Bălgarski starini, pp. 564–569, with comments at 697–698; Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, “Diukanzhov spisăk,” Palaeobulgarica 25 (2000), no. 3, 21– 49; Bozhilov, Bălgarskata arkhiepiskopiia; Slaviia Bărlieva, “Moskovskiiat prepis na Diukanzhoviia spisăk,” Palaeobulgarica 25 (2000), no. 3, 50–65; Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, “The Du Cange Catalogue,” in State and Church. Studies in Medieval Bulgaria and Byzantium, edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Kiril Petkov (Sofia, 2011), pp. 209–35.

Michael Psellos

Michael Psellos (1018–1096/7) was a remarkable writer and prominent philosopher. He was the Consul of the Philosophers, i. e., Dean of the Faculty of Philosophy at the Imperial University of Constantinople, also known as the University of the Palace Hall of Magnaura. He was a scholar who possessed all the possible knowledge of his time, and an influential state officer. One of his prominent works is Chronographia, which bears the characteristics of the memoire genre. 1 Chronographia40 39. The people of Bulgaria, after many vicissitudes of fortune and after frequent battles in the past, had become subjects of the Roman Empire. That prince of emperors, the famous Basil, had deliberately attacked their country and destroyed their power. For some time the Bulgarians, being completely exhausted after pitting their strength against the might of the Romans, resigned themselves to defeat, but later they reverted to the old arrogance. There were no immediate signs of open revolt, however, until 40  The following excerpts and footnotes are from the English edition: Michael Psellus, Chronographia, transl. by E. R. A. Sewter (Yale University Press, 1953), pp. 75–80 and 246– 248. The following footnotes, unless specified otherwise, are Sewter’s, with minor spelling adaptations for uniformity (translator’s note).

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the appearance among them of a political agitator, when their policy at once became hostile to the Empire.41 40. The man who moved them to this folly was, in their opinion, a marvel. He was of their own race, member of a family unworthy of mention, but cunning, and capable of practising any deceit on his compatriots, a fellow called Dolianus. I do not know whether he inherited such a name from his father, or if he gave himself the name for an omen.42 He knew that the whole nation was set on rebellion against the Romans; indeed, the revolt was merely a project only because no leader had hitherto risen up among them able to carry out their plans. In the first place, therefore, he made himself conspicuous, proved his ability in council, demonstrated his skill in the conduct of war. Then, having won their approval by these qualities, it only remained for him to prove his own noble descent, in order to become the acknowledged leader of the Bulgarians. (It was their custom to recognize as leaders of the nation only men of royal blood.) Knowing this to be the national custom, he proceeded to trace his descent from the famous Samuel and his brother Aaron, who had ruled the whole nation as kings a short time before. He did not claim to be the legitimate heir of these kings, but he either invented or proved that he was a collateral relation. He readily convinced the people with his story, and they raised him on the shield. He was proclaimed king. From that moment Bulgarian designs became manifest, for they seceded openly. The yoke of Roman domination was hurled from their necks and they made a declaration of independence, emphasizing the fact that they took this course of their own free will. Whereupon they engaged in attacks and plundering expeditions on Roman territory.43 41. Had the barbarians dared to do a thing so foolish immediately after Michael’s accession, they would very soon have learnt what kind of a sovereign they had assailed. In those days he was strong in body and virile in face of danger. It was nothing at all for him to take up arms in a moment, 41  The Bulgarian Revolt broke out in 1040. The leader of the Slavs was Peter Delian who claimed to be a grandson of Samuel. He had been a slave at Byzantium, but fled from the city. The rebels were at first highly successful and the emperor barely escaped with his life from Thessaloniki. The Bulgars were angry because of the unjust exactions of John. Unlike Basil II, who respected the native methods of paying taxes in kind, John had invented new tribute and was ruthless in collecting it in money. 42  Psellos makes here the same pun as that signaled above for the Life of Lazarus: Peter Delian is called Dolian, a word derived from δόλος (deceit) and δόλιος (deceitful) (translator’s note). 43  The rebels invaded Greece, and all the province of Nikopolis, except Naupaktos, joined them.

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and with the elite of his generals invade their land; it would have been a simple matter to teach them not to revolt against Rome with temerity. However that may be, when this particular revolt came to birth, he was already failing, and his bodily condition was desperate. It came at a time when even the slightest movement caused him pain, and when he found it hard even to put on his clothes. That was the moment when the Bulgarians, for a brief interval, decided to play at ruling themselves, like actors on a stage, and to enjoy themselves with a bit of make-believe And so they did—until a burning ambition for glory suddenly gave the emperor strength, and in a burst of exaltation, carried him against his foes. 42. As soon as the news became known to him, and actually before the full account was received, he determined to carry the war to the Bulgarians. He would march against them himself, at the head of his army. It was impossible, of course, to do this, because of the state of his health, and in any case the Senate was altogether opposed to the project. Michael’s family, too, begged him not to leave the city, much to his disgust, for he had set his heart on the war. It was extremely disappointing—he emphasized this point—if his reign was not only destined to witness no aggrandizement of the Roman Empire, but actually some loss of territory. He suspected that he was personally responsible before God and men, if, after what had occurred, he would have carelessly allowed the Bulgars to secede with impunity.

The Emperor’s Bulgarian Expedition 43. This thought afflicted the emperor much more than physical suffering, and the harm it produced in him was quite different, for whereas the disease caused his body to swell, the mental agony he endured over this revolt had the opposite effect and wasted him. So he was torn between two evils, which afflicted him in exactly opposite ways. His first battle, however,—a battle in which he was victorious—was against his own intimate friends, before he ever came to grips with the barbarians, and the first trophy of the war was set up to commemorate his triumph over his own kinsmen and his associates—and himself. Bodily weakness, in his case, was more than compensated by strength of purpose, and in this strength he committed his cause to God. So preparations for the war began. The move was to take counsel, determine on his objects, and direct his efforts to the attainment of his goal. The enterprise was certainly not taken in hand rashly, or without due precautions. I need not go into details, but the military preparations were adequate. Actually not the whole army was mobilized and mere numbers were discounted.

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The best soldiers were selected and generals with most experience in the field. With them he set out to meet the Scyths,44 advancing in due order, his army disposed with proper regard for the rules of strategy. 44. Camp was pitched in a suitable spot when the expedition arrived at the enemy borders. A council of war was held, and after it the emperor decided to engage the Bulgars—an extraordinary plan, about which even his commanders who were there with him had contrary opinions. Nor is this surprising, for during the night he was under medical treatment and nearly died. Yet at daybreak he immediately got up, some power apparently giving him new strength, mounted his horse, sat firm in the saddle, and managed the animal with clever use of his bridle. Then, an object of wonder to all who saw him, he rode to the rear and formed up the various divisions of his army into one coherent force.

The Escape of Alousianus to Bulgaria 45. The war had not yet broken out when a most astonishing thing happened—something nearly as amazing as the emperor’s action. The more agreeable of Aaron’s sons (Aaron had been king of the Bulgars), Alousianus45 by name, a man of gentle character, with a fine intellect and a position of considerable distinction, proved chiefly responsible for Michael’s victory. This was not because of any desire on his part to help the emperor; in fact, it was quite the reverse. The truth is, God moved him to do what he did, and thus brought about the emperor’s triumph, in despite of his enemies. 46. Now this Alousianus was by no means in favour at court. He was neither consulted on matters of policy nor honoured in any way with the others. Indeed, an order was issued that he must remain in his own home and he was forbidden to enter Byzantium except by express command of the emperor. Naturally this restriction irritated and depressed the man, but for the moment he was powerless. However, the events in Bulgaria were reported to him, and he knew that the people there had supported the claims of an illegitimate pretender to their throne for one reason only—because no one else in the country was of royal blood. Under these circumstances he ventured on rather a childish expedition. Ignoring the claims of his own children and forgetting his love for his wife—none of them was allowed to know anything of his plans—he boldly marched

44  Psellus uses the ethnonym Scyths indiscriminately for all Slavs. 45  September 1041. Alousianus was the second son of Aaron. John had fined him without trial on some unknown charge and had imprisoned his wife.

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from the extreme east to the west, with a handful of servants, men whom he knew to be reckless dare-devils, ready for anything. To avoid recognition in the city, he adopted a thorough disguise. It was not a matter of discarding some of his clothes and retaining others, but he dressed himself as a common mercenary soldier, and so escaped detection altogether. 47. On two or three occasions, he visited my informant in the Great City. The latter gentleman told me about it afterwards. “The fellow was quite well-known to me,” he said, “and he greeted me in a friendly way, but even so I failed to recognize him, and so did all the others he visited.” Thus he escaped the vigilance of John the Orphanotrophus, him of the many eyes—no mean triumph. Yet his sudden disappearance had roused suspicion, arid the authorities were on the watch to find and arrest him, if they could. however, to cut a long story short, he evaded them all and reached Bulgaria in safety. Now he did not make himself known to his people at once, but first approached certain individuals, on different occasions. He referred to his father in an impersonal way, as though he himself was a member of another family. He then proceeded to speak with pride of his father’s ancestry, and made some tentative inquiries: if any of his sons turned up in the country, would the rebels choose the legitimate heir as their king, rather than the pretender? Or, now that the latter had already assumed the leadership, was the rightful heir completely forgotten? 48. When it was obvious that the acknowledged son was universally preferred to the doubtful one, he ventured, in a somewhat mysterious way, to reveal his true identity to one of the persons he had consulted, a man of whose warm loyalty to his family he felt reasonably sure. This man, fixing his eyes steadily on Alousianus (he had known him quite well in the past) and recognizing him, fell on his knees and kissed his feet. Then, to avert any possible doubt, he asked him to show a certain secret mark. This was a dark patch on the right elbow, with a thick tuft of rough hair grown over it. When he saw that, he fell on Alousianus’s neck even more vehemently and covered his breast with kisses. The two then set about their design cleverly. They approached individual persons and little by little, the story was spread abroad. The majority of the Bulgars transferred their allegiance to the real heir, and the monarchy became a ‘polyarchy’ as some preferred this and others that son, but both ties were anxious to maintain peace and they reconciled the two protagonists. Thereafter they lived on equal terms, with frequent meetings but mutual suspicion.

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49. Nevertheless, it was Alousianus who got in the first blow and frustrated the plans of his rival, for, quite unexpectedly, he arrested Dolianus, cut off his nose and blinded his eyes, using a cook’s knife for both operations.46 Thus, the Scythians once again became subject to one master. This event was not followed immediately by negotiations with the emperor. In fact, Alousianus mobilized his forces and marched against the Romans, but the attack proved unsuccessful and he had to seek refuge. It was clear that further opposition to Michael, in open warfare, would involve considerable difficulty. There was also the question of his beloved wife and children. So, having summed up the situation, he conveyed secret information to the emperor. The suggestion was, that if he obtained his favour, and if he received other honours that were his due, he was willing to commit himself and his belongings to the enemy. This proposition being acceptable to the emperor, further communications passed between them, in great secrecy, as Alousianus had desired. In accordance with the terms of agreement, the latter advanced, apparently with the intention of joining battle for a second time, but suddenly abandoned his army and surrendered. Michael treated him with signal honour, and he was sent back to Byzantium. As for his people, now torn asunder with war on all sides and still without a leader, after inflicting a crushing defeat, Michael again made them subject to the Empire from which they had revolted. Then he returned to his palace in glory, with a host of captives, among whom were the most notable men of the Bulgars and the pretender himself, their leader, minus his nose and deprived of his eyes. 50. The entry into the city was a brilliant affair. The whole populace thronged out to meet him. I myself saw him on this occasion, looking as if he were attending a funeral and swaying on his horse. The fingers that gripped his bridle were like those of a giant, for each of them was as thick and large as a man’s arm—the result of his internal trouble. His face, too, preserved not a trace of its former likeness. Riding thus, he led a wonderful triumphal procession to the palace. The prisoners were compelled to march through the centre of the Theatre47—a reminder to the Romans that ardour breathes new life into the dead, and that desire for glory is stronger than physical weakness. […]

46  When Delian was intoxicated at a feast. 47  The Hippodrome.

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79. From that moment confusion reigned in the palace. The empress48—a most remarkable woman, descended from a very noble family, foremost in works of piety—and her daughter49 by Isaac, herself a beautiful girl, not only at the time when her hair w as cut early in her life but even after tonsuration, her simple robes showing off to advantage the warmth of her complexion and the gold-red of her hair, these two women, and the emperor’s brother,50 and his nephew,51 formed a circle round his bed, giving him their last messages and shedding tears of farewell. They exhorted him to go at once to the Great Palace, so that there he might make any decisions that were necessary. They were anxious, too, lest the family should fall on evil times at his death: they might lose the fortunate status they then held as the emperor’s kinsfolk. So Isaac made ready to leave. During these preparations there came to him, none too soon, the High Priest52 of Saint Sophia, offering spiritual advice and all kinds of consolation. 80. As I said, the emperor agreed with his family that it was desirable for him to move, and here he showed he had lost none of his pristine courage. He left the bedroom leaning on no one’s arm. It was typical of the man’s independent spirit. Like some towering cypress being violently shaken by gusts of wind, he certainly tottered as he walked forward, but he did walk, although his hands trembled; and he did it unaided. In this condition he mounted his horse, but how he fared on the ride I do not know, for I hurried on by the other road to get there before him. I was successful, but when he arrived I saw that he was extremely agitated and in a state of utter collapse. All the family sat round him lamenting. They would willingly have died with him, had they been able. Leader of the chorus of dirges was the empress; answering her mother’s lamentations and weeping in a manner even more lugubrious, was the daughter. 81. While they were engaged thus, the emperor, remembering that he was about to pass on to a higher life, expressed a desire to enter the Church. It was his own wish. We had not influenced him at all, but the empress, who did not know that, blamed all of us for the decision rather 48  Catherine (or Aikaterina), daughter of John Vladislav, a Bulgarian prince. 49  Maria. After the emperor’s death, both she and her mother retired to a convent. The empress changed her name to Helena. 50  John. 51  This was probably Manuel, who distinguished himself afterwards as a general. But John had four other sons and the reference may be to Theodorus Dokeianos, his sister’s son. 52  Lichoudes.

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than him. Then, seeing me there as well as the others, she exclaimed, “Pray Heaven we benefit from your advice as much as you hope, philosopher! But what a fine way to show your gratitude—planning to convert your emperor to the life of a monk!” 82. I gave her my word of honour, before she could say another word, that I had never entertained such a thought. More than that, I asked the sick man who had advised him to take this course. “Not you,” he replied, “but this lady (the very words he used), this lady, true to her womanly instincts, first tries to prevent us from following wiser counsel, and then blames everyone else for a suggestion that I make myself.” “Indeed I do,” said she, “and take on my own shoulders all the sins you ever committed, and if you do get well again -at least I have what I seek and long for; if not, then I myself will defend you before your Judge and God. I will answer for the sins you have committed. Please God you may be found guiltless, but in any case I would gladly be devoured—yes, even by worms for your sake. The deepest darkness can cover me, the outer fire can burn every bit of me—I would welcome it. And you—have you no pity now for us in our desolation? What sort of feeling have you, to take away yourself from the palace, and leave me behind, condemned to a widowhood full of sorrow, and your daughter, a wretched orphan? Nor will that be the end of our sufferings. More dreadful things will follow. Hands, maybe not even friendly hands, will carry us off to faraway places of exile. They may decide on some worse fate. It may be some pitiless fellow will shed the blood of your dear ones. No doubt you will live on after you enter the Church, or perhaps you will die nobly, but what will be left for us?—a life worse than death!” 83. Yet she failed to convince him with these arguments, and when she had given up all hope of winning him over to her own point of view, she went on, “At least, then, nominate as emperor the roan who serves you with greatest loyalty and devotion. As long as you live, he will treat you with due honour, and he will be just like a son to me.” At these words, the emperor gained fresh strength. The duke Constantine53 was immediately sent for and joined us. Constantine was a man of great renown whose ancestors had been most distinguished. His descent in fact was traced

53  Constantine Ducas, President of the Senate. It is said that he offered the throne first to his brother who refused it.

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from the celebrated Ducas (I refer to Andronicus54 and Constantine55) who are the object of much comment in the writings of historians, both for the keenness of their intellect and for their brave deeds. The duke was no less proud of his more immediate ancestors. 2

Laudation for Emperor Constantine Monomachos Meanwhile, a man (Peter Delian), piteous in appearance and of inglorious stock, used the credulity of the Bulgarians and, as he pretended to be of noble lineage and threw in some words about liberation, roused them to rebellion. And a big fire thus resulted from an insignificant sparkle. As he gained the sympathy of all people and leaned on the unanimity of the multitude, he decided to rebel [in] our lands. Therefore, the zeal of the emperor [Michael IV], suppressed by disease, was inflamed [once] again, and as he ignored the things by which one gets weakened, [namely] the double weariness of the body, the long route, the hopelessness of war, or any other [such] thing, he set out from the capital against the rebellious people and—Oh! Your decisions, Lord!—he made his considerations, arranged his troops, and rode on the horse—dead! What else I could say? He did not stop before narrow passes and mountains; the man, who needed the help of other hands to move, defeated the enemy and as they did not believe he was still alive, he returned and enjoyed the solemn parade with captives …

3

Funeral Oration for Irene Pegonitissa, the Wife of Caesar John Dukas And so, when disruption took place between the Romans and the Bulgarians, the Roman Emperor—the glorious Basil, descendant and namesake of Basil the Macedonian—waged war against the ruler of the Scythians [Bulgarians]—namely, the very valiant Aaron [John Vladislav], when the survival of our state was hanging by a thread. For that barbarian, like Goliath, rebelled against the Romans and resisted them and everyone sunk low in spirits, trembling with fear before the invincible

54  Andronicus was implicated in a conspiracy against Leo VI the Wise in 906. The family had long been distinguished at Byzantium. 55  Constantine was one of the contestants for the imperial throne after the death of Alexander (913) and had he not died suddenly might well have succeeded him.

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foe. Then he (Niketas Pegonites56) alone dared to rise against him. He did not stay behind the commanders, nor in the midst of the troops, nor did he stay in a well-fortified place, nor ordered his commanders from the trenches, but, as he stood in the lead of the entire army, he rushed before everyone and engaged him into a combat and as he stroke him in the chest, he killed him immediately. 4

Letter to Empress Catherine Then, I would like to know about Your Mightiness. How is the true Empress, adorned with wreath and the golden jewels of all virtues, who by birth is of royal blood and who elevated her original glory with even greater imperial power?

5

Message from Michael Psellos on behalf of the Autocrat Lord Constantine Dukas For many years to the great empress and autocratess of the Romans, and to Constantine, the great emperor and autocrat of the Romans, Dukas!

Commentary: Details about the events described by Michael Psellos are provided further, within my comments to the excerpts from the Chronicle of John Skylitzes. What needs to be noted here, however, is the pun that Psellos makes on the name of Peter Delian, by calling him Dolian (from the Greek word for “impostor”). Another interesting information to be found in Michael Psellos’s account is that Delian was raised on a shield, in accordance with the Roman tradition. As for Alusian, he was the son of John Vladislav (whom Psellos calls Aaron, after his grandfather Aaron, Samuel’s brother). The third person of the family of Komitopules is Empress Catherine, the daughter of John Vladislav, who married Emperor Isaac Komnenos. The excerpt above is from a letter that Michael Psellos wrote to her after the death of her husband. The last excerpt is also related to Catherine, as it refers to the respect that she enjoyed, even after the death of Isaac I Comnenus, when she was for a while co-ruler with Emperor Constantine Dukas.

56  N  iketas Pegonites was the father of Irene, at whose death Psellos wrote the oration (translator’s note). 

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Publications: Michael Psellos, Chronographie ou histoire d’un siècle de Byzance (976–1077), edited by Emile Renauld (Paris, 1926/28); Khronografiia, edited by Ia. N. Liubarskii (Moscow, 1978); Konstantinos N. Sathas, Μesaionike Bibliotheke 5. Michael Psellou istorikoi logoi, epistolai kai alla anekdota (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1876), pp. 106–67; Michaelis Pselli Scripta minora magnam partem adhuc inedita, edited by Franz Drexl and Eduard Kurtz, 2 vols. (Milan, 1936–1941); Günter Weiss. “Untersuchungen zu den unedierten Schriften des Michael Psellos,” Byzantina 2 (1970), 337–378.

Michael Attaleiates

Michael Attaleiates, as indicated by his name, was born in or near Attalia in Pamphylia (present-day Antalya, Turkey) around 1025. Upon completion of his legal studies in Constantinople (where he, perhaps, had Michael Psellos as his teacher), he achieved a high position in the legal bureaucracy of the empire, and served at the courts of several emperors: Constantine X Dukas, Romanos IV Diogenes, Michael VII Dukas, and Nikephoros III Botaneiates. His History covers the events taking place during his lifetime, from 1034 to 1079.57 … As for the Mysians, whose proper conventional appellation is Bulgarians, they threw off the bonds of servitude at that time and embarked upon rebellion.58 They recklessly attacked the emperor, who was in the region of Thessalonike accompanied solely by the court bodyguard, believing that he was traveling in friendly territory. As soon as he returned to the Reigning City he readied himself vigorously for war, paying no heed to the illness that afflicted him—he was epileptic, though according to others he was beset by melancholy. He quickly assembled an army from all the provinces and leading it he reached Serdica,59 now called Triaditze through which he attacked Illyrikon. He crushed the rebels and utterly pacified their territory, which is large, broad accessed through narrow passes, and had for many years resisted previous emperors precisely because it is so difficult to exit from its defiles. Michael returned from there unharmed, having put all its affairs in order. 57  The following excerpts and footnotes are from Michael Attaleiates, History, translated by Anthony Kaldellis and Dimitris Krallis (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012) pp. 13–14 and 225 (translator’s note). 58  In 1040/1. 59  Modern Sofia.

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He celebrated a splendid triumph, including both horse and foot races. After a short while, he departed from this life,60 leaving behind many visible traces of his virtue, after ruling for seven years and seven months. Finally, a large army marched out against him (Krispinos) consisting of five western units quartered for the winter in the Armeniac themata and they were placed under the command of the vestarches Samuel, the one called Alousianos. About dawn he came upon him, as he was peacefully at rest, according to the custom, for it was the Great Sunday, the day of the Resurrection,61 but he accomplished nothing memorable, and in fact suffered a great deal of harm, for his soldiers tripped over the tent ropes, became entangled with them, and so let the Franks to know about their plan. Commentary: The first excerpt concerns the uprising of Peter Delian in 1040, although his name is not mentioned at all. The “splendid triumph” was that of Emperor Michael IV, who suppressed the rebellion. The second excerpt concerns the events of 1069, when the Byzantine mercenary of Norman origin, Robert Crispin, rebelled in Asia Minor. Alusianos’ son, here named Samuel, had the title of vestarch, one of the highest among senators, but with no real value in the 11th century. Publications: Michael Attaleiates, Historia, edited by Immanuel Bekker (Bonn, 1953); Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije, vol. 3 (Belgrade, 1966), pp. 227–28.62 Kekaumenos The first name of this author is not known. As it seems, Kekaumenos knew Bulgarian and perhaps he was Bulgarian on his mother’s side, for his grandfather, Demetrius Polemarchos, according to Kekaumenos’ own testimony, had been a commander in the army of Samuel. Kekaumenos’ most prominent work, the Strategikon, is composed of separate stories and advices to his 60  December 10, 1041. 61  April 12, 1069. 62  A new, and much better edition is now available: Michael Attaleiates, Historia, edited by Immaculada Pérez Martín (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Scíentificas, 2002) (translator’s note).

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sons, mainly to one of them. During his lifetime, no less than 11 emperors had acceded to the Byzantine throne over a period of 50 years. If the enemy remains within the fortress and does not come out, and you do not know what troops he has, take it from me that he is not numerous and that he lacks strength. However, you should not underestimate them, and if you have troops, do not allow them to relax, but send light cavalry to find a way through which troops can sweep over the enemy. Do not say that there is no way, and do not believe those who say that either. Indeed, how could the enemy defend a large area? By all means, their fortification has limits. And when you find a road, do not come out into the open, but stay facing them, and send troops to march along the way you have found. Let them have an able man as their guide. When they get in, let them make a fire if it is during the night, or smoke if it is daylight. And look out! When you see they are perplexed and confused, you should advance against them. It was in this way that, in the gorge of Zagora, that the emperor, Lord Basil the Porphyrogenetus, cap­tured 14,000 Bulgarians, commanded by the excellent warrior Samuel. If you set out to fight against some people or some fortress, first of all, after you have settled and built a camp, arrange the troops in the camp— each [man] in his unit. Do not set up your camp very near lest you be observed by them. After you have settled your troops and have rested, then if you wish, begin the battle, either against the people or against the fortress. Listen to the story of those who did not follow that rule. Thessalonica is a populous.. town … [Alusianus, setting out] with a great multitude of Bulgarians to conquer it, did not put up his tent first and settle his troops in a suitable place, but, as he was traveling with the supplycolumn, he approached the town walls and started the assault. His troops were exhausted from fatigue and the dif­ficult trip, because even those who are distinguished by their strength and soundness of body may become slack and inert when wearied from a long journey. And since he did not establish them in a camp, as I have mentioned, they scattered hither and thither, some wanting to drink water, others to give their horses some rest, and still others—to recover from their fatigue. When those inside the fortress saw them wandering about in a disorderly manner, they came out all of a sudden, attacked the Bulgarians and inflicted a great damage upon them. Some were killed, others died by thirst and heat, and the rest, driven as cattle, were locked in a cattle-pen. And that admirable warrior, Alsuianus, fled alone, as he took off and threw away his armor.

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Dimitriada was a coastal town in Hellas, protected by the sea and surrounding marches. Delianos, who was a Bulgarian toparch,63 captured it. As he took the town, he sent there the old experienced warrior Litovoi from Devol—in Bulgarian the strategos was called chelnikos (τζελνικος/ челник)—as he supplied him with soldiers for guarding the fortress. As he arrived, he restored the walls of the citadel that had been abandoned and constructed machines and equipment of the type that could be constructed by a strategos. Thus, as he enforced the fortress, he relaxed, for he was not afraid of an attack from outside and he did not suspect any betrayal from inside, because the locals were simple people and inexperienced, and in addition, he asked for an oath of loyalty from them. Indeed, carelessness usually brings unexpected sorrows and dangers. Thus, the commander relaxed and without any suspicion, he indulged in pleasures and idleness. Meanwhile, the locals, though inexperienced—as nature is the teacher of all treachery and cunning—secretly warned the duke of Thessalonike to send someone to take the fortress and to honor them [with his rule]. The duke sent some panteotin64 named Zepe with troops and ships. The ships sailed and to a secret place, where they hid close to the harbor, and only the locals knew about them. As those arrived, the locals captured the strategos, bonded him and his guards and thus delivered them to the Romans. If the enemy advances with his entire army, do not set off to fight them outside of the fortress, but observe them and fight them from within the fortress walls for two or three days. Once you would be able to estimate the strength, fighting capabilities, and the military equipment of the enemy, then—if you can—suddenly destroy them. Let those who do not guard the walls to come out, while those who are on the walls not to come down at all. It will be enough to protect the fortress. Let me tell you a about a similar case. Boyana is a strong Bulgarian fortress. After the lord emperor, Michael [IV the Paphlagonian] set off against Bulgaria and attacked Triadica, he arrived at Boyana. There were prominent and warlike Bulgarian men, whose commander was the so-called Botko. Urged by their valor, they came out of the fortress to fight, as it was a shame for them to stay inside. In the fierce combat, those prominent Bulgarians were defeated. And as they wanted to get inside the fortress, the Romans 63   Toparch was a title given to semi-independent Byzantine governors, ruling over buffer zones along the borders of the Empire (translator’s note). 64  Πανϑεώτήν—unclarified term, related perhaps to reconnaissance activities (translator’s note).

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got inside together with them, captured the town and committed a great massacre. Therefore, keep those things in mind. Let me tell you about another case. There is a fortress, called Morea, between Philipopolis and Triadica. It was under the rule of the Bulgarians. The emperor, Lord Basil the Porphyrogenetus, prepared his arms and arrived at Morea. He set up siege machines and started to deliver blows to the fortress; then he raised a hillfort. As the hillfort was built, the guards of the fortress contrived a trick worthy of remembrance. They gave gifts to some courageous young men and dispatched them to the hillfort. Those, sneaked inside the hillfort through its wooden external part, and advanced inside carrying torches, pitch, and flamethrowers. They set the inside of the hillfort on fire, and withdrew. The flames were not visible from the outside for they were deeply in the wooden construction of the hillfort. During the night, the fire engulfed everything inside and in the morning, it suddenly blasted outside and the hillfort collapsed. The emperor was disappointed and withdrew, while the inhabitants of the fortress remained unsubjected and unconquered. While my late grandfather Kekaumenos was in Larissa as governor of Hellas, the Bulgarian ruler Samuel often tried to capture Larissa either by war or by treachery, but failed, and was repulsed and outwitted by him. [My grandfather] either rebuffed him in a battle, or appeased him with gifts and, as he did that, he sowed the land and reaped and [thus] he rescued his people with what they produced themselves. But as he saw that Samuel was gaining the upper hand, he accepted his rule and as he tricked him again, he sowed and reaped again. Also, he wrote to Lord Basil, the Porphyrogenetus: “I, my holy lord, compelled by the dissenter, ordered to the Larisseans to accept his rule, thus with God’s help they sowed and reaped. And by the intercession of your majesty, I managed to accumulate for the Larisseans food, enough for four years, and now they are again subjects to your realm.” As he heard of that, the emperor approved the wittiness of my grandfather. Three years later, he appointed another strategos. Because my grandfather did not reside in Larissa, but in the capital, and because the strategos did not have the ability to contrive such tricks, when Samuel came he did not let them reap. During the sowing season, he allowed them to sow, but in the summer he did not let them reap. He had done that for three years. As they did not have enough food, they ate dogs, donkeys, and all sorts of unclean meat. When those ended too, they started gathering pelts from the garbage and cooked them and ate them to beguile their hunger.

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A woman, whose husband died, ate his thigh. Coerced by the unbearable famine, they surrender to Samuel without a fight and he enslaved all Larisseans except for Nikulitsa and his family. He transferred them intact and free with all their property, as he told them: “Many thanks to Lord Basil the Porphyrogenetus for taking your in-law, Kekaumenos, from Hellas and saving me from his tricks!” Commentary: The work of Kekaumenos provides important information about the Bulgarian lands during the period of wars against Byzantium and the conquest that followed the death of Samuel. It does not reveal, however, too much about Samuel’s family and the deeds of its individual members. Therefore, I selected here those passages concerning events poorly covered in other sources, such as, for instance, the episode of the Boyana Fortress; the incident at the fortress of Morea; and the Samuel’s conquest of Larissa (which also emphasizes his military strategies and methods of siege). Kekaumenos does not omit the uprising of Peter Delian and the temporary capture of Thessalonike and Dimitriada in Hellas by the rebels—the latter took place, perhaps, at the end of 1040. Very interesting are also the stories about the family of Nikulitsa-grandfather, Samuel’s governor of Servia65 and Nikulitsa-grandson,66 Kekaumenos’ relative, who participated in the Vlach and, in part, Bulgarian uprising in Thessaly in 1066, as well as the reporting on the general spirit of the time in the region. Publications: Sovety i rasskazy Kekavmena, edited by Gennadii G. Litavrin (Moscow, 1972); Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije, vol. 3 (Belgrade, 1966), pp. 193–94.67 65  For Nikulitsa the grandfather of Kekaumenos, see the works of Skylitzes and Zonaras below (translator’s note). 66  Nikulitsa Delphinas, governor of Larissa (translator’s note). 67  For a newer edition of the Strategikon, see Cecaumeno, Raccomandazioni e consigli di un galantuomo (Στρατηγικόν), edited by Maria Dora Spadaro (Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso, 1998). For Kekaumenos and his information pertaining to Bulgaria, see Charlotte Roueché, “Defining the foreign in Kekaumenos,” in Strangers to Themselves. The Byzantine Outsider. Papers from the Thirty-Second Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies. University of Sussex, Brighton, March 1998, edited by Dino C. Smythe (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), pp. 203–14; Alexandru Madgearu, “Urban unrest and centrifugal actions in Thessaly (1066),” Revista de Istorie Socială 8–9 (2003–2004), 32–41; Nadezhda Dragova, “Starobălgarski ‘voinski skazaniia’ v Strategikon (XI vek) na vizantiiskiia voenachalnik Kekavmen,” in Vizantiia,

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Georgius Monachos Continuatus

The above title is applied conventionally to a chronicl that is believed to be a continuation of the work of Georgius Monachos (“the Monk”) who lived in the 10th century. The continuation covers the events from 842 to 948, but in some manuscripts, it goes as late as 1078. VI.4.1. In the year 6485 from the creation of the world, and 976 of the divine incarnation, Basil the Bulgarslayer and Constantine, the two sons of Romanus, acceded to the throne and reigned for 53 years … VI.4.3. … Because the struggle and uprising of Skleros lasted for a long time, intestine war and great uncertainty spread everywhere, and the Arabs found a good opportunity, and set out on a campaign and ravaged the East. The Roman land and the Roman provinces were greatly tormented by the Assyrians. The Bulgarians also set out on a campaign and invaded Thrace. Great troubles arose everywhere. The emperor was in the midst of them like a lamb among many wolves, or a chicken in the mouth of dragons. Yet suddenly weather cleared up and instead of tumult—peace. And Bardas reconciled with the emperor, and they established great friendship. VI.4.5. As the emperor found out that the Bulgarians, taking advantage of the departure of the troops to the East, have overriden and ravaged many Roman provinces, he was seized with righteous and great anger, and immediately set off against them with his troops, and soaked the land with their blood. They were flooded by streams and brooks [of blood] and the entire land trembled with numerous murders, and it was covered with ash, and the swords and spears of the Romans were blunted by the bones of the barbarians and the ceaseless beheadings. The Romans, armed and unarmed, trampled without fear upon the Bulgarians. The emperor conquered many Bulgarian fortresses and lands, and installed his garrisons in each one of them. He also conquered the region where the capital of Bulgaria was located, and found in it a lot of [precious] things and treasures, a great amount of gold and silver, diadems and crowns and other royal insignia. VI.4.6. The leader of the barbarians, having seen such a large force against him and realizing that his army was destroyed and wrecked, restrained his pride a bit and humbled his barbaric impudence. But Balkanite, Evropa. Izsledvaniia na chest na prof. Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, edited by Agop Garabedian et al. (Sofia: Institut po balkanistika, 2006), pp. 435–52 (translator’s note).

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then he mustered another army and enlisted foreign mercenaries, and again embarked on wars and battles, as he was seized with rage and infatuation. In some places, he blocked the mountain passes with walls; in others, he raised mottes with ropes and lumber. The army that he mustered was as large as 360,000 people, and he was very proud of that multitude. The barriers were made to prevent the emperor to find his way back and to escape. And so, he came close to the Byzantine border. The place in which he set up his ambush was between Romania and the Bulgarians, was a field with large rivers, and high and steep mountains covered with snow. There was only one exit, which he fenced and put under close guard. He fought until dawn and [then] he gave his soldiers a break. His aim was to make a sudden breakthrough and to surround the Emperor. VI.4.7. The Emperor, however, had spies everywhere and knew everything and grew even more resolute in his intentions. And to show the great valor and courage that the Romans had, he did not wait for those to attack, and neither was he scared and stepped back, nor did he prefer to hide inside of the palace like a gentle maiden. The hair on his head, once smeared with perfumes, was now covered with the frost of dawn and with dew, and his skin cracked with dust and sweat and his face tanned by the heat of the sun. He dispatched two strategoi, each with 12,000 selected horsemen to find out at any cost, the paths through the places without any roads, walking their horses and climbing on foot through the mountains there, where the barbarians did not suppose or expect [them], and to descend from places to which their leaders would take them. In the same way, another strategos was ordered to move on a different route, and to keep facing the [enemy] guards that secured the passage, and to attack them on the right, so none of them could get out and escape. The first strategos headed to the mountains, and climbed them with his 12,000 men. With great effort he managed to make the crossing in three days. He traveled at night and descended to the other side sheltering [his army] in a wooded and hidden place. The Bulgarians were nearby, but none one of them suspected his presence. The other strategos ran into very difficult and impassable places. However, with great caution, he passed on the other side and descended into the enclosure, where the mountain pass guards were located. At dawn, the Romans blew the battle horns and trumpets, and the Bulgarians were terrified by the sudden misfortune. Then the Romans fell on them and surrounded them, as some of them were killed, while others were taken captives. And none of them slipped out of their hands. Thus, they destroyed the palisade. The emperor, who was ready [to enter the battle] with his army, set off

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and vigorously attacked the main enemy troops. Moving along the way, he met the mounted scouts and captured them all. After a while, he met another hundred, who were also part of the guard and captured them all. The Bulgarians, however, trusted their guards, were careless and were sitting around without any fear. And the strategos who was hidden on the other side [attacked them] as well. The Bulgarians were caught unarmed and half-asleep, so they ran for their lives. Dismayed and confused, they were greatly scared. They did not know where to go and were falling into rivers, drowning, and killing each other. And the Romans had no mercy in killing them. On this day, 160,000 barbarians died under the Roman sword. Blood flowed in the rivers instead of water. Their leader escaped and Romans stole the tents and belongings, weapons and baggage of the Bulgarians, of which they were very delighted and prayed in gratitude to God. VI.5.8. However, the Bulgarian emperor did not want to submit nor could he give up and accept the misfortune that had befallen upon them. After a few days, he rallied the remaining troops. He called for troops from other nations and set off against the emperor to avenge his defeat. He apparently had not enough misfortunes and defeats already, but rather resembled a boar which run into a hunter. Despising death, in a fit of frenzy, he fell on his sword with his body. So, on the one side, the armed Romans stood and on the other, the Bulgarians. On both sides, the ironclad horsemen and infantry waved their flags, and ironclad lancers waved theirs and blew the signal of battle with their horns and trumpets. Great cries and perturbation [came] from both armies, along with great fear. And they got closer and clashed with each other like wild boars or strong lions, and started smashing spears, rattling and spalling swords. The crash, the howling and anxiety reached all the way to heaven and blood flew like water, and the neighing of horses filled the air. And the emperor of the Romans ran up and down as an agile hawk or a fearless falcon, instilling courage into his men and urging the strategoi to demonstrate that Romans were superior to [all] other nations. At last, the Bulgarians were defeated and turned to flee, and the Roman troops pursued them, killing and trampling upon them, and took their tents and withheld a great victory. Thus, the emperor crushed the arrogance and audacity of the Bulgarians, persecuted them and turned them into slaves and subjects. VII.3. At that time, Emperor Nicephorus sent strategoi with an army against the Bulgarians. The emperor of the Bulgarians set off to meet them with an army of 8,000; he devastated many Roman regions and

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took many captives. Wherever he desired, he placed his camps and settled without fearing anyone, because he had heard that there was strife and turmoil among the Romans. Meanwhile, Roman commanders with an army of 12,000 set off to meet them, but they did not dare to do that for the Bulgarians could notice that they were low in numbers and annihilate them. However, they wandered around and pondered, and counseled what to be done in order to defeat them. Therefore, the strategos designated two good and prudent commanders and gave each of them 500 selected and brave horsemen with good horses and wellmade weapons. He ordered them to infiltrate secretly the back and the right wing of the Bulgarian army, and to scout where their camp was, what was their night watch, how they were arranged at night, and how they were about to fight. And if they managed to catch any Bulgarian, to make them disclose their intentions and the orders that they had received. So, those two commanders set off, each with his own squad, keeping to the right side, so not to be noticed by the Bulgarians. One night, at dusk, the Bulgarians appeared and made their camp in a beautiful meadow, scattering around their tents. And because they were tired, they lit fires everywhere, sat down and ate and drank carelessly, and fell asleep as only a few of them remained awake. And when the third part of the night had passed, the two commanders with their squads approached, and they saw how great the army was and how hard would be to defeat it. Moreover, a rivalry arose between these squads. The one said to the other: “We were better than you.” Then some wise soldier stood up among them and spoke: “Commanders and brothers, how could we know the truth and find out that you are better than us? If you wish, the proof lays before our eyes; your enemies and ours are deployed here in front of us. Let’s prove which military unit is better.” As the soldiers heard that, they came together and replied, “You have spoken nicely and justly.” And one of the 500– soldiers squad took the upper side and the other one, the lower side, and they attacked the Bulgarians from both sides. The Bulgarians, who were undressed and half-asleep, were terrified and tried to flee. They pushed and killed each other in the dark, inside and outside their tents. And the swords of those 1,000 Romans mowed and killed until dawn. They killed the emperor of the Bulgarians and withheld over them a great and unexpected victory. Only tents, baggage, weapons, prisoners, and horses remained scattered on the field. At sunrise, the Romans kept killing everyone they could find. They sent messengers to the rest of the army with the joyful news. [The strategos] arrived with his army and saw the great slaughter, the fabulous deed and the extinction. And glorified God who

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gave them strength in this difficult hour. The prisoners took their horses and their belongings and went home. And the strategos returned with his army as well. Commentary: The continuator of the chronicle of George the Monk seems uncertain about the events taking place during the reign of Samuel and his successors. His is obviously and account different from that that Skylitzes gave for the Battle of Belasitsa. In the last excerpted paragraph, the author writes of the Byzantine Emperor Nikephoros Botaniates (1078–1081), mistakenly placing under his reign the rebellion of George Voiteh and Constantine Bodin, both of whom he calls “emperor of Bulgarians.” Publications: Georgii Monachi, dicti Hamartoli Chronicon, edited by Eduard von Muralt (St. Petersburg , 1859).

John Skylitzes68

John Skylitzes is one of the most prominent Byzantine historians. The exact dates of his birth and death are unknown, but according to his own words, he was a contemporary of Michael Psellos. His lifetime could thus be placed within the second half of the 11th century and, perhaps, the opening years of 68  The following excerpts are from John Skylitzes, A Synopsis of Byzantine History, 811–1059, translated by John Wortley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 246, 312– 313, 321, 323–329, 330–336, 336–346, 351–352, 355, 362, 379, 384–386, 386–387, 387–390, and 421–422. On a few occasions, my own translation diverges from Wortley, as indicated in the notes. All other notes are Wortley’s. He adopted two solutions for showing the interpolations that Thurn’s edition displays in smaller font within the body of the text. Where possible, these have been included in the text of the translation, between brackets. Elsewhere, in places where brackets would have disrupted the text, Wortley has transferred the interpolations to the notes. In each case, he has also indicated the manuscript(s) in which the interpolation may be found. In those cases where words were necessary for the English translation that do not actually appear in the Greek, he has placed them between square brackets. Wortley left some technical words and terms unchanged (e.g., autocrator, paraikomomenos), while translating others (e.g., emperor, commander). Proper nouns are more difficult: modern equivalents are used where appropriate (Michael, Constantinople), while in other cases the transliteration of Greek names ê for η, y for υ, and ô for ω (translator’s note).

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the 12th century. John Skylitzes held a high rank in the Byzantine military, a kouropalates and droungarios of the Vigla. Historians utilizing his work, especially those from Italy and France, have therefore nicknamed him the Kouropalates. His chronicle, a Synopsis of Histories, covers the period from 811 to 1057. In the older editions, the chronicle of Skylitzes was published together with the chronicle of George Kedrenos (who was a generation younger and lived in the late 11th and during the first half of the 12th century) which covers history from the creation of the world to 1057. For the period between 811 and 1057, however, Kedrenos copied the chronicle of Skylitzes word by word. The traditional interpretation was that the chronicle of Skylitzes was written in two editions, one ending in 1057, the other continuing to 1079, the year in which Nikephoros III Botaneiates became emperor. However, But the Greek Byzantinist Eudoxios Tsolakis published in 1968 the part of the chronicle covering the years 1057–1079 separately, as a continuation by an unknown author.69 One of the surviving manuscripts ([MS] U) contains short interpolations, all related to the reign of Samuel. The Serbian historian Božidar Prokić has identified the author of those interpolations with Michael of Devol.70 When the wife of Peter, the emperor [sic] of the Bulgars, died, he made a treaty with the emperors ostensibly to renew the peace, surren­dering his own sons, Boris and Romanos,71 as hostages. He himself died shortly afterwards, whereupon the sons were sent to Bulgaria to secure the ancestral throne and to restrain the ‘children of the counts’72 from further encroachments. David, Moses, Aaron and [256] Samuel, children of one 69  S kylitzes Continuatus, edited by Eudoxios Tsolakis (Thessaloniki: Hetaireia Makedonikon Spoudon, 1968) (translator’s note). 70  Božidar Prokić, Die Zusätze in der Handschrift des Johannes Skylitzes: codex Vindobonensis hist. graec. LXXIV. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des sogenannten Westbulgarischen Reiches (Munich: H. Kutzner, 1906) (translator’s note). 71  Maria Lecapena must have died in 963. Peter of Bulgaria died 20 January 969. Skylitzes is simplifying matters here for Peter crossed swords with Nikephoros in 966 when the latter was unwilling to continue paying the tribute established In the time of Symeon, which led to hostilities. 72  Or ‘sons of the count’, kometopoloi: J. Ferluga, “Le soulèvement des Comitopoules,” Zbornik radova Vizantološkog Instituta 9 (1966), 75–84; W. Seibt suggests that the kometopoloi were of Armenian origin: ‘Untersuchungen zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte der ‘bulgarischen’ Kometopoulen,” Handes Amsorya 89 (1975), 65–100. Skylitzes is anticipating an uprising, which came about after the death of John Tzimiskes in 976. On the shaky chronology of the Bulgar wars: C. Holmes, Basil II and the governance of empire (976–1025) (Oxford, 2005), pp. 102–3. 

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of the powerful counts in Bulgaria, were contemplating an uprising and were unsettling the Bulgars’ land. […] After the death of the emperor John, the Bulgars rebelled, appointing four brothers to rule them: David, Moses, Aaron and Samuel, sons of a count who was one of the powerful men among the Bulgars, Nicholas by name;73 their mother was Ripseme; that is why they were known as Kometopoloi.74 Death had removed the other relatives of Peter while his sons, Boris and Romanos, had been brought to the capital (as we explained above) and stayed there. Boris was honoured with the title of magister by the emperor John while Romanos was deprived of his genitals by Joseph [Bringas], the former parakoimomenos. Then when the death of the emperor John occurred, {when Skleros rebelled against the emperor and their relative Basil invaded the regions of Thrace}75 Boris and Romanos escaped [from the capital] and managed to arrive in Bulgaria. Boris was wounded by an arrow as he was passing through some bushes, shot and killed by a Bulgar who thought he was a Roman (he was in fact wearing Roman clothing). Romanos made his way safely {to Bidine}76 and eventually returned to the capital—as will be reported in the appropriate place. Of these four brothers David died right away {killed between Kastoria and Prespa, at a place called Kalasdrys [beautiful oaks], by some vagabond Vlachs}.77 Moses died at the siege of Serres, struck by a stone thrown from the walls. 73  MS U only. The abbreviations employed for the manuscripts in Wortley’s translation notes are as follows: A: Vindobonensis Hist. gr. 35 (in Vienna), dated to the first half of the 12th century; B: Ambrosianus C 279 inf. (in Rome), dated to the 14th century; C: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds Coislin 136, dated to the 12th century; D: Paris, supplementum 1158 dated to the 13th century; E: Scorialensis T III 9 (166) (in Madrid), dated to the 14th century; H: Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds Coislin 135, dated to the 13th–14th centuries; M: Matritensis II, Pgt. 247 (in Madrid), dated to the 13th–14th centuries; N: Neapolitanus III. B. 24 (in Naples), dated to the 14th century; O: Achridensis 79 (now lost, at some point in time in Ohrid), dated to the 12th century; R: Vaticanus 1903 (in Vatican) dated to the 13th century; U: Vindobonensis Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, dated 13th century; and V: Vaticanus Graecus 161 (in Vatican), dated to the 13th century. 74  “The children of the counts”: Seibt, “Untersuchungen.” The account of the Bulgar wars is confused. Holmes, Basil II, gives an account of this question and discusses the chronology in several chapters of her Basil II, especially in ch. 7.1. 75  MS U only. 76  MS U only. 77  MSS ACEU only.

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{Others write that it was not by a stone thrown that Moses [died] but that his horse fell, bringing him down, and he was slain by one of duke Melissenos’ men.78} Samuel slew his brother Aaron and all his family too, because he was said to be pro-Roman, on 14 June at a place called Rametanitza.79 The only survivor was his son, Sviatoslav (also known as John),80 saved by Rodomir (also known as Roman), the son of Samuel. In this way, Samuel became the sole ruler of all Bulgaria;81 he was much given to waging war and not at all to possessing his soul in peace. When the Roman forces were occupied with the war against Skleros, he seized his chance and overran all the west, not only Thrace, Macedonia and the region adjacent to Thessalonike, but also Thessaly, Hellas and the Peloponnese. He also captured several fortresses of which Larissa82 was the outstanding example. He transferred the inhabitants of Larissa, entire families of them, into further Bulgaria where he enrolled them among his own forces and used them as allies to fight against the Romans. He also translated the relics of St Achillios, who had served as bishop of Larissa under Constantine the Great and who was present at the First Ecumenical Council with Reginos of Skopelos and Diodoros of Trikka,83 and depos­ited them at Prespa84 where his palace was located, constructing a most beautiful and large church in his name.85 […] Relieved of civil wars and their attendant worries, the emperor now turned his attention to the problem of how to deal with Samuel and the 78  MSS AE only. 79  MSS ACU only. 80  The individual named John here is John Vladislav (1016–1018). Most manuscripts mistake Vladislav for Svendoslavos (Svetoslav) (translator’s note). 81  On Samuel see (most recently) Sr. Pirivatrić, Samuilova drzhava: obim i karakter (Belgrade, 1997), pp. 199–210 (in Serbian with English summary). The Bulgar princes often had double names: one Slavic, one Greek, e.g. Radomir/Romanos, Vladislav/John. 82  There is information on the fall of Larissa provided by a descendant of the Byzantine defender: Kekaumenos, an eleventh-century aristocrat who has left us some advice allegedly Intended for children, advice which is based (among other things) on his own experience and on a number of matters that touched members of his family: Kekaumenos, Strategikon, 250–2. 83  MSS ACEU only. 84  On lake Mikre Prespa, in western Macedonia around Prespa. The Bulgar state did not rise again in its original location but much further to the west, in a region where the Byzantine military presence was much weaker. 85  MSS ACEU only.

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other local chieftains who had taken advantage of his involvement with the uprisings to inflict considerable damage on Roman territory with impun­ity. Marching out into the regions of Thrace and Macedonia he came to Thessalonike, intending to make thank-offerings to Demetrios the mar­tyr.86 There he left Gregory Taronites as commander with a capable army to exclude and intercept the incursions of Samuel. The emperor came in person to the capital and then proceeded to Iberia. […] Samuel was campaigning against Thessalonike. He divided the majority of his forces to man ambushes and snares but he sent a small expedition to advance right up to Thessalonike itself. When duke Gregory [Taronites] learnt of this incursion he dispatched Asotios, his own son, to spy on and reconnoiter the [enemy] host and to provide him with intel­ligence and then he himself came along afterwards. Asotios set out and came into conflict with the [enemy] vanguard, which he put to flight, only to be taken unwittingly in an ambush. On hearing of this Gregory rushed to the help of his son, striving to deliver him from captivity, but he too was surrounded by Bulgars; he fell fighting nobly and heroically.87 When the death of the duke was reported to the emperor, he dispatched the magister Nikephoros Ouranos88 as commander-in-chief of the west; he had pur­chased his release from Babylon and arrived at the capital. When he came to Thessalonike he learnt that Samuel was so elated by the killing of the duke Gregory Taronites and the capture of his son that he had passed through the valley of Tempe, crossed the river Peneios and advanced through Thessaly, Bceotia and Attica then into the Peloponnese by way of the isth­mus of Corinth, ravaging and devastating all these lands. [Nikephoros Ouranos] set out with the forces under his 86  The campaign of 991 was emperor’s response to Samuel’s attack on Thessalonike and his inroads into Greece. 87  Samuel’s object was to gain control of the Via Egnatia; he had already taken Dyrrachion and married the daughter John Chryselios, a leading citizen of that town. It was about this time (996–7) that Samuel proclaimed himself basileus in the belief that he had restored Bulgarian borders where they-were in Symeon’s time. Pirivatrić, Samuilova drzhava, p. 107. 88  Thessalonike now became one of the principal bases for operations against Samuel. Ouranos (who must have come out of prison in Baghdad, reign of Basil II, c. so) did not succeed Gregory Taronites directly. The latter was killed in 995, the year John Chaldos became duke: Actes d’Iviron, I: Des origines au milieu du XIe siècle, edited by Jean Lefort, Nicolas Oikonomides, Denise Papachryssanthou, and Hélène Metreveli (Paris, 1985), pp. 153–4. John was captured in the following year and remained in prison for twenty-two years: see further the reign of Basil II, and the reign of Romanos Argyros.

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command, crossed the heights of Olympos and came to Larissa, where he left the baggage. Then with his army relieved of its burdens he crossed Thessaly, the plain of Pharsala and the River Apidanos by forced marches and pitched his camp on the banks of the Spercheios, on the bank opposite to where Samuel was bivou­acked. There was torrential rain falling from the sky; the river was in flood and overflowing its banks so there was no question of an engagement tak­ing place. But the magister, casting up and down the river, found a place where he thought it might be possible to cross. He roused his army by night, crossed the river and fell upon the sleeping troops of Samuel, taking them completely by surprise. The better part of them were slain, nobody daring even to think of resistance. Samuel and Romanos his son both received severe wounds and they only got away by hiding among the dead, lying down as though they were slain, then secretly slipping away into the Aetolian Mountains by night. From there they went through the peaks of those mountains and, crossing the Pindos, reached safety in Bulgaria. The magister released the Romans who were prisoners and despoiled the fallen Bulgars. He also occupied the enemy camp, capturing a huge amount of wealth. Then he returned to Thessalonike with his army.89 When Samuel returned safely to his homeland he took Asotios, son of Taronites, out of prison and made him his son-in-law by marrying him to his daughter. For she, Miroslava,90 had fallen in love with him and was threatening to kill herself unless she could be legally married to him. Once the marriage was a fait accompli, he sent him off with her to Dyrrachion to ensure the security of the district. When he got there, however, he persuaded his wife to join him in fleeing to the Roman ships which were coasting by that place as a safeguard. In those vessels he came in safety to the emperor who honored him with the title of magister, and his wife with the decoration of the girdle.91 Asotios came bearing a letter 89  The victory of Spercheios was won in 997; it was significant enough to permit Basil to return to the east: Eric McGeer , Sowing the Dragon’s Teeth. Byzantine Warfare in the Tenth Century (Washington, 2008), pp. 344–5. 90  MS U only. 91   Zoste patrikia, ‘belted patrician’, was the one title reserved for women only. It was the highest rank to which a woman could attain: Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, edited by Alexander Kazhdan, vol. 3 (New York/Oxford, 1991), p. 2231 and Jean-Claude Cheynet, “La patricienne à la cein­ture; une femme de qualité,” ’ in Au cloître et dans le monde. Femmes, hommes et société (IXe–XVe siècle); Mélanges en l’honneur de Paulette L’Hermite-Leclerq, edited by P. Henriet and A.-M. Legram (Paris, 2000), pp. 179–87, reprinted in Jean-Claude Cheynet, La société byzantine. L’apport des sceaux (Paris, 2008), pp. 163–73.

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from one of the powerful men of Dyrrachion named Chryselios in which he undertook to deliver the city of Dyrrachion to the emperor in return for him and his two sons being raised to the dignity of patrician. The emperor issued a letter endorsing the undertaking and Dyrrachion was duly handed over to the patrician Eustathios Daphnomeles. The two sons were designated patricians, the father having died in the meantime.92 It was at that time that two men were accused of being sympathetic to the Bulgars:93 the magister Paul Bobos, one of the leading citizens of Thessalonike, and Malakenos,94 distinguished by his intelligence and eloquence. Paul was transferred to the plain of the Thrakesion [theme], Malakenos to Byzantium.95 Certain distinguished citizens of Adrianople who had also gained renown in military commands fled to Samuel because they too were under suspicion: Vatatzes with his entire family,96 Basil Glabas alone, whose son the emperor imprisoned and held for three years, then let him go. At that time the emperor gave the daughter of Argyros (sister of the Romanos [III Argyros] who later reigned as emperor) in lawful marriage to the Doge97 of Venice to conciliate the Venetians.

92  This shows how much power over the cities depended on relations between the central government (Basil’s or Samuel’s) and the local aristocracies who would bid against each other to command support. 93  This is probably to be explained by the pressure which Samuel’s forces kept up on the towns, which is where the aristocracy resided. 94  There was a person of this name commanding an army against the Arabs in Sicily in 952: Vera von Falkenhausen, La dominazione bizantina nell’Italia meridionale dal IX all’XI secolo (Bari, 1978), pp. 103–4. 95  This is a Peloponnesian family known from different sources, especially from several seals, the most remarkable being that of a Malakenos who was commander of Longobardia In the middle of the tenth century: Catalogue of the Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, edited by John Nesbitt and Nicolas Oikonomides, vol. 1 (Washington, 1991), 3.1. 96  First mention of a family later interrelated with the Komnenoi and which provided emperors: I. S. Langdon, “Background to the rise of the Vatatzai to prominence in the Byzantine oikolomene 997–1222,” in To Hellenikon: Studies in Honor of Speros Vryonis, Jr., edited by Jelisaveta Stanojevich Allen, Christos P. Ioannides, John S. Langdon, and Stephen W. Reinert (New Rochelle, 1993), pp. 179–210. 97   Archon. Maria Argyropoulina married Giovanni Orseolo, the elder son of the Doge Peter II, In 1oo5–6. ‘The bridegroom (who had accompanied the emperor on an expedition against Bulgaria) was honored with the title of patrician. The marriage took place in Constantinople; the couple took back to Venice the precious relic of Barbara, one of the martyrs of Nicomedia. They had one son but the entire family was carried off by an

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The emperor also invaded Bulgaria by way of Philippoupolis98 and stationed the patrician Theodorokanos99 to guard that city. He overthrew many fortresses in Triaditza and then returned to Mosynoupolis.100 In AM 6508, thirteenth year of the indiction, the emperor sent a large and powerful force against the Bulgar strongholds beyond the Haemos range, under the command of the patrician Theodorokanos and the protospatharios, Nikephoros Xiphias. Greater and Lesser Preslav were taken; Pliskova too;101 then the Roman army returned, triumphant and intact.102 In the following year, the emperor set out against Bulgaria again, this time through Thessalonike. Dobromir, governor of Berrhoia {who was mar­ried to a niece of Samuel}103 joined the emperor’s ranks and surrendered his town104 to him, for which he was honored with the title of anthypatos/ proconsul. The officer-commanding at Kolydros,105 {Demetrios Teichonas, refused to surrender his town, but asked to be allowed to withdraw from it, to which request the emperor acceded, allowing Demetrios and his men to rejoin Samuel}.106 Then there was the officercommanding at the fortress called Servia, Nicholas, nicknamed Nikoulitzas107 on account of his small stature; he withstood and vigorously resisted the siege which was laid against him. The emperor intensified the blockade and took both the fortress and Nikoulitzas himself. He epidemic in 1007: J. F. Vannler, Familles byzantines: Argyroi, IXe–XII siècles (Paris, 1975), pp. 43–4. 98  This was Basil’s second choice as a base for operations to check the advances of Samuel. 99  A Georgian: one of Basil’s most faithful generals. 100  Basil’s strategy was to divide Samuel’s territory in two by holding on to Sofia. 101  Samuel was beginning to lose his somewhat tenuous control over eastern Bulgaria. This was the part which it was in Basil’s great interest to control for thus he could protect Thrace and also gain access to the functioning ports of the lower Danube. 102  On the disputed location of Little Preslav: Nicolas Oikonomides, “Presthlavitza, the Little Preslav,” Südost-Forschungen 42 (1983), 1–19. 103  {…} MS U only. 104  A town of Macedonia, to the south-west of Thessalonike. A seal indicates that a person named Dobromir, anthypatos and patrician, was duke of Thrace and of (western) Mesopotamia: Ivan Iordanov, Pechatite ot strategiiata Preslav (971–1088) (Sofia, 1993), nos. 237 and 238. It is most unlikely that two persons with the name of Dobromir would have obtained the same dignity at that elevated level. 105  A fortress located to the south of lake Dojran, now Kalindria. 106  {…} MS U only. 107  Not necessarily the same as the person of the same name who defended Larissa, the grandfather of Kekaumenos: Strategikon, 250–2, ed. Spadaro, 202–4.

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transported the Bulgars out of there and put Romans in to guard it. That accomplished, he returned to the capital taking with him Nikoulitzas, whom he then honored with the title of patrician. But he was an unreliable fellow; he ran away and came safely to Samuel, with whom he now came to besiege the fortress of Servia.108 But the emperor reappeared in haste and put an end to the siege, Nikoulitzas and Samuel fleeing for their lives. Yet that faithless fellow could not entirely escape; he was captured in a Roman ambush, brought to the emperor as a prisoner, sent to Constantinople and thrown into gaol.109 Then the emperor marched into Thessaly and rebuilt the fortresses which Samuel had overturned; the ones they still held he besieged and transported the Bulgars to a place called Boleron.110 He left a battle-worthy garrison in each of them and marched off to the place called Vodena.111 This is a fortress located on a precipitous crag around which the waters of lake Ostrovos flow. They travel some way underground then surface again here. Since the people within the fortress were not willing to surrender it, he was obliged to take the place by siege, transporting its defend­ers to Boleron as well. He secured the place with a guard worthy of the name and then returned to Thessalonike. Draxanos, the governor of the fortress, a true warrior, asked per­mission to reside at Thessalonike. The emperor agreed, and he took for his wife the daughter of the first priest of the church of the victorious martyr Demetrios, who bore him two sons. Then he ran away and was captured, but was set free at the intercession of his father-in-law. A second time he ran away, was apprehended and then set free yet again; he engendered

108  A town of Macedonia to the south of Berroia. Basil was in the process of liberating the whole of Macedonia from the Bulgars in order to re-establish the security of the region around Thessalonike and to deny Samuel access to the themes of Hellas and the Peloponnese. 109  The emperor’s strategy was to win over the Bulgar chiefs by assuring them not only of high titles but also of the income that went with them, for the treasury was in very good shape. 110  Boleron was to the east of the river Nestos, south of the Rhodope mountains, not too far from Mosynopoulis, one of Basil’s military bases. In 1047 a new fiscal region of this name is noted; this may well have been a theme Actes d’Iviron, II: Du milieu du XIe siècle à 1204, edited by Jean Lefort, Nicolas Oikonomides, and Denise Papachryssanthou (Paris, 1990), no. 29. 111  Present-day Edessa, a south-Macedonian bishopric to the west of Thessalonike, on the Via Egnatia. Vodena was a major prize in the confrontation of Basil II and Samuel.

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two more children while at liberty, then he ran away a third time. This time, however, he was not only arrested but impaled. Because the Noumerite and Ataphite Arabs112 were making devas­ tating raids into Coelo-Syria and even Antioch itself, the emperor sent the magister Nicephoros Ouranos113 to be governor of Antioch, appointing the patrician David Areianites to succeed him at Thessalonike. He stationed the protospatharios Nikephoros Xiphias114 at Philippoupolis (Thedorakanos had retired because of old age). When the magister Nikephoros Ouranos arrived in Antioch he fought two or three battles against Kitrinites, the Arab leader,115 put him to flight and obliged him to keep the peace. Thus, a state of great calm prevailed. The following year, fifteenth year of the indiction,116 the emperor campaigned against Vidin117 and took it by storm after the siege had dragged on for eight months. Here the ingenuity of the Bulgar chieftains was displayed. By the use of a very large earthenware vessel they were able to extinguish Greek fire:118 While the emperor was engaged in this siege, Samuel mounted a light­ ning attack on Adrianople with a light and rapid force on the very day of the Koimesis119 of the most holy Mother of God. He suddenly fell on the fair, which is customarily held at public expense [on that day], took a great deal of booty and went back to his own land. The emperor further 112  These two Arab tribes had been living in Syria since the seventh century. At the time Skylitzes writes of the Numerites were under the sway of Wattab b. Sabiq, emir of Harran. The identity of the Ataphites is a matter of dispute: W. Felix, Byzanz and die islamische Welt im früheren Jahrhundert (Byzantina Vindobonensia, 15, Vienna, 1981), p. 53, notes 29 and 30. 113  He was duke of Antioch (Skylitzes writes archon) from December 999 to c. 1006. 114  A new name among the office holders. A relative (a brother?) of this man named Alexios was appointed katepan of Italy by Basil II, c. 1007: Falkenhausen, Dominazione, pp. 189–90. 115  Some Noumarite Bedouins had come together under the leadership of a chief (al-Aflar) who claimed to be a new Mandi. He was detained at Aleppo in April-May 1007 with the consent of Ouranos: Histoire de Yahya ibn-Said al-Antaki, continuateur de Said ibn-Bitriq, edited and translated by I. Kratchkovsy and A. Vasiliev, in Patrologia Orientalis 23 (1932), pp. 466–7; Felix, Byzanz and Islam, 52–4. On the general situation in Syria: T. Bianquis, “Les frontières de la Syrie au XIe siècle,” Castrum 4 (1992), 135–48. 116  The war against the Bulgars started up again in 1002 and went on for three or four years, but it is not clear exactly how the campaigns succeeded each other. 117  A bishopric on the Danube to the north of Bulgaria near the Iron Gates. By penetrating so far Basil could have been preparing to strike Samuel in the rear. 118   To medikon pyr. MS U only. 119  The Dormition (falling-asleep) of the Virgin Mary—15 August.

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improved the defenses of Vidin, then set off back to the capital with his forces intact, ravaging and destroying every Bulgar stronghold he came across on the way home. As he approached Skopje120 he discovered Samuel encamped without foresight at the other side of the river Axios,121 which is now called Bardarios because Bardas Skleros diverted it from its former bed into the course which it now follows.122 Samuel was putting his trust in the high waters of the river—which he thought it was impossible to cross for the time being; so he encamped giv­ing no thought to security. But one of the soldiers discovered a ford and brought the emperor across by it. Taken completely by surprise, Samuel fled without a backward glance. His tent was captured and all his encamp­ment. The city of Skopje was handed over to the emperor by Romanos whom Samuel had appointed as its governor. This Romanos was the son of King Peter of the Bulgars and the brother of Boris; he had changed his name to that of his grandfather, Symeon. The emperor rewarded his submission with the titles of patrician and prefect,123 awarding him a command of Abydos. From there the emperor crossed over and came to Pernikos124 where Krakras was on guard, a most excellent man in warfare. He spent considerable time laying siege to that place and lost quite a number of men. Realizing that the defense-works were too good to be taken by siege and that Krakras could not be deflected by flattery, promises or other sug­ gestions, he went on to Philippoupolis and from there struck camp and proceeded to Constantinople.125

120  S kopje controls the Vardar valley, which leads to Thessalonike. The defeat of Samuel was in 1003 or 1004: Stephenson, Balkan Frontier, p. 56. 121  Axios’: ‘Naxios’—MS U. 122  MS U only. The name of the river (Vardar) resembles the name of Bardas, pronounced Vardas. 123  Romans was a eunuch, hence he qualified for the position of prefect (prepositos), a palatine office, reserved for eunuchs. 124  Pernikos commanded the road from Naissos (Nish) to Sofia; it was to the south-west of Sofia [actually, since it was south of Sofia, it could not have been on the road to Niš, which is to the north-west-north from Sofia. Pernikos commanded the road from Skopje—not Niš—to Sofia; translator’s note]. 125  Now Skylitzes interrupts his account of the Bulgar wars for a while without mentioning whether Basil and Samuel made a treaty after the success of the emperor: Stephenson, Balkan Frontier, p. 69. 





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In the same year of the indiction,126 he made an ordinance that magnates were to pay the taxes of deceased common folk; this arrange­ment was called allelengyon.127 The patriarch Sergios, many bishops and a good number of monks begged for this unreasonable burden to be with­ drawn but the emperor was not persuaded. Samuel laid ambushes in suit­able locations and captured alive the patrician John Chaldos, duke of Thessalonike.128 […] The emperor continued to invade Bulgaria every year without inter­ ruption, laying waste everything that came to hand.129 Samuel could do nothing in open country nor could he oppose the emperor in formal bat­ tle. He was shattered on all fronts and his own forces were declining, so he decided to close the way into Bulgaria with ditches and fences. He knew that the emperor was always in the habit of coming by way of what is called Kiava Longos and Klaidon,130 so he determined to block this pass and thus prevent the emperor from entering. He constructed a very wide fortification, stationed an adequate guard there and waited for the emperor who duly arrived and attempted to force a way in. But the guards stoutly resisted, killing the assailants and wounding them by hurling [weapons] from up above. The emperor had already abandoned the attempt to pass when Nikephoros Xiphias, then commander of Philippoupolis, made an agreement with the emperor that he would stay there and make repeated attacks on the enemy’s line while Xiphias would (according to his own words) go and see if he could do anything profitable and likely to solve their problem. He led his men back the way they had come. Then, trekking around the very high mountain which lies to 126  This appears to be still in 1004. 127  The object of the exercise was to bring the rich and powerful back into the system of corporate taxation, from which they had escaped by managing to get their holdings taxed separately. ‘The point is that the rich paid what the displaced peasantry would have paid but, contrary to the old principle of village solidarity, they did not work the land on which they were taxed: Michel Kaplan, Les hommes et la terre à Byzance du VI-e au XI-e siècle. Propriété et exploitation du sol (Paris, 1992), pp. 439–40. 128  MSS UE only, E in the margin. The remark about Chaldos is out of place for the duke was cap­tured befote the battle of the Spercheios. 129  Nowadays there is much discussion of this statement for there is no indication that Basil took any action against the Bulgars between 1004 and 1014, the date of the Battle of Kleidion: Stephenson, Balkan Frontier, pp. 69–71. It has to be borne in mind that Skylitzes abandons the narrative of important events now and again: witness his omission of some of Tzimiskes’ eastern campaigns. 130  A pass between the valleys of the Strymon and the Vardar.

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the south of Kleidion and which is called Valasitza, passing by goat-paths and through trackless wastes, on 29 July, twelfth year of the indiction,131 he suddenly appeared above the Bulgars and came down on their backs with great cries and thundering tread. Completely taken aback by the unexpected nature of this attack, the Bulgars turned and fled. The emperor dismantled the abandoned defense-work and gave chase; many fell and even more were taken prisoner. Samuel was only just able to escape from danger, by the cooperation of his own son who stoutly resisted those who attacked, got his father onto a horse and led him to the fortress called Prilapon.132 They say that the emperor blinded the prisoners, about fifteen thousand in num­ber, with orders that one man for each hundred be left one eye so he could be their guide,133 then sent them back to Samuel. He, when he saw them arriving in such numbers and the state they were in, lacked the moral for­titude to endure the shock; fainting and darkness came upon him and he fell to the ground. By applying water and perfumes to get him breathing again, his attendants succeeded in bringing him back to himself some­what. As he revived, he called for cold water to drink. He got it, drank it and then suffered a heart attack; two days later, he died on October 6.134 The governing of Bulgaria now fell to Gabriel, his son (also known as Romanos),135 who now reigned over the Bulgars after him. He surpassed his father in vigor and strength but was sadly inferior to him in wisdom and understanding. He was born to Samuel by a woman

131  29 July 1014. 132  This town of northern Macedonia is still known by the same name. It lies on the route to Ochrid, which means that Basil was now threatening Samuel’s capital. 133  The number of prisoners said to have been blinded is quite unreasonable, for the loss of so many men would have brought the Bulgar army to its knees—whereas it showed itself to be ready for combat the following year: Stephenson, Balkan frontier, 72, for references. In the second half of the century, however, Kekaumenos (Strategikon 152) put the number of prisoners at 14,000. Blinding was the legal punishment for a rebel subject. Thus, the emperor considered the Bulgars to be rebels in recovering their independence after the conquest of Bulgaria by John Tzimiskes. 134  MS U Only. 135  Romanos/Rodomir in MS U and this is confirmed by the Chronicle of the Priest of Diokleia, Letopis Popa Dukljanina, edited by Ferdo Śišić (Belgrade/Zagreb, 1928), p. 336. This chronicle has, how­ever, little historical value; it was in fact put together long after the events it records, as has recently been shown: Solange Bujan, “La Chronique du prêtre de Dioclée. Un faux document historique,” Revue des études byzantines 66 (2008), 5–38.

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captured at Larissa”) {by Agatha, daughter of John Chryselios, proteuon of Dyrrachion}.136 His reign began on 15 September, thirteenth year of the indiction,137 but before a full year was out, he was slain when he was out hunting, by John also known as Vladisthlav, the son of Aaron, whom he had himself redeemed when he was about to die. {Rodomir had to wife the daughter of the Kral of Hungary.138 For rea­ sons unknown to me he took to hating her and sent her away when she was already pregnant to him. Then he took the fair Irene who had been taken prisoner at Larissa.}139 Before this happened, when Theophylact Botaneiates had been sent to command Thessalonike after Areianites, David Nestoritzes, one of the great Bulgar magnates, was sent against that city with a powerful force by Samuel. Theophylact and Michael, his son, offered resistance to them and, when battle was joined, repelled them in no small way, taking much booty and many prisoners, which he sent to the emperor who was then engaged before the defense-work in the pass of Kleidion. The emperor overcame that obstacle (as we said) and advanced to Stroumbitza140 where he took the fortress called Matzoukis (close to Stroumbitza). He then dispatched Theophylact Botaneiates, duke of Thessalonike, command­ing a detachment with orders to cross the Stroumbitza mountains and to burn all the defense-works he encountered on the way, clearing the road to Thessalonike for him. As Theophylact departed he was permitted to pass unimpeded by the Bulgars who were set to guard the place, but when he was about to return to the emperor after discharging his commission he fell into an ambush prepared for this purpose, set up in a long defile. Once he was in there, he was assailed from all sides by stones and weapons thrown from above. Nobody could do anything to defend himself on account of the press of men and there being no way out of the pass; the [duke] himself fell without being able to use his own hands {Rodomir spilled out [the duke’s) entrails with the spear he bore}141 and a large por­tion of the army was destroyed with him. When this was 136  Thus John/Vladisthlav would be first cousin to Gabriel. 137  15 September 1014. 138  We do not know the name of this first daughter of Stephen I of Hungary. 139  MS U only. 140  Located in the south of the present republic of Macedonia, Stroumbitza controls the access roads to Skopje. 141  MS U only.

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reported to the emperor, he was greatly distressed and he decided to advance no further on this account. He turned back and came to Zagoria where there stands the very secure fortress of Melnikos.142 It is built on a rock ringed around on all sides by beetling crags and deep ravines. All the Bulgars of the area took refuge there and were not too much concerned about the Romans. But the emperor sent to them Sergios, a eunuch and one of his most intim­ate chamberlains, an able man and a fine speaker, to test their state of mind. When he got there he managed (by the use of many persuasive arguments) to convince the men of what they had to do: to lay down their arms and surrender to the emperor both themselves and the fortress. These the emperor received and rewarded them accordingly.143 He appointed a sufficient detail to guard the fortress then went on to Mosynoupolis. It was while he was there that the death of Samuel was reported to him, the twenty-fourth of October. The emperor immediately left Mosynoupolis and came to Thessalonike, from where he proceeded to Pelagonia,144 destroying nothing on the way except that he burnt the palace of Gabriel at Voutele. He sent out troops which took the fortresses of Prilapon and Stypeion, then he came to the river called Tzernas which he crossed on rafts and inflated bladders,145 then he returned to Vodena and from there to Thessalonike where he arrived on the ninth of January. At the beginning of spring [the emperor] returned to Bulgaria again and headed for the fortress of Vodena, for the people there had broken faith with him and taken up arms against the Romans. By a long-drawnout siege he forced those within (when they had received assur­ances) to surrender themselves. He deported them again to Boleron146 and he 142  The first mention of this fortress situated in the upper Strymon valley. 143  After the death of Samuel, some of the Bulgar nobles came to the conclusion that they had more to gain by serving the emperor—who, having the advantage of being able to dispose of immense riches, richly rewarded them for joining his side. 144  Today Bitola, very close to Ochrid; Basil was making a show of force. 145  Certain of the tenth-century treatises on tactics recommend this method of crossing rivers: Three Byzantine military treatises, text, translation and notes by G. T. Dennis, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, vol. 9 (Washington, 1985), index under the word potamos. 146  At the beginning of spring, setting out on the very day of Holy Saturday, he came and took Vodina and deported the inhabitants to Boleron, installing in the city to replace them some Romans who are called kontaratoi, wild and murderous fellows, merciless bandits. And he erected two fortresses, etc.’, MS U only. Kontaratoi means light infantry armed with lances (kontos): Taxiarchis G. Kolias, Byzantinische Waffen. Ein Beitrag zur byzantinischen Waffenkunde von den Anfängen bis zur lateinischen Eroberung (Vienna, 1988), pp. 191–213.

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erected two new fortresses well within that difficult pass, calling the first one Kardia and the other St. Elijah. Then he went back to Thessalonike. There Romanos-Gabriel undertook (by the agency of a certain Roman who had lost an arm) to be the emperor’s subject and servant. But the emperor was suspicious of the letter; he sent the patrician Nikephoros Xiphias and Constantine Diogenes147 (who had succeeded Botaneiates as commander of Thessalonike) into the region of Moglena148 with an army. The emperor arrived when they had ravaged the whole area and were besieging the city. He diverted the river that flows by the city and excavated the foundations of the walls. Wood and other combustible materials were put into the exca­vations and set on fire; as the fuel burnt, the wall came down. When those within saw this, they fell to prayers and groans, surrendering themselves together with the fortress. Domitianos Kaukanos,149 a powerful man and an adviser of Gabriel, was captured; also Elitzes, the governor of Moglena, many important people and a considerable number of fighting men. The emperor sent those capable of bearing arms to Asprakania;150 he ordered the remaining mass of the people to be cut to pieces and the fortress to be put to the flames. He took another fortress, this one called Enotia, not far from Moglena. On the fifth day the one-armed Roman came bringing a ser­vant of John-Vladisthlav [sic], the son of Aaron, bearing a letter claiming that Gabriel had been slain by him at Peteriskon151 and that plenary power had been passed to him.152 He promised to show the proper degree of respect and servitude to the emperor. When the emperor had read this he acknowledged its contents with chrysobulls which he sent to John. A few days later the one-armed Roman was back with letters from John and from the governors of Bulgaria affirming themselves to be subjects 147  Formerly the Diogenai were connected with the Phokai but Adralestos Diogenes had betrayed Bardas at the time of his revolt. Constantine was the father of the future emperor Romanos IV. 148  In south-east Macedonia. 149  On Kaukanos and the other members of Samuel’s entourage: G. Nikolov, “The Bulgarian aris­tocracy in the war against the Byzantine empire (971–1019),” in Byzantium and East Central Europe, edited by Maciej Salomon, Günter Prinzing, and Paul Stephenson (Cracow, 2001), pp. 41–158. Kaukanos is an ancient Bulgarian title designating the second in command to the Chagan. 150  A province of the east, near to lake Van, also known as Vaspourakan. 151  MSS EU only. 152  The internecine strife within the bosom of the ruling family accelerated the disintegration of the Bulgar state.

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and servants of the emperor. Kaukhanos {Theodore Kaukhanos,153 the brother of Domitianos and of Meliton,154} who was taken at the fall of Moglena, also submitted to the emperor. Thereupon he was received with honor and respect, and he promised the emperor that he would slay Vladisthlav. He returned to Bulgaria together with the servant of John who, having been heavily bribed, was to slay John with his own hand; but it was he who was slain by [John] at the Stoupion hostel. The place where the murder of Theodore took place was originally called Diabolis.155 Once the emperor realized it was to beguile and deceive him that John had set down what he had written—that he intended the exact opposite of what he had written—he turned back to Bulgaria again, devastating the regions of Lake Ostrovos, Soskos and the plain of Pelagonia. He blinded all the Bulgarians taken prisoner. He advanced as far as the city of Ochrid where stood the palace of the kings of Bulgaria.156 He took the city, ren­dered the situation secure and was about to advance further by taking the road to Dyrrachion where the situation demanded his presence. As long as Vladimir,157 the husband of Samuel’s daughter, was ruling Tribalia158 and the nearer parts of Serbia, things were calm at Dyrrachion, for he was a man of integrity, peace and virtue. But when Gabriel was slain by John, Vladimir also was betrayed. He had put his trust in the oaths, which John had sworn by the agency of David, archbishop of Bulgaria, and sur­rendered to him, only to be slain by him a little later. The situation around Dyrrachion then became very disturbed and distressed because John repeatedly attempted to take the city, often by sending his commanders, sometimes coming in person. This is why the emperor wished to go there and render aid, but for a reason worth noting he was prevented from doing so. When he was leaving for Ochrid, he left behind the commander George Gonitziates and the protospatharios Orestes ‘the prisoner’ with numerous troops and orders to overrun the Pelagonian plain. But they were taken in an ambush by the Bulgars 153  MS U only. 154  MS U only. 155  MS U only. 156  Only since the time of Samuel. 157  Vladimir was the prince of Zeta or Diokleia, a region at the inlet of Kotor, to the north of the theme of Dyrrachion. According to the Chronicle of the Priest of Diokleia, ed. Śišić, ch. 36, he married a daughter of Samuel named Kosara. This chronicle also gives a very similar account of the assassination of Vladislav, 22 May 1016, but this is not an original source. 158  A name for the coastal region of Serbia. 

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under the illustrious and experienced com­mand of Ibatzes and all killed. Broken with grief at their loss, the emperor returned to Pelagonia and went off in hot pursuit of Ibatzes; then he returned to Thessalonike. From there he went over to Mosynoupolis, hav­ing dispatched a detachment against Stroumbitza under the command of David Areianates, who made a surprise attack and took the fortress known as Thermitza. The emperor sent another detachment against the stronghold of Triaditza under the command of Xiphias; he razed all the open country and then took the stronghold known as Boio159 by storm. […] AM 6524, fourteenth year of the indiction,160 the emperor left the capital and went to Triaditza where he encamped before the fortress of Pernikos and besieged it, but those within resisted with endurance and determination; many Romans fell. When the siege had dragged on for eighty-eight days, he realized there was no possibility of succeeding so he withdrew, empty-handed, and fell back on Mosynoupolis. There he rested his army then, at the beginning of spring, he marched out of Mosynoupolis and entered Bulgaria. He encamped at the fortress called Longos and took it by siege. He sent David Arcianates and Constantine Diogenes to the plains of Pelagonia and took possession of many beasts and numerous prisoners. The emperor burnt the fortress when it was taken and divided the spoils of war into three parts. One part he assigned to the Russian allies; a second part to the Romans; the third he kept for himself. Then he advanced further and came to Kastoria, but having made an attempt on the city he concluded that it was inexpugnable and turned back. He was in receipt of a letter from the commander of Dorostolon, Tzotzikios, son of the patrician Theudatos the Iberian,161 to the effect that Krakras had assembled a large army and had joined forces with John. Once he had gained the cooperation of the Patzinaks162 he was going to make an assault on Roman lands. Disturbed by this letter, the emperor returned in haste, capturing and burning the fort­ress of Vosograd along the way, and also taking Berrhoia. Having devastated and burned the countryside surrounding Ostrovos and Moliskos he refrained from going any further, for it was reported to him that the attack on Roman territory planned 159  The present Bojana, near to Sofia. 160  1 September 1016 to 31 August 1017. 161  So this man was a Georgian and the son of one of the three closest associates of David the Kouropalates, who had come over to Basil’s side. 162  The alliance of Krakras with the Patzinaks living at the mouths of the Danube explains why the commander of Dristra-Silistria [sic], capital of the Paristrion, was worried.

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by Krakras and John was frustrated by the Patzinaks not providing them with allies.163 So he turned around and laid siege to another fortress, Setena, which contained a palace of Samuel and where much grain was stored. This he ordered the army to pillage; all that remained he consigned to the flames. Then he sent the scholai of the west164 out against John (who was lying not too far away) and the unit of Thessalonike with Constantine Diogenes in com­mand, but John set an ambush for them as they marched along. When the emperor learnt of this he leapt into the saddle and galloped off with no other words but: let every true warrior follow me!’ When John’s spies got wind of this they came to John’s encampment in great fear and filled it with anxiety and distress, shouting nothing else but: bezhite tzesar.165 They all beat a disorderly retreat together with John, Diogenes taking fresh courage and following in pursuit. They killed many and took prisoner two hundred soldiers with all their arms and with their horses, plus all the equipment of John and his nephew too {who was promptly deprived of his eyes}.166 That accomplished, the emperor returned to Vodena, set everything in order there and took the road back to Byzantium, 9 January, fifteenth year of the indiction, AM 6526.167 Now John seized his opportunity and went off to besiege Dyrrachion with barbaric insolence and arrogance. When the siege was laid, an engagement took place in which he fell; with no man known to have been the cause of his death {a mounted engagement took place with the commander and patrician Niketas Pegonites and he fell, mor­tally wounded in the entrails by two foot soldiers running through the melee168}. He had ruled Bulgaria for two years and five months. When the death of John was reported to the emperor by the commander of Dyrrachion, the patrician Niketas Pegonites,169 he immediately set out on campaign. At Adrianople he was met by the brother and the son of the famous 163  There may have been an intervention of Byzantine diplomacy. 164  The units of the scholai had been divided into two distinct regiments since the reign of Romanos II. 165  Here the Greek text gives the Bulgar words for ‘Run! The emperor (Caesar) is coming!’ 166  MS U only. 167  9 January 1018. 168  MS U only. 169  This man’s daughter married John Doukas, brother of the future emperor Constantine X Doukas. So Nicetas was the great-grandfather of Irene Doukaina, the wife of Alexis Komnenos.

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Krakras, announcing that they were ceding to him the cel­ebrated fortress of Pernikos and thirty-five others. He honored them accordingly, raising Krakras to the dignity of patrician; then he came to Mosynoupolis. To that place came ambassadors from Pelagonia, Morovisdos and Lipenios, surrendering those towns to him.170 From there he came to Serres where Krakras arrived accompanied by the governors of the thirty-five fortresses which had made their submis­sion to him; he was well received. Dragomouzos also made his submis­sion, surrendering the fort of Stroumbitza with all it contained, and was promoted patrician. With him he brought the patrician John Chaldos, recently delivered from his interminable imprisonment; for after being captured by Samuel he had spent twenty-two years in gaol. No sooner had the emperor approached Stroumbitza than David,171 archbishop of Bulgaria, came to him bearing a letter from Maria, the wife [widow] of John, in which she undertook to depart from Bulgaria if she got what she was asking for. He came into contact with Bogdan, the governor of the interior fortresses; he too was honored with the dignity of patrician because he had long favored the emperor’s cause and had slain his own father-in-law, Matthaitzes.172 From there he went to Skopje where he was met by Nikoulitzas the younger, he who had led the first and most warlike engagement under Samuel; he was honored with the titles of protospatharios and commander.173 In that city the emperor left the patrician David Areianites as commander plenipotentiary naming him katepan of Bulgaria.174 He returned by way of the fortresses of Stypeion and Prosakon where he was honored and acclaimed with processions and hymns. Then once again he turned to the right175 and courageously took the road to Ochrid where he set up camp. All the people came out to meet him with paeans of praise, clapping of hands and acclamations.176 Ochrid is a city located on a high hill close by a large lake {called Lychnidon. That is where the city gets its name of Lychnidos from, the same name as the lake; it was 170  After the death of John-Vladislav the boyars tried to make the best of their surrender. When Krakras was made patrician he outranked many strategoi of themes at that time. 171  John, also known as David, was maintained by the emperor as archbishop of Bulgaria, a post which he retained until his death in the reign of Michael IV: Theophylact of Ochrid, Discours, traités, poésies, edited by Paul Gautier (Thessaloniki, 1980), p. 30. 172  MS U only. 173  MS U only. 174  MSS CVOU only. 175  Thus MSS BMNUH. 176  March 1018.

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originally called Dassarites. An innumerable quantity of fine fish is taken from this lake.}177 Out of this lake the river Drinos flows to the north. {It comes from the Diabolis region to the south and crosses the said lake (just as they say the Alpheios crosses the sea then flows towards Arethousa) then proceeds in a northerly direction. At the end of the lake are found what is locally called the Strougai with which it comes together to form a very large river.178} Further on it turns towards the west and flows into the Orinos near the fortress of Eilissos. It is at Ochrid, the metropolis of all Bulgaria, that the palace of the kings of Bulgaria lies and where their treasure was stored. When the emperor opened it he found a great deal of money, crowns with pearls, vestments embroidered in gold and one hundred kentenaria of gold coin179 which he had distributed to his army as a bonus.180 He appointed the patrician Eustathios Daphnomeles governor of the city, providing him with an adequate guard, then went out to his encampment where he received the wife of John-Vladisthslav who had been brought to him, together with three sons, six daughters, the bastard son of Samuel, two daughters of Rodomir, son of Samuel, and five sons of whom the first had lost his sight having been mutilated by John when he slew Rodomir, son of Samuel together with his wife and Vladimir his brother-in-law. Maria had borne John three other sons but these had fled to Mount Tmoros, a peak of the Ceraunian range. He accorded her a gentle and benevolent reception and ordered her to be detained with the others. Then some others of the great ones of Bulgaria came to him: Nestoritzes, Lazaritzes and Dobromeros the younger, each with his own detachment of troops. They were kindly received and given imperial honours. Then Prousianos and his two brothers {Alousianos and Aaron181}, children of 177  MSS CEBOU. 178  MSS ACEOU. 179  Not a large sum; equivalent to ten times what was spent on the repair of the Great Church St. Sophia after the earthquake. Certainly, not much in comparison to the 200,000 talents which Basil II would leave when he died, according to Psellos, Chronographia, ed. Renauld, I 19, trans. Sewter, 1.32; or, according to an officer of the Fatimid court, 6,000 gintar of Baghdad in pieces of gold and 54 million dinars and jewels: O. Grabar, “The shared culture of objects,” in Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204, edited by Henry Maguire (Washington, 1997), p. 124. The tsar’s shortage of negotiable resources at an especially dif­ficult time for him indicates that a money economy was not yet well developed in that part of Bulgaria. 180  He was particularly generous to the Russian soldiers; they appear to have played an important part in the final victory over Bulgaria. 181  MS U only.

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Vladisthlav who had fled to Tmoros (as we said above). Having endured a protracted siege (for soldiers had been posted on the emperor’s orders to oversee the paths leading to the mountain), they communicated with the emperor and asked for assurances, announcing that they would surrender their persons. The emperor returned a humane answer to them also. Then he departed from Ochrid and came to the lake they call Prespa. As he crossed the mountain between [the two lakes?] he constructed a fortress up the mountainside and called it Basilis and another one in the lake mentioned above {(a smaller one) which he called Konstantios182}. After leaving Prespa he went to the place called Diabolis183 where he constructed a high tribune on which to receive Prousianos and his brothers when they arrived. Soothing them with indulgent and mer­ciful words, he named Prousianos magister,184 the others patricians. Ibatzes was also brought to him, his eyes destroyed; the way in which he came to be blinded is worth reporting, for it is a pleasant and won­drous story. After the death of John Vladisthlav and the submission of his wife, Maria, also of her children {Preasianos, Alousianos, Aaron, Trajan and Rodomir 185}, and the compliance of every other important person throughout Bulgaria, Ibatzes fled to an inaccessible mountain, Brochotos by name, in which there is a very lovely palace called Pronista which has gardens and pleasure grounds of no mean beauty. He had no wish to obey the will of God, but rather gradually assembled a force by inciting the surrounding countryside, fomenting an uprising with dreams of seizing the Bulgarian throne. This greatly perturbed the emperor and for this reason he abandoned the direct route and turned south, coming to the aforementioned Diabolis. His aim was to oblige the upstart to lay down his arms by whatever means he could, or to coerce him by force of arms. While the emperor was enjoying a stay at the place just mentioned he urged Ibatzes by letter not to be the only one to raise his hand against him now Bulgaria was subdued; nor should he dream of the unobtainable, since he knew per­fectly well that what he had undertaken would end up bringing him no advantage. Ibatzes received the letter and replied 182  MS U only. 183  It was in this very town that Alexios Komnenos made a peace treaty with Bohemond the Norman in September 1108. Alexios’ choice of venue was probably dictated by a desire to emulate his great predecessor, Basil II. 184  The same dignity which John Tzimiskes had accorded the king of the Bulgars after capturing him. 185  MSS EU only, E only.

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in kind pleading every kind of extenuation, delay and procrastination, with the result that the emperor, beguiled by his promises, was obliged to remain there for fif­ty-five days. The meat of this matter, to wit that the emperor would like to have done with Ibatzes, was made known to Eustathios Daphnomeles, the governor of Ochrid; so, when the right opportunity presented itself, he took two of his most trusted servants into his confi­dence, revealed what he had in mind and addressed himself to the task. Ibatzes was holding a public celebration of the feast of the koimesis of the all-holy Mother of God. On that day it was his custom to invite to a banquet not only his close neighbors and those of adjacent lands, but also many who came from a great distance. Off went Eustathios to the feast as a self-invited guest and gave orders to the guards he encoun­tered on the way to announce who he was and that he was come to make merry together with the governor. Ibatzes was dumbfounded when they told him this; astounded that an enemy would come of his own volition and deliver himself into the hands of the foe. Yet he said the man should come and, when he arrived, gave him a warm welcome and joyfully embraced him. When the morning liturgy was concluded and all the guests had dispersed to their several lodgings, Eustathios approached Ibatzes and asked the others to stand back for a moment, as though he had something important and advantageous that he would like to discuss privately with him. Not suspecting any guile or deceit but rather supposing that Eustathios wanted himself to become one of those who was supporting him in the uprising, Ibatzes told his serv­ants to stand aside a little. He took [his guest] by the hand and led him into a garden of thick bushes in which there was a recess from which no sound could be heard, so dense were the trees. When Eustathios was alone with Ibatzes in there, he suddenly threw him to the ground, planted his knee on the man’s chest (for he was a strong man) and throt­tled him, calling his two servants to come quickly and help. They were standing close by according to the prearranged plan, waiting to see what would happen. They came running as soon as they heard their master’s voice, seized Ibatzes and stuffed his tunic into his mouth to prevent him from calling out, thus summoning the crowd and frustrat­ing the undertaking. Then they blinded him and led him, blind, out of the garden into the courtyard while they ran to the upper storey of a high building, drew their swords and stood in wait for those who might attempt to follow them. A large crowd gathered when the mat­ter became known, some with swords in their hands, some with spears, some with bows, some with stones, some with clubs, some with lighted torches, others with firewood. They all came yelling and shouting:

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‘Let them be slaughtered, let them be burnt, let them be torn limb from limb, let them be buried with stones, these assassins and murderers; let there be no quarter for these wretches.’ Eustathios despaired of his life when he saw this onslaught, yet he called upon those who accompan­ ied him to play the man and not weaken; not to surrender and fall into the hands of those who sought their destruction, expecting to be deliv­ ered by them, only to receive a miserable and painful death. Leaning out of a window he silenced the crowd with his hand and addressed these remarks to them: ‘As you are fully aware, you men, who are assem­bled here, there was no personal enmity between me and your chief because he is a Bulgar and I a Roman; not a Roman living in Thrace or Macedonia, but a Roman of Asia Minor; some of you know how far distant that is. And the more intelligent will perceive that I did not undertake this present task lightly or wantonly, but because something obliged me to do so. I would not have insanely thrown myself into the midst of such evident danger and set such a low value on my life if there had been no other reason compelling me to embrace this undertaking. I would have you know that what I have done, I did it at the command of the emperor; in obedience to him, I served as his instrument. If you now wish to kill me, here I am, surrounded by you on all sides. But it will be no easy or straightforward task putting me to death; I will not lay down my arms and surrender myself to you so you can treat me as you wish. Rather I will fight to the death for my own life and, together with my companions, repel my attackers. And if we die (the fate which of necessity awaits those who are assailed by many attackers), we will reckon our death a happy and blessed end, since we have one who will avenge and demand payment for our blood. Just ask your­selves how long you will be able to withstand him.’ When the assembled men heard these words, they were stricken by their fear of the emperor. The crowd melted away, going off in different directions; the older and wiser acclaimed the emperor and became his subjects. Eustathios took his time in transporting Ibatzes and bringing him to the emperor, who approved his initiative and immediately rewarded him by appointing him commander of Dyrrachion, endowing him with all the moveable property of Ibatzes—whom he consigned to prison. Nikoulitzas, who had often been captured and had many times escaped, went into hiding in the mountains. When a force was sent against him, some of his supporters went over to them with his consent while others were taken prisoners. Now, of his own free will, he came to the [imperial] camp and knocked on the gate with his hand, announcing

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who he was and that of his own free will he was surrendering his person to the emperor. The emperor, however, declined to see him but rather sent him to Thessalonike with orders that he was to be imprisoned. He then made whatever seemed to him to be the most propitious arrangements for Dyrrachion, Koloneia186 and Dryinoupolis;187 he appointed guards and commanders for the themes and ordered those Roman prisoners who wished to stay where they were to do so while the rest were to follow him, for there were many Roman and Armenian soldiers who had been taken prisoner by Samuel and settled by him in Pelagonia, Prespa and Ochrid, of whom the most distinguished were the sons of Basil Apochaps, Gregory and …188 He came to Kastoria and here two of the daughters of Samuel were brought to him. When they saw Maria the wife of John standing beside the emperor, these women set about her as though they would kill her.189 The emperor was able to appease their wrath by promising to ennoble and enrich them. As for Maria, he honored her with the dignity of belted patrician and sent her to the capital with her sons and all her relatives including the youngest, Samuel’s bastard.190 By the agency of Xiphias he tore down all the strongholds at Serbia and at Soskos, leveling them to the ground, then he went to the fortress of Stagoi. Elemagos,191 the governor of Belgrade,192 came there too, clothed as a slave, together with his fellow governors. The fortress of Belgrade is difficult to approach, indeed it is inaccessible to enemies, being ringed with precipices to the south with a river flowing by, Ason by name. There is only one entrance to the fortress. The prince of Rhakova193 also came to the emperor.194 He left there and came to Athens and, as he was crossing the Zetounion, he saw the bones of the Bulgars who had fallen there when the magister Nikephoros Ouranos defeated Samuel; he saw them and was amazed. He was more amazed at the sight of the wall at Thermopylae, recently 186  A town in Epiros, not to be confused with the town of the same name in Asia Minor, of which Bardas Phokas was duke. 187  A town in Epiros to the south of Dyrrachion, a bishopric dependent on Naupaktos. 188  MS U (+ lacuna). 189  MS U only. 190  MS U only. 191  Elenagos Phrantzes MS U. 192  This is Berat in Albania, not the Belgrade of today. 193  This name now denotes a rivulet in western Macedonia, Rakovaa. 194  The fortress of Belgrade MS B only.

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known as Skelos, which Roupenios195 built to repel the Bulgars. When he came to Athens, he offered up thanks for his victory to the Mother of God and adorned her church with magnificent and splendid offerings, then returned to Constantinople.196 {The conspiracy of the two governors and patricians Elinagos and Gabras197 by which they sought to restore the Bulgar ascendancy was revealed at Thessalonike. Gabras had already fled to his homeland; he was arrested and blinded; but when Elinagos was put to the question he con­sistently denied everything, so he was restored to his former rank. When the emperor returned to Constantinople198}, entering through the great doors of the Golden Gate and crowned with a crested golden diadem, he celebrated a triumph preceded by Maria, wife of Vladisthlav, and the daughters of Samuel {plus the rest of the Bulgars and the Bulgar archbishop199}. This was in the second year of the indiction, AM 6527. Thus he came, joyful and triumphant, and entered the Great Church where he sang hymns of thanksgiving to God then went his way to the palace. As he came in after the triumph, Sergios the Patriarch strongly urged him to suppress the allelengyon,200 which he had been promising to do if he overcame the Bulgars; but he was not persuaded to do it. After serving as pastor of the church of God for twenty whole years, Sergios migrated to the Lord in the month of July,201 second indication, AM 6527, and Eustathios, the dean of the palace clergy, was promoted to be patriarch. {The emperor again confirmed that the -bishop [-ric] of Bulgaria was autocephalous as it had been formerly under Romanos the Elder. This was because he drew the conclusion from the constitu­tions of

195  This is the first known member of the Armenian family of the Roupenids who ruled Little Armenia (Cilicia) in the twelfth century. 196  The famous portrait of Basil II in the Marcian Psalter which shows him standing with four persons prostrating themselves before him has often been thought (incorrectly, it would appear) to have some connection with his victory over the Bulgars: A. Cutler, “The Psalter of Basil II,” Arte Veneta 30 (1976), 9–19 and 31; (1977) 9–15, reprinted in his Imagery and ideology in Byzantine Art (Aldershot, 1992), no. III. 197  This is the second mention of a member of this family (cf reign of Basil II, c. 6). The absence of a forename precludes a precise identification of this person. 198  MS U only. 199  MS U only. 200  A tax. 201  AD 1019.

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the emperor Justinian that it was Justiniana Prima which that emperor claimed to be his fatherland and which then had Kastellion as its bishop.202 Once Bulgaria was subject to him, the neighboring people of the Chorbatoi came over to the emperor’s side. Their rulers were two broth­ ers; these were given high rank when they joined the emperor and their people became his subjects. The ruler of Sirmium203 alone, the brother of Nestongos of Sirmium, refused his obedience, so the governor of those parts, Constantine Diogenes,204 feigned friendship and dispatched an embassy to him to say that, upon his oath, he really wished to meet with him and discuss some pressing matters. And if there were any fears in his mind, he would bring three only of his subordinates and meet with him in the middle of the river which flowed by while the other, for his part, was to come there likewise with three attendants. The man was con­vinced; he came to the river and met Diogenes—who was carrying a knife in his bosom. Just as the conference was beginning he suddenly drew the weapon, stabbed the other in the side and killed him. His troops turned and fled while Diogenes concentrated his forces and marched on Sirmium with a considerable army. This terrified and confused the wife of the dead man but he mollified her by making huge promises. [Thus he] persuaded her to submit to him and to surrender Sirmium to the emperor. She was sent to Byzantium where she was married to one of the important citizens of the capital. As for Diogenes, he was appointed governor of the newly conquered land. […] The patrician Basil, the son of Romanos Skleros,205 came into conflict with the magister Prousianos the Bulgar, commander of the Boukel­ larion [theme], and became so incensed that they fell to each other. Constantine206 judged this quarrel to be an outrage against the imperial dignity and exiled them both, one to the island of Oxeia, the other to Platea;207 a little later he condemned Basil on the charge of planning 202  MSS EU. On the series of sigillia of Basil II concerning the church of Bulgaria: see Paul Stephenson, Balkan Frontier, p. 75; also Margaret Mullett, Theophylact of Ohrid: Reading the Letters of a Byzantine Arch­bishop (Birmingham, 1997), pp. 64–6. 203  Sirmium, today Sremska Mitrovica near to Belgrade, was lost once and for all in 582 when it was taken by the Chagan of the Avars. 204  The evidence of seals shows that Diogenes held a very important military command which included Serbia: Catalogue of the Byzantine Seals, vol. 1, 34.1. 205  Romanus Skleros was a Byzantine dignitary; Prusianos ( Presijan or Fruzhin) was a son of John Vladislav [author’s note]. 206  Emperor Constantine VIII ( 1025–1028) [author’s note]. 207  Two of the Princes’ Islands, adjacent to Constantinople. 

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to escape and blinded him. Prousianos came very close to suffering the same fate too but he was set free. He also blinded Romanos Kourkouas who was married to the sister of Prousianos208 also Bogdan,209 Glabas and Goudelios; and he cut out the tongue of the monk Zacharias, a relative of the vestes Theudatos, falsely accusing these men of plotting against him.210 In this year the Patzinaks invaded Bulgaria, killing and taking prisoner many soldiers together with their commanders and officers. The emperor Constantine therefore appointed Diogenes, governor of Sirmium, to be duke of Bulgaria too. He frequently engaged the Patzinaks as they spread out and repelled them forcing them to go back over the Danube and to remain in peace. […] At that time, Magister Prousianos the Bulgar was accused of con­ spiring with Theodora, the empress’ sister, to seize the throne. He was incar­cerated at the monastery of Manuel211 and when the charge stood up under investigation they blinded him and expelled his mother, a belted patrician, from the city. […] In that year, AM 6539,212 the fourteenth year of the indiction, Prousianos was tonsured a monk of his own free will and his mother was transferred from the Mantineion monastery in the Boukellarion theme to the Thrakesion theme. Also the patrician Constantine Diogenes was released from the tower and tonsured a monk in Stoudios’ monastery. […] In AM 6546, sixth year of the indiction, there was an earthquake on 2 November213 about the tenth hour of the day, and the earth continued to tremble into and throughout the month of January. There was a fam­ine in Thrace, Macedonia, Strymon and Thessalonike, right into Thessaly. […] 208  This is another example of a marriage between a descendant of one of the great families of the east (the one from which John Tzimiskes came) and a member of the Bulgar royal family. 209  Bogdan was one of the last Bulgar chieftains to hold out against Basil II, who raised him to patrician status. Not all these Bulgar chieftains would be resigned to the loss of their independence. 210  The names of some of those who opposed Basil (Glabas, c. 25; Bogdanos, a former Bulgar adversary now reconciled, c. 41) are included in the list. 211  Located in Constantinople, next to the later mosque of Sultan Selim. According to Wortley, the future patriarch Sergios had been abbot of this monastery. If indeed the monastery was next to the mosque of the Sultan Selim it must have been located in Adrianople [translator’s note]. 212  1 September 1030 to 31 August 1031. 213  2 November 1037. 

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That year214 there was an uprising in Bulgaria {the twenty-first year of its enslavement and subjection}215 it happened like this. A Bulgar named Peter Deleanos, the slave of a citizen of Byzantium, escaped from the city and was wandering in Bulgaria. He came to Moravos and Belgrade, for­tresses of Pannonia lying across the Danube, neighbors to the Kral of Turkey (Hungary) and let it be known that he was the son of Romanos, son of Samuel, {born to him by the daughter of the Kral of Hungary216 whom Samuel hated when he was still alive, drove her out and married the very beautiful Eirene of Larissa,}217 and he stirred up the Bulgars who had recently bowed the neck in subjection and were yearning for freedom. They believed what he said and proclaimed him emperor of Bulgaria. They then left that place and passed through Naissos and Skoupoi,218 the metropolis of Bulgaria, proclaiming and acclaiming him, mercilessly and inhumanely putting to death every Roman they encountered. When Basil Synadenos who was then commander of Dyrrachion learnt of this, he took the local troops and hastened to confront Deleanos before the disaster got out of hand and become a raging inferno. When he was at the place called Debris219 he had an argument about something or other with one of his subordinates, Michael Dermokaites, who then denounced him to the emperor for fostering an attempt at usurpation. He was imme­diately relieved of his command, brought to Thessalonike and thrown into gaol while Dermokaites was appointed commander in his stead. But Michael was so inexperienced and incompetent in exercising his com­mand that he brought disorder everywhere. The men under his command were so defrauded and badly treated, deprived of their own horses, their arms and anything else they possessed of value, that they rose up against their commander. He, however, realizing there was a plot against him, secretly fled by night. The dissidents were so afraid of the emperor that they now contemplated open revolt. They proclaimed one 214  AD 1040. 215  MS U only. 216  By claiming to be the descendant of Hungarian princess in a region close to Hungary (or Turkey), Deleanos hoped to rally the local people more easily to his cause. On the role of Hungary in the world of the steppe: Jonathan Shepard, “Byzantium and the steppenomads: the Hungarian dimension,” in Byzanz und Ostmitteleuropa, 950–1453. Beiträge zu einer table-ronde des XIX Internationalen Congress of Byzantine Studies, Copenhagen 1996, edited by Günter Prinzig and Maciej Salamon (Wiesbaden, 1999), pp. 55–83. 217  MS U only. 218  This should be Skopje (MS U). Deleanos was travelling south, along the Morava valley, towards Thessaloniki. 219  Probably Debar—a fortress lying halfway between Dyrrachion and Skopje.

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of their company emperor of Bulgaria, a soldier named Teichomeros, well known for his courage and intelligence. So now there were two Bulgar uprisings: one proclaiming Deleanos, the other Teichomeros220 Writing a conciliatory let­ter to Teichomeros inviting him to cooperate, Deleanos persuaded him to come. When the two Bulgar factions were together, Deleanos assembled everybody and asked whether, knowing him to be a descendant of Samuel, they chose to be ruled by him and to rid themselves of Teichomeros; or if (this being unacceptable) they would prefer to disencumber themselves of him and be ruled by Teichomeros. “One bush cannot sustain two robins,”221 he said; “neither can a country fare well which is governed by two rulers.” A great clamor arose when he had said this; they declared that they wanted him alone to be their sovereign leader. The decision was no sooner made than they picked up rocks and stoned the wretched Teichomeros; thus he who had dreams of becoming ruler lost both the throne and his life. All authority was now transferred to Deleanos who promptly sent men to tear down the fortress of Basilis.222 On assuming full authority he marched on Thessalonike, against the emperor who, for his part, when he learnt of this, fell back on Byzantium in disorder leaving behind all the regalia, the tent, and whatever there was of gold, silver and vestments. Manuel Ibatzes,223 a close associate of the emperor, was ordered to collect all this up and follow on but he seized it and went over to Deleanos together with a certain chamberlain, one of the eunuchs of the bedchamber. […] Once Deleanos had disposed of Teichomeros (as we said) and had achieved complete mastery, he addressed himself energetically to the tasks in hand. First he dispatched an army with a man named Kaukanos224 in command and took Dyrrachion. He sent another army into Hellas, commanded by Anthimos; this was encountered and engaged by Alakasseus225 at Thebes, but he was routed and a large number of Thebans lost their lives. It was then that the theme of Nicopolis went 220  This officer was most likely a member of one of the leading Bulgarian families. Note that he had served at Dyrrachion. 221   Erithakos, Lat. erithacus rubecula, ‘a solitary bird’ (Souda 2983.1). The proverb is well known, e.g. Souda, 1023.1. 222  MS U only. 223  Ibatzes was of Bulgarian extraction, possibly a son of the famous general who destroyed an army of Basil II: reign of Basil II, c. 42. 224  Another former luminary of Samuel’s empire in the service of Deleanos. Two brothers, Demetrios and Dometianos, have already been mentioned by Skylitzes. The disbanding of the army set to guard it facilitated the taking of Dyrrachion. 225  Probably the commander of the theme of Hellas. 

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over to the Bulgars (except for Naupaktos) for the reason about to be given. A man of Byzantium, one John Koutzomytes, had been sent there as public tax collector and he oppressed the people of the region so heav­ ily that he brought about his own destruction by provoking a rebellion of the Nicopolitans. Unable to tolerate his exactions, they rose up and tore him limb from limb then, hurling insults against the emperor of the Romans, they went over to the Bulgars. It was not so much out of affection for Deleanos that they rebelled and threw off the Roman yoke as on account of the Orphanotrophos’ greed and insatiate desire for riches. When the emperor Basil brought the Bulgars into subjec­tion he had no desire whatsoever to bring in new measures or to disturb the existing state of affairs. He wanted matters to remain on the same footing and to be administered in the way Samuel had ordained: that each Bulgar possessing a yoke of oxen should give to the public purse a measure of grain, the same amount of millet and a jar of wine.226 But the Orphanotrophos had stipulated payment in gold coin, not in kind. The people of the land did not take kindly to this so, seizing on the appear­ance of Deleanos as a propitious occasion, they threw off Roman rule227 and returned to the former custom. […] In the month of September, ninth year of the indiction, AM 6549,228 the patrician Alousianos, commander of Theodosioupolis,229 the second son of Aaron,230 suddenly fled from the city and went over to Deleanos; this for the following reason. While he was still com­mander in Theodosioupolis he was accused of unjust dealing. Even before he had 226  If this information is correct, the Bulgars were very lightly taxed: the equivalent of one or two miliearesia for a peasant substance. P. Stephenson (Balkan Frontiers, pp. 135–6) does not think that taxation was the cause for these uprisings. The reform of John Orphanotrophos were justified by the increasing needs of Byzantine administration but the people resented them as an added burden. 227  This passage is not altogether coherent; it is attempting to explain a revolt in the theme of Nicopolis, which is by no stretch of the imagination a Bulgar theme. 228  September 1040. 229  A town In Armenia, known locally as Karin. conquered by the Arabs in 949. The fortress of Theodosioupolis was separate from the great commercial center of Ara from which the present Erzeroum developed. Basil II had established several members of the Bulgar nobility in the east. 230  Skylitzes correctly stated above that he was the son of John-Vladislav; hence he was the brother of Prousianos and Catherine, wife of the future emperor Isaac Komnenos. His daughter married the future emperor Romanos IV Diogenes. Aaron, one of the comitopolouloi, was his grandfather.

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been given a statement of the charges against him, John demanded fifty pounds of gold from him while a magnificent estate of his wife’s which he had in the Charsianon theme was confiscated. He repeatedly petitioned the emperor about this but, receiving no satisfac­tion, he lost all hope. Disguising himself as an Armenian and under pretense of being a servant of Basil Theodorakanos on his way to the emperor at Thessalonike he slipped away, unknown to all, and found refuge in Ostrovos where Deleanos and his entire forces happened to be encamped. Deleanos accorded him a warm welcome because he was somewhat afraid that the Bulgars might rather declare themselves in favor of [Alousianos] who was reportedly of royal blood. Hence to all appearances he accepted the man as partaker of his ‘royalty’; he gave him an army of forty thousand with orders to storm Thessalonike. At that time the city of Thessalonike was governed by the patrician Constantine, the emperor’s nephew; he went out and by digging an excavation around [that city] resolutely withstood the siege. For six days Alousianos assaulted the city with siegeengines and other devices but he was repelled at all points, so he withheld the attack and decided to attain the desired end by blockading it. Now one day the people of the region went to the tomb of the great martyr Demetrios and held an all-night intercession, anointing themselves with the myrrh which flows from the sacred tomb. Then with one accord they flung open the gates and went out against the Bulgars; the unit of the Megathymoi231 was with the men of Thessalonike. Out they went, throwing the Bulgars into disorder by the unexpected nature of the attack and beating them back. [The Bulgars] were not in the least willing to offer a sustained or courageous resistance for the martyr was leading the Roman army and smoothing a path for it [cf. Isaiah 4o:3]. This was attested to with oaths by some Bulgars who were taken prisoner. They said they had seen a young horseman leading the Roman ranks, exuding a fire which burnt up the enemies. At least fifteen thousand fell and no fewer were taken prisoner.232 The rest of them, including Alousianos, shamefully ran for safety to Deleanos.

231  The great-hearted? This is the one and only time a unit of that name is mentioned. It might have been formed under Michael IV and not have survived the Paphlagonian dynasty. 232  Kekaumenos gives a completely different account of the battle. He says the reason for the Bulgar reverse was the inexperience of Alousianos, who neither rested his men nor established a camp: Strategikon, 160–2.

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In this year, ninth year of the indiction, on 10 June,233 about the twelfth hour of the day, there was an earthquake. When Deleanos and Alousianos came together after being van­quished they became suspicious of each other: one of them disgusted with the defeat, the other suspecting that he had been betrayed. So they plot­ted against each other, watching for the appropriate moment. Alousianos conspired with some of his close associates; he prepared a banquet and invited Deleanos, then blinded him when he was hung-over and intoxi­ cated but without giving the Bulgars the slightest hint of what had taken place. Then he fled to Mosynoupolis234 in search of the emperor,235 who sent him to the Orphanotrophos at Byzantium after raising him to the rank of magister. The emperor meanwhile left Mosynoupolis and made his way to Thessalonike. From there he went into Bulgaria,236 captured Deleanos and sent him to Thessalonike while he himself penetrated deeper into Bulgaria. Manuel Ibatzes had previously built a wooden barricade at Prilapon under the impression that this would impede the advance of the imperial army and prevent it seizing the interior. But once the emperor arrived there, he dismantled the wooden barricade in less time than it takes to tell, dis­sipated the Bulgar host and captured Ibatzes. After he had put everything in order in Bulgaria and appointed commanders in the themes, he entered the capital bringing with him Deleanos and Ibatzes. But as he was wast­ing away from the disease which had him in prey and was totally despairing of his life, he accepted monastic tonsure at the hands of the monk Kosmas Tzintziloukios,237 who was always at his side advising him what he ought to do. He died on 10 December AM 6550, 233  June 1041. 234  This town served as a base for operations against the Bulgars in the time of Basil II. 235   The negotiations between Michael IV and Alousianos are confirmed by Psellos, Chronographia, 4.45–9, trans. Sewter, pp. 113–15. 236  According to Michael Attaleiates, to, Michael IV passed through Sardica (Sofia) and from there got to Illyricum where he put his adversaries to flight. 237  This is the first mention of the Tzintziloukioi, a family which provided many important offi­cials, civil and military, from now until 5204. Kosmas the Monk (of whom a seal has survived, V. Laurent, Le corpus des sceaux de l’empire byzantine, vol. 5, part 2 [Paris, 1972], no. 1271) founded a monastery which bore his family name in the diocese of Mosynopoulis; this is attested by a document and by a seal (Laurent, Corpus, vol. 5, part 2, no. 1270). In the reign of Constantine Monomachos Kosmas was given the task of inspecting the monasteries of Mount Athos prior to that emperor establishing a new typikon for the Holy Mountain: Protaton, 8 (1045), ed. D. Papachryssanthou, Actes du Protaton (Archives de l’Athos, 7, Paris, 1975) actes nos. 8 and 9.

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tenth year of the indiction,238 penitent and confessed, deeply regretting the wrong he had done the emperor Romanos. He had reigned seven years and eight months, a decent and honest man who in everything else other than his offence against the emperor Romanos239 seemed to have lived a kindly and devout life; and many laid that fault at the door of the Orphanotrophos. […] Asan, whom the Sultan had sent against the Romans, passing through Tabriz and the place called Tiflis, came to Vaspurakan. He destroyed and burnt everything, slaughtering everybody he encountered, not even sparing those of tender age. The governor of the region was the vestes Aaron, son of [John] Vladisthlav and brother of Prousianos.240 Knowing that he himself was unequal to the task of withstanding so great a multitude of Turks, he sent a letter to the vestes Katakalon Kekaumenos who was in command of Ani and Iberia asking the help of as many troops as he could muster.241 Once the letter was received, quicker than it takes to tell, [Kekaumenos] mobilized the forces at his disposal, moved them out in haste and joined them with Aaron’s. A discussion was held: would it be better to fight by night or in broad daylight? Kekaumenos was in favor of neither; he inclined to another way, to deceiving the enemy. His plan was to abandon the camp just as it was with the tents, the pack ani­mals and the other paraphernalia and to establish hiding places in suitable locations. Then, when the Turks arrived, discovered the stockade to be devoid of men and proceeded to pillage what lay within, the men in hid­ing were to come out and attack them. He was not disappointed in his scheme. At dawn Asan emerged from his own encampment on the river Stragna and242 advanced ready to do battle. When he encountered nobody, he approached the Roman stockade. No guards could be seen, no voice was heard; it was completely devoid of forces. Thinking the Romans had 238  10 December 1041. 239  Michael IV was buried in the monastery of the Saints Anargyroi (Kosmas and Damian) which he had founded outside the city. P. Grierson, “The tombs and obits of the Byzantine emperors (337–1042) with an additional note by C. Mango and I. Ševčenko,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 16 (1962), 59. 240  This information is correct; see the genealogical table of the Bulgar royal family, Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, vol. 1, p. 1. Here is a further instance of a Bulgar prince in the service of the empire. 241  Skylitzes gives a detailed account of events in Armenia 1047–8 because Katakalon Kekaumenos was a participant therein. 242  The great Zab marking the eastern limit of the katepanate of Vaspurakan. Hasan was surprised, overburdened with booty, while returning to Tabriz. 

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taken to flight, he breached the fortification at several points and ordered the seizure of booty to begin. Towards evening, the Romans emerged from their hiding places and hurled themselves on the Turks, who were now scattered and disorganized. They were immediately routed, for they could not withstand the irresistible force of the Roman charge. Asan was the first to fall, fighting in the front line; every stout-hearted man in the army fell too. The very few who survived the fray fled unarmed through the mountains and found refuge in the cities of Persarmenia. Manuscript U only:243 And so, as he [Isaac Komnenos] decided that his plansweare out of danger, he entrusted his wife {Catherine, the daughter of the Vladislav, Emperor of the Bulgarians} to his cousin John Romanos, along with all of his riches and he set off for the fortress of Pimolisa. […] As he took the monastic robe, Isaac Komnenos hoped for a while that he would somehow get better, but when he realized that this is would be the end, he went to the Studios Monastery, ceaselessly tortured by his illness. Empress Catherine and her daughter Maria cut their hair off and entered the Myrelaion Monastery244 where they lived as nuns. Every year, Empress Catherine, who took the name Helena, had a memorial service for the emperor, by gathering all the monks of the Studios Monastery, as well as others. As she was approaching the end of her life, she had, as usually, a commemoration for the emperor and doubled the gifts that were traditionally given to the monks. The abbot, puzzled and humbly wondering for the reason behind the increased gifts, approached and asked her. She said, “Because, reverent [father], I am not sure that I will be with you next year, because God sorts our things out not as we wish, but according to His will.” That is what, in fact, happened. She died soon after that and was buried, according to her desire, in the tomb of her brothers in the Myrelaion Monastery. She and the emperor had decorated the most holy temple of John the Baptist, but to gather those things and to articulate them well is a Herculean task. The emperor had a moderate character and good soul; a sharp thought and energetic hand; he was quick on the uptake and very experienced military commander; formidable for the foes and kindly disposed to his 243  This excerpt is not present in John Wortley’s translation (translator’s note). 244  Myrelaion and Studios were two major monasteries in Constantinople (author’s note).

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relatives, as well as loquacious. Yet at the beginning, he had a different disposition. He used to say that the emperor had to be frightful for the outsiders and easily accessible for his own people. He used to say also that those who strive to usurp the throne must be kept away from the the imperial power. As they accused him of usurping the throne from Michael, he answered that “I was ashamed to be slave for the one who used to be a slave like me, and not to have what I deserved.” He joked with his wife by saying that she used to be a slave-girl whom he had freed. He also used to say about his relatives that they werea pest for the others, but a support for the usurper. On her turn, Empress Catherina used to say that she had never become a mistress to any creature, but merely changed one kingdom for another. Commentary: Due to their number and size, all the comments to this source are placed in the footnotes accompanying the text. Publications: John Skylitzes, Synopsis Historiarum, edited by Hans Thurn (Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, 5). Berlin, 1973; French translation by Bernard Flusin (Paris, 2003); Iliia Iliev, “Dobavki na Mikhail Devolski ot 1118 kăm ‘Istoricheski svod’ na Ioan Skilica,” in Izvori za srednovekovnata istoriia na Bălgaria (VII–XV v.) v avstriiskite răkopisni sbirki i arkhivi, edited by Vasil Giuzelev (Sofia, 1994), pp. 45–57 and 263–265.245

Skylitzes Continuatus

Within the group of surviving manuscripts of Skylitzes’ Synopsis Historiarium, a supplementary text has survived, covering the years 1057 to 1079/80. While some historians conventionally called this work Skylitzes Continuatus, and believe that Skylitzes was the author, others believe that Skylitzes’ authorship of this text is questionable.

245  In addition, see Peter Schreiner, “Johannes Skylitzes und Bulgarien,” in Mezhdunarodna konferenciia “Vizantiiskoto kulturno nasledstvo i Balkanite”. Plovdiv, 6–8 septemvri 2001. Sbornik dokladi, edited by Georgi Bakalov and Ivan Dzhambov (Plovdiv: Iuri Gagarin BT, 2003), pp. 26–31 (translator’s note).

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Right after the death of Emperor John [Tzimiskes] the Bulgarians rebelled and chose four brothers to rule them—David, Moises, Aaron and Samuel, children of a powerful count (komes), named Nikola, and their mother was called—Ripsima, and that is why they were called komitopules [“sons of the count”]. When Emperor John died and Skleros broke away, and their relative, Emperor Basil, set out for the settlements in Thrace, they [Boris and Roman] fled from there [Constantinople] and hurried to reach Bulgaria. However, Boris, while passing through a forest, was hit by an arrow [shot] by some deaf Bulgarian, who did not hear that he was Boris, but because of his clothes decided that he was a Roman, and died; while Roman saved himself to Vidin and after a while, he returned to the capital, as it would be disclosed further. From those four brothers David died soon after the rebellion, killed between Kastoria and Prespa, near to a place called Beautiful Oaks, by some “travelling” Vlachs. While besieging Serres, Moses was slain by one of the soldiers of Duke Melissinos, as his horse fell. Aaron, who sympathized with the Romans, as it was said, was killed with his entire family on the 14th day of June, by his brother Samuel in the area place called Ramitsanitsa, as only his son, John Vladislav— Svetoslav was spared by Gabriel Radomir, the son of Samuel. He (Samuel) carried out the relics of Saint Achilles (who had been the bishop of Larissa during the reign of Constantine the Great and a participant in the Great First Council, together with Riginus of Skopje and Diodorus of Thrace) and moved them to Prespa, where his palaces were located, and built a beautiful and magnificent church, which he dedicated to the saint. As he passed through the passes and thickets of Triadica, the former Serdica (where the council of 300 Western bishops had taken place, under the rule of Constans, Emperor of the West, and of Constantius, Emperor of the East, both the sons of Constantine the Great), he found out a place called Stiponion, where he built a fortified camp and pondered how to conquer Serdica by siege. […] As Samuel and Aaron, along with Roman, took, as it seemed, the disorderly withdrawal [of the Romans] for a rout, they frightened the Romans with war cries and screams, and forced them to flee, and captured their military camp and properties, and the imperial tent, and the banner of the emperor. Having found a refuge in his country, Samuel freed Ashot, the son of Taronites, from the shackles and married him to his daughter Miroslava; for she fell in love with him and threatened that she would have killed herself, had she not have been legally married him. […]

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The next year, the emperor [Basil II] set off for Bulgaria through Thessalonike, and Dobromir, the ruler of Berrhoea, who was married to Samuel’s niece, came and surrendered his town to the emperor, who honored him with the title anthypatos.246 The defender of Kolindros, Demetrius Tikhon, who did not surrender his city, was allowed by the emperor to withdraw together with his arm, so he left and went to Samuel. The next year, on the 15th indiction, the emperor [Basil II] set out against Vidin and he besieged the town for eight months and took it by force. There was a demonstration of the great skills of the Bulgarian commanders, who gathered the Medean fire in a large pot and thus they managed to extinguish it. As he [Emperor Basil II] approached the town of Skopje, he discovered that Samuel had encamped his army carelessly on the other side of the Axios River (now it is called Bardarios because of the shifting of its old riverbed through a canal constructed by Bardas Skleros, where it now flows). Then Samuel, who had set ambushes in proper places, captured the patrician John Chaldos, duke of Thessalonike. Then he [Nikephoros Xiphias] set off, announcing that he would try to do something useful and resolving their situation, got back with his men and surrounded the very high mountain, called Belasitza that lies to the south of Kleidion. […] As he was about to drink water, he [Samuel] got a heart attack and died in two days, on the sixth day of October. His son Gabriel Radomir, who assumed the power over the Bulgarians, surpassed his father in physical strength and power, but in intelligence and alertness, he was very much his inferior. He was born to Samuel by Agatha, the daughter of John Chryselios, the protevon247 of Dyrrachion. He came to power on the 15th day of October, 13th indiction, but before he fulfilled a full year in reign, he was slain while hunting by John Vladislav, the son of Aaron. Gabriel Radomir had previously saved John Vladislav from death, when he [John Vladislav] was supposed to be killed. Radomir had been married to the daughter of the Hungarian king. For some unknown reason, he came to hate her and cast her away, when she was already pregnant to him. Then he took the beautiful Irene, who had been taken captive at Larissa. As he entered there he [Theophylact Botaneiates] was attacked from all sides with stones and arrows, without no one being able to protect him because people swarming from all sides blocked the gorge. He died 246  ἀνθύπατος—provincial governor, proconsul (translator’s note). 247  Leading man; a magnate (translator’s note).

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without being able to use his own hands, by falling on Radomir’s spear, which gutted him out. With him, most of his army perished as well. When spring came, on Holy Saturday, he [Emperor Basil II] attacked and captured Vodena and deported its residents to Boleron, and replaced them with Romans instead, the so-called spear holders—beast-looking people, murderers and ruthless robbers. He raised two other fortresses in the middle of that inaccessible area, one of which he called Kardia, and the other St. Elijah. He then returned to Thessalonike, where Gabriel Radomir, through the agency of a certain Roman with a cut-off arm, had promised him subjection and obedience. On the fifth day, the one-handed Roman arrived along with a servant of John Vladislav, the son of Aaron, who carried a letter announcing that Gabriel was killed by him [John Vladislav] in Peteriskon and the whole power had passed to him. He promised to show proper homage and obedience to the emperor. As he read this, the emperor confirmed his decision by a chrysobull and sent it to John. A few days later, the onehanded Roman came back carrying letters from John and the rest of the Bulgarian governors, affirming their will to obey and become servants of the emperor. Kaukhan Theodore, whom the emperor had tried to win over with honors, the brother of Dometian and of Meliton, who was captured at Moglena, also submitted to the emperor. He promised to the emperor to kill Vladislav, but when he returned to Bulgaria with the servant of John who was bribed with gifts to kill John, it was he who got slain by that one at Stoupion, where he lived. The place where the killing of Theodore took place was called Devol. So, he reached the town of Ohrid, where the palaces of the Bulgarian emperors were. After he conquered the city and arranged well everything, he decided to continue further to Dyrrachion where the situation demanded his presence. By the way, as long as Vladimir, the husband of Samuel’s daughter, Theodora, was ruling Tribalia and the nearer parts of Serbia, things were quiet at Dyrrachion, for he was a man of justice, peace, and virtue. But when Gabriel was killed by John and he [Vladmir] was deceived to believe the false promises given to him by John by the agency of the Bulgarian bishop John, he surrendered to him only to be slain by him a little while later. […] On his way, he conquered the fortress Višegrad and burned it, after that he rebuilt Berrhoia, but destroyed and ravaged the surroundings of Ostrovo and Molisk and refrained from going any farther. As the scouts of John realized that, they were afraid and returned to the camp bringing fear and disorder and were able only to cry out:

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“bezhite! bezhite, tzesar!” And after all of John’s soldiers fled in disarray, the soldiers of Diogenes were emboldened to follow in pursuit as many were slaughtered and 200 heavily armed soldiers were captured along with the horses and equipment of John and his nephew, who was immediately deprived of his eyes. As he accomplished all of this, the emperor returned to Vodena, and as he set everything in order there, he took the road to Byzantium on 9 January, 15th year of the indiction, AM 6526. Taking advantage of this opportunity, John Vladislav set off to besiege Dyrrachium with barbaric insolence and arrogance, but in the process, a cavalry engagement took place with the commander and patrician Niketas Pegonites, and he fell, mor­tally wounded in the entrails by two foot soldiers running through the melee. He had ruled Bulgaria for two years and five months. As soon as the emperor approached Strumica, the Bulgarian archbishop John came to him with a letter from Maria, the wife of John, who promised to renounce Bulgaria if she got what she was asking for. Bogdan, the governor of the interior fortresses come out as well and he was honored with the title patrician because he had long favored the emperor’s cause and had slain his own father-in-law, Mateitsa. From there, he [Emperor Basil II] went to Skopje where he was greeted by Nikulitsa the younger, the commander of the first and the most combat- efficient detachment of Samuel and was given the title “protospatharios and strategos.” And the patrician David Arianites was appointed as strategos ruler of the town, and he was also given the title of katepan of Bulgaria. Then he returned by way of the strongholds of Stipon and Prosek, where he was honored with prayers and hymns. Then he turned to the right again and arrived in Ohrid, and there he established his camp as all the population came out to welcome him with martial songs, applauses, and blessings. The town of Ohrid is situated on two high hills near a huge lake called Lychnida. Hence, the city was named after the lake—Lychnida, but it was originally called Dasarita. This lake provides indescribable amount of fine fish. Out of it, the Drin River flows to the north, but it comes from the Devol’s region to the south and crosses the said lake like Arethousa, flowing from one place to another and heading to the north. At the end of the lake is what the locals call the Strougai, with which it comes together to form a very large river, then turns on towards west and flows into the Ionian Sea near the fortress of Eilissos. Ohrid is the main city of the whole of Bulgaria. […] She brought with her an illegitimate son of Samuel, along with two daughters of Radomir, son of Samuel, and five sons, of whom the first was

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deprived of sight by John when he slew Radomir, son of Samuel together with his wife and Vladimir his brother-in-law. Maria had three other sons from her marriage with John but these had managed to flee to Mount Tmoros, the highest of the Ceraunian range. The Emperor accepted her gracefully and ordered her to be detained gently along with the rest of other Bulgarian magnates that came to him: Nestoritsa, Lazaritsa and Dobromir the younger—each with his detachment of troops. They were also accepted gracefully and granted imperial honors. Then, Presian and his two brothers, Alusian and Aaron, the sons of Vladislav, who had fled to Tmor, as it is said above, after enduring the hardships of the long siege—for by the orders of the emperor soldiers were sent to guard the passes and the paths through the mountain—asked him for assurances and announced that they would surrender. He returned to them a humane response too. As he [Emperor Basil] passed through the mountain that laid in between, he built a fortress on its peak and call it Basilida and another one, on the mentioned lesser lake, Prespa, as he called it Constantsion. After leaving Prespa he went to the place called Devol, also known as Selasphor, where he had built a high platform on which he received Presian and his brothers. After the death of John Vladislav and the submission of his wife Maria and her sons—Presian, Alusian, Aaron, Trajan and Radomir, and the subordination of the other powerful ones throughout Bulgaria, Ivats fled to some inaccessible mountain (called [Vrochot) where he had excellent palaces (called Koprinishta) with gardens and other pleasures. […] He [Emperor Basil II] ordered those Roman captives who wished to remain in the country where they were to do so, while the rest were to follow him. There were many Romans and Armenians settled by Samuel in Pelagonia, Prespa and Ohrid, of whom the most distinguished were the sons of Basil Apokapes—Gregory and … He arrived in Kastoria where two of Samuel’s daughters were brought to him. As they learned of the honors granted upon Maria, the wife of Vladislav, they wanted to kill her. The emperor calmed their rage by promising to honor them and make them very rich; and Maria, as she was awarded the title of zoste, was sent to the capital along with her sons and all her relatives as well as the recently born, illegitimate child of Samuel. By the agency of Xiphias, the emperor conquered Servia and Sosk and leveled them to the ground. He arrived at the fortress of Stag, where the ruler of Belgrad, Elinag Phrantzes came to him dressed as a slave together with his fellow governors. When in Thessalonike, a conspiracy was discovered of two governors and patricians, Elinag and Gavras, who sought to restore the Bulgarian state,

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Gavra, who had already fled to his homeland, was captured and blinded, but when Elinag was questioned he denied everything and he was restored to his former rank. The Emperor entered triumphantly in Constantinople through the Golden Gate, with a golden crown on his head that had a crest on the top, preceded by Maria, the wife of Vladislav, and the daughters of Samuel, as well as other Bulgarians along with the Bulgarian high priest. The Emperor (Basil II) confirmed that the archbishopric of Bulgaria was autocephalous as it had been before, under Romanos the Elder. This was because he drew the conclusion from the constitu­tions of the emperor Justinian that it was Justiniana Prima, which that emperor claimed to be his fatherland and which had had Kastellion as its bishop. After the death of the Bulgarian archbishop John, the emperor (Michael IV) appointed another one, who hailed from Paphlagonia and who had greatly distinguished himself in the church, and had served for many years as chartophylax and who, because of his love for peace, blamed the internal turmoil for the poor management of God’s deeds, for he did not want to antagonize the patriarch, but be left quiet and independent. He was called Leo and had studied all kind of sciences— the external ones and ours—so, he became a primate in Bulgaria and left many monuments of his virtues. During that year, an uprising took place in Bulgaria, in the 21st year of its enslavement and subjugation. And it all happened as follows. A certain Bulgarian named Peter, whose nickname was Odelian and who was a slave of a man from Byzantium, escaped from the city and was wandering in Bulgaria near the Morava and Belgrade [these were fortresses in Pannonia, located near Danube, next to the kingdom of Turkey {Hungary}]. He claimed to be the son of Radomir, Samuel’s son, by a daughter of the Hungarian king, whom he [Radomir] had come to hate and driven by the time Samuel was still alive. Instead of her, he took the lovely Irina of Larisa. Thus, he roused in revolt those Bulgarians, who had recently bowed their necks into the yoke of slavery, and were (now) yearning for freedom. And he [Tikhomir], who had dreams of becoming ruler lost both power and his life. The imperial power passed to Odelian, who sent [an army] to capture the fortress of Basilida. The governor of the region was a vestes248 named Aaron, the son of Vladislav and the brother of Presian. He was a courageous man skilled 248  A minor court title in Byzantium (translator’s note).

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and experienced in commanding battles. Knowing that he would be overcome by such a great multitude of Turks,249 he sent a letter to the vestes Katakalon Kekaumenos, who was in command of Ani and Iberia, a man of action and (quick) decisions, to ask him to bring to his assistance as many troops as he could muster. After the death of Leo, a monk named Theodoulos was appointed bishop of Bulgaria. He came from Iconium, the city of Tetrapolis, and was the abbot of the Monastery of the Holy Martyr Mocius. Although he had no knowledge in external wisdom, he nonetheless had excellent knowledge of the wisdom of God, and was covered with its grace and virtue. Then as he [Isaac Komnenos] decided that his deeds were well arranged, he sent his wife Catherine, the daughter of Vladislav, Emperor of the Bulgarians, to his brother John. He also entrusted to him all the riches he had, and set off for the fortress of Pimolisa. It was written by the hand of Michael, the bishop of Selasphoros, that is Devol, on April 24 in the 11th year of the indiction, AM 6623. The more distinguished Bulgarians asked Michael, the leader of the (afore-)mentioned Croats (who resided in Kotor and Praprata and ruled over a country that was not small), to lead them and help them by allowing his son to come to them and be proclaimed Bulgarian emperor, in order to deliver them from Roman subjugation and suffering. Those who were on the side of the Romans gathered there [in Kastoria] and fortified the city walls. Meanwhile Petrila, having captured Ohrid as [the city’s] fortifications lay in ruins ever since being destroyed by Emperor Basil [II], and suspecting that the palaces of the Bulgarian kings could become the center of an uprising, was greeted cordially by the locals. He persuaded them to recognize his master [Bodin]. Having done the same in Devol, he went to Kastoria as fast as he could, because that is where those siding with the Roman had gathered. When the people of Taronites noticed them, he set out with all his troops, caught up with them on the road in a place called Taonion, and slew almost everyone. He also managed to capture Bodin, who surpassed everyone in strength and audacity. No commentary is given here, since the excerpts above are commented in the section of Skylitzes.

249  Most likely, the Pechenegs (translator’s note).

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Publications: Iliev, “Dobavki na Mikhail Devolski.”250

The Gloss of 1059

This note was found on the margin of folio 158 of the Greek manuscript 263 in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. Its text arranged in the form of a cross produced a significant debate. This most honorable Ladder (to Heaven) was completed by the order of the protospatharios and hypatos Eustathios Boilas, through my hand, the monk Theodoulos, the presbyter at the (Monastery of the) Holy Theotokos of Salem and the two Cappadocians [St. Gregory Nazianzene and St. Gregory of Nyssa], during the reign of Isaac Komnenos and of the patriarch of the capital, the proedros and protovestarches Constantine, and of Theodosius, Patriarch of Antioch in the year 6567 AM (1059 AD), 12th indiction, on the 4th day of the month of April, in the seventh hour of the most holy and great Saturday, at the time of John Doukas, the katepano of Edessa, of Adrian, Duke of Antioch, and of Aaron, proedros and lord of the augustan Mesopotamia, and the magistros Basil of Paradounavon, and of John from the Monastery of Iviron, and of Pancratius of Vaspurakan, and of John the Kouropalates, the domestic of the Scholai and the brother of Emperor Komnenos … Commentary: What matters for the purpose of this book, the most important name mentioned in this gloss is that of Aaron, one of John Vladislav’s sons and the brother of Empress Catherine. He occupied an important position in Asia Minor, much like most of his relatives. The debate concerns the interpretation of the note. While Vasil Zlatarski, “Edna datirana pripiska na grăcki ot sredata na XI v.,” Byzantinoslavica 1 (1929), p. 461 reads “proedros of Mesopotamia, brother of the empress,” and “magistros Basil of Paradounavon,” R. M. Bartikian, “Otnositsia li proizvishche Παραδούναβις k magistru Vasiliiu v pamiatnoi zapisi monakha 250  For Michael of Devol, see now Iliia G. Iliev, “Devolskoto knizhovno i literaturno sredishte ot kraia na IX do nachaloto na XII vek—ot sveti Kliment do Mikhail Devolski,” in Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov (Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015), pp. 552–67 (translator’s note).

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Feodula,” Izvestiia Akademii Nauk Armianskoi SSR (1959), pp. 80–86 reads it as “Aron … of Paradounavon.” Publications: For further bibliography, see Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, Dolni Dunav— granichna zona na vizantiiskiia Zapad (Sofia, 1976), pp. 60–61; Bartikian’s paper has been published in Bulgarian translation as “Kăm kogo se otnasia prozvishteto Παραδούναβις v pripiskata na monakha Teodul ot 1059 g.?” Izvestiia na Bălgarskoto istorichesko druzhestvo 25 (1967), 315–18.

The Chronological Note of 1063

This note was found in a Gospel of the school library in Fanar, Istanbul. The book is illuminated with the images of the four Gospel writers. The Gospel book may be dated to the first half of the 11th century. On the last page, there is a note in Greek, which was made in 1063 and in which Empress Catherine is mentioned. She apparently donated the Gospel to the Monastery of the St. Trinity, on the Chalki Island. Month of March, first indiction of AM 6571 [AD 1063]. This Gospel was brought to the Monastery of St. Trinity, in Chalki, by Empress Catherine Komnene, who took the name Xene. Pray for her to the Lord at the morning service and at the Holy Mass. Commentary: This note is interesting for the current work because of its mention of the monastic name that Empress Catherine took upon becoming a nun. It also shows that she was still alive in 1063. Publications: Charles Diehl, Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et BellesLettres (Paris, 1922), pp. 243–248; Gyula Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, vol. 1 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1958), p. 462.

John Zonaras

Little is known about Zonaras’s life, other than that he lived during the first half of the 12th century and occupied a high-ranking position at the Byzantine court. Later in his life, he became a monk in the monastery on St. Glyceria

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Island, where he wrote his Chronicle. His narrative starts with the creation of the world and ends with the reign of Alexios Komnenos (1080–1118). He used the works of the prominent authors before him—Theophanes Confessor, Patriarch Nikephoros, George (Monachus) Synkellos, Skylitzes-Kedrenos, Michael Attaleiates, Michael Psellos, and others. He may have also had access to the the work of Bishop Theodore of Sebaste. And the four sons of one of the counts in Bulgaria—David, Moses, Aaron, and Samuel—stirred up the Bulgarians and rebelled. […] There was unrest in Bulgaria, because, as soon as they heard about the death of Tzimiskes, the Bulgarians entrusted with power the four brothers, David, Moses, Aaron and Samuel, named Kometopoules, the sons of one of their prominent counts. For their royal lineage had ended, since only one of Peter’s sons had survived, namely Roman, and he was an eunuch. Of those four Kometopoules, David was the first to die. Moses was struck by a stone at the siege of Serres and died immediately. Aaron was slain with all his family by his brother Samuel, as it said, either because he himself wanted to usurp the power or because he sympathized with the Romans. Of his sons, only one survived, who had two names, Svetoslav and John. Power in Bulgaria passed to Samuel alone. While the Roman troops were engaged in internecine wars, he traversed without fear all the western regions of the Roman Empire and not only sacked, but also appropriated the lands, together with their towns. As the emperor, as it is said, rebuffed the aspirations of Skleros to usurp the throne, he developed a great desire to take revenge on the barbarian. and decided to lead in person a campaign against him. He thus marched without notifying either the magistros Bardas Phokas, the domestic of the Scholae of the East, or someone else among the commanders of the eastern armies. As he entered Bulgaria, he ordered Leo Melissenos to remain behind and to guard the passes. On his arrival, he (Basil II) began to make preparations to put Serdica, that is Triadica, under siege. The domestic of the Scholae of the West was Stephanos Kontostephanos, who was afraid that if the emperor’s campaign would succeed, he would never stop waging war and thus neither he, nor any other commander would gain any glory. So, he decided to ruin his undertaking and to curtail his zeal. He thus came and told him that Melissenos was planning to take the throne and that he had already set out for Constantinople. He warned him to return immediately, without any delay. Alarmed by those words, the emperor ordered his troops to withdraw. Samuel took up position on the peaks of the mountains, because he did not dare to fight at close range, and, when he saw the un­expected

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withdrawal, he decided that the Romans were afraid, and came down upon them. After scaring them all, he put them to flight. He seized the camp, the emperor’s tent, and the insignia of imperial power. The emperor barely escaped to Philippopolis and, as he saw Melissenos there, he became very angry at Kontostephanos and hurled abuse at him. As Kontostephanos could not bear the insults, he got offended. This infuriated the emperor even more, and he jumped out of his throne, grabbed him by the hair and beard, and knocked him to the ground. The leader of the Bulgarians [Samuel] plundered not only the lands of Thrace and Macedonia, but also Hellas and even the Peloponnese. And the emperor [Basil II] sent the commander of the West, magistros Nikephoros Ouranos, and, as Samuel had established his camp by the river Spercheios, he [Nikephoros Ouranos] settled on the opposite bank. Since it was raining heavily, and the river could not be crossed by swimming, Samuel was not expecting the Romans to attack. At night, however, Ouranos sought and found a ford, quietly crossed the river with his troops, and attacked Samuel’s unsuspecting army. The barbarians, stunned by the unexpected blow, were killed before they could even resist. Blows were also inflicted upon Samuel and his son Roman, and they would have been taken prisoner, had they not decide to hide among the slain, and were thus able to flee in secret. After that, the Emperor launched a campaign against the Bulgarians, and, after destroying some fortifications in Serdica, returned to Mosynopolis. He also sent military commanders who took Great and Little Preslav, as well as Pliska. Berrhoea was surrendered to him by Dobromir, who joined the Romans. Servia was also taken by siege, and Nikola (called Nikolitsa because of his small stature), the man to whom its defense had been entrusted, was taken captive. Although he was honored with the rank of patrician, he escaped and returned to Samuel. After that, the emperor once more set out on a campaign against Vidin, and took the town. While he was besieging it, however, Samuel suddenly at­ tacked Adrianople, and, as there was a fair outside the town, he carried off the objects displayed for sale, and, having taken numerous prisoners, he returned. The emperor subdued Vidin to his rule and, on his way back, caught up with Samuel, who was camping along the Axios River. Ever since antiquity, that river has been called Vardar. As the waters of the river were high, the barbarians were camping carelessly. They did not think that the Romans could cross the river. However, a ford was discovered and the emperor and the army crossed the Axios. Many of the Bulgarians were slain, while Samuel fled, and his tent and the entire

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camp were looted. The emperor also took the town of Skopje, which was surrendered to him by Roman, the son of the Bulgarian ruler Peter, whom Samuel had entrusted with the defense of that town. The Emperor frequently attacked Bulgaria, causing damage and devastation. Samuel, unable to oppose the Roman army, tried to block his routes with ditches, barricaded the gorges with fortifications and put guards in each one of them. And the emperor came again and tried to enter by force, but was repulsed by the guards, who put up valiant resistance. Yet he did not give up and remained there to take the fortifications. He sent one of the commanders with his squad in another direction, to see if he could find a route around the mountain pass. And he, crossing several mountains and steep slopes, attacked the guard of the fortification from the rear, unnoticed by the Bulgarians, who, taken by surprise, no longer bothered to defend the fortification, but thought only of how to save themselves from destruction. Then the Roman army broke the blocking palisade without fear, and passed through it to start the pursuit. Many were slain and many more were captured, and Samuel himself barely escaped. The emperor gouged out the eyes of all prisoners, who numbered about 15,000 men, as for every hundred he left a one-eyed man to lead them, and ordered them thus to return to their ruler. As he [Samuel] saw them, unable to stand the agony, he lost consciousness and fell senseless to the ground. As he came to his senses for a moment, he had a heart attack and died. The supreme power over the Bulgarians now passed to his son Gabriel Roman, who was killed even before he had ruled for a full year. The murderer was the son of his uncle Aaron, John Vladislav, who also had two names. And so the emperor, having, as I said, crossed the fortification in the gorge, he captured many other fortified places, together with the Bulgarians in each one of them, and went to Mosynopolis, where he was informed of Samuel’s death. He then immediately moved on, attacked Bulgaria and captured towns and fortresses. Samuel’s son Gabriel Roman, who had not been killed yet, sent envoys to the Emperor promising to submit to him. But, after a certain time, a servant of John Vladislav, Gabriel’s murderer, arrived and announced the death of Samuel’s son, carrying a letter that promised submission to the emperor. He was joined by many other prominent Bulgarians. As he realized that Vladislav had no intention to fulfill his promise, the emperor again set out against Bulgaria, ravaged much of its land, and took by siege the town of Ohrid where the palaces of the Bulgarian emperors were located. He also sent his military commanders to seize other fortresses by siege, and returned to Constantinople.

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And again, the Emperor set out on a campaign against the Bulgarians; again he destroyed fortresses and slew many of the barbarians, while others he captured alive. The tsar of the Bulgarians, John Vladislav, marched against Dyrrachion, and died while besieging that town, after having ruled for two years and five months. As soon as he heard about this, the emperor moved on and, as he reached Adrianople, some Bulgarian nobles came to him and surrendered to him Pernik and 35 other fortresses. Many of these barbarians went over to his side. John Vladislav’s wife, Maria, sent David, the archbishop of Bulgaria to the emperor with a letter in which she promised that she would renounce Bulgaria, if she could get what she wanted. The woman soon came to the emperor, bringing her three sons and six daughters. Her three other sons had fled to the mountains, but since the mountains were well-guarded by soldiers, they were compelled also to come to the emperor. Those were Prusian and his brothers; Prusian was honored with the title of magistros and the others with the title of patrician. After he had conquered the whole of Bulgaria and he had destroyed some fortresses, while strengthening others, and established sufficient protection for each one of them, he [Basil II] went to Athens. He celebrated a thanksgiving liturgy for the Holy Mother of God. After leaving many extremely valuable gifts to that church, he returned to the capital and held a triumphal procession, in which he wore a tiara (I believe that [crown] is called tufa in vernacular, for it dazzles those who wear it). Thus, he arrived to God’s Church of St. Sophia, and there he celebrated a thanksgiving liturgy to God. The Patriarch succeeded in persuading him to abolish the allelengyon.251 The emperor had promised that he would do that if able to defeat the Bulgarians. The same Patriarch Sergius, who had ruled the church for twenty years, ended his life. and Eustathios, the first priest of the church at the emperor’s palace, was elected Patriarch of the Constantinopolitan Church. After the subjugation of Bulgaria to the Roman rule, the Croatian tribes were subdued as well, as well as Sirmium. […] He (Emperor Romanos III Argyros) gave away a lot of money for his father-in-law, Emperor Constantine (VIII) and ransomed many captives, and he gave assistance to those bishops, who had fallen in dire need because of the allelengyon. He solaced those who suffered during the reign of the deceased emperor either by mutilation or by confiscation of their property, or by any other means. However, magistros Prusian the 251  A tax that Basil II imposed on the wealthiest landowners for abandoned or uncultivated lands (translator’s note).

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Bulgarian was suspected of plotting with Theodora, the sister of Empress Zoe to take over the throne. He was caught and imprisoned and then his eyes were gouged out. […] While Emperors Nikephoros (Phokas) and John (Tzimiskes) put many of the cities of Phoenicia and Syria under the Roman authority, their successor, Basil, busy as he was with the war against the Bulgarian, could not maintain control over the conquered cities, even though they did not dare to throw the yoke of servitude during his lifetime. […] After the Bulgarians, as I have already said, were conquered by Emperor Basil and after their state was subjugated, the barbarians endured the yoke of slavery for a while. After that, they decided to throw it off and rose up (in rebellion), but the lack of a leader made them abandon their plans. A man of unknown family, named Delian,252 full of cunning and inventivity, called himself the son of Aaron, the brother of Samuel, the former ruler of that nation, who, as they say, had fled from Byzantium. After persuading people that he was Aaron’s son by his illegitimate concubine, and not by his legitimate spouse, he was proclaimed emperor of the barbarians. Then people rose in open revolt, began to loot and to devastate the Roman lands. A strategos with troops was sent, however, to put an end to their attacks and plundering. Because he treated poorly his subor­dinates, he incited them against himself and he would have perished, had he not fled at night. So his soldiers got frightened, revolted, and elected one of their comrades, a man of Bulgarian descent named Tikhomir, and proclaimed him emperor of Bulgaria. Thus, the Bulgarians were divided, some joining Delian and others—Tikhomir. Delian, however, set a trap for his rival. He called him to share power and to fight against the Romans—and Tihomir believed his words. And thus, when the two leaders met and the army of the Bulgarians gathered, Delian told the assembly that the Bulgarian people would never find freedom as long as they had two leaders, and added: “If you value your salvation, one of us has to go. Since you know that I am of Samuel’s fami­ly, discard Tikhomir; otherwise obey him and discard me.” Then there was tumult and all greeted him as emperor, and Tikhomir was stoned to death. Having become an absolute ruler, Delian captured Dyrrachium and marched on Hellas, and annexed the region of Nikopolis, whose population joined him willingly, because they could not endure any more the greed and 252  Following the model established by Michael Psellos, Zonaras presents the name of Delian as Δολιάνος, making thus close a associatios with δόλιος (deceitful) and δόλος (deceit) (translator’s note).

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insatiability of the Orphanotrophos. And so, under Delian, as the saying goes, the Roman lands became the spoil of the Moesians. When the news reached the emperor, he immediately set out to capture the rebel. He said that he considered it ig­nominious for him to allow a part of the state to be lost as he himself had not added anything to it. As he was not in good health—for he was already suffering from dropsy and his body was swollen—his relatives advised him to abandon the campaign, and the notable senators did not approve of his decision either. But he, drawing strength from his zeal and fighting the disease with his spirit, set out against the Scythians. And then a miracle happened. At night he was tormented by the disease, and it was thought that he would not rise in the mor­ning. But at dawn, he appeared on the horseback and led the army. As soon as he reached the mountains of the Scythians, he prepared for battle. Before the two armies met, something happened that gave the emperor a swift and easy victory. Aaron’s son, the patrician Alusianus, who was still with the Romans and had somehow offended the emperor, had been ordered to stay at home and had been forbidden to enter the palace, or to go to Constantinople without special permission. When he heard of the unrest among the people and of Delian’s election as leader, he fled from his home, changed his clothes and, putting on an Armenian dress, he pretended to be Theodorakan’s ser­vant going to the camp. Thus, he arrived in Bulgaria without anyone noticing him. He did not at once reveal his identity, but in conversation with some people, he mentioned Aaron and said: “If one of his children were present here, would you have the legitimate son as your leader rather than the illegitimate one?” Since everybody expressed the wish to be ruled by Aaron’s legitimate son and also said that the royal power should be entrusted to a man with indisputable rights, who was without any doubt a descendant from an old royal family, Alusianus revealed his secret to a person acquainted with Aaron’s family. And that man looked more carefully at his face, then asked him whether he had some indisputable mark, and asked to see it. It was a black mole on his right elbow, covered with thick hair. Having seen this, he had no doubt whatsoever, and knelt down before this man and embraced his legs. The others were informed that a descen­dant of the royal family had arrived. And many were those, who renounced the dubious son of the [Bulgarian] emperor and joined the legitimate one, and thus power was split. Since no state could exist with its leaders in discord, they un­ited and were reconciled, but they were suspicious of each other, and always on the alert. Alusianus, however, was more skilled in his wickedness and forestalled Delian’s ­mendacity. He gave a banquet

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and, having invited his co-ruler, at­tacked him during the feast and gouged out the poor wretch’s eyes. After this, the Scythians were placed under the authority of a single ruler. Later, he secretly informed the emperor that he would go over to his side, if he would be received favorably and not deprived of an appropriate reward. The emperor accepted his terms and informed him that he would be worthily rewarded. He arrived im­ mediately and was honored with the title of magistros. Then the Emperor im­mediately set out against the people and, since they were without a leader and divided, they were easily defeated and again submitted to Roman authority. The emperor returned to Constantinople and arranged a triumphal procession in which he led numerous prisoners, and Deiyan himself, with his eyes gouged out … Commentary: As Zonaras uses mainly the information from Skylitzes, I do not see it necessary to repeat my remarks and clarifications about names and events that I have placed in the excerpt from the latter’s work. It is worth noting, however, that in the first passage the name of John Vladislav is wrongly given as Svetoslav. Publications: Ioannis Zonarae Epitomae Historiarum Libri XIII–XVIII, Corpus scriptorum historiae Byzantinae, ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst (Bonn, 1897).

Anna Comnena

Princess Anna Comnena, one of the most prominent Byzantine writers, was the daughter of Emperor Alexios I Komnenos and of his wife, Irene Doukaina. She was therefore the great granddaughter of the Bulgarian ruler John Vladislav. Anna was a scholar, a physician, a hospital administrator, and a historian. She is the author of the celebrated Alexiad, an account of her father’s reign and his deeds.253 Now this city is a famous place, lying near the Ister. Originally, it had a Greek name “Great City” (which indeed it was), not its present barbarian

253  The following excerpts are from the English translation by E. R. A. S. Sewter, Anna Comnena, The Alexiad (London: Penguin Books, 2003), pp. 223 and 393–94 (translator’s note).

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name. But after Mokros, the king of the Bulgarians,254 and his descendants, and after Samuel, the last of the Bulgarian dynasty (as Zedekiah was the last in his dynasty among the Jews)—after they invaded the west, the name was changed. It became a compound of the Greek word for “great” and a word from the language of the Slavs; the addition made it “Great Peristhlaba” and everybody thereabouts calls it by that name. This river, if I may make further remarks about its course, rises in the highlands starting from Lake Lychnis (the name has now been corrupted to Achris) and from Mokros, King of the Bulgarians, who was born in the time of the Emperors Constantine and Basil the Porphyrogeniti, and whose name was later changed to Samuel. For it flows by some hundred channels or, as we call them, “dykes”; the streams, up to a hundred in number, flow separately from the lake as though from different sources and continue thus until they unite in the river near Deure, after which it has the name Drymon. The addition to these streams makes it broad; indeed it becomes a great river. It skirts the borders of Dalmatia, turns northward, and then bends to the south, washes the foothills of Elissos, and finally empties itself into the Adriatic Sea. Commentary: There has been much debate about the name Mokros associated with Samuel. According to Ivan Duichev, “Săshtinskoto znachenie na Μόκρος u Ana Komnena,” Makedonski pregled 8 (1933), no. 3, p. 13 and 9 (1934), no. 4, p. 1, the second passage may be a later interpolation, while the name of Mokros was related to that of the Bulgar Khan Krum (ca. 800–814) through a metathesis— Krumos/Mokros. Mikhail Voinov, “ΜΟΚΡΟΣ et ΓΕΦΥΡΑ chez Anne Comnène et ΚΟΤOΚΙΟΣ dans la Vie détaillée de St. Clément d’Ochrida,” Studia balcanica 1 (1970), 95–99, has rejected that explanation and instead claimed that Mokros was an invented name or one borrowed from some folk legend. He demonstrated that the “barbarian” place names Ahrida and Great Preslav (Pristhlava) were re-adopted again after Samuel’s rule. See also T. Tomovski, “ΜΟΚΡΟΣ vo istorijata na makedonskiot narod,” Istorija (1982), nos. 1–2, 135–161; Khristo Todorov254  In all four complete manuscripts of Anna Comnena’s Alexiad—Laurentianus 70.2 from Florence (dated to the 12th century), Coislinianus 311 from Paris (dated to the 14th century), Graecus 981 from the Vatican (14th century), and Graecus 400 from Paris (dated 1343/4)—the title of the Bulgarian ruler Mokros is given as “emperor” (βασιλεύς). See Anna Comnena, The Alexiad, edited Diether R. Reinsch and Athanasios Kambylis (Berlin/ New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2001), pp. 210 and 383 (translator’s note).

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Bemberski, “Bălgarite zaselili se v kraia na VII v. văv provinciia Makedoniia (Koi e bălgarskiiat car Mokros?)” Avitokhol (2002), nos. 22–23, 71–72.255 Publications: Anna Comnena, The Alexiad, edited by Bernard Leib (Paris, 1943–1945); Anna Comnena, The Alexiad, transl. by Ia. N. Liubarskii (Moscow, 1965). For further literature, see Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije, vol. 3 (Belgrade, 1966), p. 369.256

Nikephoros Bryennius

Nikephoros Bryennius (born in 1062) was a prominent Byzantine general, the son-in-law of Emperor Alexius I Komnenos. In 1079, he married Alexius’s daughter Anna (Comnena). His History covers mainly the events of 1070– 1079, though, in some instances, the author refers to earlier historical events, primarily on the basis of older sources. When the two [Isaac Komnenos and his brother John Komnenos] came out of age, they were immediately included into the emperor’s retinue, as it was customary for Roman emperors to enlist the children of noblemen and dignitaries into their entourage. Before long, they attained the highest honors and rose to the ranks of governors, commanders and strategoi. As dazzling marriages had to be arranged for those young men of illustrious birth, they succeed in that as well. Isaac married Catherina, the elder daughter of the Bulgarian emperor Samuel, and John married the daughter of Alexius Charon, to whom the emperor had entrusted the rule of Italy; a man judicious, intelligent, valiant and courageous, who gained his nickname [Charon] on account of his prowess. Then, Emperor Michael [VII] was afflicted by countless troubles because the Scythians were ravaging Thrace and Macedonia, the tribe of the Slavs threw off the Roman yoke and depredated and plundered Bulgaria; Skopje and Naissus were looted as well; Sirmium and the lands 255  The idea that the passage about Mokros’s name changing into Samuel was an interpelation has been refuted by Diether Reinsch, “Eine angebliche Interpolation in der Alexias Anna Komnenes,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 82 (1989), 69–72 (translator’s note). 256  The most recent and best edition of Anna Comnena’s Alexiad is that of Reinsch and Kambylis (Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2001) (translator’s note).

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adjacent to the Sava River and the towns around the Istrus, up to Vidin, were all in dire straits. These were the deeds of [Nikephoros] Bryennius. The Caesar [John Doukas], having realized that his son was approaching his end and his children were too young, began looking for a guardian for his home because he was encouraged by him and his wife, whose external beauty was matched by her internal beauty; who shone by her noble origin, purity of her virtues, and good manners. Because on her father’s side, she came from the lineage of the Bulgarian emperor Samuel, as a daughter of his son, Trojan; while on her mother’s side, [she came] from the wealthy families of Kontostephanos, Abalantes, and Phokas, all of famous names. Commentary: Nikephoros Bryennius mentioned in the passage above as having suppressed the uprising of George Voitech and the Bulgarians from Macedonia, was the Byzantine author’s grandfather. Here he provides in a very condensed manner information about the events in 1072: the heirs of Samuel are not mentioned at all; the Bulgarians are called “the tribe of the Slavs”; and the Pechenegs are labeled “Scythians.” The chronicle continues with the story of Bryennius, who, as a governor of Dyrrachium, rebelled against Michael VII Dukas and was therefore blinded. Trojan was not the son of Samuel, but of John Vladislav. Apparently, the author confuses the heirs of the Komitopoules. As I have already noted in many instances, the wife of Isaac Komnenos, whose name is not mentioned, is in fact Catherine, the daughter of John Vladislav. Publications: Besides the Bonn edition of 1826, there is a newer one available now, Nikephoros Bryennios, History, edited by Paul Gautier, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, 9 (Brussels, 1975). Additional literature: Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije, vol. 3 (Belgrade, 1966), p. 236; S. Radojčić, Poredica Vrijenija u XI i XII veku (Belgrade, 2003).257

257  See also Leonora Alice Neville, Heroes and Romans in Twelfth Century Byzantium. The Material for History of Nikephoros Bryennios (Cambrdige: Cambridge University Press, 2012) (translator’s note).

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John Tzetzes

John Tzetzes is known to have lived in the Byzantine capital between 1110 and 1118. He wrote poems, letters, philosophical treatises, etc. He is prominent with his proclivity to provide philological interpretations. Here, I offer an excerpt of his most important work, Chilliades, in which Tzetzes uses an archaic name for the Bulgarians and reminds his readers of the ancient name of Vardar River (Axios), as well as of the times of Samuel and Basil II. The Bulgarians are Paeonians. Do not believe the fools [who say] that the Paeonians are different from them. They also think that the Axios is different from the Vardar. And they claim that it is written with a diphthong—Axaios, not Axios—as if they never heard the songs of Homer: “But Pyraechmes led the Paeonians, with curved bows, from afar, from there: from the wide-flowing Axios.” Once, they were lords from the Pindus Mountain and the lands around Larissa and Dyrrachium up to Constantinople, until the time of the most powerful autocrat, Basil, who completely bended their necks and made them slaves of the Roman state. Publications: John Tzetzes, Historiarum variarum Chiliades, edited by Gottlieb Kiessling (Leipzig, 1826).

Michael Glycas

Not much is known about this author, who was born in Corfu. In 1159, he was sentenced to be blinded, perhaps because of some political crime he was accused of having committed. He wrote a chronicle, which borrowed from previous works—the chronicles of Skylitzes, Zonaras, Michael Psellos and others. Since then [i.e., the reign of John Tzimiskes], an intestine war broke out, foretold by the comet that had appeared earlier. At that time, an eclipse occurred as well, so stars appeared in the sky. Listen to me my dear, for the Bulgarians rebelled after the death of the Emperor John and four brothers were elected to rule them: David, Moses, Aaron, and Samuel. And since then, wars and murders have never stopped to spread everywhere. In 6494 AM (AD 986), in October, a great earthquake took place, and a lot of houses and temples collapsed, as well as part of the dome of God’s Great Church [Hagia Sophia], which the emperor repaired with

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great care. He spent ten kentenaria just on the device needed for lifting materials for repair on top [of the building], where the master masons were standing atop. Listen to that as well. There is a fortress, called Vodena, located on an inaccessible cliff, throuch which the water of the Ostrovo Lake flows—it goes underground and then resurfaces. And so, after he had often conducted battles with the Bulgarians and had fought them with varying success; after he had won trophies for which there would not be sufficient words to describe; and he had often defeated Samuel, the emperor set off for the capital. He then issued an edict, by which the powerful (dynatoi) were to pay the taxes of deceased commoners. That tax was called allelengyon. The emperor did not agree with the pleas of Patriach Sergios, the bishops, and many other ascetics [who begged him] to remove that onerous burden. At that time, such a harsh winter came about that all rivers, lakes and even the sea froze. In January, a horrible earthquake took place that made the earth tremble up until March 9. On this day, at 10 AM, an awful earthquake occurred in the capital and in the surrounding lands. The domes of the Church of the Forty Martyrs collapsed, but the emperor immediately repaired it. And so, every year, the emperor continued his raids into the lands of Bulgarians. Samuel, as he could not withstand him in open battle, decided to fortify the Bulgarian country with ditches and fences, though these fortifications did not help him much. Then, [the emperor] engaged in combat Samuel, who was completely defeated and he barely escaped into a fortress called Prilep. The emperor sent to Samuel the captured Bulgarians, as they say, 15,000 men, after having blinded them, as he ordered every hundred blind men to be led by a one-eyed man. When he saw them, Samuel could not bear the grief, he fainted and darkness came upon him, and he fell to the ground. By means of some water and perfumes, his attendants succeeded in getting him to breathe again and got him back to his senses. As he revived, he asked for cold water to drink. He got it, drank it, and then had a heart attack; two days later, he died. Then the rule over the Bulgarians passed to Gabriel, his son, who was also called Romanos. He surpassed his father in vigor and strength, but was way inferior to him in wisdom and understanding. And so, [Basil] destroyed the kingdom of the Bulgarians as some of them were killed, some subjugated, and others joined him, albeit somewhat grudgingly. He captured the city of Ohrid where the palaces of the Bulgarians were located. From there, he took a lot of riches, precious stones, diamonds, and 100 kentenaria of gold. After all that, he went

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to Athens, where he offered up thanks for his victory to the Mother of God, and adorned her church with magnificent and splendid offerings, then returned to Constantinople. He entered through the great doors crowned with a crested golden diadem. He was preceded by Maria, the wife of Vladislav, the daughters of Samuel, and the rest of the Bulgarians. Thus, triumphantly, he entered the Great Church. Then, Patriarch Sergios begged him to suppress the allelengyon, which he had promised to do if he would ever overcome the Bulgarians. Nonetheless, he [the patriarch] could not convince him. […] This John Orphanotrophos offered offices for sale and filled up the world with thousands evils. Thus, he pushed the Bulgarians to revolt, because while Basil had ordered their tax to be collected as it had been during the reign of Samuel, John started to collect taxes in money, and they decided to revolt. Commentary: As it is clear from the excerpt above, Glycas has nothing to offer new regarding the subjugation of the Bulgarian lands and the reason for the revolt of Peter Delian—the introduction of taxes to be paid in cash. Publications: Michael Glycas, Annals, edited by Immanuel Bekker, Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, 37 (Bonn, 1836). Ephrem Very little is known about the poet named Ephrem. He was a monk, who in 1313 composed a verse chronicle, similar to that of Manasses. Basil greatly overcame the state of Samuel—the ruler of Bulgaria. In the war, he brought down many Bulgarians. It happened so, that when the war broke out, thousands of Moesians were taken captives, in total—fifteen thousands, and with every right he blinded all of them, and just a few feeble leaders he gave them, men left with one eye to guide them. And thus he sent them back to Moesia,

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and as their emperor saw them, unfortunately, he died of sorrow and of desperation. Therefore, the great Basil, our Augustus, was called by everybody—the Bulgar-Slayer. He took the western towns of the Moesians: the two Preslavs, Ahridos and Skopje, the famous towns of Vidin and Serdica, together with Pernikos and thirty-three more fortresses, and made them all subjects to the Romans. Commentary: Ephraim’s chronicle emphasizes the great number of fortresses and towns captured by Basil II in the Bulgarian lands. It is also important to note the remarkable admiration for Basil II, whom the author addresses as Augustus, according to the old Roman tradition. Publications: Ephraemii monachi Imperatorum et patriarcharum recensus, edited by Angelo Mai, Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae, 12 (Bonn, 1840); Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, vol. 2, pp. 256–257; “Samiiat Tărnovgrad”, pp. 57–96.

CHAPTER 4

Bilingual Sources I have brought together here bilingual sources, that is sources that have been translated from Greek into Bulgarian, or vice-versa, from Bulgarian (or eventually, Serbian) into Greek (or Latin). Such a bilingual source is, for example, the Chronicle of Constantine Manasses—a poem, written in Greek during the second half of the 12th century, then translated into Bulgarian and supplemented with marginal notes during the reign of John Alexander (14th century). Similar is the case of the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, which comes to us through a Latin, 16th-century translation, but indicates that the original was written in Serbo-Croatian at some point in the 13th century. Finally, the Short Life of John Vladimir was written in Greek, but based on a Bulgarian original, while the Office of John Vladimir, the Greek translation of which from Bulgarian is witnessed by the text itself.

Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja

This chronicle was originally written in Slavic. There is some hesitation about its date—Franjo Rački believed it to have been written between 1143 and 1154, while Konstantin Jireček and Ferdo Šišić placed its creation between 1160 and 1180. Others date the chronicle in its original form as late as the 15th century. The first author appears to be a priest from the Serbian principality of Duklja (Zeta). A Latin translation was made by Johannes Lucius in 1650, but an earlier Latin translation from Slavic had already been made by Marko Marulić in 1510. The latter translation was used by Mauro Orbini for a further Italian translation.1 The child Vladimir, however, accepted the kingdom and grew endowed with wisdom and piety. At the time, when Vladimir was already a youth and took the place of his father in governing, the aforementioned Samuel, the emperor of the Bulgarians, mustered a great army and led it into Dalmatia and into the lands of King Vladimir. However, because he was truly a holy man and did not want any of his people to suffer in the 1  See the work of Orbini in Chapter 7, “Italian, Dalmatian, French and Other Sources of 16th– 17th century.”

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war, the king timidly withdrew with all his men and went up the mountain called Oblik. Subsequently, when the emperor arrived and saw that he could not overcome the king, he left part of his army at the foot of the mountain, and led the rest to attack the city of Dulcinium. Meanwhile, the venomous serpents which inhabited the Oblik did great damage, for they began to strike immediately, and whatever they bit died without delay, whether a man or beast. With tears in his eyes, King Vladimir prayed to the Lord, Almighty God, to spare his people from such a horrendous death. The Lord heard his servant’s prayer, and from that day onward, nobody was struck down. Indeed, until the present day if any man or any beast is bitten by a snake on that mountain, the body survives healthy and without any other injury. Ever since St. Vladimir prayed on that hill, it has been as if the snakes there have no venom. Meanwhile, the emperor sent messengers to King Vladimir to encourage him and his followers to descend from the mountain, but the king refused. However, a zhupan of that same place, like the traitor Judas, sent this message to the emperor: “Master, if your majesty wishes, I will deliver the king to you”; to which the emperor replied: “If you arrange this, know that I will make you very rich and powerful”. The king then gathered all the men that were with him, and spoke to them in this way: “As it seems, my dear brothers, I have to fulfill the commandment of the Gospel saying that the good shepherd gives his life for his sheep. Therefore, brothers, it is better that I give my life for you and to deliver my body voluntarily to be slain and killed, than for you to starve or to be slain by the sword”. Then, after he had said this and much more, he bade farewell to all and went to the emperor. Forthwith, the emperor sent him into exile to the lands near Ohrid, in a place called Prespa, where his court was located. Then, the emperor, having prepared his army, launched a prolonged assault on Dulcinium, but failed to capture it. Being caught with rage, he then proceeded to devastate, burn and plunder the whole of Dalmatia. He set fire to the cities of Lausium and Dekatera and pillaged the villages throughout the whole country, so, it looked as if the land was uninhabited. The emperor traversed the land and ravaged all coastal and mountainous regions up to Zadar, before returning to his own lands through Bosna and Rassa.2 Meanwhile, Vladimir, held in chains, was fasting and praying day and night. An angel of the Lord appeared to him in a vision and comforted him, and revealed to him what would happen and how he would be ­liberated 2  Bosnia and Raška (the western region of modern Serbia) (translator’s note).

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from his prison, and how, through his martyrdom, he would ascend to the heavenly kingdom, receiving the never-fading wreath and reward of eternal life. Encouraged by the angelic vision, the Blessed Vladimir intensified his praying and fasting. One day, Samuel’s daughter, Kossara, incited and inspired by the Holy Spirit, approached her father and begged him to go down with her maids and wash the head and feet of the chained captives. Her father granted her wish, so she descended [into the dungeon] and carried out her good work. Having noticed Vladimir among the prisoners, his handsome appearance, humility, gentleness, and modesty, and that he was full of knowledge and God’s wisdom, she stopped to talk to him, and, truly, his speech seemed sweeter than honey and honeycomb. And she fell in love with him, but not because of lust, but because she pitied his youth and beauty, and because she had heard that he was a king, coming from a royal lineage; and she greeted him and left. Then, as she wanted to release him from bondage, she approached the emperor, threw herself at his feet and spoke to him: “My father and master, I know that you mean to marry me as it is according to the custom. Now, if it pleases your majesty, either give me as husband king Vladimir, whom you are holding in chains or you must know that I would rather die than to get married to another man.” As the emperor heard that, because he loved very much his daughter and because he knew that Vladimir was of royal lineage, he rejoiced it and granted her request and immediately, he sent for Vladimir, and ordered that he be brought before him bathed and clothed in royal attire. Then, gazing fondly upon him, and kissing him in front of the nobles of his kingdom, he gave him his daughter for wife. Having celebrated his daughter’s marriage in a regal manner, the emperor made Vladimir a king, and gave him both the land and the kingdom of his ancestors, and the whole territory of Dyrrachium.3 Then the emperor sent a note to Vladimir’s uncle Dragimir, so that he might come and receive the land of Tribunia,4 where he might gather his people and strengthen his country, and this was done. Thus, King Vladimir lived with his wife Kossara in sanctity and chastity, worshipping God and serving him night and day, and he ruled the people entrusted to him in fear of God and great justice. Not long after that, however, Emperor Samuel died and his son Radomir ascended to the throne. He was a strong man and waged numerous wars against the Greeks during 3  Durrës, in modern Albania (translator’s note). 4  Travunija (or Trebinje), the medieval principality in southern Dalmatia, between Dubrovnik and Kotor.

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the reign of the Greek emperor Basil, and conquered all the lands as far as Constantinople. Fearing the loss of his empire, Emperor Basil secretly sent ambassadors to Vladislav, Radomir’s cousin, telling him thus: “Why do you not avenge the blood of your father? Take our gold and silver, as much as you desire to be at peace with us, and take Samuel’s state because he killed your father, his own brother. If you get the upper hand, kill his son Radomir, who now rules the kingdom.” Vladislav agreed to these words, and one day, while Radomir was out hunting, he rode out with him and struck him dead. Thus, Radomir died, and Vladislav, who murdered him, became a ruler instead. Once he had taken over the empire, he sent messengers to King Vladimir requesting his coming to him. When Queen Kossara heard this, she grabbed him saying: “My lord, do not go, lest—God forbid—he does to you as he did to my brother. Send me instead, so that I may see and hear what the king has in mind. If he wants to murder me, let him murder me, but you must not perish.” Thus, the queen willingly took her husband’s place, and went to her cousin, who received her with honor, but insincerely. Then, he once again sent messengers to the king, giving him a golden cross and assurances, saying: “Why do you hesitate to come ? You can see that your wife is with me and no harm befell her. Rather, she is treated with honor by myself and my men. Accept my pledge on the cross and come, so that I might see you and you can return to your land with your wife and honor and gifts.” The king replied to him: “We believe that our Lord Jesus Christ, who died for us, was crucified not on a golden or silver cross, but on a wooden one. Therefore, if both your faith and your words are true, send me a wooden cross in the hands of religious men, then in accordance with the belief and conviction of our Lord Jesus Christ, I will come trusting the lifegiving cross and precious wood.” So, he summoned two bishops and a hermit and, concealing his bad faith from them, he gave them the wooden cross and sent them to the king. When they arrived, they greeted the king and gave him the oath and the cross. Accepting the cross, the king kneeled on the ground and prayed, kissed it and clutched it to his chest. He then collected a few followers, and set off to the emperor. Meanwhile the emperor had given instructions for ambushes to be set along the route so as the king passed by they would jump out from the roadside and kill him. However, the almighty God, who had cared for His servant from his childhood, did not remain indifferent, but sent His angels to protect him. Thus, as the king passed through the area of ambushes, the soldiers saw him accompanied by troops carrying trophies in their hands. But when they realized that these were in fact the Lord’s

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angels, all of them fled to their homes. The king arrived at the emperor’s court, at a place called Prespa. As soon as he entered the court, he offered prayers to the God in heavens, according to his custom. When the emperor realized that the king had arrived, he became furious, for he expected in his heart for him to be murdered on the road, before he would reach him, so that he would not appear to be guilty for his death, because he had given him his word, and entrusted the cross to the hands of the bishops and the hermit, and that is why he set the ambushes for him along the road. Therefore, when he saw that his despicable deed was exposed, he sat down to dine, and sent swordsmen to decapitate him. While the king prayed, the soldiers surrounded him. When the king noticed this, he called to the bishops and hermit who were there and said: “My lords, what is this? What have you done? Why did you deceive me thus? Why should I die blameless for having believed your words and oaths?” They were so ashamed that they did not dare to look him in the face. Then the king prayed and made his confession, received the body and blood of Christ, and taking in his hands the cross, which he had obtained from the emperor, he said: “Pray for me, my lords, and let this cross as well as you be my witness on the Day of Judgment that I died blameless.” Then he kissed the cross, made peace with the bishops, and left the church as all around him wept. Immediately, before the doors of the church he was struck down by the soldiers. He was beheaded on the 22nd day of May. The bishops carried his body into the church and buried him amid hymns and paeans. And to reveal the merits of the blessed martyr Vladimir, the Lord have made it that on entering the church and praying at his tomb people with many diseases were cured, and by night all could see a divine light as if many candles were burning there. His wife shed many tears for the blessed Vladimir, more than it could be expressed by words. When the emperor saw what miracles the Lord performed there, he repented and so filled with terror that he allowed his cousin to take his body and bury it wherever she wished. So, she took his body and transported it to a place known as Krajina, where his court was, and interred him in the church of St. Mary. His body lies intact and smells as if it were perfumed with many scents, holding the cross, which he received from the emperor in his hand. Each year on his feast day, many folks congregate in that church, and by his virtues and intercession many benefices are granted to those who pray with a sincere heart, right until the present day. Kossara, the wife of the blessed Vladimir, impelled by her moral purity, lived a pious and holy life, and at her death she was entombed in the same church at the feet of her husband.

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At the same time, when the body of St. Vladimir was transported from Prespa to Krajina, the emperor Vladislav gathered an army and marched out to conquer the land of the blessed Vladimir and the city of Dyrrachium, which the emperor Basil had promised to him in return for the murder he had committed. One day, while he was encamped before Dyrrachium, he was tucking into a feast when a vision of St. Vladimir as an armed soldier appeared before him. He was shaken with fear, and began to yell at the top of his lungs: “My soldiers, come at once, run and defend me from Vladimir, who wants to kill me.” Saying this, he leapt to his feet to flee. Immediately he was struck by the angel and fell on the ground and died in body and spirit. Then his sons and soldiers and all of his people were struck with terror and foreboding and after a fire engulfed their camp they all fled that very night and made for their homes. So it came to pass that this most worthless killer, who had ordered Vladimir to be beheaded and had thus made him a martyr while he was sitting down to dine, was himself struck dead and joined Satan’s angels while dining. Meanwhile, when Dragimir, the uncle of the blessed Vladimir heard of the death of the emperor, he gathered his people and army to reconquer the land and kingdom of his ancestors. As he arrived at the bay of Kotor he ordered his people to cross it. The inhabitants of Kotor set ships and plenty of bread and wine and quite a lot supplies and invited him to dine on the island called St. Gabriel. And he boarded a ship with a few people of his and arrived at that place. As the inhabitants of Kotor prepared the meal, they realized that Dragimir is guarded by few and no one from the coast could come and help him, and they started talking to each other: “The emperor of the Bulgarians is dead and the kings of this land are not among the living—this one is the last of their kin. If he becomes a ruler of the land that will not be good for us. Undoubtedly, he would oppress us as the other princes, his brothers and fathers have oppressed us. So, let’s kill him, for no one of their kin to oppress and bother us and our children.” Then, as they sat at the table, they continued to discuss this among themselves and as they got heated by the wine, they fell on him to kill him. As Dragimir realized that, he grabbed his sword and fled to a church where he defended himself with a sword in his hand. The others stayed outside and did not dare to enter. Then, some of them climbed on the top of the church, opened a hole on the roof, and stoned him to death; then boarded a small boat and fled. From his first wife, Dragimir had a son, Voislav, who married a great beauty, a granddaughter of Emperor Samuel. They gave a birth to five sons, whose names are: Goislav, Michael, Saganek, Radoslav, and Predimir.

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Thus, after the death of the Bulgarian emperor Vladislav, Emperor Basil mustered a great army and navy and invaded the country and he conquered the whole of Bulgaria, Rassa and Bosna, and the whole of Dalmatia and all the coastlands up to the borders of Lower Dalmatia. And so, Bodin put a crown on his head and proclaimed himself emperor. When the Greek emperor heard of that, he flew into a rage; he mustered a great army and sent them to destroy Bodin. Bodin rallied a great army as well and set off against them. One day both parties clashed in a severe battle. There, Bodin was defeated and taken captive by the Greeks, and by the orders of the emperor, he was sent in exile to Antioch. Commentary: The names of Samuel, Gabriel Radomir, and John Vladislav in the chronicle are always accompanied by the title imperator, just like the tittle of Basil II. Following the Bulgarian tradition, however, I used the Bulgarian synonym for emperor—tsar. John Vladimir is entitled rex, which I translated as king. There are some geographic clarifications that need to be made for this chronicle: The Oblik Mountain is today’s Mount Taraboš, west of Scodra; Dulcinium is the present day town of Ulcinj, on the Adriatic coast; Dekatera is Kotor; and Lausium is the present day town of Dubrovnik. Interestingly, however, in the text, Bodin is entitled Bulgarian emperor, which is due perhaps to his leading role in the uprising of 1073. Publications: Ferdo Šišić (ed.), Letopis Popa Dukljanina (Belgrade/Zagreb, 1928); Vladimir Mošin (ed.), Ljetopis Popa Dukljanina. Latinski tekst sa hrvatskim prijevodom “Hrvatska hronika” (Zagreb, 1950); Slavko Miljušković (ed.), Ljetopis popa Dukljanina (Titograd, 1967); Nikola Banaškiević, Letopis popa Dukljanina i narodna predanja (Belgrade, 1971).5 On the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, see also A. Dancheva, “Duklianska khronika,” in Kirilo-metodievska enciklopediia, edited by Boniu St. Angelov, Petăr Dinekov, Dimităr Simeonov Angelov, Liliana Grasheva, vol. 1 (Sofia, 1985), pp. 620–622; Nadezhda Dragova, Starobălgarska kultura (Sofia, 2005), pp. 203–204.6 5  See now Sclavorum regnum Grgura Barskog. Ljetopis Popa Dukljanina, edited by Eduard Peričić (Zagreb: Krščanska sadašnjost, 1991); Gesta regum Sclavorum, edited by Tibor Živković (Belgrade: Istorijski Institut/Manastir Ostrog, 2009) (translator’s note). 6  See also Lujo Margetić, “Poruka i datacija tzv. Ljetopisa Popa Dukljanina,” Croatica christiana periodica 12 (1998), 1–30; Solange Bujan, “La Chronique du prêtre de Dioclée. Un faux

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Additional literature: Paul Stephenson, Basil the Bulgar-Slayer (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 42–43.7

John Staurakios

John Staurakios lived during the second half (more precisely, the last decades) of the 13th century. He was a chartophylax (archivist) of the Church St. Demetrius in Thessaloniki, and wrote a Eulogy for the Miracles of St. Demetrius, which later was translated into Bulgarian and included in the famous Rila Miscellany of Vladislav the Grammarian (1479). A part of the Miracles of St. Demetrius is compiled from the existing hagiography of the Thessalonian saint. To that, however, Staurakios added two other miracles, one concerning the death of Gabriel Radomir, the other the death of Emperor Johanitsa Kaloyan before the walls of Thessaloniki. Below is the short story about the death of Gabriel Radomir, which offers a glimpse into the attitude of Bulgarian population to the memory of Samuel. In earlier times, long ago, the Bulgarian lands were ruled by that famous Samuel, whose name is still on the lips of many Bulgarians. He had captured, among other lands, the entire Bulgarian and Roman land located to the west from the city of the Thessalonians, and ruled it unwaveringly, as an autocrat. A son was born to him, named Radomir, who took over after him. In short, he was cruel and furious, inclined to murder, a destroyer by temper and ferocious by soul—an evil combination of circumstances and an ominous character—bluntly said, a servant of hell. In short, [he was] not much different from demons, nefarious to the extreme. As he ruled over so many places and provinces, it is difficult to describe the daily evils he incurred with his robberies, floggings, with his shameful rape of maidens and abduction of wives, with his punishments and murders. He carried along a mace, as big as he could lift, and he stroke mercilessly with it, sending someone directly to the grave every [single] hour. document historique,” Revue des études byzantines 66 (2008), 5–38; To chroniko tou ierea tes Diokleias. Keimeno, metaphrase, istorikos scholiasmos, prosopa, choros, edited by Angeliki Papageorgiou (Athens: Harmos, 2012) (translator’s note). 7  See now S. Filipović-Trajković, “Inventing a saint’s life: chapter XXXVI of the Annals of the Priest of Diocleia,” Revue des études byzantines 71 (2013), 259–276; Srđan Pirivatrić, “Emperor’s daughter in love with a prisoner: comparing the stories of Scylitzes and Anonymus Presbyter Diocleae,” in Byzanz und das Abenland. Begegnungen zwischen Ost und West, edited by Erika Juhász (Budapest: Eötvös-József-Collegium, 2013), pp. 273–284 (translator’s note).

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For all his subjects, he was bad and even quite bad, worse than Echetus and Phalaris,8 especially to the inhabitants of a village called Sosk (called so after the name of its oldest inhabitants). In this village, he spent most of his time, for there he indulged in pleasures and practiced some special kind of hunting in the woods. So, as he resided in that place, this beast with human face lacerated and devoured everyone. And as one could hear crying, weeping, and groaning [everwhere], the blood that he was shedding on a daily basis cried to the Martyr. It called for revenge and liberation from the one who behaved so outrageously. And as he heard the victims calling the name of the Martyr, he [Radomir] scoffed at them and mocked them while striking them even harder. “Let us see,” he said, “whether Demetrius will come to rescue you from my hands.” And there! The merciful and great Demetrius came around! For the sake of his flock, he responded to the voice of the those in chain and to the groaning of those who were begging. He set off to rescue his people saying, “I have other sheep that are not of this fold, and I must bring them in as well” [John 10:16]. Radomir forced that oppressed and tormented people to be his hunting assistants, and made that wretched multitude move on foot to the remotest places in mountains, forests, and hills. Through threats he made them sweep down the cliffs, and if the chaser could not get the quarry, he would be immediately struck to the head and left to die in the mountains. [St. Demetrius] himself, delivered a blow to the wretched and unhorsed him. And those who walked with him saw it clearly, how the great Martyr had swiftly and vigorously attacked him, killing him with his spear. And the Martyr immediately became invisible and that one [Radomir] died on the spot, his bones scattered in hell. All tormented people praised the great Martyr and thanked him for their deliverance. Commentary: According to Staurakios, the murder of Gabriel Radomir took place near the village of Sosk (now Aridaia, in the region of Pella, Greece) near Moglena.9 This is in contradiction with the information in Skylitzes and Kekaumenos, according to whom Gabriel Radomir was killed near Petersikon.

8  Two characters from ancient Greek mythology. Echetus was a king of Epirus infamous for his cruelty, while Phalaris was a tyrant of Agrigentum who ordered a bronze bull to be built, in which he roasted his victims (translator’s note). 9  Present-day Almopia, in the region of Pella, Greece (translator’s note).

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A well-educated churchman, Staurakios employs both Biblical quotes and references from classical literature. Echetus was the cruel tyrant mentioned in the Odyssey, while Phalaris was the tyrant of Agrigentum (Sicily) in the 6th century BC, who became famous because of his excessive cruelty and alleged cannibalism. For further analysis of Staurakios’ Eulogy, see Vasilka TăpkovaZaimova and Pavlina Boicheva, “Slovo za Chudesata na sv. Dimităr ot Ioan Stavrakii ot Sbornika na Vladislav Gramatik,” in Patriarkh Evtimii Tărnovski i negovoto vreme. Materialni ot nacionalna nauchna sesiia “600 godini ot zatochenieto na Sv. Evtimii, patriarkh Tărnovski (V. Tărnovo, 6 oktomvri 1993 g.), edited by Georgi Danchev (VelikoTărnovo, 1998), pp. 52–62. Publications: Joachim of Iviron, “Ioannou Staurakiou logos eis ta thaumata tou Agiou Demetriou,” Makedonika 1 (1940), 324–376.

Chronicle of Manasses (in Its Middle Bulgarian Translation)

Constantine Manasses was a Byzantine poet and chronicler of the twelfth century (who died in 1187 as Bishop of Naupaktos). His World Chronicle, from its Creation through the Reign of Nikephoros Botaneiates was translated into Bulgarian at some point between 1335 and 1340. (This same tsar, Basil, twice defeated Samuel, tsar of the Bulgarians, and captured Bdin and Pliska and Great and Little Preslav. And many other towns were given to him before that, by Roman, the son of Tsar Peter, who was set there by Tsar Samuel to rule, because the Bulgarians had power over Ohrid and Dyrrachion and even further. This same tsar, Basil, captured great numbers of Bulgarians and ferociously attacked them and as he defeated Tsar Samuel, he blinded 15,000 Bulgarians; and to every hundred he left one (man) with one eye, and thus he sent them all, to Samuel, who, when seeing them, died out of sorrow.) […]10

10  The text within parentheses was added to the 14th-century, Old Bulgarian translation from Greek made for the Bulgarian Emperor, John Alexander. A prototype edition of the Old Bulgarian translation of the Chronicle of Constantine Manasses is published in Ioan Bogdan and Ioan Bianu, Cronica lui Constantin Manasses (Bucharest: Socec, 1922), with p. 201 for the passage in question (translator’s note).

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After so many fierce battles that happened then, and the intestine quarrels among the power-seekers, Asia was ruined by the sword of the Arabs, and the Syrians took the lands of the Greeks, while the Bulgarians fell on the Danubian plains, looting the neighboring lands of Thrace, and in the middle—the emperor- a boat within the unfathomed deep, like a young bird in the mouth of a snake. Yet after the winter, the spring came to shine, and instead of storm, deep peace gently came down and brought sweet-breathing serenity … His power was recognized by the tough Bulgarians, as their red blood covered their fields, and the dead were scattered around like fallen oak trees and marshes of flowing blood were everywhere, the bodies of Bulgarians were scattered in no lesser numbers than the Dardanian bodies around the city of Troy, after the battle with Achilles near the Scamander. Then, the Greek soldiery throwing its arms celebrated in Thrace, and rejoiced and walked the land freely. But not for long was the barbarian arrogance deterred, for they saw the destruction of warrior forces. And, again, the war-cries filled up the air, together with trumpeting voices for battle. And again, Basil tied his battle sword on, and the tanging of steel shields was raised up to the skies as if it was made by the victorious and valiant Ares … And the battle of men killing each other with lances began, and destruction and death befell on both sides. Yet neither the Greeks nor the Bulgarians could be brought to their senses And fell on each other like lions; like outraged rams, The spears were flying, not giving any rest to the hands; the hands that were getting red from the blood of the fallen, and the breaking of the spears and cracking of shields made a distressing and terrifying noise. Basil goes around his subjects like a rooster and emboldens them to fight the headstrong ones, and the regiments of Greeks were thrown in a pursuit, and they killed the last of those running, they chased the prince,

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cutting off the tendons of horses, looting tents and seizing great booty. The emperor thus abruptly broke the pride of the Bulgarians, he uprooted their column, raising up in height. He thus chased the dogs of disaster away from his sheepfolds and flocks. Fifteen thousand men he blinded then, in addition to the killed ones. Thus, he subdued the haughty ones and turned the arrogant into timorous and anguished, and from freemen he turned them into slaves. (The Bulgarian kingdom was subdued by this tsar and remained under the Greek rule up to Asen, Tsar of the Bulgarians) Commentary: In its Greek original, Manasses’ Chronicle was written in verse and displays idioms that were typical for works of Middle Byzantine authors. For example, Emperor Basil II is compared to Ares, the god of war, and there are many parallels with war heroes and place names from the Iliad—Achilles, the Scamander River, etc. At the same time, the account lacks precision in terms of time and place of the events described. The text in parentheses is from the Middle Bulgarian additions to the Greek original. Publications: Ivan Buiukliev, (ed.), Khronikata na Konstantin Manasi (Sofia, 1992);11 Ivan Duichev, Letopista na Konstantin Manasi (Sofia, 1963); Lubomíra Havlíková, “Les suppléments annalistes accompagnant la traduction moyen-bulgare de la Chronique de Constantin Manassès et leur importance pour la formation et stabilisation de la conscience de nationalité et d´État bulgares aux XIIIe– XIVe siècles (étude historique),” in Rapports, co-rapports et communications tchécoslovaques pour le Ve Congrès de l’AIESEE à Belgrade, edited by Karel Heřman and Jozef Vladár (Prague, 1984), pp. 145–159. For the Greek text, see Constantine Manasses, Breviarum historiae metricum, edited by Immanuel Bekker (Bonn, 1837).12

11  The text translated above is from that edition of the text (translator’s note). 12  For an English translation, see Linda C. Yuretich , “The Chronicle of Constantine Manasses from the Creation of the world to the reign of Constantine the Great: a translation of

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Life and Office of St. Vladimir

I have already provided sufficient information about St. John Vladimir, Samuel’s son-in-law, in the introduction to the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja. Here, I will provide some additional data about the abundant literature available for his personality. In 1689, an office (Άκολουθία) and a vita were written for the saint to whom the Monastery of St. John Vladimir (destroyed in 1944), near the town of Neokastron, had been dedicated.13 The texts were published in Venice in 1690, and republished in 1774 and 1858. Those texts were written by Abbot Cosmas, the former bishop of Kition, on the island of Cyprus, at the request of John Papa from Neokastron. According to Iordan Ivanov, that Cosmas was the author results from the beginning of the preface, as well as from the last line of the verses, dedicated to John Vladimir.14 Ivan Snegarov has suggested that a monk from the monastery of Cosmas of Kition was the co-author.15 See also: N. Dilevski, “Materiali za istoriiata na ikonografiiata ot epokhata na bălgarskoto văzrazhdane,” Izvestiia na Instituta za izobrazitelni izkustva 3 (1960), p. 184.

A Brief Vita of St. John Vladimir The homeland of the holiest and famous of all kings, John, is a village in the diocese of the Bulgarians, which was called Vladimir and the saint received his name John Vladimir after that place. He is from a royal lineage of pious and orthodox parents. His father’s name was Neman, son of Simeon, the first pious and holy Bulgarian emperor of Ohrid, who acquired the virtuous and orthodox faith of our Lord, Jesus Christ, the true God and Savior of all, from the holy martyrs Clement, the blessed Naum, Cyril, Methodius and from the other holy equal-to-apostles and enlighteners of those lands. The latter two were preachers of truth and with divine zeal put great efforts into turning the people to Orthodoxy, and away from the Messalian heresy, as well as from the Bulgarian Bogomil heretics in Moesia, Albania, Dalmatia, Illyria, and Serbia. One of those enlighteners was also Saint Simeon, the Bulgarian emperor—

the Middle Bulgarian and Greek text,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts at Amherst (Amherst, 1988) (translator’s note). 13  Neokastron is the present-day city of Elbasan, in central Albania (translator’s note). 14  Iordan Ivanov, ”Grăcko-bălgarski otnosheniia predi cărkovniia văpros,” in Sbornik v chest na Prof. L. Miletich za sedemdesetgodishninata ot rozhdenieto mu (Sofia, 1933), p. 180. 15  Ivan Snegarov, Istoriia na Okhridskata arkhiepiskopiia-patriarshiia, vol. 1 (Sofia, 1995), pp. 222–225.

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grandfather of our miraculous saint, whose father was, as we said above, Neman. His mother, Anna, (was) a Greek, and both (parents) came from a royal stock (that) had reigned over the lands of the Albanian Tribalians, and the surrounding lands. This bright star was born in the village of Vladimir to the most pious parents, King Neman and Queen Anna— enlightened fruit of a blessed and gracious root. From an early age, he shone with virtues and grace, fasting and giving alms. From infancy, he became a vessel, pure and holy, a home of the fairest Holy Spirit. He was brought up well and righteously by the holy and wise archbishop of Ohrid. His parents married him to the daughter of Emperor Samuel, but he kept his virginity intact and engaged himself in God-pleasing deeds, and lived virtuously. After the death of his parents, as he became a ruler, he spread the faith and placed teachers, missionaries, and leaders to teach, preach, and convert the heathen, as well as his subjects to the Orthodox faith. He built monasteries, churches, asylums, and hospitals. One day, he decided to build a home (dedicated to) the Triune God in the dense and impenetrable forest nearby. He thus set off to choose the place, (along) with three of his noblemen. He told them that they were going to hunt. However, while hunting, he was captured by God. Guided and enlightened from above, he thus saw an eagle in the forest, which carried on its wings a brightened cross. He ran to get it, but the eagle entered the forest, and then stopped. This was not an eagle, but an archangel, who planted the cross on the spot where today is the fairest tomb of the saint’s myrrh-flowing relics. Vladimir dismounted and together with his noblemen bowed down to the crucified Christ. Not long after that, he ordered a church to be built at that place, where he came to pray seven times a day. His constant vigils made his wife suspicious, for he refrained to be with her, (and she thought) that he had another woman. Therefore, she got help from her brother, who had become an enemy of the Virgin, and sought to kill him [John Vladimir] in order to take his kingdom, and establish the heresies in which he believed, for he was a secret heretic of the Khanaan sect. Emperor Basil, who at that time was (busy) conquering and subduing the Bulgarian and Serbian countries, wanted to take on John’s kingdom as well. John, armed with God’s grace took his army against the Greeks and made them withdraw. He defeated them and became the master of all Bulgaria, Serbia, Albania and Illyria. However, on his way back from Albania, his brotherin-law found an opportunity and, as they were walking on the road, he drew out the sword in order to cut off his head. But that was to no avail, for he did not succeed. Then Saint John turned, gave him his own sword

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and said: “Take it and in the name of the truth and Orthodoxy, cut my head off! I’m ready as Isaac and Abel to become a victim for the faith in Christ.” The unmerciful brother-in-law took the royal sword, swung it and decapitated St. John, who—oh, miracle!—took his own holy head in his hands and without dismounting from the gold-harnessed donkey, kept moving on his way while singing. His soldiers were astonished, cried, and rushed to catch the murderer, but he became insane and started to gnaw his own flesh. Priests, bishops, nobles, and commanders came out to meet the gracious king, the father of all orphans and the protector of widows, who, as he arrived at the place where now his body rests, got off the donkey, raised his head and said: “In your hands I commend my spirit!” Then chants came from the heavens and the air filled out with fragrance. Bishops, priests, soldiers, and all the people buried the virgin and royal body. Many poor people and orphans wept, because of being deprived of such a defender and protector. As an example and testimony, the murderous brother-in-law tore himself apart, and died. And the perpetrator of the murder, the most cunning wife and queen, repented, shed tears, and begged for forgiveness. After the body of the martyr was buried, a magnificent church was built, which subsequently collapsed in an earthquake, and was rebuilt in 1465 by Karl Topia, the grandson of the then king of the Franks.16 Every year, there is a great festivity in memory of the saint. From the time of his martyrdom and dormition, 780 years had passed. As we have heard from old folks, many people have tried several times tried to take his holy relics away from the monastery and the country, but without (any) success. Once, the Franks took them and sixteen donkeys fell underneath while transporting them to the place called Skumbi. Then they threw them into the Shkumbin River, so that they would flow into the sea, but—oh, miracle!—the river began to flow backwards, and the coffin with the body appeared in Kusia, where many times villagers saw many times its holy glow. Believers took the body and carried it on a bier to the monastery. The saint performs miracles every day, and he does not allow any adultery or fornication in his monastery…. [At the end of the vita the following is added] This is a good and brief and synaxarion for the saint; the large book contained more than the following office of the saint, but it had been lost, while the Serbian books contain more of the vita and miracles of the saint, with whose prayers, Christ, our God, 16  Karl Topia was an Albanian warlord who built the Church of St. John Vladimir near Elbasan in 1381. He died in 1388, and could therefore not rebuild the church in 1465. His son, George T(h)opia died without heirs in 1392 (translator’s note).

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through the intercession of our holy and glorious Lady, Theotokos, have mercy and save us! Amen.

Sermon for the Great Martyr John Vladimir, the Holiest of Kings, the Peacemaker, and Wonder-worker Bless, Father! Today we gathered in the name of Christ, oh, you all of those celebrating the divine and sacred (liturgy), to commemorate the child-loving and brave martyr of truth, John Vladimir, in this great and divinely blessed church. This annual festival attracts numerous pious people with its usual benefits. Time has come (to bring up) the sacred and fertile memory (of the saint), which gives away divine gifts. So, as we go around the honest and myrrh- flowing, sacred coffin of the miracle-worker Vladimir, let’s all rejoice in spirit. For together with us the angels rejoice, the heavens celebrate, and the ends of the earth tremble. Bulgaria with Illyricum, and all the Albanian land are together in this joyful triumph. Today, earth is united with heaven; the upper kingdom celebrates together with the lower kingdom. Everything partakes in the merriment, everything enjoys the brilliance of John, and everything glorifies him. Subject to all this is the miraculous and myrrh-flowing king who ruled Bulgaria and Illyria, the true martyr of the eternal word, the blissfully named John, whom today we want to glorify, but (for whom) we cannot find the proper words. And the more we try, the more we see our inability to do so. Because how could we, people, be able to honor appropriately those who are above man, especially the martyrs, and particularly the great and illustrous Vladimir, the pride of the universe, the splendor of the church, the warrior of the cross, the defender of truth; John, the invincible defender of Christ’s kings and warriors, the wreath of the holy kingdom; John, the utmost healer and comforter of those sick and of those worried; John, the patron-saint of those who are oppressed, the exposer of liars; John, our consolation, the bounty of dispossessed; the protector of the orphans; the guardian of widows; the protector of the flock; the blessing of the stack-yard, the bounty of the vine, the protector of the enslaved, the stronghold of the combatants, the satiation of those hungry, the destroyer of the Bogomils, of the heretics, of the Messalians, the extermination of delusion and the eminence of faith. He, who was persecuted and beheaded by ungodly heretics, (who) nonetheless were his relatives, defeated his torturers and indeed lived after his death. As

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he brought in his own hands his fair head, astonished his murderers, destroyed the envious and by leaving the temporal kingdom, he departed for the one eternal and immortal. Now he is with angels next to the throne of greatness, not absent from us; he is invisibly among us, lavishly bestowing (gifts) upon those who come to him. How glorious are (his) miracles! What words I could use to glorify the king and martyr and the true myrrhflower? How could I extol those miracles? The dust upon the great martyr shattered, but Christ left his body unscathed. Nature was torn, but faith was not lost. It is located at a place yet still goes everywhere where it is summoned. He is there, in heaven, with Christ, yet never absent from here. There, he is [our] ambassador; here, he is celebrating with us. There he serves; here he makes miracles. The relics sleep, but the deeds preach. The tongue is silent, but the miracles are loud. Who has (ever) seen such things? Or who has ever heard bones to be buried, but miracles to be visible worldwide? Let idolaters, heretics and the wicked ones ashamed, when they hear that the ghosts are afraid of the relics. Strong is your revelation, Saint John Vladimir, because with your martyrdom and your holding the cross as a scepter, you suffered unjust death for our king Christ. What would those now say, who at the slightest trouble and danger abandon the sweetest Jesus Christ and give him up? Let them see the power of faith: “To obey and believe, because God is with us.” Marvelous is the one among the saints, who was raised from a royal stock and made the miracle—to appear here in this fortress and to reign over Alba, and over all of the Illyrian and Dalmatian land. The office and life of the saint were translated into Roman language [Greek] from the language of the Bulgarians. His story is as following. Talents were showered upon John. Because he was quite gracious since his early age, they gave him the name John, which in translation means “graced by God.” His earthly homeland was once prominent and famous; the land of the Moesians was on this side of the river Ister [the Danube], where John came to the world—a blossoming and colorful plant. His parents were of royal lineage and were famous by faith rather than nobility. His father’s name was Neman, the king of the Tribalians, and his mother was Anna, a Roman by birth. His nobility therefore did not start with mother and father, but had deeper roots. It was rooted in his ancestors, that is, from the time when the apostolic preaching of the Christian faith had begun and when the blessed word of God appeared in the Moesian country, namely from the time of Saint Clement and his fellow wise men, who crossed the Bulgarian land with the Holy Gospel in hand.

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This was the time of Emperor Simeon, the first among Bulgarian rulers to be Christian, who with great zeal studied those apostolic saints and contributed to the great task of disseminating the pure and orthodox faith, for the destruction of the Bogomil and Messalian heresies, with which all of Bulgaria and the neighbors had been infected. In all of that, Simeon appeared as the greatest helper of Saint Clement, because the others, namely Cyril and Methodius had already departed from this life. Born to such parents, however, John did not put them to shame, nor did he became worse than them, but (on the contrary,) he was fulfilled with heavenly grace, gentle and humble, quiet, pious and most modest. Avoiding vanity and vile things, he eagerly sought the sublime and heavenly things, so everyone knew that he was advancing towards becoming a worthy successor of his father’s royal mantle, and of his kingdom. God revealed what he would become, because, as he was growing, He adorned his habits and wisdom by refraining from (most) passions. He showed from the very beginning the success he would later achieve. While growing up, he was advancing day-by-day and hour-by-hour not by spending time with children of the noblemen, but, on the contrary, led by the Holy Spirit, by staying away from them and devoting himself to prayers and other virtues. He studied the Holy Scriptures and became educated in the divine precepts and guidance through a reverence to everything that beautifies human character. He was then entrusted to a chieftain to practice with weapons and he learned the art of war so quickly that all marveled at his might. He advanced so much that virtue, piety, and prayer, accompanied with strength, made him the most clever and experienced of all. As he avoided quarrels, he became the friendliest and most person to everyone. As he matured and studied well, his parents married him to the daughter of Samuel, the emperor of Bulgaria and Ohrid, and he agreed, because he was obedient to his parents. During all that time, however, he kept himself virgin, and looked for a convenient moment to convert his wife to the virtue that he had discovered. After the death of his blessed parents, he received the kingdom and the power, and the great John amazed everyone with his readiness. He immediately called for all of his royal deputies and subjects and gave them orders to carry out the will of God. He appointed teachers to teach his flock in the Orthodox faith, and aimed at distributing piety and the true faith of Christ, our Lord, everywhere around his realm. Then, he began with words of wisdom, derived from the Holy Scripture, to guide and persuade his wife that virginity would be generously rewarded by God, and those who had kept it would not belong to the earthly but to the heavenly kingdom, where they would live

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together with the angels. He told her many other things necessary to gain the future heavenly life in order to make her chaste, dispassionate, and virtuous. However, as the story tells us, she replied: “Virginity, my sweet husband, is naturally given to some birds and animals. It is possible to be given to us as well; let’s thank God who has inspired you with this celestial desire.” With such words, John led his wife to chastity. Those were his virtuous deeds. And what about his love for the poor, the alms he constantly gave to those weak and those in need, the charity for those hungry, the compassion towards the sick, and the other countless other deeds not mentioned in the Bulgarian synaxarion, which he performed, who would tell (us) about them? He was gentle and bodily chaste, and gracious, with a pleasant soul. The deeds of his angelic life and of his chastity kept him above his nature and substance. I will describe only one of his deeds—just as it was—without any additions, and I will ask everyone, even sloppies and laziest people, to follow this example. This is how it goes. Not far from the royal palace and the royal quarters, there was a small building. Nobody walked by it during the night, because the place was spooky and dark, and surrounded by rivers. The place was very desolate, because its dense trees blocked from view both moon and the sun. No people would walk by that place, only beasts and wild animals gathered there, as it is to this day, even though the times have changed and the place has been leveled and cleared for a long time. In the same place, God-loving men (later) built a great church and devoted it to the saint, whose relics have been kept there for more than 700 years, namely since as AM 6307 [sic!].17 One day, after taking the power over those lands, following the death of his father, the blessed Vladimir put the saddle on his horse, and went out for a ride, in the company of three noblemen. He saw a bird resembling an eagle and over its head, there was an outstanding and sun-shining cross. As they followed the bird into the woods, they saw that the truthful cross had stopped at the place mentioned above, where the saint dismounted, and together with his peers, who were equally pious nobles, immediately knelt with tears in his eyes, waiting with his head bowed. The Holy Cross that appeared had been sent by God to the blessed John, as it had appeared to Emperor Constantine as a pledge of the blissful and immortal kingdom which he was to inherit. 17  The corresponding AD date is 799, which is obviously a mistake (translator’s note).

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There, St. John made a house of prayer and came not once, but according to the story, seven times a day, as he walked into the forest and fell on his knees to pray. There, he placed an icon of the crucified Jesus and by the power of the fairest Lord Christ, who was nailed to it, he walked alone in the forest at night, and constantly and secretly made vigils and supplications. But since it is impossible to conceal the light, for it must shine and it must be visible, shining ever more distinctly and straightforwardly, especially for the people in his palace and home, and so—according to the promise of our Lord, Jesus Christ—to glorify the heavenly Father— what (else) happened? Listen (further). In those days, the ruler of the Romans, Basil Porphyrogenetus, attacked and captured the Bulgarians, and waged a great war against the father-in-law of Saint John, Emperor Samuel, who lived in Ohrid, and against his brothers as well. The Bulgarian emperor Samuel prepared himself (for war) together with three brothers, called Moses and David,18 who ruled over the Bulgarian, Serbian and German lands, over the lands of the Moesians and farther up to the northern countries. They prepared armies, camps, and numerous soldiers. Both sides engaged in a dreadful fight. First, the Romans defeated the Bulgarians and started invading the interior of Bulgaria up to the big city of Lychnidos, which is now called Ohrid, and even into the lands of the blessed John, Dalmatia, Albanon, Sirmion and Illyricum. However, the valiant Basil Porphyrogennetus made a mistake, for because of the might of John, his brave army, and his reverence to God, and because of impassable mountains, cliffs, and gorges of the Ceraunian range, all plans of the Romans were torn apart like a spider web by the brave hero John. They [the Greeks] had to go back defeated. This happened because they put their hopes in weapons and horses, while he [acted] in accordance to the Scriptures and put his trust in God and in the name of God, our Lord. That is why they lost and he [John] raised himself and was covered in glory. And he became famous and known not only to his neighbors, but also to those who lived far away. He, however, lived completely dedicating his mind to the great Lord, our God, for whom he was willing to shed, if necessary, his own blood, and to die for his love; to offer himself as sacrifice to Him. Like a man from heaven, rather than earth, for the love of God, he thus pondered and become deeply absorbed by the commandments and laws of the Lord. But our envious enemy, the one who had requested and received the 18  The author of the sermon seems to have forgotten that there were three brothers that worked together with Samuel, not two (translator’s note).

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righteous and blameless Job; the one who counters the work of the righteous, the wicked devil—I am saying—rose up against the righteous one, and instigated hatred and enmity in the brother of the queen, all directed at her husband. Driven by the Satan and pretending initially to love him, he planned out a treacherous death for the righteous John. In fact, he concealed in himself the crime. In fact, he was a wolf hiding poison under his skin, as if driven by Delilah, the most vicious and cunning of all wives. They were both heretics and held for the poisonous heresy of the Bogomils and Messalians who did not bow to icons, because they were iconoclasts and enemies of the Holy Cross. One day, as usually, John went down from Ohrid towards the gorge of the mountain together with his brother-in-law so hated by God. The wicked one took his sword out and suddenly hit his brother-in-law. But he failed in his endeavor, so Saint John gave him his own sword to cut off his own head. Saint John—oh, miracle!—then grabbed his sacred and honorable head, and ran as his soldiers followed him towards that forest, where the prayer house was located, with the life-giving Holy Cross. To the amazement and surprise of everyone, he dismounted the donkey, and as he was holding his sacred and winning head, with his knees bent, he placed it (on the altar) and said: “Lord Jesus Christ, into your hands I commit my spirit.” And the evil murderer got so terrified that he immediately lost his mind, and was deprived of both his current and future life. The righteous man then fell to the ground, but in fact, he fled to the Almighty to be with the holy angels, whose life he imitated on earth. As the people heard of the good king’s unjust murder, of the killing of their protector and father, they all came running to that place— soldiers, governors, commanders, and nobles, bishops with crosses, clergy, and laity. They buried his royal, pristine, and pure body with many scents and chants. And over his grave, a light descended and a lot of miracles took place: the blind began to see again; the possessed were freed; and the sick were healed; and myrrh flowed. And to this day, he has done unspeakable wonders. It is clear that he is a martyr of truth, with which he has been righteously crowned, because God rewards righteousness. Thus, as he ended his life, he ran to God, Whom he loved, and now looks at Him not through an image, but in person he appears before His face, and sees more clearly and distinctively the brightness of the blessed Trinity. And therefore, we have to glorify with praiseworthy words this righteous champion, warrior and teacher of piety, the abstemious, gentle, and peaceful man; the winner, who reigned on earth and was against not just to sin, but also to everything worldly and fancy; the one who could not

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be defeated on the battlefield, the winner of delusion and the everlasting victory-bearer; because the praising of the righteous will bring joy to all men, and through the sacrifice and prayers of the martyrs we send our bloodless sacrifice to God. Therefore, since we have such a protector next to our Lord, the Christ, let us celebrate today not in the Hellenic (idolatrous) way, but in a Christian manner; not bodily, but spiritually. And let us be worthy of the feast of the saint, while those who have enmity towards each other, let them, for the love of the great martyr, forgive each other and be reconciled, and with alms and good works propitiate God. Let us imitate the life of the saint through good deeds in order to receive immortal life and eternal bliss. Let us, therefore, cry out to the victorybearer saint, all of us, the meek and the sinners, who have gathered here: “Oh, martyr of Christ, as well as soldier, friend, and servant of Him; who has received grace and courage from God, according to our custom, we are now prostrating and praying to you, all of the faithful ones, who celebrate your holy memory: pray for us, the sinners, who cannot appear in person to our Lord, the Christ, as a protector, pray for the Christian people who are struggling mercilessly; do not cease to intercede with all the saints; spare your flock, you, good shepherd, have mercy on your church, you, human-loving, because your flock is terribly hesitant and dangerously falling apart; have mercy on your creation, which is in slavery, have mercy on your children, for they are diminishing. Look, oh Lord, at your people, because they are destroyed; see the violence and show your love for humans; see the disease and give us the cure; see the sobs and give us mercy. Be a comforter, oh, gracious God, do not be angry and do not lets us perish, but after you punish us, heal us, after you disperse us, gather us again; after you reject us, bestow your mercy on us; after you imprison us, let us free; after you exile us, return us to our homes. Do not remember the iniquities of the people, because only you are sinless. You alone are humane, you, oh Lord, are merciful. You are life and in you is the source of life, in you is the state and power, because you are our God, you are the shepherd and Savior of the world. Have mercy and free your people from slavery, and in joy we praise you, the Father and the Son, and the Holy Spirit, the one true God and your kingdom, now and ever, and unto ages of ages. Amen. Editions and translations: The Bulgarian translation of the office and the vita that I have used here with some abbreviations and slight editing is that of A. Shopov, “Edin dokument za bălgarskata istoriia,” Sbornik za narodni umotvoreniia, nauka i knizhina 2

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(1890), 115–131. A newer edition in Greek was published by Eleni Ikonomou in Cyrillomethodianum 10 (1986), 269–285. There are minor differences between the text translated by Shopov and the new Greek edition, such as poems about St. John Vladimir that have been added. In general, there is abundance of studies about other texts concerning John Vladimir, including icons with texts, but I decided to restrict my focus to the most popular sources. Additional literature: For images of St. John Vladimir, see Cvetan Grozdanov, “La composition des Sept Saints slaves (Седмочисленици, ΄Επτάριθμοι) dans la peinture de l’archevêché d’Ochrid,” Kirilo-metodievski studii 13 (2000), 26–27. For more literature, see Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, “Sveti Ioan Vladimir i kulturnoto obshtuvane v zapadnite chasti na Balkanskiia poluostrov,“ Godishnik na Sofiiskia Universitet “Sv. Kliment Okhridski”. Centăr za slaviano-vizantiiski prouchvaniia 91 (2001), no. 10, 53–62.19

19  See also Norman W. Ingham,“The martyrdom of St. John Vladimir of Dioclea,” International Journal of Slavic Linguistics and Poetics 35–36 (1987), 199–216; Jarosław Dudek, “Święty Jan Włodzimierz (?–1016) w życiu i w religii. Niefortunny polityk i patron Serbów i Albańczyków),” in Kim jesteś, człowieku, edited by Wojciech Dzieduszycki and Jacek Wrzesiński (Poznań: Stowarzyszenie Naukowe Archeologów Polskich, 2011), pp. 223–230; Konstantinos Giakoumis, “Contesting the sacred in space. Saint John Vladimir and the westernmost dominions of Tsar Samuel,” in Evropeiskiiat iugoiztok prez vtorata polovina na X-nachaloto na XI vek. Istoriia i kultura. Mezhdunarodna konferenciia, Sofiia, 5–6 oktomvri 2014 g., edited by Vasil Giuzelev and Georgi N. Nikolov (Sofia: Izdatelstvo za Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite, 2015), pp. 607–630; Vera Stojčevska-Antić, “Kon zhitieto na Sveti Jovan Vladimir,” in Samuilovata drzhava vo istoriskata, voenopolitichkata, dukhovnata i kulturnata tradicija. Zbornik na trudovi, edited by Iliia Velev and Vasil Djorgiev-Likin (Strumica: NU Zavod za zashtita na spomenicite na kulturata i Muzej Strumica, 2015), pp. 232–237 (translator’s note).

CHAPTER 5

Latin, French and Italian Sources

Adémar de Chabannes

Adémar de Chabannes (988–1035) lived in Aquitaine, France. He is the author of several works one of which is his Chronicon Aquitanicum et Francicum or Historia Francorum, in three volumes. III, 32. At the same time, the Bulgarians restarted the war and ravaged Greece. Greatly enraged, Emperor Basil made a vow before God to become a monk, if successful in conquering them. And the war waged intensely for 15 years during which he was defeated in two great battles. At last, after the Bulgarian kings Samuel and Aaron were killed, not in a battle but by Greek trickery, he conquered all their land, destroyed their greatest cities and fortresses, installed occupying armies and took away the large majority of the Bulgarians as prisoners of war. And from then on until the rest of his life, as he had given a vow, he wore a Greek monk’s robe underneath his imperial attire. Commentary: This text, which is incomplete and somewhat inaccurate, refers to the beginning of the wars waged between Basil and the Komitopoules. Publications: Adémar de Chabannes, Historia, edited by Georg Waitz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores 4 (Hannover, 1841), p. 131.

John the Deacon1

John the Deacon was a Venetian priest, who was close to the Doge Pietro II Orseolo (991–1009). He was sent on diplomatic missions to

1  The following is my own translation from the original text published in John the Deacon, Istoria Veneticorum IV 71–72, ed. by Luigi Andrea Berto (Fonti per la storia dell’Italia medievale, 2) (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1999), pp. 206–209 (translator’s note).

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���7 | doi ��.��63/9789004352995_007

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the German emperors Otto III and Henry II. He wrote the Chronicle of Venice.2 At that time, convinced by the insistent demands of Emperors Basil [II] and Constantine [VIII], the famous Duke Peter3 sent his dear son, Duke John, to the imperial city to find a wife [for himself]. He was received well by the emperors, who decided to give him as wife the daughter of a prominent patrician, named Argiropolu, who was of imperial descent. On the day of his marriage with such a lady, the niece of the emperors, the said duke and the maiden were allowed by imperial decree to marry in a chapel, where they received from the same bishop of the city the gift of sacred blessings, and from the emperors—golden crowns on their heads. The emperors placed the[ir] right hand[s] with great solemnity [on the heads of the bride and the groom], and they came to the place where all the guests had been gathered. The said emperors wanted to celebrate this wedding in such a splendid and joyful way, that for three days the said guests did not miss to participate in the banquet for the happiness of those invited. Having received, according to well-established order, the gifts in that palace called Yconomium, each one of them then left. The duke, newly wed, decided to go and live with his beautiful wife in the palace that had been recently given to him as dowry. Emperor Basil firmly advised him against leaving the city before he, with the help of God, would return from the territory of the Bulgarians, which he was trying to subjugate with a great army. The duke followed his advice and waited for his return. When the emperor returned, he rewarded the duke by elevating him to the office of patrician. Commentary: There are no details in this text about Basil II’s plans against Samuel, except for the mention of the date of one of his major campaigns into the Bulgarian lands. The intentions of the Byzantine emperor and of his brother to get closer to Venice are also evident. Such plans, however, were never turned into reality. Publications: John the Deacon, Chronicon Venetum et Gradense, edited by Georg Pertz, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores 7 (Hanover, 1846), pp. 1–38. 2  See Bruno Rosada, “Il Chronicon Venetum di Giovanni Diacono,” Ateneo Veneto 177 (1991), 79–94. (translator’s note). 3  Pietro II Orseolo, Doge of Venice (991–1009) (translator’s note).

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Thietmar of Merseburg4

Born in Saxony, Thietmar (975–1009) was Bishop of Merseburg and wrote a Chronicon in 8 books, which cover the period beteween 908 and 1018. As an adviser of the Holy Roman emperor and as a participant in many political transactions, he is a reliable source not only for the historical events he witnessed in person, but also for his critical use of the earlier German chronicles. After this he [Emperor Otto I] went to Quedlinburg to celebrate the upcoming feast of Easter with divine praise and earthly joy [March 23, 973]. Here also, at the emperor’s order Dukes Miesco and Boleslau5 and legates of the Greeks, Beneventians, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Danes and Slavs gathered along with all the leading men of the kingdom. When all maters had been settled peacefully, and gifts had been distributed they went home satisfied. Commentary: The Bulgarian envoys to Otto in 973 were presumably sent by Samuel since Eastern Bulgaria at that time was already under the Byzantine rule. For a detailed study on this subject, see Vasil Giuzelev, “Bălgarskite pratenichestva pri germanskiia imperator Oton v Magdeburg (965) i v Kvedlinburg (973),” in Civitas divino-humana. V chest na profesor Georgi Bakalov, edited by Cvetelin Stepanov and Veselina Vachkova (Sofia, 2004), pp. 385–396. Thietmar’s sources are Widukind of Corvey, the Annals of Merseburg, the Great Annals of Altheim, the Annals of Hildesheim, and the Saxon Analyst. See also Vasil Giuzelev, “Bulgaren und Deutsche im Zeitalter der Otton (919–1024),” Palaeobulgarica 27 (2003), 1–10. I have not included excerpts from any of those sources, because neither Samuel, nor his people are explicitly mentioned in there. I believe, on the other hand, that Thietmar’s brief piece of information is sufficient to demonstrate the Bulgarian attempts to establish relations with Emperor Otto I. Giuzelev provides additional details about opinions regarding the origin of the legates described.

4  The following excerpt is a slightly adapted version of the English translation in Ottonian Germany. The Chronicon of Thietmar of Merseburg, translated by David A. Warner (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), p. 115 (translator’s note). 5  Duke Boleslav II of Bohemia (972–99). Tiethmar apparently added reference to legates sent by various peoples after consulting the Quedlinburg annals (David A. Warner’s note).

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Publications: Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, edited by Wilhelm Wattenbach and Friedrich Kurze, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 54 (Hanover, 1889).

Lupus Protospatharius6

This was the name of an author from Bari (Italy) who wrote a chronicle that mentions the death of Samuel, as well as the ascendance and murder of Gabriel Radomir, towards the end of the 11th century. The year 1015, the thirteenth indiction. This year, a comet appeared in the month of February. And King Samuel died and his son began to reign. The year 1016, the fourteenth indiction. This year, the son of the aforementioned Samuel was killed by his cousin, the son of Aaron, and he began to reign … Commentary: The known circumstances surrounding the death of Samuel and his son, Gabriel Radomir, are presented here in a very short manner.7 Publications: Lupus Protospatharius, Annals, edited by Georg Pertz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores 5 (Hannover: Hahn, 1844), p. 57.

6  The following excerpt is a slightly adapted version of the English translation in William Joseph Churchill, “The ‘Annales barenses’ and the ‘Annales Lupi Protospatharii’: critical edition and commentary,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto (Toronto, 1979), p. 360 (translator’s note). 7  See now Churchill, “The ‘Annales barenses’,” p. 134. For the text, see Edoardo d’Angelo, “Prolegomene to a new edition of Lupus Protospatharius’s Annales,” in Latin Culture in the Eleventh Century. Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Medieval Studies Cambridge, September 9–12, 1998, edited by Michael W. Herren, C. J. McDonough and Ross G. Arthur, vol. 1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), pp. 167–85 (translator’s note).

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The Legend of St. Tryphon

The Latin, original version of this legend’s was written most likely around the year 1000, but is now lost. What survives is an Italian translation in a manuscript dated to 1466. However, the most widely accepted version is the 1561 edition used by Giuseppe Gelcich in 1889. The legend tells the story of Samuel’s invasion of Dalmatia (perhaps the passage about Samuel was not part of the original Latin version, but was added later). A certain Samuel was rebelling against the Roman emperor Basil for a long time. In his tyrannical rebellion, he ravaged the lands near the Bulgarians and Macedonia, and some towns in Dalmatia, as he drove his army to Kotor … Commentary: In order to verify the information offered by the Priest of Duklja (that I have also provided above), Srđan Pirivatrić, Samuilova drzhava, p. 107, pays particular attention to this source. Its author refers to events taking place around the year 1000. It is likely that Samuel was involved in those events, most likely, after the Battle of the Spercheios River. In addition, Pirivatrić utilizes the commentary of Jadran Ferluga to the history of Skylitzes in Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije, vol. 3 (Belgrade, 1966), pp. 92–93. See also Ivan Bozhilov, “Bălgariia v epokhata na car Samuil (recenziia za knigata na Pirivatrich),” Istoricheski pregled 55 (1999), nos. 4–6, p. 194. Publications: Giuseppe Gelsich, “Dalla Legenda de misser San Tryphon martire confalon et protector della Cittade de Cattaro,” in Giuseppe Gelsich, Storia documentata della Marinerezza bocchese (Ragusa, 1889), pp. 84–85.

The Founding of the Church of St Aubin of Namur

The notes I provide here about the founding of the cathedral in Namur, Belgium have been written at some point after 1064 by an unknown author. The note is about the arrival of relics taken from the Church of St. George in Caesarea (now Kožani, Macedonia). The aforementioned high priest asked us to write down the story of how he received the relics, and to keep the writings with us. He told

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us what happened in the following way, and he confirmed that to be true. Stephen, the king of Pannonia, who was initially a pagan, but then became a follower of Christ, was a devout Christian and truly faithful servant of God. When the wars between the barbarians and Constantinople broke out, the emperor joined forces with the said Stephen. The emperor succeeded in conquering the hostile Caesarea. However, while the Constantinopolitans were ravaging the city and its riches, Stephen, the true Christian, turned his mind away from the robbery. Having entered the church of St George, he took with him the relics that he found there. As a good Christian, Stephan venerated and guarded the relics during his whole life. Andrew inherited the throne upon Stephen’s death. Going through the royal household inventory soon after his formal coronation, Andrew ordered the high priest Lieduin to read the records of the relics, and thus he found out to whom they belong. As the aforementioned high priest placed them back into their reliquaries, he kept a little part of the relics for himself. He took these relics from there and then gave them to us … Commentary: The high priest mentioned in the passage was in fact a bishop named Lieduin, who came from Pannonia, but was residing in the town of Leodium, Belgium (present-day Liège) at the time of the events described. Stephen I ruled as prince from 997 to 1001, and then as King of Hungary from 1001 to 1038. Andrew, on the other hand, reigned from 1046 to 1060, that is, he did not inherit Stephen I’s throne immediately. For those events, see Khristo Dimitrov, Istoriia na Makedoniia prez srednovekovieto (Sofia, 2001), pp. 65–66. Publications: Fundatio ecclesiae S. Albani Namucensis, edited by Oswald Holder-Egger, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores 15 (Hanover, 1888), pp. 962–964.

The Song of Roland8

This epic French poem was created in the eleventh century but is dedicated to Charlemagne and his wars in Spain when his nephew Roland joined him in

8  The excerpt below is from the English translation in The Song of Roland, translated by Glyn Burgess (London/New York: Penguin Books, 1990), p. 132 (translator’s note).

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battle. There are three occasions on which the Bulgarians are mentioned, and one of them is related to Samuel: Then they draw up ten more divisions … The seventh of the people of Samuel. Commentary: This passage, in fact, only lists the nations with which the French went to war during the rule of Charlemagne and after that. There is nothing particular in relation to, Samuel but it is important to note that his name continued to be remembered in the West. Publications: The Song of Roland has been published numerous times in both Old and modern French, and has been translated into many languages. The excerpt here is from the Oxford version, edited by Ian Short, in La Chanson de Roland. The Song of Roland. French Corpus, edited by Joseph J. Dugan, vol. 1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005), p. 239.

The Correspondence between Pope Innocent III and Kaloyan

The correspondence between Bulgarian ruler Kaloyan and Pope Innocent III took place from 1198 to 1206 and was centered upon the church union between Rome and Tărnovo, as well as Kaloyan’s request for papal recognition of his royal rights. Those letters are present in this volume, because, in presenting his arguments to legitimize his rule as emperor, Kaloyan claimed descent from Samuel’s lineage.9

Kaloyan’s Letter to Pope Innocent III (before November 27, 1202) Most holy father, you instructed us in your holy letter to let you know what we wish from the Roman Church. […] In the first place, we, as a beloved son, desire from our mother, the Roman Church, the crown and dignity of emperor, the same as our old emperors had. For we have found it written down in our books that one of these was Peter, the other

9  The excerpts from Johannitsa Kaloyan’s letter and chrysobull to Pope Innocent III and Johannitsa Kaloyan are adapted versions of the English translation in Petkov, The Voices, pp. 220–21, 223, and 225 (translator’s note).

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Samuel, and there were others before them. Now, if Your Holiness deigns to fulfill that wish of ours, whatever you decide to have accomplished in our empire, it will be done for the glory of God and the Roman Church.

Pope Innocent III’s Reply to Kaloyan (November 27, 1202) You, however, humbly asked the Roman Church to give you a crown, as it was given, according to your books, to Peter, Samuel, and your other predecessors of illustrious memory […] To assure ourselves better, we have therefore given instructions for our registers to be examined carefully and we have thus learned that many kings have been crowned in the land subordinated to you.



Kaloyan’s Letter to Pope Innocent III10 To the most holy lord and universal pope who sits on the throne of the blessed Peter and father of my empire, Innocent III, Pope of the Apostolic See and the Roman Church, teacher of the entire world. I hope in God, the Savior of humanity that Your Holiness is well and very well, along with all cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, who sit around the throne of Your Holiness. Let it be known to Your Great Holiness that the son of yours and of the Roman Church—the emperor of all Bulgarians and Vlachs, and all princes of my empire are well thanks to God and your holy prayers. Many times did my empire send my messengers to Your Holiness, but they were not able to go through to Your Holiness. They were not able to cross over, because those who were not in peace with my empire blocked the roads. After that, this past month of June, my empire sent our archbishop and [the head] of the entire Bulgarian land and of the universal holy and great Church of Tărnovo and a great man of my empire, now ordained as Primate and Archbishop of all Bulgaria and Vlachia, called Basil, who, upon his arrival in Dyrrachium, was not allowed to proceed further to Your Holiness, in order for Your Holiness to fulfil the wish of our empire in accordance with the customs of my predecessors and ancestors, the emperors of the Bulgarians and the Vlachs—Simeon, Peter and Samuel and all other Bulgarian emperors.

10  The letter may be dated after September 8, 1203 (translator’s note).

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Golden Bull of Kaloyan (1204)11 In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, amen. Since it pleased our Lord Jesus Christ to raise me as lord and emperor of all Bulgaria and Vlachia, we made an inquiry into the writings and books of our forefathers and in the laws of our predecessors, the emperors who are now resting in blessed peace, whence did they receive the empire of Bulgaria and the confirmation of their imperial [title], crowns for their heads, and patriarchal blessings. After a diligent inquest, we found in their writings that those emperors of the Bulgarians and the Vlachs, our now resting in blessed peace predecessors Simeon, Peter, and Samuel received crowns and patriarchal blessing for their empire from the most Holy Roman Church of God and the Apostolic See of the prince of the apostles Peter. Hence, my empire, too, wished to receive patriarchal blessing and confirmation from the Roman Church, the Apostolic See, the Prince of the Apostles Peter, and from our most holy father and universal Pope Innocent III.



Letter of Pope Innocent III to the Hungarian King Emeric, September 15, 120412 Indeed, from olden times, many kings of Bulgaria were successively crowned by the Apostolic power, such as Peter and Samuel and some others after them. […]

Commentary: According to Dimităr Angelov, “Italianski izvori za bălgarskata srednovekovna istoriia,” Istoricheski pregled (1972), no. 6, 94–95 the mention of Samuel after Peter was intended to demonstrate a traditional dynastic lineage and the long history of Bulgarian royal power, the Latin word for which is imperium. Such a dynastic connection did not exist in reality. For the intitulature of the Bulgarian rulers, in general see Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova, “Vladetelskata titulatura spored papskata korespondenciia ot XIII vek,” Epokhi 11 (2003), nos. 1–2, 185–88. For the Byzantine understanding of the intitulature of the Bulgarian rulers, see Srđan Pirivatrić, “Predstavata za car Samuil i priemnicite mu văv vizantiiskite avtori of XI–XII v.” Paleobulgarica 17 (2003), no. 1, 94–99. Details 11  The bull may in fact be dated to September 10, 1203 (translator’s note). 12  This letter was in fact addressed not to Emeric, but to Leo Brancaleone, the cardinal of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem, and Pope Innocent III’s legate to Bulgaria (translator’s note).

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about the political ideology and the titles of rulers, including Samuel’s Bulgaria, may be found in some of my articles, published under the heading “Byzance et les Etats Balkaniques. Idе́ologie politique” in my book Byzance, la Bulgarie, les Balkans (Plovdiv, 2010).13 Publications: Ivan Duichev, “Prepiskata na papa Inokentii III s bălgarite,” Godishnik na Sofiiskiiat Universitet—Istoriko-filologicheski Fakultet 37 (1942), 307–383.14

Andrea Dandolo

This is the name of one of the most famous and well-known doges of Venice (ca. 1307–1354). Highly educated, he wrote a short history of his hometown, which he finished two years before he died in 1352. The work begins in 36 AD and follows the events up to 1280, and in it the author dedicates a good portion to the history of Byzantium and the other Balkan lands. One of Dandolo’s sources was the above-mentioned John the Deacon. After the doge returned, he sent Duke John and his brother Otto to Basil and Constantine, the emperors in Constantinople, who welcomed him with respect and married him to their sister Maria, the daughter of the noble man Argiropoulus, and gave her a considerable dowry. In addition, there was a decision made that the Patriarch of Constantinople would bless the newlyweds, so they received golden tiaras on their heads. When the wedding celebrations and festivities were over, John was planning to return to his homeland when Basil asked him to stay with his wife, and await Basil’s return from a war with the Bulgarians. When Basil returned, he granted to the doge John the title of patrician. Later, and following his niece’s request, Basil gave John the relics of St Barbara, the daughter 13  See now Francesco dall’Aglio, “Innocenzo III e i Balcani: fede e politica nei Regesta pontifici,” Collana del Dipartimento di Studi dell’Europa Orientale, Università degli Studi di Napoli (2003), 54–55, 61, 82–83, and 85 (translator’s note). 14  For the modern edition of Pope Innocent and Kaloyan’s letters translated above, see now epp. 114 and 115, in Die Register Innozenz’ III., vol. 5, edited by Othmar Hageneder, Christoph Egger, Karl Rudolf, and Andrea Sommerlechner (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1993), pp. 225 and 227; epp. 4 and 6, in Die Register Innozenz’ III., vol. 7, edited by Othmar Hageneder (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997), pp. 14 and 19 (translator’s note).

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of Dioskorus. Upon his return to Venice, with his wife and brother, John placed the relics in the Doges’ Chapel. His wife gave birth to his son, who was conceived in Constantinople. They called the boy Basil, after her uncle’s name. And King Stephen, when he defeated Boam, the commander of the Bulgarians and the Slavs, he raised and financed the church of St. Maria Alba and after he conquered many nations, he decided to give up the worldly life and to transfer the governing of the kingdom to his son— Emeric, an educated and pious man. Commentary: According to Angelov, “Italianski izvori,” Boam is not a personal name, but the title of ban. Publications: Andrea Dandolo, Chronicle of the Doges of Venice, edited by Ester Pastorello (Rerum italicarum scriptores, 12/1) (Bologna, 1938), p. 97.

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Eastern Sources

Stepanos of Taron (Asoghik)

Stepanos, who as a monk earned the sobriquet Asoghik (“storyteller” or “singer”), lived in the second half of the 10th and at the beginning of the 11th century. He wrote a World History about the events from Creation to 1004. III.XX. At that time, when emperor Bardas was in Baghdad and the empire of Basil enjoyed a time of peace, Emperor Basil decided to resettle some Armenians under his rule in Macedonia [the theme by that name located in Eastern Thrace], thus getting in conflict with the Bulgarians and giving them the opportunity to settle their own country. Therefore, he relocated there many Armenians. […] III.XXII. Although ashamed, the bishop who received that message did not renounce his malicious plans. In the same year, Emperor Basil sent him to Bulgaria in order to establish peace there. Bulgaria requested from Emperor Basil to marry his sister to their king. The emperor sent [to the Bulgarians] a certain woman who looked like his sister, and she was accompanied by the archbishop. When the woman arrived in the land of Bulgarians, they recognized who she was and condemned the archbishop as an adulterer and liar. The Bulgarian emperors burned him [alive] by covering his body with dry straw and brushwood; this was done by two brothers called komsadtsagi, the older of whom, an Armenian, was born in the Derdzhan province1 and was called Samuel. Emperor Basil had taken them both along with his guardsmen to Macedonia, where he was waging war against the Bulgarians. Using that as a convenient opportunity, they deserted the Byzantine emperor and took the side of the Bulgarian emperor Kurt, and as men of valor, received high honors in his yard. After that, the Greek emperor Basil captured Kurt, the Bulgarian king, while the komsadtsagi who had conquered the whole Bulgarian country, roused in a fierce war against the Greek emperor, about which we will tell when the time comes. […]

1  Derdzhan (or Terdzhan) is the old transliteration of Yerznka, the Armenian name of what is now the province of Erzincan in northeastern Turkey (translator’s note). 

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III.XXIII. After that, Emperor Basil assembled an army and personally led it to the land of Bulgarians. He arrived there with a great military force and settled a large camp in the very heart of their country. The Bulgarians rushed to set guards at the narrow spaces and mountain passes through which the enemy could come. Those were impenetrable places, covered with bushes. As they encircled the emperor and his army, they slaughtered everyone with their swords. Only the Armenian infantry made a circle around Emperor Basil and safely led him out [of the battle] through a different mountain road. The Greek cavalry with all its supplies and emperor’s tent surrendered to the enemy. […] III.XXXIII. Since the rebels who had risen against the Greek emperor were killed, he took advantage of his spare time in the year of 440 [AD 991] by gathering innumerable troops and headed to the lands of Bulgarians, in order to take revenge. When he arrived, he besieged and captured the city of Vera [Veria] leaving behind the son of the Prince of Taron, Krikor [Gregory], with an army against the Bulgarians. [The Emperor left with Gregory and] the Prince of Hatzinas, Sakhak, the son of Abel, who had fought many times against the Bulgarians. The Bulgarian army carried out a surprise attack; in that battle Ashot, the adolescent son of Krikor, also fought, and he was taken prisoner. His father decided that, no matter what, the would avenge. But he perished with his entire army during the war and Sakhak was taken prisoner as well. […] III.XXXIV. Then, Basil sent to the east [emissaries] to summon Patrician John who had killed Chortanavel and appointed him magister, sending him off to Macedonia against the Bulgarians. He fought their great numbers in a battle, but in the end he was defeated and he fell into the hands of his enemies, who took him to their land, to some fortress, and locked him up in the dungeon, and kept him like Sakhak and Ashot. The war with Bulgarians thus went on from many years. […] Commentary: Derdzhan mentioned in the text was located to west of Erzerum. According to Nikita Emin, Kurt (or Gurd, using an alternative reading) is a personal name. Magister Chortanavel proclaimed himself as emperor of Derdzhan, but died in 990 in a battle against the Byzantines. Publications and literature: This Armenian Wolrd History was translated into Russian by Nikita O. Emin, Vseobshchaia Istoriia Step’anosa Taronskago Asokh’ika po prozvaniiu pisatelia

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XI v. (Moscow, 1864), then partially published by Edouard Dulaurier, Chronique de Mathieu d’Edesse (26–1136) (Paris, 1883), followed by Heinrich Gelzer and August Burkhardt, Des Stephanos von Taron armenische Geschichte (Leipzig, 1907). A somewhat newer edition was published by Frédéric Macler, Histoire universelle par Etienne Asolik de Tarôn (Paris, 1917).2 The excerpts above may be found in Rach M. Bartikian, To Byzantion eis tas armenikas pegas (Thessaloniki, 1981). For the Byzantine-Armenian relations, see also Armand Basmadzhiian, Armenska literatura, V–XVIII vek. Istoriia i khristomatiia (Sofia, 2001), especially pp. 433–36 for the excerpts above. More information in Karen N. Iuzbashian, “K khronologii pravleniia Gagika Bagratuni,” Antichnaia drevnost’ i srednie veka 10 (1973), p. 196; Anton Săbotinov, Bălgarskiiat proizkhod na car Samuiloviia rod (Sofia, 2005). One of the excerpts above3 is also included in Iordan Ivanov, “Proizkhod na car Samuiloviia rod,” Sbornik v chest na Vasil N. Zlatarski po sluchai na 30–godishnata mu nauchna i profesorska deinost, prigotoven ot negovit uchenici i pochitateli (Sofia, 1925), pp. 57–58. The excerpts were also verified against the London reprint of the work of Baron V. R. Rozen, Imperator Vasilii Bolgaroboica. Izvlecheniia iz letopisi Iakh’ia Antiokhiiskogo (St. Petersburg, 1883; reprinted London, 1972).

The Chronicle of Yahya of Antioch

This author (ca. 970–1066), born in Egypt, was a Christian priest who later moved to Antioch.4 His chronicle is written in Arabic. The events that he described encompassed the period from 934 to 1028. The two sons of Samuel, whom John Tzimiskes had captured and kept imprisoned in his palace, managed to escape with shrewdness from the place in which they were kept and with the help of horses, which they have ordered to be kept ready for them in advance. When they reached the passageways that led to Bulgaria, they stopped there. They dismounted and hid in the mountains, fearing that they would be pursued and caught, and [so] continued their trip on foot. The older one who was in 2  The most recent Armenian edition of Stepanos of Taron’s work is Tiezarakan patmut’yun, edited by Vardan Vardanian (Erevan: Erevani Hamalsarani Hratarakch’ut’yun, 2000) (translator’s note). 3  The second excerpt, at III.XXII (translator’s note). 4  Although born in Egypt, Yahya was a Melkite, not a Copt (translator’s note).

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disguise led the way ahead of his younger brother. A band of Bulgarians that guarded those mountains against bandits spotted him; one of them, not recognizing him because he was alone, shot an arrow and killed him. The younger brother, finally arriving at the spot, made himself known to those people. So, they took him and made him their emperor. He had a slave (gulam), known by the name Komitopoulos, who was close to him. The Bulgarians gathered around him and took the country of the Greeks by assault. The king marched against them with a great army; he set a camp in front of their town named Abariyah (Triadica) and besieged it. During the night, a rumor started, according to which their passage through the mountains had been cut off. And on Tuesday the 17th of the month of ab [August) of the year 1297 (AD 986), which corresponds to the 7th day of the month of rabi II of the year 376, the emperor fled with all of his army rushing through the passage. The Bulgarians followed him and plundered all his supplies and treasury, and a great number of his soldiers perished. This happened in the tenth year of his reign. The word reached Skleros and he called upon Samsam-ad-Dawla to ask him for permission to take advantage of the occasion. He also asked for enforcements and supplies and promised to fulfill all the promises he had made to his father Adud-ad-Dawla. Samsam-ad-Dawla was favorable to this request after oaths from Skleros, his brother Constantine, as well as Roman, the son of Skleros, through which they swore to fulfill all that had been promised, he freed all of his companions, in the number of more than three hundred, in the month of Shawan 376 (December 6, 986 to January 3, 987) and gave them back their horses and weapons that he had previously taken from them. After that, he called the Banu-al-Mousayyab, who were the chiefs of Banu ‘Oqail, to join Skleros and to take him to the outskirts of Baghdad. […] During the revolt of Phokas, and when Emperor Basil was busy fighting them, the Bulgarians took advantage of the situation and plundered the country of the Greeks many times. They laid it waste up to the city of Salunika (Thessaloniki) and also invaded the western provinces [of the empire]. After preparing for war against them, in the year of 380 (March 1, 990 to March 19, 991), Emperor Basil marched to Diyouthmah (probably Didymotichon) where Skleros had established himself. There he gathered an army and asked Skleros to accompany him in his campaign. But he and his brother were sick and disabled. Skleros, who was brought on a stretcher in front of the emperor, threw himself at his feet. And when the king saw in what condition he was, he commanded Skleros

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to stay at home and gave him a kintar (quintal) of dinars [1,200 dinars] to give alms. After which the emperor marched against the Bulgarians. A few days later, Skleros died. His death occurred on Wednesday, the 16th day of the month of Zu-l_Khidji in the year of 380 (March 6, 991). His brother Constantine died five days after him. Between the murder of Bardas Phokass and the death of Bardas Skleros less than two years passed. Emperor Basil met the Bulgarians and scattered them. After capturing their king and putting him back in the prison from which he had escaped earlier, the head of his troops Komitopoulos, escaped. And Basil made the kingdom of Bulgaria subject to him. For four years Basil made war to them and invaded their country. During the winter he marched against the remotest provinces of the Bulgarian land, invaded them and took many prisoners from them. During this time, he took by force many of their strongholds, keeping some of them and destroying those which he did not think he could defend. Among those which he destroyed was the town of Varia (Berrhoe, now Stara Zagora). […] (This text is published by Rozen, on the basis of three manuscripts. However, there are minor discrepancies in the text above, published in Rozen, Imperator Vasilii, pp. 27–28 and the so-called Berlin Manuscript. For details, see Rozen, Imperator Vasilii, pp. 229–231). And a star with a tail appeared in the west on Sunday night, the 19th day of the month of rabi I of the year 379 (July 27, 989), and went away after more than twenty days. […] Emperor Basil was in the West, waging war against the Bulgarians, when he learned what al-Burdzhi had done to the envoy of BandzhuTekin. He rebuked him, summoned the envoy to him and spoke with him and then let him go. […] And when the citizens of Aleppo then fell in great need, due to the siege imposed on them by Bandju-Tekin, they asked Emperor Basil for help. At that time, he and his entire army were occupied with the war against the Bulgarians. He left Bulgaria without luggage to come to their rescue, and he arrived unexpectedly in Antioch in the month of rabi I of the year 1385 (April, 5 to May 4, 995), and moved to Mardzh-Dabiq. The news about the arrival of the emperor reached Bandju-Teki, and he fled to Damascus on the first month of rabi II of the same year (May 5, 995) after having burned the fort, which he had built, and everything that he owned: tents, supplies, weapons, and equipment. He had besieged Aleppo for seven months and a half. When the

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emperor came near to Aleppo Abu-l-Fadhail, son of Sa’d-ad-Dawla, and Lulu came to him and prostrated themselves at his feet. He sent them back to Aleppo, renouncing in their favor the tribute that had been established and which he had levied over the previous years. After that he marched against Rafaniyah and Homs, always taking many prisoners, burning and pillaging. During that time a band of Arabs attacked his army hoping that the Greek cavalry would not catch them. But he ambushed them and the Bulgarians who were in his army captured 40 of them. The emperor let them go after having their hands cut off. This execution terrified the Bedouins in such a way that none of them dared to attack his troops anymore. […] In the 21st year of the reign of Basil, Magistros Sisinnius was appointed Patriarch of Constantinople—on the day of Easter, 12th day of the month of nisan of the year 1307 (996). The throne had remained vacant for four years before his ordination because the emperor was engaged in the war with Bulgaria. He was patriarch for two years and four months and then he died. […] Emperor Basil appointed as domestikos magistros Nicephorus Ouranus, al-… ls (lacuna in the text, see Rozen, Imperator Vasilii, p. 271 with note 225) whom he had sent to Baghdad after the defeat of Skleros—and to wage war against the Bulgarians. After having encountered their leader, the Komitopoulos, he defeated the Bulgarians, and after having massacred a great number of them, he took to Constantinople 1,000 heads and 12,000 prisoners. Then the Komitopoulos wrote to Emperor Basil, humiliating himself in front of him and promising obedience; and he begged him to bestow his favors upon him. The Emperor was ready to agree, but it so happened that the king of the Bulgarians, whom he held captive, died. The news of his death came to his servant, the Komitopoulos, the leader of the Bulgarians, who proclaimed himself emperor. Emperor Basil sent Magistros Nicephorus again to wage war against the Bulgarians. He breached into the heart of their country, but no one opposed him. He stayed there for three months, devastating and burning, and then he returned to Constantinople. […] When a truce was established between the emperor and al-Hakim, the emperor returned to Bulgaria to continue the war and after staying there for four years (from 1001 until 1004), he won a complete victory against the Bulgarians, taking prisoners and killing many. Their king, the Komitopoulos, fled. And he conquered many of their strongholds, destroying some of them and keeping the others for himself. […] In year 407 (June 10, 1016 to May 29, 1017), one of the leaders of the Bulgarians called Aaron attacked their emperor, al-Qumturiyas

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[Cometopul], a slave (gulam) of Samuel,5 killed him and took over the Bulgarian state. Aaron was one of those whose ancestors had previously ruled over them. He sent a message to Emperor Basil, promising him submission, friendship, and obedience, explaining that he would rule the country he had conquered in accordance with the Emperor’s wishes and that he would not undertake any actions against him. He reigned for a year and was in his turn killed by the hand of one of his companions. The Bulgarian leaders wrote to Emperor Basil to submit to him and to invite him to take possession of the strongholds and the lands that have been in their hands. They begged for permission to reside with him and to act in accordance with his orders. The emperor came to Bulgaria in shawwal 408 (February 20 to March 20, 1018). All local leaders came to meet him, bringing to him the wife and the children of Aaron, the king of the Bulgarians. He accepted their strongholds, showed them mercy and gave each one a position according to his merits. He kept for himself the mightiest strongholds as he appointed Romans to rule over them, while he destroyed the others. He settled his business in Bulgaria and appointed basilikoi, who were in charge of all financial affairs. The kingdom of the Bulgarians was incorporated into the Empire of the Romans and the emperor made it a katepanate. This happened in the forty-four year of his reign. Then he returned to Constantinople. He made the sons of the Romans marry the daughters of the Bulgarians and the sons of the Bulgarians to marry the daughters of the Romans. By bringing them into union, he thus put an end to the ancient hatred. Later, new things happened to them, which we will present in appropriate place. […] Here is what happened to Emperor Basil after he conquered Bulgaria. While he was busy waging war there, George, the king of the Abkhaz, had in mind to create trouble in those lands of the empire that were neighboring his kingdom. He took fortresses and lands, among those that his uncle David, the kouropalates, had given to Emperor Basil. And when Emperor Basil achieved his goal in Bulgaria and subdued it, and returned to Constantinople, this same George, the king of the Abkhaz, did not consider it good to repent for his mistake, namely, to return from the path he had taken; and to express his devotion to the emperor in the same way his father and uncle had done. On the contrary, he felt too full of 5  Histoire de Yaḥyā ibn Sa’īd d’Antioche ed. by Ignace Kratchkovsky (Turnhout: Brepols, 1997), p. 407 with note 75: Yahya makes Gabriel a gulam instead of the son of Samuel (translator’s note).

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himself and kept persisting in his delusion. He started corresponding with al-Hakim to join their forces for a war against the emperor with each of them marching against him from his side … Publications: Rozen, Imperator Vasilii; Yahiya-ibn-Sa’id d’Antioche, edited and translated by Ignace Kratchkovsky and Alekandr Vasiliev, Patrologia Orientalis 18 (1924), 700–833; 23 (1932), 347–520; edited by Louis Cheikho, Bernard Carra de Vaux, and Habib Zayyat, Euytchii patriarchae Alexandrini annales. Pars posterior, accedunt Annales Yahia ibn Said Antiochiensis, Corpus scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, 51 (Beirut/Leipzig/Paris, 1909); John Harper Forsyth, “The Byzantine-Arab chronicle (938–1034) of Yahya b. Sa’id al-Antaki,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan (Ann Arbor, 1977); Yahya al-Antaki, Cronache dell’Egitto fatimide e dell’impero bizantino, 937–1033, translated by Bartolomeo Pirone (Milan, 1998).6

Gregory Magistros

This Armenian author descended from the famous house of the Arsacids. He was the son of Vasak Pakhlavid, who died in 1020 in a battle against the Turks, and a nephew of Vakhram, the governor of Armenia, killed in the year of 1045 in the battle of Dvin. When the Bagratids were conquered by the Byzantines, he surrendered his dominions to the empire and moved to Constantinople, where he was appointed the katepan of Mesopotamia and given the title of magistros. Gregory left poems and epistles to his son. In one of his letters, he mentions a Bulgarian named Nicholas. We have heard my son that the night bird came—the Bulgarian Nikola; he came at the top of Ararat, to trample the snow-white peak and the Kurdu mountains—a screech-owl which likes to roam at night; a screech-owl— destroyer and notorious … Commentary: Bartikian, To Byzantion, p. 92 identifies the character in the excerpt above with Nicholas Chryselios, a Bulgarian who was the katepan of the theme Vaspurakan.

6  See now Histoire de Yaḥyā ibn Sa’īd d’Antioche (translator’s note).

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Publications: Among the several editions a relatively new one is Rach M. Bartikian, “Otvetnoe poslanie Grigoriia, magistra Pahlavi, siriiskomu katolikosu,” Palestinskii Sbornik 7 (1962), 130–145. The excerpt has been translated into Bulgarian by Dimităr Angelov and Vasil Giuzelev, “Izvestiia v armenski izvori za srednovekovnata istoriia na Bălgariia,” Istoricheski pregled 22 (1966), no. 1, 125.

Aristakes Lastivertsi

This chronicler was born in the village of Lastiverts, located near the town of Theodosiopolis7 in Asia Minor. He lived in the 11th century and wrote his History at some point after 1072. For more information about him, see Gennadii G. Litavrin, “Armianskii avtor XI stoletiia o Bolgarii i bolgarakh,” in Slaviane i Rossiia. K 70-letiiu so dnia rozhdeniia S. A. Nikitina, edited by Iurii V. Bromlei (Moscow, 1972), pp. 27–31. The emperor [Basil II] devoted himself to the care of the western region (the Balkan Peninsula). He conquered Bulgaria, their regions and cities. Ever since the beginning of his reign, he constantly waged war, but was unable to subdue the Bulgarians. However, later the circumstances became favorable to him. The ruler of the country [Samuel] who emerged as victor from the war, died of a natural death, while his sons, who were unwilling to submit to one another, surrendered to the mercy of the emperor, because “if a kingdom is divided against itself that kingdom cannot stand “(Mark 3:24). Thus was Bulgaria conquered. The sons of Bulgarian monarch, along with all representatives of their family, were deprived of the right to inherit the kingdom and the [title of] emperor, and he (Basil II) gave them places [to live] in Byzantium. As for the Bulgarian troops, he gathered them at one place by deception, pretending that he wanted to reward them, but afterwards enlisted them [in the army] and sent them to the east, so they could not return. They came here [in Armenia] and devastated the whole country. Oh, what a calamity was their arrival to the East, and how unhappy were the places through which they passed. What a vicious and heartless people, hardhearted and prone to violence! It is appropriate to remind the sorrowful words of the prophet: “Before them the land is like the garden of Eden, behind them, a desert waste” (Joel 2:3). […] 7  Present-day Erzerum, in northeastern Turkey (translator’s note).

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Commentary: In the excerpt above, the Armenian author refers to the members of Samuel’s family, who were sent by Emperor Basil II to Asia Minor, where they received high positions in the administration and in the army, as it has been already indicated by the Byzantine authors, whose texts are given above. Publications: Povestvovanie vardapeta Aristakesa Lastivertsi, transled into Russian by Karen N. Iuzbashian (Moscow, 1968), p. 57; Aristakès de Lastivert, Récit des malheurs de la nation arménienne, translated into French by Marius Canard and Haïg Pêrpêrean (Brussels, 1973); Bartikian, To Byzantion, pp. 92–96; Basmadzhian, Armenska literatura, p. 206. See also Săbotinov, Bălgariia pri car Samuil, p. 649.

Samuel of Ani

Samuel was an Armenian churchman from the city of Ani, in Armenia, who lived during the 12th century. His History resembles in style the writings of the Byzantine chroniclers. It provides brief information about Samuel’s family and for the actions of Basil II in the Bulgarian lands. Emperor Basil marched in a campaign against Bulgaria, whence [he was forced] to escape. After six years passed, he gathered a huge army, marched again into Bulgaria and caught the ruler of Bulgarians, Alusian; he killed him with lethal poison, and took his wife, while he placed his children in captivity. […] Commentary: Obviously, Samuel of Ani was not well informed, because none of the principal sources for the death of Alusian indicates that he was poisoned. Publications: The brief chronicle of Samuel of Ani was published several times. The first edition was accompanied by a French translation: Samuel d’Ani, “Tables chronologiques,” in Collection d’historiens arméniens translated by Marie-Félicité Brosset, vol. 2 (St. Petersburg, 1876), pp. 33–483; Samuel of Ani, Astuatsabanakan gitut’iwnnere, vol. 1, edited by Arshak Ter Mikelian (Vagharshapat, 1893), pp. 104– 105; Bartikian, To Byzantion, pp. 109–111; Săbotinov, Bălgariia pri car Samuil, p. 661.

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Matthew of Edessa8

Mathew was born in Edessa during the second half of the 11th century, and died at some point between 1138 and 1144. He was a monk who wrote a Chronography, describing the events from 952 to 1136/37. He did not indicate his sources, but he must have relied on those presented above. In the first part of his work, he mentions a certain author Sanakhin, whose work had been lost. 36. In the year 437 of the Armenian era [988–989] there took place a violent earthquake throughout the whole world, and Saint Sofia in Constantinople collapsed. In this year, Emperor Basil was intent on making the Bulgars subject to his empire. Therefore, he sent to Ali Osman,9 the king of the Bulgars, and to all the princes of the country to come and prostrate themselves before his imperial majesty. However, they did not heed the commands of the emperor Basil. 37. Then the emperor Basil gathered together troops from all the lands of his empire and, full of rage, invaded the country of the Bulgars, ravaging the land with the sword and enslavement. On the other hand, the Bulgar king, Ali Osman, gathering together an army, came against Basil with many troops, and a violent battle was fought on both sides. The Bulgar king defeated Basil and turned all of his troops in flight right up to Constantinople. Much booty and captives were taken from Basil’s forces, and the emperor himself entered Constantinople humiliated. Two years after that, the emperor Basil once again collected troops and went against the Bulgar king, seeking vengeance. Meeting up with the Bulgar forces, he put them to flight and drove them before him. Basil harassed the country of the Bulgars with famine, sword, and enslavement, and then he turned back and entered Constantinople with great rejoicing.10 […] 8  The following excerpts are from Armenia and the Crusades, 10th to 12th centuries. The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, translated by Ara Edmond Dostourian (Lanham/New York/London: University Press of America, 1993), pp. 40, 41, 44, 62–63, and 78–79. All notes, unless otherwise indicated, are from that book (translator’s note). 9  Matthew is referring here to Alusian, the son of John Vladislav and king of the Bulgars (1015–1018). However, it is obvious that the person meant here is the great Bulgarian ruler Samuel (976–1014). Matthew’s chronology is incorrect, for this event occurred in 986. 10  Basil’s defeat occurred in 986, while his second campaign, which brought him victory over the Bulgars, began in 990. It is interesting to note that none of the Greek sources mentions this defeat, while the Arabic source Yahya of Antioch does.

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41. It happened at the beginning of the year 446 [997–999]) that a certain comet arose on the heavens and it became visible with a horrible and dreadful appearance, bright and marvelous. 42. In the year 449 of the Armenian era [1000–1001] a [solemn] alliance and peace was made between the emperor Basil and the Armenian king Senek’erim.11 In this same year, the death of the marzpan Sahak, lord of Varazhnunik,12 took place. […] 46. In the year 460 of the Armenian era [1011–1012] the emperor Basil collected troops and went against the country of the Bulgars. He conquered their kingdom and very fiercely devastated many regions with the sword. He subjected the whole West to plunder and enslavement and exterminated the entire kingdom of the Bulgars, forcing Alioskhan,13 who was a brave man and king of the Bulgars, to drink poison. In this manner, Basil took the king’s life and, taking his wife and sons, brought them to Constantinople.14 47. When the year 46715 of the Armenian era [1018–1019] began, the diving-rebuking wrath of God was awakened against all the Christian peoples and against those worshiping the holy cross, for a fatal dragon with deadly fire rose up and struck those faithful to the Holy Trinity. In this period, the very foundations of the apostles and prophets were shaken, because winged serpents came forth and were intent on spreading like fire over all the lands of the Christian faithful. This was the first appearance of the bloodthirsty beasts.16 During these times the savage nation of the infidels called Turks gathered their forces. They came and entered Armenia in the province of Vaspurakan and mercilessly slaughtered the Christian faithful with the edge of the sword. […] 68. In the year 489 of the Armenian era [1040–1041] a comet with a brilliant appearance became visible. It appeared in the western portion of the sky at the beginning of the evening and moved along following a backward path. It touched the Pleiades and the moon, and then turning towards the west, disappeared. 11  The King of Vasparukan, Senek’erim-John (1003–1021). Matthew’s chronology is incorrect. 12  A district in the province of Ayrarat. 13  Again, the reference is to King Samuel. 14  Matthew’s assertion that Basil poisoned Samuel is not supported by the other sources. 15  The text reads “465” which would make it the year 1016–1017. Four variants and the Jerusalem text have “467,” the correct date, since the Seljuks first began to penetrate the confines of Armenia in 1018. 16  The Seljuk Turks.

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69. In that same year, the Bulgars rose up against the Romans. The Roman emperor Michael collected troops from the whole empire of the Greeks and with a very great army went against the Bulgars. Full of rage he devastated and enslaved many regions and, sword in hand, reached the borders of the Bulgar kingdom. The forces of the Bulgars in turn gathered together against the Greek emperor. On that day a severe slaughter took place. The Bulgar forces defeated the Roman troops and caused them to flee, pursuing them with the sword. On that day all the plains were covered with blood, and the emperor Michael took refuge in Constantinople. Thus the Bulgars strengthened themselves at the expense of the Greeks, recaptured their own country and were delivered from servitude to the Romans. […] 94. Now when the Greek troops came to the East, Cecaumenus,17 Aaron,18 and Gregory,19 the son of Vasag summoned to their side the Georgian prince Liparit ad they arrived at the fortress called Kaputru, in the district of Arjovit. When the Turkish forces heard this, they withdrew, while the Roman tropps encamped in Arjovit. Commentary: Bartikian, To Byzantion, pp. 103–104 indicates slightly different dates for events involving Byzantium and Bulgaria based on the information of Matthew of Edessa, and claims that the Bulgarian ruler, Alusian, was killed by Basil II. In general, however, there is much confusion in the work of Matthew when it comes to personalities and events that have been long studied by both Bulgarian and foreign specialists. The most interesting thing, however, is that Matthew of Edessa emphasizes the presence of Bulgarians in the wars between Byzantium and the Seljuks. Publications: Chronique de Mathieu d’Edesse (952 -1136), avec la continuation de Grégoire le Prêtre jusqu’en 1162), edited and translated by Edouard Dulaurier (Paris, 1859); Karen N. Iuzbashian, “K khronologii pravleniia Gagika I Bagratuni,” Antichnaia drevnost’ i srednie veka 10 (1973), 197; Săbotinov, Bălgariia pri car Samuil, p. 657.

17  The Byzantine governor of Ani and Iberia. 18  The Byzantine governor of Vaspurakan. 19  Gregory Magistros. 

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Al-Makin Al-Makin was an Arab chronicler, who lived in the 13th century. He compiled the works of Yahaya of Antioch. In the same year, the two sons of Samuel whom Tzimiskes hold captive in his palace managed to flee. [This happened] in the eighth year of their captivity. They mounted on their horses which they tried to get ready. And as they reached the narrow mountain pass that leads into Bulgaria, their horses were exhausted, so they dismounted and hid in the mountains, because they were afraid of being caught. As the older walked in front of his younger brother, it happened that some Bulgarians killed him by mistake, [because they mistook] him for a robber. The younger brother, who was walking behind, told them who he was. They took him and made him their emperor. Many Bulgarians joined him and they began to conquer the region of Rum. And King Basil hurried against them with a huge army and besieged one of the towns called Abaria (Triadica). But when he realized that the Bulgarians had him surrounded, he fled with his whole army, and the Bulgarians chased and plundered the rear-guard of his army. That was in the tenth year of his reign, in the seventh day of the second month of rabia of the year 376 (AD 986). […] In the year 407 (AD 1016) one of the most noble Bulgarians attacked al-K-m-tu-r-sh-a, the servant Samuel, who reigned over the Bulgarians, killed him and captured the Bulgarian realm. He wrote a letter to King Basil, that he would take his side and subdue to him. He remained in that position for a year [but] was killed by one of his men. Then the most noble of the Bulgarians wrote to King Basil that they would take his side and obey him. And Basil, the emperor of the Greeks and Turks ( who now call themselves Bulgarians) marched in the month of Shaval in the year 408 (AD 1017) and conquered the Bulgarian country and appointed Greek commanders to the strongholds. That was in the 44th year of the reign of Emperor Basil, i.e., in 1330th year of Alexander. The emperor returned to Constantinople and Bulgarians and Greeks married to each other, lived together and forgot about the hatred that had existed between them. […] Commentary: Details about those events as narrated in the eastern chronicles and sources may be found in Vasil Zlatarski, Istoriia na bălgarskata dărzhava prez Srednite

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vekove, vol. 1, part 2 (Sofia, 1927), pp. 650 and 658–659 with the notes about Asoghik, Yahya and Al-Makin, and clarifications of the chronology of events. Further details in Rozen, Imperator Vasilii, p. 363. Rozen has actually published the text Al-Makin at the end of his edition of Yahya’s work. Publications: Historia saracenica olim exorata a Georgio El-Macino, translated into Latin by Thomas Erpenius (Lyon, 1625); V. G. Vasilevskii, “K istorii 976–986 godov,” in Trudy, vol. 2 (St. Petersburg, 1909), p. 79; Săbotinov, Bălgariia pri car Samuil, p. 615.

CHAPTER 7

Italian, Dalmatian, French and Other 16th- to 18th-Century Sources

Giovanni Tarcagnota

Giovanni Tarcagnota was one of those 16th-century Italian authors, who relied on historical works written in Greek and Latin. He was a Greek by birth, born in Gaeta. He lived in Sicily and in the Kingdom of Naples, and then in Venice. He was involved had in the political and religious circles of Florence. His work is entitled History of the World (Delle istorie del mondo). Also, Basil later fought with the Bulgarians, who, harassed by all that civil turmoil, started to ravage Thrace and other areas of the empire. Basil marched against them, defeated them in many battles, abundantly shedding their blood, and forced them to ask for mercy and peace. Furthermore, to scare them even further, he ordered 15,000 of his captives to have their eyes gouged out. When their king Samuel learned about that, he felt such sorrow that shortly after that he died. Platina believes that Basil acted like Baian, the king of Bulgarians, who was possessed by witchcraft that brought the city of Constantinople to the brink of collapse, and that is why [Basil] concluded an uneasy peace treaty with that enemy. In the end, Basil died at 72 years. […] At that time, Samuel with his Bulgarians ravaged not only Thrace and Macedonia, but also Greece and Morea. The Emperor sent against him Nicephorus Uranus, Praetor of the West. He was camped on one side of the Spercheios River, while Samuel was on the other side with his Bulgarians. Because of the flooding of the river, Samuel was not concerned that the Greeks could attack him and therefore, he stayed calm and completely carefree. Uranus made his soldiers search during the night for a ford, where they could cross the river. He quietly went on the other side with his army and suddenly and unexpectedly attacked the Bulgarians, and pushed and forced them to flee. Samuel and one of his sons almost got caught, but they managed to hide between the dead bodies, and when the night fell they, though seriously injured, managed

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to escape. The emperor, excited because of this victory, continued the war and acquired many settlements that were previously in the hands of the Bulgarians. Then, they found some very narrow passages that were not well guarded by the enemy and passed through various places across the highest mountains that seemed impenetrable. Yet in some incredible and unexpected way, the imperial troops appeared behind the enemy. For that reason, frightened, they [enemy] decided not to attack or to fall upon the others, but if possible, only to defend themselves and to protect their country and everything that could be more or less useful. It happened so that the emperor, who fiercely continued with the military operation, managed to take more than 15,000 prisoners and to gouge their eyes out, leaving one person, deprived of only one eye, for each group to lead them. At that sight, it is said that Samuel became so upset that he fell into a critical condition, felt on the ground half dead and died without stopping to groan, leaving his son Gabriel to succeed him. He was also called Roman. Yet on the second year, he was killed by his cousin, John Vladislav. However, when this Vladislav died as well and because many Bulgarians became Christians, in the end, the whole province fell under the rule of the Empire. […] Commentary: The comparison with the so-called Bulgarian king Bayan is based on the legend related by the Greek chronicler called Continuator of Theophanes, according to whom one of the brothers of Bulgarian emperor Peter was named Boyan, Bayan (baptized as Veniamin). He was believed to be a sorcerer and was called Boyan the Wizard. Platina quoted by Tarcagnota is Bartolomeo Sacchi (1421–1481), known as il Platina after his birthplace (Piadena). He was a papal historian. Publications: Delle istorie del mondo has many editions, published in 1513, 1562, 1573, 1580, 1585, 1592 and 1606. For the author, see Raia Zaimova, Bălgarskata tema v zapadnoevropeiskata knizhnina XV–XVII vek (Sofia, 1992), pp. 42 and 101 with n. 98; P. Danova, “Bălgarite v italianskite săchineniia po obshta istoriia of XVI vek,” Istorichesko bădeshte 1–2 (2006), 49, with no mention of Raia Zaimova’s work on Tarcagnota and Giovanni Doglioni (the next author). The excerpts provided here are from the 1592 edition of Tarcagnota’s work.

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Giovanni Doglioni

Giovanni Doglioni, a Venetian from the generation after Tarcagnota, informs about the events in the Balkans, just like Tarcagnota, but in much more laconic manner. He left several historical works, including a Short World History and the World Theatre of the Princes and all the Stories in the World. In both, one can find information about the history of Bulgaria, but only the second one, from which the following expert is taken, narrates the events related to Samuel and his successors, as well as the beginning of the Second Bulgarian Empire. Then ruler of the Bulgarians was [a man named] Samuel, who besieged the western parts of the empire and acquired a large portion of the land. Therefore, after the feud with Skleros ended, the emperor decided to focus his forces against him and without notifying Bardas or other patricians, he personally led the troops there. Attacked by Samuel in the rearguard of his army, he suffered such a great defeat that he had to flee and escaped to the city of Philipopolis. […] After Samuel with his Bulgarians attacked the lands in Thrace, Macedonia, Greece and Morea, the emperor sent against them Nicephorus Uranus, Praetor of the West. He pitched a camp on the banks of the river Spercheios, while on the opposite bank was Samuel with his Bulgarians. Samuel was not afraid that the Greeks might attack, because the river was swollen, so he encamped carelessly without even placing one guard. At night, Uranus sent scouts who found a ford across the river. Suddenly for the Bulgarians, the army moved across and smashed them instantly, making them flee. Samuel and one of his sons were almost caught, but they managed to hide between the dead bodies. When the night fell, although seriously wounded, they managed to escape. Inspired by this victory, the emperor continued the war and captured many cities, held earlier by the Bulgarians. After discovering some very narrow paths not well guarded by the enemy and after going across many mountains almost inaccessible and almost unbelievable, the emperor’s troops chased the Bulgarians away. Suddenly, they found themselves at the back of their enemies who lost spirit and decided not longer to attack and conquer, but tried only to defend themselves and protect their country. But that did not help. Inspired [by such victories], the emperor continued the war. He captured 15,000 of them and ordered their eyes to be gouged out. He left only a man for each regiment, who could lead the rest, and who was left with only one eye.

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It is said that, when Samuel saw this, he lost consciousness out of sorrow and fell on the ground as dead and not long after, he died for real, leaving his kingdom to his son Gabriel, who was also called Roman. But in the second year, he was killed by his cousin, John Vladislav. Thus, many of those Bulgarians who became Christians were finally conquered by the Empire, together with their land. Commentary: I had no chance to familiarize myself with Doglioni’s World Theatre. The excerpts above are from Danova, “Bălgarite v italianskite săchineniia,” p. 55. The original text was published in Venice in 1606–1607. Publications: Nicolò Doglioni, Compendio historico universale di tutte le cose natabili già successe nel mondo dal principio della sua creazione fino all’anno 1594 di Gio (Venice, 1594, with other later editions); Del theatro universal de’prencipi, e de tutte l’historie del mondo, 2 vols. (Venice, 1606–1607). For this author see Zaimova, Bălgarskata tema, pp. 42 and 102 with n. 100; Danova, “Bălgarite v italianskite săchineniia,” p. 58.

Mauro Orbini1

Mauro Orbini was a Dalmatian historian, born in Dubrovnik in 1563. He died on an unspecified date in that same city. He was abbot of the Benedictine monastery in Bačka. His famous work, The Kingdom of the Slavs (Il Regno dei Slavi) was initially published in Italian in Pesaro (1601), then in St. Petersburg (1722) as a compendium, in Russian. Orbini’s work was the main source for Paisius of Hilandar.2

1  The excerpts below have been translated directly from Mauro Orbini, Il regno degli Slavi (Pesaro, 1601), pp. 220–227; 428–443 (translator’s note). 2  A Bulgarian churchman, the author of the Slavic-Bulgarian History (Istoriia slavianobulgarskaia, 1762). He is regarded as the forefather of the Bulgarian National Revival (translator’s note).

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The Insignia of the Bulgarian Kings3 … King Boris was taken by the emperor in Constantinople. Here he made him take off the insignia of his power, namely, the golden crown, a cap of vison and his bright red shoes, and he was granted the title of magister.



Boris Killed by a Bulgarian However, Boris was not happy with that and he escaped from Con­ stantinople dressed in Byzantine clothes, but while crossing some forest (as reported by Kedrenos), a Bulgarian, who took him for a Roman, killed him.



The Reign of Seleukos. He Conquers the Country of the Tricornesi and Sredets When they heard that, the Bulgarians gave their kingdom to Seleukos, a generous man and excellent commander. He was not satisfied with the province of Verroia, or as it is called Zagora, and he conquered the country of the Tricornesi, called nowadays Toplitza. He also seized Sredets, which the Greeks wrongly called Sardica. However, when returning to Bulgaria, he experienced great stomach pains and before he arrived home, he passed away.



Seleukos Dies. Subotin Reigns He was followed by Subotin, called by the Greeks Sabin II. About him, the authors are silent, except that after his death the Bulgarian Kingdom was placed under the Roman yoke. It was conquered and almost enslaved by the Romans. But that did not last for long, because at the time of emperor Basil Porphyrogenetus, who followed Tzimiskes, the Bulgarians rebelled and surrendered the power of their kingdom into the hands of the brothers David, Moses, Aaron and Samuel, as we mentioned—the sons of the Comitopul.

3  The marginal notes, summarizing the historical events in Orbini’s book, are placed here as subtitles (translator’s note).

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The Four Sons of Comitopul Rule in Bulgaria Since the royal line was already disrupted, there was no other heir, except Roman, the son of Peter, but he was a eunuch. Shortly after that, David died, while Moses was hit by a stone during the siege of Seres, and died there. Aaron was murdered by his brother Samuel with his (entire) family, except for one of his sons who had two names, John Svetoslav. He (Samuel) acted in that way either because he [Aaron] wanted to be the only ruler in Bulgaria or because he took the cause of the Romans close to his heart. Rumors for both versions were circulating (at that time).



Samuel Rules Alone in Bulgaria And so, as Samuel remained the sole ruler of Bulgaria and while the Romans were occupied with their internal disagreements, he invaded their western provinces and not only devastated them but declared himself their ruler. He rode through Dalmatia, where among other evils which he did, he also burned the coast of Ragusa and the first town of Kotor which he found half ravaged.



He Conquers the Lands of the Romans and Burns the Environs of Dubrovnik George Kedrenos, who narrated about the raids Samuel carried out into the Byzantine Empire, wrote that “the Bulgarian king Samuel was a warlike man, who could not stay peaceful for long, with his raids he harassed the whole West and ruined not only Thrace, Macedonia and the surroundings of Thessaloniki, but also turned into ruins Thessaly, Greece and the Peloponnese; he also captured many cities and strongholds, among which the most important was Larissa. He not only defeated the Romans, but he also devastated their armies.” Kedrenos ends up here.



Attacked by the Bulgarians, the Emperor is Defeated In his desire to stop the impetuous march of Samuel, the emperor entered with his troops in Bulgaria. He left Magister Leo Melissenos to safeguard the dangerous passages; he went ahead and besieged Serdica. But while he was busy with the siege, he was told that Melissenos had returned to Constantinople to take the imperial power by a coup. This

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action ruined the emperor’s entire plan, and he was forced to abandon the siege of Serdica and to return with all his troops to Constantinople. The Bulgarian ruler, who had never dared to come out in an open battle with the Romans, had retreated into the mountains. Noting that sudden change in the emperor[’s attitude] and believing it was because of fear, he marched in attack, defeating the Byzantine army and conquering the emperor’s tents and flags. The emperor barely escaped and saved himself in Philipopolis. Thus, the Bulgarian ruler became proud; and invaded not only Thrace, Macedonia, and Morea, but also Illyricum, ravaging thus everything that came in his way.

Samuel Attacks and Plunders Illyricum After the wars and civil fights subsided, the emperor headed to Bulgaria to avenge the Bulgarians and sent to Thrace his prefect Gregory Taronites to oppose Samuel’s forces. But Samuel headed for Thessaloniki (in the year of 997). He placed some of his troops in ambush and ordered raids of small and separate squads up to Thessaloniki. Notified that the Bulgarians were coming, the prefect Gregory sent his son Ashot to reconnoiter. But he traveled carelessly through those places, was ambushed and taken captive. When his father heard about his capture, he immediately headed to rescue him, but was surrounded by Bulgarians and after a brave fight, he fell in battle with honor. When the news of the prefect’s death reached the emperor, he immediately asked for the prefect of the entire West, Magister Nikephoros Branas. Upon his arrival in Thessaloniki, he was warned that Samuel, after killing Gregory, had become very confident and having passed the Baths of Thessaloniki and the Pineios River, had invaded Thessaly, Boeotia and Attica, all the way to the Corinthian Isthmus and inflicting enormous damages to Morea as well.



The Bulgarians, Attacked by Surprise by the Romans, Suffer Heavy Losses Therefore Nikephoros led his army, passing by the foothills of Mount Olympus towards Larissa, and left [behind] all of his waggons and their load, and marched quickly across Thessaly, the Plain of Pharsalus, and the river Apidanos, and settled his camp on the Spercheios River, waiting for Samuel. The river was swollen with the heavy rains and was out of its bed, so the Bulgarian king did not fear any surprising attack. Nikephoros,

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however, tried to find out whether the river could be crossed and as he found such a ford, he crossed the river with his army. That night, he attacked the Bulgarians, who slept carelessly, and killed them all, before anyone was able to grab a weapon—so dark was the night. Samuel was badly wounded and he would have been captured if he had not concealed himself, together with his son, among the bodies of the dead. The next night, they fled to the Aetolian Mountains and during the next day, they reached the Pindos Mountains. From there, they went to Bulgaria. Meanwhile, Branas freed the Romans who were enslaved by the Bulgarians and returned to Thessaloniki with great booty.

Samuel Marries his Daughter to Ashot, the Son of Taronites When he returned, Samuel freed Ashot, the son of Taronites, and married him to one of his daughters who was in love with him, as she threatened her father that she would kill herself if he would not marry her to him. After the wedding, he sent his son-in-law and daughter to Dyrrhachium, and gave him that province to govern. When Ashot arrived in that province, he won his wife on his side, boarded a Roman galley that guarded the border there, and fled to Constantinople. There he was honored with the title of magistros and his wife with the title of zoste.



The Emperor Invades Bulgaria and Inflicts Great Damages Then the emperor breached into Bulgaria through Philipopolis, trusting the defense of the city to the patrician Teodorakan, and after destroying many castles in Triadica, he returned to Mosynopolis. The next year, he sent the above-mentioned Teodorakan and the protospatharios Nikephoros Xiphias with a strong army to conquer the strongholds beyond the Haemus.4 After having captured Great and Little Preslav, as well as Pliska, he returned home.



The Emperor Invades Bulgaria Again, and Captures Many Places A year later, the emperor again invaded Bulgaria through Thessaloniki, where Dobromir surrendered along with the city of Verroia and was rewarded by the emperor with the title of proconsul. But Nikulitsa (called that way, because of his small stature), who defended Servia, stood

4  The ancient name of the Stara Planina range of mountains (translator’s note).

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a­ rduously against the attacks on the fortress. When finally the fortress was captured, the emperor garrisoned it with some of his Romans, while the Bulgarians were scattered away. Here he also captured Nikulitsa and took him to Constantinople, where he made him patrician. But he secretly fled to Samuel, and the two left immediately to conquer Servia. And because the emperor rapidly ran to the assistance of the besieged city, they abandoned their plans. While he fled, Nikulitsa again fell into the hands of the Romans, who sent him under guards to Constantinople. As he marched from Servia, the emperor restored the fortress that was destroyed by Samuel and he captured those who were still in the hands of the enemy and sent the captured Bulgarians to a place called Boleron.

The Emperor Seizes the Fortress of Voden There he left guards to his fortresses and arrived at Voden, a stronghold situated on a high ridge detached from all sides, of which the Ostrovo Lake springs. Although the emperor repeatedly urged those inside to surrender, he failed to convince them. So, he began to inflict pain upon them with continuous attacks, thus losing much of his army, but finally he conquered it. He sent the Bulgarian guards to Boleron and he placed there instead a Byzantine garrison and then he departed for Thessaloniki. This fortress was placed under the command of Dragshan, an experienced soldier who petitioned the emperor to remain there. He took for a wife the daughter of the first churchwarden of the Church of St. Demetrious, and from that marriage two sons were born. Later he was captured while trying to escape, but due to the appeal of his father-in-law, he was released. He did this again and again he was forgiven. On the third time, he was not that lucky, when they caught him, he was immediately impaled.



Samuel Captures Adrianople The following year, the emperor besieged Vidin and after eight months he became a master of the city. Meanwhile, the Bulgarian ruler headed to Adrianople, attacking it suddenly, conquered it on the day of the Ascension and devastated it. After he reinforced Vidin extremely well, the emperor returned home. While he was approaching Skopje, he received the news that Samuel was across the Axios River, nowadays called Vardar. As the river was swollen with heavy rains, the Bulgarians have not placed the necessary number of guards, for they did not expect any sudden attack by the enemy. But they were wrong. Indeed, the

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emperor found a way to cross the river and attacked them during the night, and many Bulgarians were slaughtered, but Samuel managed to escape with several of his people.

Skopje Passes Under the Emperor’s Rule And Skopje was handed over to the emperor by Roman, son of Peter, a former king of the Bulgarians, who some called with the name of his grandfather, Simeon. Roman was placed by Samuel to guard that fortress. That is why the emperor made him patrician and prefect of Abydos.



The Bulgarian Krakra, Brave Warrior Leaving Skopje, the emperor reached Pernik which was back then defended by Krakra, a brave man and experienced warrior. He lost a lot of time and men in the siege of that town until he understood that neither could the fortress be conquered by force, nor could the people inside be bribed [to surrender], so he went through Philipopolis and reached Constantinople. After that, every year he moved his troops to Bulgaria, destroying and setting on fire everything that came into his way. Samuel did not dare to meet him in an open battle and seeing that his forces were weakening, he started digging ditches and hedges in order to prevent the emperor’s invasion into Bulgaria. And because he knew that the emperor had the habit of passing through Kimba Longos and Kleidion, he fortified those [mountain] passes with hedges and strong guards, and thus he awaited for the emperor. When the latter came to the place mentioned above, and tried to pass through, he was met with stiff resistance. Just when he was about to despair for not being able to pass, the emperor was advised by Nikephoros Xiphias, the prefect of Philipopolis, to focus on those places and to keep attacking them constantly, while he (Nikephoros) would try to go around and attack them from behind. In quick march, Xiphias bypassed the Belasitsa Mountain, which is located south of the Bulgarians, and on July 29, [1014], he climbed to the peak from which he then descended upon the rear-guard of the Bulgarians with great uproar.



The Emperor Enters in Bulgaria and Chases Samuel When they saw his sudden attack, they fled in disarray. The emperor found the place abandoned by the guards, destroyed the hedges and

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continued to chase those fleeing. Many Bulgarians were captured and many more were killed. Samuel barely escaped, thanks to his son, who courageously fought off those who attacked him, took his father on his horse, and brought him into the castle of Prilep or Prilup. In the vita of that emperor, Zonaras claims that Samuel threw 15,000 in that battle, and the emperor 94,000.

Fifteen Thousand Bulgarians are Captured and Blinded by the Emperor Romans were victorious and captured about 15,000 Bulgarians, whom the emperor ordered to have their eyes gouged out, and for every hundred he left one-eyed warrior to lead the rest, and ordered them to present themselves like that to their ruler Samuel. When he saw them, Samuel felt as dead on the ground. After that he recovered a bit and he asked for some cold water, he was struck down by the disease which the Greeks call kardiagm, and soon after that he died.



Samuel Dies and He is Inherited by Radomir, Called by Others, Roman His son Radomir, also known as Roman or Gabriel, who was healthier and stronger, but not too prudent, inherited the kingdom. He was the son of a female captive from Larissa. He took the power on September 15.



Radomir Dies at the Will of his Cousin Vladislav He ruled barely a year and was killed while hunting by the son of Aaron, John Vladislav, whose life he had saved when all his other brothers had been killed by Samuel. But before all that, Samuel had sent Nestoritsa, one of the Bulgarian nobles, with a large army against Theophylact Botaneiates, who succeeded David [Arianites] as prefect of Thessaloniki.



The Bulgarians are Defeated by the Romans In the battle, Nestoritsa was defeated and many Bulgarians were captured. Theophylact took those Bulgarians, along with other booty, to the emperor, who was at that time in the narrow pass of Kleidion through which the Bulgarian army had been moved to Bulgaria. The emperor approached Strumica, conquered the fortress Matsouki, and commanded Theophylact to pass the fortified hills along the Strumica

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River and to try at any costs to remove all obstacles that would prevent him from returning to Thessaloniki.

Theophylact Botaneiates Killed with All His Men by the Bulgarians The Bulgarians initially let him [Theophylact] do as he wished, but when he decided to return to the emperor, they attacked him in some narrow pass, and did not let him either to go forward or to return. He died there along with much of his army. When he learned about that, the emperor felt great sorrow and could not move further, so he withdrew to Zagora, where there was a very strong fortress, Melnik, located on a high cliff and surrounded from all sides by very deep precipices. Many people from the surrounding areas sought refuge there, considering it a safe place.



The Fortress of Melnik Surrenders to the Emperor The emperor sent the eunuch Sergius, one of his secret servants, a wise and capable man, who with kind talk and promises managed finally to convince the people in the fortress to put down their weapons and surrender to the emperor. And he received them kindly, increased the defense of the fortress and returned to Mosynopolis. While staying there, he heard of Samuel’s death on October, 24. So, he left immediately from Mosynopolis and reached Thessaloniki, from where he entered Pelagonia without inflicting any damages to the country except burning the castle of Radomir in Buteli (Bitola). Then, he dispatched a few soldiers who conquered the strongholds of Prilep and Stipone. After that, he reached the river Cherna, which he crossed on rafts and inflated bladders, and arrived in Voden. From there, he left on January 9, and arrived in Thessaloniki.



The Bulgarians Devastate the Environs of Constantinople, Spreading Terror to the Entire Empire But Radomir, angered by the death of his father, violently attacked, devastating Thrace, and with his cavalry reached the walls of Constantinople, and causing terror throughout the whole Roman Empire. Seeing that and feeling insecure in his forces, the emperor secretly sent messengers to John Vladislav to prompt him to avenge the death of his father, who had died together with another of his brothers at the command of Samuel. He promised, if this happened, that he would give John Vladislav the whole Bulgarian Kingdom and the city of Dyrrhachium.

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Bulgarian King Radomir, Killed in a Plot So, not long after that, John Vladislav killed Radomir treacherously, while they were hunting together. Meanwhile, the emperor sent troops led by Xsiphias and Constantine Diogenes, who had succeeded Botaniates as prefect of Thessaloniki, to the region of Moglen. He ravaged the country and while besieging the city, the emperor arrived. He ordered the rive rthat flowed around the city to be diverted river in order to undermine the city’s walls. When the inhabitants of the city saw that, they were afraid and surrendered the fortress to the emperor. Here were captured Dometian Kavkan, a powerful man and adviser of Gabriel; the ruler of Moglen, Ilitsa, together with other nobles and quite a few soldiers. Those who were capable of bearing arms, he sent to Vaspurakan; the others, unfit for military service, he left to the mercy of his soldiers. The fortress called Notia, near Moglen, was burned to ashes. On the fifth day of the arrival of the emperor, there came Romanos Cheirotmetos, bringing with him the servants of John Vladislav, son of Aaron, that informed him that he had taken the life and the kingdom of his cousin, Gabriel, and promised to become an ally and friend of the emperor. When he heard that and read the letter of Vladislav, the emperor sent him written confirmation, marked with the emperor’s seal, that he would accept his proposal. But when he found out that Vladislav had no intention to fulfill his promise, he returned to Bulgaria and ravaged Ostrovo and the nearby village of Sosk and the entire Pelagonian Field, and ordered all of the captured Bulgarians to have their eyes gouged out.



Ohrid, Capital of the Bulgarian Kings Finally, he arrived in Ohrid, the metropolis of the Bulgarian king, conquered it, and after arranging all his works there, he decided to go to Dyrrachium, for his presence was necessary for rescuing and safeguarding the city. While Tribalia and the Serbian outlying lands were under the rule of King Vladimir, the son-in-law of Samuel, who was a fair, peaceful, and virtuous man, affairs in Dyrrachium (according to Kedrenos) were calm. But the situation changed after Vladislav killed Gabriel, and then ordered the beheading of his brother-in-law, Vladimir, whom he captured with the help of false oath of David, the archbishop of Bulgaria. After that, the territory of Dyrrachium was repeatedly ravaged—once by Vladislav, and several times by his commanders. In that respect, the arrival of

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the emperor was not of much help, because when he was marching towards Ohrid, he left a cavalry squad led by Georgios Gonitsiates and Protospatharius Orestes, whom he commanded to ravage and destroy the field of Pelagonia.

The Greeks Slaughtered by the Bulgarian Commander Ivats But under the leadership of Ivanche, also called by the Greeks, Ivats, the Bulgarians attacked and put them to the sword. Prompted by the pain caused by their death, the emperor returned to Pelagonia chasing Ivanche, and he reached Thessaloniki, and then Mosynopolis, from where he sent David Arianites with his army to conquer Strumica. The latter attacked suddenly and in great fury those places and conquered the fortress of Termitsa. The emperor sent Xiphias with another army against the strongholds of Triadica. Xiphias conquered all the fortresses in the plain, including the fortress called Boion (Boiana).



Many Bulgarian Lands Pass Under Emperor’s Rule That same year (1016), in February the emperor left Constantinople and came to Triadica and besieged the fortress of Pernik. There he stayed 88 days, constantly attacking this fortress. But from the inside they defended the town courageously and when the emperor understood that he has lost large number of people, he lifted the siege and, unable to do anything else for the moment, returned to Mosynopolis. Here he changed his army, and in the early spring, he invaded Bulgaria and captured through siege the fortress called Longon. Afterwards, he sent David Arianites and Constantine Diogenes to the field of Pelagonia (Bitola), whence they brought him great booty of people and cattle. The emperor ordered the above-mentioned fortress Longon to be burned, and the prisoners divided into three: first part he gave to the Russians, his allies, the second one he gave to the Romans; and the third one he kept for himself. From there he arrived in Kastoria, a town that he had many times tried to conquer in the past. He attacked it again numerous times until he realized he would not succeed, and finally retired. At the same time, he received a letter from Titzes, the prefect of Durostorum and the son of the patrician Theodat the Iberian that the Bulgarian Krakra had raised an army and united it with the army of John [Vladislav], while attracting to his side the tribe of the Pechenegs as well, and was about to attack the Roman provinces. When he understood that, the e­ mperor

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changed his mind and captured and burned on his way the fortress of Vishegrad and restored Verroia. But once he destroyed the fortresses of Ostrovo and Molisk, he did not march farther, because he received news that Krakra and John, being betrayed by the Pechenegs, had decided not to attack the Romans.

Setina, Fortress of Samuel However, on his way back, the emperor conquered Setina, the fortress of Samuel where he had stored large amount of wheat, which the emperor gave away to his soldiers, and then burned the rest. Then as he heard that John had positioned his troops, he moved the western mercenaries and the troops from Thessaloniki under the leadership of Constantine Diogenes. While the Roman armies proceeded, John ambushed them. The emperor, who feared mainly for the life of his soldiers, mounted his horse and stood in front of his army and simply said, “If there is someone brave here, let him follow me.” He then rushed forward. When John’s scouts saw that, they returned frightened to the other Bulgarians, shouting aloud (according to Kedrenos) “Bezhite, cesar!” In Bulgarian and other Slavic languages, that means “run, because the emperor is coming!” Therefore, John Vladislav fled with his soldiers in disarray, followed by the Romans who took many of his horses and supplies and captured his cousin. Then the emperor returned to Voden on January 9. But John Vladislav did not cease to create troubles for the Romans.

The Priest of Duklja Claims that John Vladislav was Killed by an Angel He gathered a strong army and marched on Dyrrachium, but before he reached it, he was killed by some unknown person (according to Kedrenos). That happened two years and five months after he ascended to the throne.

Thirty-five Bulgarian Fortresses Surrender to the Emperor Informed about the death of John Vladislav by the patrician Nikephoros Pegonites, the prefect of Dyrrachium,5 the emperor immediately led his army towards Adrianople, where he was met by the brother and son of Krakra, who gave the emperor the joyful news that they would surrender to him together with 35 strongholds. In response, the emperor greatly

5  His name was actually Nikitas Pegonites, strategos of Dyrrachium (translator’s note).

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rewarded them and made Krakra patrician, and let him keep the famous town of Pernik. While the emperor was in Mosynopolis, messengers arrived from Pelagonia, Morozvizd and Lipenium who surrendered to his power all the cities.

Strumica Abandoned by Dragomazh When he departed this place, he arrived in Serres, where Dragomazh came as well to surrendered to him the town of Strumica; and he brought with him John, the prefect of Chaldea, who had been captured by Samuel and kept imprisoned for 22 years. Dragomazh was granted the honorable title of patrician for his actions. When the emperor marched to Strumica, there came David, the archbishop of Bulgaria, who carried a letter from Maria, the wife of John Vladislav, in which she was promising to give him the power over Bulgaria if he would agree to give her what she wanted. The emperor also met Bogdan there, the lord of the Bulgarian interior fortresses. The emperor made him patrician as well, because he had proved his loyalty to him earlier by murdering his own father-in-law. After that, the emperor left Strumica and arrived in Skopje. He left the town under the government of patrician David Arianites, and returned to the fortresses of Stipone and Prosak. Everywhere, his subjects met him with jubilation and songs and celebrated with him his noble victory. After that, he headed for Ohrid and placed there his army.



Location of Ohrid Ohrid is situated on a high hill and next to a large lake from which the river Drin flows to the north, and curves to the west and enters the Ionian Sea near the fortress of Ilisson. The city was also the capital of Bulgaria that hosted its treasures. The emperor ordered to open the treasurehouse where a lot of money was found, as well as gold crowns adorned with precious stones and a hundred centenaria of gold. He gave away a lot of the above to his soldiers, while the town he entrusted to Eustatius Daphnomiles leaving with him a strong garrison of soldiers. Then he moved forward [in his march].



The Wife of Vladislav Together with Her Children Surrenders to the Emperors The emperor graciously accepted [to his presence] the wife of John Vladislav, who came to him with her three sons and six daughters,

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b­ ringing also the illegitimate son of Samuel, as well as two daughters and five sons of the son of Samuel, Radomir. One of them, however, had been blinded by Vladislav when he had killed Radomir, his wife, and his sonin-law, Vladimir. Maria had three more sons with Vladislav, but they fled to Tmar, one of the highest Ceraunian mountains, because they did not want to appear in front of the emperor. The latter commanded everyone to treat Maria with respect.

Many Bulgarian Nobles Surrender to the Emperor This made other prominent Bulgarian nobles come to him, including Nestoritsa, Zaritsa and the young Dobromir, each followed by their infantry squads. The emperor received them with delight and granted them honors in accordance with their rank. Also, Prusian, the son of Vladislav, came with his brothers, who (as we already mentioned) had retreated to the mountains of Tmor, but were forced to come back because of the long siege in which the emperor had held them. As they were assured that their lives would be spared, they voluntary surrendered. He cheered them with kind words and gave them what they wanted; after that he left Ohrid and reached Lake Prespa.



The Fortress Vassilida, Built by Emperor Basil There he built two fortresses; one at the height, next to which the lake was situated, and called it Vassilida; and the other one, in the marshes or, more precisely, next to the Little Lake. From Prespa, he went to Devol, where he again received the allegiance of Prusian and his brothers who swore [oaths of allegiance] to him on an elevated stage. And he made Prusian magistros and the rest of them patricians. They also brought the blinded Ivanche. It is appropriate to tell how he lost his eyes because (as it seems to me) this is an interesting, as well as an amazing story. After the death of Vladislav, his wife Maria with his children and other prominent leaders from Bulgaria surrendered to the emperor, as it has already been said. Only Ivanche escaped and retreated into an almost impregnable mountain, and there he seized a royal fortress with adjacent gardens and other areas. Some called it Brohot, others called it Pronishta. As Ivanche attempted to become the ruler of the Bulgarian kingdom his defiance greatly foiled the emperor’s plans. So, he left the main road and headed south, arrived in Devol, to see what could be done:

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could Ivanche let his weapons down and surrender unconditionally, or he had to defeat him in battle? While staying there, he tried to convince Ivanche with letters to give up his defiance that would bring him to total destruction. To these letters, Ivanche responded so skillfully that he kept the emperor in waiting for more than 56 days.

How the Bulgarian Ivats was Blinded by the Romans Eustatius, the prefect of Ohrid, seeing that the emperor was concerned because of the lack of success with Ivanche, entrusted a plan to two of his servants, whom he trusted. Having found a convenient time, he carried his plan as following. It was the day of the Assumption of the Holy Mother of God. On that day, Ivanche, according to the Slavic custom, invited his people over to his house—not just relatives and close friends, but also foreign people from abroad. Eustatius went to this holyday without being invited. Captured by guards, who were placed in the passageways, he asked to be taken to Ivanche to talk to him. Hearing that, Ivanche remained surprised that Eustatius voluntarily came into the enemy’s hands and joyfully ordered Eustatius to be brought to him. So, when the morning service ended and people went home, Eustatius told Ivanche that he had to tell him something in private. Ivanche easily believed that he (Eustatius) had undoubtedly rebelled against the Romans and that there were important things to speak about. So he waved his hand to order to his servants to go away, and then went with Eustatius to a walk in a shady place, in an apple tree orchard, where nobody could hear them. When he was left alone with Ivanche, Eustatius, a man strong and brave, threw himself upon him and pressed his chest with a knee to suffocate him. Meanwhile, he gave a sign to his two servants, who had run, and immediately tucked a cloak into Ivanche’s mouth so that he could not call for help. Then they gouged his eyes out and brought him back to his palace, climbed on the top balcony with swords in their hands, thus expecting the attack of the enemy. When the others saw this excessive audacity, they rushed immediately to the palace, some armed with swords, others with spears, bow or just stones; some just grabbing sticks or torches, all demanding the traitors to be killed, burned, cut into pieces or beaten to death with stones because no one could forgive these evil doers and criminals. Seeing this concurrence of furious Bulgarians, Eustatius, though convinced that he would die at the spot, did not ceased to inspire courage

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in his companions and asked them to stay calm and not let to be caught like cowardly women, because from the enemies they could not expect anything but death, and a miserable and cruel deat at that.

The Speech of Eustatius Then he stood on a window and made a sign with his hand so that Bulgarians could become quiet and he spoke to them from that window: “You know very well, Bulgarian people, that I have never had personal enmity with your prince, because he is a Bulgarian and I am Roman; not even Roman from Trace or Macedonia, but from Asia Minor, which the scholars know how far away from your country is. So, anyone who has a little common sense in his head can easily understand that I have not done this out of recklessness, but of necessity, because I am not crazy to expose my life to such a danger. You should know that my emperor has ordered everything I have done. If you want to kill us, we are in your power, but we will not give up so quickly, nor will we lay down our arms, and before that we will avenge our deaths and we will fight to the very end. And if we die, which is probable, even quite sure, as we are few among many, we will consider our death a noble one, because we are sure that he will avenge our blood, though you hope to defy him for long.” When the Bulgarians heard those words and seeing themselves without a leader, and the emperor staying with his army nearby, they became silent and the eldest among them replied that they agree with his words and that they agree to accept the Roman emperor as their ruler promising him a complete fidelity. Meanwhile, without any restistance, Eustatius carried without Ivanche to the emperor. He praised greatly Eustatius because of this valor, and made him prefect of Dyrrachium. He gave him all the property of Ivanche, whom he placed in custody.



The Bulgarian Nikolitsa Surrenders to the Emperor At the same time, Nikolitsa came as well. He had been caught and released many times. He was surrounded in the mountain from which he escaped, with some of his comrades caught, while others immediately surrendered. And he appeared in the Roman camp at night, but the emperor did not accept him, but instead sent him to Thessaloniki, where he was locked up. After that, the emperor arranged his deeds in the best possible way in Kolonia, Dyrrachium, and Adrianople and when he

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secured his provinces with soldiers and commanders, he let the Romans who were held captives to settle freely if they wish in these places and to the rest he ordered to follow him.

Two Daughters of Samuel Attack the Wife of Vladislav Once he arrived in Kastoria, two of the daughters of the Bulgarian (king) Samuel came to him, and as they saw Maria, the wife of the former Bulgarian ruler, Vladislav, next to the emperor, furiously attacked her and tried to kill her. But the emperor stopped them and calmed their fury, promising them great riches as well as to arrange royal marriages for them. He honored Maria with dignity and sent her along with her children to Constantinople. Then, with the help of Xiphias he destroyed all the strongholds in Servia and Sosk and arrived to the fortress called Stag, in which Elemag, the prince of Belgrade, came looking for him, together with his companions dressed as slaves.6



The Emperor Satisfied by the Scene of the Bones of the Killed Bulgarians When he left from there and passed through Cetine, the emperor stopped to contemplate with great satisfaction the bones of the Bulgarians, who had fallen in battle, which Nicephorus had won over Samuel. But he admired even more the wall erected in Thermopolis from Rupen, which they called Skelos in order to frighten the Bulgarians. And when he arrived in Athens, he visited the church “Virgin Mary”, publicly thanked for the granted victory and left rich gifts to the church.



The Emperor Triumphantly Enters through the Golden Gates Then, he returned to Constantinople where he was marshaled triumphantly into the city through the Golden Gates, wearing a jagged golden crown and having ahead of him Maria and Samuel’s daughters, along with other Bulgarians.

6  The events described here took place in the northern part of what is today Greece, where Servia is located. Belgrade mentioned in this passage is not the current capital of Serbia, but the Albanian town of Berat (translator’s note).

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The Romans Rule the Bulgarian Kingdom for 35 Years Thus, the Romans enslaved the Bulgarian Kingdom, which they kept in power for 35 years. The Bulgarians of course did not stay calm during all that time, because they could not forget they had never served anyone before and that their ancestors had almost subdued the Roman Empire by forcing it to pay them tribute. Thus, among the Bulgarians there was no lack of individuals, who, in order to lift their spirits, told stories about the achievements of their Slavic nation, which was always victorious and was used to rule over others.



Bulgarians Regain Their Freedom So, during the reign of emperor Michael the Paphlagonian (in the year of 1040), the Bulgarians, led by a Bulgarian called Dolyanin (Delian) took up arms with their old vigor and tore the chains of the Roman yoke. He was of humble origin, but very adroit in his deeds. Being a slave in Constantinople, he fled from there and arrived in Bulgaria. There he started a rumor that he was an illegitimate son of Aaron, the former Bulgarian ruler. It did not take too long for him to incite his countrymen to revolt against the Romans and to breach into Thrace. The emperor sent one of his commanders to stop him, but he was mistreating his soldiers and was attacked by them, and if he had not managed to flee with enormous speed, he would have been undoubtedly killed by them.



The Bulgarian Tihomir is Elected King of Bulgaria When the army was left without a commander, they chose from among them as leader one of their people called Tihomir of Bulgarian origin, who was announced ruler of the Bulgarians. In this way, the Bulgarian kingdom was split: some favored Delian, while others prefered Tihomir. As there was no other way to get rid of his rival except through deceit, Delian sent messengers to Tihomir notifying him that he wanted to share the royal power with him and to fight together against the Romans. Tihomir believed his words and arrived in Bulgaria.



The Speech of Delian before the Bulgarians Delian gathered the nation, climbed on a stage and started speaking to everyone: “The glory and the majesty of the Bulgarian kingdom would

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not permit the glorious name of the Bulgarian people, to whom, during its long existence, many kingdoms and empires had been subjected, to be overshadowed by the Romans or by any other ruler in the world. For our sins to God, we must repent and willingly accept all that is destined to us from heavens. The only impediment to feel free now, as we have been before, is the discord between Tihomir and me because, as you know, there is no partnership in rule. So, for your own good, you must choose one of us for your king. And if you recognize that I am of Samuel’s lineage, choose me instead of Tihomir. And if you choose him, banish me from the kingdom.”

Angered, the Bulgarians Kill Tihomir Then everyone unanimously cheered Delian as King of the Bulgarians, while Tihomir was killed by stoning.



Delian Invades Greece and Captures Nikopolis After that, Delian immediately marched against Dyrrachium, conquered it, invaded Greece and also conquered Nikopolis and its surroundings. When the emperor learned about this revolt of the Bulgarians, he ordered to have his instigator punished. And while he was preparing for a war, a man came, who made him change his mind. This was Alusian, the son of the Bulgarian Aaron, who was made patrician. While he was staying with the Romans, he did something against the emperor and because of that, the latter forbade him to enter the emperor’s palace and even to walk in Constantinople, and ordered him to stay secluded in home. When he learned about the rebellion of the Bulgarians, Alusian, dressed like Armenian, arrived in Bulgaria where in his casual talks he started deliberately to mention Aaron by saying to the Bulgarians: “If, by any chance, someone of the legitimate sons of Aaron was here, don’t you think that he would have the right before an illegitimate one?” Everyone replied that their biggest desire was to have a legitimate son of Aaron for a ruler. Then Alusian revealed his secret to someone who knew the family of Aaron better than anyone else. This person stared at his face but said that he needed another, more convincing sign to clear any doubt, in particular a black mole on one of his hands surrounded by thick hair. When he saw that, he was convinced that in front of him was the true son of Aaron, and fell on his knees before him, hugging his legs and declaring in front of the others that among them was a man of royal blood. This

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became a reason for many to leave Delian and join Alusian. Convinced however that, if divided, the Bulgarian kingdom would not last long, they decided to rule together. As Alusian was more skillful and prone to deceit, he prepared a trap for Delian. For that purpose he set a lavish feast and among others, he invited Delian as well.

Delian is Blinded and Alusian, the Son of Aaron, Takes Over As they were eating, he had him tied up, and then blinded him. Thus he became the only ruler of Bulgaria, and sent messengers to the emperor that he would like to surrender the Bulgarian kingdom to the Byzantine emperor one more time, but only if assured that he would be graciously accepted and awarded in accordance with his merits. The emperor replied that he the Roman Empire would give him everything he wished without any hesitation.



Betrayed by Alusian, Bulgarians Fall under Roman Rule Meanwhile, Alusian arrived in Constantinople, where immediately was made magistros; and thus betrayed, the Bulgarians fell again in servitude to the Romans. […]



Ruler Vladimir Still very young, Vladimir took the reign. In addition to the physical beauty with which he was endowed by God, he excelled in wisdom and piety. In his time, the said Samuel, emperor of the Bulgarians, entered in Dalmatia with a strong army and started to ravage the country of King Vladimir. The latter was a good and humble man, who did not want to go to war with him, lest none of his people perish. Therefore, he climbed a high mountain called Oblik (Steep) and stayed there with his people. The Bulgarian [king], when he saw that he could not bring any harm to Vladimir while he was in that place, he left part of his army at the foot of the above mentioned mountain, and he marched with the rest to conquer Dulcinium.



The Miraculous Impact of the Prayer of King Vladimir On the mountain where Vladimir was now with his people, there were many poisonous snakes, who killed both men and animals. Seeing that

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his people were suffering because of those reptiles, Vladimir strongly prayed to God to deliver him from that evil. God heard his prayers and from that day forward none of them was bitten by a snake, and even to this day in that place neither a snake nor any other poisonous animal would attack a man. Seeing that he could not capture by force Vladimir, Samuel, as we have already said, started to send messengers to him for deceiving him to descend from the mountain, promising that he would not afflict him with any evil.

Vladimir Betrayed by His People But since Vladimir did not trust his words, one of his zhupans secretly told Samuel that he would betray Vladimir with all his people, if the Bulgarian king promised him a huge reward. Samuel promised him lands with mountains and seas and the above mentioned zhupan started to convince Vladimir that he should not be afraid to surrender to Samuel assuring him that no harm would come to him, and even that it would be better to show the Bulgarian [king] that he gave himself up for the salvation of his people. Anguished and worried about his people, not about himself, Vladimir, who was a pious man, as we have already said, let himself be convinced by the zhupan.



Speech of Vladimir before His People He summoned all his people and spoke to them as follows: “The necessity requires, as it seems to me, dear brothers of mine, to follow the evangelic order which says: it is suitable for the good shepherd to offer his soul for the salvation of his flock. The Bulgarian [king] is offering now to let you go, without any harassment, if I go down and accept to speak to him; and if not, then he swears that he would not leave from here until we all die from hunger. Therefore, it is better to surrender in his hands and to leave myself to his good will than to put all of you through so much trouble”. When he told them that, he bade farewell to all and went to Samuel.



The Bulgarian King Samuel Brutally Devastates Dalmatia Samuel immediately sent him into exile in Ohrid, to a place called Prespa, where his palace was located. After that, he marched in attack against Dulcinium with all his army but could not conquer it and because of that he proceeded through Dalmatia up to Zara. Despite the many evils

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he inflicted to that province, he also burned Lausium [Dubrovnik] and Kotor and ravaged severely Bosna and Raška. Finally, after he devastated and burned everything on his way he returned to Bulgaria. Meanwhile, Vladimir was held in prison, and although he was poorly treated, he patiently endured it all. He punished his flesh with fasting, and passionately prayed to God to help him through his holy grace.

An Angel Appears to Vladimir One night, while he was sleeping, an angel appeared to him and comforted him and told him what to expect and how he would get free him from the prison entering the heavenly kingdom because of his martyrdom. Feeling stronger after this vision, the blessed Vladimir devoted himself to prayer and bodily torture.



Kossara, the Daughter of Samuel Washes the Feet of the Prisoners One day Kossara, the daughter of Samuel, went to visit her father and asked him to let her visit the prisoners and, because of her love of God, to wash their feet. She easily received a permission from her father, entered the prison and among of the prisoners whose feet she washed, there was Vladimir.



King Vladimir is Freed from the Prison. He Marries Kossara, the Daughter of Samuel Seeing that he had a pleasant appearance and was very modest, reasonable and with nice conversation, she returned to her father, fell on her knees and asked him to free him from the prison and to let her marry him. Taking into consideration that Vladimir was from on old royal family and had the attitude and qualities that are appropriate for such a person, her father gladly agreed with the idea that they were suitable for each other. He freed him from the prison, dressed him with attire suitable for a king and gave him his daughter for wife, gathering on a royal feast the all nobles of his kingdom. Finally, he gave back to Vladimir his father’s kingdom, including Dyrrachium and the whole region around it. He also returned Trebinje to Dragimir, the uncle of Vladimir, as everything else he had taken from him. Vladimir took his wife home and lived with her in piety, ruling the country with the full satisfaction of his subjects.

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Radomir Succeeds His Father Samuel. He is Also Called by the Greeks Gabriel and Roman Not long after that Samuel died and he was succeeded by his son Radomir who constantly fought with the Greeks and conquered all their lands up to Constantinople. Emperor Basil fearing not to lose his whole empire, secretly send a messenger to Vladislav, a cousin to Radomir on his father’s side, asking him to avenge his father’s death (Aaron), who had been killed at the order of Samuel, together with another of his brothers. He promised him that if he succeeded in those endeavors, he would give him all the provinces, which were under Radomir’s rule.



Radomir Murdered in a Plot Prompted by those promises of the emperor, Vladislav did not hesitate for long and he killed Radomir while hunting. But seeing that he would never be able to rule the kingdom calmly as long as Vladimir, the brotherin-law of Radomir, was alive, he called him to a meeting under the pretext of friendship. Afraid of what had happened to her brother Radomir, Kossara, the wife of Vladimir, detained her husband at home and she personally appeared before Vladislav to understand his intentions. Vladislav met her with a large entourage, offering her a golden cross on which he swore and promised that he would not do any harm to Vladimir, who was a good and pious man. Trusting his words, Vladimir agreed to go but instead of a golden cross, he asked him for a wooden one, like the one Christ was crucified upon. When he received this answer, Vladislav immediately sent two bishops and one hermit with wooden cross, swearing over it, that he would not do him any harm. The bishops and the hermit came and said what they were ordered to say. So, Vladimir left with a small entourage. And although Vladislav has prepared him an ambush on the road, hoping that in this way he would be liberated from the oath he had given, Vladimir was not killed because the Almighty God intervened in his (Vladislav’s) plan. And, indeed, those who were sent to kill Vladimir saw many fighters to accompany him, but each of them had wings and arrows in their hands. When they understood that those were angels, the killers fled and Vladimir arrived safe and sound in Prespa, where he was lodged inVladislav’s royal palace. When he entered the palace, Vladimir found Vladislav at the table and the latter one was unpleasantly surprised, because he had hoped

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that Vladimir had already been killed without understanding that he (Vladislav) was the one plotting his death. But because he was determined to take his life, he immediately ordered to have him beheaded. As he understood that, Vladimir spoke to the bishops in the following manner: “Oh, good people, why do you betray me so? What made you swear on the Cross of Lord which you carried with you, that you would not harm me? Can you allow such betrayal in the name of God?” They did not know what to reply, covered with shame, and stayed silent and defeated, with their eyes lowered. Before being beheaded, Vladimir was allowed to receive communion. And kissing the cross, he said: “Let this holy Cross be a witness together with you, that in this day I die innocent”.

King Vladimir Murdered in a Plot And after saying that, he left the church and surrendered to the hands of the executioner. On May 22, he was beheaded before everyone in front of that same church. Bishops gathered his body and buried it. And on his grave many crippled and sick people have been healed.



Miracles Happen during the Burial of King Vladimir Thus, after the innocent death of that martyr, God made him a wonderworker. All that deeply disturbed Vladislav, so he let his wife who was crying day and night to pick up his body and bury it in some other place, the one that she would prefer. She took him to Kraina, where was his royal palace and buried him in the church of St. Mary. His grave is there and until the present day, his body is intact and the cross that was sent by the Bulgarian king disposed between his hands. On the day of his feast day, every year, many folks congregate and until the present day a lot of miracles have happened in that church through the intercession of the blessed Vladimir.



Queen Kossara Becomes a Nun Renouncing the world, his wife took the veil in the same church and ended her earthly days there, in piety. Vladimir’s funeral was not yet over, when Vladislav gathered an army and conquered his kingdom. In addition, he received from the Greek emperor the town of Dyrrachium as it was promised him for the above-mentioned killings.

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Vladislav, the Treacherous Murderer, is Killed by an Angel Because God did not wanted those atrocities of Vladislav to go unpunished, one day, while he was feasting in Dyrrachium, there appeared a man with a sword looking exactly like Vladimir. Terribly frightened, Vladislav began to shout to his guards for help. But the angel sent from God, stabbed him and he felt dead. When the guards saw this, they ran away frightened. […] When Dragimir, Vladimir’s uncle, learned about all that, he mustered a large army, so that he could regain the kingdom of his ancestors, which had earlier belonged to him. When he arrived to the bay of Kotor, the people met him with bread, wine, and other supplies, and asked him to join them for a feast on the island called St. Gabriel, so, that they could have the opportunity to welcome him appropriately, with the honors suitable for his person. In order to satisfy their request, Dragimir came floated by boat to that place in the company of a small retinue. They sat down to eat and the inhabitants of Kotor, many of whom were there, started talking: “Samuel and Vladislav, who were kings of these lands are now dead; apart from Dragimir, no one else remained from that old royal lineage. If he stays alive and he will treat us like his ancestors, we will not fare well. Let us kill him and eliminate the yoke of slavery so that neither we, nor our sons would continue to bear that evil.” And speaking against the king, they sat next to him at the table and together they started eating and celebrating. Inebriated with wine, suddenly they all rushed against the king. He jumped and fled, and locked himself in the nearby church with a sword in his hand and did not let anyone in.



King Dragimir is Killed by the Citizens of Kotor But the inhabitants of Kotor who could not pass through the gates of the church, climbed on the roof, entered [the church] through it and killed the king, who could not defend himself against all of them. When they performed this madness, they all ran away, and when the army learned about the death of their king, it dispersed, and everyone returned to their homes. When the wife of Dragimir learned about the death of her husband, she returned to Raška, to her father Lutomir, who was the chief zhupan of Raška. But when she arrived, she discovered that her father had died, and she headed to Bosna to the brothers of her mother, in the company of her two daughters.

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Dobroslav, the Son of the Dragimir Settles in Ragusa and Gets Married There But on the road, somewhere near Drin, to a place called Brusno, she gave a birth to a son whom she named Dobroslav. For a certain time she kept him in Bosna but fearing the treachery of her enemies, she took him to Ragussa where the boy later on married the granddaughter of the former Bulgarian ruler Samuel, a young and beautiful girl. They had five children— Michael, Goislav, Saganev, Radoslav and Predimir. Having learned about the death of the Bulgarian ruler Vladislav, the Greek emperor Basil gathered a large army and conquered Bulgaria, Raška and Bosna, and with a strong fleet he also enslaved the entire Dalmatia up to its further limits. These provinces Basil ruled with the help of his deputies—(all) Greeks— whose greed caused much suffering to the native inhabitants.

Commentary: I have used the introduction and final remarks provided at the end of the Bulgarian edition of Mauro Orbini’s sources. Publications: Mauro Orbini, Il regno degli Slavi (Pesaro, 1601), compendium in Russian published in 1722; Carstvoto na slavianite, 1601. Otkăsi, edited by Todor Sarafov and translated by Khristov Boian (Sofia, 1983), which also includes a translation of the Italian version of the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja. Regnum, in Orbini, may be translated as kingdom.

Caesar Baronius

Cardinal Caesar Baronius (1538–1607) is the author of the Annales Ecclesiastici a Christo nato ad annum 1198. His remarkable work consists of 12 volumes that have undergone 21 editions. Parts of Baronius’ annals were translated into Polish by the Jesuit hagiographer Piotr Skarga and, as those excerpts got into the hands of Bishop Stanisław Korytkowski, he ordered the entire work of Baronius to be translated into Polish. From that particular translation, a Russian translation was produced, with some modifications. The Russian adaptation was published in 1719 as Deianiia cerkovnaia i grazhdanskaia (Ecclesiastical and Civil Acts). An earlier translation had been published into Russian in 1678. For

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his Slavic-Bulgarian History, Paisius of Hilandar used the 1719 Russian translation of Baronius’ work.

In the Year of Christ, 981 Year 7 of Pope Benedict VII

Year 8 Emperor Otto II

Year 6 of the [joint] reign of Basil and Constantine

1. In the year 981 of the Redemption, after the 9th indiction, Antonius Studites, Patriarch of Constantinople, tormented by the rebellion of the oppressor Bardas Skleros in the Empire, died, after he had abdicated in his own will. He was succeeded by Nicholas, called also Chrysoberges, who remained on the [patriarchal] throne for twelve years and eight months. This is in accordance to Curopalates,7 who, after informing us about those events, continues with the story about the Bulgarian invasion of Greece under Samuel, their very warlike king: “While the imperial forces were involved in battles against the tyrant Skleros, Samuel, the king of Bulgarians, who was bellicose and had no rest, invaded the entire West without any impediments—not only Thrace and Macedonia, and the lands around Thessaloniki, but also Thessaly, Greece, and the Peloponnese. He conquered many strongholds, the most important of which was Larissa, whose inhabitants he settled as colons in the inlands of Bulgaria, along with their households. And he enrolled them in the lists of his soldiers, and used them as allies against the Romans. He also moved the relics of St. Achilles, who was the Bishop of Larissa, to Septa [Prespa], which was his capital. The Christian king Samuel was a great admirer of the saints for he knew that his victories were result of their intercession and protective deeds 2. We can also read more about the Bulgarians who invaded Greece in the “Acts of St. Nikon,” mentioned above.8 “Not long after that, Basil, nicknamed Apokaukos, who was recently given the position of praetor, found himself in 7  John Skylitzes (translator’s note). 8  For the vita of St. Nikon Metanoeite, which Baronius uses as a source for his history, see the commentaries of Vasil Zlatarski, Istoria na bălgarskata dărzhava prez srednite vekove, vol. 1 (Sofia, 1927), pp. 845–870. Zlatarski notes that there are serious discrepancies between the Baronius’ text and the Latin translation of the vita made in 16th century by the Jesuit scholar Jacques Sirmond, according to the Barberini manuscript. Sirmond gave his translation to

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Corinth defending the local isthmus from Bulgarian attacks. He was tormented not only by his sickness, but also by the anxiety and fear of Bulgarian attacks. For a rumor was circulating that those people who had ravaged Epirus, were now headed now to Greece and the Peloponnese. Therefore, as he sent ­messengers to Sparta to supplicate Nikon … For he has heard the rumor about him, mainly he has learned about his great faith in God and about the freedom he had received. That is why he began admiring the manifestations of his virtue—because the real philosophy has always been appreciated and honored among all nations. And the blessed man, distinguished by mercy, willingly accepted the request of Apokaukos, because for a long time he had desired nothing less, but to come to Corinth as quickly as possible. As he approached Apokaukos, his (Nikon’s) presence healed not only his severe illness, but also the terror, which the Bulgarians had instilled in him, as he made it clear that they have changed their course in a different direction. Thus, the words of Nikon became pleasant for Basil in every respect. After spending there seven days, in which time he removed the horror of hovering evils, he returned back home.” The author of the story is the abbot of the Monastery of Saint Nikon, who was also called Successor, because after the death of the holy man, he became a praetor and with the help of ointments from his (Nikon’s) body, he performed the miracles he narrated further: 3. “As he expressed his praise for the remarkable service of the praetor and before going back to his country, Basil Apokaukos, whom we mentioned above, came to Lacedaemon to worship the sacred sarcophagus of the blessed man, and to express his love and loyalty to him. And he also spread the ointment gathered in a small beaker: it was helpful to remove all the evils and diseases. Then he returned home. At home, he found one of his servants, who was close to him, suffering with deadly disease. The desperate Gregory (that was the name of the servant), who did not believe he could be cured by medicine, allowed his master to instill hope in him and to rub him with the ointment he was carrying. Miracle happened at midnight, and he suddenly jumped from his bed to his feet and, with the loudest voice he could utter, he called his wife. Startled by the sound of the voice, Apokaukos also came to see what was happening. And when he saw that he (the servant) had regained his health or, rather, his life, he asked for the reasons and the way in which this had happened. And the other replied that some monk, remarkable by means of the cross and stick that he was carrying, as well as his ascetic body, had immediately remove the disease. “This monk,” he said, “stood next to me (and as he Baronius, who published an abbreviated version. Those discrepancies have been detected by comparison between the work of Baronius and the text published in 1906 by Spiros Lambros.

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outlined his features, Apokaukos realized that it was the holy man), grabbed my hand, and said: ‘Because of Apokaukos’ faith, God grants you life through the prayers of Metanoeite.’ After he said that, he immediately left.” However, I completely regained my health while those things were happening with Basil, the praetor of Saint Nikon, who had repulsed the Bulgarians. This was the only torch illuminating the East at that gloomy time. […] About this very Basil, we must add a passage (concerning the year 886) from the “History of Aquitaine” in the library of [Denis] Pétau. Inside that, it is written: At these times, the Bulgarians rebelled against Greece and angered Emperor Basil, and he made a vow to God to become monk, if He subjugate them to the Greeks. For fifteen years, he waged war against them. Finally, when he defeated their kings, Samuel and Aaron, and destroyed their most fortified cities, he conquered their lands and placed them under his rule. As most Bulgarians were captured in Greece, he withdrew [from the world] as he had promised, and put on a cilice of Greek type, and as he renounced his imperial appearance, he stepped aside and refrained from copulation and meat for the rest of his life.

ADDITIONS from the Russian Translation of Caesar Baronius, Year of Christ 981, 7th Year of Pope Benedict VII, 8th Year of Emperor Otto II, 7th [Year of the Joint Reign of Basil and Constantine]9

As the Bulgarian king Samuel took advantage of the fact that the army of Constantinople was busy repelling the torturer Bardas Skleros, he attacked with his army not only Thrace, but also Macedonia and Thessalonike, and Greece, and Peloponnese: he was a very brave and successful leader. He captured many towns and kept them, with the most important being Larissa. He settled many people in Bulgaria and made a lot of them fight against the Greeks. He took many relics of saints from those cities and transferred them to his city, with honors. Samuel was a Christian king and loved the saints with whose help he won many victories. […] When they brought him [Isaac Comnenus] to the palace, he regained consciousness and as he realized that there is no escape, he decided to leave his kingdom, in repentance for his previous wrongdoings, as he wished to become a monk. At that time, Empress Catherine reverently helped him, promising him not the temporary, but the eternal kingdom. He did not ponder too much, 9  Caesar Baronius, Deiania cerkovnaia i grazhdanskaia ot rozhdestva gospoda nashego Iisusa Khrista (Moscow, 1719), lines 1055 and 1521.

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but chose as his successor not his relative John, nor his grandson Theodore Doukas, nor any other of his kin, but General Constantine, also called Doukas, a worthy and capable man who was pervaded by the thought of saving the country and increasing its wealth. Thus, alone, dressed in a monk’s robe, he joined the Monastery of Studios under its abbot, to whom he showed deep obedience. Commentary: The additions from the Russian translation of Caesar Baronius’ work are too short, but are worth our attention, because of the favorable attitude towards Samuel and because they mention Empress Catherine, Emperor Isaac Komnenos’ wife, who was the daughter of John Vladislav. However, the emperor is erroneously named Michael, instead of Isaac Comnenus. For that reason, I did not include the beginning of the passage. Publications: Caesar Baronius’ Ecclesiastical Annals have undergone 21 editions, some of them with certain abridgements. The excerpts above are from volume 10 of the 1609 edition, prepared by Barronius himself, but published only posthumously (Annales ecclesiastici [Cologne, 1609], pp. 861 and 609). Because of their importance for Bulgarian history, Baronius’ Annals have attracted much scholarly attention. Here are a few relevant titles: V. Velchev, “Otec Paisii Hilendarski i Cezar Baronii,” Studia Historico-Philologica Serdicensia. Supplementum 5 (1943), pp. 1–121, especially p. 103 for Samuel and the period before him; Angelo Roncalli, Il Cardinale Cesare Baronio (Rome, 1961), pp. 29–50; Riccardo Picchio, “Bălgaria v. ‘Cărkovnata istoriia’ na Cezar Baronius” in his Pravoslavnoto slavianstvo i starobălgarskata kulturna tradiciia (Sofia, 1993), pp. 587–601; Zaimova, Bălgarskata tema, pp. 85–86; A. Nikolov, “Bălgarskata tema v Analite na Baronii,” in his Katolicheskata kultura i neinoto prisăstvie i vliianie v Bălgariia (Sofia, 1992), pp. 115–122. However, Baronius has not so far been translated into Bulgarian.10

Henri de Sponde

Henri was one of Caesar Baronius’ followers: he published an abbreviated version of Baronius’ work to 1635, with a French translation by Pierre Copin, a Parisian priest and doctor in theology. 10  Nor were the Annals translated into English (translator’s note).

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In the year of the Lord 981, indiction 9, Antony Studites, Patriarch of Constantinople died, according to Kouropalates,11 at the beginning of the year, and his place was taken by Nicholas II Chrysoberges. The same Kouropalates reports Bulgarian attacks in Greece, while the armies of the emperor were busy [waging war] against the oppressor Skleros. They were led by their very combative King Samuel, a Christian, who rendered great support to the saints and brought in his country many relics of theirs, and thanks to their prayers, he would have won many victories. That was reported by the author of the Life of Saint Nikon, called Metanoeite—we discussed him above and we mentioned the attacks of the Bulgarians, and how thanks to his prayers, they were expelled from the Peloponnese. This great saint, much loved by God, who made a series of miracles, and who was almost the only torch that enlightened the East back then, lived in Lacedaemon. And almost at the same time, he saved this very town from a great plague, but on the condition that they [the townsmen] would expel—as they did—the Jews, whom he hated and about whom he did not want to talk or hear anything listen. […] We read in the Life of the same Saint Nikon that St. Nikon defends Sparta. Emperor Basil was very happy because his life was remarkable, his reign lasted a long time, and he won many victories over his enemies, mainly Samuel, the barbarian prince whom he defeated in Greece, although he seemed invincible and had an almost innumerable army of Bulgarians. […] The story of [Denis] Pétau about Aquitaine Baronius thought recounts a remarkable thing about him (Emperor that it was said Basil), mainly that at the time when King Robert about Basil I Macedonian, in suceeded Hugh Capet—something happened in that the year of 886, exact same year—the Bulgarians harassed Greece immensely, which is why Emperor Basil became very despite the inimical to them, so, he made a vow that he would warnings that become a monk if God helped him make the that was not Bulgarians his subjects. He fought [against them] for correct.

11  John Skylitzes (translator’s note).

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about fifteen years, then captured their kings Samuel and Aaron, and took to Greece the majority of the captive Bulgarians. Emperor Basil Committed to his vow, he placed a monastic robe becomes a monk under his emperor’s dress and since then he abstained according to the from copulation and eating meat. He became also vow that he has the absolute master of Iberia that was in rebellion made. for seven years. The author of the Life of Saint Nikon recounts the same. Commentary: The author places the events to the end of the 10th century in agreement with Skylitzes, who, is called Kouropalates, much like in Baronius’s work. Benedict VII was pope from 974 to 983, while the Holy Roman Emperor Otto II ruled from 973 to 983. In Byzantium, for the period mentioned here, the future emperor Constantine VIII (1025–1028) was then sharing power with Basil II. At the same time, the patriarchal throne in Constantinople was occupied by Anthony III Studites (974–980) and Nicholas II Chrysoberges (984–996). Publications: Henri de Sponde, L’ abrégé des Annales Ecclésiastiques de l’éminentissime cardinal Baronius, 3 vols. (Paris, 1636–1655), pp. 491 and 507; Zaimova, Bălgarskata tema, pp. 75–76.

Antonio Pagi

Antonio Pagi is one of Caesar Baronius’ continuators. He made his additions and comments to one of the posthumous editions of Baronius’ Annals, 1738–1746. Gabriel, who was called Roman too.—This John was the last of the Bulgarian kings. Comment: The Bulgarian rulers mentioned here are seemingly Gabriel Radomir, who was also called Roman, and John Vladislav. The author also adds a few sentences about the success of Basil II in Bulgaria, and about Bulgarians regain their independence through the uprising of Asen and Peter.

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Publication: Antonio Pagi, Critica historico-chronologica in universos Annales ecclesiasticos eminentissimi & reverendissimi Caesaris Cardinalis Baroni, 69 vols. (Lucca, 1738–1759), vol. 16, pp. 517–518; Zaimova, Bălgarskata tema, pp. 76–77; Nikolov, “Bălgarskata tema,” pp. 116–117.

Paolo Ramusio

Paolo Ramusio (1532–1600) came from a prominent Italian family from Rimini that later settled in Venice. He is one of the most famous Italian humanists, the author of the Six Books about the War of Constantinople for the Restoration of the Comnenian Emperors led by Venetian and French Seigneurs in the year of 1204, published in Venice in 1604. In addition, he translated from Old French into Latin (perhaps together with his father Giambattista) the famous work of Geoffrey of Villehardouin, The Conquest of Constantinople. The excerpt below refers to the long wars between the Byzantines and the Bulgarians. Finally Basil, who was later named “the Bulgarslayer,” that is the victor over the Bulgarians, inflicted a crushing defeat near the Ariomela River upto Samuel, the ruler of the same Bulgarians, who had invaded not only Romania and Macedonia, but also Greece and Morea, and had left many strongholds burned and destroyed. [As a result of that defeat] the power of Bulgarians diminished greatly in Vlachia. Commentary: After the story of numerous and long wars between Byzantium and Bulgaria, Ramusio continues with the history of the Asenid dynasty, while Vlachia is mentioned in relation to the previous holdings of the Bulgarian rulers. Publications: Paolo Ramusio, Della Guerra di Constantinopoli per la restitutione degl’imperatori Comneni fatta da’Sig. Venetiani et Francesi, l’anno MCCIV (Venice, 1604; new edition in 1609); Agostino Pertusi, La storiografia veneziana fino al secolo XVI. Aspetti e problemi (Florence, 1970), especially the chapter entitled “Gli inizi della storiografia umanistica nel Quatrocento”; Şerban Marin, “A humanist vision regarding the Fourth Crusade and the state of Assenides. The Chronicle of Paul Ramusio,” Annuario dell’Istituto Romeno di Cultura e ricerca

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umanistica 2 (2000), 51–120; Snezhana Rakova, “Les premières éditions vénitiennes de Nicétas Choniatès et de Geoffroi de Villehardouin,” Études balkaniques 41 (2005), no. 2, 26–43; Snezhana Rakova, “Predstavata za Bălgariia u venecianskiia istorik ot XVI v. Paolo Ramuzio,” in TANGRA. Sbornik v chest na 70–godishninata na akad. Vasil Giuzelev, edited by Miliiana Kaimakamova (Sofia, 2006), pp. 243–256.

Dionysius Petavius (Denis Pétau)

Dionysius Petavius (1580–1652) was a French Jesuit theologian, born in Orléans. He is the author of a World History (Rationarium temporum), which covers the period 641–1100. It has undergone several editions and revisions. The excerpt below refers to Samuel and his family.12 Those affairs being arranged and Syria being appeased, Basil subjected Bulgaria to himself by means of a daily war. Having overcome Samuel the king, 15,000 of his soldiers were blinded. He sent them back to him (to Samuel), with the captains of hundreds ahead of them, each having only one eye left. When he saw that, the Bulgarian was very much scared, and a little after that, he died. Commentary: No additional comments are needed, for Pétau does not provide any information that is different from that available in the works of others. Editions: I have used the English translation of Petavius, published in 1659, which was recommended to me by Anton Săbotinov. I am grateful to him for that.

Giaccomo (di Pietro) Luccari

Giaccomo Luccari (1551–1615) was a statesman (member of the Great Council) and historian of Dubrovnik. His History of Ragusa, written in Italian, was

12  The translation is an adapted version of the text published in the English edition of Pétau’s work, The History of the World or an Account of Time (London: J. Streater, 1659), p. 345 (translator’s note).

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one of the most popular works of the historiographic genre written in the Renaissance, despite some factual inaccuracies and chronological errors. As he (Kvalimir) died in Eleg, he left his kingdom to his son Vladislav, who died of the Bulgarian sword. Because this nation, born in war and exertion, was not content with the land in which they lived, and engulfed Serbia like a storm torrent, coming also to Dalmatia. There they (the Bulgarians) destroyed the cities of Dioclea, Drivast, Dagnum, Plesh, from which springs the river Plevie, devastated Pripole and sent King Vladislav in Ohrid on the Danube as prisoner. There (in Ohrid) was the capital of Samuel, King of the Bulgarians. But that man, as he later turned to more favorable inclinations, gave to Vladislav his daughter Kossara to be his wife, and gave him back his father’s kingdom. However, the latter was killed later treacherously by Vladislav, who was Samuel’s successor. After the kingdom of Vladislav was destroyed, the Bulgarians went beyond it … And as they attacked Ragusa, they ravaged and burned the fortress … But as it became clear that Emperor Basil had set off from Constantinople with a great army, they quickly returned to their land. […] Commentary: There is obviously great confusion in this account with the names of the Croatian rulers. The name Vladislav is used instead of Vladimir, as it is appears in the description of events. According to Mauro Orbini, the father of Vladimir was called Petrislav (Priaslav). For certain details of this text that are related to Samuel’s entering Zadar, see Stjepan Antoljak, “Samuilovoto pobedonosno nezapirlivo navleguanje e do zidishtata na Zadar,” in his Srednovekovna Makedonija, vol. 1 (Skopje, 1985), pp. 386 and 391. Publications: Giaccomo di Pietro Luccar, Copioso Ristretto degli Annali di Ragusa (Venice, 1605; reprint 1790), p. 91; Ivan Bozhilov, “Khărvatskata istoriografiia za bălgarite i Bălgaria,” in Iubileen Sbornik. Izsledvaniia v chest na 80–godishninata na prof. Krăsto Manchev, edited by Ogniana Khrisimova (Sofia, 2006), pp. 100 and 107.

Ivan Lukić (Ioannes Lucius)

This Croatian historian lived between 1604 and 1679. He was born in Trogir, earned a doctorate in canon law from Padua, and later lived in Rome. Among

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other works, he wrote Six Books on the Croatian and Dalmatian Kingdom (De regno Dalmatiae et Croatiae libri sex). The first edition was published in 1666, and it was republished several times up to 1758. The excerpt below refers to Samuel, complete with an inaccurate genealogical tree. Chapter IX. […] In the year 1018, during the reign of Otto […], Emperor Basil subdued the Bulgarians and made the Croats surrender, as narrated above, according to Kedrenos. Comes Comitopul Samuel Kosara

David Roman, also called Radomir and Gabriel

Moses

Aaron

John called Vladislav

Alusian

Peter, nicknamed Delian Commentary: For information and bibliography on Lucius, see Bozhilov, “Khărvatskata istoriografiia,” p. 98. Publication: Ioannis Lucius, De regno Dalmatiae et Croatiae libri sex (Amsterdam, 1666), p. 450.

Junije Rastić

Known also as Giugno Resti (1671–1735), Junije Rastić was born to a prominent patrician family in Dubrovnik. He held important offices—member of the Senate and of the Small Council, and twice Rector of the Republic (head of the state). He wrote a book entitled Chronicle of Dubrovnik that covers the history of the city from its founding up to 1451. The Chronicle was published in 1893 by Natko Nodilo, who used several manuscripts. One of them is the work of Ivan Marin Gundulić, whose history covers the history of Dubrovnik from 1451 to 1484.

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In 976, Samuel, the king of Bulgaria, ordered the murder of his brother Aaron. Alive was left only Vladislav, who later usurped power. Shortly afterwards (before the year 980) Samuel marched into Upper Dalmatia, besieged Ulcinj, Kotor, and reached Dubrovnik. He was forced to return to Bulgaria, as Basil II with a large army headed for Serdica (Triadica). After the death of Samuel, power passed to Radomir, who was also called Roman and Gabriel. Soon [after that], however, he was killed by Vladislav, not without the help of Basil II. A similar fate befell Vladimir or Vladimir the Blessed as well. Commentary: Rastić’s information about Samuel is not different in any significant way from available in the works of the other Ragusan chroniclers. Publications: Giugno Resti (Junije Rastić), Chronica Ragusina (ab origine urbis usque ad annum 1451) item Joannis Gundulae (1451–1484) (Monumenta spectantia ad historia Slavorum meridionalium, 25) (Zagreb, 1893), pp. 30–31.

Josephu (Simon) Assemani

Joseph Assemani (1687–1768), born in Lebanon, received a sound education at the Vatican, where he was ordained a priest. He was the curator of the Vatican library. To Bulgarians, his name is familiar from the title Assemani Gospel given to a 10th-century Glagolitic manuscript now in the Vatican Library and recently published by Iordan Zaimov.13 Joseph Assemani is the author of the Calendars of the Ecumenical Church (Kalendaria Ecclesiae Universae), published between 1750 and 1755. In chapter VII of the last volume, Assemani provides details about Bulgarian history from the reign of Emperor Peter (927–966) to the fall of the Bulgarian lands under Byzantine rule (1018).14

13  Vera Ivanova-Mavrodinova, Asemanievoto evangelie. Starobălgarski glagolicheski pametnik ot X vek (Sofia, 1981); Zhivka Ikonomova, “Asemanevieto evangelie,” in Starobălgarska literatura. Enciklopedichen rechnik, edited by Donka Petkanova, Ivan Petrov, and Anisava Miltenova (Veliko Tărnovo, 2003), pp. 54–55 (translator’s note). 14  The following notes, unless otherwise indicated, are those of Assemani’s original text (translator’s note).

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(Chapter summary by Assemani) The plot of John and Michael was crushed by their brother, the Bulgarian King Peter. Nicephorus Phocas incited the Russians against Peter. Upon defeating the Bulgarians, the Russian Prince Sfendostlav conquered Moesia. Emperor John Tzimiskes, the successor of Nicephorus, having defeated the Russians, regained Moesia, and subdued the Bulgarians. When the latter rebelled, Emperor Basil subdued them and annexed Bulgaria. He took the Croats under his suzerainty. […] Also, Joannitsa, i.e., Calo-Ioannes, who was king (rex) of the Bulgarians before 1198, testifies in a letter to Pope Innocent III, written in 1202, that Peter and Samuel and several other kings (reges), that were their predecessors, had received from the Roman pontiff crowns of royal power (regnum) and were subject, along with their dominions, to the Roman throne, [saying]: “And our kingdom (imperium) asking the Apostolic throne to be accepted in the bosom of the Roman Church with motherly feelings. First, as favorite son of our mother, the Roman Church, we ask for a crown and the dignity, just as our old emperors had them—one of them being Peter, the other, Samuel, and others before them, according to the records we found in our books. “ Also, in the document placing himself in obedience to the Roman Church and its Supreme High Priest written in 6712 from the Creation, indiction VII, i.e., 1204, except Peter and Samuel, [Calo-Joannes] mentions also Simeon, saying: “In the name of the Father etc … as it was pleasing our Lord, Jesus Christ, to make me lord and emperor of the entire Bulgaria and Vlachia, I searched in the scriptures and books and the laws of the blissfully memorable emperors, our ancestors, for the way in which they have obtained the Bulgarian Kingdom, as well as the crown and patriarchal blessings. And by diligently studying those scriptures, we found that the blissfully memorable emperors of the Bulgarians and the Vlachs—Simeon, Peter and Samuel, our predecessors—had received the imperial crown and patriarchal blessings from the Holy Roman Church and the Apostolic throne of the Prince of the Apostles, Peter”. Simeon, Peter and Samuel, who are mentioned here are the successors of Michael Boris, namely of the Bulgarian king who ruled at that time over Bulgaria, after Presiam. This is the time when Bogoris, also called Michael, the first Christian king, gave up the reign and started a pious life in a monastery. However, despite the fact that Michael Boris, according to the Greek author of The List of Bulgarian Archbishops, was so favorable to the Bulgarian schismatic bishop, Clement, that he trusted him with guardianship over one third of his kingdom, precisely

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from Thessalonica to Jericho and Banina, i.e., Sepiat, Simeon, who took the power in Bulgaria after the death of Boris, rejected the friendship of the Greeks and as it seems, banished Archbishop Clement, who was loyal to the Greek dogmas (after the death of emperor Basil, when Leo ascended to the power). He asked and received from the Apostolic throne a crown of royal power for himself and the patriarchal dignity for the archbishop, whose name is not known. And as testified by the Bulgarian king Calo-Joannes, the same things were acquired by the successors of Simeon, namely Peter and Samuel. For indeed Peter, after making an alliance with Romanus Lecapenus in 927, as I said above, sought those titles to be recognized by the Greeks for himself and for Archbishop Damian, and then when the peace was disturbed at the time of emperor Nicephorus Phocas in 967, he returned with his archbishop to the bosom of the Roman Church. Therefore in the List of Bulgarian Archbishops it is said that Damian became a renegade to the Greeks, thus, he was deposed by John Tzimiskes,15 who took the power in December, 969, after the murder of Nicephorus Phocas. However, Samuel,16 who was called Mocrus, due to the end of the family line of King Peter, received the Bulgarian Kingdom. In 976, after the death of John Tzimiskes, when the sons of Romanus, Basil and Constantine were still minors and the Roman armies were employed against Skleros, he [Samuel] continued to disturb the Greek lands from 980 to 1015 when he died. Le Quien,17 in a note for Damian, who, as said, inherited Clement has the following to say: “The calculation of the time period does not permit Damian to be the immediate successor of Clement, who led the Bulgarian Church during the reign of Basil I the Macedonian, because he 15  He was in fact deposed by the Greeks during the reign of John Tzimiskes, because Tzimiskes was well disposed towards the Latins. since Nicephorus was their adversary. 16  About Samuel and his son Gabriel, who was also called Radomir and Roman, and about John Vladislav, the son of Samuel’s brother Aaron, who reigned after the death of Samuel (1015–1019), see the same Du Cange, nos. 23, 24 and 25. Those were constantly at war with the Greeks until Emperor Basil conquered Bulgaria in its entirety, and returned to Constantinople marching triumphantly through the Golden Gate, having ahead of him the wife of King Vladislav, his daughters and the rest of the Bulgarians. He uttered up a thankful prayer to God in [the Church of] St. Sophia for the victory [that God had] granted. This happened in 6527 AM or 1019 AD. After that the Bulgarians were driven beyond Danube River in Lower Russia, while Basil was endowed with the sobriquet Bulgarslayer. 17  Michel le Quien (1661–1773), a French historian and theologian, the author of a threevolume Christian Orient (Oriens christianus, Paris, 1740) (translator’s note).

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was mentioned during the reign of John Tzimiskes, i.e., almost 90 years after the death of Basil I. Therefore, the author omitted the others who were present between them and who had not been much known due to the constant wars between the Bulgarians and Byzantines.” I support Le Quien as well, because between Clement and Damian, i.e., between 886, when after the death of Basil, the Bulgarian prince Simeon expelled Clement and started war about 970, during which it is said that Damian was overthrown by John Tzimisces, in Bulgaria there had to be at least two or three archbishops who had received patriarchal or rather archiepiscopal blessing from the Holy Roman Church (as it is said by King Calo-Joannes). So, the Greek schismatic, author of this list concealed their names. No wonder that the same author does not mention David, who ruled the Bulgarians as archbishop at the time of the Bulgarian King John Vladislav and Emperor Basil Bulgaroslayer between the years 1015 and 1019, as it was told by John Skylitzes Kuropalat on pp. 91–92, and Kedrenos on pp. 710–712. Listen to the words of Kedrenos: “And indeed while Trimalia18 and the lands next to Servia continued to be under the rule of Vladimir (the son-in-law of Samuel), a peaceful and virtuous man, in Dyrrachium there were calm and peaceful times. And after John19 killed Gabriel20 and shortly after that he destroyed Vladimir, who surrendered for having being deceived by the treacherous oath and interference of the archbishop of the Bulgarians, David,21 turmoil and disorder befell Dyrrachium because John repeatedly attacked the city through his commanders and sometimes in person.” And in p. 712: “As soon as the emperor approached Strumica, the Archbishop of Bulgaria, David, came to him with a letter from Maria, a widow after the death of John,22 in which she promised to renounce Bulgaria if her wishes were fulfilled.” Le Quien places David, after German 18  To be understood Tribalia, as it is in the work of Kuropalat. 19  John Vladislav, son of Aaron, who killed Gabriel, the son of Samuel, on 24 October, 1015, after he had reigned for one year, one month and ten days. See Du Cange, Chapter 6, no 24. 20  In the Greek text, it is: “… Gabriel was killed by John.” The Latin translator of Kedrenos mentioned wrongly Samuel instead of Gabriel. The translator of Kuropalat was wrong as well: “… after Gabriel was captured by John.” 21  The Latin translator of Kuropalat, p. 91: “… After Gabriel was captured by John, Vladimir was betrayed by treacherous oath, which John had sworn by the agency of David, Archbishop of Bulgaria, and sur­rendered to him, only to be slain later. The situation around Dyrrachium then became very disturbed … etc.” 22  The Greek text is: “… from Maria, the wife of John.” 

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and Philip, and John and Leo are placed before him. But because in the List of Archbishops it is not clear what the time was for German and Philip; and because the reign of Leo, who replaced John, is calculated through three of his letters about the unleavened bread and fasting on Saturday, issued during the reign of Michael Cerularius as well as by the report of Kuropalat, p. 123 and Kedrenos,23 p. 792, who report that he had died after the death of Constantine Monomachos during the time of Empress Theodora in 1054, it seems that German and Philip were Bulgarian archbishops rather after David, than before him; therefore their successors were John, the abbot of the Monastery of Debrene “Our Lady of the Holy Belt” and Leo, a chartophylax of the Constantinopolitan Church. Because it is more plausible that after the death of the Bulgarian kings, Samuel, Gabriel, and John, when the brothers Basil and Constantine conquered Bulgaria, the remaining archbishops of Bulgaria were to be appointed by the Byzantine emperors after the death of David—namely, German, Philip, John, Leo, Teodul and the rest, mentioned in the Greek list. […] Commentary: The footnotes are those of Assemani. Besides the chronicles of Kedrenos and Skylitzes (whom he also called Kuropalat[es]), Assemani used the letters of Kaloyan to Pope Innocent III (see details in the section about Latin, French and Italian sources) and the so-called Du Cange List (see details in the section on Greek sources), which enumerates the heads of the Bulgarian church, and especially the Archbishops of Ohrid. Assemani also mentions the Dominican Le Quien (1661–1773), who published the List after Du Cange. Assemani kept the proper title name of emperor in the excerpts from Kaloyan’s letters, while turning the Bulgarian rulers into kings (reges) For specific details about the translation of Bulgarian rulers’ titles in the the Middle Ages, Gyula Moravcsik, “Zur Geschichte des Herrschertitels ‘Caesar > ЦАРЬ’,” in his Studia Byzantina (Budapest, 1967), pp. 267–274. For the ideological disputes between Rome and Tărnovo regarding the imperial title and the and patriarchal dignity, both conditions for Kaloyan’s conclusion of the Union with Rome in 1204, see Ivan Bozhilov and Vasil Giuzelev, Istoriia na srednovekovna Bălgariia, VII–XIV vek (Sofia, 2006), pp. 443–450.

23  Kedrenos, p. 792: “And because the Bulgarian Archbishop Leo passed away, Theodora set on his place the monk Theodule of Iconia” (pp. 214–218).

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Blasius Kleiner

Little is known about Blasius Kleiner. He was probably of German origin, a Franciscan monk who lived in the town of Alwinz (now Vinţu de Jos‎, Romania). He apparently had close relations with the Bulgarian immigrants there, people who had fled to Transylvania after the failure of the Chiprovtsi Uprising, in the fall of 1688. In 1762, he became abbot of the Franciscan monastery in Alwinz, established by the Bulgarian immigrants, and from 1773 to 1776, he became a parish councilor of the Bulgarian community. A very erudite man, he decided to write the history of the Bulgarian people and its “glorious deeds” (as he put it), as well as of the Bulgarian Catholic movement. He was able to collect only a few primary sources, such as papal briefs and notes. However, he used the works of Caesar Baronius and of his continuators; the works of the historiographer of the Franciscan Order, Lucas Vading, which were published in three editions between the 17th and 18th century; and those of the Italian Raffaello Maffei (of Volaterra), which were published in the 17th century. He used also the works of other historiographers of the same period, such as Paolo Giovio and Antonio Bonfini. Basil decided to fight with the Bulgarians.

Bulgarians elected four brothers from a noble family for kings and rejected the Greek yoke.

In the year 979 of Christ, Basil saw that the Bulgarians were busy with war elsewhere, and as he considered that to be a good chance to avenge the wrongdoings they had inflicted upon the Greeks, he decided to start a war with them. It happened so that after the death of John, the Bulgarians immediately rejected the Greek yoke. Their ruler Boris was still in Constantinople with his son Roman. Emperor John had ordered him to be castrated in order to curtail the lineage of Boris. The Bulgarians did not have any hope in Boris and his son, and placed instead four brothers of noble origin (called Comitopuls) to rule their country. The three older brothers perished—partly because various misfortunes, partly because the treachery of their youngest brother, Samuel—and the rule over the Bulgarian State passed to Samuel’s hands. In the years of the Greek civil war, he, along with the other Bulgarians that joined him, persistently ravaged Greece and Thrace, amassing thus huge booty and capturing rich cities; and he glorified his name among his people and made it dreadful for the neighboring

Italian, Dalmatian, And Other 16th- To 18th-Century Sources

The youngest brother, Samuel, killing his brothers, became the only king.

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ones. Emperor Basil raised troops against him; and to pay off the glory, for which he was insatiable, he took the command himself. He arrived to Serdica, which is now called Sofia, and he attacked the city with the siege machines [he had] brought there. To the extent that it was possible, Samuel led a guerilla warfare from nearby mountains, as he did not dare to come down to an open terrain. It happened so that Kontostephanos, the leader of the troops in Europe came breathless one evening to the emperor and told him that Mellissenos, the first of the generals, who had been left behind to defend the straits, had declared himself emperor and was now moving quickly to Constantinople. If the emperor would not crush him immediately, he would be the cause of many evils and turmoil in the capital. And that is what he did, according to Kedrenos, to prevent him from winning the war against the Bulgarians and then to act disdainfully against his generals. The emperor When he heard this, the emperor immediately besieged the ordered retreat and returned to Constantinople as town of fast as possible. Watching from the heights how the Serdica, but Greeks withdrew, Samuel rushed his troops to atwas deceived tack their rearguard by surprise, defeated them, and by one of his made them run and captured all their possessions. commanders When the emperor reached in flight the place where and retreated. Mellissenus was staying peacefully with his troops, unaware that anything wrong was happening, and when realized that he had been deceived, he flung out of Kontostephanos, and personally slapped him in the face. When the In 981 AD, the Bulgarian king Samuel, seeing that Greeks the emperor Basil was in difficult situation because retreated, of the riots of [Bardas] Phocas, the archontes, as well Samuel attacked as the commander [Bardas] Skleros, and that he was them in the not able to stop that civil strife, which had already rear and lasted for six years, he could not stand the peace and defeated and marched not only against Thrace and Macedonia chased them. and the region around Thessalonike , but also against Thessaly and Greece. He conquered many cities, the

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Samuel devastated Thrace and Macedonia.

main one being Larissa, and transferred their inhabitants to the interior of Bulgaria, together with their families, settled them there, and enrolled them into his own forces, and used them as allies to fight against the Romans. He also ravaged the Peloponnese. Samuel took from Larissa the relics of St. Achilles, bishop of the same city, and placed them with the greatest honors in the town of Prespa, where he had his royal place. Indeed, he was a pious Christian and great admirer of the saints with whose assistance he had won many victories. Gregory By the year of 989, the looting of Samuel and Taronites was the Bulgarians continued uninterrupted. After he sent against stopped the internecine war, the emperor set off for Samuel; Samuel Thessaloniki to fulfill his vows to the great martyr St. captured his Demetrius, and to repel the Bulgarians from those son and killed areas. For that purpose he had left in Thessaloniki the father. Gregory Taronites with his army. On the other hand, Samuel, satisfied with the treasuries looted from Samuel with his there, withdrew to his land but he did not stay quiet sons was severely for long, as in the year of 994 AD he marched for a wounded by second time to Macedonia with his troops. Against Nikephoros him was sent again Gregory Taronites with troops to Ouranos. defend Macedonian lands. So, Gregory sent his son to Emperor. investigate why was Samuel coming, but his mission was unfortunate as he fell into an ambush arranged by Samuel. On hearing this, his father rushed to rescue his son with this army, but his mission failed as well, and he was utterly defeated. Samuel led his soldiers into the interior of Greece and he looted everywhere, but that turned against him. The commander of the European troops Nikephoros Ouranos stood up against Samuel and his army on the banks of the river Spercheios. Samuel, seeing that the river was so swollen because of torrential rains that it would be impossible to cross it through a ford, without fears set his camp to spend the night on the other side. Meanwhile, Nikephoros Ouranos found a place on which the river can be crossed, went to the other side in the middle of the night, and quickly wiped

Italian, Dalmatian, And Other 16th- To 18th-Century Sources

Basil II personally marched against Samuel and captured many cities.

Basil continued the war and captured the fortress Beroia and Servia.

Vodena now Vidin (sic) Samuel did not dare to come out against Basil.

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out the sleeping Bulgarians, seizing their possessions and booty. Samuel with his sons, exhausted by his wounds, hid among corpses and during the night fled to Bulgaria through winding paths. In 994, Emperor Basil himself marched against Samuel and captured many strongholds, including the town of Dyrrachium, where the commander was Asotios, the son of Gregory Taronites. While he was a prisoner to Samuel, his (Samuel’s) daughter madly fell in love with him. To make her happy, her father freed Assotios, made him governor of Dyrrachium, and gave him his daughter for wife. However, ignoring his father-in-law and the Bulgarians, he and his wife took the side of the emperor and gave him the town of Dyrrachium. In 999, in order to complete his victory over the Bulgarians, Basil again sent troops under the command of Theodorokanos and Nikephoros Ouranos. They captured the cities of Pliska and Preslav, and returned. Then the emperor himself took the command of a campaign and captured Veria by treachery as well as the fortress named Servia and captured her commander Nikoulitzas, whom he then honored with the title of patrician. Nikoulitza, s however, soon escaped from Constantinople, returned to Samuel, and with him re-captured the fortress of Servia. When the emperor came, he made them flee and restored the ruined fortresses in Thessaly. He also captured many Bulgarian fortresses among which the most important was Vodena, situated on a steep cliff. In the years AD 1000 and 1001, Basil intensified the war against the Bulgarians and captured Vidin. Samuel failed to come out in an open battle against him and therefore resorted to brigandage; he appeared in Adrianople during the local fair and seized many commodities and then withdrew to his land. Upon his return Basil noticed that he [Samuel] was camping near Skopje, beyond the river Axios, as he regarded his camp fully protected because the river was swollen and served to the Bulgarians like a

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Samuel suffered defeat due to surprise of Basil and was forced to flee. Basil captured the fortress of Pernik.

In 1001, the Bulgarians caught up in Transylvania for losses caused by the Greeks. Emperor Basil completely defeated the Bulgarians.

moat. However, the emperor passed silently with his troops through a ford. Bulgarians were surprised and dismayed by the sudden appearance of the emperor, not even tried to fight, and fled, abandoning all their possessions, and many of them died in the escape. After instilling such fears in the Bulgarians, Basil moved to the heavily protected fortress Pernik and captured it without siege and without losing a single soldier. In his lifetime, Basil had never stopped fighting with the Bulgarians and every year he attacked them, until he fully conquered their kingdom. We will mention only the most important battles detailed by Kedrenos. We should not conceal here that the Bulgarians, robbed of their possessions by the Greeks, sought to enrich themselves with foreign goods for their own pleasure. In 1000–1001 AD, they boldly invaded Transylvania, killed the Transylvanian prince named Kean and loaded with booty, returned to their land.24 In 1013 AD, Emperor Basil, enemy and conqueror of the Bulgarians, following his habit, personally marched against them in order to submit them completely. As he had no success in open battles anymore, Samuel wished to stand up with prudence to the emperor, and occupied all the passages leading to Bulgaria, fortified them with pits, jetties, and other means. Basil arrived with his army to the passage called Kleidion and tried to pass silently and after a council sent the governor of Philipopolis, called Xiphias, with an army to pass through the mountains of Bulgaria. This initiative came out successfully for the Greeks. Xiphias pounced on Samuel’s army along the ridge on all sides, and on the other side, Basil attacked them with violence. Both of them frightened the Bulgarians so much, that they not even tried to

24  Those events are narrated after Simon of Kéza’s Deeds of the Hungarians, edited and translated by László Veszprémy and Frank Schaer (Budapest: Central University Press, 1999), pp. 102–103. Simon wrote his chronicle in ca. 1280 (translator’s note).

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Samuel suffered a stroke. He drank a lot of water, fell ill, and died.

Bulgarians avenged the evils inflicted to them by the emperor.

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fight but fled immediately. Caught in an enclosed passage, the Bulgarians survived an ominous day as most of them perished, while 15,000 of them were captured. Samuel with few of his soldiers hid in a safer place and distraught by that defeat, did not know what to do. Meanwhile, Emperor Basil showed great brutality: a Christian savaged over the Bulgarian Christians. He blinded 15,000 of the captured Bulgarian soldiers, taking out both their eyes, and on every hundred, he left an one-eyed soldier to lead them. So, from the 15,000 captured 14,850 were deprived of both eyes and the 150 leaders, who each had only one eye removed, by the order of the emperor brought to Samuel the 14,850 completely blind men. At the sight of this barbarity that was not only unChristian, but also beyond what heathen[s do], King Samuel, shocked by great sorrow, fainted bodily and spiritually and had to be given water and incense in order to bring him back to his sense. Once he was capable of doing that, he drank a lot of water, but had a heart attack and died two days after reigning in permanent wars and turmoil for 34 years, and was glorious not only in war but in piety. He was succeeded by his son, Gabriel Butelian,25 who inherited not so much the kingdom as the wars and misfortunes. The death of King Samuel threw the Bulgarians in great sorrow, while the Greeks were overjoyed. The emperor sent commander Theophylact [Botaneiates] to seize the passes that led to the city of Strumica. The Bulgarians let him pass there freely through those gorges. However, when Theophylact completed his task well, as he assumed, and was on his way back with his army, the Bulgarians surrounded him and his troops in a valley and wiped them completely. Thus, they avenged the 15,000 Bulgarians blinded by the emperor.

25  The name of Gabriel Radomir is associated here to the town of Bitola, without much reasoning.

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The emperor left for Thessaloniki to spend the winter. He conquered also Moglena and captured the Bulgarian nobles.

The Bulgarian king Gabriel asked for peace.

Gabriel was killed by his cousin.

Emperor Basil did not dare to advance further and turned back to Zagoria, captured by treachery the town of Melnik and burned there the royal palace of Gabriel Butelian. He then marched together with his troops to Thessaloniki with the intention to spend the winter there. In 1014 AD, with the coming of the spring, Basil renewed the war with the Bulgarians. At first, he immediately captured by treachery the fortress of Vodena, re-settled its inhabitants in various places and enforced the area around of Vodena with two new strongholds in the passes. He then sent the generals Xiphias and Diogenes to the town of Moglena, whose ruler was under the rule and tribute of the Bulgarians. The generals began the attack on the city, but during the siege Basil himself arrived and destroyed the city walls, accepted the subordination of citizens and took with him many notables—among them the ruler of Moglena. Seeing that Basil was much more involved in the war than it is customary for the Greek emperors and that he found delights only in military exploits and acts, and that he was very successful in ruining the Bulgarian kingdom, the Bulgarian king Gabriel sent messengers, asking for peace and alliance, and promising to become the obedient executor of the emperor’s will. But Basil did not trust the Bulgarian king Gabriel and did not listen to his pleas and continued the war with the same zeal. But it was not enough that Gabriel [Radomir] was troubled with an external war. The family treachery made him even more unfortunate. His cousin [John] Vladislav, whose father, Aaron, had been saved by Gabriel from death, killed him in an ambush while hunting, after he had reigned for only a year. Indeed, the scale of this ingratitude to a blood relative and savior of life was great, but it was not unusual such crimes to be committed by people inflamed by lust for power.

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The ungrateful John [Vladislav] immediately took the throne. In order to strengthen his power, he declared to Basil in a letter that he had killed Gabriel and had seized the royal palace. He promised that he was ready to make peace and fulfill his promises. The emperor The emperor agreed with those requests and orsigned peace dered the war to stop. From the preparations of John but realized that and other things, however, he realized that he did not Ivan Vladislav want peace and planned another deceit, because he had other treacherously killed [John] Vladimir, a good man and intentions. friend of Basil, who was appointed by him as governor of the fortress of Servia and the surrounding lands. [John Vladislav] also dared to invade the welldisposed city of Dyrrachium. Thus, the emperor understood that he was—like all Bulgarians—warlike and with restless spirit. The emperor So, Basil entered Bulgaria again and captured its captured Ohrid. capital Ohrid, where the royal palace was located. He therefore intended to move to Dyrrachium, but an unexpected twist of events changed his intention. The emperor Basil had sent two of his generals, George and continued to Orestes, with part of the army to ravage Paphlagonia. wage war to However, they were caught in an ambush by the Bulgaria. Bulgarian leader Ivats and perished with all their warriors. As he returned back, the emperor led his army against Ivats but could not find him, so he left to Thessaloniki and again set off to Byzantium. The emperor In 1015 AD, the emperor, who loved more the hardchased the ships of war than the palatial splendor, invaded Bulgarians and Bulgaria again. For more than eighty days, he besieged took all their the heavily fortified fortress of Pernik, but there was armor. nothing he could do, despite the loss of many soldiers. So, he returned to Mosynopolis and gave a break to his army. John was killed In 1016, with the advance of the spring, the emperor in the siege of again continued the war with Bulgaria and captured Dyrrachium. many fortresses. John Vladislav called as allies the Pechenegs as he was willing to invade the domains of the emperor. Fearing that, Basil withdrew his troops.

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John, however, was duped by the Pechenegs, but did not give up his plan and came out against the emperor in order to stop the hostile robberies. The emperor had sent forward the leader of the western army, Diogenes, to find what were the enemy’s intentions. As he learned that he had been ambushed, the emperor marched in front of all on horseback to rescue the commander from the danger and to avenge the enemy. He ordered to follow him all who considered themselves real warriors. Everyone thus followed the emperor in high spirits. The Bulgarian scouts, seeing that the emperor was approaching in a great speed came running into the camp and shouted in Slavonic with tremulous voice: “Flee! The emperor!” At their cries, such fear gripped the Bulgarians that they completely abandoned their camp and fled in disorder. Freed from the danger, Diogenes killed and captured many in their escape and took all their military arsenal. After the death Brining back his troops in order, the restless John of John, the headed to disturb, and attacked Dyrrachium using Bulgarian the absence of the emperor. But instead of victory, kingdom felt. he found his death, being overwhelmed and killed by the commander of the fortress or another Greek captain. With John Vladislav fell the Bulgarian kingdom as well, until then, a terrible adversary for the Byzantines in so many wars. Learning of the death of John The Bulgarians [Vladislav] Basil immediately invaded with his army surrendered Bulgaria. Bulgarians who were had no hopes they voluntary could resist any more, or were tired of so many wars to Basil. The and devastation, obeyed voluntarily to Basil. Bulgarian Krakra, the Governor of the fortress Pernik, which leader Krakra had been besieged unsuccessfully many times, sent through his sons his brother and son to Basil, and offered him the keys. and brother Also, another thirty governors of fortresses arrived surrendered the and declared they were ready to obey the orders of fortress. Basil. Messengers were sent from other major cities

Italian, Dalmatian, And Other 16th- To 18th-Century Sources

The emperor captured Orin (Ohrid) and in the kindgom’s treasury was found a lot of gold. The widow of the Bulgarian king John asked the emperor for mercy. The Bulgarian king John had six sons and six daughters, they all fled from the emperor.

The Greek governor Daphnomelas blinded Ivats by treachery.

in Bulgaria, and Drakohish26 and Bogdan and other Bulgarian leaders came, all of whom Basil graciously accepted to his presence. To many he granted the title of patrician. Then the emperor marched across Bulgaria, without encountering any resistance. He captured Orin (Ohrid), the main Bulgarian town and with it he [conquered] all the treasures of the Bulgarian kings. Besides the precious royal jewels, he found an abundance of silver and one hundred loads of gold, which he distributed among his soldiers. Maria, the widow of King John [Vladislav], having already surrendered to the mercy of Emperor Basil with the help of the Bulgarian archbishop, finally came to him with his three sons and six daughters. He took her to Byzantium and he gave her the title of zoste, a title given to Greek noble women that equaled in honor and dignity the title of patrician given to men. Three other sons of the late Bulgarian King John, together with his brother escaped to the mountains in hope for salvation. But seeing that they were surrounded on all sides and that the situation in Bulgaria is already desperate, they also surrendered to Basil, begging for mercy. Only the Bulgarian commander Ivats remained, protected by the natural defense of those places and the loyalty of his people, and he had great hope to become the ruler of the Bulgarian Kingdom; besides, he was not invited by Basil to make peace. This excellent commander, who would really restore in a timely manner the Bulgarian Kingdom was treacherously deceived and made permanently unhappy by the governor of Ohrid, named Daphnomelas, whom Ivats had kindly accepted as a personal friend and showed him honors, as courtesy requires for such an honored guest.

26  Dragomazh or Dragomouzos in Skylitzes. 

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At the close of the Divine service, when they walked in the garden. Daphnomelas took Ivats in a hidden corner of the garden under the pretext that he had to reveal him a secret, while leaving behind him two of his servants, already prepared to commit the crime. Then he suddenly knocked Ivats on earth, the servants rushed and detained him, and he pulled out both of his eyes. After he committed the crime, he got on the upper floor of the palace. Surprised, the Bulgarians with strong cries asked to kill the wrongdoers but Daphnomelas from the top approached them, said he had acted on behalf of the orders of the emperor—if they would kill them the emperor would surely avenge him, and that he was ready to die, but not without killing many of them, because for their duty was to defend themselves to death. Thus, with the help of his eloquence rather than deeds, he showed the Bulgarians that he was ready for a fight. In such a turn of events, the Bulgarians who feared Basil, recognized him as their king and allowed the cruel Greek rogue, who dealt so treacherously against the honorable Bulgarian leader, to leave intact. The emperor rewarded him by giving him the town of Dyrrachium. Xiphias became In 1018, having arranged his things in Bulgaria, Basil ruler of Bulgaria; placed commander Xiphias as governor of Bulgaria, the emperor took with him many Bulgarian nobles and travperformed his eled to Athens to fulfill the vow to the Holy Mother victorious march of God. From there, he returned triumphantly to accompanied Constantinople. by the Bulgarian In December 1025, Emperor Basil died at the age of leaders. seventy, fifty years from his reign and after nine years of ruling the Bulgarian Kingdom. Under the rule of The emperor Basil, who was extremely belligerent, the Bulgarians Basil died and kept quiet and restored the damages they endured in was succeeded so many wars. After Basil died, he was inherited by by Constantine. his brother Constantine, a person with excessively shameless and sensuous life, but because of his old age and way of life, he could not reign even for three full years after the death of his brother Basil.

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The Pechenegs invaded Bulgaria.

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At that time, more precisely in 1027, the Pechenegs invaded Bulgaria, seeking to oppress even further the already downtrodden Bulgarians. Against them, however, was sent commander Diogenes who defeated them in battle and forced them to retreat beyond the Istros, i.e. Danube. Many Bulgarian The emperor left this example of cruelty in his corleaders were rupted age: the Bulgarian commanders, including blinded by Bogdan, Glava, Kurkua and others, upon whom his Constantine. brother, the previous emperor, had bestowed honors, were not only deprived of them, but also blinded as punishment, which is a way more cruel than death. Constantine Shortly before his death, Constantine appointed as died, he was his successor to the throne Romanos Argyros, comsucceeded ing from a lower family, yet impressive in youth and by Romanos physique. Argyros. Romanos Argyros became emperor in 1028, but due to sickness, he could not deal with the civil affairs and Zoe poisoned gave the care for them to his brother John. The latter, her husband. in his desire to enrich his family and the emperor, increased excessively the taxes. Zoe also began hating Already severely him and fell in love with Michael the Pahlagonian, so sick she ordered she gave poison to her husband Romanos, from which to have her he gradually began to fail. However, because time was husband killed in passing too slow for this licentious woman, at her the bathroom. instigation, together with the criminal assistance of her affiliates, on April 11, 1034, he was drowned, as his head was pressed down [into the water] in the bathroom. After Romanos was murdered, on the exact same day Zoe placed Michael on the throne, endowed him with imperial regalia, and ordered everyone to render homage to him, and called the patriarch and ordered him immediately to get them married. His reign, however, was not a successful one. The Bulgarians Bulgarians were used to pay their kings a very small were provoked tax in gold and silver, and paid the bigger part of their because of high taxes in kind. Also, when Emperor Basil subdued taxes. them, he required the taxes to be paid not in gold and silver, but in corn, wine, wood, cattle and so on.

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John (who, according to some more reliable authors, was not a brother of Romanos, but of Michael) wanted to squeeze more gold out of them, so he asked the Bulgarians to pay their taxes—which they previously paid in wheat and wine—in gold, according to an assessment made by him. His avarice irritated the Bulgarian people, who did not want to obey the Greeks One ungrateful anymore and they started to think about uprising. person Seeing this, a man of common origin, but gifted convinced the with great ingenuity, called Delian, with his unBulgarians to common name and lies managed to convince the recognize him Bulgarians that he was from the blood of their kings. as their king; The Bulgarians grabbed their weapons and bestowed the Bulgarians on Delian the royal regalia. And the Greeks whom rebelled. they managed to capture were either killed or thrown into prison. Troops were To suppress the uprising troops were sent under send to stop the the command of the governor of Dyrrachium, Basil, rebellion. but he was accused before the emperor by certain commander of being an impostor, i.e. that he aspired to become king of the Bulgarians. Thus, he failed in his intentions, because he was stripped of his command at the emperor’s orders. The soldiers The same commander, the slanderer who falsely did not trust accused Basil, was a cruel man who treated inhumanly their leader his soldiers. As they could not tolerate him anymore, and joined the they rebelled against him and expelled him infamousBulgarians with ly from the military camp. Fearing not to be punished Tihomir. for their disobedience, the soldiers renounced the emperor and joined the Bulgarians under the leadTihomir was ership of a certain Tihomir, who was ascribed by made assistant Bulgarians to assist Delian in command. to Delian but Delian, however, as unable to tolerate his rival, was killed by instigated commotion among the Bulgarians, who him. thus stoned Tihomir, and, having gathered great army, they declared war on Greece. Upon learning that, The Bulgarians the emperor departed quickly from Thessaloniki to captured Constantinople but lost all of his palace luggage on the Dyrrachium and road, due to the betrayal of a certain Ivats. Meanwhile, Nicopolis area. Delian with his commanders captured Dyrrachium, defeated the troops in Thebes and took under his rule

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Alusianus, a Bulgaria of royal blood, fled from the emperor to Bulgaria where he was assigned assistant to Delian. Alusianus sieged Thessaloniki but was crashed and chased by the citizens of the town with the help of St. Demetrius. Although sick, the emperor marched against the Bulgarians. Alusianus separated and killed Delian; fled to the emperor; the emperor comes unexpectedly and captures Bulgaria. The emperor becomes a monk; inherited by Michael Kalaphates.

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the entire Nicopolis area, whose population could not tolerate the Greek avarice any more. In 1040, the rebellion was intensified further by Alusianus, who was of royal Bulgarian blood. In Greece, he was honored with the highest dignity, but in the capital, he was deeply offended by his rival John and he fled to the Bulgarians. When they recognized him, they immediately placed him for assistant to Delian. Delian sent Alusianus with 40,000 Bulgarians to conquer Thessalonike, but both people and heaven resisted that. Finding themselves in desperate situation, the people searched the help of their patron St. Demetrios, and spent the whole night praying at his grave. Then, full of hope, they attacked the enemy, who did not expect such a thing. Since [Thessalonians] fought bravely, supported by St. Demetrios, the Bulgarians told [later] that they saw him leading the army of Thessalonians and throwing fire on the besiegers. [The Thessalonians] inflicted great slaughter upon [the attackers], and killed 15,000 Bulgarians (Zonaras, p. 189). In 1040, the emperor, though plagued by dropsy, in addition to his usual mental illness, set off from the capital with an army against the Bulgarians. He was discouraged for this march by many nobles who were seeing that his sickness prevented him from dealing effectively with that war. Indeed, it was the rivalry between Delian and Alusianus that hindered the Bulgarian deeds; they suspected each other. Alusianus invited Delian to a feast, got him drunk and gouged his eyes out, then fled to the emperor, who restored his former wealth and titles. Thus, the Bulgarian situation was complicated, the emperor crossed the mountain passes, crashed the resisting Bulgarians, and subdued again the whole of Bulgaria and returned triumphantly to Constantinople. The following year he gave up the throne, took monastic vows and, lamenting his previous misdemeanors, he finished his blissful earthly days in a monastery. He was succeeded by Michael Kalaphates, adopted by Zoe, but he had reigned for only four months.

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Michael was dethroned after 4 months. Succeeded by Constantine Monomachos.

In 1042, Michael Kalaphates was dethroned and succeeded by Constantine Monomachos. During the reign of this emperor, the Bulgarians would gladly remain in peace. But in 1050, the Wallachian Prince Tirach27 entered Bulgaria with 800,000 men who filled that land like locusts and ate everything, so that neither Bulgarians nor they had anything to eat. The The Wallachian emperor with a huge army crushed them, but Bulgaria Prince ravaged suffered great damages, because everything was eaten Bulgaria but was including the cattle. crushed by the In 1055, Emperor Constantine died and was sucemperor. ceeded by Theodora, however, she reigned only one year and died in August, 1060. She was succeeded by Emperor Michael Stratiotikos, who was already an old man Constantine and close to his death. He reigned only one year and died. Succeeded was forced to renounce the throne. Isaac Komnenus, by Theodora, who rose against him, was crowned emperor on she died after September 1, 1057 in the church “St. Sophia.” In 1059, an year and the Magyars and the Pechenegs ravaged Bulgaria. was inherited The emperor led his army against them, but when he by Michael reached Sofia, the Magyars sought peace and it was Stratiotikos, who signed, and they returned to their land. The emperor was dethroned almost perished with his entire army due to storms and Isaac and flash-floods. He returned home, but during a Komnenus was hunt, he became severely sick—thus God punished made Emperor. him for his crimes. When his situation became desperate, he appointed Constantine Doukas for his sucThe Magyars cessor. After he reigned for three years, he recovered badly ravaged from his illness and immediately entered a monastery, Bulgaria. where he served God with great humility and died in repentance. The emperor refused the throne and designated Constantine Doukas for successor. 27  The Pecheneg chieftain Tyrach.

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Commentary: I will not repeat the comments on those events, for which I have already given brief explanations in connection to the writings of the previous authors, from whom Blasius Kleiner drew his information. For the sake of consistency, terms of western origin have been translated in the sense most obvious to the author of the text, not to modern readers. Thus for example, rex was translated here as king, not as emperor, as in the translation of Telbizov-Duichev. Publications: Blasius Kleiner, Achivium tripartitum inclytae provinciae Bulgariae, 1761; Istoriia na Bălgariia ot Blazius Klainer, săstavena v 1761, edited by Ivan Duichev and Karol Telbizov (Sofia, 1977).28

Charles Du Cange

Charles Du Cange (1610–1688) was a famous French humanist who worked on the buildup of the famous Parisian or Louvre Corpus of Byzantine history (Corpus scriptorum historiae byzantinae). He came from a noble family and was a lawyer by education, but he is known mainly for his numerous studies in philology and French history, and his two famous dictionaries, one of medieval Greek, the other of medieval Latin, as well as for his publications of Byzantine authors. The result of his many studies were his History of Constantinople (Histoire de Constantinople) published in 1657, as well as his 1680 Byzantine History (Historia Byzantina). Each book has two more editions. Below are a few brief excerpts from the Byzantine History, as well as from an addendum to that book entitled Byzantine Families (Familiae Byzantinae). For Du Cange’s works, see also the so-called Du Cange List above.

Byzantine History XXII. […] But once the last day of Tzimiskes came to an end, the Bulgarians renounced the Romans, i.e., Greeks, and called Boris. He left Constantinople in secret, together with his brother, but when passing through some forest, he was killed by some Bulgarian, who mistook him

28  See Blasius Kleiner, Archivium triparitum inclytae provinciae Bulgariae, Monumenta slavico-bizantina et mediaevalia Europensia, 7 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1997).

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for a Greek, because of his Greek attire. But Romanos slipped through unscathed, and after some time returned to the city. Thus, as the lineage of King Peter died out, the Bulgarians gave power to four brothers that we have mentioned above—DAVID, MOSES, AARON, and SAMUEL— whom they called Comitopuls because they were the sons of a komes, a very powerful (man) among the Bulgarians. Out of those (brothers), David died immediately, Moses died while besieging Serres, hit by a stone thrown from the fortress. Because he was said to have secretly worked with the Greeks, Aaron was killed by his brother Samuel along with his children. The only surviving child was Vladistlav or Vladislav, also called John, who was saved by Samuel’s son, Radomir, who was also called Romanos. XXIII. SAMUEL, whom Anna Comnena and some other authors also called MOKRUS, was a combative man of action. While Greek troops were engaged against Skleros, he attacked and ravaged Thrace, Macedonia, Thessaly and the Peloponnese and seized many cities, and when he conquered Larissa itself, he brought from there the relics of the former bishop of that city, St. Achilles, to Prespa, where he had built a palace. But once freed from civil wars, the emperor sent Gregory Taronites with his army to Macedonia with orders to prevent attacks from Samuel against Thessaloniki, a city protected by strong walls. When he arrived there, Gregory sent his son Asotios to reconnoiter, but he fell into the enemy’s ambush. When he learned that, Gregory hastened immediately to help him: while trying to extract his son from the hands of enemies, he found himself surrounded by Bulgarians and died fighting bravely. When the emperor learned of the defeat of his captain, he sent Nikephoros Ouranos, who gathered the remnants of his (Gregory’s) army and attacked Samuel suddenly by the river Spercheios. Samuel had already passed the Thessalian Tempe and the river Peneios and was marching beyond the isthmus of Corinth, to reach the Peloponnese. In this attack, his entire army was destroyed, while he and his son escaped to Bulgaria after hiding among corpses [on the battlefield] for some time. This happened in the year 915, 8th indiction. As he barely returned to his homeland, Samuel faced a new disaster. Because his daughter felt madly in love with Asotios Taronites, then a prisoner, and threatened that she would prefer death rather than not having him as husband, Samuel married her to Asotios. After the wedding, Samuel sent him along with his daughter to Dyrrachium, and he entrusted to him (his son-in-law) the command of the city and its environs. When he (Asotios) arrived there, [however,]

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he converted his wife to his previous beliefs, boarded a ship and fled to the emperor, who granted him the title of magistros. Thus, the city of Dyrrachium, over which he was supposed to rule, immediately passed to the Greeks. Then the emperor attacked Bulgaria through Philipopolis, and destroyed several strongholds around Serdica. And in the year 1000, 13th indiction, Basil again sent against Samuel a huge army under the command of the patrician Teodorakanos and of the protospatharius Nikephoros Xiphias. They captured Greater and Lesser Preslav and Pliska, and returned to their homes as victors. The following year, he (the emperor) passed through the Thessalonian plain with his troops into Bulgaria, captured Berroea, Servia and Vodena and returned to Thessaloniki. Then, in 1002, 15th indiction, he came to Vidin and took it by storm, after the siege had dragged on for eight months, and (then) went to Skopje, where he unexpectedly surrounded Samuel, and made him and his soldiers run for their lives across the river Axios, i.e., Vardar. Romanos, the son of the Bulgarian king Peter and the brother of Boris, surrendered Skopje to the emperor and was awarded the rank of patrician and prepositor, in charge with the town of Abydos. After having done all those things, and after a futile siege of Pernik, Basil returned to Constantinople. But a year did not pass before he tried something else against the Bulgarians. The most extraordinary and glorious march he undertook in the year of 1014, 12th indiction. Once he was notified about that, Samuel strengthened and enforced all passes into Bulgaria. When Basil had [already] lost hope about succeeding, on July 29, Nikephoros Xiphias, then governor of Philipopolis, attacked the Bulgarians through Balatista Mountain with part of his army, as he fell on their rear-guards from above with unexpectedly strong uproar. Scared by the unexpected attack, they fled and the emperor destroyed the defense-work, which was left without defenders and started pursuing the fleeing soldiers. Then many Bulgarians were killed and many more were captured. Samuel himself barely escaped thanks to his son, who valiantly fought off the attackers and took his father on a horse in the fortress of Prilapon. The captured Bulgarians, who, as they say, were about 15,000 men, had their eyes gouged out at the order of the emperor, who left one single-eyed soldier with every hundred to take them to Samuel. Terrified and tormented by the sight, he died of grief three days later, on September 15. Besides Gabriel, who succeeded his father, Samuel had other children. Among them was Trojan, the father of the wife of Caesar John’s son and the brother of Emperor Michael— Andronikos Doukas; in addition, he had four daughters. One of them,

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named Catherine, was married Emperor Isaac Komnenus, the other— Kosara—became the wife of the King of Dalmatia, Vladimir, while the other two were taken to Constantinople after the conquest of Dalmatia. One of them, Maria, was awarded the title of zoste. XXIV. GABRIEL, whom the writers sometimes also call RADOMIR and Roman, the son of a captive from Larissa, succeeded his father in the government of Bulgaria. Although not inferior to him in greatness of spirit and courage, he still stood far below in intellect, which was the strength of that man (Samuel). As soon as he became ruler, [Gabriel] sent the Bulgarian nobleman Nestoritsa with an army against Thessaloniki. As he entered into battle with him, the governor of thiat city, Theophylact Botaneiates crushed them, together with his son, Michael. At the same time, Basil was besieging the fortress at the pass into Bulgaria. When Theophilactus, after his victory, came to him, the emperor ordered him to attack the enemies immediately. However, he inadvertently fell into their ambush and was completely defeated and destroyed. When he heard about that defeat, Basil captured Melnik but did not dare go any farther and returned to his homeland. In early spring [Basil] again led his army against Bulgaria and regained the castle of Vodena, which he had previously lost to Gabriel. After building castles at the gorge, [the emperor] returned to Thessaloniki. While he was there, a messenger from Gabriel arrived unexpectedly to promise obedience and loyalty to the emperor. But he (the emperor) suspected that was deceit, and sent his troops into the region of Moglena [under the command of] Xiphias and Constantine Diogenes, who have succeeded Botaniates as governors of Thessaloniki. They subdued this important city to the authority of the Romans. Not long afterwards, Basil received notice that on October 24, 1015, Gabriel had been killed while hunting, after reigning one year, one month and nine days. [The assassin was] the son of Aaron named Vladislav, whom Gabriel had once saved from death. XXV. John, also called Vladislav, the son of Aaron, Samuel’s brother, killed Gabriel at the suggestion of Emperor Basil, according to rumors. He took over Bulgaria and immediately sent to him (to the emperor) messengers in order [to announce] the death of his predecessor and to promise future obedience and loyalty. Then the Bulgarian nobles did the exact same thing and also sent messengers in order to show that they would obey the emperor. As his conditions were confirmed with a golden bull of the emperor, John gathered an army and marched against Serbia and Dalmatia, whose king, Vladimir, a son-in-law of Samuel, he had recently killed, by luring him to Bulgaria. After plundering and devastat-

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ing Anagastum, Risan, Kotor, Rassa, and Burg, as well as the vicinity of Ragusa, he decided to return to Bulgaria after learning that Basil was again preparing for war against him. Because he was aware of all that was being prepared by John to begin the war not against the Dalmatians, but against the Romans, Basil decided to thwart his intentions and marched again against Bulgaria. He reaced Ahrida, the capital of Bulgaria, devastated the island and Sosk and their surroundings and plains in Pelagonia, and ordered all the eyes of the captured Bulgarians to be gouged out. Hence, [the emperor] headed to Dyrrachium, because after the assassination of Vladimir, John had put that city under siege with his commanders. However, he was forced to turn back against the Bulgarians because he had learned of the defeat of his army at Ahrida. Gonitziates and protospatharius Orestes, whom he had left there with a detachment of soldiers, were lured into an ambush by Ivats, an illustrious and experienced Bulgarian of well-tried valor who defeated them. So, having returned to Pelagonia and persecuted Ivats, the emperor went to Thessaloniki and from there to Mosynopolis. In the meantime, he sent David Arianites to besiege Strumica. After that was captured, Triadica was conquered by Xiphias, together with the fortress of Boion. Then, in January 1016, 14th indiction, he returned to Constantinople. In the same year, he again headed to Triadica and after besieging it in vain, he returned to Mosynopolis. He left his army to rest quietly there, and when spring came, he entered Bulgaria, after he had sent David Arianites and Constantine Diogenes in the plains of Pelagonia, then he headed for Kastoria. After attacking the town in vain and after restoring Berroia, he marched against John because he had learned that he was nearby, and then sent against him a part of the army of Constantine Diogenes. Once he learned that, John immediately assaulted the Romans who were decoyed in an ambush, but the emperor rushed to help them on time. Frightened by his approach, the Bulgarians immediately fled. “Behold, the king!” (at this place Skylitzes says “Bezeite tsaizar!” or, as the French would say “Voici” or “veci, Cesar,”29 in an almost French tongue, as it is pronounced in Orléans). After he crushed them and destroyed them; and after too many were captured, among them the nephew of John, on the 9th day of January 1017, 15th indiction, he returned to Vodena and from there, to Byzantium. When the Greek army 29  Charles du Fresne, sieur Du Cange, Historia Byzantina duplici commentario illustrate (Paris, 1680; reprint Brussels, 1964), pp. 314–315 (for Samuel) and 316–317 (for John Vladislav, including the “Bezeite tsaizar” passage). Du Cange seems to imply that “bezeite tsaizar” was a dialectal form (translator’s note).

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returned to their homeland, John set off to attack Dyrrachium and in the following battle he was killed by an unknown man (the author of “The History of Dalmatia”30 wrote that he was killed by an angel) after he ruled over Bulgarians for two years and five months. When the emperor learned from the prefect of Dyrrachium Nikephoros31 Pegonites about the death of John, he immediately marched against Bulgaria. And when he came to Adrianople and Serres, many nobles came from the Bulgarian side, who voluntarily surrendered to him together with their towns. Among them was Krakra with 35 fortresses, Dragomazh with Strumica, as well as others who surrendered to Basil other towns of Bulgaria. Immediately after that, here came the Archbishop of Bulgaria, David with a letter from Maria, the widow of King John, who promised that she would renounce Bulgaria under the conditions proposed [by her]. After he honored the Bulgarians with various noble titles of the Constantinopolitan court and concluded the treaty with Maria, he headed to Ahrida, the capital of Bulgaria. When he entered the city, he distributed among his soldiers the royal treasures he found there and ordered the patrician Eustathios Daphnomelus to govern that town with a strong garrison. From there, he went to his camp and accepted Maria to his presence. She brought along with her three sons and six daughters, but also the illegitimate son of Samuel and two daughters and five sons of Radomir, Samuel’ son. One of whom had been blinded by John when he killed Radomir, Samuel’s son, his wife and his son-in-law, Vladimir. Maria also had three other sons who escaped into the Ceraunian mountains. Amongst them was Prusian and two other brothers of his, who, exhausted by the prolonged siege, finally surrendered to the emperor. He graciously accepted them and honored Prusian with the title of magistros and the the others, with the title of patrician. But Prusian was accused of assisting the conspiracy of Theodora, the sister of Empress Zoe, against Romanos Argyros and first he was sent to a monastery. He was then blinded and sent into exile together with his mother. The other brother, Aaron, was governor of Vaspurakan, i.e., Media, in 1044, at the time of [Emperor] Constantine Monomachos. He started a noble family amongst the Byzantines, retaining the name Aaron, which Anna Comnena mentioned in her Alexiad. When finally the whole of Bulgaria passed under the rule of Basil, only Ibats or Ivats opposed him by assembling troops and several fortresses. Finally, 30  The Priest of Duklja (translator’s note). 31  Niketas, according to Skylitzes (translator’s note).

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however, he was captured and blinded. After completing this brilliant campaign, the emperor triumphantly returned to Constantinople, entered the city through the Golden Gate, having a golden crown on his head, with Maria, the daughters of Samuel, and the other Bulgarians walking ahead of him. He entered the church of St. Sophia and prayed in gratitude to God for granting him the victory. This happened in AM 6527, which, according to the Greeks, is 1019, 2nd indiction. Then the Bulgarians were transferred to Lower Moesia, beyond the Danube, while the lands which they inhabited on this side of the river, were granted by Constantine Monomachos to the Pechenegs thus making them his subjects. Thus, we understand why Albert of Aachen wrote that in his time, around the year of 1096, that Bulgaria was inhabited by Pechenegs.32 Moreover, Adémar de Chabannes reported Basil had vowed before God that he would become a monk if he subdued the Bulgarian people to the Greeks. And when he finally conquered them, he put underneath his imperial clothes a brown robe of the Greek type, refraining from entertainment and carnal pleasures for the rest of his life. After that, Iberia was subdued. For his victory over the Bulgarians Basil gained the glorious nickname of Bulgarslayer. Then Bulgaria located on this side of the Danube was ruled by strategoi … If I am not mistaken, the first of them was the governor of Sirmium, Constantine Diogenes, the father of Roman Diogenes. They say that under the rule of Constantine Monomachos Basil was honored with that position. During the reign of Michael the Paphlagonian, the Bulgarians rebelled again. More precisely, XXV. PETER, nicknamed Delian, a servant of a certain resident of Constantinople, who fled the city and went to Bulgaria. Because he must have told people there that he was the son of Romanos and the grandson of Samuel, or as Zonaras wrote, the illegitimate son of the brother of Samuel, Aaron, he was easily able to instigate to rebellion the Bulgarians, who had recently been subdued and were longing for freedom. They immediately proclaimed him king and killed all the Greeks whom they could find in those areas. When the news about the secession of the Bulgarians spread, the governor of Dyrrachium, Basil Synadenos immediately led his local troops against Delian because he had decided that he must attack him, before the rebellion would gain momentum. Because Basil 32  Albert of Aachen, History of the Journey to Jerusalem I, 9, edited and translated by Susan B. Edgington (Oxford: Oxford Medieval Texts, 2007), p. 18 (translator’s note).

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was falsely accused by Dermokaites before the emperor that he was aspiring to the imperial power, he was thrown into prison and was replaced by Dermokaites. But because he was not good as prefect of Bulgaria, he was deposed and banished by the Bulgarians. Meanwhile another party emerged, after some XXVII. chose for king TIHOMIR or TEKOMIR. In any case, his power did not last very long because he was stoned by people due to Delian’s treacherous intrigue. The latter had sent a letter to invite [Tihomir] to share power with him. He (Delian), after acquiring all power quickly marched with his army to Thessaloniki against the emperor. And the latter, because of his obsession with unknown fear, rushed back to the city in disarray after abandoning all his possessions, gold and silver, which he had entrusted to a certain Bulgarian, Manuel Ivats, who then served to the Greeks, and to some eunuch cubicularius, with orders to take all things with them and to follow him. Once they got the possessions, they sided with Delian. After he sent his kaukanos to capture Dyrrachium, Delian destroyed the Greeks under the leadership of Antim at Thebes, and conquered the entire theme of Nikopolis and its center, Naupaktos. Meanwhile, in September of 1040, XXVIII. ALUSIAN, a patrician and governor of Theodosiopolis, the second son of Aaron, left Constantinople in secret due to some disgrace, and joined Delian, by whom he was accepted graciously and courteously. But afraid that he would become the Bulgarians’ favorite because of his royal blood, (Delian) accepted him as a partner in ruling, as he openly stated, and sent him with an army of 40,000 soldiers to besiege Thessaloniki, which was then governed by the patrician Constantine, the nephew of Emperor Michael the Paphlagonian. But the defenders opened the gates and fell by the surprise on the frightened Bulgarians. More than 15,000 Bulgarians were killed and the number of those captured was no smaller. People have clearly seen St. Demetrius leading the Thessalonians in their fight for the city. After this defeat Delian and Alusian lost trust in each other, because each suspected the other of conspiracy, either because of poorly conducted military operations, or because of possible betrayal. Alusian thought that he should outpace his ally, so he invited him to a banquet, got him drunk, and had his eyes gouged out, without anyone among the Bulgarians noticing. He then fled to Mosynopolis to the emperor, whom granted him the title of magistros. And Emperor Michael himself arrived in Bulgaria through Thessaloniki, and sent Delian as a prisoner to that city. Advancing farther [in the country], he captured Ivats

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and subdued the whole of Bulgaria to his authority. He made the necessary arrangements and appointed a governor to the province after which he returned to Constantinople, where he put a monk’s cassock, and not long after that, he died on December 1041, 9th indiction. The son of that Alusian could be the vestarch Samuel Alusian, whose wife was the sister of Eudocia Dalassenos, the wife of Emperor Constantine Doukas. And now, among the governors of Bulgaria, usually honored, as earlier, with the title of duke, we can find the names of NIKEPHOROS KARANTINOS, DAMIAN DALASSENOS, and NIKEPHOROS BRYENNIOS, who, as it was said, were given that title during the reign of Michael Doukas. During his time, the Bulgarians again rebelled and chose for a king XXIX. CONSTANTINE BODIN, son of the king of Serbia, Mihailitsa, who, captured by Saronites, was taken to Constantinople. Then, after a ransom was paid by the Venetians, he was released; and then he ruled in Serbia. At the time of Alexius Komnenus the title of duke was given to NIKITA whom Albert of Aachen and the archbishop of Tyre called Nichita [Niketas],33 while John of Thorocz knew him as Nicota, the man captured in a battle by the Hungarians, and then released.34 This is the same Nikita who crushed the best part of the Christian army that was led by Peter the Hermit on the march to Jerusalem. Nikita was then replaced with another duke, whom Albert calls Guz. For a while, he prevented the passage of the army of Guillelmus Pictavensis that undertook this march.35 Then Bulgaria remained within the Roman Empire until the reign of Isaac Angelos. Finally, in his time, Bulgaria was completely separated through the secession of the three brothers, as we will tell later. […]

33  W  illiam of Tyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, translated by E. A. Babcock and A. C. Krey (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943), p. 100 (translator’s note). 34  Johannes the Thurocz, Chronica Hungarorum 77, edited by Erzsébet Galántai and Gyula Kristó (Budapest: Akadémiai kiadó, 1985), p. 102 (translator’s note). 35  It is not clear to whom Du Cange referred as Guillelmus Pictavensis. William of Poitiers (ca. 1020–1090) was the chaplain of William the Conqueror, who never participated in the First Crusade. On the other hand, Guz was the Hungarian count of Zemun who engaged the armies of Walter “Sans-avoir” and Peter the Hermit (translator’s note).

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Byzantine Families: A Second Series of Kings of Dalmatia and Serbia

XXXIV. VLADIMIR. He succeeded Petrislav in the principality. Samuel, the King of the Bulgarians, caught him by treachery, when he started war to devastate Dalmatia. He held him for some time in Preslav. But soon, he gave him back his freedom and his principality. On top of that, in a treaty, he gave him his daughter Kosara for wife, and the fortress of Dyrrachium with the adjacent area as dowry. He had recently taken those territories from the Greeks. After the death of Samuel, John Vladislav, who inherited the Bulgarian Kingdom from Samuel’s son, Gabriel Radomir, summoned Vladimir with ostensive benevolence, but ordered his head cut off on May 22, contrary to the given oath. This perfidy is dated by Skylitzes in 1015, 13th indiction. He says that Vladimir came to Bulgaria after receiving warranties for his safety from the Bulgarian Archbishop David. But the Dukljan36 wrote that that was done at the suggestion of Basil the Bulgarslayer. However, Skylitzes claims that Vladimir did not govern Serbia, but Trimalia, i.e., the territories adjacent to Serbia. Moreover, Prince Vladimir was a prince, who was remarkable in justice, peace, and virtue, according to the same author Skylitzes. Even the Dukljan was impressed by his piety, writing that he performed a few miracles while still alive and after he died. His wife, who emulated her husband, also lived piously. And when he died, she retired to a monastery. The body of Vladimir was carried to Kean, the capital of the principality, and was buried there. There, as we said, his tomb became famous for its miracles. The Bulgarian who killed him atoned for his evil deed, as they say with the help of an angel: he was killed at Dyrrachium, which was besieged in the year of 1017, 15th indiction. The Dukljan wrote also that that city was under the rule of Vladimir, or rather of the Dalmatians. Also, Skylitzes explicitly recalls that when the city was besieged, he helped the Greeks, whose prefect was the patrician Nikephoros Pegonites.37 XXVIII. KINGS OF BULGARIA. St. Demetrius was clearly seen at the fore­ front of the Thessalonians, defending the city. After this defeat, Delian and Alusianus blamed each other for the failure, so their deeds did not go well, for he (Delian) thought that there was betrayal. On the contrary, Alusianus thought that he should turn against his fellow ruler, and invited him to a council. When the other got sufficiently drunk, he gouged out his eyes without anyone of 36  The Priest of Duklja (translator’s note). 37  As a matter of fact, Skylitzes calls the prefect Niketas, not Nikephorus Pegonites (translator’s note).

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the Bulgarians to realize it. From there he went to Mosynopolis to the emperor. However, the emperor himself came to Bulgaria through Thessaloniki. Captured, Delian was sent to Thessaloniki. From there he (the emperor) headed to the interior and caught Ivats, subduing the whole of Bulgaria. And as he arranged his deeds and installed a prefect of the province, he returned to Constantinople. Commentary: While the first excerpt from the Byzantine Families is a traditional summary of the events, the second is about the reign of Michael IV the Paphlagonian and his 1040 intervention against Peter Delian. There is nothing relevant in the History of Constantinople, because it starts with the reign of Emperor Isaac II Angelos. Publications: The excerpts from the Byzantine History are from the Bulgarian edition, Vizantiiska istoria. Istoria na imperiata na Konstantinopol, edited by Vasilka Tăpkova-Zaimova (Sofia, 1992), pp. 51–59. Those from the Byzantine Families are translated from Charles du Fresne, sieur Du Cange, Historia byzantina duplici commentario illustrata (Venice, 1729), pp. 45 and 104.

Charles le Beau

Charles le Beau, a French historian and writer (1701–1778), was a professor of rhetoric at the Collège des Grassins, then at the famous Collège de France in Paris. He was a member of the Académie des Inscriptions and a famous Latinist. His history of the early Byzantine Empire (Histoire du Bas-Empire) was written according to the tradition of the time, in that the author followed the Byzantine and Latin sources, as well as previous versions of Byzantine history by French historians. However, he also showed some new ideas that place his work closer to the spirit of the Enlightenment. In other words, Le Beau was looking for the reasons of what he called “the fall of Byzantium,” and focused on the rise of the European countries. His work was published in the 1750s and 1760s in 22 volumes, but was adapted and extended by other authors and reached the number of 29 volumes in 1817. The French edition, which comprised the period up to 1736, was edited by Saint-Martin and published between 1824 and1836 in 21 volumes. Published were also several abridged versions of Le Beau’s work meant primarily for young audiences. The Italian edition was released in 1757, while the Bulgarian edition is from 1914, a translation by Khristo Stambolski,

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who had attended the School of Medicine in Constantinople, where he was introduced to Le Beau’s work by one of his teachers. Stambolski decided to publish Bulgarian translation of his work—understandably, only the text related to Bulgarian history.

Chapter Three: The Fall of the Eastern Bulgarian Kingdom38 … After the death of Tzimiskes, the Bulgarians whom he had conquered, revolted (976) and chose as their governors four brothers—David, Moses, Aaron and Samuel, the sons of a Bulgarian count, who came right after the king. The Greeks, who had power over Bulgaria, destroyed the royal power by holding captive in Constantinople the senior son of the last king named Boris II, as I have already said. The younger son, named Roman, became a eunuch. The death of Tzimiskes aroused in those princes the hope to regain their throne. They secretly fled from Constantinople. Boris, dressed in Greek atire, while passing through a forest, was killed by a Bulgarian, who mistook him for a Greek. Roman arrived in Bulgaria, but waived his right and obeyed whom he had found as rulers of his homeland. Of the four brothers chosen to rule, David died almost immediately. Moses was killed by a stone when besieging the city of Serres in Macedonia. Aaron, suspected of being sympathetic to the Greeks, or, rather, that he aspired to rule alone, was killed, along with his children, by his brother Samuel. Of Aaron’s children only two were rescued: Vladislav, who was saved by Samuil’s son Radomir from the wrath of his father, and Alusius (Alusian), who had been brought as a child, secretly, to Constantinople. Left alone, Samuel asumed the title of king. Spirited and combative, he took advantage of the internal strife that had engulfed the empire and plundered Thrace, Macedonia and Thessaly. He pushed his conquest up to Dalmatia, where he destroyed the city of Diokleia, the homeland of Diocletian, already impoverished by the Slavs. There are still visible some signs of that time including several marble monuments under the waters of the lake, where it was built. Then he moved into the

38  The following excerpts have been translated directly from Charles Le Beau, Histoire du Bas-Empire, vol. 14 (Paris: Firmin Didot Frères, 1833), pp. 162–165, 182, 191–193, 194–197, 199– 200, 203–209, 211–220, 221, 235, 239, 297–303 (available online at https://babel.hathitrust .org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.hxh2xh; view=1up; seq=208, visit of April 10, 2017); and vol. 15, pp. 28–31 (available online at https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.hxh2xb; view=1up; seq=7, visit of April 10, 2017). Angle brackets mark Stambolski’s summaries of Le Beau’s text (translator’s note).

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Peloponnese (Morea), and captured many cities, including Larissa, the capital of Thessaly, the residents of which he transferred to Bulgaria, and included in his troops those who were able to bear arms. According to Armenian historian Asoghig,39 Emperor Basil II’s ordered in 988 the forced removal of many Armenians, all citizens of the empire, and their transfer to Macedonia, where they now settled as their new home. But they rebelled and crossed into Bulgaria. Among them were Samuel and Manuel, who were from a large family in the Derdzhan province. They had made so many good things that they thus became masters of the country that had offered them hospitality. The same historian [claims to have been] an witness to Basil II’s return in 989 from his campaign against a Bulgarian king called Kurt (or Kut or Alusius, according to another Armenian historian, Samuel of Anni40), whom he captured and took to Constantinople. However, the Armenian prince Samuel, who was mentioned above, became a king instead, and expelled the imperial troops from Bulgaria. Because the emperor offered him peace, he (Samuel) agreed on condition that he would marry the sister of Basil. Instead of his sister the latter sent him one of the female servants of the princess accompanied by a metropolitan called Sebastos. To take revenge on the fraud, Samuel burnt the unfortunate bishop alive. In his desire to punish Samuel, Basil marched immediately [against him], but Samuel troops consisting of Bulgarians and Armenians were aware of his advance, and they caused him huge losses. Basil, who was born for war, blamed himself for doing nothing but staying too long in his [own] palace. Feeling ashamed of himself and of his laziness, he decided to search again for Samuel, whom he considered to be just a rebel. He gathered his troops despite the warnings of his minister, whom the youg prince dismissed and without notifying his chief army general Bardas Phokas, who wanted to have the supreme military command, but who was at that time in the East. He marched along the Hebros River which crosses the Rhodope Mountains and entered Bulgaria, leaving Leo Melissenos to guard the passes behind him. He reached Serdika (then called Triadica or Tralica), and put it under siege. Meanwhile, Samuel was camping in the nearby mountains avoiding direct combat and waiting [for a good opportunity] to surprise the Greeks in an ambush. While Basil was engaged with the siege, one of his 39  S tepanos of Taron (translator’s note). 40  Charles Le Beau mentions Samuel of Ani’s version of the story of Samuel of Bulgaria in a footnote (translator’s note). 

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generals called Kontostephanos (a man as wicked as he was ambitious) pondered in this way over the following actions: “If the emperor succeds in his siege, he will get a good taste of war and victory, and in the future he will always ask to lead his troops, but then a lot of his generals will lose power and prestige.” Therefore he decied to act against the siege. He was also a sworn enemy of Leo Melissenos, so, he went to the emperor and told him that Leo was a traitor who wanted to crown himself [emperor], and because of that he had just left his post and had marched to Constantinople. The emperor had to stop him immediately. Alarmed by those words, the emperor hastily left the camp and went back home. Notified for this fast withdrawal, Samuel loudly attacked the troops of the Greeks bringing teror and confusion to their camp, and capturing their belongings, as well as the imperial insignia. Basil reached Philipopolis with much difficulty and, in dismay, he found Leo Melissenos at his post, who was no less dimayed himself. The emperor, realizing the treason of Kontostephanos, called for him and accused him most dreadfully. The latter acted so shamelessly that in his anger, the emperor grabbed him by the hair and beard, and knocked him on the ground trampling him under his foot. But the chance was missed and the emperor returned in shame to Constantinople. This lack of success stopped the young emperor for a couple of years. Kontostephanos deserved death. However in Constantinople, the two main springs of [good] governance—reward and punishment—had been neglected for a long time. And because there was no fear of making errors, no one was encouraged to do any good. Relieved from the burden of the civil war, Basil turned to the defense of his country against the barbarians. First, he aimed to restrain the Bulgarians. The failure of the emperor’s first campaign had increased their boldness and during the civil wars of the empire, they continuously invaded Thrace and Macedonia, all the way to Thessaloniki. Basil visited these provinces (in 990) in order to secure the peace and to provide them with better protection. He arrived in Thessaloniki, repaired the walls of this important fortress and installed Gregory Taronites as governor [ …] The stories of the Armenian writers about the war in Bulgaria are different from those of the Byzantines, and should therefore be cited separately. Asoghig [Stepanos of Taron], who was an eyewitness to the events, says that Basil fought with a king of the Bulgarians named Kurt, caught him and returned to Constantinople. But the aforementioned Armenian prince Samuel became king instead and drove out from Bulgaria the

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imperial troops. Because the emperor offered him peace, Samuel asked to marry a sister of Basil. Instead of his sister, Basil sent him one of the princess’ servants, led by the Archbishop of Sebasteia. In order to avenge this trickery, Samuel burned the unfortunate bishop alive. Basil set out to punish him, but Samuel’s troops, composed of Bulgarians and Armenians overcame them in the mountain passes and inflicted upon them extensive damages. On August 15, 989 before the end of the war, a comet appeared; an earthquake demolished [the Church of] St. Sophia; and an Armenian architect helped the Greeks repair its walls. Next year Basil returned to Bulgaria, and brought with him the magistros Gregory, his son Asotios and Sakhach, the prince of Khandzhit, son of Abel. (The rest showed only minor differences with what we will see further …)41 The Bulgarians were the nearest and the most formidable enemies of the Empire. Their king Samuel set out for Thessaloniki, and as he divided his army for various ambushes, he sent a small squad to make a run-up to the gates of the city. Governor Gregory Taronites entrusted his son Asotios to scout but not engage in fighting. In his zeal, [however] the young man attacked them and forced them to flee, as he pursued them recklessly, and he got ambushed. Gregory, worried about the danger [that threatened] his son, ran to help him, but he was surrounded and died fighting courageously. As he heard of this misfortune, the emperor sent Nikephoros Ouranos with a large squad of lightly armed troops. Ouranos arrived in Thessaloniki and learned that Samuel, becoming proud of his victory, had gone into Greece, had crossed the river Peneios and Thessaly, had left his baggage in Larissa in order to move faster, had crossed the Apidan River and the plains of Pharsala, and had set a camp near the river Perchia (Spercheios). Because of heavy rains, the river banks were flooded, making it was impossible to cross. Ouranos, however, tried to cross the river, found a suitable ford, and attacked during the night. He suddenly attacked the peacefully sleeping Bulgarians and killed them without resistance. Samuel and his son, seriously wounded, lied down next to the dead corpses [in order] to avoid being captured, and remained thus throughout the next day. At night, they fled to the Aetolian Mountains and from there, to the Pindos Mountains, and then to Bulgaria. Ouranos despoiled the dead and looted the camp, where he found a great number 41  Stambolski, the Bulgarian translator, skipped a good portion of the text, because of Le Beau’s many repetitions.

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of Greek captives, freed them and returned in Thessaloniki with great booty. Asotios remained a prisoner in the court of the Bulgarian king. Young, handsome, and polite, he attracted the love of one of Samuel’s daughters and when her father refused to marry them, she threatened to take her own life. Samuel, therefore, had to accept the young prisoner as son-inlaw, and entrusted him with the governance of Dyrrachium, which had [just] been captured by the Bulgarians. This important city made the Bulgarians masters of seafaring in the bigger part of the Adriatic Gulf. Samuel was poorly rewarded for that kindness; he lost his daughter and the best city in his country. As soon as he took the post, Asotios persuaded his wife [to follow him] and they [both] boarded a ship. Once in Constantinople, he was honored with dignity of master of offices,42 while his wife was put in charge with the jewels (zoste) of Empress Helena. Asotios brought a letter from Chryselios, the most influential citizen in Dyrrachium who promised to surrender the city if he and his two sons were given the title patrician. The condition was accepted and Eustathios Daphnomeles stormed the city and installed a good garrison there. On the one hand, Asotios betrayed his father-in-law for the love of the Empire, and on the other hand, noble Greeks betrayed the Empire in favor of the Bulgarians. There were people like that in both Thessaloniki and Adrianople. The latter, as they heard that the traitors from Thessalonike had been discovered and punished, and having in mind that they were suspected of the same, decided to flee to Bulgaria. […] In 999 AD, Basil wanted personally to solve the situation in Bulgaria. He marched to Philipopolis with some troops, approached Triadica, destroyed the nearby strongholds and left the patrician Theodorokanos in Philippopolis to guard the border. [After that], he returned to Constantinople. After two years, Theodorokanos resigned from the post due to his old age, and was replaced by Nikephoros Xiphias. In the next year, the emperor sent a large army beyond the Haemus. The army was led by Xiphias, and Theodorokanos joined him later. These two generals entered Bulgaria and inflicted serious damages up to the banks of the Danube realizing that Samuel had not dared to stop them. They conquered the two major cities, Pliska and Preslav, that the Bulgarians have taken back after the death of Tzimiskes, and carried a large booty to Constantinople. 42   Magistros (translator’s note).

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Basil was too jealous to share the trimph with his two generals. He blamed himself for leaving them to earn all the glory of the last campaign. In 1001, he therefore headed with his army in the direction of Thessaloniki. The Bulgarians ruled almost the whole of Macedonia. Dobromir, who ruled in Berroea, welcomed the emperor and received as an award the title and dignity of proconsul. Nikulitsa defended for a long time the stronghold of Serres, but finally Basil conquered it and placed a garrison there, after which he returned to Constantinople with Nikulitsa. Rather than treating him as an enemy and prisoner, the emperor made him patrician, thus honoring him for his bravery. The Bulgarian, however, preferred his fatherland and king, escaped secretly from Constantinople, returned to Bulgaria, where he found Samuel, and convinced him that he could easily take Serres back. Samuel set out and besieged the city. But he could not conquer it before the emperor arrived and he was forced to lift the siege. Nikulitsa was captured, chained and thrown in a prison in Constantinople. Basil entered Thessaly, repaired the strongholds that Samuel had destroyed and took by force the ones which the Bulgarians still had. Then, he left to Macedonia, seized Vodena, which was built on a steep cliff at the foot of which there is a swamp that extends to the opposite side of the river Erigon.43 After leaving a strong garrison in Vodena, the emperor returned to Thessaloniki. All Bulgarian prisoners were transferred to a fortress called Boleron in the land of the Empire. Basil respected the courage of his defeated enemies. Dragshan, who had been excellent at defending Vodena, received the freedom to live freely in Thessaloniki. There he married the daughter of a noble citizen, and had two children from her, but later escaped, and returned to Bulgaria. On the border, he was captured but by the request of his father-in-law, he was pardoned. His second escape was also left unpunished, but when two years later, he escaped again, he was punished by death. […] The success of the previous year had inspired in Basil a new desire for war. In the first days of the spring, he returned to Bulgaria and besieged Vidin, a well-protected fortress that he managed to capture after eight months. While he was busy with that siege, Samuel led small army to Adrianople, where on the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, he plundered the city and took rich booty. After the conquest of Vidin, the emperor mended the damaged walls of the fortress and set out for Constantinople through the Dardanian Mountains, capturing every stronghold upon which he came across on his way. When he reached 43  Crna, a right-hand tributary of the Vardar (translator’s note).

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Skopje on the Vardar River, he saw the camp of the Bulgarians on the other bank. They believed they were in a safe place, as the river was swollen because of heavy rains. However, Basil found a ford and attacked fiercely and unexpectedly the Bulgarian king. The Bulgarians fled in disarray, abandoning their tents and baggage. Roman, the son of the last Bulgarian king and brother of Boris II, whose troubles we have already narrated, ruled over Skopje. He surrendered the city to Basil, from whom he received in reward the title patrician and the governor of Abydos. After those victories, however, the emperor suffered a setback at the fortress of Pernik, which he besieged for a long time. There he had lost a large number of soldiers. The fortress was impregnable because of its location and because of the strength of its garrison, but mostly because of the courage and incorruptibility of its governor, the bravest and most honorable of all Bulgarian officers—Krakra. He repelled all attacks and rejected all bribery proposals, which the emperor had made to him. The emperor, therefore, had to lift the siege. […]

Chapter Four: The Fall of Western Bulgarian Kingdom The Empire’s historians do not provide any details about the exploits of Basil in Bulgaria over the next twelve years; they only mention that he did not cease to wage war until he completely destroyed that kingdom. During that period, there were, undoubtedly, marches, destruction, cities and strongholds captured that did not deserved to be recorded in their history. […] Indeed, Bulgaria was ravaged every year by Basil. Constantly armed, he attacked this unfortunate country with ardent tenacity. King Samuel, though experienced and brave, was exhausted by the constant struggles and could no longer withstand such a powerful enemy. His last effort was to surround himself with a wide ditch, [itself] surrounded by a strong fence at the mouth of the gorge Zetunium, through which Basil used to enter Bulgaria. He provided the new fortress with a large number of troops and marched alone to defend the pass. As he arrived there (in 1014), Basil was met with fiece resistance. The Bulgarians perched on mountain peaks hurled stones and shot arrows at those approaching the ditch. The emperor, desperate that he could not pass the fence-work, started to contemplate withdrawal. But Xiphias, the governor of Plovdiv, advised him not to withdraw but, on the contrary, to keep the pressure on the pass. “ Give me just one squad to fulfill what I have planned. I hope to open the passage soon, if you keep engaging the enemy here.” Basil agreed, for he knew well the skills and courage of Xiphias. The latter, with a significant number of infantry troops, went around the ­mountain

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that protected the camp of Samuel from the south, and attacked the Bulgarians from the rear. Frightened by such an unforeseen attack, the Bulgarians abandoned the fence-work and fled in disarray. Then terrible slaughter befell the Bulgarians. The emperor passed the fence chasing and destroying the remaining enemies, a great number of whom were taken prisoners. Through the bravery of his son, Samuel, barely escaped death. Basil took advantage of the situation, ravaged the country, and conquered many fortresses. But he did not feel strong enough to put under siege the fortress in which Samuel was residing. It was the best fortress in Bulgaria. Basil carried with him 15.000 prisoners of war that slowed down his march. In order to get rid of them, he found a solution, which though less bloody then slaughter, was no less barbaric, showing cold-blooded and deliberate cruelty. He divided those wretched people into hundreds and gouged their eyes out, leaving one man with one eye only for every hundred soldiers—to lead them. Thus, Basil sent them to Samuel. The latter, when he saw that deplorable spectacle, was overcome by so much and deep grief and horror, that he fell down in a swoon, from which he recovered with such a strong heartbeat that he died two days after that died. His successor was his son Radomir Roman, also called Gabriel, the son of a prisoner from Larissa. He was stronger than his father in body, but weaker in mind. He reigned for a year, and was killed while hunting by Vladislav, the son of Aaron, whose life he had saved. […] While Basil was attacking the fortress blocking the entrance into Bulgaria, Samuel sent one of his chief captains named Nestoritsa with a large army to attack Thessaloniki. Theophylact Botaneiates, who ruled that city, was informed about their coming and got out with his garrison to intercept them. He killed them, gathered a great booty and many prisoners and marched to the emperor who was then coming to Thessaloniki from Bulgaria. Knowing that many ditches and hedges had been placed in front of him, he entrusted Theophylact to clear the route, and then to report on his mission upon returning. The Bulgarians let him pass without a fight, but on his way back, when he entered a narrow mountain pass, they attacked him with stones and arrows from above. His soldiers were unable to react as they were pushed and piled one upon another. There he remained buried with his whole army. The emperor grieved greatly the loss. and withdrew to Haemus,44 where the Bulgarians had the castle of Melnik, built on a very high cliff surrounded by precipices. This place was a refuge, where fear had 44  To Zagoria, according to Skylitzes.The Haemus mountains are much farther north from Melnik (translator’s note).

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brought together all the inhabitants from the nearby country. They all thought that they would be safe there. Indeed, as the emperor did not hope to conquer it by force, he sent one of his servants, named Sergios, to invite them to surrender. This clever and persuasive man succeeded. The emperor treated the refugees with benevolence. He set a garrison there, and then withdrew to Mosynopolis, which then was a great city but today is an unknown place in Macedonia. There he learned about the death of Samuel, and with growing confidence he went back to Thessaloniki and marched through the larger part of Macedonia, and penetrated into Pelagonia, on the border of Dardania. Along the way he burned a palace of the Bulgarian kings, captured many fortresses, crossed Zverna River45 on rafts and inflated bladders, rested for a few days in Vodena, and returned to Thessaloniki on January 9, 1015, to spend the rest of the winter. The garrison in Vodena had revolted and in the early spring Basil came to besiege it. Because the rebels could not resist for long, they asked for his mercy. He forgave them and moved them to the fortress of Boleron in Thrace. After he built two fortresses to keep the country in control, he went to Thessaloniki. There, Radomir had sent a Greek named Chirotmetus (one-handed one) who had served the Bulgarian kings for a long time, to ask for his friendship and to promise obedience. Basil, not trusting the sincerity of those proposals, prepared to compel the prince to accept them by force. He sent Xiphias and Constantine Diogenes, who had taken over the command of Thessaloniki from Theophylact, with an army to the region of Moglen, which was part of the old Emathia, whose capital was the Macedonian Edessa. The emperor personally went there. They diverted the river that was passing by the city walls and eroded them, burned their supports, and opened a wide passage. After the opening was made, the garrison surrendered unconditionally. Basil spared the life of the besieged, but the city was left to his soldiers to ravage. The Bulgarian soldiers and commanders, amongst whom were many nobles of highest rank, were taken to the East, to the land then called Vaspurakan, the Old Media. The emperor ordered the nearby fortress to be burnt, as it hadserved as citadel to the city of Edessa. After five days, Chirotmetus returned to the camp of the Greeks with a letter from Vladislav, whom he now served after the murder of Radomir. This cunning prince wrote to the emperor that as King of Bulgaria by birth, he was ready to fulfill the promises of obedience and submission, given to him by Radomir, who did not have any intentions to fulfill 45  Cherna River (translator’s note).

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them. The emperor sent him a letter with his seal, which contained his conditions. Vladislav also sent his act of obedience, signed by him and by the other noble Bulgarians. One of their leaders even gained an office from the emperor. Despite the solemn obligations, Basil knew that Vladislav was not sincere and that he was planning to act against the Empire. The emperor returned to Thrace, destroyed the whole country up to Pelagonia, gouging out the eyes of all Bulgarians who fell into his hands, and reached the walls of Ohrid. That name had been given to the old city of Lychnidos. It is located on a hill between Dyrrachium and Thessaloniki on [the shore of the] Lychnidian Lake, where the river Drin [springs, which then] flows into the Adriatic Sea near the fortress of Lissus. The Bulgarians had made Ohrid their capital and their kings had gathered there their treasures. Basil devastated the area and quickly left for Dyrrachium because he was afraid of losing that city. Samuel had entrusted the management of Serbia and the areas next to Dyrrachium to his son-in-law, Vladimir. While this nobleman was alive, with his peaceful nature and as a friend to justice, the city enjoyed peace and prosperity, but after the death of Radomir, Vladislav summoned Vladimir, and treacherously killed him. After that, Dyrrachium was often under attack by Bulgarian generals, and sometimes by Vladislav himself. The emperor was about to leave in order to ensure the safety of that important city when one obstacle arose. He had left behind a regiment, commanded by two of his deputies, with orders to ravage the Pelagonian area. The Bulgarians, under the command of Ivats, an excellent man in his nobility and valor, ambushed and destroyed the entire military formation. Saddened by that loss, Basil returned to Pelagonia to avenge and pursue Ivats, who fled before him. But he (the emperor) could not reach him, and the winter was coming, so he withdrew to Thessalonike. For the rest of the year, he put two of his commanders in charge with capturing certain strongholds. Xiphias advanced up to Triadica, where he captured all the fortified sites. […] The emperor kept the war against the Bulgarians for himself. He never lost sight of them until their final destruction. It has been said above that Xiphias had conquered all the fortified places [around] Triadica with the exception of the fortress of Pernik, which Basil attacked without success fourteen years ago. In that year,46 he returned to Pernik, and put that stronghold under siege for three months, but again he lost a great 46  1016 (translator’s note).

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number of soldiers, and he was forced to lift the siege and to withdraw to Mosynopol, where he spent the winter. In the spring, he again invaded Bulgaria, he captured a very strong fortress named Longos, and then torched it. He sent his generals David [Arianates] and [Constantine] Diogenes in Pelagonia from where they brought a great numbers of cattle and prisoners. The emperor divided the loot in three parts—one he gave to the Russian mercenaries, who had fought in large numbers in his army, especially after the wedding of Princess Anna and Vladimir, the successor of Svetoslav; the other, he gave to the Greeks; and he kept for himself the third part. Then he besieged Kastoria, where he was met with great resistance. During the siege, he learned that the Pechenegs had crossed the Danube in order to join the Bulgarians and thus united, to enter Thrace. He immediately left everything to defend the Empire. On his way, he captured many fortresses and burned them. Because he found the city of Berroia in poor condition, he ordered its fortifications to be repaired. He learned along the way that the Pechenegs could not come to terms with the Bulgarians and had returned across the Danube, so he slowed down and captured the Setena stronghold, where King Samuel had made a warehouse for his troops. After he plundered the town, he torched it. As he learned that Vladislav was marching against him, he sent Diogenes with a small troop of lightly armed soldiers to reconnoiter. The Bulgarian, informed about their coming, was waiting in ambush. The emperor, aware of the danger, mounted his horse and without any delay shouted: “Those who have courage, follow me!” And then he rode towards the ambush. Vladislav’s scouts saw him coming and quickly turned their horses back shouting: “Run, the emperor (is coming)!” These words brought terror into the camp of the Bulgarians. Vladislav was the first to flee. Diogenes pursued and slaughtered them, and pillaged their camp, where he captured the horses and waggons of Vladislav, who had retreated into the mountains. The excessive cold in those countries did not allow the chase to continue. The emperor led his army, carrying a large booty, and returned to Constantinople on January 9, 1017. Vladislav used his retreat to attack Dyrrachium. Proud by the success of his criminal deeds, his audacity could not be curbed even by the the insult that he had suffered. He flattered himself that soon he would be the master of that important city, but he was killed during an engagement. His death became a fortunate opportunity for the emperor to complete his conquest of Bulgaria. All that happened very fast and the Bulgarians, tired of the endless and bloody war, which had lasted for twenty years,

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saw no other remedy for their ailments than to obey the emperor. Were they actually freer under the rule of princes from whom all evils arose and who were ready to shed the blood of their people, than they would be as subjects of the emperor? Basil, aware of those dispositions, soon saw their results. As soon as he learned of the death of Vladislav, he set out. He was still in front of Adrianople when the governor of Pernik came to honor him and gave him the stronghold, which he had defended for many years against the emperor. He surrendered also 35 strongholds, which were under his rule. In order to attract other Bulgarians, the emperor showered him with honors and conferred upon him the title patrician. When he reached Mosynopolis, the emperor received representatives of Pelagonia, who declared their obedience to him. As he advanced on the road, he saw more and more people worshipping him and recognizing him as their lord. All governors came to give him the keys of their towns and large number of captives. As a reward, they received the title of patrician. In Serres, they returned him the patrician John, who had been captured by Samuel, and had been held captive for 22 years. In Strumica, the Bulgarian archbishop David brought a letter from Maria, the widow of Vladislav, who promised to leave the country under certain conditions. The emperor entered Ohrid, the capital of the kingdom, in the midst of the joyous cheering of all residents. He made them open the treasures of the Bulgarian kings, where he found large sums of money, crowns with precious stones, expensive clothes and 10,000 pounds of gold, which he gave away to his troops. He placed as governor Eustathios Daphnomeles with a strong garrison. As he retired to his camp, outside the city, he saw the widow of Vladislav coming in the company of a large family. Basil received her with kindness, but placed her in custody. All commanders came with their troops to take an oath of allegiance and changed their lord without changing their fate. In order to secure Ohrid, he built two castles, one on a hill and another on the lake Lychnidos called then Prespa. The three sons of Vladislav had not lost hope to regain their father’s kingdom, so they did not join their mother in submission to Basil, but hid themselves in the Ceraunian Mountains. The emperor sent troops that kept them besieged for a long time. But later they surrendered and received honorary services. Prusian, the oldest, was honored with the title of magister militum, and the other two with the title of patrician. Everything and everyone was conquered in Bulgaria, except for two brave and warlike men who preserved in their hearts the old pride of the Bulgarians, who held firmly to the ruins of their nationality and refused to bend down to the authority of the emperor. These were Nikolitsa and

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Ivats, both famous with their successes over the Greeks. Nikolitsa was captured in the stronghold at Serres, and was granted honors by the emperor, who conferred on him the title patrician. However, he was more attached to his natural masters than to the foreign titles, returned to Bulgaria, and continued to serve them (the Bulgarians) bravely. After his homeland fell under the Roman rule, he gathered as many fellow countrymen as he could and retired to the mountains, where he waited for more favorable circumstances to regain the independence of his land. He was severely pursued and very soon some of those who had followed him were captured, while others abandoned him. Alone and helpless, he decided that it was better to surrender himself and die than to wait and be dragged into slavery. He arrived at night in the camp of the Greeks and stated his name and asked to speak with the emperor. Angered by the contempt with which Nikolitsa had treated the benefits he had bestowed upon him, Basil refused to see him and threw him into a prison of Thessaloniki. The fate of Ivats was even more unfortunate. He was hiding in an unaccessible mountain called Prosek, on the top of which stood the summer residence of the Bulgarian kings, equipped with all facilities needed for a delightful seclusion. There he gathered the fugitives who had come to him, and intended to start the war again and even flattered himself with the thought of becoming king. His bravery was very well known and was the source of many concerns of the emperor, who decided to disarm him either by persuasion or by force. He set a camp at the foot of the mountain, and first wrote to tell him about the bold plan of his undertaking. Ivats, who just wanted to gain time, fooled the emperor with ambiguous answers for more than two months. His patience exhausted, Basil, who lived in a neighboring cottage, did not dare to walk away and leave Ivats free to raise the flag of rebellion in Bulgaria, nor could he could reach him in that place. The governor of Ohrid, Eustathios, offered to rescue the emperor from this difficult situation. As the custom required, Ivats invited his neighbors to a great feast on the day of the Assumption. Eustathios took two of his servants, whose fidelity and boldness he knew well, and set out to the Pronista Mountain on the eve of the holiday. Arrested by sentinels, he told them that he had come to celebrate with Ivats. Stunned by the unexpected visit, he (Ivats) accepted him joyfully, hugged him and assumed that Eustathios had come to him because he was unhappy with the emperor. In the morning, after the church service, when all the guests dispersed to their lodgings, Eustathios approached Ivats and told him: “I have to tell you important things, but it must be done in secret.” Ivats

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dismissed his servants, caught Eustathios by the hand and led him to an orchard, so densely planted that no eye could penetrate it. Alone with Ivats, Eustathios took him by surprise, knocked him on the ground, and called his servants to help him tie up the hands and legs of the Bulgarian. After that, he gouged out his eyes, leaving him [there] helpless, left the garden, and climbed on a high place in the palace, where they [Eustathios and his servants] were ready to defend themselves to death. This awful misdeed became known immediately. The people of Ivats with all guests who had come for the feast and all soldiers descended loudly armed with various types of weapons, some even with torches to burn down the refuge of the assassins. The air was filled with confusing cries: “Kill them, burn them, cut down mercilessly those traitors, these betrayers and deceitful killers.” Eustathios, fearing for his and his companions’ lives, encouraged them to hold firmly until the last drop of blood in their veins. As they expected to die, it was better to do so while fighting, than to surrender to the enraged mob outside. Meanwhile, in a last-ditch maneuver, he opened a window and spoke to the crowd: “Listen to me! I am not a personal enemy of your master. For he is Bulgarian and I am Greek, born in a far-away country in Asia Minor. You can easily understand that, without an order, I would have put my life in danger in such a manner. The emperor has given me the order, and I had to obey. You are the masters of our lives [now], but you will pay for that very dearly. We will defend ourselves until the last gasp, many of you will die before us, and the rest will not survive much longer. They will experience the whole wrath of the emperor who will avenge us and will punish you for your rebellion. He had raised his hand on you. The only way to stop his blow is to obey him and come with us to announce your submission [to him]. Make up your minds, we have made ours. Let those who are tired of their lives attack us first.” These words, spoken with a solid and menacing tone, sent chills into crowd. The attackers retired one after the other, those who were more frightened meditating [about the whole thing], and deciding to obey [the emperor]. Eustathios was [eventually] freed, and they followed him to the camp together with the unfortunate Ivats. The emperor ordered to have him [Ivats] imprisoned, and as a reward he gave Eustathios Dyrrachium and all the movable property of Ivats, even though his action was in fact the most detestable perfidy. During the rest of the year, Basil established the same order in Bulgaria as in the other provinces of the Empire, and distributed garrisons in various strongholds. He gave to the Bulgarian prisoners the choice between staying in their country and following him to Constantinople, and left

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for Kastoria, where he spent the winter. Here came the two daughters of Samuel. When they were introduced [to the emperor], Maria, the widow of Vladislav, was sitting beside him. When they saw her, the two princesses tried to kill her, in order to avenge the murderer of their brother. The emperor barely managed to save her from their hands by promising to bestow wealth upon them, in accordance with their (noble) birth. He sent Maria in Constantinople with the title of “honorary lady of the jewels” of Empress Helena (that is, zoste) and entrusted Xiphias with the destruction of many strongholds in Serbia that had refused to obey him, while he himself advanced to the Danube. There he accepted the submission of the Bulgarian governor of the old Singidunum, the city named Belgrade since the time of Constantine Porphyrogenitus. This governor without any dignity appeared in front of the emperor in slave clothes and threw himself at his feet with the rest of his soldiers. Basil, having no longer anything to do in Bulgaria, decided to return to Constantinople, passing through Greece to see the country so often destroyed by the Bulgarians. Passing through Zetunium (Zetounion), where five years before that he had greatly slaughtered the armies of Samuel, he sighed when he saw the piles of bones that covered the ground. And although he loved war, he could not stop thinking about its murderous consequences for humanity. At Thermopylae, he was amazed by the erected wall, blocking the passageway of the Bulgarians to Achaea. When he reached Athens, he visited the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary carrying magnificent gifts in gratitude for his victory. From Athens, he went to Constantinople, the city into which he entered triumphantly through the Golden Gate. He was wearing a golden crown topped with a feather, and covered with precious stones.47 In front of his charriot walked Queen Maria, the two daughters of Samuel, and other Bulgarians. The crowds chanting during that triumph gave him the sobriquet “Bulgaroktonos,” with which he is distinguished in history. As he entered the Church of St. Sofia, he sang himself the hymns of gratitude that were on everybody’s lips. Patriarch Sergius thought that to be an opportune moment to remind the emperor of his promise to remove the substitution tax (allelengyon) at the end of the war. The tax burdened the emperor’s subjects, but the emperor did not listen to his patriarch. [In fact], the tax meant that every rich person had to pay not only his own taxes, but also those taxes of 10 to 20 poor people, who were unable to pay theirs. Therefore, the entire population 47  L e Beau seems to describe here a Roman plumed helmet, made of gold and encrusted with precious stones (translator’s note).

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had become impoverished, and was unhappy while Basil, upon his death, left only 900,000 francs in cash. Bulgaria was annexed by the Empire, but the old enmity that had existed between those two nations did not die out, and we will see how it was revived twenty years later, during the reign of Michael the Paphlagonian. Constantine Monomachos, who never trusted the Bulgarians, moved some of them behind the Danube and replaced them with a community of Pechenegs. Bulgaria was ruled by dukes until the time of Isaac II Angelos, against whom the Bulgarians rebelled and appointed a king, as we will see farther. […] Of all of the countries inhabited by Bulgarians, only Sirmium (Srem) was not under the yoke of the Empire. A nobleman named Sermon ruled there. Diogenes, the imperial commander of the neighboring province, sent messengers to Sermon to ask for a meeting in order to discuss important things. Diogenes offered to come in person to the river Sava in the company of only three servants, and asked Sermon to do the same. The Bulgarian agreed and during the conversation, Diogenes stabbed him in the hip with a dagger that he had concealed under his clothes. Sermon dropped dead, and his servants fled. Diogenes, who kept his troops nearby, left for Srem in a hurry. The scared widow of Sermon was persuaded to surrender—both her and the city—to the emperor, and was taken to Constantinople, where Basil married her to one of the most prominent citizens in the capital. Diogenes was appointed governor of Srem as a reward for this perjury and murder—two terrible crimes, which the public interest back then justified, according to the abominable morals of that grim age. […] The Pechenegs, newly arrived in Bulgaria, devastated and ravaged everything in their way. They killed even the imperial troops stationed there. Diogenes, the governor of Srem, was therefore ordered in 1027 to go to Bulgaria and curb the depredations. He defeated [the Pechenegs] in a battle, and forced them to go back accross the Danube. […] The Pechenegs who inhabited the vast fields between the mouths of the rivers Dnieper and Danube crossed the Danube in 1036, and repeatedly ravaged Moesia and Thrace, in such a mannter that the Empire had to sign a peace treaty with them. But in 1048, taking advantage of the frozen Danube and the distancing of the Greeks from its shores, the Pechenegs crossed the river [again]. According to the historian Kedrenos there were 800,000 of them—perhaps a double exaggeration—and they spread all over the place, ravaging and devastating everything in their way. Help was quickly requested from the emperor, who dispatched

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troops from Macedonia to Bulgaria in order to stop and to battle the Pechenegs. But that proved unnecessary, for dysentery spread among the Pechenegs, who began to die by thousands every single day. The other, weakened and exhausted, laid down their arms, when they saw the imperial troops, and asked for mercy. From among their higher ranks, 140 [men] were selected and taken to Constantinople to be introduced to the emperor, who accepted them graciously, converted them and gave them homes to live peacefully and happily. The others were disarmed and sent to the outskirts of Serdica and Naissus to populate and bring under cultivation that land ravaged by the long wars with the Bulgarians. The Bulgarian Prusian, the son of Vladislav and (now) ruler of Galatia in Asia Minor, quarreled with the patrician Basil and started a fight. The emperor (Constantine VIII) exiled both of them on two separate islands in the Sea of Marmara, and soon after that ordered Basil to be blinded. Prusian would have suffered the same, had not good fortune momentarily saved him from such a severe punishment. However, during the first year of the new emperor, Romanus III, a conspiracy rose against him. Prusian was accused of aspiring to become emperor, while Theodora, the daughter of Constantine VIII, who had refused to marry Romanus III, since his wife was still alive, was accused of participating in the plot. After an investigation, however, Theodora was acquitted, while Prusian was sentenced to be blinded and imprisoned in a monastery. His mother, Maria, was banished from Constantinople. For a long time the eunuch John was one of the first officers of Emperor Michael IV and of Empress Zoe. By means of intrigues and deceit, he gained such an important position, that he had his way in the whole state. He imposed arbitrary taxes, sold offices, left bribery go unpunished, and by all means oppressed the people of the Empire, who greatly resented him. That oppression had a greater contribution to the rebellion of the Serbs in 1040, than their love of freedom. The Bulgarians, the new subjects of the Empire, could not bear such a heavy yoke either. Once the land of the Bulgarians was conquered, Basil did not change anything in the form the levies were paid, and left them in the same way in which they were paid during Samuel’s time—each plow taxed a bushel of wheat, a bushel of millet, and a small measure of wine. Instead of taxes paid in kind, however, John demanded money, and the Bulgarians rebelled. A Bulgarian named Peter Dolius (Dolian), the slave of a citizen of Constantinople, fled the city, and roamed around the whole Bulgaria up to Belgrade, at the Hungarian border. As people learned that he was the illegitimate son of Aaron, the brother of King Samuel, he was able

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to stir up the Bulgarians to rise in revolt, and to proclaim him king of Bulgaria. He passed triumphantly through the main cities of the country, and, in honor of his passage, all Greeks residing there were killed. That country was under the jurisdiction of Basil Synadenos, the governor of Dyrrachium. When the latter learned about the rebellion, [Basil] raised his troops as fast as he good, and set out to search for Dolian, [in order] to nip the evil in the bud. On his way there, he quarrelled with one of his officers named Michael Dermokaites, who was a favorite at the court. This cunning man left him in the middle of the road, descended to Thessaloniki, where the emperor was at that time, and accused Synadenos of planning to become emperor. He (the emperor) sent for Synadenos to be brought to Thessalonike, and put him in prison. Now Dermokaites replaced him, but with his inability and greed, he messed up everything. Instead of attacking the enemy, he robbed not only the imperial subjects but also his own soldiers. When he learned of the plot against him, he fled. The army consisted of Dalmatians and Bulgarians who were still loyal, fearing the revenge of that man, who was backed by John,48 openly rebelled and proclaimed as king of the Bulgarians a certain Tihomir, an ordinary soldier, who was nonetheless respected by the troops, because of his courage and experience. The Bulgarians were now divided into two: some wanted Tihomir, the others—Dolian. The latter was more cunning than his opponent; he invited him over and offered to divide Bulgaria, in order (presumably) to avoid the horrors of a civil war. When the two armies came together, Dolian spoke to them: “I am placing the crown at your feet; choose one master. A kingdom cannot stand, if divided. If you choose a soldier instead of the cousin of your King Samuel, I give way to Tihomir; give him the crown and kill me. And if you think that it will fit my head better, strangle this seed of turmoil and separation.” These words stirred up great tumult. “Long live Dolian, Dolian is our king!” were the common cries. They attacked Tihomir with stones, who thus became king only in his dream and lost his life when he woke up. Dolian set out for Thessaloniki. The news frightened Emperor Michael IV, who fled to Constantinople, leaving his treasure, wardrobe and equipment to Manuel Ivats with the orders to take care of them and to follow him as soon as possible. Ivats was a Bulgarian, perhaps, the son of the one who had opposed Emperor Basil for so long. Instead of returning to Constantinople, he joined Dolian to whom he gave the riches and the other belongings of the emperor. Dolian 48  John Orphanotrophos (translator’s note).

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charged Alusian with the siege of Thessaloniki, while he turned his armies to Epirus and Achaea. He captured Dyrrachium, and sent to Athens Anthimos, who defeated the local commander in Thebes, Alakasseus. All cities in [the theme of] Nikopolis except Naupaktos went to the Bulgarian side, not because they loved Dolian, but because they hated the tyrannical government of John [Orphanotrophos]. A barbarian financier, named Koutzomytes, whom John had sent to collect taxes, oppressed the people so much, that they cut him into pieces. The discontent of the wrongdoers spread throughout the Empire. In Constantinople, a conspiracy of noble citizens was discovered, whose leaders were Michael Cerularius and John Makrembolites.49 Another plot was organized in Phrygia against the governor of the province and the brother of John, Constantine. It was led by the patrician Gregory Taronites, who was killed. […] For a government so strong against his subjects and so weak against its enemies, it would have been (quite) difficult to bring Bulgaria again into submission, had a Bulgarian not offered his services for that. Alusian, the second son of Aaron and the brother of Vladislav, the last king of Bulgaria, was saved from the execution, which his uncle Samuel ordered for his entire family, while he was still in the cradle. Raised in Constantinople, by people who knew his origin, he was not aware of this secret until he reached the age at which he could protect it. Despite being unknown, his talents helped him to become a patrician and governor of Theodosiopolis in Armenia. Unfortunately, the wealth he gained excited the unsaturated greed of Minister John.50 The latter accused him of many wrongdoings, and to get himself cleared of accusations, he (John) took 50 pounds of gold from him. But that did not make him trust Alusian, who was forced to give John his best lands in Cappadocia that were owned by his wife. He sacrificed a large part of his wealth, but all he was able to secure was the freedom to live in the suburbs of Constantinople, without the right to enter the city, unless he would obtain a special permission each time he would need it. All petitions he had addressed to the emperor were in vain, because they had never reached him, but remained in the hands of John. Such unfair treatment drove him to despair, and when he learned of the revolt in Bulgaria and of Dolian’s successes, he decided to take this opportunity. The emperor was again in Thessaloniki. Alusian, dressed in the clothes of an Armenian slave, told all the guards on the road that his 49  M  ichael Cerularius was the future Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople (1043–1059). John Makrembolites was his brother in law (translator’s note). 50  Le Beau clearly refers to John Orphanotrophos here (translator’s note). 

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master was Theodorakanos, who had entrusted him with a secret mission to the [Bulgarian] emperor. With that lie, he reached Bulgaria without being recognized, and arrived at Dolian’s camp. He decided to use the opportunity close to Ostrovo. At the beginning, he did not disclose to the soldiers who he was, yet in the course of his conversations, he congratulated them for having a valuable person, one of the kin of their old kings, amongst them. “But what will we do,” he added, “if we find a legitimate son of Aaron?” They responded with wishes and regrets. Noting the disposition of those peoples, he revealed his secret to an old commander of his father. The latter examined him carefully and asked him to show his right arm. Alusian had a birthmark on this hand. Once he saw that, the captain threw himself at his feet and recognized him as his master and ran to the camp proclaiming his felicitous discovery. The joy was complete. They gathered around Alusian, examined him, and rendered their homage to him. Frightened, Dolian pretended to just as happy as everybody was. He treated Alusian with respect and shared with him his power by giving him 40,000 soldiers to besiege and capture Thessaloniki. The emperor had left in that city one of his relatives named Constantine with some of his best troops. Alusian laid the siege and attacked without interruption for six days, beating the walls of the city with all his machines. He attacked many times with much impetus, but each time he was repulsed. He finally decided to conquer the city by famine. After a few days, the inhabitants, who were part of the garrison, spending the night in prayers in the Church of St. Demetrius, rushed out of the city gates and fiercely attacked the enemy camp wreaking fear and terror and killing 15,000 Bulgarians and taking many prisoners. Ashamed, Alusian returned to Dolian’s camp with the remnants of his army. Dolian, who regarded his comrade a dangerous rival, now consoled himself that defeat had ruined Alusian’s reputation. As he addressed him with loathsome suspicions yet without daring to openly accuse him of betrayal, it became evident that he had no trust in him. Alusian, without showing his own anticipations, doubled his demonstrations of friendship and sincerity. After they got drunk, they attacked him (Dolian) and gouged his eyes out. Alusian became the single ruler of Bulgaria. Emperor Michael, who had returned to Thessaloniie, decided to take advantage of this situation and for the first time he took a generous decision. Although he was ill with dropsy, he prepared himself to go in person [into battle], and to the requests of his family and prominent senators, who warned him against the danger of such an action and begged him to watch over

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his health, he replied that as he had not gained anything for the Empire, he could at least prevent it from losing something [of value]. On the edge of grave, he left Thessaloniki like a new person. Every night, he fell asleep in such a poor condition that everyone thought that he would not raise from his bed, but at dawn, he would be seen on horseback at the head of the army. Alusian did not have the courage to hold himself firm on the position to which he had risen. Frightened by the shadow of the emperor, he secretly informed Michael that he was ready to surrender to him if he (the emperor) could guarantee him an honorary position. This proposal was accepted graciously and, as he trusted the emperor’s word, he fled to him and received the title of magister militum. As for Dolian, he was captured and brought to Thessaloniki. The emperor entered the interior of Bulgaria, seized without difficulty the [mountain] pass that Michael Ivats had closed with a palisade, scattered the army of the Bulgarians, took Ivats prisoner, pacified the country and placed a governor in it, and left Bulgaria in complete submission in 1041. And he returned triumphantly to Constantinople, bringing with him a great number of captives, among them Ivats and the blinded Dolian. […] Another minister tyrant, who was unjust and even more cruel than the robber John, had conquered the palace of Emperor Michael VIII. Many times the Bulgarians who were pressured relentlessly by this bloodthirsty minister named Nikephoritzes, had complained to the emperor, but in vain. They thus lost patience, and in 1074 went to the Serbian King Michael, who had sworn to free them from slavery and had given them his grandson Bodin for king. Since the reign of Constantine Monomachos, the union of the Serbian kings with the Empire had been strong. But Michael did not sufficiently respect the emperor and was not as afraid of him as to reject a proposal of a new kingdom. Bodin set out with a convoy of 300 Serbs in Priština near Skopje, where the Bulgarian nobility was waiting for him. When he arrived, they proclaimed him king. Nikephoros Karantinos, the duke of Bulgaria, having learned of this uprising, went to Priština with his troops. As he was getting ready for battle, he saw his deputy Damian Dalassenos arriving, a commander as reckless as he was arrogant, who not only abused Nikephoros, but also lashed out at his whole army, calling the soldiers sneaky cowards. Thus, he entered in battle but was defeated and taken prisoner, along with many officers including one Lombard. His camp was looted, and out of his whole army nothing was left except a few fugitives, of whom most were killed by local peasants. In order to evict the Greeks from Bulgaria, Bodin divided his army into two parts: one was moving towards Naissus, the other, under

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the leadership of Petrila, who was the second in the kingdom, headed for Kastoria, where the princes who remained loyal to the emperor had withdrawn with Marianne, the governor of Ohrid. Petrila camped in front of Kastoria and intended to attack when those who were under siege, flung the gates open and came out in force, killing all his troops and forcing him to run through some impassable mountains, until he reached Serbia. His deputy was captured and brought to the emperor. At first Bodin was happy. Most fortresses opened their gates, and those who refused to recognize him were punished with the devastation of their lands. Bulgaria would have been lost to the Empire, had Nikiforitzes, who knew capable people but did not want to use them, not sent Saronites with an army of Franks and Macedonians. Saronites first went to Skopje and after bribing the governor of the city, he captured it without much effort, and established his troops there. A little later, however, when the said governor had begun to regret his betrayal of his master and wanted to correct his mistake, he informed Bodin that the imperial troops did not perform well their reconnaissance, and that if attacked, no one would escape. On that notice, Bodin left Niš, crossing fields covered with snow, but was attacked by Saronites’ army, for he had been informed about Bodin’s march against him. Bodin’s troops were tired and, being taken by surprise, did not put up any resistance, and were wiped out. Bodin himself was caught and brought to the emperor, who sent him to Syria, away from his birthplace, where he would be guarded well. But his grandfather, the Serbian King Michael, did not give up the idea of taking him back from the Greeks. He succeeded in that with the help of some Venetian sailors, who brought him to Serbia where he ruled soon after that. The defeat and the capture of Bodin did not stop the turmoil in Bulgaria. Among the captains caught in the battle of Priština and taken to Serbia, there was one Lombard, with whom the daughter of the Serbian king fell in love. Through the princess, the above mentioned Lombard succeeded to conquer even the king himself and from prisoner he turned into his son-in-law. Raised to such an honor, he earned the full confidence of the king. Such brilliant success attracted a large number of vagabond Lombards who preferred to leave their country than to live under the harsh rule of the Normans. From those foreigners who had joined the Serbs, Michael recruited an army, whose command he entrusted to his son-in-law. At the head of that army, the Lombard succeeded in regaining many fortresses and shaking Saronites’ confidence in his own ability to fight. Moreover, it seemed that only the presence of the emperor would bring that war to an end, something for which the entire empire yearned.

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But instead of going himself, he sent Nikephoros Bryennius, a man experienced in war to whom he had made duke of Bulgaria. Breynnius was to chase the Serbs and the Slavs out of Bulgaria, and he accomplished his task with skill and courage. In a short while, he forced the Serbs to leave the country and the Bulgarians to submit again to the will of the emperor. Commentary: I have followed in general Stambolski’s brief explanations of Le Beau’s text, and corrected the spelling of some names, in order to avoid ambiguity. Chapter III begins chronologically with the Armenian sources, where, as it can be seen, Le Beau followed them closely, with no additional comment needed. The Armenian historian called Annie is actually the twelfth-century author, Samuel of Ani. In Chapter IV, in the context of the events of 989, Alusian is mentioned under the name Kurt. According to Le Beau, Samuel led two wars, one in 995 and the other, two years later (997). That passage is not included in Stambolski’s work. Publications: Charles Le Beau, Histoire du Bas-Empire, 21 vols. (Paris, 1824–1836); Khristo Stambolski, Pdrobni i novi izdirvaniia po starata bălgarska istoriia spored znamenitiia francuski istorik Lebeau (Sofia, 1914). In general on Le Beau, see Raia Zaimova, “L’Histoire du Bas-Empire de Charles Le Beau et sa réception bulgare,” Études Balkaniques 3 (2002), 3–10.

CHAPTER 8

The Bulgarian and Serbian Revival Historiography (18th Century)

Paisius of Hilandar

As it is known, Paisius of Hilandar began his Slavo-Bulgarian History (Istoriia slavianobolgarskaia) in the Hilandar Monastery on Month Athos, and completed it in 1762 in the Zograf Monastery. By the end of 1764 or in early 1765, he visited Kotel, where a priest named Stoiko Vladislavov, the future bishop Sophronius of Vraca, transcribed Paisius’ work. This is the most famous transcript, of which some excerpts are given here, taken from Bozhidar Raikov’s modern edition.1 After him, Subotin2 ascended to the throne, but he was not a successful ruler. During his reign, the Bulgarian kingdom was conquered by the Greeks, but later on, during the reign of Basil Porphyroghenitus3 the Bulgarians freed themselves from the Greeks again. David,4 the son of the Comitopul,5 was enthroned, but he reigned for a short period, he abondoned the throne and took the monastic vows. Thus, he lived a godly and holy life until his death. After his death, his relics remained incorrupted. After David came Samuel. He attacked and devastated the western provinces and subdued them to his power. He moved against Dalmatia, 1  The following translation is based on Raikov’s edition of the text and, as such, is different from that of Krasimir Kabakchiev, in Paisiy Hilendarski, A Slavo-Bulgarian History (Sofia: Bălgarski bestselăr, 2012), pp. 229–235 and 271. 2  This fictitious Bulgarian ruler is taken from Mauro Orbini’s history. 3  Obviously Basil II. 4  As noted by Bozhidar Raikov in Paisius of Hilandar, Istoriia slavianobolgarskaia. Părvi Sofroniev prepis of 1765, edited by Bozhidar Raikov (Sofia, 1972), p. 153 with note 139, Paisius placed David among the Bulgarian rulers following the lithographic image in Khristofor Zhefarovich’s Stematographia, edited by Asen Vasiliev (Sofia, 1986), p. 1б, the caption of which reads “St. David, Tsar of the Bulgarians.” 5  Pleonasm. “Comitopul” literally means “the son of the count.” David was certainly not the son of the count’s son (translator’s note).

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scorched the outskirts of Ragusa and the city of Kotor. He utterly defeated the Greeks many times and conquered Thessaloniki, Yenişehir and Karaferye, or, in other words, Larissa and Veria, and all of Thessaly. He evicted the Cutzovlachs,6 Albanians and Greeks from those places, and settled them near Varna and Tărnovo and turned them into soldiers against the Greeks. In Yenişehir, he placed a large Bulgarian army and took from there many relics that he brought to Bulgaria. He loved and thus honored with utmost reverence the relics of the saints, for they initially helped him, and he was victorious. He conquered much land. Since he first was reverent towards God and the saints, they helped him. Later, he became corrupted and God abandoned him. He raised his hand against his family, because he was jealous and killed them all. The only one left alive was John Vladislav, the son of his brother. The Greek king Nikephoros7 raised an army against Samuel, defeated and wounded him in a battle. He returned home and freed the Greek nobles, who had been enslaved in earlier battles. He gave his daughter in marriage to the Greek general Azot8 and asked him to go to Durazzo9 or Dobrudzha. He boarded a ship and fled to Constantinople, where he was given the title of magistros. Nikephoros Ouranos again marched against Bulgaria with an army and conquered several towns of Samuel. The Greeks marched against Skopje and Serbia, while Samuel marched against Edrene10 and he ruined and devastated [that city]. Then he left with an army against Skopje, but the Greeks somehow surrounded Samuel, defeated his army and enslaved many Bulgarians. And because of the hatred for Samuel and the Bulgarians, Emperor Nikephoros commited an unheard cruelty, he gouged out the eyes of 15,000 Bulgarian soldiers. For every hundred, he left a soldier with one eye to lead them and thus, blinded, he sent them to Samuel. When so many people went to Tsar Samuel, and he saw so much mutilation and profanation, he was struck by heart disease and 6  Literally, “lame Vlachs,” the old (and pejorative) Greek name of the Aromanian population in the Balkans (translator’s note). 7  Paisius obviously mistakes Nikephoros Ouranos for Emperor Nikephoros II Phokas. 8  Ashot (not Azot), the son of the strategos of Thessaloniki, Gregory Taronites, married Samuel’s daughter, Miroslava. 9  Dyrrachium (modern Durrës, in Albania). Paisius, who employed Mauro Orbini as his main source at this point, may not have been familiar with the Italian name of the city (otherwise known as Drach in Slavonic) and was thus led to believe (wrongly) that that was a reference to Dobrudzha, the land between the Danube and the Black Sea (translator’s note). 10  Adrianople (Edirne, in Turkey) (translator’s note).

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fell uncounscious, and, in a few days, he died. Thus, by shedding innocent blood, Samuel, who had killed his familly, angered God, Who sent his wrath against him and all of Bulgaria, making them submit for a long time to the Greeks, as it will be said further. After Samuel, his son, Radomir, was in power, but only for a year. He was killed while hunting. His murder was incited by the Greek tsar Nikephoros. He secretly sent someone to kill him while hunting. After Radomir, John Vladimir11 came. The Bulgarians sent Gabriel, the son of Radomir, to Vlachia in exile, and put on the throne John, the son of Aaron. Aaron was the brother of Samuel and David. Saint John Vladimir reigned for three years and from the very beginning he lived a pure, holy, and righteous live. The Greek tsar attacked with great strength the said John, but the latter prayed to God for help and defeated the Greeks with a small army, and they returned ashamed. But his wife was a Greek woman and his brother-in-law had the title of magistros. Those two were heretics, [namely] Novatians.12 They did not like Tsar Vladimir because of his orthodoxy and his pious life, so, they conspired to kill him. His brotherin-law killed him on a forest road, cutting off his head while he walked in front of his horse. By God’s grace he did not die immediately, but took his head in his hands and walked for a while until he reached the monastery which he had built. There, he dismounted and died. Even nowadays, in this monastery, [which is] in the land of Elbasan, his relics are kept, completely preserved and incorrupted, and still with healing powers. On May 22, all that land celebrates him, and they have his life (biography) and cannon, written with great solemnity and praise. Here we wrote briefly about the holy king John Vladimir. His life and cannon have been translated into Greek with many errors; or it may have beenn rewritten much later by a Serb or a Greek, who kept silent [about the fact] that his family was from the lineage of the Bulgarian tsars. It has been written as if he was of Serbian lineage, the son of Simeon Nemanja, but they were very wrong, for they did not know the years during which Simeon of Serbia had lived. At that time, there were no Serbian kings, let alone a Serbian tsar. Simeon Nemanja and his sons were kings many years later. For all of the holy Serbian kings, it is known and written where and when they had died and where their remains and tombs are. If one reads the Serbian genealogy, one will find out when Samuel, Simeon, and St. John Vladimir lived, and

11  Paisius mistook John Vladislav for John Vladimir. 12  Followers of the Roman priest Novatian (mid-3rd century AD).

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one will understand that those authors were wrong or they kept silent about the kin and the country of St. John Vladimir. After the assassination of John, the Greek tsar entered Ohrid without resistance. There, in Ohrid, St. John had resided for three years during his reign. His murderers handed over Bulgaria without resistance. He (the Greek tsar) arrived and opened the royal treasury taking with him innumerable pieces of gold and silver, and distributed [them] to his soldiers. He took many royal garlands, crowns and jewels. He showed great mercy toward Tsarina Maria, the wife of Tsar John, and her five daughters, for he knew that she had surrendered the Bulgarian Tsardom and had murdered her husband. From Tărnovo came Patriarch David13 and two other Bulgarian noblemen, Bogdan and Mirovizo, bringing the keys of 35 Bulgarian towns and surrendering them to the Greek tsar. He installed Mirovizo and Bogdan as barons in Bulgaria. During this period and because of the sin of the Bulgarian Tsar Samuel and the Novatian and Armenian heresy, which had spread amongst the Bulgarians in the region of Ohrid, the Bulgarian kingdom finally fell under Greek rule. Later, however, the blessed bishop Hilarion of Moglena and Saint Theophylact eradicated and completely destroyed those damned heresies from Bulgaria. Someone called Dolan14 was enslaved by the Greeks in a battle with the Bulgarians. He was sold in Constantinople to a great nobleman. He was very shrewd and resourceful. He fled from Constantinople to Strumica, and claimed that he was the son of Aaron. There happened to be there a large Bulgarian army. They proclaimed Dolan as Bulgarian king, rebelled and drove the Greek army away from the area of Ohrid. Dolan reigned over the Bulgarians in Ohrid, but he mistreated his soldiers, so he was chased away, and Baron Tihomir was elected king. After some time, the crafty Dolan gathered an army and attacked Tihomir, caught him, blinded and killed him. Dolan reigned for thirty years and conquered many cities from the Greeks. A certain Bulgarian, called Alusian, came from Constantinople, sent by the Greek Council to destroy Dolan. Alusian claimed that he was from the family of the Bulgarian kings: as he was told by the Greeks so he could wage war in Bulgaria. Many people trusted Alusian and went to war against Dolan. Dolan saw that he could not resist Alusian and associated 13  As shown above, in the so-called Du Cange List, David was, in fact, the archbishop of Ohrid in the 11th century. 14  Peter Delian, the son of Gabriel Radomir. 

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him to his power. After some time, Alusian rose up against Dolan, blinded him and started his own reign. He surrendered voluntarily to the Greeks and was obedient [to them] for 20 years. He reigned in Ohrid for fifteen years. Dolan and Alusian ruled only in Ohrid, up to Skopje and Stipone, while Tărnovo and the Danubian lands were for 70 years under Greek rule, and the Greeks often threatened the Bulgarians and oppressed them greatly. At that time, Patriarch of Tărnovo was Saint John.15 Seeing how the Bulgarians were oppressed by the Greeks, he wept with tears, and prayed to God to deliver them from the Greek yoke. And in front of him appeared the Holy Great Martyr Demetrius, who, from the very beginning was glorified by the tsars of Bulgaria and Tărnovo, generation after generation, from the pious Michael to St. John Vladimir. This holy martyr protected the house and lineage of the Bulgarian kings and was sent by God to Tărnovo to help for the renewal of the Bulgarian Tsardom. He told the patriarch to place Asen as Tsar of the Bulgarians, [because] God would be with him and the Bulgarian scepter will succeed in his hand. So, by God’s command, the patriarch called for Asen and his brother Peter from Vlachia. They were of from royal lineage, grandchildren of Samuel’s son Gabriel, who, as it was said, was sent to Vlachia in exile. He ordered them to build in Tărnovo a beautiful church and dedicate it to the holy martyr Demetrius. […]

Herein It is Needed to Write Down the Names of All Bulgarian Kings and Tsars, and Who Has Reigned after Whom 14. Tsar Selevkia—reigned after Boris 15. Tsar Saint David—reigned after Selevkia 16. Tsar Samuel—reigned after David 17. Tsar Radomir—reigned after Samuel 18. Tsar Saint John Vladimir—reigned after Radomir 19. Tsar Dolan—reigned after John Vladimir 20. Tsar Alusian—reigned after Dolan […]

15  Perhaps Paisius had in mind here John of Debăr, the archbishop of Ohrid (1018–1040).

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Publications: Of the many different editions of Paisius’ History, the first I point here is that of Iordan Ivanov, who during his stay on Mount Atho, in 1906, discovered “the first manuscript” of Paisius, which he then published in 1914. See Iordan Ivanov, Bălgarski starini iz Makedoniia, vol. 2 (Sofia, 1970), where one can find additional bibliography on p. 702. For the relations between Paisius and the late Western authors, see also Velchev, “Otec Paisii,” p. 103; Picchio, “Bălgariia v ‘Cărkovnata istoriia’,” pp. 587–601. The excerpts above have been translated from Paisius of Hilandar, Istoriia slavianobolgarskaia. Părvi Sofroniev prepis of 1765, edited by Bozhidar Raikov (Sofia, 1972), pp. 56–62. For more recent editions, see Istoriia slavianobolgarskaia. Gladichov prepis, edited by Darinka Karadzhova (Sofia, 2012); Istoriia slavianobolgarskaia, translated by Dimităr Peev and Aleksandăr Nikolov (Sveta Gora Aton: Slavianbălgarska Zografska Sveta Obitel, 2012). Despite their qualities, I did not use those publications, but stuck to Bozhidar Raikov’s text, because it was used in the first edition of this book. For a comprehensive survey of therelevant literature, see also Margareta Dimitrova and Dimităr Peev, “Iz istoriiata na Istoriiata—prepisi i prerabotki na Paisievia tekst,” Nauchni Trudove na Plovdivskiia Universitet “Paisii Khilendarski”. Filologiia 50 (2012), no. 1, 50–72.

The Zograf History

The so-called Zograf History, also known as the “Short History of the BulgaroSlavic people,” is an anonymous work, written in the Zograf Monastery at Mount Athos, ca. 1761. The Zograf History was written either at the same time as Paisius’ History or a little earlier, but it is regarded as a separate work, despite obvious paralells between the two. Some believe that it was written shortly after its author had seen the draft of Paisius’ work of 1762, which was kept in the Zograf Monastery. The Zograf History is preserved in a copy of 1785, made by one of the monks in the monastery, named Jacob. Later Hadži Najden Jovanović transcribed it again. This manuscript is in the Collection № 701 of the Library at the Zograf Monastery. The Zograf History was first mentioned by G. S. Rakovski in 1865 in his Bălgarska starina. After him (Subotin), the throne was taken by the Komistal’s son David. He was good at everything, and lived a pious life. He was kind to everyone. Because the Bulgarian leaders could not tolerate peace, they started to talk bad things. He heard about that, and voluntarily abandoned the

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kingdom. He went to a monastery and became a monk. And the relics of the saint remained completely [preserved]. After that, Samuel led the kingdom. He was strong and independent, but very envious. Initially, he waged a heavy war on the Constantinopolitan tsars, and defeated them and freed the Bulgarian land from all evils. Then, he went to the Western countries, in the Latin lands, where he was barely appeased with gifts. And he attacked Dalmatia. Then he captured King Vladimir, enslaved him, set on fire the Ragusan suburbs and ravaged Kotor. From the Greek tsars he took Thessaloniki, Yenişehir, Karaferye, Larissa, Ber, and all of Thessaly. Then he settled there Cutzovlachs and Albanians, and he settled Greeks in Tărnovo and Varna. He put in prison the former king of Dalmatia. His daughter Kossara had fallen in love with him and asked her father to release him, and [Samuel] gave him his eldest daughter for wife. He gave him back his kingdom and sent him freely to Dalmatia, but then he started envy him and slaughtered unjustly the king’s family and a lot of people. And his brother Gabriel with his two sons Asen and Peter, he sent them into exile in Wallachia. Vladimir, the son of his brother John, was saved miraculously from the murder. But Samuel angered the Lord, so he sent against him the tsar Nikephoros Phokas. He gathered a strong army and marched against Samuel. He walked at night and rested during the day in the mountains. And he found Samuel and his army in a ditch near the river. They were sleeping, like hammered after an entire day of drinking and playing. He struck them in their sleep just before dawn, and killed 20,000. And he captured alive 15,000, and gouged out their eyes, leaving an one-eyed soldier for every hundred, to lead them. Samuel escaped with his son and a few soldiers, but he was wounded. And when he was told how Nikephoros had mutilated his army, he died on the third day of pain and grief. Then Nikephoros took the iron bars, which still can be seen in some pillar in Constantinople. Because the Bulgarian kings always had several thousand warriors with bars to break out the wings of the enemy aside, and then to attack them. After Samuel, the kingdom was taken by his son, Radomir. He was strong and took fierce revenge on tsar Nikephoros. He slaughtered his numerous soldiers and plundered the land mercilessly, and because Nikephoros could not resist him, he secretly sent someone called Vladislav to kill him as he promised to give him the Bulgarian kingdom. He went to Radomir because he was a Bulgarian as well. And they went hunting and he killed him there, and fled to Constantinople. And the Bulgarian leaders crowned John Vladimir, son of Aaron and nephew of Samuel and David. He reigned for three years, holy and pious, and he had a wife, a relative to the Greek

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tsars, and her brother was a general at the court. They were Novatian heretics, and his brother and sister who envied Vladimir for his righteous life and planned, when in some forest, for his brother-in-law to draw his sword, and to behead him. But he took his head in his hands and rode his horse down to his monastery in Elbasan. And he dismounted there, where his relics rest until the present day, though he was killed in the forest of Ohrid. Then tsar Nikephoros sent Vladislav to Serbia where he broke his oath, and killed the Serbian king Vladimir, Samuel’s son-inlaw. Vladislav crowned himself king of the Bulgarians, and immediately set out with his army to ravage and to conquer the Serbian land, and he hid behind a tree to kill him. There, behind the tree, at dusk, an angel struck Vladimir in the face, and the Bulgarian troops returned without a tsar. Then again Nikephoros conquered all of Bulgaria, and installed judges and soldiers in cities. And Bulgaria was under Greek rule for 25 years. Then tsar Michael the Paphlagonian died, and a certain Bulgarian was captured named Dolianin. He fled from Constantinople to Bulgaria, and in Strumica he found Bulgarian warriors who were gathered [there,] and told them: “I am the brother of Vladislav, your previous tsar,” and they proclaimed him Tsar Dolanik (sic!). He immediately showed his power, gathered warriors and struck and chased the entire Greek army. In Bulgaria, he conquered the city of Napule with all its territory, and conquered a lot of land and always defeated the warriors of the tsar. Then Tsar Michael sent the brother of Vladislav to Bulgaria to conquer the kingdom and he said about himself that he was the brother of Tsar Vladislav, and everyone knew him as such. Then they seized Dolanik, gouged out his eyes, and crowned Alusian, the brother of Vladislav. He was not strong and he was afraid that he would be killed. He went to Constantinople and gave his kingdom to the tsar and was under the rule of the Greek tsars for ten years. The Bulgarians could not tolerate the great violence of the Greeks and they all rebelled and killed the entire Greek army that was in Bulgaria, but there was no one worthy [to be] a tsar. Then St. Demetrius appeared to the Patriarch of Tărnovo, John, and told him, “Bring into the kingdom Asen the son of Gabriel who was exiled by Samuel in Wallachia, and he will appease Bulgaria.” The Bulgarian tsars greatly venerated St. Demetrius, and decorated an icon for him. Therefore, he helped them. Then all agreed, and called in the kingdom John Asen, also known as Kaliman in 1185, during the reign of the Greek Tsar Alexius. […] Commentary: In his study about citations in the Zograf History, Iu. Trifonov, “Zografskata bălgarska istoriia,” Spisanie na Bălgarskata Akademiia na Naukite. Klon istoriko-

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filologichen i filosofsko-obshchestven 40 (1940), 1–66, inserted the following comment on pages 25–26: “A comparison of the Zograf History with Kačić and Baronius shows that its compiler was not just telling foreign stories, but he was also able to shorten and embellish where necessary, combining the narrative with several other texts. In short, he was a composer, not a translator or amanuensis.” I think that this explanation encapsulates everything that one may say about the Zograf History. Publications and literature: The full text of the Zograf History was published by Stefan Argirov in Periodichesko spisanie 19 (1907), nos. 3–4, 226–238. See also Iordan Ivanov, Bălgarski starini iz Makedoniia (Sofia, 1931), pp. 628–642 (pages 636–638 for the excerpt above), who uses the manuscript in the collection no. 701 in the library at the Zograf Monastery. See also E. Koceva, “Zografska istoriia,” in Starobălgarska literatura. Enciklopedichen rechnik, edited by Donka Petkanova, Ivan Dobrev, and Anisava Miltenova, 2nd edition (Veliko Tărnovo, 2003), p. 205.

Doino the Grammarian

This Bulgarian author was born in Elena in the mid-18th century, and died ca. 1810. He was originally a goldsmith, but had studied at Hilandar under the supervision of Hadzhi Sergii. There, he acquired the skills of a bookbinder from Stoian the Grammarian. When he got back to Elena he became a teacher (1784), and completed the so-called Elena Transcript of Paisius’ “Slavo-Bulgarian History.” Later, Doino became a priest. Doino made a number of additions to the so-called Elena transcript, which some believe to be based on the copy made by Sophronius in 1781. The transcript is now in the National Library “Sts. Cyril and Methodius,” under no. 370. Two additions concern Samuel, and for them Doino used the work of the Croatian writer Andrija Kačić Miošić (1702–1760), Pleasant Conversations about the Slavic People (Razgovor ugodni naroda Slovinskoga), Doino, as indicated by some of his confusing explanations, used two songs from a book featuring Kačić Miošić’s verses in Cyrillic and “in Serbian,” as well as a certain “Serbian songwriter” (the original of the Croatian writer was published in Latin). One of the songs is about Krum and Emperor Nikephoros, the other about the daughter of Samuel, Kosara, and her beloved John Vladimir. Doino did not just copy the songs, but abridged and Bulgarized the text. In fact, Kačić Miošić’s work is very detailed: 46 songs in the first edition of 1756, and 138 in the second edition of 1759.

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First Addition And he writes again, in another story, about this tsar Samuel, that he quarreled with Vladimir, the Serbian king and caught him by deception, and tied him and locked him up in a dark dungeon, where he was planning to kill him. But when the daughter of Samuel, Kosara, saw him, she asked her father to give him to her as husband. And her father married her with the Serbian king Vladimir. And King Vladimir came back again to Dalmatia with his wife Kosara, the daughter of Tsar Samuel. Meanwhile, the Serbian throne ruled over Dalmatia. King Samuel quarreled again with the Greek tsar, Basil Porphyrogenetus, and conquered many places and cities.



Second Addition And on another instance, it is written about that Tsar Samuel who fought with the Greek king Basil. King Basil sent a strong general named Nikifor [Nikephoros], who he left with an army to find Tsar Samuel near a river and he attacked him suddenly with his army, and conquered the Bulgarian army. Few of them fled and survived. Tsar Samuel and his son Radomir had great luck. because they hid amongst the dead bodies. And when the army left, they ran away from those corpses. And fleeing from mountain to mountain, tormented, they came to their home—only the two of them.



Song for Tsar Samuel, the Serbian King Vladimir and Queen Kosara, the Daughter of Samuel—Translation from Serbian Bitterly cries prisoner Vladimir in the prison of the Bulgarian king, bitterly [he] cries and curses the day in which he was born in this world. The hero thinks that no one hears him but he was heard by the maiden Kosara the daughter of the Bulgarian king. The maiden asks him: What is with you, my poor prisoner, why do you cry and curse this day?

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Is it the hunger bothering you and the dungeon, your current home; or are you remembering your mother and the customs of your land; or are you disturbed by the irons chains on your feet and arms? The prisoner Vladimir responds: Leave me alone, Bulgarian girl! I am not bothered by hunger nor by the dark dungeon—my current home nor by the chains on my feet and hands nor by the heavy chains on my neck, but I feel great pity, for Samuel—may God pay him back!— for abusing my trust and for throwing me in this dark dungeonand this morning a bitter voice has told me, that he will destroy me quickly. Maiden Kosara speaks to him: Where are you from, which city, kin and nation Do you have living parents? Prisoner Vladimir responds: I am of a lordly kin from the white town of Trebinje. I have a great deal of gold my mother would have paid ransom for me, yet the king does not ask for one, but wants to cut my head off because of the world and of the right faith. Maiden Kosara comforts him:

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Do not worry, my unfortunate prisoner nor do ask God for help, for soon the help will come! She goes back to the white castle and on her way she speaks to herself: “Have mercy, O God, on this fine man from Serbian stock and kin.” She entered the white castle kissed her father’s lap and knees. She showered his feet with tears and thus she spoke to him: Give me the prisoner Vladimir Oh! Because of all your crowns because of your son Radomir, and because of your shining swords. I think, my dear father, that Vladimir is from a lordly stock, he has nice and wise speech a mother cannot give birth to a better one. Give him to me, dear parent, this fine boy of Herzegovina. The King felt great sorrow for her And he spoke to his daughter Kosara: He is not a Herzegovinian boy, but he is King Vladimir. I cannot do otherwise, except to give him to you. Because you are very much alike and he is the great Serbian glory. As maiden Kossara realized that she will become a Serbian queen, She kissed her father’s hands, She took the keys for the prison and opened its doors, and kindly called Vladimir:

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Stand up, King Vladimir Come to me, my bright crown you are called by the daughter of Bulgarian King go, glory of the Serbian people. She took him to her white castle Samuel waited him politely, drank for his health. and placed a crown on his head and married him to the maiden Kossara And gave him back his Serbian Kingdom He threw him a noble feast, at which he invited all nobles and whoever could hear how Samuel, the Bulgarian king kissed his son-in-law, when he sent him to his home: “Go and farewell, my dear child, may your way have a good meeting you did wrong to yourself a lot and to your old mother. After we kept you in dark dungeon and we tortured you with hunger and thirst, take, my son, in your white castle my daughter, your wife, bring my best regards to all Serbian masters and to the Queen—your old mother.” Once it was, and now it is mentioning and now who drinks, he laughs as well. Commentary: I offered here the translation of the Serbian text, and refrained from adding the supplements of the Croatian text, because they are quite insignificant. Publications and researches: Boniu Angelov, Săvremennici na Paisii, vol. 1 (Sofia, 1963), pp. 127–145, with a slightly redacted text; Donka Petkanova, “Doino Grammatik,” Starobălgarska literatura. Enciklopedichen rechnik, edited by Donka Petkanova, Ivan Dobrev, and Anisava Miltenova, 2nd edition (Veliko Tărnovo, 2003), p. 144.

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Jovan Rajić

Jovan Rajić (1726–1801) was a Serbian historian and writer. His father was a Bulgarian from Vidin, who had migrated to Karlowitz16 where he married a Serbian girl, who gave birth to Jovan. He received theological education at the Kiev Mohyla Academy. He traveled from Moscow to Vienna, Bratislava, Budapest and Novi Sad. In 1758, he spent two months in the Hilandar Monastery, where he could have met Paisius. They certainly met in 1761, when Paisius traveled three times to the “German land” to receive and carry the aid and books collected for the Hilandar Monastery. Highly educated, Rajić taught young priests in Novi Sad. He wrote for them an Orthodox Catechism. His main work, however, is the History of Various Slavic People, mostly Bulgarians, Croatians and Serbs, which he finished in 1768, after a decade of work.17 The first volume of this four-volume work was published in 1794, the last one in 1795. Jovan Rajić died as the abbot of the Monastery of Kovilj. Book II. Chapter VIII. The Overthrow of the Bulgarian Kingdom § 6. […] “After the death of Tzimiskes—Kedrenos narrates again—the Bulgarians refused to be obedient to the Romans [any more,] and handed their kingdom over to the four brothers—David, Moses, Aaron, and Samuel. They were sons of a prominent Bulgarian rebel so they were given the nickname “Comitopuls.” The heirs of King Peter had been killed, and Boris and Roman were held in captivity in Constantinople. After the death of Tzimiskes, these two brothers fled the city and hastened to go to their country. Boris died, dressed in Greek attire while passing through a forest; he was killed by a Bulgarian, who [mis]took him for a Roman. Roman safely arrived in the country, but because he had beem castrated in Constantinople, was not accepted by his people. David died; Moses was killed by a stone during the siege of Serres; and Aaron was killed by his brother Samuel. The only one spared was his son, Vladislav, who was later called Roman; he was saved by Samuel’s son Radomir.” (Kedrenos, vol. II, p. 543; Zonaras, vol. XVII, p. 172; Du Fresne,18 p. 100, § 24.)

16  Now Sremski Karlovci, in Serbia (translator’s note). 17  The following excerpts have been translated directly from Jovan Rajić, Istoriia raznykh slavianskijh narodov, nai-pache bolgar, khorvatov i serbov (Vienna: Stefan Novakovich, 1794–95), pp. 409–439 (translator’s note). 18  Charles du Fresne Du Cange (translator’s note).

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§ 7. On the Bulgarian throne remained only Samuel, the 23rd king, who according to the testimony of Anna Comnena in the Alexiad (Book XII, p. 294) was previously called Mokrus and dug many channels in the lake Lychnis.19 He called that place by its own name, Ahrida. “Samuel was described by Kedrenos and Zonaras as combative and courageous man. When he found a good opportunity, he ravaged the entire western territory: Thrace, Macedonia, the region of Thessaloniki, Thessaly, Greece, and the Peloponnese, and many towns he took, of which the primary one was Larissa, inhabitants of which he resettled in the heart of Bulgaria and conscripted them in his army. The emperor, after settling the domestic riots of the chief Dur,20 headed for Bulgaria and settled his camp at Triadica (called before Serdica) in the fields called Stopone, while Samuel with his army was hiding in the mountains. Meanwhile, Kondostefan21 approached the emperor during the night and lied to him about Melissenos planning to usurp the throne, and advised the emperor to hurry to Constantinople and leave the Bulgarians behind. Upon hearing that, the emperor immediately commanded his troops to leave the place. Samuel saw that the Romans retreated in disarray and attacked with great uproar, defeated them and captured the royal regalia as the emperor barely escaped in Philipopolis.” (Kedrenos and Zonaras.) § 8. The emperor, seeing the success of Samuel and acknowledging his inability to restrain his forces, sent George Taronites with several regiments to Macedonia and ordered him to protect Thessalonike and fight off the attacks of Samuel. When Taronites arrived at the appointed place, he immediately sent his son Asotios against Samuel, who was plundering the land. But Asotios fell captive to the Bulgarians. Taronites, who had come to rescue him, died. These and the following events, the Greek historians report in this way: “After the extinction of the domestic wars in the Empire, the emperor started to consider revenge on Samuel, and he enforced well Thessaloniki in order to stop Samuel’s ravages and marched personally on a war against Iberia to receive as inheritance the land that had been promised to him by its late king. While this was happening in Iberia, Samuel set an ambush against his army, sending a small part ahead to Thessaloniki. The commander of the city, George Taronites, sent against them his son Asotios, who did not know about the siege of Bulgarians and got caught. George rushed to rescue his son, but was also 19  Lake Lychnidos, or Ohrid (translator’s note). 20  Bardas Skleros (translator’s note). 21  Kontostephanos (translator’s note).

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captured by the Bulgarians and killed. From there, Samuel triumphantly crossed Thessaly, Boeotia and Attica and entered Peloponnese (Morea). Nikephoros Branas was sent by the emperor to pursue Samuel, he secretly crossed the Spercheios river at night, and with great uproar attacked the sleeping Bulgarians, and killed many of them without losing any of his own. Samuel, with his son Roman, received terrible wounds, and they would have fallen in the hands of Branas, had they not managed to hide among the dead bodies. That same night, after the battle ended, they fled to Bulgaria through the Aetolian Mountains and Pindos.” (Kedrenos, vol. II, pp. 549–550; Zonaras, vol. XVII, p. 176; Du Fresne described this in Ch. VII, § 25, p. 100; he claims this happened in 985.) Soon after his return, Samuel had to face a new problem. His daughter has fallen in desperate love with the son of Taronites, Asotios, who at that moment, was prisoner of the Bulgarians. She threatened that she would take her own life, if she would not marry him. Samuel gave her for wife to Asotios and, after the wedding, he sent them to Dyrrachium to rule the city and its surrounding coasts. When they arrived safely [there, however], Asotios told his wife to follow him on a ship that took them to the Greek emperor, who welcomed him [and granted him] the title of magistros. Due to his efforts, Dyrrachium soon surrendered to the emperor. Through Philipopolis, he (Asotios) entered Bulgaria and destroyed some castles around Serdica, constantly causing damages to his father-in-law, Samuel. § 9. From 1000 until his death, Emperor Basil each year made changes to Bulgaria, which led to the complete destruction of the kingdom. In the same year, indiction 13—returning to the narrative of Kedrenos—Basil sent a strong army against the Bulgarian regiments across the Haemus Mountains, led by the patrician Teodorakanos and protospatharius Nikephoros Xiphias. The Byzantine armies conquered the Great and Little Preslav, as well as Pliskov, and then triumphantly returned home. In the following year, the emperor again headed to Bulgaria through the fields of Thessaloniki, where Dobromir surrendered himself and his city Berroea. The mayor of Servia, Nikolai (also called Nikolitsa, because of his small stature) firmly defended his fortress against the emperor, but finally that town was conquered by force, and Nikolitsa himself felt into his hands. Once the Bulgarians, who lived there, have been displaced, he fortified the town with Roman soldiers, and he returned to Constantinople with Nikolitsa, giving him the title patrician. But Nikolitsa, who was a fickle man (but loyal to his homeland like the son of Taronites, Asotios), escaped from the capital, secretly reached Samuel and fought with him

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against the town of Servia, which the emperor easily relieved from their siege. Nikolitsa was caught again and brought in chains to Constantinople, where he was thrown into prison. Hence the emperor again came to Thessaly and restored the towns impoverished by the Bulgarians, liberated those on which they were still holding and moved Bulgarians to Borel22 (that is the name of the place), came in Vodena, captured the town, and headed to Thessaloniki.” (Kedrenos, vol. II, p. 551, B. D.; Zonaras, vol. XVII, p. 176; Du Fresne, Ch. VII, 25, p. 100; and Mauro Orbini, p. 311.) § 10. “After two years—as Kedrenos continues his narrative—when the emperor restrained the African riots, Samuel with his troops came to Adrianople and attacked the city on the feast of the Holy Assumption, plundered the place and [then] left. The emperor fortified the town of Vodena, conquered all Bulgarian fortresses, and as he came to Skopje, he found that Samuel was on the other bank of the Axios River or Vardar, carelessly pitching his camp, as he hoped that the emperor would not be able to cross the river, because of its high waters. But the emperor with the help one of his men, found somewhere a ford and crossed the river. The desperate Samuel escaped with all his people. The imperial army obtained his tent and his whole camp. And Roman, Samuel’s commander in Skopje, surrendered the town to the emperor. This Roman was the son of Bulgarian king Peter and the brother of Boris, who also bore the name of his grandfather, Simeon. So, the emperor honored him with the title patrician and prepositor and gave him the town of Abydos as a gift. Hence, the emperor went to Pernik which was defended by a very brave man called Krakra. Exhausted by the long siege, the emperor saw that the fortress was impregnable, and Krakra unwilling to be convinced [to surrender], and left for Philipopolis and from there to the capital.” (Kedrenos, vol. II, p. 552, B. D.; Zonaras, vol. XVII, p. 176; and Du Fresne.) § 11. Day by day, the welfare of Bulgaria was declining, due to the yearly campaigns of Emperor Basil into Bulgaria, and in a battle which took place in 1014, he defeated many Bulgarians and captured 15,000 whom he punished by gouging out their eyes, and because of that Samuel felt sick and died. This short story was supplemented by Kedrenos and Zonaras, whose words cannot be ignored. “Then—wrote Kedrenos—the emperor sent annually in Bulgaria expeditions, plundering and destroying it. Therefore Samuel not daring to fight with him decided to intercept the

22  Boleron, located between Mestos and Hebros Rivers.

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imperial troops on the route. He dug deep ditches in Kimba and Kleida,23 and made palisades, left sufficient number of guards and stayed in person in the camp. Thus he protected himself from the emperor. When arriving [to that place], the emperor tried to enter but was repelled by the guards protecting the walls. Desperate, the emperor was comforted by the commandant of Philipopolis, Nikephoros Xiphias, who advised the emperor to keep the Bulgarians [fighting] at the palisade, while at the same time he would arrange a safely passage by attacking from the other side. After that, Nikephoros surrounded the mountain lying south of Valavista24 and on June 29, he attacked the Bulgarians. Frightened by this unexpected blow, the Bulgarians began to flee, and the emperor found the palisade abandoned, destroyed it and began to pursue those fleeing. Many Bulgarians died there but most of them were captured alive. Samuel himself barely escaped with the help of his son who brought him a horse and firmly fought the invading Romans. Then he took him to Prilepon. The emperor ordered the captured Bulgarians, numbering 15,000 to have their eyes gouged out, leaving an one-eyed soldier for every hundred, to lead them. Thus he sent them back to Samiel. When Samuel saw them, he could not bear the grief and fell unconscious to the ground as dead. He was brought to life with some water and scents, and he asked for cold water, but when he drank it, he had a heart attack. And two days later he died of it.” (Kedrenos, vol. II, p. 553, B. D.; Zonaras, vol. XVII, p. 177; and Du Fresne of the said place; Mauro Orbini, pp. 311–312.) § 12. Thus, after Samuel, who died of grief, the throne was inherited by his son Gabriel, the 24th king, who was also called Roman or Radomir. He exceled his father in body strength but was much weaker in mind. He was born of a prisoner from Larissa and ascended on the throne on the 13th indiction, in September, but he was unable to hold onto it even for an year, as he was killed while hunting by John (also called Vladislav), the son of Aaron, whom he had previously saved from death, as mentioned by Kedrenos, p. 554. Besides Gabriel, Samuel had other children—Trojan, who was the father in law of Andronikos Doukas, and four daughters, one of them, Catherine, who married Emperor Isaac Comnenus, the other—Kossara—married King Vladimir of Dalmatia. The remaining two, after the conquest of Bulgaria, were taken to Constantinople; one was named Maria and received the title of “zoste” in Constantinople, 23  This refers to Kimba Longos, in the region of Strumica, and to Kliuch, between Belasica and Ograzhden. 24  Valavista is the name of the Belasica Mountains.

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because she agreed with her husband Asotios to betray her homeland. What happened in that reign we will learn mostly from Kedrenos: “Even before the death of Samuel, the commandant of Thessaloniki was Theophylact Botaneiates, against whom Gabriel, who had just received the royal power, sent sufficient troops, under the leadership of Nestoritsa, whom Theophylact defeated with the help of his son, Michael, and chased them away; and he went with a big booty and captives to the emperor, who then, was breaking the palisades at the gorge of Kleidion. When he passed through the palisade, the emperor hastened to go to Strumica and upon Theophylact’s arrival, he ordered him to go up into the mountains around Strumica, and to burn the raised barriers, and thus to prepare his way to Thessaloniki. Theophylact hastened to execute the order, but was surrounded by the guards of the barriers, and perished with most of his army. When the emperor was informed of his death, he became very disheartened and did not dare to march further, but returned to Zagoria, where there was the castle of Melnik, built on a rock and very well fortified, surrounded by steep slopes and deep ravines, and where many Bulgarians from the nearby areas had sought refuge. The emperor sent one of his courtiers, the eunuch Sergius, a good-hearted and well-spoken man to advise them to surrender to the emperor. He was so successful with his words that they laid down their arms and surrendered themselves and the city to the emperor, who accepted them with honors in Mosynopolis, where he also received the news of Samuel’s death on October 24. He left for Pelagonia in peace, except that he burned the castle at Voutele,25 which was the castle of Gabriel. He also sent an army to capture the cities of Prilepon and Stipion. From there, he went to the Cherna River where with boats and inflated bladders passed on the opposite bank of the river. On the 9th of January, he returned to Thessalonike.” (Kedrenos, vol. II, p. 554; VE Mauro Orbini, p. 312; Du Fresne, Ch. VII, § 26, p. 101.) § 13. During the emperor’s staying in Thessaloniki, an envoy from King Gabriel brought him a note in which the king announced his intention to submit and be loyal to the emperor. But the emperor saw deception in that, and immediately sent the commanders Xiphias and Diogenes to Moglena, through the efforts of whom the country and its capital city became loyal to the emperor. A little later, Gabriel was killed by the ungrateful John, the son of Aaron, while hunting in 1015. He had ruled for only one year, one month and nine days. (Du Fresne) For better information, we must turn to Kedrenos. “At the beginning of spring,” he wrote, 25  This name refers to the region beyond the mountains, i.e., to the southwest from Pirin.

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“the emperor marched against Bulgaria and returned to the town of Budin (according to others, Vodena) because it showed him loyalty, he marched against Voleron and its inhabitants. Then he built in the middle of these narrow places two fortresses—one called Kardia, and the other after St. Elijah. To the emperor residing there, King Gabriel sent a letter through a certain Romanos Chirotmetus (Kliakavac26), promising obedience and offering him to become his servant. But the emperor, being suspicious, sent Xiphias and Constantine Diogenes with an army to Moglena, and they besieged the city; and when the emperor arrived, they first diverged the river that surrounded the city by digging channels, then they undermined the city walls and the emperor ordered [soldiers] to gather firewood and to burn down the walls. Seeing this, the townspeople surrendered. There were captured the primary adviser of Gabriel, Kavkan Domitian and the Prince of Maglen, Elitsa,27 with many other dignitaries including many soldiers. Those able of bearing arms, the emperor ordered to be taken to Asprakania, while the rest of them were made captive. Then he burned the neighboring city of Maglen, [E]Notia.” (Kedrenos, vol. II, p. 555 A.V.) § 14. John, also called Vladislav, the 25th king, the son of Samuel’s brother, King Aaron, by the suggestion of Emperor Basil, murdered Gabriel and took the power over the declining Bulgaria, and immediately sent to the emperor a message, in which he pledged his fidelity, and those promises were received graciously by the emperor. “On the fifth day,” wrote Kedrenos again, “Romanos Chirotmetus arrived bringing with himself servants of Aaron’s son, John Vladislav, with a letter in which he said that he had killed Gabriel and the reign of Bulgaria had now passed onto him, and promising to be a servant and subject of the emperor. As he acknowledged these promises with a golden bull, the emperor sent them back to John. A few days later, Romanos returned, carrying the message from John and the Bulgarian nobles in which he proclaimed them all subjects of the Empire. Soon they were joined by the brother of the ruler of Moglena, Kavkan Domitian, who was accepted with honor by the emperor. But the emperor realized the treachery of John in his writing, and he returned to Bulgaria and captured Ostrovo, Sosk and the fields of Pelagonia, he ordered all the captured Bulgarians to be blinded, and again marched to the Bulgarian capital—the stronghold of Ohrid—and conquered it. Setting up everything there, he planned to go to Dyrrachium, 26  Skylitzes mentions that that was the name of a “one-handed” Roman. 27  This is name of what is now known as Priština.

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because his presence was needed there. Tribalia and the surrounding parts of Serbia had been within the power of Vladimir (he was a Serbian King and Samuel’s son-in-law), an honorable man, who was virtuous and loved peace. During that time, Dyrrachium was at peace. But when John killed Gabriel, the son of Samuel, and deceived Vladimir with false oaths and soon after that he treacherously killed him through the efforts of the Bulgarian Archbishop, David, Dyrrachium become a very troubled place, for John threatened the city, both by himeself, and by his chieftains. But the intention of the emperor was disrupted by not a small matter. When he left for Ohrid, the emperor left behind George Gonitziates and protospatharios Orestes with a part of the army to conquer the Pelagonian countries. However, they were all killed in ambushes of the Bulgarians under the leadership of the brave and glorious leader Ibats (Ivitsa). The emperor, affected by that changed his intention and personally headed to Pelagonia to pursue Ibats; he reached Thessalonike and from there he moved to Mosynopolis. Then he sent to besiege Strumica his troops headed by David Areianates, who immediately captured Thermitsa. Another regiment he sent with the chief Xiphias against the strongholds around Triadica; he conquered everything that was in these fields, and the city, named Boion.” (Kedrenos, vol. II, pp. 555–556; and Du Fresne, Ch. VII, §27, pp. 101–102.) § 15. In the next year, 1016, the emperor again rushed to Triadica but wasted his time with the fruitless siege, so, he withdrew to Mosynopolis with his regiment. There he rested briefly and then entered Bulgaria sending his commanders to conquer Pelagonia, while he personally set out for Kastoria. After he unsuccessfully attacked the city and strengthened Berrhoia, he went against John. The Bulgarians wre afraid when they saw the emperor coming, and dispersed. Many of them, including John’s uncle, were taken prisoners. From there, the emperor set out for Vodena and victoriously reached Constantinople. (This is how this episode is briefly described by Du Fresne.) In order to be well informed, however, we must turn to Kedrenos (p. 557): “Again in the year 6524, the emperor left his capital, went to Triadica, and besieged Pernik. There he spent 88 days for the siege. The garrison firmly defended [the place], and killed many Roman soldiers. When he realized that his efforts were in vain, the emperor withdrew to Mosynopolis, and after his troops took some rest there, he entered Bulgaria again in the following spring of 1017. After a long siege, he seized the fortress, conquered Pelagonia, took many captives, and set the city on fire. He divided the prisoners into three parts: the first one he gave to his allies, the Russians, the second, to the Romans,

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and the third, he kept for himself. From there, he went to Kastoria, but he could not conquer the fortress, and returned because he had received a letter from Tzotzikios, the commander of Dorostolon, [according to which] Krakra had gathered sufficient troops, and joined John in forming an alliance with the Pechenegs, whom he intended to use to invade the Roman lands. Because of the [imminent] threat, the emperor went back, seized the passage Vosograd (Vishegrad), and burned it down. He restored Berrhoia and destroyed strongholds around Ostrovo and Molisk. But Krakra and John’s plans were in vain, because the Pechenegs refused [to provide] the promised assistance. So, he sent scouts towards [the troops of] John, who was located nearby. In the same pass, the emperor conquered the town of Semenna, where Samuel used to store his wheat. When they went there, thinking that John was setting an ambush, the emperor got excited, and hastened alone against John riding through his own formation. After learning all that, John’s scouts hastily returned to his camp. All they could say was: “run, the Caesar!” Those words Du Fresne believed to be in French, with the meaning “this is the Caesar.” In Greek, according to Kedrenos, the words were “Βεζείτε τζαίζαρ.” But, it is known that Greeks do not have the letters “б” (b) and “ж” (zh), which is why in Slavic words they use “v” instead of “б,” and “z” instead of “ж.” Moreover, Bulgarians never had the need to speak French, as such a habit never existed amongst them. But the matter is clear by itself, and needs no further explanation. And so, John and the rest of this followers began to flee in disarray. Diogenes with his warriors pursued them, and fiercely slaughtered them fierce, and captured 200 armed people, as well as John’s uncle. After all of that, the emperor returned to Vodena and then to Byzantium, on 9 January, AD 1018 or AM 6526. § 16. Mauro Orbini on pp. 313–314; and Du Fresne in the mentioned paragraph, extensively described the conquest and subjugation of the Bulgarian Kingdom, but since their narrative is similar to the one of Kedrenos, even the same, we will use his words here. He wrote thus: “John again found a propitious moment, and, like a barbarian, attacked Dyrrachium, but was killed in the battle by an unknown soldier, after he had ruled over the Bulgarians for two years and five months. The emperor found out about John’s death from the commander of Dyrrachium, Niketas Pegonites and immediately started a campaign against Bulgaria. He arrived in Adrianople where he met with the brother and the son of the famous Krakra, carrying the joyful news that the famous city of Pernik and 35 other fortresses ruled by Krakra were [now] surrendering to the emperor. They were honored with dignities and the emperor

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rewarded Krakra with the title of patrician. And from there he arrived in Mosynopolis, where the envoys of Pelagonia, Morovizd and Lipeni, who were surrendering those towns, were introduced to him. From there he left for Serres, where he found Dragomazh, who surrendered Strumica to him and gave him the title of patrician. When the emperor arrived in Strumica, the Bulgarian archbishop David came to him with letters from Maria, the widow of King John; she surrendered Bulgaria. Also, Bogdan arrived, the lord of the interior towns, and he received the dignity of patrician because he was disposed favorably toward the emperor for a long time. From there the emperor left again to Skopje, where he appointed David Arianites as governor, then he returned through Stipion and Prosek, accepting greetings from all subjects. Turning to the right, he entered Ahrida, and settled his camp there, welcomed by all people. In Illes [Eilissos], the chief throne city of Bulgaria, where the treasures of their kings were located, the emperor found a lot of money, wreaths, decorated with pearls, golden robes and a hundred kentenaria of gold, which the emperor gave away freely to his soldiers. In that city, he appointed the patrician Daphnomelos Eustathios as governor, reinforced the city with sufficient troops and went to his own camp. (Du Fresne and Mauro Orbini wrote that these treasures, which were in the capital city of Ahrida, as it is told here, and maybe this Ionia was a fortress adjacent to the metropolis Ahrida, so, therefore we should consider them the same.)28 He graciously accepted the widow of John Vladislav with her three sons and six daughters and many others of their family, ordering for them to be treated with respect just like the others. Other Bulgarian nobles came to the emperor as well—Nestoritsa, Zaritsa, and the young Dobroslav, each with his troops, and received dignitary titles from the emperor. Presian, the son of Vladislav, also surrendered and with his brothers, who had fled to the Tmor Mountain.” (Kedrenos, vol. II, pp. 557–558; Zonaras, vol. XVII, p. 178; Du Fresne, Ch. VII, § 27, p. 102; and Mauro Orbini, p. 315.) § 17. So, all of the Bulgaria was conquered and under the dominion of Emperor Basil. Only one man called Ibats still resisted, having assembled several troops and conquered several cities, but he was caught 28  Rajić, Istoriia, p. 327 mistook the description of the course of the river Drin in Skylitzes (“Kedrenos”) for the emperor’s itinerary on his 1018 march to Ohrid. He therefore took Elissus to be a part of defense system of Ohrid. Elissus, according to Anna Comnena (Alexiad, transl. E. A. Dawes [London: Routledge, Kegan, Paul, 1928], p. 321], was located on the Lower Drin, so relatively far away from Ohrid (translator’s note). along the lower Drin (translator’s note).

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and blinded. The details of what happened are told by Kedrenos. “He was brought to the emperor,” wrote Kedrenos, “the blinded Ivats, the one who rebelled against the emperor and who was treacherously captured by the commandant of Ohrid, Eustathios Daphnomelos and placed in custody. Further, the son of Nikolitsa willingly surrendered to the emperor and was sent in custody to Thessaloniki. The Bulgarian prince Elemag also came with his courtiers and surrendered to the emperor. Then the emperor conquered all of the Bulgarian land, and [after] settling in cities sufficient military troops, he returned to Constantinople in AM 6527 or AD 1019. After this glorious victory over the Bulgarians, the emperor Basil acquired the name “Bolgarokhton,” i. e., the victor over the Bulgarians. And by that time, according to the testimony of Du Fresne, the Bulgarians settled in Lower Moesia along the Danube next to the Pechenegs. (For the above, see the testimony of Nikephoros Gregoras in Chapter IV, § 1, p. 338.) Emperor Basil marched to Sicily where he died, struck suddenly by illness, in AD 1026. § 18. After the conquest of Bulgaria, the country that stretched beyond the Danube was ruled by Greek princes, of which the first one was Constantine Diogenes, the 26th king, Prefect of Sirmium. Under Michael the Paphlagonian, who ruled in the Greek Empire, in 1039, the Bulgarians refused to obey the Romans. They had been under that yoke for 20 years. A certain Peter called Delian, a servant to a citizen of Constantinople, fled the capital, came to Bulgaria, and declared himself the son of Roman and grandson of Samuel. He easily persuaded the embittered Bulgarians, and they proclaimed him king; then all the Greeks in their provinces were killed mercilessly. The imperial commanders wanted to subdue the rebellious Bulgarians, but their efforts were in vain. Dermokaites was defeated by the Bulgarians and chased out of Bulgaria. (See Du Fresne in Ch. VII, § 28, 29, p. 103.) But let’s also see what Kedrenos has to say about this, vol. II, p. 583: “In the same year (i.e., AM 6547 or AD 1039) the Bulgarians renounced the Empire [in] this way. A certain Peter, a Bulgarian, called Delian, a servant of some Constantinopolitan man, escaped from the city and passing through Bulgaria, came to Moravia and Belgrade, both cities located on the opposite side of Pannonia or Turkia, everywhere presenting himself as the son of Roman and grandson of Simeon (Zonaras claims that he was an illegitimate son of Aaron, Samuel’s brother). He stirred the Bulgarian people, and incited them to rise in rebellion, as they had only recently fallen under the Roman yoke and were yearning for freedom. Therefore, the Bulgarians trusted him and proclaimed him king of Bulgaria, sending him on a triumphant tour of the main Bulgarian

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cities, Naissos and Skopje. All Romans found on his way were brutally killed. When the commander of Dyrrachium, Basil Synadenos, heard about the rebellion, he decided to forestall it and suppress the fire that had just started. However, his plan was thwarted, as he was denounced to the emperor for fostering an attempt to usurp power, so he had to exculpate himself.” § 19. Meanwhile, Dermokaites29 replaced Synadenos as commander and made his way into Bulgaria, but he was defeated and ignominiously pursued by the Bulgarians. According of Kedrenos, “after chasing away their master Dermokaites, the rebellious Bulgarians openly renounced the emperor and chose as their 28th king a certain Bulgarian, named Tihomir. Thus, the Bulgarians were divided into two factions: those who wanted Tihomir and the others, who supported Delian. Delian deceived the common people by saying that he was from the royal family, attracted them [to his side] and was immediately proclaimed king, while the poor Tihomir was stoned to death. After all that happened, Delian gathered his troops and led them to Thessaloniki against the emperor, who prompted by mysterious reasons, went to Byzantium with his army, leaving [behind] all his treasures, gold and silver and garments, ordering the noble Manuel Ivats to follow him. Ivats and an eunuch [named] Kitonites took the treasures and fled to Delian. (See Zonaras, vol. XVII, p. 89; and Du Fresne, Ch. VII, § 30, p. 103.) What happened after that is described in Kedrenos, p. 584 in v. II: “Delian,” he wrote, “wisely set his actions, and sent a regiment under the leadership of Kavkan to capture Dyrrachium, while another headed to Greece under the command of Anthimos, who defeated the Thebans and their leader Alakasseus—and cast them out. Then all of Nikopolis also rejected the Empire (they were also Bulgarians). They did this, because after the conquest of Bulgaria, Emperor Basil had introduced a levy from every Bulgarian who had a team of oxen: for each ox he was to give a measure of wheat or millet, and one portion of wine. John Kutzomytes was sent to collect by force the tax or its monetary value, and he treated inhumanly the people, which is why they tore him to pieces, renounced the Empire, and joined their rebellious fellow-countrymen. § 20. But Bulgaria, which has just risen in rebellion and was freed from Greek enslavement, was again subjugated because of internal strife. Because Delian and Alusian both reigned in Bulgaria, and persecuted each other, the emperor used that opportunity and destroyed both of 29  The one who slandered Synadenos, according to Skylitzes (translator’s note).

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them, and subdued Bulgaria again. This is what Kedrenos and Zonaras testify, and like them, other historians as well. According to the words of Kedrenos in v. II, p. 585, “that happened in the 6549 AM, i.e., in 1041 AD. In September, Alusian, the 29th king, a royal patrician and governor of Theodosiopolis, the second son of Aaron (from the royal line), fled to Delian, because of being insulted by the emperor’s brother, John, who took from him 50 pounds of gold and his wife,30 and because he could not obtain due satisfaction. Friends of Aaron’s family recognized him by a birth mark overgrown with black hair on his right hand. After quarreling, both rulers [nonetheless] decided to rule together. Delian agreed kindly to share power, because he was afraid that people would rather follow Alusian, for he was from royal blood. So he sent him with an army of 40,000 men to conquer Thessaloniki. In the siege, Alusian did not have much lucky, for one night, the Thessalonians rushed out of the fortress, killing 15,000 Bulgarians and capturing an equal number of men. Ashamed, the rest barely made it back to Delian. After such a disaster, Delyan and Alusian began to trick each other. Delian suspected Alusian of treason, while Alusian was ashamed about the lost troops. Finally, Alusian invited Delian to a feast (which was known by some of his friends), got him drunk and blinded him. Since none of the Bulgarians knew about that, he escaped to the emperor in Mosynopolis. For his deed, the emperor honored him with the title of magistros and sent him to Constantinople to Orphanotrophos. He (the emperor) entered Bulgaria in person through Thessaloniki, captured Delian and sent him in Thessaloniki. From there he advanced into the interior of Bulgaria, chased the rebels, subdued them, appointed a governor to the province, and again returned to his fortress, bringing Delian and Ivats with him.” (Zonaras, vol. XVII, p. 190; Du Fresne, Ch. VII, § 31, p. 104; and Mauro Orbini, p. 317, § 21.) § 21. Since then, among the Bulgarian governors who had the title duke, [one] could mentioned Nikephoros Karantinos, Damian Dalassenos and Nikephoros Bryennios. The Bulgarians, who were unaccustomed to a foreign yoke, tried to free themselves again and chose a new king, called Bodin, but he was captured in a battle, sentenced in a trial in Constantinople, and sent into exile. Thus, Bulgaria remained subdued up until 1071. But let us complete this narrative with Kedrenos’ testimony and put an end on his history of the Bulgarians. He writes the following in volume II, pp. 665–667: “During the reign of Michael [VII] Parapinakes, 30  “A good property of his wife,” according to Skylitzes (translator’s note).

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the son of Doukas, who ascended on the throne in 1071, Bulgaria remained under Roman rule. In the first year of his reign, the Serbian people, who were also called Croats, invaded Bulgaria in an attempt to conquer it. We will see how that happened. When Emperor Basil subdued Bulgaria to the Roman Empire, he did not want to change anything in it and ordered to be governed by their rulers, according to their customs, as they were during the reign of King Samuel. People were very hostile to him (Emperor Michael VII), mostly because of the avarice of Orphanotrophos. They therefore chose Delian for king, as we have already said. And now, people again rejected him (the emperor), because they could not bear the greed of Nikephoros. The emperor neglected this, and, instead, entertained himself with games for children. But the Bulgarian princes asked their governor Michael to help them and to appoint his son as Bulgarian king. (Du Fresne, § 33, p. 104, writes that Michael was a Serbian king and was also called Mihailitsa). He agreed with this and gave them his son Constantine, named Bodin, and sent with him 300 of his men to Bulgaria. He entered Bulgaria through the town Prisdiana31 where the dignitaries were gathered. In Skopje, where Georgi Vojtech was, those in power proclaimed him king of Bulgaria, and instead of Constantine, they called him Peter (the 30th king). As the Roman commander of Skopje, Nikephoros Karantinos, heard about that, he joined the Bulgarians. Meanwhile, his successor, Damian Dalassenos, regrouped his troops and fought against the Serbs. In that terrifying carnage, Romans were defeated, Damian himself was caught alive along with other Roman commander, and their camp was ravaged. And the Bulgarians again openly proclaimed Bodin as their king. Then, they split their forces into two, one led by King Peter headed to Naissos, and the other, under the command of Petrila, who was first after Bodin, marched against the Romans in Kastoria. The Romans gathered their troops from the surrounding cities. The battle was won by the Romans, they chased away Petrila and killed a great number of Bulgarians, captured alive the Croatian supreme leader, and sent him to the emperor. Bodin, meanwhile, reached Naissos and ordered all surrounding places to be fortified in order to cut out the routes of the emperor. As soon as the emperor recruited sufficient troops of Romans, Macedonians and Franks, he sent them against Bodin under the command of Saronites, who, upon his arrival in Skopje, trusted the city governor George Vojtech, and deployed his troops in the town. Vojtech, with 31  Prizren.

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regrets that he had surrendered the city, sent a secret note to the people in Naissos to come quickly to Skopje, because the Byzantine army that was residing there was careless and could be easily defeated. Once they received this message, they marched forward through the snow (this happened in December). When the Romans realized their plans, those who were with Saronites, intercepted them in the area called Taotum, killed them all and caught Bodin himself, who was then sent to the emperor and was convicted and exiled to Antioch. Not long after that, with the assistance of some Venetians who had been bribed with a lot of money by his father, he was rescued and he returned to the [Serbian] Kingdom. As for Vojtech, he died tortured by his wounds on the way to the emperor. The western people, Alamanns and Franks that were allowed to plunder Bulgaria, ruined the royal palace in Prespa and the church of St. Achilles that was located there.” Thus, unfortunate Bulgaria fell again under the Greek rule until the reign of the Byzantine Emperor Alexius Angel, circa 1195 AD. During his reign, Bulgaria resurrected again, when Greece was pressed by its neighbors—an occasion used by the Bulgarians to regain their freedom. But this will be told in the next chapter. Book II. Chapter IX. On the Resumption of the Bulgarian Kingdom and its Last Fall § I. From the time of Emperor Constantine Doukas, as Zonaras narrates in the book XVIII, p. 215, the Eastern Roman Empire began to diminish progressively because Constantine was prone to sloth and avarice, and there were fewer military recruits, while the barbarian strengths began to grow. Then, the Serbian and Bulgarian forces, which had been pacified by their powerful enemy (the Romans) revived one more time. The [Oghuz] Turks, who were Scythian tribe akin to the Pechenegs, formed an alliance with the Bulgarians and started robbing the Roman provinces, brutally killing their soldiers and taking in captivity their commanders, Nikephoros Botaniates and Basil Apokapes. To the East, many provinces were seized and lost to the Muslim barbarians, due to the wastefulness and extravagance of Emperor Michael (Zonaras, vol. XVII, p. 204). Kedrenos provides other reasons for the decline of the Greek kingdom and the rise of Bulgaria, besides the Turks’ attacks from the East. Emperor Constantine Doukas died during times of domestic unrest, and was followed by Roman Diogenes, and after him, by Michael Doukas. Despite multiple rebellions, famine, and plague, for six years, the emperor showed

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extreme neglect and, finally, the nobles assembled and chose for emperor Nikephoros Botaniates Kouropalates. At this, the Bulgarian situation bettered a little and became quite as before. It was at that point that the Pechenegs attacked and ravaged certain places. Commentary: I have no comments on this text, because the author draws information from some earlier works, excerpts of which have been discussed earlier in this book. Therefore, I have just noted some more obscure parts and the correct spelling of names, which Rajić often distorts, e.g., in some “Mavrourbin” that is, of course, Mauro Orbini; or “Dufresne,” who is Charles du Fresne Du Cange. Publications and literature: Rajić, Istoriia raznykh slavianskikh narodov; D. Canev, “Istoriiata na Raich i neinite bălgarski prevodi i prerabotki,” Izvestiia na Narodnata biblioteka “Sv. Sv. Kiril I Metodii” 14 (1976), 181–211.

The Hieroschimonachos Spyridon [of Gabrovo]

Spyridon was born in Gabrovo in the first half of the 18th century. In 1746 or 1747, he became a monk at Mount Athos, where he met the the famous Ukrainian monk Paisius Velichkovsky. Together with him, he went to the Dragomirna, and then to the Neamţ Monastery [in Moldavia]. After Velichkovsky’s death, Spyridon returned to Bulgaria, initially to the Rila Monastery and then back to Mount Athos. Among the ten works attributed to Spyridon and now in the library of the Rila Monastery, the most famous is his Brief History of the SlavicBulgarian People (Istoriia vo kratce o bolgarskom narode slovenskom), which he wrote at Neamţ in 1792. Another one of his works is the copy of the Life of Theodosius of Tărnovo by the Constantinopolitan Patriarch Kallistos, which Spyridon had found translated from Greek into Bulgarian (perhaps by Vladislav the Grammarian) in the famous Rila Panegyric of 1479. Boris II, Bulgarian tsar After Peter’s death, his son, Boris II, succeeded him. He waged war on the Ugrian (Hungarian) king and on Svetoslav the Serb; and defeated them (both) and became humble. Then, suddenly, the Greek emperor John Tzimiskes marched with a great army against him, and captured him and

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placed him in captivity, and honored him with the title magistros, but soon he fled from Constantinople. While walking on the road through Bulgaria, he was dressed in Greek attire, and the Bulgarians did not recognize him but thought that he was a scout and killed him on the road. About Tsar Boris, Baronius writes the following: The Ruthenians (Rus’), who speak the same language, agreed with the Bulgarians to join their alliance with the Scythians and the Turks. They gathered an army of 330,000 and attacked Constantinople. Caesar John, trusting in God, called St. George and St. Theodore for his allies and with their help he won many battles in 971; and defeated everyone and seized the main Bulgarian city, Preslav, and captured the Bulgarian tsar Boris with his wife and children. On the day of St. George, the people of Constantinople staged a celebration for John: they placed him on a high chariot, while the Bulgarian tsar walked before him with a golden crown and luxurious attire, and then they stripped him (Boris) of his garments and took the crown off his head. John offered thanks to the Lord and invited Boris with his dignitaries in his palace where he took care of him. After him, Seleukos rose to power, and he was victorious in war and he conquered everything and he destroyed many imperial armies. He seized Toplica and Serdica, but not Constantinople. After him, Subotin came to power, he was not a good warrior and lived shortly, leaving the country in turmoil.

David, the Bulgarian King After the death of Subotin, the Bulgarians crowned David the son of Komistapol. He lived a good and pious life, and he was in peace with everyone. The Bulgarian envoys, who could not tolerate peace began to speak bad things about him. When he heard that, he voluntarily abdicated and entered a monastery and became a monk and lived there in a holy manner and his relics are still intact. About the Bulgarian King David, Zonaras says the following. After the death of John Tzimiskes, the Bulgarians rebelled again and gave the Bulgarian kingdom to the four brothers, David, Moses, Aaron and Samuel. They were called Comitopuls because they were the sons of a Bulgarian prince called also komes. They were all of royal blood but perished because a prince komes killed them all and astonished the kingdom with his banditry. There was only one offspring of Peter’s (King Peter), and Skopje was given to him as a means of livelihood. Thus, the Bulgarian kingdom was adopted by the four brothers.

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David soon died. Samuel killed Aaron and his entire family. When his three brothers were killed, Samuel accepted the Bulgarian kingdom.

Samuel, the Bulgarian King and Basil and Constantine the Greek Caesar The same Zonaras speaks thus: First, the third brother Aaron was killed, who was given to the Greeks. Because of that, Samuel killed Aaron leaving only one of his sons, called John Svetislav.32 Samuel gladly accepted the Bulgarian kingdom because the Greeks were engulfed in intestine strife in 980. The commander Bardas Skleros, the torturer of Constantinople, who was practicing with his army, attacked Samuel not only in Thrace, but also in Macedonia and Thessaloniki, and in Greece and the Peloponnese. [Samuel] was very brave and successful commander. He resettled many people in Bulgaria: Cutzovlachs, Albanians, and Greeks and settled them in Tărnovo, Varna, and Razgrad, where they live to this day. He also made them his soldiers and sent them against the Greeks. He took numerous holy relics from those cities and moved them with honor in his city. He expanded Bulgaria from the Aegean Sea to the Dniester, and he evicted the Tartars from Thrace and created a city on the Danube, which he called after himself, Samuel or Smil. He marched against the Latins in the West, and subdued them after a lot of feuds. He captured alive the Dalmatian King Vladimir and left him in Toplcsa. Kosara, the daughter of Samuel fell in love with Vladimir, the Dalmatian King, and earned the permission of her father to marry him. Samuel released him, and gave him his eldest daughter for wife, and returned him his kingdom and sent them to Dalmatia. But why did he kill the royal family and so many others? And why did he send Gabriel, his brother, into exile in Wallachia, with his two sons, Asen and Peter? Vladimir, the son of his brother Aaron, was saved from murder miraculously. For all of this, he provoked Gods’ wrath, and God punished him. I will tell about that further. The tsar of Greece, Basil Porphyrogenetus, rose against him with great force, entered the Bulgarian land, and besieged the city of Triadica also called Sardikiia or Sofia. The Bulgarian tsar Samuel was in the mountains, the Greeks entered the place between the mountains and the Bulgarians

32  J ohn Vladislav. For the multiple errors in Spyridon’s History see his commentators in the bibliography provided below. 

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took the gorge, i.e., the narrow pass. And the Greeks, who got scared of themselves began to flee. The Bulgarians knew their fraudulence, but when they saw them fleeing, came out of the mountain to chase them and they let them all go away. The Bulgarians seized their tents, and took the royal crown and all of the royal’s garments. The Greek tsar barely escaped, he fled to Philipopolis and then returned to Constantinople covered in great shame and having nothing else to do. Then, Tsar Basil sent request to the Russian Prince Vladimir for assistance from the Ruthenians, as he was his brotherin law (married) to the sister of the Ruthenian prince.33 And he sent Nikephoros, called Nebo, the universal prince, overland and ordered him to rest during the day and to walk at night. He came and found Samuel with his Bulgarian troops near the river called Sperkhiia (Spercheios). Nikephoros attacked with his army across the river while it was pouring. Samuel hoped that the Greeks would not be able to cross the river, but Nikephoros found some fords, crossed the river at night, and attacked them suddenly with his army. Samuel, as he was resting quietly, was attacked suddenly by the chieftain Nebo. The Bulgarians got scared and fled. They did not attempt the slightest resistance. Slaying everyone, the Greeks were looking to capture Samuel and his son Roman, who were hiding amongst the dead, covered in blood, and they deceived the Greeks that they were dead and [so] they were not recognized. The Greek tsar set out along the Danube. With him was also the Ruthenian tsar Vladimir. They reached the town of Sardikiia (i.e., Sofia), surrounded and ravaged it. They returned back to Mosynopolis (i.e., Ternov) and then capturing the great city of Preslav, Radostol (i.e., Silistra) and Varna. Then, they reached Vidin and struck the town. Samuel left his son to defend himself, while he suddenly marched to Greece, attacked Adrianople (i.e., Edirne) and found there great booty; he captured many people, took their possessions, and themselves as captives. The Greek tsar conquered Vidin and marched against the Serbs. The Serbian tsar, named Nikolaitsa, voluntarily surrendered to the Greek tsar, who honored him with the title patrician. After living with him for a while [Nikolaitsa] fled to Samuel, the Bulgarian tsar. When the Greek tsar returned from the Serbs, he found Samuel with his army near the Vardar River and because it was very large and muddy, the Bulgarians were confident and had scattered around, believ33  In fact, the opposite was true: Vladimir of Kiev married Basil II’s sister (translator’s note).

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ing that although difficult, the Greeks would cross the river.34 The Greek tsar found fords, crossed the river and killed many Bulgarians. Samuel escaped but the Greeks conquered many fortresses and fords. The tsar of Greece took Skopje easily because Roman, the son of the former Bulgarian tsar, voluntarily surrendered it to him. So, the tsar of Greece returned to Constantinople, but he continued to conquer and destroy the Bulgarian land day after day. As Samuel could not resist him, he did whatever was necessary to protect his country, as much as he could. He dug trenches and closed the routes at the narrow places, and placed guards on them. He (the Greek tsar) sent his commander forward to open the route for the emperor. The commander rounded the trenches and attacked the Bulgarian guards. As they saw the Greek tsar coming, they fled. The captured Bulgarians were 15,000, and Basil blinded them all, as on every 199 he left an one-eyed soldier. Thus, he blinded all 15,000 and sent them to their tsar Samuel. When he saw them, Samuel could not bear this immense pain and infinite sorrow and fell exhausted. He died after a while. Then the Greeks took those sticks which could be seen nowadays in the tower of Constantinople, because the Bulgarian tsars had always come with troops of many thousands, armed with those sticks which they used to break the wings of the army and when they got stirred up, attacked them frontally.

Roman or Radomir, the Bulgarian King After the death of Samuel, his second son Roman or Radomir ascended to the throne. He was a brave man who took revenge on Caesar Basil: he killed many of his army and conquered a lot of land. As Basil could not resist him, he sent secretly a certain Vladislav to kill him if possible, promising him the Bulgarian kingdom in return. So, he went and befriended that same Radomir because he was from a royal family too— the son of Anton,35 cousin of Radomir. Once, when he was hunting with the king, he killed him in the mountain and again fled to Constantinople. [Radomir] reigned only for a year.

34  Spyridon’s illogical supposition is probably based in some technical errors in comprehending his sources (translator’s note). 35  Obviously, Spyridon misread or mistook Aaron for Anton (translator’s note).

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St. Vladimir, the Bulgarian King After the death of Roman, the Bulgarians crowned John Vladimir, the son of Aaron, the brother of Samuel and David. He reigned for three years in a pious and holy manner. His wife was a relative of the Greek emperors, and her brother was a court general. They were heretical Novatians, and because they detested the sanctity of the holy Vladimir, the brother and the sister conspired to kill him. Crossing a forest road, the brother of the queen hit him from behind with his sword and cut his head off. But he took his head in his hands and rode on his horse like that until he reached the town of Elbasan, where his monastery was located. He dismounted there in the spot where his relics rest up to these days. But he was slain in the Mountain of Ohrid. Due to the hatred of his wife, they say, he was murdered. If he would not have had intercourse with her, he would have never defiled his flesh.



Vladislav, the Bulgarian King After the death of the holy Vladimir, Vladislav came to the throne. About Vladislav Zonaras says the following: “I know, oh, my lord, that if the son of Samuel dies, my lord will reign and I want to work for your kingdom.” Then, it turned out that he was a liar—Vladislav did not surrender. Vladislav was sent by Basil to kill tsar Vladimir, the Serbian king, the son in law of Samuel, and then, he crowned himself king. Before that, he promised [to the Greek tsar] that he would surrender Bulgaria to him, but he did not keep his word. Instead, he gathered an army and set out to enslave the Serbian lands, and besieged Dyrrachium, and there, in the evening, an angel with the face of St. Vladimir killed him, and the Bulgarian troops returned scattered. When he saw that, Basil attacked the Bulgarians, capturing their lands; and he accepted the surrender of Ohrid, while his chieftains accepted the surrender of the other cities. Then other princes came to submit themselves and to surrender the towns. Then others came to surrender and surrendered a town, called Pernik. The Bulgarian tsarina Maria, the wife of Vladislav, sent the archbishop of Tărnovo, David, to surrender the entire Bulgaria to the Greek tsar. After a while, she came to the tsar, together with her six daughters and three sons. One of them, called Presian, was granted the title magistros, while the other two were honored with the title patrician. Thus, Tsar Basil Porphyrogenetus took all of Bulgaria and Serbia. Out of the Bulgarian towns, he destroyed some, while others he fortified. Thus, in a short time, he died in 1027, after reigning for 36 years and two years after

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the destruction of Bulgaria. Thus, with his crown cocked on his head, Tsar Basil proudly walked around the city. He did not take levies for two years from the Bulgarians but placed Greek rulers and soldiers in the towns. And Bulgaria was under the Greek rule for 25 years. Then, his brother Constantine came to the throne, he was a very brutal man, and he began to oppress the Bulgarians in every possible way, but he died in a short time (pp. 76–84).

Michael, the Greek King and Doliian, the Bulgarian King After the death of Roman Diogenes, Michael became tsar of the Greeks. At that time, a Bulgarian, named Doliian, was a prisoner. He fled from Constantinople to Bulgaria and in the town of Strumica he found Bulgarian troops encamped, and he began to tell them that he was the brother of Vladislav, the previous tsar. They could not recognize him after so much time, and proclaimed him tsar. He proved himself a big hero; he mustered a great army, and he killed and banished all Greek masters and troops from Bulgaria. And he seized the town of Yambol and all of its vicinity and defeated the armies of the emperor. As emperor Michael realized that he could not defeat him by force, he sent Alusian, the son of (John) Vladislav, who was a prisoner from the time of Basil Genikos, to take away the kingdom from Doliian. He wrote to the Bulgarian nobles that Doliian was not from a royal family; “He is not suitable for reigning but if you want a real tsar, there he is—the son of Vladislav, your tsar.” And when (he went there) and spoke to them, they recognized him as the son of Vladislav. Therefore, they killed Doliian and crowned Alusian the son of Vladislav. But he was not a brave man and was afraid of being killed, so, he escaped to the emperor in Constantinople and surrendered to him his kingdom. And Bulgaria remained under the rule of the Greek tsars for another 10 years. About that Michael, Baronius has the following to say: “Three years ago, Michael VII Doukas was deposed from the throne and placed in the monastery. And another great [man] was appointed bishop of the Roman Church at Ephesus. And [Michael Doukas] came in Italy to beg the Pope and the Normans to help him in reclaiming his kingdom. The pope was very busy with many deeds and wrote to all lords, princes, and bishops in Apulia and Calabria to prepare for war in Constantinople and that they ought to repent, to have fear of God, and to love the path they will take in the next year. After him, Alexius Komnenus ascended to the throne. He cast Michael away, sent him into exile, forcing him to accept monastic tonsure, and came to the throne in 1080, after which he ruled for 37 years.

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In 1073, during the reign of Emperor Michael, the Serbs and the Croats with great force attacked Bulgaria and incurred great damages there and the country developed hatred toward them. One of the local bishops wrote about that same Theophylact, Bulgarian archbishop, that he was often sick. Commentary: As it becomes clear from the text and as all scholars have pointed out, Spyridon used not only the Slavic translation of the Chronicle of John Zonaras, but also the Russian translation of Caesar Baronius. That raises the question about his relation with Paisius, because as it seems, he used his history as well. For Spyridon’s sources, see. B. Khristova, “Rilskia knizhovnik monakh Spiridon,” Starobălgarska literatura 3 (1978), 113–121. Publications: Ieroskhimonakh Spiridon, Istoriia vo kratce o bolgarskom narode slovenskom (Sofia, 1992); translated into modern Bulgarian by M. D. Minchev (Gabrovo, 2000). The excerpt above comes from the Bulgarian translation (pp. 88–89), with minor editorial interventions.

CHAPTER 9

Seals In the following pages, I provide seals of some of the heirs of John Vladislav as published and interpreted by Ivan Iordanov. Some of them have been previously published, while others are published for the first time. I have relied primarily on Ivan Iordanov’s article, “Pechati na potomcite na car Ivan Vladislav (1016–1018) văv Vizantia,” Arkheologiia 38 (1996), no. 4, pp. 7–22, as well as on his later study, Korpus na pechatite v srednovekovna Bălgariia (Sofia, 2001), pp. 176–199. 1 Presian-Prusian This is the eldest son of John Vladislav, who, in 1018, received the title magistros. He participated in various conspiracies, later on he was blinded and exiled to a monastery. After 103 years, his name is not mentioned any more. A seal of a certain Prasian (according to another reading, Luka Presian) is known, which is dated to the late 11th century. However, it is not sure that the seal is connected to his monastery. Seal of the monastery of Prasian Commentary: Referring to his previous publications, Ivan Iordanov raises doubts about the relation of the person mentioned on the seal and the eldest son of John Vladislav. However, according to Vitalien Laurent, “Princes bulgares dans la sigillographie byzantine,” Echos d’Orient 33 (1934), 432–33, the seal belonged to one of the sons of Alusian, the son of John Vladislav. 2 Alusian 1

Basil Alusian Lord, help Basil Alusian, vestarch and strategos. Lord, help Basil Alusian, proedros and duke.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���7 | doi ��.��63/9789004352995_011

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Commentary: Iordanov, “Pechati na potomcite,” pp. 9–10 believes this this person to be the same as that mentioned under the same name by Matthew of Edessa, an author from the second half of the 11th century, whose work may be found above. 2

Samuel Alusian Lord, help your servant Samuel Alusian, vestarch and strategos (dated to the 1060s and 1070s). Lord, help your servant Samuel Alusian, vestarch and duke of Edessa (dated to the 1060s and 1070s). Mother of God, help Samuel Alusian, proedros and duke (dated to the 1070s).

Commentary: According to Iordanov, there is another seal, which besides “Samuel,” also has “Basil,” in other words, has a double reading. Mother of God, help Samuel Alusian, proedros and duke. Mother of God, help your servant Samuel Alusian, proedros and duke. Commentary: Samuel Alusian was a brother of Empress Catherine and one of the sons of John Vladislav. Iordanov, “Pechatite na potomcite,” p. 10 and Korpus, pp. 47–48, notes that Basil and Samuel had similar careers, which, of course does not exclude the possibility of some other Alusian being duke of Edessa, given that there are certain differences in the images on the seals. 3

Constantine Alusian Lord, help the vestarches Constantine Alusian (dated to the 1060s and 1070s).

Commentary: Iordanov could not find any parallels to the seal of Constantine Alusian. 4

Elpidiphoros Alusian Lord, help your servant Elpidiphoros Alusian, kouropalates (late 11th to early 12th century).

311

Seals

Comment: Iordanov could not find any parallel to the seal of Elpidiphoros Alusian. 5

David Alusian Mother of God, help your servant David Alusian (dated to the last quarter of the 11th century).

Commentary: There are several hypotheses about David. Iordanov supposes that he was a nephew of Alusian. In my opinion, however, there is simply no enough evidence for that. 6

An Unknown Alusian Archangel Michael, march and fight alongside Alusian.

Commentary: Vasil Zlatarski has associated this person with the founder of Alusian’s family during the period, when Alusian had not yet taken Byzantine service. However, Iordanov, “Pechatite na potomcite,” p. 11, excludes the possibility that the person in question was connected to Alusian, the second son of John Vladislav, but proposes instead that the seal belonged to one of his descendents, who lived in the late 11th–early 12th century.

Unidentified Members of Alusian’ Family

7

Alexius Alusian Mother of God, help Alexios Alusian, protonobelissimos (dated to the 11th–12th century).

8

George Alusian Seal of George Alusian, protonobelissimos and duke of Kranis (dated to the 11th–12th century).

Commentary: The seal is connected to a person associated with Alusian’s family, but nothing more is known about him.

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Michael Alusian, Duke Duke Michael Alusian (dated to the last quarter of the 11th century).

Commentary: According to Iordanov the three Alusians mentioned above—Basil, Samuel, and Constantine—were probably brothers. Elpidiphoros and David were members of the second generation of Alusian’s family, while Alexios and George were of the third generation. Iordanov, “Pechatite na potomcite,” pp. 12–13 and Korpus, p. 360, assumes that by the end of 11th or in the early 12th century, they withdrew from military service and because of their titles and royal origin, they found a place at the emperor’s court. 3 Aaron Lord, help your servant Aaron, patrician, anthypatos, vestes and katepan of Vaspurakan (1047–?). Lord, help Aaron, patrician and duke of Ani and Iberia (1049–?). Lord, help Aaron, magistros and duke of Iberia and Greater Armenia (?–1036). Lord, help Aaron, magistros and duke of Edessa (1056–1057). Lord, help Aaron, proedros and duke (1058–1059). Lord, help Aaron, proedros, protostrator and duke (1059–?). Lord, help Aaron, protoproedros and duke (1059–?). Commentary: To those seals, Iordanov adds another inscription from a previous publication: The governor of this country (Vaspurakan), vestes Aaron, son of Vladislav. I, Magister Aaron, in the years of my youth, came to the East in this … fortress Ani, I raised its walls and fortified them with towers … I supplied this fortress with plenty of water … I brought a charter of liberties, sealed with the golden seal by the autocratic Porphyrogenetus Empress regarding the levies on houses of this city and the tithe they paid annually. 1

John Aaron Lord, help the vestes John Aaron.

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Seals

Commentary: Iordanov does not give any other information regarding this name that appears on the next seal as well: Lord, help proedros John Aaron. Commentary: See Iordanov, “Pechati na potomcite,” p. 17; and Korpus, p. 31. 2

Radomir Aron Lord, help your servant Radomir Aaron, magistros, vestarch and strategos. Mother of God, help Radomir Aaron, proedros and duke. Mother of God, help your servant, protoproedros Radomir Aaron.

Commentary: In this respect, Iordanov, “Pechtatite na potomcite,” p. 17 and Korpus, p. 31, mentions also Theodore Aaron, probably a son of Aaron, who fought against the Seljuks in 1055 and 1056. However, no seal is so far known that could be associated with that name. 4 Radomir

John Radomir Mother of God, help your servant, the kouropalates John Radomir.

Commentary: According to Iordanov, “Pechatite na potomcite,” pp. 171–9, this was a cousin of Empress Irene, who is mentioned by Anna Comnena.

Additional Notes 1.

2.

3.

4.

This work does not include all sources concerning the Comitopuls, as some Dalmatian sources remained inaccessible to the author. As for Hungarian sources, their information is not very precise, and the names therein are distorted or replaced with names that were popular in the Hungarian chronicles. In my Dolni Dunav, granichna zona na vizantiiskiia zapad (Sofia, 1976), I referred to Moravcsik’s “Der ungarische Anonymus über die Bulgaren und Griechen,” Revue des études sud-est-européennes 7 (1969), no. 1, 168–171, and claimed that the appearance of Samuel’s name as one of the Hungarian rulers is quite uncertain. This question is a subject of research for the publishers of various excerpts of the Hungarian chronicles in Latinski izvori za bălgarskata istoriia, vol. 5, part 1 (Sofia, 2001), p. 25. For details, see the article of Khristo Dimitrov and Iliia Iliev, “ ‘Ungarskata khronika’ na Ioan Turoci ot XV v. kato izvor za srednovekovnata istoriia na Bălgariia,” Istoricheski pregled (1988), no. 6, 79, with a discussion of the military actions of King Stephen I against Samuel (not mentioned by name), and his ally Akhtum in the period 1002–1004. In the works of the famous 13th-century archbishop of Ohrid, Demetrios Chomatenos, there is a person called Manuel Komitopul [κυρ Μανουήλ Κομητόπουλος] who was amongst the leaders of Prespa, but no more information exists on him. For details, see Günter Prinzing, “Historisch-geographische Bemerkungen zu Zarev dvor und Malaina,” Byzantinoslavica 49 (1988), no. 2, p. 217; and Demetrii Chomateni Ponemata diaphora. Das Aktencorpus des Ochrider Ertzbischofs Demetrios Chomatenos, edited by Günter Prinzing (Berlin/New York, 2002), p. 251. It is believed that this person was associated with the Comitopuls. See also Iliia Iliev, Okhridksiiat arkhiepiskop Dimităr Khomatian i bălgarite (Sofia, 2010), pp. 247–249; Pavel Georgiev, “Za stolicata Prespa sled Iordan Ivanov,” Izvestiia na Istoricheskiia Muzei Kiustendil 4 (1992), 296. For the fate of Patriarch Damian, see the book of Georgi Atanassov, Khristiianskiiat Durostorum-Drăstăr. Dorostolskata eparkhiia prez Kăsnata antichnost i Srednovekovite IV–XIV vek (Varna/Veliko Tărnovo, 2007). The book was published while I was working on the manuscript of the first edition of this book. It was not possible to standardize all the geographic names and toponyms (eg. Constantinople, Thessaloniki, Dyrrachium, etc.), because different authors have different or inaccurate transmission of those names.

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Index Aaron, brother of Samuel 2, 9, 21, 53, 61, 73–75, 102 n. 230, 108, 117, 121, 127, 154, 184–185, 219, 221 n. 16, 240, 242, 244–246, 250, 266, 275–276, 279, 286, 290–292, 296, 298, 302–303, 305 n. 35, 306 Aaron, son of John Vladislav; brother-in-law of Isaac I Komnenos 3, 53, 93, 105, 112–113, 115, 184, 275, 312 Abariyah 168 See also Triaditza Abu-l-Fadhail, son of Sa’d-ad-Dawla 170 Achaeans 32 Achelous [Acheloos] 29 Adémar de Chabannes 154, 245 Adrianople 78, 81, 90, 99 n. 211, 118, 120, 188, 194, 198, 227, 244, 254, 255, 261, 274 n. 10, 289, 294, 304 Adud-ad-Dawla 168 Agatha, daughter of John Chryselios 85, 109 Aikaterina [Catherine], daughter of John Vladislav 58 n. 48 Albert of Aachen 245, 247 al-Burdzhi 169 Aleppo 81 n. 115, 169, 170 Alexiad 123, 125 n. 256 Alexios, patriarch 81 n. 114 Alexius Charon 125 Ali Osman 175 allelengyon 83, 97, 120, 128, 129, 264 Al-Makin 178–179 Alousianus [Alusian] 55–57 Alwinz 224 Andrea Dandolo 163 Andronikos Doukas 241, 290 Ani 105, 114, 174, 177 nn. 17–18, 251 n. 40, 272 Anna Comnena 123, 124 n. 254, 125, 240, 244, 287, 295 n. 28, 313 Anna, sister of Basil II 260 Anthony III Studites, patriarch 214 Antioch 28, 137, 167, 178, 300 Antonio Pagi 214 Apidanos, river 77, 186 Aquitaine 154, 213 Arethousa 92, 111 Aristakes Lastivertsi 173

Asen, Bulgarian ruler 27, 214 Asotios/Ashot 76–77, 240, 253–254, 287–288, 291 Assyrians 26, 68 Athens 29, 96–97, 120, 129, 199, 234, 264, 268 Ausonian 37 Axios, River 82, 109, 118, 127, 188, 227, 241, 289 Baian 180 Baldos 35 Bandzhu-Tekin 169 Banu-al-Mousayyab 168 Bardas Phokas 96 n. 186, 117, 251 Bardas, caesar 26, 165, 182 Basil Apokapes 112, 300 Basil Apokaukos 43–44, 209, 210–211 Basil Argyros 78 Basil I, Byzantine emperor 213, 221–222 Basil II, Byzantine Emperor 2, 5, 9, 31, 33 n. 9, 36–38, 40–41, 46, 50–51, 53 n. 41, 76 n. 88, 80 n. 111, 81 n. 114, 92 n. 179, 93 n. 183, 97 n. 196, 98 n. 202, 99 n. 209, 101 n. 223, 102 n. 229, 104 n. 234, 109–113, 117–118, 120, 127, 130, 137, 142, 155, 173–174, 177, 214, 219, 227, 251, 273 n. 3, 304 n. 33 Basil Lekapenos 51 Basil Skleros 74, 108 Basil Synadenos 100, 245, 267, 297 Basil Theodorakanos 103 Belgrade 22, 47, 96, 98 n. 203, 100, 113, 199, 264, 266, 296 Benedict VII, Pope 209, 214 Berrhoia 31, 34, 79, 89, 110, 293–294 Berroia 80 n. 108, 243, 260 Bitola 17–18, 46, 86 n. 144, 191, 193, 229 n. 25 Blasius Kleiner 9, 224, 239 Bogdan, lord of the Bulgarian interior fortresses 91, 99, 111, 195, 233, 235, 276, 295 Bogomils 23, 146, 151 Bogoris, see Boris Boleron 80, 188 Boris I, ruler of the Bulgars 9, 24, 220

332 Boris II, son of Emperor Peter I of Bulgaria 2, 250, 256, 301 Bosna 132, 137, 204, 207–208 Botko 65 Boyana 65, 67 Boyana, church of 65 Brohot 196 Bryennios 126, 298 Bulgaria 2, 8, 20, 32 n. 5, 34 n. 15, 45–52, 55–56, 65, 67 n. 67, 68, 73–75, 77, 79, 81 n. 117, 83–84, 86–93, 97–101, 104, 108–114, 117, 119, 120–122, 125, 137, 144, 146, 148, 150, 156, 161–163, 165, 167, 169, 170–171, 173–174, 177–178, 182, 184–187, 189, 190, 192–193, 195–196, 200–202, 204, 208–209, 211, 214–216, 219–223, 226–228, 231–235, 237–238, 240–258, 260–272, 274–277, 280, 287–290, 292–303, 306–308 Bulgaroktonos [Bulgarslayer] 68, 221 n. 16, 245, 248, 264 Bulgars [Bulgarians] 53 n. 41, 54–57, 73–74, 76–78, 80, 81 n. 116, 82, 83 n. 129, 84–86, 88, 93 n. 184, 96–97, 100, 102–104, 175–177 Caesar Baronius 208–209, 210 n. 8, 212–214, 224, 281, 302, 307–308 Caesarea 158–159 Calabria 29, 307 Cappadocia 268 Charles Du Cange 239 Charles le Beau 249–250, 251 n. 40, 253 n. 41, 264 n. 47, 268 n. 50, 272 Cherna River 191, 258 n. 45, 291 Cherson 33 Chortanavel 166 Clement 93, 143, 147–148, 220–222 comet 40 Cometopoloi, see Kometopoloi Constantine Bodin 72 Constantine Diogenes 87–90, 98–99, 192–194, 242–243, 245, 258, 292, 296 Constantine Gabras 97 Constantine VIII, Byzantine Emperor 98 n. 206, 214, 266 Constantine IX Monomachos 60, 104, 223, 241, 246, 247, 265, 270

Index Constantine X Dukas, Byzantine Emperor 62 Constantsion 112 Dagnum 217 Dalmatia 124, 131–132, 133 n. 4, 137, 143, 150, 158, 185, 202–203, 208, 217, 219, 242, 244, 248, 250, 273, 279, 282, 290, 303 Damian of Dorostol, Archbishop of Bulgaria 51, 221–222 Daniel, Prophet 22 David Areianites [Arianites] 81, 91, 111, 190, 193, 195, 243, 295 David, brother of Samuel 2, 73–74, 108, 117, 127, 184–185, 240, 250, 261, 273, 275, 279, 286, 302–303, 306 David, ruler of the Iberians 184–185 Dekatera 132, 137 Deleanos, Peter [Delian, Peter] 100–104 Demetrius Polemarchos 63 Derdzhan 165–166, 251 Diabolis 88, 92–93 Dimotikon 41 Dioclea 217 Dionysius Petavius [Denis Pétau] 216 Dnieper, river 265 Dobromir, ruler of Berrhoea 79, 109, 112, 118, 187, 196, 255, 288 Doge of Venice 155 n. 3 Doge Pietro II Orseolo 154, 155 n. 3 Dolopians 37 Dorostolon [Dristra] 48, 51, 89, 294 Dragimir, uncle of King Vladimir 133, 136, 204, 207 Dragomazh 195, 244, 295 Dristra, see Dorostolon Drivast 217 droungarios of the Vigla 73 Du Cange, Charles du Fresne 9, 51, 52, 221 n. 16, 222 n. 19, 223, 243 n. 29, 247 n. 35, 249, 286 n. 18, 301 Dulcinium 132, 137, 202–203 Dyrrhachium 27, 187, 191 Edessa 48 n. 35, 51, 80 n. 111, 115, 175, 177, 258, 310 Eirene, Byzantine empress 100 Eleg 217

333

Index Elemag Phrantzes [Elemagos] 96, 199, 286 Emeric, Hungarian king 162, 164 Ephraim 130 Eustathios Daphnomeles 78, 92, 94, 254, 261 Ezeros 35 Forty Martyrs, church of the 128 Franks 63, 145, 271, 299–300 Gabriel Radomir 2–3, 20–22, 84, 87, 93, 108–110, 119, 137–139, 157, 183, 214, 221, 229 n. 25, 242, 248, 276 n. 14 See also Gabriel Roman [Romanos, Romanus], Romanos Gabriel, Romanus Symeon Gabriel Roman [Romanos, Romanus] 77, 84, 100, 125, 240, 247 See also Gabriel Radomir Gabriel, Archbishop of Bulgaria, see Germanus [Gabriel] Gagan 21, 22 Gavra 113 Geoffrey of Villehardouin 215 Geometres, John 6, 38, 40 George Kedrenos 73, 185 George, king of the Abkhaz 171 Georgios Gonitsiates 193 Georgius Monachos 68 German, village 17 Germanus [Gabriel], Archbishop of Bulgaria 51 Giaccomo [di Pietro] Luccari 216 Giovanni Doglioni 181–182 Giovanni Tarcagnota 180 Goislav 136, 208 Golden Gate 97, 113, 221 n. 16, 245, 264 Great Preslav 124 Greek fire, see Medean fire Gregory Magistros 172 Gregory Taronites 76, 186, 226–227, 240, 252–253, 274 nn. 8–9, 268 Gregory, monk 45 gulam 168, 171 Guz 247 Helena Lekapena, wife of Constantine VII  254, 264 Henri de Sponde 212

Hippodrome 57 n. 47 Homs 170 Ibatzes 89, 93–95, 101, 104 Iberia 76, 105, 114, 177 n. 17, 214, 245, 287 Iconium 114 Ilitsa, ruler of Moglen 192 Innocent III, Pope 160–162, 220, 223 Ioannes Lucius 217 Ioannes [John] of Ochrid, Archbishop of Bulgaria 46, 51 Irene Pegonitissa, wife of Caesar John Dukas 60 Isaac I Komnenos 61, 102 n. 230, 106, 114–115, 125–126 Isaac II Angelos 249, 265 Isaiah, Prophet 20 Ister [Danube], river 147 Italy 73, 81 n. 114, 125, 157, 307 Ivats [Ibatzes] 112, 193, 231, 233–234, 236, 243–244, 246, 249, 259, 262–263 Jerusalem 45, 162 n. 12, 176 n. 15, 247 Joannitsa [Kaloyan] 220 Job, patriarch of Antioch 151 John Alexander, Bulgarian emperor 131, 140 n. 10 John Chaldos 76 n. 88, 83, 91, 109 John Geometres 6, 38, 40 John I Tzimiskes 51, 73 n. 72, 83 n. 129, 84 n. 133, 93 n. 184, 99 n. 208, 108, 117, 121, 127, 167, 178, 184, 220–222, 239, 250, 252, 254, 286, 301–302 John Makrembolites 268 John Malakenos 44 John of Debar, Archbishop of Bulgaria 46, 100 n. 219 John of Thorocz 247 John Staurakios 138 John the Baptist, church of 106 John the Deacon 154, 163 John the Orphanotrophos 102, 104–105, 122, 129, 267 n. 48, 268, 298–299 John the Younger of Thrace 40 John Tzetzes 127 John Vatatzes 78 John Vladislav 2–3, 19, 58 n. 48, 60–61, 75 n. 80, 75 n. 84, 98 n. 205, 108–112, 115,

334 119, 120, 123, 126, 137, 175 n. 9, 181, 183, 190–192, 194–195, 212, 214, 221 n. 16, 222, 231–232, 243 n. 29, 248, 274, 275 n. 11, 292, 295, 309–311 Joseph Bringas 74 Josephu [Simon] Assemani 219, 223 Junije Rastić [Giugno Resti] 218 Justiniana Prima 98, 113 Kalidros, fortress of 30 Kaloyan, Bulgarian ruler 160, 223 Kaputru 177 Kardia 87, 110, 292 Kastellion 98, 113 Kastoria 46, 74, 89, 96, 108, 112, 114, 193, 199, 243, 260, 264, 271, 293–294, 299 Katakalon Kekaumenos 105, 114 kentenarius, kentenaria 92, 128, 295 Kimba Longos 189, 290 n. 23 Kitros, fortress of 30 Kliuch [Klaidon] 18, 290 n. 23 Kometopoloi [Kometopoules] 73, 74, 117 Kossara, daughter of Samuel, wife of King Vladimir 22–23, 133–135, 204–205, 217, 279, 290 Kotor 88 n. 157, 114, 133 n. 4, 136–137, 158, 185, 204, 207, 219, 243, 274, 279 Kouropalates 73, 89 n. 161, 115, 213–214, 301 Koutloumousiou, monastery 49 Koutzomytes 102, 268 Kraina [Krajna] 206 Krajina 135–136 Krakras 82, 89–91 Krikor, Prince of Taron 166 Krispinos 63 Krum 124, 281 Kumida 21 Kurdu mountains 172 Kurt 165–166, 251–252, 272 Kurt [Gurd] 166 Kvalimir 217 Lacedaimon 44 Larissa 29, 36, 66–67, 75, 77, 79 n. 107, 85, 100, 108–109, 127, 185–186, 190, 209, 211, 226, 240, 242, 251, 253, 257, 274, 279, 287, 290

Index Lausium 132, 137, 204 Lazaritsa 112 Lazarus, monk 45 Leo Brancaleone 162 n. 12 Leo Melissenos 117, 185, 251–252 Leo the Deacon 6, 31, 34 Leo the Grammarian 34 Leo the Paphlagonian 52 Leo VI 60 n. 54 Leo, Archbishop of Bulgaria 223 n. 23 Lieduin 159 Lipenium 195 Litovoi of Devol 65 Little Preslav 27, 79 n. 102, 118, 140, 187, 288 Longobardia 78 n. 95 Lulu 170 Lupus Protospatharius 157 Lutomir 207 Macedonia 2, 17, 30–31, 40, 75–76, 79 n. 104, 80 n. 108, 84 n. 132, 85 n. 140, 87 n. 148, 95, 96 n. 193, 99, 118, 125–126, 158, 165–166, 180, 182, 185–186, 198, 209, 211, 215, 225–226, 240, 250, 251–252, 255, 258, 266, 287, 303 magistros 170, 172, 187, 253, 309 Magnaura 52 Manasses 129 Mantineion, monastery 99 Manuel, domestic of the scholae 99 Mardzh-Dabiq 169 Maria, wife of John Vladisthlav 91–93, 96–97, 111–113, 120, 129, 196, 199, 222, 233, 242, 244–245, 261, 264, 266, 276, 295, 306 Mateitsa 111 Matthew of Edessa 175, 177, 310 Mauro Orbini 9, 131, 183, 208, 217, 273 n. 2, 294–295, 301 Medean fire 109 Megathymoi 103 Melitene 38 Melnik 191, 230, 242, 257, 291 Menelaus 32, 34 Mesopotamia 79 n. 104, 115, 172 Messalians 146, 151 Michael Alusian 312 Michael Attaleiates 6, 62, 104 n. 236, 117

335

Index Michael Cerularius 223, 268 Michael Dermokaites 100, 267 Michael Glycas 129 Michael IV, Byzantine emperor 60, 63, 91 n. 171, 103 n. 231, 104 nn. 235–236, 113, 249, 266–267 Michael Kalaphates 237–238 Michael Keroularios [Cerularius] 223, 271 Michael of Devol 73, 115 n. 250 Michael Psellos 52, 61–62, 72, 117, 121 n. 252, 127 Michael Stratiotikos 238 Michael VII Doukas [Parapinakes] 62, 126, 299, 307 Mihailitsa, king of Serbia 247, 299 Mocrus, king of the Bulgarians 221 Moesians [Mysians] 34, 39–40, 122, 129–130, 147, 150 Moglen [Moglena] 46, 48, 51, 87–88, 110, 139, 192, 230, 242, 258, 291–292 Mokios [Mocius] the martyr, church of St  51, 114 Molisk 110, 194, 294 Morea 66–67, 180, 182, 186, 215, 251, 288 Morozvizd 195 Moses, brother of Samuel 2, 21, 73–75, 117, 127, 150, 184–185, 240, 250, 286, 302 Mosynopolis 118, 187, 191, 193, 243, 293, 298 Mount Olympus 186 Myrelaion, monastery 106 Naissos 47, 82 n. 124, 100, 297, 299–300 Namur 158 Naum 143 Naupaktos 53 n. 43, 96 n. 187, 102, 140, 246, 268 Nestoritsa 112, 190, 196, 242, 257, 291, 295 Nicholas Chrysoberges, patriarch 209 Nikephoros II Phokas, Byzantine emperor 274 n. 7 Nikephoros III Botaneiates, Byzantine emperor 62, 73 Nikephoros Ouranos 76, 81, 96, 118, 226–227, 240, 253, 274 Nikephoros Xiphias 79, 81, 83, 87, 109, 187, 189, 241, 254, 288, 290 Niketas Pegonites 61, 90, 111, 294 Nikola, father of Samuel 2, 7, 18, 108, 118, 172

Nikopolis 53 n. 43, 121, 201, 246, 268, 297 Nikoulitzas [Nikulitsa] 79, 80, 91 Notia 192 Oblik, mountain 132, 137, 202 Ochrid 84 n. 132, 86 n. 144, 88, 91–94, 96 Orestes, Protospatharius 88, 193, 243, 293 Orléans 216, 243 Ostrovo 46, 110, 128, 188, 192, 194, 269, 292, 294 Otto 156, 163 Otto II, Holy Roman Emperor 214 Paeonians 127 Paisius of Hilandar 183, 209, 273, 278 Pandaros 32 Paolo Ramusio 6, 215 Patzinaks [Pechenegs] 89–90, 99 Pediasimes, Duke 29 Pelagonia 46, 86, 88–89, 91, 96, 112, 191, 193, 195, 243, 258–261, 291–293, 295 Pernikos 82, 89, 91, 130 Peter Delian 22, 45, 53 nn. 41–42, 60–61, 63, 67, 129, 249 Peter I, Bulgarian emperor [tsar, sometimes king] 24, 27, 48, 73, 74, 82, 140, 161, 162, 182, 185–186, 189, 219–221, 240, 241, 286, 289, 299–302 Peter, Bulgarian ruler, brother of Asen and Kaloyan 22, 27, 48, 73, 119, 181, 185, 189, 219–221, 240, 277, 279, 286, 289–299, 301–303 Peteriskon 87, 110 Phaethon 40 Phasis, river 26 Philip of Ochrid, Archbishop of Bulgaria 51, 52, 223 Philipopolis 66, 182, 186–187, 189, 228, 241, 252, 254, 287–290, 304 Phokas 274 n. 7, 279 Photius 36–37 Pimolisa 106, 114 Pindus, mountain 127 Piotr Skarga 208 Plesh 217 Plevie, river 217 Pliska 27, 118, 140, 187, 227, 241, 254 Porphyrogenitus 26, 264

336 Praprata 114 Predimir 136, 208 Presian, son of John Vladislav 19, 112–113, 295, 306 Preslav 2, 21, 27, 79, 124, 227, 241, 248, 254, 302, 304 Prespa 17, 46, 51, 74–75, 93, 96, 108, 112, 132, 135–136, 196, 203, 205, 209, 226, 240, 261, 300, 315 Priest of Duklja 131, 137, 158, 194, 208, 244 n. 30, 248 n. 36 Prillep [Prilup, Prilepon] 52, 128, 190–191, 290–291 Pripole 217 Pronishta 196 Prosek 46, 111, 262, 295 Prousianos the Bulgarian 92–93, 98–99, 102 n. 230 Pyraechmes 127 Quedlinburg 156 Radomir, son of John Vladislav 112, 190–192, 196, 205 Radoslav 136, 208 Rafaniyah 170 Ragusa 185, 217, 243, 274 Rassa 132 Romanos Cheirotmetos 192 Romanos Gabriel 93 See also Gabriel Radomir Romanos I Lekapenos, Byzantine emperor 51 Romanos II, Byzantine emperor 44, 90 n. 164 Romanos III Argyros, Byzantine emperor 120 Romanos IV Diogenes, Byzantine emperor  102 n. 230 Romanos Kourkouas 99 Romanos Skleros 98 Romanus Symeon 20 See also Gabriel Radomir Romans 33, 36, 41, 44, 52–53, 57, 60–61, 65, 68–71, 75, 77, 80, 86, 89, 102, 105–106, 108, 110, 112, 114, 117–118, 121–122, 130, 150, 171, 177, 184–188, 190, 193–194, 197, 199–202, 209, 226, 239,

Index 242–243, 286–287, 290, 293, 296–297, 299–300 Russians 31 n. 4, 193, 220, 293 Rypsimia, mother of Samuel 17 Saganev 208 Sakhak, Prince of Hatzinas 166 Samsam-ad-Dawla 168 Samuel of Ani 174, 251 n. 40, 272 Samuel, Bulgarian emperor 2–3, 7, 9, 18, 20–23, 27, 66, 76, 125–126, 128, 131, 133, 136, 144, 148, 150, 154, 165, 171, 173–174, 175 n. 9, 176 nn. 13–14, 182–183, 185, 199, 201–203, 205, 208–209, 211–213, 215–229, 240–242, 243 n. 29, 244–245, 248, 250–251, 256–261, 264, 266–268, 273–274, 279–282, 287, 289, 299, 303–305 Sanakhin 175 Sardica/Serdica/Triaditza 32 n. 5 Scholae 117 Scyths, see Russians Selasphor 112 Seleukos 184, 302 Senate 54, 59 n. 53, 218 Sergios, brother of Photios 258 Sergios, eunuch 86, 258 Sergios, patriarch 83, 97, 99 n. 211, 128–129 Servia 47, 49–50, 67, 79–80, 112, 118, 187–188, 199, 222, 227, 231, 241, 288–289 Setina, fortress 194 Singidunum 264 Sirmium 98–99, 120, 125, 245, 265, 296 Skopje 27, 47, 82, 85 n. 140, 91, 108–109, 100 nn. 218–19, 111, 119, 125, 130, 188–189, 195, 227, 241, 256, 270–271, 274, 277, 289, 295, 297, 299–300, 302, 305 Skylitzes Continuatus 107 Sophronius of Vraca 273 Sosk 112, 139, 192, 199, 243, 292 Spercheios, river 44, 77, 83 n. 128, 118, 158, 180, 182, 186, 226, 240, 253, 288, 304 Sphendoslav [Svetoslav], prince of Kiev 75 n. 80 Spyridon of Gabrovo 301 St. Aubin of Namur, church of 158 St. Achillius of Larissa 36 St. Athanasius, the Athonite 41

Index St. Cyril, brother of St. Methodius 281 St. Demetrious 188 St. Demetrious, church of 188 St. Fantinus the Younger 29 St. John the Theologian, monastery of 24 St. Maria Alba, church of 164 St. Methodius, brother of St Cyril 281 St. Nikon Metanoeite 43, 209 n. 8 St. Tryphon 158 Stanisław Korytkowski, bishop 208 Stepanos of Taron [Asoghik] 7, 165, 167 n. 2, 252 Stephanos Kontostephanos 117 Stephen, patriarch 159 Stoudios’ monastery 99 strategos 40, 43, 194 n. 5, 274 n. 8 Strougai 92, 111 Strumica 46, 111, 190, 193, 195, 222, 229, 243–244, 261, 276, 280, 290 n. 23, 291, 293, 295, 307 Sts. Cosmas and Damian, monastery of 36 Stypeion [Stipon] 91 Subotin 184, 273, 278, 302 Symeon, Bulgarian emperor 20, 29 Synodicon of Boril 23 Taonion 114 Taotum 300 Tărnovo 160–161, 223, 274, 276–277, 279–280, 303, 306 Taronites 76–77, 108, 114, 187, 288 Tauroscythians 31 n. 4, 33–34 Thebes 101, 236, 246, 268 Theodora, daughter of Constantine VIII 238, 266 Theodora, empress 21–22, 99, 223, 244 Theodore, Kaukhan of the Bulgarians 110 Theodorokanos 79, 227, 254 Theodosiopolis 173, 246, 268, 298 Theodoulos [Theodule], archbishop of Bulgaria 114–115 Theodule, monk 223 n. 23 Theophanes the Confessor 117 Theophylact Botaneiates 85, 109, 190, 242, 257, 291 Thessalians 37 Thessaloniki 29–30, 34, 36–37, 42, 53 n. 41, 100 n. 218, 138, 168, 185–188, 190–194,

337 198, 209, 226, 230–231, 236–237, 240–243, 246, 249, 252–255, 257–259, 262, 267–270, 274, 279, 287–289, 291, 296–298, 303, 315 Thietmar of Merseburg 156 Thrace 26–27, 40, 68, 74–76, 79 nn. 101, 104, 95, 99, 108, 118, 125, 141, 165, 180, 182, 185–186, 191, 200, 209, 211, 224–226, 240, 250, 252, 258–260, 265, 287, 303 Thracians 6, 39–40 Tihomir 121, 200–201, 236, 246, 267, 276, 297 Tmoros, Mount 92–93, 112 Toplitza 184 Trajan Gate Pass 31 Trajan, son of John Vladislav 112 Tralitza 32 Trekliane 20 Triadica 47–48, 65–66, 108, 117, 168, 178, 187, 193, 219, 243, 251, 254, 259, 287, 293, 303 Triaditza 79, 89 Tribalians 144, 147 Tribunia 133 Tricornesi 184 Turks 49, 105–106, 114, 172, 176, 178, 300, 302 Vakhram, governor of Armenia 172 Valasitza [Belasitza] 109 Vardar, river [Axios] 49, 82 n. 122, 118, 127, 188, 241, 255 n. 43, 256, 289, 304 Vasag 177 Vasak Pakhlavid 172 Vaspurakan 105, 115, 172, 176, 192, 244, 258, 312 Vassilida, fortress 196 Venice 78, 143, 155, 163–164, 180, 183, 215 Vidin 2, 27, 81–82, 108–109, 118, 126, 130, 188, 227, 241, 255, 286, 304 Vishegrad 194, 294 Vlachs 49, 74, 108, 161–162, 220 Vladimir 2, 7, 8, 22–23, 33 n. 14, 40, 42 n. 24, 43, 88, 92, 110, 112, 131–137, 143–144, 146, 149, 192, 196, 202–207, 217, 219, 222, 231, 242–244, 248, 259–260, 279–280, 282, 293, 303–304, 306 Vladislav, the Grammarian 138, 301 Voden 48, 51, 188, 191, 194 Voislav, son of Dragimir 136 Vojtech 299–300 Voleron 292

338 William of Tyre 247 n. 33 Xene 116 Yahya of Antioch 28, 33 n. 13, 167, 175 n. 10 Zadar 132, 217 Zeta 22–23, 88 n. 157, 131

Index Zoe, Byzantine empress 235, 237, 244, 266 Zographou, monastery of 24 Zonaras, John 28, 116, 121 n. 252, 123, 190, 245, 287, 289, 296, 298, 300, 302–303, 306, 308 zoste 77, 112, 187, 233, 242, 254, 264, 290