Black Reconstruction in America: An Essay Toward a History of the Part Which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860-1880

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Black Reconstruction in America: An Essay Toward a History of the Part Which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860-1880

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t

W. E. B. DU BOIS BLACK BECONSTRUCTION IN

AMERICA 18600880

The classic study of the Civil

role of

American Negroes

in

the post-

War Reconstruction by America's foremost Negro scholar

".

wMim

.

H 170 $3.45

v '

BLACK RECONSTRUCTION IN AMERICA

BLACK RECONSTRUCTION IN AMERICA An

Essay

Toward

a History of the Part

Which Black Folk Played

in the

Attempt

to

Reconstruct Democracy in America,

1860-1880

by

W. E.

BURGHARDT DU

BOIS

Meridian Boo\s

THE WORLD PUBLISHING COMPANY CLEVELAND AND NEW YORK

A MERIDIAN

BOOK

The World Publishing Company West 110th Street, Cleveland 2, Ohio published by Harcourt, Brace and Company in Published by 2231

First

1935.

Meridian printing January, 1964. Copyright 1935, 1962 by W. E. Burghardt Du Bois. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced First

©

in

any form without written permission from the publisher, except for brief passages included in a review appearing in a newspaper or magazine. Reprinted by arrangement with Russell & Russell, Inc. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 64-15324 MWP264 Printed in the United States of America

Ad

Virginiam Vitae Salvatorem

7 11

CONTENTS

I.

THE BLACK WORKER

3

THE WHITE WORKER

II.

1

III.

THE PLANTER

32

IV.

THE GENERAL STRIKE

55

V.

THE COMING OF THE LORD

84

VI.

LOOKING BACKWARD

1 28

VII.

LOOKING FORWARD

1 82

THE TRANSUBSTANTIATION OF A POOR WHITE

VIII.

THE PRICE OF DISASTER

IX.

X.

325

THE BLACK PROLETARIAT IN SOUTH CAROLINA

XI.

THE BLACK PROLETARIAT IN

XII.

237

MISSISSIPPI

AND LOUISIANA

38

43

THE WHITE PROLETARIAT IN ALABAMA, GEORGIA, AND FLORIDA

487

xiii.

the duel for labor control on border and frontier

526

xiv.

counter-revolution of property

580

xv.

founding the public school

xvi. xvii.

back toward slavery

the propaganda of history

637 67o 711

bibliography

73

index

739

TO THE READER

The and of

story of transplanting millions of Africans to the their

bondage

for four centuries,

larly interesting for students of

human

is

new

world,

a fascinating one. Particu-

is the sudden freeing of and the attempt, through American democracy from 1860-1880.

culture

these black folk in the Nineteenth Century

them, to reconstruct the basis of This book seeks to tell and interpret these twenty years of fateful history with especial reference to the efforts and experiences of the

Negroes themselves. For the opportunity of making this study, I have to thank the Trustees of the Rosenwald Fund, who made me a grant covering two years; the Directors of the National Association for the

Advancement

who allowed me time for the writing; the President University, who gave me help and asylum during the comthe work; and the Trustees of the Carnegie Fund who

of Colored People, of Atlanta pletion of

I need hardly add none of these persons are in any way responsible for the views

contributed toward the finishing of the manuscript. that

herein expressed. It

would be only

fair to

the reader to say frankly in advance that

the attitude of any person toward this story will be distinctly influ-

enced by his theories of the Negro race. If he believes that the Negro is an average and ordinary human being, who under given environment develops like other human beings, then he will read this story and judge it by the facts adduced. If, however, he regards the Negro as a distinctly inferior creation, who can never successfully take part in modern civilization and whose emancipation and enfranchisement were gestures against nature, then he will need something more than the sort of facts that I have set down. But this latter person, I am not trying to convince. I am simply pointing out these two points of view, so obvious to Americans, and then without further ado, I am assuming the truth of the first. In fine, I am going to tell this story as though Negroes were ordinary human beings, re-

in America and in general

alizing

that this

attitude

will

from the

first

seriously

curtail

my

audience.

W. Atlanta, December, igjj.

E.

BURGHARDT DU BOIS

BLACK RECONSTRUCTION IN AMERICA

I.

How

THE BLACK WORKER

black men, coming to America in the sixteenth, seventeenth,

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, became a central thread in the history of the United States, at once a challenge to racy

and always an important part of social

Easily the

den move civil

its

its

democ-

economic history and

development

most dramatic episode in American history was the sud-

to free four million black slaves in

an

effort to stop a great

war, to end forty years of bitter controversy, and to appease the

moral sense of civilization. From the day of its birth, the anomaly of slavery plagued a nation which asserted the equality of all men, and sought to derive powers of government from the consent of the governed. Within sound of the voices of those who said this lived more than half a million black slaves, forming nearly one-fifth of the population of a new nation. The black population at the time of the first census had risen to three-quarters of a million, and there were over a million at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Before 1830, the blacks had passed the two million mark, helped by the increased importations just before 1808, and the illicit smuggling up until 1820. By their own reproduction, the Negroes reached 3,638,808 in 1850, and before the Civil War, stood at .'4,441,830. They were 10% of the whole population of the nation in 1700, 22% in 1750, 18.9% in 1800 and 11.6% in 1900. These workers were not all black and not all Africans and not all slaves. In i860, at least 90% were born in the United States, 13% were visibly of white as well as Negro descent and actually more than onefourth were probably of white, Indian and Negro blood. In i860, 11% of these dark folk were free workers. In origin, the slaves represented everything African, although most of them originated on or near the West Coast. Yet among them appeared the great Bantu tribes from Sierra Leone to South Africa; the Sudanese, straight across the center of the continent, from the Atlantic to the Valley of the Nile; the Nilotic Negroes and the black and

brown Hamites,

allied with Egypt; the tribes of the great lakes; the Pygmies and the Hottentots; and in addition to these, distinct traces of both Berber and Arab blood. There is no doubt of the presence of all these various elements in the mass of 10,000,000 or more Negroes 3

BLACK RECONSTRUCTION

4

transported from Africa to the various Americas, from the fifteenth to the nineteenth centuries.

Most of them that came to the continent went through West Indian and thus finally appeared in the United States. They brought with them their religion and rhythmic song, and some traces of their art and tribal customs. And after a lapse of two and one-half centuries, the Negroes became a settled working population, speaking English or French, professing Christianity, and used principally in agricultural toil. Moreover, they so mingled their blood with white and red America that today less than 25% of the Negro Americans are of unmixed tutelage,

African descent. So long as slavery was a matter of race and color, it made the conscience of the nation uneasy and continually affronted its ideals. The men who wrote the Constitution sought by every evasion, and almost by subterfuge, to keep recognition of slavery out of the basic form of the new government. They founded their hopes on the prohibition of the slave trade, being sure that without continual additions from abroad, this tropical people would not long survive, and thus the prob-

lem of

slavery

would disappear

in death.

in the

West

Indies to kill the slaves

They

miscalculated, or did

might be more profitable by overwork and import cheap

not foresee the changing economic world.

It

Africans; but in America without a slave trade,

it

paid to conserve

and let him multiply. When, therefore, manifestly the Negroes were not dying out, there came quite naturally new excuses and explanations. It was a matter of social condition. Gradually these people would be free; but freedom could only come to the bulk as the freed were transplanted to their own land and country, since the living together of black and white in America was unthinkable. So again the nation waited, and its conscience sank to sleep. But in a rich and eager land, wealth and work multiplied. They twisted new and intricate patterns around the earth. Slowly but mightily these black workers were integrated into modern industry. On free and fertile land Americans raised, not simply sugar as a cheap sweetening, rice for food and tobacco as a new and tickling luxury; but they began to grow a fiber that clothed the masses of a ragged world. Cotton grew so swiftly that the 9,000 bales of cotton which the new nation scarcely noticed in 1791 became 79,000 in 1800; and with this increase, walked economic revolution in a dozen different lines. the slave

The in

1

cotton crop reached one-half million bales in 1822, a million bales 831, two million in 1840, three million in 1852, and in the year of

secession, stood at the then

Such facts and which they were

enormous

related

as

total of five million bales.

with the increase of the slaves to both cause and effect, meant a new

others, coupled

THE BLACK WORKER

more so because with increase in American cotton came both by chance and ingenuity new miracles manufacturing, and particularly for the spinning and weaving of

world; and and Negro for

5

the

all

slaves,

cloth.

The giant forces of water and of steam were harnessed to do the world's work, and the black workers of America bent at the bottom of a growing pyramid of commerce and industry; and they not only could not be spared, if this new economic organization was to expand, but rather they became the cause of new political demands and alignments, of new dreams of power and visions of empire. First of

black

soil

their

all,

—in

work

called for

widening

stretches of

new,

rich,

Florida, in Louisiana, in Mexico; even in Kansas. This

cheap labor, and labor easily regulated and distributed, high that a whole system of culture arose in the South, with a new leisure and social philosophy. Black labor became the foundation stone not only of the Southern social structure, but of Northern manufacture and commerce, of the English factory system, of European commerce, of buying and selling on a world-wide scale; land,

added

made

profits so

new

cities

to

were

built

on the

results of black labor,

and a new labor

white labor, arose both in Europe and America. Thus, the old difficulties and paradoxes appeared in new dress. It became easy to say and easier to prove that these black men were not men in the sense that white men were, and could never be, in the same sense, free. Their slavery was a matter of both race and social condition, but the condition was limited and determined by race. They were congenital wards and children, to be well-treated and cared for, but far happier and safer here than in their own land. As the Richmond, Virginia, Examiner put it in 1854: "Let us not bother our brains about what Providence intends to do with our Negroes in the distant future, but glory in and profit to the utmost by what He has done for them in transplanting them here, and setting them to work on our plantations. True philanthropy to the Negro, begins, like charity, at home; and if Southern men would act as if the canopy of heaven were inscribed with a covenant, in letters of fire, that the Negro is here, and here forever; is our property, and ours forever; they would accomplish more good for the race in five years than they boast the institution itself to have accomproblem, involving

all

.

.

plished in

two

centuries.

.

.

.

.

.

.

."

On

the other hand, the growing exploitation of white labor in Europe, the rise of the factory system, the increased monopoly of land,

and the problem of the distribution of political power, began to send after wave of immigrants to America, looking for new freedom, new opportunity and new democracy.

wave

BLACK RECONSTRUCTION

6

The

opportunity for real and new democracy in America was broad. power at first was, as usual, confined to property holders and

Political

an aristocracy of birth and learning. But it was never securely based land. Land was free and both land and property were possible to nearly every thrifty worker. Schools began early to multiply and open their doors even to the poor laborer. Birth began to count for less and less and America became to the world a land of economic opportunity. So the world came to America, even before the Revolution, and afterwards during the nineteenth century, nineteen million immigrants entered the United States. When we compare these figures with the cotton crop and the increase of black workers, we see how the economic problem increased in intricacy. This intricacy is shown by the persons in the drama and their differing and opposing interests. There were the native-born Americans, largely of English descent, who were the property holders and employers; and even so far as they were poor, they looked forward to the time when they would accumulate capital and become, as they put it, economically "independent." Then there were the new immigrants, torn with a certain violence from their older social and economic surroundings; strangers in a new land, with visions of rising in the social and economic world by means of labor. They differed in language and social status, varying from the half-starved Irish peasant to the educated German and English artisan. There were the free Negroes: those of the North free in some cases for many generations, and voters; and in other cases, fugitives, new come from the South, with little skill and small knowledge of life and labor in their new environment. There were the free Negroes of the South, an unstable,

on

harried

class, living

on sufferance

of the law,

and the good

will of

white patrons, and yet rising to be workers and sometimes owners of property and even of slaves, and cultured citizens. There was the great mass of poor whites, disinherited of their economic portion by competition with the slave system, and land monopoly. In the earlier history of the South, free Negroes had the right to vote. Indeed, so far as the letter of the law was concerned, there was not a single Southern colony in which a black man who owned the requisite amount of property, and complied with other conditions, did at some period have the legal right to vote. Negroes voted in Virginia as late as 1723, when the assembly enacted that no free Negro, mulatto or Indian "shall hereafter have any vote at the elections of burgesses or any election whatsoever." In North Carolina, by the Act of 1734, a former discrimination against Negro voters was laid aside and not reenacted until 1835. A complaint in South Carolina, in 1701, said:

not

THE BLACK WORKER "Several free Negroes were receiv'd,

&

7

taken for as good Electors as

the best Freeholders in the Province. So that we leave it with Your Lordships to judge whether admitting Aliens, Strangers, Servants, Negroes, &c, as good and qualified Voters, can be thought any ways agreeable to King Charles' Patent to Your Lordships, or the English Constitution of Government." Again in 1716, Jews and Negroes, who had been voting, were expressly excluded. In Georgia, there was at first no color discrimination, although only owners of fifty acres of 1 land could vote. In 1761, voting was expressly confined to white men. In the states carved out of the Southwest, they were disfranchised as soon as the state came into the Union, although in Kentucky they voted between 1792 and 1799, and Tennessee allowed free Negroes to

vote in her constitution of 1796. In North Carolina, where even disfranchisement, in 1835, did not apply to Negroes who already had the right to vote, it was said that the several ally

hundred Negroes who had been voting before then usu-

voted prudently and judiciously.

In Delaware and Maryland they voted in the latter part of the eighteenth century. In Louisiana, Negroes who had had the right to vote during territorial status were not disfranchised.

To sum

up, in colonial times, the free

Negro was excluded from

the

and Virginia. In the Border Delaware disfranchised the Negro in 1792; Maryland in 1783

suffrage only in Georgia, South Carolina States,

and

1810.

m

In the Southeast, Florida disfranchised Negroes in 1845; an22,

47,

and

tiiscmeni

abandoned

272, 280,

,4,

I

courts*

i

239,

»34i

700

;

!

Con-

of

disabilities

proposal,

incoln'l

1

si

1

,

^ ,-,

;

civil

suffrage,

population

by

rights, 5(12; voters, 563;

Negro property,

new government, 563 Douglass,

Frederick,

bet,

in

of war, 63, 80

Conventions:

,

5- «>,

-572;

Columbia,

of

District

under

Various states

Contraband

-

-90

slave:

tion,

S

S71 Disfranchisement of 185-187, 57 •1-574,

Conkling, R. Congra Constitution

1

S

40th,

Congressioful

Fifteen,

ol

Stevens on,

14-15,

53,

fugitive

61,

slave,

100-102,

England, 24, 88; and Negro

13;

104;

soldiers,

and Sumner, 162, 192, 200, 594; and Negro suffrage, 199, 257, 297300; and conventions, 233, 316, 367; and Andrew Johnson, 296-300; and Freedmen's Bank, 600 114;

103-104 Lieutenant-Governor of Louisiana, 463, 469-470, 472, 478-479, 617 Dunning, W. A., 179, 618, 717-719, 725 Draft

riots,

Dunn, O.

J.,

INDEX Eaton, John, General, 69-71, 643 Education in the South, 621-622, 637-667 passim. See under Negro education and under various states Elections, national: 1866, 315-321, 325; 1867, 339-341, 373; for Southern con-

1868, 373-374» 376-377, 681-682; 1872, 684-685; 1876, 484, 630, 691-692, 707; bargain of 1876, 691-692, 707 Elliott, R. B., Negro Congressman, 414, 418, 422, 628-629 Emancipation, 55-126 passim, 150, 156, 158, 161-162, 164, 188-190, 244, 267, ventions, 1867, 370-37 1

670-671 Encyclopaedia Britannica tion, 712-713 England, 47, 86-89

;

on

Reconstruc-

74i

Free Negroes: as voters, 6-8, 153-157; in the South, 6, 14-15, 154-155, 350, 451; in the North, 7-8, 13-14, 18; as soldiers, 94,

153-154;

115,

Southern

511-523; lawlessness, 129, 516518, 677; labor, 139-140; black codes, 172, 170, 174, 512-513; Thirteenth Amendment, 208; voters, 209; Freedmen's Bureau, 228; carpetbaggers, 228,

Florida,

reconstruction, 254, 523; provisional 256; reconstructon in, 511-523; Con1 vention of 1865, 51 -5 1 2; population by race, 511; Negro leaders, 513; Convention of 1868, 513-515; Constitution of 1868, 514-516; gerrymandering, 514515; legislatures, 515-517, 520-522; edu-

various

other

383, 431, 495, 511, 526, 537, 562, 564, 566, 571, 576; in Louisiana, 451, 456-461; after the war, 456-461; and education, 638, 642-644,

655, 661 Free Soil, 21-23, 42, 211 Fugitive slaves, 12-13, 20, 55-83 passim, 9i Garrison, William Lloyd, 20, 78, 88, 182, 188, 200, 295, 643 Georgia, 495-511; voters, 7; labor, 79; lawlessness, 129, 139, 507, 672, 677; post-war conditions, Thirteenth 139;

Amendment, Federal legislation against lawlessness. See Force bills [374 Fessenden, W. P., Senator from Maine, 96, Fifteenth Amendment, 377-378, 440, 442, 593-594. 682-683, 691

in

states,

erty, taxation,

black code,

and

496;

reconpopulation by 495-511; prop-

provisional

208;

struction, 251, 254, 256; race, 495; reconstruction,

debt, 495, 508, 510;

Convention of 1865,

Negro

suffrage, 496; Negro con496-497, 503; Negro leaders, 498-499; Convention of 1867, 498, 500; carpetbaggers, 498, 509; education, 500, 505, 639-640, 644-645, 651; expulsion of Negro legislators, 501-504; action of 41st Congress, 504; Negro property, 508; corruption, 509; railroads, 510-51 Gibbs, J. C, Negro leader, 233, 513, 516517, 520, 617, 643, 655 Grant, U. S., General and President, 69, 108-110, 271, 339, 373, 594, 683, 685-

496;

ventions,

687

cation, 516-517, 520-521, 653-655; rail-

Greeley, Horace, 22, 82, 85, 104, 202, 315,

roads, 517; corruption, 519, 522; property, taxation and debt, 522

359. 375. 479. 481 Greenbacks, 294, 340

Force

bills,

682-684, 686

Fortieth Congress, 377 Fort Pillow, massacre of, 11 4-1 15, 317 Fort Wagner, attack on, 109, 112

Fourteenth Amendment, 288-289, 294296, 301-307. 3io, 317. 3 2I 328, 330331, 442, 683, 691 France, 47, 86, 88 Fraud report, South Carolina, 421 Freedmen's Aid Societies. See Benevolence >

and religion Freedmen's Bank. See Freedmen's Savings and Trust Company Freedmen's Bureau, 69, 219, 220-230, 263, 273, 3io, 329. 337. 348, 35i. 567-568,

648-667 passim; bills, 227, 273-274, 310-311; 284, 292, 278, 275-276, charges against, 228-229, 310 Freedmen's Savings and Trust Company,

416/599-600

Hampton, Wade, 388-389, 412, 427, 686

Hampton

Institute,

Harris, James H.,

666

Negro

leader, 362-363, 528-529 Hayes, R. B., President, 340, 484, 691-692 Helper, Hinton, 243 Holden, W. W., Governor of North Carolina, 526, 528, 531, 533-535 Homestead bill, 211, 242-243 Hood, James W., Negro leader, 528-529 Howard, O. O., General, 219, 223-224, 229, 365 Howard University, 666 Hunnicutt, James W., 538-540 Hunter, David, General, 92-93, 113

Immigrants, 17-19, 217, 238 Imperialism and the Negro problem, 1516, 30

1

INDEX

74^

Industry and Big Business: integration of industry, 182, 187, 210, 581, 584, 586, 595, 605-606; industry and democracy, 183-184, 186-187, 239, 605; industry

and labor, 184, 345-346, 596; abolition and industry, 184, 214, 239-240, 327, 584-585; industry and the South, 185, 212-213,

industry

691-692;

580,

293,

and speculation, 21 1; industry and con227, 245, 251, 262, 280-281, 368; industry and corruption, 240, 594595; control of industry, 584; industry and reform, 594, 597; panic of 1873, fiscation,

595

Amalgamation of

Intermarriage. See

races

Johns Hopkins studies, 718 Johnson, Andrew, President: and Schurz, 133, 254-255; life of, 182, ill, 235, 241-323 passim, 325. 376, 571 r President, 241, 247, 248-323 passim; as Vice President, 244, 247; drunkenness, -

247, 256, 179, |t8; and Negro suffrage, prr>vis]on.il 250, 258, 433; governor, 254; Negro colonization, 260; messages, 262-263, 321-322, 341-342,

377; vetoes, 275

19, 331,

M3i 15©: q

333i

j;

inter\ir I

wing-around-the-circlc,*' |I7'

en forcement of Reconstruction

bills,

impeachment, 334, 337, 342-344; Karl Marx and, 354

Lawlessness in the South, 670-690. See Ku Klux Klan, and secret societies Lee, R. E., General, 11 8-1 19 Lincoln, Abraham: on labor, 17-18; and emancipation, 81-87, I2 8, 178, 182, 189, 194, 235, 239, 715; and English labor, 89-91; Negro soldiers, 98-100; second inaugural, 126; assassination, 128, 165, 216; colonization, 145-149; and reconstruction, 151-153, 160-161, 163, 212, 241, 248; Louisiana, 151, 153-154, 156158, 161, 163-164; Negro suffrage, 154, 158, 199-200; Border States, 189, 243244; reelection, 207; Freedmen's Bureau, 221, 223; Andrew Johnson, 244, 247 Longstreet, James, General, 466 Louisiana, 451-484; free Negroes, 7-8, 94, J1 5> 1 53- 1 5^n 45i, 456-461; labor, 68education, 68, 154, 459, 468, 477. 637, 643-644, 647, 660; provisional reconstruction, 150-151, 153-154, 157, '•: black code, 168 159,

69, 453:

1

.

I

liol of 1866, 464-400; posed convention of 1 866, 404-405; vention of i's ''7, 407-408; Negro vention, 4 n 7; Constitution of 1868,

47'. 4*2 Kentucky, voters.

Governor

of

-

code,

Louisiana, slave trade,

44:

black

civil

571; population rights. 568: lawlc

17s;

reconstruction

1

convention.

3

ro

in,

Negro Negro

suffrage,

570;

Negro property, 570; crops, $70-571 Ku Klux Klan and secret society r

55', 474, 483, 494. J J3-534i 581, 623-626, 674-684 passim,

Labor contracts, 169-170, 174, 225 Labor movement, 17-20, 22-25, 28,

89,

103, 183, 206, 216-218, 243, 347, 353-

368, 596-597; in England, 24, 88-91; in the South, 386-387, 704 Labor rivalry, black and white, 18-19, 2I 22, 25-29, 45-46, 80, 216,

Land

"

460

for freedmen, 123, 222, 245, 268, 274, 337, 368-369, 386, 393, 588, 600604, 611

pro-

Concon468-

carpetbaggers, 470, 474, 482;

474-475, p.,

.

reconstruction of, 332, 451-485; population by race, 451; post-war conditions, 4s 3-454, 475: Negro suffrage, 4S4, 456-457; Republican party, 462,

-.

Kansas, 42 Kellogg, w.

1

455-456; Thirteenth Amendment, 208; lawlessness, 228, U4, 45145 1, 455, 47«-47i. 474, 680-682, 009-

taxation

elections,

478-483,

and

debt,

1868-1876,

691-692; 475-477;

property, railroads,

475-476; Liberal Republicans, 480 8, 20 Lynch, Janus, Negro leader, 436, 440 Lynch, John R., Negro Congressman, 4 Louisiana Purchase,

39,

441, 444, 447, 450, 617

Lynching, 699-701

Manufactures in the South, 589 Marx, Karl, 19, 23-24, 89, 218-219, 353354, 357, 381 Marxism and the Negro, 22-25 Maryland, population by race, 563; reconstruction in, 563-565; black code, 564; constitutional convention of 1867, 564-

565; Negro suffrage, 565; education, 566; labor, 566 McClellan, G. B., General, 60, 10 Members of constitutional conventions, 1868, 372 Migration, interstate, 348 Milliken's Bend, battle of, 108-109

Miscegenation. See Amalgamation of races

INDEX

743 and

Mississippi, 431-451; slaves impressed, 58; lawlessness, 129, 140-143; post-war con-

Negroes

ditions,

Negroes

*77» 208,

140-143; black code, 171-175, 434*444; Thirteenth Amendment,

provisional reconstruction, 435; 251, 254, 256, 258; population by race, 431; reconstruction in, 431-451; corrup-

Negro

tion

Negro leadership, 611 -61 Negro migration, 693 Negro officials: in South Carolina, 417-

622;

432, 441, 446-447, 449'45°> property, taxation and debt, 432,

in,

445-447; Negro voters, 433; Negro troops, 433; Convention of 1867, 434438; education, 437, 443, 640, 652; disfranchisement of whites, 438-440; Reconstruction legislatures, 440-442; Negro leaders, 441, 444'445, 447 Mississippi Plan, 412, 447-450, 685-686 Missouri, slavery, 42; Reconstruction, 575576; education, 576

Mob

violence against Negroes, 18, 102, 216, 314, 465, 574. See Ku Klux Klan

and

secret societies

Moses, F. lina,

J.,

Jr.,

Governor of South Caro-

402, 413

Nash, Beverly, Negro leader, 231, 391 National Labor Union, 354-358, 360, 596 National Union Convention, 315

Negro army officers, 113 Negro conventions, 155, 230-235, 361-367, 416, 456, 489, 495-497> 503. 508, 527, 537, 569, 574 Negro crime, 698 Negro disfranchisement. See Disfranchise-

ment of Negroes Negro education, 589, 637-667; Louisiana, 68,

154, 459, 468, 477, 637, 643-644, 647, 660; demand for, 123, 365, 492; first efforts after the war, 189-190. 226, 337, 348-349, 642; South Carolina, 396-

398, 642-643, 646, 649-651; Mississippi, 437, 443, 652; Alabama, 491-492, 653; Georgia, 500, 644-645, 651; Florida, 516-517, 520-521, 653-655; North Carolina, 526, 529-531, 656-657; Virginia, 539, 54 2 » 639, 642, 646, 658; Maryland, 566; Missouri, 576; normal schools and colleges, ante-bellum 665-666; 637, schools, 638, 642-643, 655; attitude of whites, 646; Freedmen's Bureau, 648667 passim; Arkansas, 658-659; Texas, 660; Delaware, 662 Negroes: as slaves and laborers, 3-16, 5657; free, see Free Negroes; and immigrants, 18-19; and Southern white mechanics, 28, 80; colonization of, see Colonization; in state legislatures, 403404, 471-472, 501, 504-507, 5i5-5i6, 53 1 , 534-535, 546; in conventions of 1867, see under Conventions

military

as

laborers

spies,

57-58, 6} t 70, 104-106, 115 in Congress, 404, 445, 627-630 Negro health and hospitals, 226 after

labor,

the

in

war,

modern 129,

industry,

359-367,

4-5;

416-417,

508

419; in Mississippi, 436, 441, 445; in Louisiana, 469-470; in Alabama, 490491; in Georgia, 498-499, 504-507; in in Florida, 515-517, 519-521; 513, North Carolina, 528-529, 535; in Virginia, 540; in Arkansas, 547; in Texas,

557-558, 561

Negro petitions, 155, 230-232, 285 Negro population in the United States,

3.

See Population by race

Negro property, 154, 173, 459, 508, 539, 563, 570, 603

Negro regiments, 95-98, 112-113, 260 Negro religion and art, 14, 124 Negro soldiers, 56-59, 63, 66, 80, 82, 91121

passim, 567, 572, 689;

in

action,

106-111

Negro

suffrage: in colonial times, 6-7; in

Southeast and Southwest, 7-8; in the North, 7-8, 341; in the West, 8, 331, 341; in Louisiana, 153-158, 163, 692; Lincoln's plan for, 160-164; attitude of South toward, 166, 208-210, 223, 275, 454; and universal suffrage, 191 -195; Garrison on, 200-201; Horace Greeley on, 201-202; Carl Schurz on, 202-206; Northern industry and, 213-215, 327;

Negro demand for, 234-235, 457; Andrew Johnson and, 250-251, 256-258, 262-263, 296-300, 326, 341-342; Northern campaign for, 257-258; Thaddeus Stevens and, 266; in District of Columbia, 285-286, 337, 562-563; Committee of Fifteen and, 287, 293-294, 302, 313314, 331-332; Fourteenth Amendment and, 294-296, 306, 308-310, 330; in campaign of 1866, 316-319; in Reconstruction bills, 331-333; in Ohio, 340; and labor vote, 353; in Reconstruction, 370-372, 374; results of, 589-591, 619, 620. See under various states New England, 287, 291 New Orleans, 67-68, 154-155, 158, 314, 350, 451-452, 464-466, 475 North Carolina, 526-536; Negro voters, 6-7; voters, 32-33; slave trade, 44; labor, 79; lawlessness, 129, 138, 532-534; proreconstruction, 133, 251, 254, 256, 527; post-war conditions, 137-138; visional

1

1

INDEX

744

176-177, 527; Thirteenth Amendment, 208; population by race, 526; reconstruction in, 526-536; education, 526, 530, 656-657; Negro convenblack

code,

527-528; Convention of 1865, 527; Negro suffrage, 527; Negro leaders, 528-529; Convention of 1868, 529-530; Constitution of 1868, 530-531; carpetbaggers, 531, 536; property, taxation and debt, 531; confiscation, 532-533; corruption, 535; Democratic Party, 536 Northwest Ordinance, 8 tions,

lic-school system, establishment of, 664-

665 Railroads,

211, 213, 581, 582; in the South, 406-408, 446, 475-476, 493-494, 5I7-5I9. 511, 531-532, 589 Rainey, J. H., Negro Congressman, 403,

630 A. J., Negro leader, 231, 397, 403, 415-416 Rapier, James T., Negro Congress, 491 Reconstruction: Lincoln's plan, 151-160; Ransier,

law of March

Pacific railroads, 242, 581

Panic of 1873, 595-597, 685 Pardons. See Amnesty for Confederates Peonage, 696 Perry, B. F., Governor of South Carolina,

388-389, 412 Petersburg, siege of,

1 1

Wendell, 25, 162, 182, 185, 199200, 257, 279 Pinchback, P. B. S., Governor of Louisiana, 468-470, 472-473. 47' Planters, 32-54, 129, 349-352 Poor whites: and Negroes, 12, 27, 32, 298300, 608, 673; condition, 26-27, 471; as mechanics, 28, 80; migration, 29; disaffection in war, Bo-81; in Reconstruc-

Phillips,

130-131, 372, 409, 448, 488, 494, and labor 500, 531, 610; and land, 21 movement, 238-239, 241; and Negro suffrage, 349-352, 61 Population by race: South Carolina, 383; Mississippi, 4^1; Louisiana, 451; Alation,

1

;

1

bama, 487; Georgia, 495: Florida, 511; North Carolina, 526; Virginia. 5*6-537; Arkansas, 546;

Texas,

552;

District

of

Columbia, 562: Maryland, 563-564; Kentucky,

566;

Tennessee,

571:

Missouri,

576 Populist movement, 353 Port Hudson, battle of, 107-108 Port Royal, South Carolina, 59-60, 67, 230,

386-387, 393 Propaganda, 71 Property and taxation in the South, 604605, 600. See under various states Public schools, 637-667; in the South before the war, 638-644 passim: in North Carolina, 638, 655, 657; in South Caro-

2, 1867, 329, 331-333; supplementary, 334-335; law of July 19, ^67, 335; constitutions and legislation, 597-598; debts, 613-615; cost of, 708; recent literature, 722-723 Reed, Harrison, Governor of Florida, 515518, 520 Reform movement: of 1872, 594, 622-625; and the Negro, 1845-1849, 21-22 Registration in 1867, 370-371. See under

various states

Republican Party, 234, 272, 315, 318, 321, 326, 360, 373 Revels, H. R., Senator, 442, 449, 594-595 Rhodes, J. F., Historian, 716-717, 725 Richmond, battles around, 111-112 Saxton, Rufus, General, 72-74, 599 Scalawags, 350, 352, 487; in Louisiana, 471, 47S; in Alabama, 491-492; in Georgia, 509 School funds: of South Carolina, 397-398; of Louisiana, 477; of Georgia, 500; of Florida, 516, 520-521; of Frcedmcn's bureau, 64 H; diversion of, 662; school taxation, 663-664 Schools, mixed, 643, 662-663

Schuiz, Carl, Statesman, 77, 133-136, 202205, 207, 247, 251, 254-255, 271, 315, 318-319, 671, 722 Sea Islands, 67, 72-74, 77, 393 Secret organizations. See under Ku Klux

Klan Segregation and caste, 695, 702

Seward, William, Secretary of State, 88, 252, 254, 275-277, 292-293, 318, 321,

374 Sharkey,

W.

L.,

Governor of

Mississippi,

432-433

lina,

639, 649-650; in Virginia, 639, 646, 657-658; in Georgia, 639-640, 644-

Sheridan, P. H., General, 335, 482 Sherman, W. T., General, 393

651-652; in Alabama, 640-641, 652-653; in Mississippi, 640, 652; in Florida, 653-655; in Arkansas, 658-659; in Texas, 659-660; in Louisiana, 660; in Delaware, 662; in Missouri, 662; pub-

Slave codes, 10, 179 Slaveholders, 32-54 Slave marriages, 10

645,

Slave revolts, 12, 65-66, 105,

1

19-120

Slavery, 8-9, 20, 30, 39-41, 45-46, 48-50,

INDEX 53, 184; Southern attitude, 5, 9-13, 52; as cause of secession, 48-51 Slaves,

payment

for,

1

50-151

Slave territory, 41, 47 Slave trade, 11-12, 41, 43-46, 50-51, 137,

745

Amendment, 294-296,

306,

313,

331;

economic problem, 327; and Thaddeus Stevens, 343-344; democracy, 590, 592, 722 Suffrage, right of, 6-8, 32-33

Supreme Court, 339, 435, 594, 690-691

« 43

Smalls, Robert,

Negro Congressman, 230 210-21 1, 269-270, 340 Tennessee: voters, 7, 251; slave trade, 44; Negro soldiers, 98, 116; lawlessness, 144; post-war conditions, 144; emancipation, 244; reconstruction in, 571-575; population by race, 571; Confederates, 571574; Confederate disabilities, 572; Negro suffrage, 573, 575; Memphis riot, 574; Negro conventions, 574; action of Congress, 575

voters, 6-7, 33, 208-209, 388; labor, 45-46, 79, 383-384, 416417; land, 72, 393-395; lawlessness, 129, 386, 674-677, 686-690; provisional reconstruction, 145, 254, 256, 298, 385; black code, 167-172, 175-176, 179, 385386; reconstruction in, 381-428; population by race, 383; property and debt, 384, 401-402, 405-406, 408-413, 425428; Negro conventions, 387; state con-

Tariff,

vention,

1868, 388-389, 400; political 388, 412-413; Negro leaders, 391, 402-405, 417-418, 426-427; organization of labor, 393; education, 396-398. 642-643, 646, 649-651; courts, 398-399; Constitution of 1868, 400; taxation in, 405-406, 408-409, 414; railroads, 407408; charitable institutions, 413; Freed men's Bank, 416; corruption, 419-428;

Tenure

parties,

Texas, 552-561; lawlessness, 129, 553-554, 556, 558, 677; post-war conditions, 143; Thirteenth Amendment, 208; Provi-

South Carolina:

fraud report, 420-423 South, political power of, 32-34, 41, 47, 185-187, 215, 289-291, 706; post-war conditions, 133-180 passim, 271, 314,

671-673; crops and industry, 587-588; property, see under various states Stanton, E. M., Secretary of War, 249, 339 Stephens, Alexander H., Vice President,

49-50, 243, 261, 503, 511, 629 Stevens,

Thaddeus:

and

Negro

suffrage,

209, 257, 265-266, 319; and democracy, 182, 191; land for freedmen, 185, 198, 201, 273-274, 327; and labor, i97-!99, 33 8 -339; confiscation, 187; Committee of Fifteen, 261-262, 294, 300-303; plan of Reconstruction, 262166,

264, 270, 291-292, 295, 328, 331-332; speech on Reconstruction, 265-266; and Andrew Johnson, 279, 342, 344; Fourteenth Amendment, 289, 296, 303-305, 307, 3!3-3i4; death, 344, 722 Strikes,

216

Sumner, Charles: plan of Reconstruction, 150, 152, 201, 328; and Louisiana, 162163; and Negro suffrage, 166, I95" I 97» 199, 209, 253, 256-257, 319, 331, 337; Negro civil rights, 191 -194, 271-272, 284, 309, 591, 683; confiscation of

Southern

property,

198;

Thirteenth

Amendment, 208; Freedmen's Bureau, 220-221; and President Johnson, 249, 251, 258-259, 279, 281, 286; and ComFourteenth 286; Fifteen, of mittee

of Office

sional

bill,

334

Governor, 254; war trade, 552in, 552-562; proptaxation and debt, 555, 560; Nereconstruction

553; erty,

gro suffrage, 555; registration of 1867, 556-557; election of 1868, 557; Convention of 1868, 557-559; Confederate disabilities, 559; election of 1869, 560; election of 1873, 560-561; education, 560; railroads, 560; Negro leaders, 561 Textbooks on Negroes, 710-71 Thirteenth Amendment, 188, 207-208, 256, 262, 265, 270-271, 329, 435 Thirty-ninth Congress, 253-314 passim,

337 Treasury Department and Freedmen, 7576 Tribune, New Orleans Negro paper, 456-

464 Turner, H. M., Negro leader, 367, 498499, 502, 504, 506, 511

Union

league, 680

Virginia,

536-546;

228,

137,

537,

slave trade, 42;

labor,

539;

Negro

5,

32,

Negro

94,

79,

voters,

6;

soldiers, 116, 119-

120; post-war conditions, 136-137, 144; 144; provisional reconstruc-

lawlessness,

tion, 151, 251, 537; Thirteenth

256;

black code,

173,

Amendment, 208; popu-

by race, 536-537; reconstruction 536-546; Negro convention, 537;

lation in,

of 1864, 537; scalawags, 538-540; suffrage, 538; education, 539, 542, 639, 642, 646, 657-658; Negro property, 539; Republican Party, 540;

Constitution

Convention of 1867, 540-541; Constitu-

746

INDEX

tion of 1868, 541-546; Confederate disabilities, 544; election of 1869, 545; property and debt, 546

Wade, B. F., Senator, 199, 257, 319, 375 Wade-Davis bill, 159-161, 241 Warmoth, H. C, Governor of Louisiana, 461-463, 473, 478-479 Washington, Booker T., 694 West, the, 8, 19, 28, 42, 87, 182-183, 199,

211-212, 215-216, 233, 239, 253, 291, 294, 306, 326-327 West Indies, 4, 12, 45, 129, 149, 201, 272 West Virginia, 537, 561 Whipper, W. J., member of South Caro-

395-396 from Massachusetts, 96, 217, 388, 490 Wright, J. J., Justice, Supreme Court, South Carolina, 231, 393*394. 399, 401-402 lina legislature,

Wilson,

Henry,

Senator

WILLIAM EDWARD BURGHARDT DU BOIS in

was born

Great Barrington, Massachusetts, on February 23, 1868.

He

re-

ceived a bachelor's degree from Fisk University in 1888, another

from Harvard University

in 1890,

and a Ph.D. from Harvard

in

1895. Dr. Du Bois also studied at the University of Berlin. He held honorary degrees from Howard (LL.D., 1930), Atlanta (LL.D.,

1938),

Fisk

universities.

1938), and Wilberforce (L.H.D., 1940) Bois taught Greek and Latin at Wilberforce

(Litt.D.,

Dr.

Du

from 1894 to 1896 and at the University of Pennsylvania in 1896 and 1897. From 1897 to 19 10 he was professor of economics and history at Atlanta University.

One ment

of the founders of the National Association for the Advance-

of Colored People, he was a

and editor of

member

of

its

staff as director

from 19 10 to 1932. In 1933, Dr. Du Bois returned to Atlanta as chairman of the University's sociology department, where he remained until 1944, when he rejoined the NAACP as head of its special research department, a position he held until 1948. In succeeding years, he was vice chairman of the Council on African Affairs and chairman of the Peace Information Bureau. At various times during his life, Dr. Du Bois was also editor of Atlanta University Studies and Phylon Quarterly Review, founder and organizer of numerous Pan-African congresses, and editor-in-chief of the Encyclopedia of the Negro. In 1 96 1, he and his wife, Shirley Graham, emigrated to Ghana, where he served as editor-in-chief of Encyclopedia Africana. Dr. Du Bois was the author of numerous books, among which are The Suppression of the Slave Trade (1896), The Philadelphia of publications

Crisis

Brown The Negro (1915), Dar\water (1920), The Gift of Blac\ Fol\ (1924), Dar\ Princess (1928), Blac\ Fol\: Then and Now (1939), Dus\ of Dawn (1940), Color and Democracy (1945), The World and Africa (1947), In Battle for Peace (1952), and the trilogy, The Blac\ Flame (1957-1961). Negro (1899), The Souls

of Blac\

FolI{

(1903), John

(1909), Quest of the Silver Fleece (1911),

Dr.

Du

Bois died in Accra, Ghana, on August 27, 1963, at the

age of ninety-five.

histj RV: THE AMERICAS

'-

W. E. B. DU BOIS BLACK RECONSTRUCTION IN

AMERICA

,

1860-1880 Negro experience

America, two books stand out right, as well as major Influences on nearly the whole of contemporary scholarship in Negro history and sociology. That both books — The Souls of Black Folk and Black Reconstruction in America — are written by the same author explains in good measure why he has been acknowledged as the major figure in twentieth-century Negro letters. Black Reconstruction in America, first published in 1935, is a full-scale study of the role of Negroes in the political, economic, and social Reconstruction of the South following Emancipation. Combining new research with an intensive and critical re-examination of existing works on* the period, Du Bois has made Black Reconstruction in America a signal contribution to the history of one of the most complex periods in this country's development. In the study of the

as being original contributions in their

in

own

"No one can consider himself informed on all phases of the Negro problem unless he has read this book. It crowns the long, unselfish and brilliant career of Dr. Du Bois. It is comparable in clarity, originality and importance to the Beards" Rise of American Civilization."— Harry Hansen "Of the Negro's part in Reconstruction it is beyond question the most painstaking and thorough study ever made. An imposing contribution to a critical period of American history." — New York Times .

.

.

book of magnificent controversy, brilliant, bitter but it is book of history — a solid history of the period, an economic treatise, a philosophical discussion ... a poem, a work of art all rolled into one." — New York Herald Tribune "It

is

a

.

.

.

also a

Meridian Books are published by

The World Publishing Company



Cleveland and

New York

TRls book

is

sewn for diurabiUu