Black Police, White Society 9780814765036

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Black Police, White Society

BLACK POLICE , WHITE SOCIET Y

STEPHEN LEINE N

New York • NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S • 1984

Copyright © 198 4 b y Ne w Yor k Universit y All right s reserve d Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f Americ a

Library o f Congres s Catalogin g i n Publicatio n Dat a Leinen, Stephe n H . Black police , whit e society . Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . 1. Afro-America n police—Ne w Yor k (N.Y. ) 2 . Rac e discrimination—New Yor k (N.Y. ) 3 . Discriminatio n i n employment—New Yor k (N.Y. ) 4 . Publi c relations — New Yor k (N.Y.)—Police . I . Title . HV8148.N5L37 198 4 363.2'2'089960730747 1 83-2362 ISBN 0-8147-5008- 7 (alk . paper ) Book designed by Laiying Chong

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Clothbound editions ofNeiv York University Press Book are Smyth-sewn and printed on permanent and acid-free paper.

To my father, in memoriam

CONTENTS Acknowledgments i Introduction 1

x

DISCRIMINATION AN D THE BLAC K OFFICER 9 PARTI Patterns of Discrimination 1 Chapter 1 On th e Job: Perceptions within th e NYPD 3 Chapter 2 WORKING RELATION S BETWEE N BLAC K PART II AND WHIT E POLIC E OFFICER S 9 Chapter 3 Forces Favoring Improved Relation s 9 Chapter 4 Forces Against Improved Relation s 1 1 Chapter 5 The Variable Nature of Police Race Relations 1 3

3 8 5 7 7 3

PART II I THE POLIC E AND THE BLAC K COMMUNITY 1 5 9 Chapter 6 Images, Attitudes, and Expectation s 163 Chapter 7 The Police Role in the Blac k Community 197 Conclusions Index

243 277

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wis h t o expres s m y appreciatio n an d dee p sens e o f gratitud e t o those friend s an d colleague s a t Queen s Colleg e wh o patientl y rea d and provide d assistanc e an d inpu t int o thi s book : Professor s Pau l Blumberg, Dea n Savage , Stev e Cohen , Laure n Seile r an d Mik e Brown. I ow e a specia l deb t o f gratitud e t o Professo r Bernar d Cohen, a long-tim e frien d an d colleagu e a t Queen s College , wh o constantly offere d constructiv e criticis m an d encouragemen t t o complete th e book ; t o Jenn y Hunt , wh o too k tim e awa y fro m he r doctoral dissertatio n t o carefull y rea d an d commen t o n eac h pag e of the manuscript ; t o Pa t Jenkins , who, while no t a formal studen t of th e social sciences , nevertheles s provide d insigh t int o man y o f the comments quote d i n the book ; t o Joe Ford, who answere d man y of th e theoretica l question s I ha d concernin g th e workin g worl d of th e blac k professional . Special thank s ar e du e t o Ra e Simmons , secretar y i n th e sociol ogy departmen t a t Queen s College , wh o enthusiasticall y volun teered he r expert typin g skill s and wh o neve r once complained whe n sections o f th e manuscript , though t t o hav e bee n completed , ha d to b e retyped . Finally, I ow e a specia l deb t o f gratitud e t o al l th e blac k polic e officers wh o participate d i n th e stud y an d especiall y t o A J De Costa, Clyd e Isle y an d Evro d William s wh o spen t man y hour s of their own tim e answerin g th e many question s I had an d helpin g me gai n a better understandin g o f wha t i t mean s t o b e a black po liceman i n a changing society .

INTRODUCTION Black Police, White Society is a boo k abou t th e workin g worl d o f the blac k polic e officer . Th e ide a for th e book , a s wel l a s th e re search fo r it , cam e fro m m y ow n experienc e a s a membe r o f th e New Yor k Cit y polic e departmen t (NYPD) . I n th e mid-1960 s I worked i n th e NYP D a s a uniforme d polic e officer , the n a s a detective i n plainclothe s fo r approximatel y nin e years , an d currend y as a patro l superviso r i n predominantl y blac k area s o f Ne w Yor k City. Durin g thi s tim e I hav e me t an d worke d wit h a large num ber o f blac k patrolme n an d blac k detectives , an d a s a resul t o f th e many friendship s tha t develope d wit h thes e officer s I foun d mysel f becoming increasingl y sensitize d t o an d intereste d i n th e occupa tional worl d o f th e blac k officer . An academi c backgroun d i n sociolog y provide d m e wit h th e added curiosity and tool s to pursue the various lines of inquiry which finally ended u p a s this book . Ther e wa s something els e too, how ever, an d tha t was the conspicuou s absenc e o f anything written o n black police . Asid e fro m a fe w article s i n professiona l journals , government report s (whic h date d bac k t o th e 1960s) , an d scat tered newspape r accounts , blac k polic e a s a n occupationa l grou p simply ha d no t receive d muc h attention . Th e on e substantia l ex ception was Nicholas Alex's Black in Blue, l a book which describe d the problem s facin g blac k Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e officer s i n th e earl y 1960s. Ye t eve n thi s penetratin g analysi s o f th e blac k officers 5 working worl d ha s prove d t o b e incomplete ; sinc e then importan t developments hav e take n plac e i n th e struggl e o f blac k American s to secur e a mor e equitabl e plac e i n societ y an d especiall y i n th e efforts o f blac k polic e i n Ne w Yor k Cit y an d elsewher e t o achiev e greater acceptanc e an d equalit y withi n thei r departments . I n short , the rapi d pac e of social change i n this countr y sinc e the mid-1960 s has require d bot h a n updat e an d clarificatio n o f muc h o f th e dat a contained i n earlie r studie s an d reports . I t wa s fo r thes e reason s

2

Introduction

that I undertoo k th e tas k o f gathering dat a an d reportin g o n blac k police. I ca n onl y hop e tha t th e materia l i n thi s boo k serve s th e purpose i n whic h i t wa s collected—t o presen t bot h a n objectiv e and insid e vie w o f th e impac t o f changin g political , legal , an d or ganizational structure s o n th e position , role , an d identit y o f blac k police officers i n Ne w Yor k City, an d b y extrapolation i n al l of ur ban America . My approac h t o thi s stud y involve d round s o f intensiv e inter viewing ove r considerabl e period s o f tim e o f 4 6 blac k Ne w Yor k City cops , althoug h materia l wa s als o collecte d fro m a variet y o f other source s includin g newspapers , magazines , journals, books , an d periodicals. Th e bul k o f th e statistica l dat a relatin g actua l change s in th e racia l compositio n o f th e polic e departmen t i n Ne w Yor k City an d it s various divisions , subunits, an d rank s was provided b y the department' s Offic e o f Equa l Employmen t Opportunit y an d b y Roger Abel , an officer i n the Guardian s Association, a black polic e (fraternal/political) group . My effort s t o penetrat e th e workin g worl d o f th e blac k officer , while I wa s simultaneousl y servin g a s a membe r o f th e depart ment, hav e presente d specia l difficultie s beyon d th e one s normall y experienced b y th e "native " a s researcher . Fro m th e onse t o f th e project, fo r example , I foun d mysel f occupyin g a "deviant " statu s in th e eye s o f man y friend s an d colleague s o n th e job . Why , mos t of the m wante d t o know , woul d a whit e co p wan t t o stud y an d write abou t suc h a potentially controversia l subjec t a s black police? From whit e colleague s (an d immediat e superiors ) th e subjec t mat ter evoke d varyin g degree s o f reactions : surprise , bewilderment , annoyance, an d occasionall y outrigh t hostility . I ca n recall , fo r in stance, a comment mad e b y a white detectiv e i n m y tea m whil e a number o f u s wer e havin g lunc h together . H e ha d jus t returne d from a lengthy vacatio n an d apparentl y hear d tha t I wa s speakin g to blac k cop s abou t suc h matter s a s discriminatio n an d workin g relationships an d questione d m y motive s fo r conductin g suc h a n inquiry. Befor e I coul d respon d t o wha t appeare d a t th e momen t to b e a n innocuou s questio n h e added , "Wha t ar e you , a nigge r lover o r something? " A t th e tim e thi s commen t caugh t m e com pletely of f guard . A s I woul d soo n com e t o learn , however , th e subject matte r I ha d chose n t o delv e int o sparke d th e resentmen t of more tha n jus t thi s on e whit e policeman . From m y blac k colleagues , wh o occasionall y foun d themselve s

Introduction

3

transformed int o informants, question s concernin g m y motives fo r conducting suc h a stud y too k quit e a differen t form . Whil e non e expressed hostility , mos t wer e curious , i f not suspicious , abou t ho w I planne d t o us e th e materia l I wa s collecting . A few , despit e m y protests t o th e contrary , passe d th e matte r of f ver y simply— I mus t be usin g th e materia l fo r a college ter m project . Thi s cam e acros s to m e mos t clearly , no t b y th e comment s tha t wer e expressed , bu t by th e virtua l absenc e o f an y interes t i n th e projec t whatsoeve r during th e nex t tw o years . I t wa s onl y whe n th e manuscrip t wa s near completio n an d bein g reviewe d b y som e o f m y blac k col leagues, tha t interes t i n th e stud y wa s evince d b y mos t o f m y in formants. Eve n toda y I occasionall y receive phon e call s fro m bot h active an d retire d officer s wh o participate d i n th e stud y expressin g an interes t i n gettin g a copy o f th e boo k whe n i t i s finished. A secon d proble m I confronte d concern s th e stud y populatio n itself. Fro m th e star t I ha d intende d t o intervie w a random sampl e of black policemen fro m precinct s situated throughou t th e city. Afte r a serie s o f preliminar y interview s (wit h a fe w o f th e me n I wa s working with ) I bega n t o tes t th e feasibilit y o f thi s approac h b y contacting blac k officer s throug h thei r assigne d commands. 2 I in formed eac h potentia l responden t o f m y ran k an d positio n i n th e department an d o f my purpos e fo r conductin g th e study . Wha t re sulted fro m thes e initia l contact s wa s disappointing , ye t under standable. Mos t o f th e me n flatly refuse d t o b e interviewed , stat ing tha t the y wer e eithe r to o bus y o r jus t no t interested . A fe w expressed a n initia l willingnes s t o tal k wit h m e an d thre e actuall y did. Mos t o f thes e officers , however , seeme d reluctan t t o commi t themselves t o a specifi c dat e o r time . Afte r repeate d attempt s t o get togethe r wit h thes e me n i t becam e increasingl y clea r tha t the y were no t intereste d i n cooperatin g i n th e study . Having bee n a member o f th e polic e departmen t fo r considera bly mor e tha n a decade a t th e time , I coul d readil y appreciat e th e reluctance o f som e blac k officer s t o participat e i n a stud y whic h might b e construe d a s potentiall y threatening . (Al l polic e officers , by virtu e o f thei r occupationa l rol e i n society , ar e generall y suspi cious, an d regar d an y for m o f inquir y a s a n investigatio n o f thei r shortcomings, an d an y investigatio n a s collectin g dat a fo r other purposes. M y bein g whit e apparentl y di d no t lesse n thei r appre hensions.) Given tha t a rando m sampl e o f respondent s wa s no t a realisti c

4

Introduction

goal I decide d simpl y t o us e a convenienc e sampl e consistin g o f those me n wh o wer e willin g t o tal k wit h me . I create d a n initia l base of seven blac k officers, me n with whom I was presently work ing or ha d worke d wit h i n th e past . Al l were awar e o f m y interes t in an d motivatio n fo r conductin g suc h a study. No t surprisingl y I found the m extremel y cooperativ e an d eage r t o tal k abou t thei r occupational worl d a s they saw it. Mor e important , thes e seven me n helped m e t o gai n th e cooperatio n o f a n additiona l 3 6 blac k po licemen ove r a perio d o f mor e tha n a year . I n all , 4 6 me n fro m various command s i n th e cit y participate d i n th e study . A forma l introduction wa s made wit h eac h potentia l responden t eithe r b y a (black) polic e frien d o f mine o r b y someone I ha d bee n previousl y introduced t o an d subsequentl y interviewed . Each intervie w seeme d t o procee d i n virtuall y th e sam e man ner—an initia l perio d o f reservatio n o n th e par t o f th e respond ent, followe d b y a gradual u loosening-up," t o a desire i n man y in stances t o spea k a t grea t lengt h eve n t o th e poin t o f returnin g t o earlier question s th e responden t fel t ma y no t hav e bee n thor oughly answered . T o insur e agains t th e possibilit y o f respondent s "clamming up " whe n sensitiv e topic s wer e raise d an d t o maintai n rapport, backgroun d informatio n wa s elicite d a t th e beginnin g o f each interview . Thus , b y th e tim e w e move d int o wha t migh t b e perceived b y som e a s "threatening " o r "sensitive " areas , mos t o f the me n ha d alread y begu n t o fee l relaxe d an d comfortable . I als o was awar e o f th e possibl e aur a o f antagonis m tha t ca n affec t a n interview i n whic h th e interviewe r an d responden t ar e of differen t backgrounds.3 Naturally , I decide d tha t I ha d bette r tr y t o elimi nate thi s potentia l sourc e o f trouble . I therefor e asked eac h re spondent wh o wa s to introduc e m e t o othe r officer s t o explai n m y purpose i n interviewin g them . Eac h wa s informe d tha t m y objec tive wa s not t o presen t a n "expose " o f th e departmen t bu t rathe r to ge t a n insider' s vie w of the blac k officers' workin g world , tha t I would no t i n an y deliberat e wa y distor t th e content s o f th e inter views (data) , an d tha t I woul d no t revea l name s o r command s i f they so choose. All I asked was that eac h informan t b e candid wit h me an d "tel l i t lik e i t was. " The forma t o f th e interview s wa s focuse d an d open-ended . Mos t were conducte d a t on e time , lastin g anywher e fro m on e t o thre e hours. Th e open-ende d approac h wa s chose n ove r alternative s fo r

Introduction

5

two reasons . First , a s mentione d earlier , ther e i s a noticeabl e ab sence o f literatur e o n blac k polic e an d thi s approac h i s recognize d as th e mos t appropriat e t o explor e subject s i n whic h littl e o r n o information i s available. 4 Second , i t wa s no t m y intentio n i n thi s study t o dra w probabilit y statement s abou t wha t migh t b e tru e bu t rather t o describ e ho w blac k policeme n workin g i n blac k area s o f the cit y themselve s perceiv e thei r situatio n i n th e departmen t an d to ge t som e ide a of why the y fel t th e wa y they did . Mor e rigorou s approaches ma y summariz e attitude s o r ma y revea l informatio n about a particula r directio n i n whic h blac k policeme n ten d t o gravitate, bu t the y d o not , a s a genera l rule , describ e belief s hel d about som e issu e o r proble m no r d o the y attemp t t o uncove r th e diversity o f reason s behin d them . The question s themselve s wer e quite genera l i n nature , allowin g the responden t t o conside r th e issue s a s he perceive d them . How ever, th e openin g question s t o eac h topi c are a (discrimination , working relations , th e blac k community ) wer e highl y structured ; that is , eac h responden t wa s asked precisel y th e sam e question . Depending, then , o n th e response , subsequen t (probe ) question s were individualize d an d aime d a t uncoverin g th e respondents ' par ticular poin t o f view or feeling s abou t th e particula r subject . I n or der no t t o impos e a static vie w o f th e material , man y o f th e ques tions an d probe s wer e designe d t o identif y possibl e source s o f change. Initially , ther e wa s concern o n m y par t abou t th e possibl e ambiguities tha t migh t aris e fro m th e us e o f "general-type " ques tions. However , a s th e interview s progresse d i t becam e increas ingly clea r tha t multiple-meanin g term s containe d i n som e o f th e questions serve d a specifi c nee d o f th e study . On e question , fo r example, aske d whethe r blac k policeme n ar e mor e effectiv e tha n white officers i n black communities. O n th e fac e o f it , the questio n seemed simpl e an d clea r enough . Yet , t o m y surprise , variou s con ceptual distinction s wer e draw n b y some o f the officer s durin g th e preliminary interview s concernin g th e ter m "effective. " T o quot e one, Effectiveness? Ho w d o yo u measur e this ? Effectivenes s b y the department mean s collars [arrests ] an d summonses. The peopl e are not impressed b y th e "colla r game. " . . . Effectivenes s towar d whos e standards? Thos e o f th e departmen t o r thos e o f th e community ? Bureaucratically oriented officers wil l naturally believe they are ren-

6

Introduction

dering a service to the community by making arrests and giving out summonses, while the community-minded office r see s his functio n less in terms of making arrests and more by serving the community in other ways. Unfortunately, i n Harlem, there is not too much difference i n your approach. Yo u wear a uniform an d tha t i s enough to make you ineffective . Aware of the possibl e ambiguit y o f terms use d i n the interviews , it seeme d a simpl e tas k t o chang e som e o f th e question s b y sub stituting a more precis e terminology . Yet , b y rephrasin g th e ques tions, fo r example , b y addin g "crim e fighter" t o th e ter m "effec tive," I felt tha t I would b e closing th e door t o potentiall y broade r areas o f concer n t o th e blac k policeman . Purposefu l ambiguitie s can provid e th e investigato r wit h a legitimate too l fo r probin g th e respondent's interpretatio n o f a particular issu e or proble m an d t o elicit contextua l meaning s tha t migh t otherwis e b e lost . Further more, a s the interview s progressed , ne w idea s were constand y bein g expressed concernin g th e rol e o f th e blac k policema n i n a chang ing society . I n a fe w instances , thes e idea s wer e use d t o generat e additional questions . These question s no t onl y provide d usefu l in formation, bu t mad e th e interviewin g tas k itsel f mor e rewardin g as a whole. 5 Almost al l o f th e policeme n participatin g i n thi s stud y decline d to hav e thei r comment s recorde d o n tape . I t wa s necessar y there fore t o tak e note s a s the respondent s wer e talking . Mos t o f th e in terviews wer e recorde d verbatim ; a few , however , wer e carefull y written i n outlin e for m an d late r reconstructe d t o resembl e wha t originally ha d bee n said . The officer s themselve s represente d a broa d range o f background s an d experiences , althoug h a s I hav e alread y implied m y researc h wa s restricte d t o policew^w . N o polic e wome n were include d i n th e sample , substantiall y becaus e I believe d tha t interviews wit h wome n officer s woul d hav e uncovere d a unique an d particular se t o f additiona l "gender-related " problem s tha t woul d have greatl y complicate d th e organization , analysi s an d presenta tion o f th e book . I t seeme d t o m e th e topi c wa s alread y comple x enough. Virtually everyon e wh o spok e wit h m e ha d bee n bor n an d raise d in on e o r th e othe r o f Ne w Yor k City' s blac k ghettoes . Approxi mately a thir d ha d move d t o nearb y suburba n communitie s afte r joining th e department ; th e other s ha d remaine d i n o r nea r thei r

Introduction

7

birthplace. About hal f the me n wer e enrolle d i n nearb y college s o r had take n colleg e course s i n th e past . Thre e hav e master s degree s and anothe r tw o ar e completin g thei r cours e requirement s fo r th e M.A. Mos t o f thes e me n ha d chose n t o majo r i n busines s admin istration, althoug h a fe w ar e majorin g i n psycholog y o r crimina l justice. Nin e o f th e 4 6 officer s ar e member s o f th e Guardian s As sociation an d participat e activel y i n th e organization' s affairs ; none , however, hav e attaine d "officer " o r "trustee " status . As fo r assignment , slightl y mor e tha n hal f o f th e me n inter viewed wer e o n uniforme d patro l i n Harle m precinct s wher e th e population i s almos t entirel y black . Th e remainin g me n ar e as signed t o variou s nonuniforme d specialt y unit s i n th e sam e area , ranging fro m precinc t "anticrime " squad s t o mor e prestigiou s de tective commands . I n al l bu t a fe w cases , th e me n indicate d tha t they had worked previousl y i n other blac k area s of the city thereb y lending som e degre e o f "representation " i n term s o f geographica l assignment. The distribution o f these earlier assignments covers mos t of th e city' s polic e precincts , althoug h i n Brooklyn , Manhattan , an d the Bron x the y ar e overrepresented . A s fo r tim e i n service , the me n were member s o f the polic e departmen t fo r a t leas t thre e years prio r to bein g interviewe d an d i n som e case s fo r mor e tha n 20 ; th e me dian lengt h o f tim e wa s 1 1 years . Thus , eve n thoug h th e stud y population depende d o n a n "availability " sample , i t consiste d o f officers whos e view s migh t wel l represen t thos e o f blac k Ne w Yor k City policeme n i n general . It woul d see m tha t th e findings containe d i n thi s stud y ca n b e extended beyon d th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department . M y re view o f th e literatur e o n th e subjec t an d especiall y o f newspape r articles an d journa l report s ten d t o sho w tha t blac k polic e throughout th e countr y hav e face d man y o f th e sam e problem s an d organizational change s experience d b y blac k cop s i n Ne w York . Demonstrably, Ne w Yor k wa s no t th e onl y cit y affecte d b y civi l rights laws , tha t underwen t drasti c politica l an d socia l reorganiza tion i n th e lat e 1960 s an d tha t experience d a genuine nee d fo r ra cial refor m i n it s polic e department . No r wa s th e Ne w Yor k Cit y police departmen t th e onl y polic e agenc y t o respon d t o "political " pressures fo r racia l chang e b y activel y recruitin g minoritie s int o th e service and , onc e hired , b y expandin g opportunitie s fo r member s of thes e groups . Further , thi s departmen t wa s no t alon e i n expe -

Introduction

8

riencing man y othe r structura l change s tha t influenc e pattern s o f intergroup relations . However, becaus e the questio n o f generalizability i s especially importan t t o th e developmen t an d refinemen t of theories of race and ethnic relations, it will be considered mor e fully i n th e concludin g sectio n o f thi s book , wher e a n effor t wil l be mad e t o focu s o n thos e aspect s o f socia l chang e tha t ar e relevant not onl y t o th e situatio n blac k polic e officer s face d i n Ne w York City , bu t als o as they relat e t o th e large r populatio n o f minority police in the country. NOTES 1. Nichola s Alex , Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policeman (New York : Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1969) . Se e also , William M . Kephart , Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement (Philadelphia , Pa. : Univ . o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1957) , for a n earlie r revie w o f th e racia l situation i n th e Philadelphi a polic e department , and Jame s I . Alexander , Blue Coats-Black Skin: The Black Experience in the New York City Police Department since 1891 (Ne w York : Expositio n Press , 1978) , fo r a particularl y interestin g historical accoun t o f th e blac k policema n i n Ne w Yor k City. 2. Som e o f th e me n wer e contacte d b y phone ; other s I me t i n perso n a t thei r commands. 3. Fo r a n excellen t revie w o f th e literatur e o n bia s involvin g th e rac e o f th e interviewer, se e Thomas F . Pettigrew , vl Profile of the Negro American (Princeton , N.J.: D . Va n Nostrand) , 1964 . 4. Thi s positio n ha s bee n accepte d b y a numbe r o f researchers . See , fo r ex ample, Bill y J . Frankli n an d Harol d W . Osborn e (eds.) , Research Methods: Issues and Insights (Belmont , Cal : Wadsworth , 1971) , pp . 3 8 2 - 3 8 4 . 5. Fo r a similar poin t o f view se e William M . Kephart , op . cit. , p . 24 .

Chapter On e

Patterns of Discrimination

I wa s i n Brookly n i n TPF (Tactical Patro l Force ] an d an old blac k man walked up to me and showed me a retired police officer's shield. And i n m y conversatio n wit h hi m i t wa s brough t ou t tha t h e wa s either th e second or thir d blac k officer hire d b y the department. And he stated during those times, when h e was an active polic e officer , that black officers could only be assigned to black areas. . .. I t was actually state d to hi m tha t the only plac e blacks were good enough to work wa s i n a black neighborhood .

D

I S C R I M I N A T I O N agains t blac k polic e i n thi s country , legitimated b y traditiona l polic e norm s an d supporte d t o a large extent b y a pervasive racia l ideology, was perhap s nowhere mor e evidentl y demonstrate d tha n i n th e commo n prac tice i n th e pas t o f denyin g blac k cop s an y opportunit y t o wor k i n white communities . Severa l studie s hav e note d tha t i n mos t citie s across th e countr y blac k officers, prio r t o th e mid-1960s , were no t only concentrate d i n precinct s populate d heavil y b y member s o f their ow n race , bu t quit e ofte n exclude d altogethe r fro m dutie s i n white areas . Th e practic e o f confinin g blac k polic e t o blac k pre cincts o r district s wa s no t restricted , a s on e migh t hav e expected , to Souther n o r borde r cities . Evidence obtaine d fro m a number o f related survey s show s tha t unti l th e mid-1960 s i t wa s a n accepte d practice i n Norther n cities. 2 I n bot h part s o f th e country , th e ra tionale behin d segregate d assignmen t practice s wa s tha t blac k po lice knew thei r ow n peopl e better , tha t the y coul d comman d greate r

14

DISCRIMINATION AN D THE BLACK OFFICER

respect fro m the m and , that , i n man y instances , the y wer e stricte r with black s tha n wer e whit e police . Not only restricte d t o blac k districts, black police were, it seems, constrained furthe r t o routin e foo t patro l assignment s eithe r alon e or wit h blac k partners . Again , thi s typ e o f force d segregatio n wa s evident no t onl y i n Souther n citie s where one might , give n th e existence of segregation laws , expect to find discrimination i n assign ment an d resistanc e to integrate d patro l bu t als o in Northern citie s as well. A seminal stud y o f the Philadelphi a polic e department, fo r example, ha s show n tha t th e practic e o f assignin g blac k cop s t o foot patro l rathe r tha n t o radi o moto r patro l o r des k job s wa s common i n mos t o f the city' s district s a t leas t unti l 1956. 3 I n Chi cago, unti l 1960 , black s rarel y were assigne d t o patro l cars , an d i n at leas t on e precinc t i f n o whit e officer s wer e availabl e fo r assign ment, som e radi o car s wer e no t dispatched. 4 Similarly , i n anothe r study, Marti n Ala n Greenber g foun d tha t prio r t o th e 194 3 Har lem riot s i n Ne w Yor k City , blac k polic e ha d bee n systematically denied radi o motor-patro l duty. 5 Eve n a s lat e a s 196 5 blac k cop s in Ne w Yor k Cit y wer e protestin g departmenta l practice s whic h they claime d restricte d the m t o low-statu s foot-patro l assignment s in blac k precincts. 6 Discrimination agains t blac k polic e i n assignin g specia l duties als o has bee n reporte d t o b e widesprea d i n th e past . A stud y o f racia l practices i n th e South , fo r example , showe d tha t ther e wer e onl y "56 Negr o detective s i n 195 4 . . . , 8 7 i n 1959 , amon g th e 14 6 agencies respondin g . . . , an d 10 1 amon g 9 8 agencie s i n 1961." 7 Outside th e South , pattern s o f occupational mobilit y amon g blac k police wer e littl e better . Unti l 1961 , Newar k ha d onl y on e blac k detective assigne d t o th e polic e department, a s did Boston. 8 I n Ne w York City , blac k cop s complaine d o f th e difficultie s the y encoun tered whe n attemptin g t o ente r th e detectiv e burea u i n th e earl y 1960s an d i n attainin g position s i n othe r plainclothe s commands . These officers allege d that black s were automatically excluded fro m such choice assignments a s the Homicide Squad , Saf e an d Loft , an d so forth. 9 Police agencie s acros s th e countr y als o hav e bee n charge d wit h practicing discriminatio n agains t blac k officer s concernin g policie s other tha n tas k an d are a assignment . Fo r example , i n 196 7 th e President's Crim e Commissio n discovere d tha t i n som e citie s th e

Patterns of Discrimination

15

legal authorit y o f a n office r t o arres t a whit e suspec t depende d heavily o n whethe r th e co p wa s whit e o r black . Drawin g upo n findings containe d i n othe r studies , th e commissio n note d tha t i n 18 o f th e 2 8 polic e department s surveyed , blac k officer s coul d d o no mor e tha n hol d a white felon y suspec t unti l a white policema n showed u p o n th e scene , unless , o f course , ther e wer e n o whit e officers available . I n te n others , th e blac k office r coul d no t arres t the whit e suspec t a t all ; i n mos t case s h e coul d onl y kee p hi m un der surveillance . Th e repor t wen t o n t o stat e tha t i n case s o f mis demeanor offenses , th e powe r o f th e blac k office r wa s eve n mor e limited. No t surprising , perhaps , was the additiona l discover y tha t these practice s extende d int o severa l Norther n citie s wher e blac k deputies wer e allowe d t o arres t whit e felon y suspect s only if whit e deputies wer e no t immediatel y available. 10 Racial discriminatio n als o wa s believe d t o prevai l i n th e are a o f performance evaluations . I n a numbe r o f recen t studie s blac k po lice wer e foun d t o b e victim s o f a biase d ratin g system. 11 Eugen e Beard, fo r example , reporting o n a variety of issues directly involv ing blac k polic e officer s i n Washington , D.C. , discovere d tha t th e great majorit y o f blac k officer s i n tha t cit y fel t victimize d wit h re gard t o ho w the y were evaluate d b y white polic e superior s an d at tributed difference s i n job performance rating s given blac k and whit e officers t o racia l discrimination . I n addition , Bear d note d a wide spread belie f amon g member s o f hi s stud y populatio n tha t th e rule s and regulation s o f the polic e department wer e applie d inequitably . Eighty-four percen t (o f his 947 blac k police respondents ) reporte d that whit e officer s wer e les s likel y t o receiv e disciplinar y charge s than blac k officers. 12 Finally, i t appear s tha t unti l fairl y recentl y black s hav e bee n vir tually exclude d fro m leadershi p an d supervisor y position s i n mos t of th e nation' s polic e agencies , especiall y i n Souther n an d borde r states.13 Bu t eve n i n th e Norther n citie s fo r whic h dat a were avail able, blac k polic e wer e onl y somewha t mor e successfu l i n gainin g entry int o highe r rankin g position s tha n thei r Souther n counter parts. Fo r example , a 196 2 surve y reviewe d b y th e President' s Commission o n la w enforcemen t disclose d tha t amon g th e 10 6 Northern citie s responding , si x ha d blac k captains , 1 7 ha d blac k lieutenants an d onl y 4 8 ha d blac k sergeants. 14 Suprisingly , b y th e mid-1960s thi s situatio n ha d deteriorate d eve n further . Onl y 2 2

16

DISCRIMINATION AN D THE BLACK OFFICER

law enforcemen t agencie s i n th e entir e countr y ha d blac k officer s above th e ran k o f patrolman. 15 I n sum , i t ca n b e argue d tha t th e problems confrontin g blac k polic e i n th e 1950 s an d earl y 1960 s were substantia l i n themselve s bu t wer e no t substantiall y differen t from thos e experience d b y black s i n othe r institutiona l area s o f American life . As th e decad e o f th e sixtie s bega n t o unfold , publi c attentio n became increasingl y concentrate d o n th e problem s o f urba n blacks . Major change s i n th e country' s social , political , an d lega l institu tions ha d begu n t o mak e themselve s fel t an d effort s wer e bein g made national y an d locall y t o resolv e th e nation' s racia l problems . In th e sectio n tha t follow s w e discus s a numbe r o f thes e change s from a n historica l perspective . Particula r emphasi s i s give n t o thos e social forces believe d t o hav e shaped th e presen t orientatio n o f th e New Yor k Cit y polic e departmen t towar d racia l minorit y groups . Finally, w e conside r th e emergenc e an d growt h o f blac k sociopo litical organization s whos e effort s throughou t th e countr y t o se cure a mor e favorabl e positio n fo r blac k policeme n hav e recentl y been documented . The Challeng e t o Whit e Dominatio n

A sustained , organized , an d ultimatel y successfu l challeng e t o exclusive whit e dominatio n i n th e Unite d State s ha d it s origins i n the early 1950s . It wa s triggered the n b y a combination o f factors , including a n apprehensio n abou t advers e worl d opinio n concern ing America' s racia l practices , a growing competitivenes s betwee n the Unite d State s an d th e Sovie t Unio n fo r th e allegiance s o f th e newly emergin g Africa n nations , an d b y a growing blac k politica l activism withi n thi s country . I t wa s give n a grea t boos t b y th e landmark decision s o f the Unite d State s Suprem e Cour t ruling s i n 1954 an d 195 6 outlawin g racia l segregatio n i n publi c school s an d on publi c transportation . Congress , i n turn , throug h legislation , demonstrated (hesitatingly , perhaps ) tha t th e Federa l governmen t viewed discriminatio n an d separatio n alon g racia l line s not onl y a s wrong bu t a s illegal . Althoug h Cour t decision s an d legislativ e re form succeede d i n bringin g abou t chang e i n som e area s (an d als o in raisin g th e expectation s o f America n blacks ) the y faile d signifi -

Patterns of Discrimination

17

cantly t o alte r th e actua l condition s unde r whic h th e vas t majorit y of black s i n thi s countr y lived . Then, i n the early 1960s , the challenge to white dominatio n wa s beginning t o shif t fro m th e court s t o th e street s an d publi c accom modations. Largel y unde r th e leadershi p o f it s the n chie f spokes man Marti n Luthe r King , Jr., blac k protes t bega n t o take the for m of marches , sit-ins , boycotts , ren t strikes , an d othe r face-to-fac e confrontations wit h establishe d authority . Bu t continue d resis tance to demands fo r chang e throughou t th e countr y a s well as the growing disparit y betwee n blac k expectation s an d th e rat e o f "real 55 economic, social, and politica l progres s eventually was to forc e man y black group s t o reconside r thei r ideologica l positions . Increas ingly, militan t tactic s wer e adopted , wit h som e blac k leader s be ginning openly t o espous e revolutionar y solution s t o America's ra cial problems . Althoug h clea r difference s existe d amon g th e leaders , militant group s wer e unite d a t leas t i n th e belie f tha t racia l in equality was widespread i n this country an d tha t it s institutions wer e in nee d o f rapid , no t gradual , transformation . Durin g thi s perio d established civi l right s group s whic h ha d emphasize d lega l an d nonviolent direc t actio n wer e openl y challenge d b y th e mor e mil itant blac k leader s fo r thei r failur e t o respon d adequatel y t o th e deeply roote d problem s o f the masse s of blacks i n th e country . A n earlier emphasi s o n ful l integratio n int o mainstrea m America n so ciety wa s supplemente d b y a n emphasi s o n blac k pride , national ism, independence , an d th e acquisitio n o f powe r an d freedo m b y radical means . Wit h this , th e nonviolen t phas e o f th e civi l right s struggle ha d fo r al l practical purpose s com e t o a n end . Violen t re action directe d agains t a seemingl y unresponsiv e syste m appeare d to man y ghett o black s th e onl y solutio n t o a lon g histor y o f ex ploitation, discrimination , an d subjugation . In th e summe r o f 196 4 th e nation' s first majo r civi l disorde r o f the decad e erupte d i n Ne w Yor k City' s Harle m ghetto . Eac h sum mer thereafte r fo r fou r successiv e years , urba n ghett o riot s too k their tol l i n deaths , injuries , an d destructio n o f property . I n 1967 , for example , racia l uprising s i n som e 5 6 citie s acros s th e countr y accounted fo r a t leas t 8 4 deaths , over 380 0 injuries , an d hundred s of million s o f dollar s i n propert y damage. 16 Whil e i t i s tru e tha t the mor e destructiv e form s o f urba n violenc e wer e essentiall y a "black55 respons e t o sever e social problem s tha t ha d bee n mount -

18 DISCRIMINATIO

N AN D THE BLACK OFFICER

ing ove r th e years , thes e disorder s wer e triggere d i n almos t ever y instance b y th e action s o r allege d action s o f th e polic e i n dealin g with ghett o residents , suc h a s th e shootin g o f a n unarme d blac k or th e rumo r o f suc h a shooting . Whethe r thes e disorder s turne d into rando m demostration s o f violenc e o r int o full-scal e collectiv e actions agains t establishe d authorit y ofte n depende d upo n th e de gree t o whic h polic e official s o n th e scen e were abl e to exer t effec tive contro l ove r thei r ow n men . Whe n orde r brok e dow n withi n the polic e ranks , a s i t s o ofte n did , polic e becam e subjec t t o th e same principle s o f crow d behavio r tha t motivate d thei r adversar ies. Deep-seate d racia l prejudice s surface d an d th e desir e t o ven t hostility an d t o reestablis h dominanc e i n th e street s frequentl y be came compellin g motive s fo r retaliation. 17 I n man y instance s loca l police becam e totall y ineffective an d cit y administrators ha d t o rel y upon outsid e force s t o restor e order . Government Respons e an d th e Mov e Towar d Police Refor m

Toward th e latte r par t o f th e 1960 s i t wa s becomin g increasingly evident tha t mor e effectiv e strategie s wer e neede d t o dea l wit h the problem s an d genera l unres t i n America' s urba n slums . I n a sense, the riot s and disorders which swep t through thi s nation serve d to "wak e up " white Americ a t o th e condition s an d feeling s o f black s in thi s countr y an d t o focu s attentio n o n th e behavio r o f polic e who deal t wit h larg e disaffecte d an d powerles s group s withi n th e society. Earl y i n 1968 , afte r th e mos t extensiv e outbreak s o f riot ing ha d ceased , th e Nationa l Advisor y Commissio n o n Civi l Dis orders, heade d b y forme r Illinoi s Governo r Ott o Kerner , "an nounced th e completio n o f on e o f th e mos t comprehensiv e an d significant report s eve r t o b e issue d b y a government-sponsore d commission. Th e Kerne r Repor t place d th e majo r portio n o f th e blame fo r th e socioeconomic condition s o f blac k peopl e on th e to tal society , specificall y o n whit e racism . I t warne d o f potentia l ca tastrophe i f the natio n di d no t commi t mor e resource s t o solvin g the problem s o f th e urba n ghettoes." 18 Largel y a s a n outgrowt h of thi s repor t an d othe r studie s carrie d ou t o n behal f o f th e Pres ident's Commission , agencie s i n th e publi c secto r foun d them -

Patterns of Discrimination

19

selves under increasin g pressur e t o reduc e th e likelihoo d o f furthe r violence an d t o addres s themselve s mor e directl y t o th e changin g needs o f America' s urba n populations . Polic e department s i n par ticular wer e encourage d t o reexamin e thei r interna l operations , community-relations programs , an d selectio n an d trainin g proce dures fo r minorit y polic e personnel . I n addition , law-enforcemen t officers wer e expecte d t o acquir e ne w socia l skills , t o becom e fa miliar wit h curren t lega l issue s an d developments , and , abov e all , to lear n t o exercis e impartia l discretio n i n thei r dealing s wit h mi nority citizens . But i t has long bee n recognize d that , lik e most o f the "establish ment," th e polic e d o no t o n thei r ow n eithe r welcom e o r institut e internal change . Fo r a variet y o f reasons , includin g th e potentia l loss of status , prestige , o r jo b security , polic e officers , a s a genera l rule, clin g t o familia r method s an d norm s o f conduct . Interna l re form come s abou t onl y throug h deliberate , calculate d effort s o n the par t o f outsid e agencie s an d a progressive governmen t leader ship. Fo r som e tim e th e Internationa l Associatio n o f Chiefs o f Po lice (I.A.C.P. ) ha d provide d directio n an d assistanc e i n th e are a o f police reform . However , unti l fairl y recentl y th e dominan t thrus t of thes e effort s wa s i n th e directio n o f improvin g polic e efficienc y and effectivenes s throug h th e introductio n o f ne w technologica l developments. 19 Meanwhile , variou s nationa l commission s con tributed t o th e interna l refor m o f polic e department s b y providin g funds t o experimen t i n operationa l procedure s an d desig n pro grams aime d a t upgradin g bot h th e qualit y o f personne l an d thei r services. The consensu s wa s that t o improv e th e qualit y o f la w en forcement, th e qualit y o f individua l officer s woul d hav e t o b e up graded throug h highe r education . Finding s showe d tha t eve n a s late a s 1966 , th e media n educationa l leve l o f polic e officer s i n thi s country was only 12. 4 years. 20 Not onl y commissions, bu t individ ual authoritie s an d polic e reformer s wer e advocatin g highe r edu cational standard s fo r police . Fo r example , Rodne y Star k (wh o ha d studied polic e riot s i n th e 1960s ) argue d tha t polic e trainin g shoul d be conducte d largel y withi n college s an d universities . Similarly , Jerome Skolnic k conclude d i n th e Politics of Protest that educatio n would hel p solv e polic e problems . Lik e Stark , Skolnic k fel t tha t higher education coul d help eliminate the sentiment of racism amon g police officers b y providing student s wit h a background i n the rol e

20

DISCRIMINATION AN D THE BLACK OFFICER

of politica l activity , demonstration , an d protes t i n a constitutiona l democracy.21 Wha t emerge d fro m th e Commission' s findings an d reports wa s th e La w Enforcemen t Educatio n Progra m (LEEP) . Enacted b y Congress i n 196 8 a s part o f the Omnibu s Crim e Con trol an d Saf e Street s Act, this program provide d polic e officers an d those plannin g career s i n la w enforcemen t wit h grant s an d loan s to atten d institution s of higher learning. Largel y as a result of LEEP, police acros s th e countr y bega n attendin g college s i n significantl y greater numbers tha n i n the past. In Ne w Yor k City alone, by 1973 , some 650 0 member s o f th e departmen t wer e attendin g institu tions o f highe r learnin g o n thei r ow n tim e an d o f these nearl y 200 0 had alread y obtaine d degrees. 22 In som e instances , basi c change s i n polic e practice s wer e ef fected b y reform-minde d cit y administrators . I n Ne w Yor k City , for example , forme r Mayo r Joh n V . Lindsa y an d Polic e Commis sioners Howar d Lear y an d Patric k V . Murph y provide d th e nec essary progressive , innovativ e leadership . Unde r th e aegi s o f Mayo r Lindsay, th e polic e departmen t bega n t o promot e a philosophy o f constructive refor m geare d t o th e changing need s of urban la w en forcement. On e o f hi s first action s afte r takin g offic e wa s t o insti tute a Civilia n Complain t Revie w Boar d (CCRB ) tha t woul d re ceive an d investigat e allegation s b y privat e citizen s o f polic e misconduct. Member s wh o serve d o n thi s boar d wer e appointe d jointly b y th e mayo r an d th e polic e commissione r an d ha d inves tigative an d advisor y powers . Strongl y oppose d b y the polic e ran k and file the CCR B wa s defeate d a t th e poll s i n a citywide referen dum no t lon g afte r it s inceptio n an d replace d b y a boar d com pletely staffe d b y polic e personnel. 23 Despite thi s setback , polic e practice s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y contin ued t o underg o seriou s examinatio n an d change . Towar d th e en d of th e sixties , th e department , the n unde r th e leadershi p o f Com missioner Murphy , acknowledge d fo r th e first tim e tha t th e majo r portion o f polic e wor k wa s totall y unrelate d t o la w enforcement , consisting instea d o f a variety of extralegal services provided t o th e community. A s a result of this understanding , attempt s were mad e to "humanize " the polic e image . Greater flexibility was introduce d into th e organizatio n an d effort s wer e undertake n t o narro w th e distance betwee n th e polic e an d th e civilia n population . Alterin g the traditiona l perceptio n o f th e polic e a s a repressive , military-typ e

Patterns of Discrimination

21

organization wa s attempte d throug h fundamenta l change s i n po lice nomenclature , equipment , an d dress . The department , fo r ex ample, was n o longe r t o b e referre d t o a s the polic e "force " bu t a s the polic e "service." 24 To promot e increase d cooperatio n an d rap port betwee n th e departmen t an d th e variou s minorit y communi ties, th e traditiona l "conflict " mode l o f policin g wa s replace d b y one tha t viewe d th e polic e an d publi c a s partners. 25 Community relations function s wer e expanded , police-citize n dialogu e encour aged, citize n liaiso n an d advisor y board s enlarged , an d huma n re lations trainin g fo r member s o f th e servic e emphasized . T o mak e the polic e mor e responsiv e t o th e "unique " need s o f certai n mi nority communities , th e concept s o f "tea m policing " an d "famil y crisis intervention" were introduce d durin g th e early seventies. These programs, onc e activate d i n th e neighborhood , offere d minorit y citizens a n opportunit y t o se e th e polic e providin g helpfu l publi c services, no t simpl y givin g ou t summonses . O f specia l importanc e to blac k an d Hispani c population s wa s th e attemp t o n th e par t o f the department t o promot e polic e restraint i n the us e of force. Alon g these lines , personne l trainin g bega n t o stres s alternative s t o th e use of police weapons, encouraging "verbal " rather tha n "physical " modes o f settlin g dispute s betwee n th e polic e an d citizens. 26 Other ke y change s whic h wer e indicativ e o f a brea k wit h long standing polic e practice s include d th e introductio n o f women int o a wide r rang e o f polic e role s an d function s i n th e earl y seventies , the civilianizatio n o f man y traditiona l polic e dutie s includin g cler ical work, communications , an d traffi c enforcement , th e reductio n in importanc e o f seniorit y credi t i n polic e promotio n exams , an d the recruitin g an d hirin g o f minorit y grou p member s i n signifi cantly greate r number s tha n ha d bee n don e i n th e past . We hav e thu s fa r considere d a numbe r o f factor s instrumenta l in shapin g th e pictur e o f relation s betwee n whit e society , police , and th e blac k communit y i n th e pas t tw o decades . W e hav e dis cussed som e of the reason s fo r th e resurgenc e o f black militancy a s an alternate strategy to the earlier nonviolent attempt s to brin g abou t real chang e i n th e statu s o f America n blacks . W e the n attempte d to connec t thi s late r movement , i f only indirectly , t o th e sprea d o f civil disorder s acros s th e countr y i n th e mid-1960 s an d t o sho w how thes e extrem e form s o f intergrou p conflic t ca n lea d t o th e re structuring o f on e o f society' s ke y institutions—la w enforcement .

22

DISCRIMINATION AN D THE BLACK OFFICER

Finally, we showe d tha t i t was no t onl y loca l leve l rebellio n b y in surgent black s tha t accounte d fo r chang e i n traditiona l polic e methods bu t als o Federa l interventio n i n loca l systems . I n th e page s that immediatel y follo w w e conside r th e combine d effort s o f Fed eral courts , progressiv e cit y administrator s an d polic e chiefs , an d newly emergin g blac k fraterna l polic e organization s i n bringin g about racia l refor m i n thei r respectiv e departments . The Emergenc e o f Blac k Polic e a s an Organized Politica l Forc e

Not lon g afte r th e Nationa l Advisor y Commissio n o n Civi l Disorders publishe d it s report depictin g sever e underrepresentation o f blacks i n ever y majo r polic e departmen t studied , la w enforcemen t agencies acros s th e countr y foun d themselve s unde r increasin g po litical pressur e t o achiev e a mor e balance d representatio n o f mi nority grou p personnel . A s a firs t step , i n a numbe r o f cities , re cruitment drive s wer e launche d b y th e agencie s themselve s i n th e hope o f attractin g qualifie d minorit y candidates . Lo s Angeles , fo r example, erecte d "brotherhood " billboard s alon g it s freeways . Denver employe d a n advertisin g agency . I n Washington , D.C. , th e police departmen t organize d communit y group s t o assis t i n re cruiting. 27 An d i n Kansa s Cit y th e polic e departmen t enliste d th e services o f a blac k an d whit e recruitin g tea m wit h th e sam e las t names (Brown ) t o sho w that , unde r th e skin , al l men wer e broth ers. A cash incentiv e wa s als o offered t o an y polic e office r wh o re cruited a new officer. 28 O n th e whole, however, newspapers, schools, and communit y cente r visit s were b y fa r th e mos t popula r source s of recruitmen t utilize d b y larg e citie s t o attrac t minorit y polic e candidates.29 I n Ne w Yor k Cit y Mayo r Lindsay , spurre d o n b y a favorable economy , earlie r campaig n promises , an d probabl y b y a genuine desir e fo r reform , embarke d upo n a serie s o f program s aimed a t expandin g jo b opportunite s fo r black s an d othe r minor ities. On e o f Lindsay' s firs t direc t action s i n furtheranc e o f thi s goal was t o promot e a driv e t o recrui t 100 0 blac k an d Hispani c offi cers. This effort , assiste d b y a $2.9 millio n gran t fro m th e Federa l government, wa s carried ou t i n a variety of ways in th e mid-1960 s including visit s b y minorit y polic e personne l t o colleg e campuse s

Patterns of Discrimination

23

and blac k community centers , advertising i n minorit y new s media , and actuall y training potential candidates for upcoming polic e tests. 30 In conjunctio n wit h thi s recruitmen t drive , th e NYP D als o in stituted a n applican t revie w process . Informall y establishe d unde r Police Commissione r Howar d Lear y i n 1966 , thi s boar d (Candi date Revie w Board ) studie d ever y cas e i n whic h a n applican t wa s rejected fo r employment . Prio r t o thi s a candidat e wh o ha d bee n disapproved becaus e of "poor character " or becaus e of cultural fac tors tha t wer e foreig n t o th e investigato r stoo d litd e chance of bein g accepted fo r employmen t (o r fo r tha t matte r eve n knowin g wh y he ha d bee n rejected) . Wit h th e establishmen t o f the CR B approx imately 8 0 percen t o f thos e candidates—man y o f who m wer e fro m minorities—who initiall y foun d themselve s rejecte d b y th e Per sonnel Investigatio n Sectio n wer e late r approve d fo r employment . Even thos e wh o wer e disapprove d a t thi s stag e ha d ye t anothe r opportunity t o appea l th e decisio n befor e th e Principa l Hearin g Board, which ultimately accepted abou t hal f the applicants who cam e before it. 31 Still othe r step s wer e take n b y polic e department s aroun d th e country t o eliminat e employmen t barrier s t o minorities . Slate d fo r elimination i n Ne w Yor k an d othe r citie s i n 197 3 was , fo r exam ple, th e standar d heigh t requiremen t fo r polic e candidates . Th e elimination o f heigh t requirement s opene d fo r th e first tim e th e possibility o f a law enforcemen t caree r fo r man y youn g Hispanic s whose averag e heigh t woul d hav e bee n slightl y belo w th e forme r standard. 32 I n anothe r radica l departur e fro m traditiona l depart ment standard s tha t sam e year , polic e candidate s fro m th e city' s Housing an d Transi t Authorit y list s were considere d fo r position s as polic e officers . Sinc e mor e black s an d Hispanic s ha d tradition ally applied fo r position s wit h thes e agencie s than wit h th e regula r police force, th e departmen t hope d t o diver t man y of these minor ity applicant s int o th e regula r force. 33 In mos t o f th e nation' s larg e citie s progres s i n alterin g th e racia l composition o f polic e agencie s wa s achieve d throug h th e lega l process. The bod y o f emerging la w which wa s used t o ope n door s of polic e agencie s t o minoritie s bega n wit h th e Federa l Civi l Right s Act o f 1964 . Originall y designe d t o assur e black s an d othe r mi norities greate r acces s t o job s i n th e privat e sector , thi s legislatio n also provide d thos e hire d wit h lega l precedent s t o comba t certai n

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forms o f discriminatio n i n th e wor k setting . Th e Federa l Equa l Employment Opportunitie s Act , passe d i n 1972 , extende d th e provisions o f th e Civi l Right s Ac t t o cove r employmen t practice s of stat e an d loca l government s an d empowere d th e EEO C t o su e public employer s i t deeme d guilt y o f discrimination . Thi s marke d the firs t tim e tha t a n independen t agenc y i n th e Federa l govern ment ha d bee n create d specificall y t o fight discriminatio n i n di e are a of employment . Th e powe r o f th e EEO C wa s furthe r strength ened wit h th e signin g o f th e Affirmativ e Actio n Amendmen t i n 1973 an d late r wit h th e establishmen t o f racia l quota s i n hiring. 34 Shortly afte r passag e o f th e EEOA , th e polic e departmen t i n Ne w York Cit y se t u p it s ow n independen t uni t (OEEO ) t o ensur e that polic e practice s were i n complianc e wid i th e ne w Federal , state, and loca l laws , regulation s an d guideline s relatin g t o discrimina tion i n employment . Thi s unit , expande d i n 197 8 an d place d un der th e directio n an d contro l o f th e Assistan t Commissione r fo r Equal Opportunity , no t onl y monitore d hirin g pattern s an d iden tified proble m area s bu t als o investigate d an d acte d upo n individ ual complaint s o f discriminatio n involvin g suc h area s a s assign ment, promotion , advancement , transfer , an d condition s o f employment. An y member o f the departmen t wh o fel t tha t h e ha d been discriminate d agains t i n an y o f thes e area s ha d th e choic e o f bringing th e matte r t o th e attentio n o f hi s immediat e superviso r for informa l adjudicatio n or , i f tha t failed , t o file a forma l com plaint wit h th e assistan t commissioner . In orde r t o ensur e tha t departmen t heads , supervisors , employ ees, and th e publi c wer e awar e of the department's polic y on equa l employment opportunity , specia l meeting s wer e hel d wit h upper level managers , polic y statement s signe d b y th e polic e commis sioner himsel f wer e poste d o n al l employe e bulleti n boards , an d periodic check s wer e mad e t o ensur e tha t the y wer e prominentl y displayed. Handout s describin g th e functio n o f th e OEE O wer e also distribute d t o al l uniforme d an d civilia n employees ; seminar s concerning cour t decision s were conducted , an d recruit s were pro vided wit h specia l trainin g describin g th e creation , purpos e an d function o f th e OEEO . T o assur e complianc e wit h thes e ne w reg ulations, th e assistan t commissione r worke d wit h othe r assigne d OEEO personne l i n assistin g supervisor s t o solv e EE O problems , in developin g reportin g system s tha t woul d measur e th e effective -

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ness o f th e program , i n conductin g audit s o f hirin g an d promo tion patterns , i n holdin g regula r discussion s wit h supervisor s an d employees t o b e certai n EE O policie s wer e bein g implemented , an d in ensurin g tha t complaint s o f discriminatio n wer e bein g writte n up t o th e satisfactio n o f th e aggrieve d employee . I n short , th e po lice departmen t too k th e positio n tha t equa l employmen t oppor tunity wa s a fundamenta l conditio n tha t shoul d b e judge d o n th e basis of job-related qualification s an d no t o n extraneou s factor s suc h as rac e o r sex . I n a mem o distribute d t o al l command s i t enliste d the tota l committmen t o f ever y polic e an d civilia n employe e t o thi s goal an d state d tha t th e Offic e o f Equal Employmen t Opportunit y would se e to i t tha t thi s polic y wa s carrie d out. 35 The Federa l court s meanwhile , wer e lookin g int o traditiona l police practice s whic h appeare d t o circumven t th e hirin g o f mi norities. In man y instance s the y rule d agains t suc h practices , establishing racia l quotas i n order t o ensur e greate r participatio n o f mi norities i n th e polic e department s concerned . I n Cleveland , fo r example, i n 1972 , a U.S. district cour t judg e rule d tha t a t leas t 1 8 percent o f al l newly hire d cop s ha d t o b e black. 36 A Federa l cour t in Alabam a similarl y ordere d th e Departmen t o f Publi c Safet y i n 1972 t o begi n hirin g blac k stat e trooper s i n number s equa l t o whites, unti l 2 5 percen t o f th e forc e wa s black . (Th e Alabam a highway patrol , i t was reported, ha d no t hire d a single blac k troope r in 3 7 years. 37) I n Philadelphia , a year later , a Federa l cour t rule d that th e polic e departmen t ha d t o begi n hirin g a t leas t on e blac k officer fo r ever y tw o whites. 38 I n Connecticu t (i n th e sam e year) a Federal judg e directe d th e Bridgepor t polic e department , wher e blacks an d Hispanic s mad e u p onl y 3. 5 percen t o f th e force , t o "speed up " it s hirin g o f minoritie s unti l the y constitute d 1 5 per cent o f th e force. 39 Mor e recently , th e Chicag o polic e departmen t was place d unde r cour t orde r t o impos e a racia l hirin g quot a sys tem tha t woul d increas e the proportio n o f black s to 2 7 percent ; i n Los Angeles , a s a resul t o f a suit brough t b y minorit y police , th e department agree d t o hir e abou t 4 0 percen t nonwhite s unti l th e force woul d b e brough t u p t o a leve l reflectiv e o f th e racia l mix ture o f th e community . Sa n Francisc o als o reache d a simila r con sent decre e i n 197 9 unde r whic h i t agree d tha t 5 0 percen t o f it s new recruit s woul d consis t o f racia l minorities. 40 Perhap s a s a re sult o f th e increasin g numbe r o f polic e department s tha t wer e

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compelled t o hir e minoritie s unde r court-impose d quot a systems , a numbe r o f loca l government s worke d ou t voluntar y affirmativ e action plan s fo r thei r polic e agencies . Thos e department s whic h reached settlement s rathe r tha n fight suit s i n Federa l cour t includ e Detroit, Tampa , Seattle , Sacramento , Syracuse , Cincinnati , For t Lauderdale an d th e Ohi o stat e police. 41 Ne w Yor k City , althoug h it wa s no t unde r a quot a syste m o f an y kind , nevertheles s in creased th e numbe r o f blac k an d Hispani c cop s i n th e departmen t by 197 3 t o ove r 3000 , nearl y doubl e th e numbe r employe d seve n years earlier. 42 As their number s an d influenc e gre w i n th e 1970s , blac k polic e across th e countr y bega n t o organiz e themselve s t o promot e an d protect thei r ow n specia l interest s i n muc h th e sam e wa y a s blac k congressmen, lawyers , an d journalist s ha d don e i n th e past. 43 I n some cities these organizations evolve d from socia l and or fraterna l groups seekin g redres s t o raciall y base d grievances , while i n other s they were forme d a s an explici t respons e t o racia l practice s i n thei r own departments . I n bot h cases , interes t i n matter s o f interna l re form eventuall y sprea d t o includ e mor e genera l socia l an d politica l issues involvin g th e polic e an d th e large r blac k community . Soo n after thei r emergenc e a s a "politicized" group, blac k policeme n be gan speakin g ou t agains t racia l injustice s an d takin g position s o n issues tha t challenge d th e ver y foundatio n o f th e polic e syste m it self.44 Department s i n man y citie s tha t ha d blac k polic e organiza tions wer e pu t o n notic e tha t racia l discrimination , especiall y i n th e areas o f hiring , promotion , an d assignment , woul d n o longe r b e tolerated. Passiv e resistance which ha d fo r so long characterized blac k police protes t i n thi s countr y wa s slowl y givin g wa y to a new mil itancy an d assertivenes s grounde d i n th e concep t o f blac k politica l power an d th e law . I n a fe w citie s blac k polic e organization s en gaged i n lobbying activitie s an d i n publicizin g issue s of concern. 45 In most , however , direc t lega l challenge s wer e mounte d agains t discriminatory polic e practices an d wer e won i n the courts, forcin g the department s concerne d t o modif y existin g racia l policies . S o strong wa s thi s movemen t tha t b y th e mid-1970 s blac k polic e i n New Yor k an d othe r majo r citie s ha d demonstrate d tha t pressur e could b e applie d effectivel y fro m withi n th e organizatio n t o dis courage long-standin g racia l practices .

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Entrance requirement s i n th e for m o f writte n exams , ora l inter views, physica l tests , an d backgroun d investigation s wer e som e targets selecte d b y blac k polic e group s fo r litigation . I n som e po lice departments, i t appeared , minorit y candidate s wer e bein g sys tematically rejecte d fo r employmen t b y predominantl y whit e po lice backgroun d investigator s becaus e o f factor s relate d mor e t o aspects o f "ghett o culture " tha n t o potentia l qualification s fo r th e job. 46 I n a numbe r o f suit s brough t befor e Federa l courts , polic e entrance test s an d "screenin g procedures " wer e foun d t o violat e constitutional an d Federa l la w an d wer e invalidated . I n Chicago , for example , a Federa l distric t judg e i n 197 6 enjoine d th e polic e department whe n makin g employmen t decision s fro m considerin g an applicant' s socioeconomi c status , famil y history , militar y ser vice, or eve n hi s previou s arres t record . A year earlie r a similar rul ing wa s hande d dow n i n Ohi o whic h prevente d th e Akro n polic e department fro m usin g such arbitrar y criteria a s the applicant's credi t rating, residency , hig h schoo l record , an d neighborhoo d refer ences fo r hirin g purposes . I n Bridgeport , Connecticut , th e sam e Federal judg e wh o ordere d th e polic e departmen t t o spee d u p it s hiring o f minoritie s substantiall y als o directe d th e civi l servic e commission t o ceas e givin g exam s tha t discriminate d agains t black s and Hispanic s an d t o submi t futur e examination s t o th e cour t fo r approval. Th e plaintiff s her e include d th e Bridgepor t Guardians , a black police organization, an d applicant s fro m minorit y racia l group s who ha d faile d polic e entranc e exams . I n a late r sui t brough t b y the Afr o America n Patrolman' s Leagu e (AAPL ) i n Chicago , charging discriminatio n i n hiring , selection , an d promotion , a Federal distric t cour t enjoine d th e polic e departmen t fro m usin g a 1971 patrolman' s exam a s well a s its backgroun d investigation . A s in earlie r case s of a similar nature , th e cour t accepte d a s prim a fa cie evidence o f discrimination th e differenc e i n th e acceptanc e rat e between whit e an d blac k candidates. 47 A s a result , Chicag o no w has a written examination , bu t ther e i s no passin g scor e fo r it s po lice candidates. The city' s department o f personne l merel y use s th e exam only to mak e up a n eligibility list . Likewise, i n New Orleans , black polic e charge d i n Federa l cour t tha t th e polic e departmen t discriminated agains t hirin g black s bac k i n 1973 . Thi s sui t in cluded specifi c allegation s tha t blac k candidate s wer e subjecte d t o

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"badgering" an d "intimidation " durin g routin e polygrap h exami nations an d wer e aske d question s no t aske d o f thei r whit e coun terparts. 48 As pressure and cour t action s brough t b y black organizations (an d civil right s groups ) mounte d acros s th e country , significan t pat terns o f chang e i n th e hirin g o f minorit y polic e bega n t o emerge . In a fe w citie s onl y limite d gain s wer e notice d whil e i n other s th e percentage o f blac k (an d Hispanic ) officer s gre w substantially . B y the lat e 1970s , fo r example , th e proportio n o f black s i n th e De troit an d Washington , D.C. , polic e department s ha d reache d 3 5 percent an d 4 2 percen t respectively . I n Sa n Francisco , Chicago , Philadelphia, Memphis , an d Baltimore , black s no w accoun t fo r roughly on e o f ever y five members o f th e force. 49 It appear s tha t th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e departmen t wa s deter mined t o avoi d th e impositio n fro m outsid e o f an y quot a syste m and evidentl y mad e effort s o n it s ow n t o increas e th e proportio n of minorit y police . However , i n 1969 , th e departmen t o f person nel release d a two-yea r stud y o f earlie r civi l servic e exam s fo r en try-level position s whic h showe d tha t whe n tes t taker s o f simila r employment, educatio n an d famil y backgroun d wer e compared, onl y the "ethni c factor"—race—affecte d exa m scores . Thi s finding prompted th e personne l departmen t t o undertak e furthe r stud y o f its mos t recen t entry-leve l exams . Th e result s o f thi s an d othe r re lated studie s supporte d th e personne l department' s earlie r conten tion tha t "greate r number s o f black s and Hispanic s coul d hav e mad e perfectly fine cop s bu t neve r go t pas t th e fron t doo r becaus e o f below passin g test grades which ma y have bee n unrelate d t o actua l job performance 55.50 Th e cru x o f th e issue , i t seems , wa s tha t mi nority applicant s wer e doin g poorl y o n thes e exam s becaus e th e tests themselve s wer e culturall y biased . Thi s was , i n fact , precisel y the positio n th e Guardian s Associatio n too k whe n i t filed sui t i n 1972 chargin g tha t pas t exams discriminate d agains t black s an d therefore th e departmen t shoul d b e enjoine d fro m usin g the m i n making appointment s t o th e force . Th e Guardian s fel t tha t a tes t should attemp t t o find ou t i f a perso n i s capabl e o f trainin g a s a police office r an d no t merel y t o find ou t wha t hi s knowledg e o f nonpolice matter s migh t be. 51 Since hiring , unde r stat e civi l servic e laws , fo r polic e job s ha s traditionally bee n base d o n a strict numerica l rankin g accordin g t o

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test scores , th e cit y enliste d a n outsid e consultan t firm t o desig n a new exam that would no t b e biase d agains t racia l minorities, lowe r job standards , an d woul d b e job relate d an d mee t al l equal-oppor tunity guidelines . I n conjunctio n wit h this , th e personne l depart ment planne d a major publicit y campaig n aime d a t attracting qual ified minorit y candidates . The director' s inten t wa s to se t up polic e booths i n area s wher e minoritie s live , wor k o r atten d schools , t o set u p ho t line s wher e potentia l candidate s coul d hav e job-relate d questions answered , an d t o tuto r minoritie s fo r futur e polic e tests. 52 The polic e departmen t i n th e meantim e continue d t o hir e fro m the challenged exa m list s even while the Guardian s sui t was i n court . Then, th e city' s fiscal crisis i n th e earl y 1970 s force d bot h th e de partment an d th e Guardian s t o hal t al l court actions . However , i n 1976 th e Guardian s renewe d thei r cas e i n cour t an d th e polic e de partment onc e agai n too k th e positio n tha t it s prior entry-leve l ex ams wer e i n fac t vali d an d jo b relate d eve n thoug h i t wa s unabl e to produc e a t th e tim e a written jo b description. 53 The final decisio n o n th e questio n o f discriminatio n an d jo b re latedness o f polic e entranc e exam s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y wa s hande d down i n 198 0 b y Federa l Judg e Rober t Carte r who , afte r exam ining al l th e relevan t issues , rule d tha t th e cit y no t onl y discrimi nated agains t minorit y candidate s bu t di d s o deliberately. 54 Carte r based hi s conclusion s o n "cour t record s stretchin g bac k ove r nearl y a decad e o f litigation , i n a n uphil l an d continuou s struggl e b y th e city's blac k an d Hispani c cop s t o reconcil e th e lette r an d th e spiri t of anti-discriminatio n law." 55 Afte r appeal s b y th e cit y th e cour t decided tha t futur e polic e hirings should b e made o n th e basi s tha t one of every three b e a minority. I n orde r t o fill this quota require ment, the police department wa s forced t o lower the qualifying grad e for minoritie s t o 8 4 percent , te n point s lowe r tha n fo r whites. 56 Judge Carter' s decision prevaile d fo r severa l months befor e Federa l Appelate Judg e Jo n Newma n steppe d i n an d reduce d th e quot a t o one-in-four. Newma n gav e the cit y th e benefi t o f the doub t tha t i t had no t discriminate d intentionall y bu t rule d nevertheles s tha t prio r exams wer e invali d an d ordere d th e quota. 57 Th e lega l basi s upo n which thes e court decision s wer e reache d ca n b e traced bac k to th e 1971 Griggs v. Duke Power Company decision. "In that case a group of blac k employee s a t a privatel y owne d powe r plan t i n Nort h Carolina wo n a suit agains t thei r employe r unde r a section o f Title

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VII o f the 196 4 Civi l Right s Act , havin g maintaine d tha t th e em ployer wa s usin g personne l 'aptitude ' test s t o discriminat e agains t blacks i n hirin g an d promotio n decisions." 58 The Grigg s decisio n established th e principl e that , regardles s o f th e employer' s goo d intentions, an y practice , includin g test s tha t hav e a disparate racia l impact, i s illegal i f it canno t b e show n t o b e relate d t o jo b perfor mance. The cit y administratio n wa s no t overjoye d wit h th e court' s de cision but , realizin g i t ha d a critical nee d fo r mor e polic e officers , it agreed t o hir e minorities unde r a racial quota system . Beginnin g in Septembe r 1980 , th e polic e departmen t adde d a n additiona l 12 0 black an d 17 3 Hispani c officer s t o th e ranks . Thes e numbers , al though appearin g quit e small , represente d th e larges t proportio n (49 percent) o f minority recruit s ever appointed t o th e departmen t at an y on e time . I n 1981 , th e proportio n o f minorit y appoint ments, whil e declinin g somewhat , continue d t o averag e bette r tha n 30 percen t o f al l polic e hired . I n actua l numbers , 30 3 blac k an d 366 Hispani c cop s joined th e rank s tha t year . The mos t recen t clas s to ente r th e Polic e Academy unde r Judg e Carter' s racia l quota sys tem clearl y signal s a continuation o f thi s trend . O f th e 277 9 offi cers sworn i n on Januar y 1982 , 332 were blac k and 31 5 were His panic. Thi s combine d tota l o f 64 7 minorit y officer s raise d th e proportion o f non-whites i n the New Yor k Cit y polic e departmen t to nearl y 1 7 percent. 59 Black police i n Ne w Yor k Cit y an d elsewher e di d no t limi t thei r activities t o cour t action s involvin g unequa l hirin g practices . De partmental policie s whic h ha d fo r s o lon g restricte d th e assign ments o f black s t o predominantl y blac k district s wer e als o chal lenged. Fo r example , i n Hartford , Connecticut , i n 1969 , blac k officers resorte d t o a series o f mas s sic k call s t o protes t thei r con centration i n high-crime , ghett o area s o f th e city . Thi s particula r issue was resolved when th e police department finally agreed t o assign it s personne l throughou t th e cit y irrespectiv e o f color. 60 I n a related cas e in Mobile, Alabama, a Federal distric t judge rejecte d a "general" polic y o f assignment s base d o n race , declarin g tha t po lice official s wh o attempte d t o justif y suc h a polic y ha d faile d t o show adequatel y tha t blac k officer s wer e les s effective tha n white s in whit e neighborhoods . Th e cour t no t onl y ordere d th e polic e department t o mak e futur e assignment s withou t regar d t o colo r bu t

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also struck dow n a long-standing practic e o f refusin g t o assig n blac k policemen t o rid e in patro l car s with white partners. 61 In othe r cit ies change s i n traditiona l racia l policie s regardin g minorit y polic e have bee n eve n mor e dramatic . I n Washington , D.C . fo r example , a whit e office r wh o no w refuse s t o rid e wit h a blac k face s imme diate dismissa l fro m th e force. 62 For Ne w Yor k Cit y th e questio n o f assignment s base d o n rac e has bee n largel y resolve d outsid e th e courts . Whil e i t unquestion ably wa s th e practic e o f th e departmen t i n th e pas t t o plac e mos t of its black (an d Hispanic ) officer s i n commands situate d i n ghett o communities, today , evidenc e indicate s tha t assignment s ar e mad e on a more o r les s random basis . Excep t fo r a few exclusivel y blac k areas suc h a s th e 28t h Precinc t i n Centra l Harle m an d th e 79t h Precinct i n Brooklyn' s Bedford-Stuyvesan t sectio n (wher e blac k police compris e slightl y mor e tha n 3 0 percen t o f th e patro l force ) most precinct s locate d i n predominantl y blac k o r mixe d area s o f the cit y ar e patrolle d b y blac k polic e i n varie d proportions . Th e 25th Precinc t i n Eas t Harlem , fo r example , consist s o f onl y 1 0 percent blac k police , while th e 48t h Precinc t i n th e Bron x an d th e 73rd Precinc t i n Brookly n consis t o f 1 6 percen t an d 2 4 percen t blacks respectively. 63 Eve n i n whit e area s o f th e city , th e curren t trend seem s t o b e t o assig n officer s irrespectiv e o f color . Fo r in stance, i n th e exclusivel y white , silk-stockin g 19t h Precinc t i n Manhattan, 1 5 percen t o f al l patrol officer s ar e of minorit y extrac tion. Thi s polic y seem s t o extend , moreover , t o civilia n employee s in the department. O f the 1 6 nonpolice personne l assigne d t o cler ical dutie s i n th e 19t h Precinct , 1 1 ar e eithe r blac k o r Hispanic . Black polic e organization s hav e als o fough t t o establis h equa l access t o promotions , chargin g tha t bot h writte n exam s an d pro motional system s which allo t additional credi t fo r seniorit y presen t competitive disadvantatage s t o minorit y personnel. 64 Wit h regar d to bot h th e conten t o f promotiona l exam s an d eligibilit y require ments, lega l agencie s hav e tende d t o rul e i n favo r o f blac k liti gants. Th e Ne w Yor k Stat e Divisio n o f Huma n Rights , fo r ex ample, recentl y hel d tha t gramma r question s o n a n exa m fo r advancement t o captai n i n th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e departmen t discriminated agains t blac k lieutenants; 65 whil e i n Chicago , a Fed eral court rule d tha t a written exam fo r promotio n t o sergean t ha d a discriminatin g impac t upo n black s an d othe r minorities . Th e

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Chicago polic e departmen t wa s unabl e t o prov e th e exam' s job relatedness an d wa s ordered t o mak e up a new one. Similar ruling s have bee n mad e i n othe r majo r citie s a s well. I n Bridgeport , Con necticut, th e court , afte r examinin g promotiona l requirements , re duced th e time-in-grade criterion fo r advancemen t i n rank from thre e years t o one. 66 I n Baltimore , Maryland , polic e officer s wit h onl y three year s i n service are now eligibl e to tak e exams for promotio n to sergeant , lieutenant , an d captain. 67 I n Ne w Orleans , th e NAAC P Legal Defens e Fun d recentl y succeede d i n freezin g al l promotion s in the police department, chargin g tha t current promotiona l exam s gave n o indicatio n o f who woul d mak e bette r supervisors . The at torney fo r th e blac k police group als o noted tha t th e "seniority fac tor" whic h wa s weighte d a t 4 0 percen t especiall y discriminate d against black s because black s did no t hav e seniority o n th e force. 68 In Ne w Yor k City , black s hav e mad e som e progres s advancin g to lower-leve l supervisor y positions . (Betwee n 197 4 an d 1982 , fo r example, th e numbe r o f blac k sergeant s increase d b y 3 0 percen t while th e numbe r o f whit e sergeant s decrease d b y 1 3 percent) 69 . It remain s true , however , tha t th e overal l pictur e o f rankin g blac k officers i n th e departmen t ha s no t change d al l that muc h sinc e th e early 1970s . Includin g thos e holdin g position s abov e th e ran k o f sergeant, blac k bosse s i n 197 4 accounte d fo r onl y 3 percen t o f th e entire comman d structure . Today , som e nin e year s later , tha t figure remain s practicall y th e same . Excludin g sergeants , ther e ar e onl y 24 black s holdin g supervisor y position s i n th e department ; o f thes e 18 ar e eithe r lieutenant s o r captains. 70 However , th e cit y ha s re cently set up a quota syste m i n promotion s whic h ha s placed mor e blacks i n lower-leve l supervisor y positions . I n addition , seniorit y systems (whic h hav e always been weighte d heavil y i n favor o f whites in Ne w Yor k City ) an d promotiona l test s (whic h hav e tradition ally limite d th e numbe r o f black s holdin g rankin g positions ) ar e currently undergoin g revisio n a s a resul t o f successfu l lawsuit s brought b y minority polic e groups . Also a t issu e her e i s th e questio n o f blac k representatio n i n de tective an d othe r nonuniformed , specialt y unit s i n the department . It is , in fact , i n th e are a of advancement t o th e plai n clothe s detec tive bureau—a n appointmen t base d upo n achievement , no t exa m taking—that blac k polic e hav e mad e th e greates t proportiona l gain s in New Yor k City. While there ar e no availabl e data fo r th e 1960s ,

Patterns of Discrimination

33

we do kno w tha t i n 197 1 blacks accounte d fo r roughl y 1 0 percen t of the 270 0 membe r detectiv e bureau , whil e the y mad e u p les s tha n 7 percen t o f th e large r polic e force. 71 Today , blac k representatio n in the burea u i s about 1 2 percent, whil e th e comparative figure fo r the departmen t a s a whol e i s 1 0 percent. 72 Recen t dat a fro m th e department's Offic e o f Equal Employmen t Opportunit y als o sho w that black s hav e mad e significan t advance s onc e the y entere d th e detective bureau . I n 1974 , whe n onl y 7 percen t o f th e entir e po lice force wa s black , 1 0 percen t o f al l first-grade an d 1 1 percent o f all second- an d third-grade position s were hel d b y black detectives. Today, th e proportio n remain s th e sam e fo r first- an d second-grad e positions, bu t a t th e third-grad e leve l black s compris e roughl y 1 3 percent o f th e detectiv e force. 73 With regar d t o othe r specialt y assignment s an d dutie s i n th e NYPD, findings simila r t o th e one s abov e ar e evident . A n analysi s of dat a provide d b y th e department' s OEE O discloses , fo r exam ple, tha t o f th e approximatel y 800 0 officer s assigne d t o specialt y units throughout th e city today, nearl y 800 , or 1 0 percent, ar e black. More significant , perhaps , i s th e additiona l finding tha t i n 2 5 o f these 7 4 specialt y units , blac k representatio n exceed s 1 3 percent. 74 In concludin g thi s sectio n i t ca n b e sai d tha t durin g th e 1960 s and 1970 s effort s b y governmen t an d aggrieve d blac k group s brought abou t chang e i n th e structur e an d practice s o f America' s police agencies . Department s acros s th e countr y wer e no t onl y pressured int o institutin g refor m i n operationa l procedure s aime d at improvin g relation s wit h th e minorit y public , bu t wer e force d to reevaluat e thei r policie s an d practice s regardin g minorit y grou p employees. Although thes e effort s t o alte r customar y practice s me t with initia l resistanc e i n som e cities , b y th e mid-1970 s change s i n the "actual " level o f discriminatio n experience d b y blac k polic e wer e becoming increasingl y evident . I n th e sectio n tha t follow s w e con sider th e perception s o f racia l refor m i n th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department a s reporte d b y th e me n i n thi s study . A s w e shal l see , despite evidenc e o f positiv e chang e i n th e overal l positio n o f blac k police today, no t al l respondents shar e th e vie w that prejudice , dis crimination, an d especiall y inequalit y ar e thing s o f th e past .

34

DISCRIMINATION AN D THE BLACK OFFICER NOTES

1. Jame s I. Alexander, Blue Coats-Black Skin: The Black Experience in the New York City Police Department since 1891 (Ne w York : Expositio n Press , 1978) , pp . 11-37. 2. Fo r evidenc e o f polic e segregatio n policie s i n are a assignments , se e Th e President's Commissio n o n La w Enforcemen t an d Administratio n o f Justice , Task Force Report: The Police, Washington , D.C. , 1967 , p. 174 ; Also see, "Many Citie s Limit Negr o Polic e Use, " The New York Times, Jul y 27 , 1959 ; Jame s B . Jacob s and Jay Cohen, "Th e Impac t o f Racial Integratio n o n th e Police," Journal of Police Science and Administration, Volum e 6 , Numbe r 2 , (Jun e 1978) , p . 179 ; Trevo r Armbrister, "Th e Lonel y Struggl e o f th e Blac k Cop, " The Reader's Digest, March 1971; Nichola s Alex , Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policeman (Ne w York : Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1969) , p . 107 ; James I . Alexander , op . cit . 3. Se e William M . Kephart , Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement (Philadelphia, Pa. : Univ . o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1957) . 4. Th e President' s Commissio n o n La w Enforcemen t an d Administratio n o f Justice, op. cit. , p . 173 . 5. Marti n Ala n Greenberg , "Auxiliar y Civilia n Police—Th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Experience," Journal of Police Science and Administration, Volum e 6 , Numbe r 1 (March 1978) , p . 93. 6. Se e Nichola s Alex , op. cit. , pp . 108 , 109 . 7. Se e Th e President' s Commissio n o n La w Enforcemen t an d Administra tion o f Justice, op . cit. , p . 173 . 8. Ibid . 9. Nichola s Alex , op . cit. , pp . 109 , 110 . 10. Se e Th e President' s Commissio n o n La w Enforcemen t an d Administra tion o f Justice , op . cit. , p . 170 ; als o see , John Grimes , "Th e Blac k Policema n i n Law Enforcement, " Joh n Ja y College o f Crimina l Justice , unpublishe d M.A . the sis, 1969 , p . 55 . 11. See , for example , Rit a M . Kell y an d Gorma n West , Jr. , "Th e Racia l Tran sition o f a Police Force: A Profil e o n Whit e an d Blac k Policemen i n Washington , D.C.," i n Joh n R . Snibb e an d Hom a M . Snibb e (eds) , The Urban Policeman in Transition: A Psychological and Sociological View (Springfield, 111. : Charles C Thomas, 1973), pp . 3 5 4 - 3 8 1 . 12. Se e Eugene Beard , "The Blac k Police i n Washington , D.C., " Journal of Police Science and Administration, Volum e 5 , Numbe r 1 (Marc h 1977) , pp . 48 , 51. 13. Th e President' s Commissio n o n La w Enforcemen t an d Administratio n o f Justice, op. cit. , p . 171 . 14. Ibid . Interestingly , th e first tim e a black was promoted t o th e ran k of captain i n th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e departmen t wa s i n 1947 , nearl y a half centur y after th e first blac k officer wa s hired . Se e John Grimes , op. cit. , p . 76 . 15. Se e John Grimes , op . cit. , p . 110 . 16. Alphons o Pinkney , Black Americans (Englcwoo d Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall , 1969), p . 206 . 17. Thes e idea s wer e draw n directl y fro m Loui s C . Goldberg , "Ghett o Riot s

Patterns of Discrimination

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and Others: The Face s of Civil Disorde r i n 1967, " in Gary T. Mar x (ed.) , Racial Conflict: Tension and Change in American Society (Boston , Mass. : Little , Brow n , 1971), p . 275 . 18. Se e Willia m B . Helmreich , The Black Crusaders: A Case Study of a Black Militant Organization (Ne w York : Harpe r & Row , 1973) , pp . 19 , 20 . 19. Se e Herma n Goldstein , Policing a Free Society (Cambridge , Mass. : Ballin ger, 1977) , p . 326 . 20. Jame s B. Jacobs and Samuel B . Magdovitz, "A t Leep's End?: A Revie w o f the La w Enforcemen t Educatio n Program, " Journal of Police Science and Administration, Volume 5 , Numbe r 1 (Marc h 1977) , p . 2 . 21. Ibid . 22. Pres s Release , Polic e Department , Cit y o f Ne w York , Februar y 20 , 1973 . 23. Nichola s Alex, New York Cops Talk Back: A Study of a Beleaguered Minority (New York : Wiley, 1976) , pp . 76 , 77 . 24. Se e Georgette Bennett Sandler and Ellen Mintz, "Police Organizations: Their Changing Interna l and External Relationships, " in Jim Munro (ed.) , Classes, Conflict, and Control (Cincinnati, Ohio : Anderson , 1976) , pp . 420 , 421 . 25. Ibid . p . 421. 26. Ibid . 27. Jame s B. Jacob s and Jay Cohen, op . cit. , p . 175 . 28. Jac k Perry , " A New Concep t i n Polic e Recruiting, " The Police Chief Vol ume XXXV I (Jun e 1969) , p . 42. 29. Se e Jac k Noe l Rose , "A n Analysi s o f th e Method s use d b y Urba n Polic e Departments t o Attrac t Minorit y Grou p Members, " John Ja y College o f Crimi nal Justice, unpublishe d M.A . thesis , 1973 , p . 137 . 30. Fo r evidenc e o f minorit y recruitmen t effort s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y an d else where se e Nicholas Alex , Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policemen (Ne w York : Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1969) , p . 28 ; Edwar d Kirkman , "Police Hop e t o Triple Minority-Group Cops, " The New York Daily News, Jul y 2 , 1972 ; Guardian s As sociation, Polic e Department , Cit y o f Ne w York , "W e Hav e a Responsibility, " 1971; Herma n Goldstein , op . cit. , p . 270 ; Isaa c C. Hunt , Jr . and Bernar d Cohen, Minority Recruiting in the New York City Police Department (Th e Ne w Yor k CityRand Institute , Ma y 1971) . 31. Se e Anthon y V . Bouza , "Th e Policeman' s Characte r Investigation : Low ered Standard s o r Changin g Times, " The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science, Volum e 63 , Numbe r 1 (Marc h 1972) , pp . 1 2 0 - 1 2 4 . 32. Edwar d Kirkman , op . cit . Se e also , Th e Nationa l Cente r o n Polic e an d Community Relations , A National Survey of Police and Community Relations (Washington, D.C. : Governmen t Printin g Office , 1967) , p . 278 . 33. Se e Edwar d Kirkman , op. cit . 34. Se e Gerald D. Robin , Introduction to the Criminal Justice System (Ne w York : Harper & Row , 1980) , p . 120 . 35. Officia l mem o issued to al l police commands b y the New Yor k City polic e department, Septembe r 27 , 1978 . 36. Se e "Cleveland Rule s on Blac k Police—18 % Quota o f 18 8 New Me n Ordered b y U.S. Judge, " The New York Times, July 22, 1962 , p . 20 .

36

DISCRIMINATION AN D THE BLACK OFFICER

37. Se e Geral d D . Robin , op . cit. , p . 121 . 38. Se e Deirdr e Carmody , "Recor d Minorit y Percentag e Foresee n fo r Polic e Recruits," The New York Times, July 2 , 1973 . 39. Se e Lawrenc e Fellows , "Judg e Set s a Minority Quot a fo r Bridgepor t Po lice," The New York Times, January 31 , 1973 , p. 10 . 40. Se e Ro n Claiborne , "Ho w Othe r Citie s Pu t Minorit y Cop s o n th e Job, " The Daily News, August 31 , 1980 . 41. Se e Janic e Prindle , "Ne w York' s Whitest—Keepin g th e Meltin g Po t o n the Bac k Burner," The Village Voice, Octobe r 1 5 - 2 1 , 1980 , p . 2 1. 42. Thi s dat a was provide d b y th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department' s Offic e of Equa l Employmen t Opportunit y (OEEO) . 43. Se e Thoma s A . Johnson , "Man y Blac k Polic e Fee l They'r e Betwee n Tw o Guns . . . an d a Blac k Polic e Chie f Ma y b e c in th e Middle ' Mos t o f All, " The New York Times, July 18 , 1978 , p. Bl . Als o see, Gerald Fraiser , "Black Policeme n Denounce Racism, " The New York Times, June 11 , 1971. 44. Se e Trevor Armbrister , op . cit. , pp . 125 , 126 . Als o see , "The Blac k Cop, " Newsweek, August 4 , 1969 , p . 54 ; Richar d Hall , "Dilemm a o f th e Blac k Cop, " Life, Septembe r 18 , 1970 . 45. Se e Herve y A . Juri s an d Pete r Fcuille , Police Unionism (Lexington , Mass. : Lexington Books , 1973) , p . 168 . 46. Se e Anthon y V . Bouza , op . cit . Fo r a n excellen t stud y o f th e recruitmen t process i n Ne w Yor k City , se e Bernar d Cohen , Minority Recruiting in the New York City Police Department—Part 11, The Retention of Candidates (The Ne w Yor k City-Rand Institute , Ma y 1971) . 47. Se e Jame s B . Jacobs an d Ja y Cohen , op . cit. , pp . 177 , 178 . 48. Se e "Trial Set fo r Polic e Bia s Case i n Ne w Orleans, " The New York Times, October 11 , 1981 , p. 36 . 49. Se e Joh n Herbers , "Minorit y Groups ' Distrus t o f Polic e Foun d t o b e o n the Ris e Aroun d th e Country, " The New York Times, Ma y 25 , 1980 , p . 16 . Se e also Ro n Claiborne , op . cit . 50. Se e Janice Prindle , op . cit. , p . 20 . 51. Se e Edwar d Kirkman , op . cit . 52. Ibid . 53. Se e Janice Prindle , op . cit. , p . 21. 54. Ibid. , p . 20 . 55. Ibid . 56. Se e Jerr y Schmetterer , "Th e Uniform s ar e al l Blue : Wh y ar e al l th e Face s White?," The Daily News, June 21 , 1981 , p. 35 . 57. Se e Janice Prindle , op . cit. , p . 20 . 58. Se e "29 3 Fro m Minoritie s Amon g 60 0 Polic e Recruit s t o b e Swor n i n Tuesday," The New York Times, August 3 1 , 1980 , p . 31. 59. Thi s dat a was provide d b y the Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department' s OEE O and b y Polic e Office r Roge r Abel , wh o presentl y hold s a positio n i n th e Guard ians Association o f th e NYPD . 60. Se e Herve y A . Juri s an d Pete r Feuille , op. cit. , p . 166 . 61. Se e James B . Jacobs an d Ja y Cohen , op . cit. , pp . 179 , 180 .

Patterns of Discrimination

37

62. Se e Trevor Armbrister , op . cit. , p . 126 . 63. Thi s dat a wa s provide d b y Polic e Office r Roge r Abel . 64. Se e James B . Jacobs an d Ja y Cohen , op . cit. , pp . 179 , 180 . 65. Se e Trevor Armbrister , op . cit. , p . 126 . 66. Thi s dat a wa s provide d b y Polic e Office r Roge r Abel . 67. Se e Jame s B . Jacobs an d Ja y Cohen , op . cit. , p . 180 . 68. Se e Joh n Grimes , op . cit. , pp . 52 , 53 . October 11 , 1981 , p. 36 . 69. Dat a provide d b y th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department' s OEEO . 70. Ibid . 71. Se e Jame s Sordi , "D o th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Polic e Department' s Effort s t o Recruit Blac k an d Hispani c Officer s Clas h Wit h it s Ne w Appointmen t an d Pro motion Proposals?, " John Ja y College o f Criminal Justice , unpublished M.A . the sis, 1973 , p. 47 . 72. Dat a provide d b y th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department' s OEEO . 73. Ibid . 74. Ibid .

Chapter Two

On the Job: Perceptions within the NTPD

There's thi s on e [white ] sergean t her e that love s t o refe r t o [black ] people a s "thos e people. " I f you'r e blac k an d yo u refe r t o blac k people a s "thos e people " you'r e treate d oka y b y him . Otherwis e you may not be. You get a few black cops who do that sort of thing, guys wh o hav e n o backbone . They're treated b y thi s on e sergean t as one of the guys.

E

ARLIER w e presente d racia l dat a fo r th e NYP D fro m a number o f source s includin g governmen t reports , news papers, an d th e department' s Offic e o f Equa l Employ ment Opportunity . Thes e data , whil e revealin g th e statistica l ac complishments (an d failures ) o f blac k polic e officer s ove r th e pas t decade o r so , do no t tel l u s ho w blac k officers themselve s perceiv e their situatio n i n th e departmen t toda y a s compare d wit h tha t o f the past . Ou r inten t i s to tr y t o uncove r an d presen t thes e feeling s since they, an d no t th e statistics , create the individua l officer' s par ticular sens e o f identit y an d o f belonging , an d influenc e hi s reac tions to his working environment, colleagues , and to society at large. And i t i s the individua l officer' s reaction s t o hi s perceived environ ment that , i n turn, hel p shape the public' s view of the department . Stated anothe r way , i f the blac k policema n feel s tha t h e i s gettin g ahead i n hi s career wit h th e department, h e i s apt t o communicat e these sentiments i n various ways to his police colleagues an d to th e many differen t peopl e an d group s h e come s i n contac t wit h daily .

On the Job: Perceptions within the NTPD

39

Conversely, i f h e sense s tha t h e i s bein g lef t behin d o r unfairl y treated becaus e h e i s black , o r i f hi s accomplishment s ar e see n a s trivial or unimportan t b y others, thos e feeling s to o ar e likely to b e communicated an d ma y eventually becom e th e basi s for grou p dis satisfaction. Virtually al l of th e 4 6 blac k policeme n interviewed fo r thi s stud y were awar e o f the man y an d varie d effort s i n th e pas t tw o decade s to improv e th e overal l positio n o f blac k peopl e i n America . Mos t were als o awar e o f som e o f th e mor e direc t attempt s tha t hav e bee n made to restructur e th e New Yor k City polic e department i n keeping wit h th e changin g interest s an d need s o f th e city' s blac k pop ulation, includin g it s police. Yet there ar e clear differences o f opin ion amon g th e officer s a s t o th e effec t thes e effort s hav e ha d o n the overal l situatio n o f black s i n th e departmen t an d especiall y o n the exten t t o whic h individua l polic e commander s an d supervisor s have live d u p t o thei r "official " positio n o f equa l treatmen t fo r al l police personne l regardles s o f colo r o r ethni c background . Wha t follows i n thi s chapte r i s a breakdown o f thes e difference s int o es sentially thre e respons e categories : (1 ) thos e wh o believ e tha t blac k officers ar e now treate d i n abou t th e sam e fashio n a s are white of ficers, (2 ) thos e wh o perceiv e a basi c discrepanc y betwee n "offi cial" department polic y which outwardl y support s standard s o f ful l equality and th e "actual" practices of individual whit e superior s to ward blac k policemen , and , (3 ) thos e wh o ar e dissatisfied wit h th e overall progres s tha t ha s bee n mad e i n removin g racia l barrier s t o full jo b equalit y an d opportunity . W e ar e especiall y concerne d wit h the perception s o f these me n concernin g pattern s o f racial discrim ination an d inequalit y i n th e polic e departmen t an d wit h th e ex planations the y offer t o accoun t fo r thei r persistenc e or absenc e to day. Where Polic y an d Practic e Coincid e

The feelin g tha t blac k officers ar e now treate d o n a n equal statu s basis with whit e officer s i s reflected i n th e view s an d comment s o f 24 o f th e 4 6 respondent s wh o wer e asked , "I n you r opinio n ar e black policeme n treate d th e sam e a s whit e policeme n b y th e de partment?" This majorit y report s tha t condition s unde r whic h blac k

40

DISCRIMINATION AN D THE BLACK OFFICER

officers wor k hav e vastl y improve d i n recen t years , an d mos t at tribute thi s chang e t o forces operatin g outsid e th e polic e bureau cracy. That is , they do not acknowledg e department leader s as having taken th e initiativ e i n bringin g abou t racia l reform; radier , the y vie w recent gain s i n thei r collectiv e positio n a s stemmin g primaril y fro m formal governmen t intervention , pressure s exerte d b y various civi l rights group s an d blac k organizations , an d changin g polic e need s in th e city . Changing Politica l an d Socia l Climat e It i s claime d b y a numbe r o f me n i n th e stud y tha t th e overal l political an d socia l climat e i n Ne w Yor k Cit y ha s becom e increas ingly receptiv e t o refor m i n th e are a o f rac e relation s ove r th e pas t decade o r so . Increase d sensitivit y o n th e par t o f politica l offic e holders towar d racia l problem s couple d wit h mor e responsiv e po lice leadership ar e though t t o hav e contribute d t o th e gradua l ero sion o f traditiona l polic e policie s whic h supporte d discriminatio n and racia l divisio n withi n th e departmen t i n th e past . Th e follow ing statemen t fro m a veteran detectiv e i s typical: You have a liberal city now. You have blacks and Puert o Rican s in power, some of diem in key positions. Lindsay started puttin g things together, the super agencies. He appointed a liberal-thinking police commissioner [Patric k V. Murphy], someone he could tell "This is the wa y I wan t i t done. 5' Peopl e wh o didn' t fee l th e wa y h e di d were simpl y discarded . An d h e bega n t o pu t black s i n office . Yo u had a blac k fire commissioner. Th e court s wer e als o stacke d wit h liberal-thinking people . Basically , th e whol e climat e i n th e cit y underwent change , and naturall y people' s values and attitudes started changing. Prior t o Mayo r Lindsay' s administratio n o f th e lat e 1960 s an d early 1970s , however , racis m wa s see n a s firmly embedde d i n th e city's political , legal , an d socia l institutions . T o th e exten t tha t th e New Yor k Cit y polic e departmen t attempte d t o remai n withi n th e dominant valu e system , i t reflecte d i n it s policie s an d practice s in stitutional discrimination . Accordin g t o th e testimon y o f severa l

On the Job: Perceptions within the NYPD

41

veteran patro l officers , th e polic e departmen t ha s alway s accepte d and accede d t o prevailin g racia l policies . I woul d lea n toward th e fac t tha t blacks are treated prett y muc h th e same a s white s now , a t leas t a s fa r a s bosse s wh o represen t th e de partment ar e concerned . I don' t reall y thin k the y g o ou t o f thei r way t o discriminat e agains t blac k cops . A t on e tim e the y definitel y did. . . . The department jus t followe d suit , what everyon e else did in th e city . . . . You hav e t o examin e th e natura l climat e i n the six ties. There wa s a major pus h b y black s fo r recognition . Th e depart ment simpl y followe d suit . The y wer e mor e o r les s force d int o lis tening t o wha t blac k policeme n ha d bee n complainin g abou t fo r years. They suddenl y realize d tha t ther e wa s somethin g t o i t all. Then there wer e changes , startin g i n th e lat e sixtie s . . . The departmen t played di e "catch-up " game. . . . Look a t i t thi s way , nobod y want s to b e th e "od d ball. " Now, yes . Te n o r 1 5 year s ag o I woul d sa y no . Wh y shoul d thi s department hav e been an y different tha n an y other cit y agency? Ther e was discriminatio n everywher e agains t blacks . Onl y i n th e las t fe w years ha s th e departmen t move d i n a positiv e direction , an d that' s only becaus e th e climat e i n th e cit y change d drastically . I t becam e much mor e liberal . Peopl e bega n t o loo k a t thing s differentl y an d that's whe n change s too k place . Yeah , the y too k a rea l goo d loo k at th e city' s racia l problem s an d I gues s the y decide d tha t some thing ha d t o b e don e finally. These me n d o n o t automaticall y assume , however , tha t th e sam e political force s whic h supporte d racia l equalit y i n th e departmen t in th e lat e sixtie s an d earl y seventie s wil l continu e t o operat e i n th e future wit h th e sam e intensity . T h e las t office r quote d speculate s on wha t migh t happen , fo r example , i f th e curren t "liberal " tren d in th e cit y suddenl y reverse d itself : Let m e sa y thi s too . Thi s i s a n ultra-libera l cit y now . I f th e tren d ever swing s t o th e conservativ e sid e you'l l se e th e sam e shi t tha t happened i n the pas t happen al l over again . I f the pendulu m swing s back you'l l se e discriminatio n o f blac k policeme n an d blac k every thing else . Basically, New Yor k City goes the way the country goes , and th e departmen t goe s th e wa y th e cit y an d mayo r go . Every thing tha t goe s o n her e revolve s aroun d th e tota l climate . Thing s just see m t o happe n tha t way .

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The comment s als o reveal a general awarenes s of the importanc e and impac t o f the civi l right s movement . A s we have alread y men tioned a major thrus t o f early black protes t was aime d a t achievin g political, social, and economic equalit y with whites. And a primary technique use d b y leader s o f th e earl y movemen t t o brin g abou t reform i n thes e area s wa s t o discredi t th e dominan t ideologica l system publicl y i n thi s countr y b y focusin g attentio n o n an d ex posing some of its basic inconsistencies. Commentin g o n thi s "tactic" a s a partia l solutio n t o America' s racia l problems , an d b y im plication t o thos e o f th e blac k polic e officer , on e responden t said , I think 7 5 percent o f the improvemen t i n the way the departmen t treats blac k cops has to b e attributed t o the civil rights movement . Now i t i s commonly know n tha t i t [civi l right s movement ] mad e white people aware of black problems; it made them responsive . It did thi s b y embarrassing a lot of white peopl e with th e sit-ins and freedom marches and things. This created a very poor image of whites in this country to people in other countries. You see, the way black people wer e treated , tha t wa s a contradiction o f wha t we , i n thi s country, profess . . . . Fo r example , Marti n Luthe r Kin g pointe d out all the basic inadequacies of the system, all the basic frustration s of black people. He served as a test case for what was to come later. King challenged th e system an d he got a lot of laws changed. Several respondent s fel t tha t th e greates t long-ter m gain s i n th e area o f civi l right s wer e indee d attaine d throug h cour t actio n an d litigation. The y pointe d t o a number o f court case s that wer e wo n during th e 1950 s an d 1960 s whic h achieve d "legal " equalit y fo r blacks i n th e area s o f education an d votin g an d whic h late r serve d as importan t precedent s fo r combatin g discriminatio n i n employ ment. Fo r example , legislatio n enacte d i n 196 4 unde r th e Civi l Rights Ac t an d agai n i n 197 2 unde r th e Federa l Equa l Employ ment Opportunit y Ac t empowere d black s to initiat e civi l actio n i n the even t employer s refuse d t o ac t upo n complaint s o f racia l in equality i n the work setting . Thus, for th e first time agencies in th e public secto r (suc h a s th e police ) wer e face d wit h th e ver y rea l possibility o f incurrin g punitiv e damage s shoul d charge s o f dis crimination base d upo n racia l difference s b e substantiate d i n court . A numbe r o f officers , whil e no t awar e o f an y specifi c legislatio n designed t o improv e workin g condition s fo r blac k police , ex -

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pressed nevertheles s th e genera l feelin g conveye d b y these ne w laws . For example , That's right, if the climate continued th e way it was the city would have lost. I t lose s every time ther e i s an inciden t wher e racia l bia s can be shown. The city stands a good chanc e of losing money i n a civil action brough t b y black cops. . . . One policeman , wh o agree d tha t black s ar e no w treate d o n a par wit h whit e officers , report s o n on e aspec t o f th e racia l situa tion i n th e departmen t a s h e perceive d i t i n th e mid-sixties . H e claims tha t departmenta l rewar d system s a t tha t tim e operate d t o the disadvantag e o f th e blac k undercove r co p b y conferrin g pro motions mostl y upon whit e officers wh o engage d i n similar duties . Conditions te n year s ag o wer e poo r fo r mos t blac k cops . Fl l give you an example of what I mean. When I was picked up for a special detail . . . an d th e detai l involve d infiltratin g subversiv e groups , which at the time was extremely dangerous, I effectively di d my job for approximatel y tw o year s an d wa s transferre d fro m th e detai l without an y reward whatsoever. There were very few white officer s in thes e type s of details , bu t thos e wh o wer e ther e seeme d t o ge t the [gold ] shield much faster. I can say, and I think I speak for most black cops, that this was very disappointing. This sam e officer—a t th e tim e assigne d t o a prestigiou s detec tive unit—the n presente d a mor e up-to-dat e pictur e o f depart ment practices , one which seem s to indicat e tha t mor e rationa l cri teria ar e no w use d i n designatin g assignment s an d promotin g members o f th e service . I t i s clea r fro m hi s account , though , tha t changes i n polic e practice s ar e no t see n a s havin g bee n motivate d altruistically. Rathe r the y appea r t o hav e bee n establishe d b y th e department t o war d of f th e possibilit y o f ba d newspape r publicit y and costl y lega l entanglement s tha t would , n o doubt , involv e th e city an d it s minorit y polic e personnel . Well, as I said before, the whole climate of the job has changed since those days . People ar e now promote d mostl y o n th e basi s of ho w well the y d o a job, no t whethe r the y ar e a certain color . A lot o f this chang e ha s com e abou t throug h th e activitie s o f civi l right s

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groups. Black s became united, especiall y i n this job. They became, so t o speak , a forc e t o b e reckone d with . Thing s lik e I jus t de scribed, passin g up a guy for the shiel d jus t becaus e he was black, that sor t o f thin g simpl y woul d no t b e tolerate d anymore . Ther e would be hell to pay. . . . You know conditions today were forced on th e department. I t wasn' t a humanitarian gestur e on thei r part , this equalit y pitch . I t wa s s o th e li d didn' t blo w off . Th e depart ment an d th e mayo r wer e afrai d o f repercussions . Complaint s o f discrimination migh t lea k t o th e newspapers . Civi l suit s migh t b e brought agains t th e cit y an d thi s woul d hi t th e cit y wher e i t hur t the most, i n their pocketbook . Basically , the department didn' t wan t any waves so a lot of concessions wer e made. This is pure fact. It' s like in the Jewish community , i f it means sending i n more cops t o prevent complaints , they'l l d o it . The y jus t don' t wan t an y mor e waves. Although man y o f th e blac k policeme n i n thi s stud y pointe d t o an increasin g sensitivity o n th e par t o f local government leader s i n the lat e 1960 s a s a n importan t sourc e o f chang e i n th e depart ment's racia l policie s an d practices , there i s also widespread aware ness tha t thi s professe d liberalis m wa s i n larg e par t a direc t re sponse t o th e growin g politicizatio n o f black s i n th e cit y an d t o the tren d t o resolv e racia l problem s i n court . N o doubt , th e rela tive success o f Federa l la w suits brough t b y black litigant s i n othe r cities acros s th e countr y contribute d t o th e feelin g expresse d her e that an y shif t i n th e city' s positio n towar d it s minorit y polic e wa s designed largel y t o preclud e th e possibilit y o f la w suit s an d unfa vorable new s medi a publicity . But ther e wer e othe r force s operatin g i n th e lat e 1960s , earl y 1970s tha t woul d serv e t o insur e tha t an y change s i n th e depart ment's policie s me t th e need s an d interest s o f it s blac k minorities . One wa s th e increasin g politicizatio n an d militanc y o f blac k polic e themselves. The Ris e o f Militanc y Amon g Blac k Polic e and Their Association s The shiftin g emphasi s o f civi l right s protes t i n th e mid-1960 s toward blac k nationalis m wa s accompanie d i n man y instance s b y a

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resurgence o f racia l prid e an d solidarit y amon g blac k Americans . As par t o f tha t large r movemen t blac k polic e officer s acros s th e country began , a s we mentione d earlier , formin g separat e organi zations fo r th e purpos e o f promotin g change s i n th e policie s an d racial practice s o f thei r departments . A s thes e organization s gre w in size , strength , an d externa l support , i t becam e increasingl y ap parent t o polic e leader s tha t thei r demand s fo r improve d condi tions fo r black s bot h o n an d of f th e jo b could n o longe r simpl y b e "shrugged off. " Ou r respondent s fel t tha t th e expressio n o f racia l solidarity communicate d b y blac k policeme n i n recen t year s ha s i n a numbe r o f way s force d th e polic e departmen t t o mee t man y o f die demand s o f th e mor e militan t blac k leader s an d supporters . Fo r one sai d I don't really see how conditions could not have improved for black cops. You see, you began to have blacks closing ranks, forming militant groups, finally gettin g thei r shi t together. There wa s strength there, there was leadership. There was pride. Especially a lot of the younger guy s starte d t o becom e vocal . Yo u know , the y starte d questioning a lot of the shit that was going on. They felt, why should they always do the city's dirty work and not get anything in return. They had a lot of complaints. . . . The department finallymade some changes, promotions , thing s lik e that , bu t onl y afte r thes e guy s threatened t o g o t o court . Again , I sa y you ca n clos e your eye s in the precinct, pretend you don't see what's going on, things that are basically wrong, but yo u can't close your eyes in court. There you've got to answer. . . . This i s no t a n isolate d view . Th e belie f tha t "pressure " ca n b e effectively applie d fro m withi n th e rank s t o eliminat e long-stand ing racia l practice s i s expresse d b y othe r blac k policeme n a s well . For example , There's anothe r reaso n too . A lot of pressur e ha s been pu t o n th e department b y black officer s an d blac k [police ] organizations . Fo r example, the old practic e of confining blac k cops to menial jobs in the station hous e i s gone. There's just too much pressur e from blac k organizations like the Guardians for things like that to ever happen again.

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In short , th e growin g sens e of racia l prid e an d solidarit y amon g black policemen ha s unquestionably contribute d t o a more aggres sive, assertiv e postur e o n thei r part . Bu t underneat h muc h o f thi s militancy an d assertivenes s lie s the belie f that blac k policeme n no w have avenue s o f redres s outsid e th e departmen t i n th e even t tha t internal grievanc e mechanism s prov e ineffective . On e avenue , o f course, i s th e courts . Th e othe r tw o ar e blac k politician s an d th e news media . Black Politician s One o f th e mos t significan t development s i n recen t year s t o ad vance an d protec t th e interest s o f black s i n thi s countr y ha s bee n the stead y ris e i n th e numbe r o f non-white s holdin g publi c office . In 1967 , for example , there were approximatel y 65 0 black s electe d to publi c positions . B y 197 1 die figure exceeded 1600 , and b y 197 5 it mor e tha n double d again. 1 The increase d participatio n o f black s i n th e politica l aren a i s believed t o b e a consequence o f a number o f interrelate d factors . Firs t and perhap s most important , ther e was the rapid movement of black populations fro m Souther n rura l farm s t o Norther n an d Wester n cities in the 1950 s an d earl y 1960s. 2 During thi s period black s made significant gain s i n education, permittin g the m t o ente r th e middl e class and th e politica l lif e o f America's urba n centers . Accompany ing thi s wa s th e remova l o f structura l barrier s t o votin g an d othe r means o f politica l expressio n throug h th e Civi l Right s Ac t an d Voting Ac t o f th e mid-1960 s whic h assure d blac k citizen s th e righ t to elec t to publi c office thos e person s mos t likel y to represen t thei r interests. Finally , the emergence o f a climate of opinion whic h wa s both receptiv e t o an d supportiv e o f increase d participatio n o f black s in th e politica l aren a n o doub t contribute d t o th e increas e i n th e number o f blac k leader s i n suc h citie s a s Ne w York , Newark , Cleveland, an d Detroit . Although i t is difficult t o estimat e the actua l extent to whic h blac k office-holders ar e abl e t o exercis e influenc e ove r racia l policie s an d practices in the NYPD , the fact remain s that man y of our respond ents ar e incline d t o vie w blac k politica l powe r a s a ke y t o furthe r progress t o overcom e racia l inequities . The y fee l tha t interna l ra -

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cial problems ar e amenable t o politica l interventio n toda y an d tha t such problem s ar e consequentl y mor e easil y translate d int o affir mative action . A s one detectiv e explained , Another area I have in mind is that black s have reached strong political position s i n the city now an d can give legal advice and even direct hel p i n case s wher e ther e i s obviou s discriminatio n agains t black cops. Today, at least now, there are black lawyers around, and as I sai d blac k politician s wh o ar e willing to help . You have some place to go when you feel things aren't on the up and up . . . He wen t o n t o sa y There's no heavy problems now as far as I can see, but if something comes u p tha t affect s m e personally , I'l l g o se e someone , mayb e Senator . I'l l mak e sur e h e know s abou t th e proble m an d maybe there won't b e a problem afte r that . The feelin g tha t blac k polic e officers no w hav e acces s to avenue s of redres s outsid e norma l departmen t channel s i s encouraging t o a number o f me n i n thi s study . Bu t eve n mor e importan t fro m a preventive standpoint , accordin g t o a detective wit h ove r 2 0 year s of service , i s th e feelin g tha t polic e executive s wh o ultimatel y de cide an d ac t upon interna l polic y ar e als o awar e o f th e existenc e o f these avenues . The y no w tak e step s t o chec k discriminator y prac tices befor e seriou s problem s develo p o r com e t o th e attentio n o f black offic e holders . Well, now th e blac k co p ha s a place t o tur n t o reliev e his frustra tions. There are black organizations outside the department a s well as inside . There ar e als o blac k politician s i n th e city , peopl e wh o don't min d getting involved today . . . . I feel that the departmen t is aware that black cops have something to say and someplace to go with thei r grievances . They liste n now , they sort o f have to listen . . . . No w ther e ar e legitimat e effort s t o preven t problem s befor e they go public. The higher-up bosse s know they just can't sweep a racial problem under the rug like they did years ago, because there's bound to be political repercussions. Our respondent s als o were keenl y awar e tha t thes e outsid e mean s of grievanc e redres s di d no t alway s exis t fo r th e blac k polic e offi -

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cer. A fe w o f th e me n reflecte d o n th e belie f tha t influentia l blac k politicians, fo r example , wer e to o fe w o r to o loosel y scattere d i n the pas t t o wag e a successful battl e agains t racia l discriminatio n i n the department . Moreover , the y fel t tha t thos e fe w black s wh o hel d public offic e i n Ne w Yor k Cit y prio r t o th e mid-sixtie s wer e al most alway s forced t o confor m wit h th e existin g system i f they wer e to gain favor an d status among their politica l peers . This often mean t that blac k politician s ha d t o "soft-pedal " racia l problem s comin g to thei r attentio n regardles s o f th e effec t thes e problem s ha d o n their constituent s i n th e blac k community. 3 On e office r summe d up th e pas t predicamen t a s he perceive d it : In the past die black politicians weren't ther e and the ones that were there, weren't reall y there anyway. More recently , however , i t is believed tha t blac k officeholders hav e reached a positio n o f numerica l strengt h i n th e societ y whic h al lows the m t o b e effectiv e agent s o f chang e whe n needed . I would lik e to thin k that , let' s say, with th e upswin g of blac k political power , black s a s authorit y figures i n societ y ar e mor e ac cepted, mor e commonplac e an d thi s woul d stimulat e a n atmo sphere o f mor e respec t an d cooperatio n fo r th e blac k officer. . . . Since th e adven t o f blac k politica l powe r there' s les s fucking wit h black cops. The line personnel, you see, have got t o the poin t where they accept blacks as police officers. . . . It's a n atmosphere of more unity. As years pass by the racial issues become less important, you might say. Outside civi l right s groups , suc h a s th e Huma n Right s Com mission, als o provid e suppor t i n obviou s discriminatio n cases . On e officer explaine d Personally, ther e ar e certain thing s I will tak e an d certai n thing s I will not take . There would b e a militant attitude i f conditions ever reverted bac k to the old days. This i s the way most blac k cops feel today. . . . Black cops hav e recours e now . There i s recourse wit h the Huma n Right s Commission . Yo u hav e thes e board s an d the y definitely work , becaus e if you don't com e to the m with problem s they go out o f business. So when the y get a complaint the y enter-

On the Job: Perceptions within the NTPD 4 tain it . S o the departmen t know s thi s an d the y tr y t o kee p thing s level. The New s Medi a In contras t t o di e antipath y hel d b y most polic e towar d th e new s media a number o f respondent s i n thi s stud y hav e com e t o regar d this institutio n a s an all y of th e blac k officer. 4 A s one detectiv e re marked, For the most part I feel things are on the level. In some places though shit still goes on tha t shouldn' t g o on, not today . Loo k a t . He worke d fo r ove r seve n month s o n th e cas e an d didn' t get grade out of it. Four or fivewhite detectives got it though. . . . Well, he comes to me with all of this stuff, about not getting grade. He's reall y pisse d off . I tel l hi m i f i t wer e m e I' d b e screaming . I also tell hi m don' t com e crying to me , g o tel l your tal e to th e pa pers. Go see the newspapers. They would just love to hear shit like that. I tell him tha t I would wan t t o kno w why I was passed over and most of the white guys got grade, and if I didn't bu y the story a lot o f people would b e readin g abou t i t th e nex t day. I f I didn' t get an y satisfaction, yo u ca n bet peopl e would hea r abou t it , even if I had to go see . And if they [th e department] fucked wit h me after that , they would rea d abou t that to o the next day. Although i t i s no t a commonly accepte d practic e amon g polic e officers, whit e o r black , t o brin g complaint s abou t th e departmen t to th e newspapers , a number o f officer s fel t tha t thi s wa s on e wa y of redressing long-standing racia l grievances that hav e not bee n acte d upon b y th e department . Thes e me n di d no t vie w themselve s a s "snitches5' o r "traitors " an d eve n i f the y did , judgin g fro m thei r remarks, the y di d no t see m t o car e what "others " thought . The potentia l powe r o f th e pres s i n shapin g publi c opinio n i s seen b y thes e sam e me n a s a forc e th e polic e departmen t ha s ha d to com e to grip s with i n recent years. They apparentl y fee l tha t th e department ca n b e intimidate d b y negativ e pres s coverag e con cerning th e treatmen t o f it s minorit y personnel . Fo r example , The new s medi a get s int o everbody' s as s on everything . I ca n tel l you of an instance when a black guy on this job made out great by

9

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speaking to th e press. He was promoted t o third grad e [detective ] because of his involvement in the case . He spoke to the press and they said, "The man did all that an d all he gets is third grade." Well he eventually got jumped t o second [grade]. Racial complaint s ar e no w entertained . The y weren' t i n th e earl y sixties when I came on die job. Why would they be entertained now? Basically, I fee l becaus e this same blac k guy can tur n aroun d no w and go to the papers. Then you got a monster on your hands if the beef is heavy. This, o f course , wa s no t alway s th e case . I n th e pas t th e pres s relied heavil y o n th e cooperatio n o f th e polic e fo r thei r stories . Journalists an d reporter s kne w tha t b y antagonizin g th e polic e newsworthy materia l woul d no t b e gained easily . I t i s not surpris ing, therefore , t o find tha t som e o f ou r respondent s believ e tha t the newspapers , i n th e past , woul d no t hav e riske d alienatin g on e of their primar y sources of information b y printing unfavorabl e ar ticles concernin g racia l practice s i n th e department . A s a cas e i n point, a vetera n detectiv e point s t o th e earl y futil e attempt s o f a New Yor k Cit y detectiv e t o expos e polic e corruptio n b y goin g t o the press . H e said , A black cop who had a problem knew he couldn't go to the papers. Look what happene d t o Serpic o when h e first went t o th e papers. They didn't want to hear his story and they certainly weren't going to consider printing it at the time. Don't forget, th e papers needed the department fo r their stories. If they started printin g every piece of dirt som e cop dug u p they woul d hav e bee n cuttin g thei r ow n throat. Of course, all this corruption busines s was exposed later but by the n thing s wer e reall y ho t an d th e paper s couldn' t ignor e it . And it did a lot of damage to the department's reputation . In thi s officer's opinio n th e pres s did no t entertai n Serpico' s stor y at first becaus e i t di d no t wan t t o upse t th e delicat e relationshi p i t had establishe d ove r th e year s wit h th e polic e an d i t certainly , b y implication, woul d no t hav e wanted t o ris k upsetting thi s relation ship b y printing racia l stories tha t place d th e departmen t i n a n un favorable light . What the n account s fo r thi s apparent chang e i n media polic y to-

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ward th e department? On e possibl e answe r lies , as the officer quote d below states , i n th e recen t creatio n o f a centralize d polic e depart ment burea u (Publi c Information Division ) whic h gather s an d dis seminates report s o f unusua l occurrence s t o th e new s media , re gardless o f ho w the y ma y fee l abou t a particula r paper , radi o o r T.V. station . New s reporters , consequently , ar e no t a s dependen t upon individua l officer s o r uni t head s fo r thei r storie s a s they onc e were an d thu s ma y no longe r fee l th e stron g sens e of obligation t o protect th e department' s imag e b y passin g u p storie s tha t ten d t o discredit eithe r it s member s o r it s practices . I kne w black police officers te n year s ago who were beate n u p [b y white officers ] an d th e paper s woul d no t prin t th e story . The rea son they didn't print the story was that they wanted to keep a good rapport with the department so that they could get their stories. So everything was squashed. Now , thi s i s not necessary . Publi c infor mation services in the department give them al l the stories anyway. I thin k the y ar e required b y law, Fm no t sure . In an y event we've done a complete turn-about here . Now they print anything and expose everything that come s to their attention . Our respondent s ar e not onl y aware of the enormous powe r an d influence o f th e pres s i n shapin g publi c opinion , bu t the y ar e es pecially sensitive to its often contradictor y rol e in reporting the news. It i s commo n belief , fo r example , tha t whil e newspape r reporter s profess t o operat e unde r a cod e o f professiona l ethic s whic h re quires tha t the y adher e t o standard s o f impartiality , accuracy , fai r play, an d responsibilit y t o th e public , they nevertheles s see m t o b e drawn t o th e negative , scandalou s aspect s o f polic e wor k an d wil l at time s "pla y up 55 an inciden t o r situatio n tha t tend s t o discredi t the polic e i n orde r t o attrac t readers . They kno w to o tha t th e de partment ha s becom e increasingl y sensitiv e i n recen t year s t o alle gations of discrimination o r to other wrongdoings, particularly whe n these charge s ar e bor n withi n th e rank s themselves . The y recog nize, an d rightl y so , tha t thes e type s o f complaint s attrac t reader s and ca n brin g unfavorabl e attentio n t o th e departmen t an d it s in ternal operations.lt i s fo r thes e reasons , man y o f th e me n claim , that polic e commander s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y hav e foun d themselve s under pressure from hig h city officials t o adopt an d maintain a policy

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of equa l treatmen t fo r al l personne l an d t o respon d affirmativel y to racia l grievance s befor e the y ar e brough t t o th e attentio n o f outside group s o r mad e publi c throug h th e new s media . Th e fol lowing quotatio n i s typica l o f th e view s o f thos e blac k policeme n in thi s stud y wh o regar d th e pres s a s an all y in th e struggl e t o en sure equa l opportunitie s fo r member s o f thei r grou p throug h a willingness t o prin t storie s exposin g discriminatio n i n th e depart ment. The paper s woul d ea t thes e type s o f storie s up . The Village Voice, Post, News. An d w e will go t o th e paper s i f necessary. . . . I per sonally look at the press in a friendly way . If I feel there's a problem that can' t b e handled properl y insid e th e job, or won't b e handled properly, and I feel i t warrants some attention, I will give it to the press. As long as it has a certain publi c interest, the pres s will pick it up . Rac e i s a public interes t stor y now . A s far a s the job's concerned the y don' t wan t thes e problem s now . They'v e becom e su persensitive to racia l problems leakin g to die press . . .. Al l this talk about professionalism an d racial equality, you know we're supposed to b e a professional departmen t an d al l that. Well, the departmen t is concerne d abou t ba d publicit y mor e tha n anythin g els e excep t maybe law suits which w e already talke d about . That's basicall y why we have some semblance of equality today. While i t i s no t altogethe r clea r wha t precis e impac t blac k poli ticians and th e news media ha d i n bringing abou t a more equitabl e distribution o f opportunities an d reward s fo r blac k cops , i t woul d seem fro m availabl e newspape r report s tha t th e threa t o f "public " exposure o f discriminatory practice s alon g with th e los s of Federa l revenue-sharing fund s tha t coul d accompan y suc h disclosures , prompted cit y governmen t an d th e polic e departmen t t o tak e a "preventive" positio n regardin g even allegations o f discriminatio n in th e wor k setting. 5 Changing Polic e Need s In th e wak e o f th e civi l disorder s o f th e mid-sixties , an d th e growing crisi s i n police-minorit y relations , outsid e pressur e wa s exerted o n municipa l polic e agencie s to increas e the number o f mi-

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nority grou p personnel . Th e feelin g generate d b y Federa l agencie s and commission s a t th e tim e wa s tha t th e ethni c makeu p o f th e police shoul d b e representativ e o f th e populatio n a t large . This wa s based i n larg e par t upo n th e notio n tha t suc h representatio n woul d serve t o enhanc e communicatio n an d understandin g betwee n po lice and th e divers e group s the y served . A fe w policemen , i n thei r comments , connecte d th e gain s mad e by blac k polic e i n th e lat e 1960s , earl y 1970 s an d especiall y th e increase i n numbe r o f minorit y officer s brough t int o th e depart ment, t o th e ghett o uprising s o f th e mid-1960 s an d t o th e inabil ity o f a white-dominate d departmen t t o reduc e conflic t betwee n the polic e an d th e publi c i n thes e areas . Former mayo r Joh n Lind say, our me n argue , responde d t o communit y crie s fo r mor e blac k police b y institutin g drasti c change s i n th e city' s recruitmen t an d hiring practice s durin g hi s ter m i n office . On e observe d tha t Basically, I think th e blac k officer i s treated prett y fairl y now . This is certainly tru e i n the precinct where I work. . . . But then agai n you ha d t o hav e some changes. You had a revolution goin g on i n the city . I n th e departmen t yo u desperatel y neede d blac k cop s t o calm thing s dow n i n th e ghetto , bette r relat e t o people . This was Lindsay's ide a t o recrui t mor e blac k cops , once an d fo r al l get rid of the quot a system . [Wha t wa s that?] Well, you ha d a black candidate fo r th e polic e departmen t wh o go t arreste d a t one tim e fo r some bullshi t misdemeano r charge , drun k driving , somethin g lik e that; he got knocked out. That's when, remember, you got all those black guy s movin g t o Transi t an d Housin g [P.D. ] becaus e the y knocked them from thi s job. They kept knocking these guys off fo r petty bullshit. . . . He ha d blac k cops and blac k sergeants investi gating police candidates along with white cops. The department' s purpos e i n increasin g th e numbe r o f minorit y group policeme n i n th e earl y seventie s wa s no t limite d solel y t o the goa l o f promotin g goo d wil l an d rappor t betwee n blac k citi zens an d th e police . The departmen t decide d tha t minorit y officer s were als o neede d t o counte r th e threa t o f som e o f th e mor e revo lutionary blac k groups , particularl y thos e faction s espousin g ille gal, military-typ e attack s agains t publi c propert y an d establishe d authority. I t als o concluded tha t officer s fro m th e minoritie s coul d serve a s undercover narcoti c agent s i n blac k areas o f the cit y muc h

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more successfull y tha n whit e policeme n could . I t wa s fel t tha t th e black officers 5 "visible " tie s t o th e communit y togethe r wit h th e special training they receive d woul d allo w them t o serv e effectivel y in thes e roles while a t th e sam e tim e minimizin g th e ris k o f expo sure a s polic e informants . Althoug h man y o f th e blac k policeme n who undertoo k suc h assignment s wer e eventuall y elevate d t o th e rank o f detectiv e an d transferre d t o prestigiou s specialt y com mands i n th e earl y seventies , mos t o f th e me n i n thi s stud y re mained suspiciou s o f th e underlyin g motive s fo r thes e promo tions. On e i s le d t o believ e fro m th e response s tha t thes e reward s were no t conferre d ou t o f a basi c sens e o f fairnes s o r equality . Rather, on e i s left wit h th e impressio n tha t th e departmen t simpl y had n o othe r choice . Conside r th e followin g commen t fro m a detective who received the gold shield in 197 0 after havin g spent nearly three year s i n a n undercove r capacity : There ar e a lot of black detectives that ar e here because of the sixties. For example, who could you get to go to 8th Avenue and 116t h Street t o bu y drugs ? . . . When thing s wer e al l ove r wha t coul d the department do but promote these guys. . . . You see there was a lot of pressure to make these promotions. Politicians like to jump on that shit . . . . Take a guy like Lindsay too. He fel t h e owed i t to the guys. So he forced thei r [th e department's] hand so to speak, and got a lot of black undercover guys moved up. Others similarl y argu e tha t thes e promotion s wer e simpl y a way of avoidin g a potentiall y embarrassin g confrontatio n betwee n blac k police activist s an d th e department . Fo r example : I wan t t o thin k abou t thing s directl y involve d wit h th e polic e department. I kno w yo u ar e speakin g o f certai n areas . . . . I'll giv e you an angle that you probably never heard. I n the sixties there were a number o f blac k officers tha t wer e doing som e fantasti c job s fo r the polic e department , guy s lik e Wood. . . . I t goe s bac k to this. Blacks were never seriously considered fo r specia l squad s unless they were reall y needed . Well , they neede d the m i n th e sixtie s to infil trate the BLA [Black Liberation Army] and some of die other groups. And I think the fact that they did such a fantastic job made officer s and bosse s more awar e that they deserved t o b e promoted. Mayb e they weren't promoted because of fairness or because of the type of

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job they did but because they had no other choice. . .. I think the department was more or less embarrassed int o it. What i s noteworth y abou t al l th e comment s quote d i s th e vir tual absenc e o f an y direc t referenc e t o th e rol e playe d b y th e Guardians Association , th e blac k polic e officer s fraterna l organi zation, i n bringin g abou t racia l chang e i n th e department . Clearl y this blac k polic e grou p was th e compellin g forc e behin d Judg e Robert Carter' s impositio n o f a racia l quot a i n bot h hirin g an d promotion. Why , then , wer e th e Guardian s no t mentione d a s bein g instrumental i n forcin g th e departmen t t o alte r it s hirin g policie s and practices ? On e reaso n migh t b e tha t onl y toke n gain s ha d bee n made b y black s i n th e lat e sixties , an d earl y seventie s a s a result o f the effort s o f thi s group . Th e greates t gain s b y fa r wer e achieve d in Federa l cour t onl y afte r th e interview s fo r thi s stud y wer e con ducted. The Guardians , o f course, were onl y on e o f the majo r force s be hind th e accomplishment s o f blac k polic e i n th e pas t decad e o r so . Changes i n Federa l an d loca l policies , combine d wit h a growin g political suppor t fo r refor m i n th e are a o f polic e rac e relations , accounted i n larg e par t fo r th e gain s mad e b y blac k polic e i n Ne w York Cit y an d throughou t th e country . Thi s lead s t o th e conclu sion tha t befor e a majo r urba n polic e departmen t wil l chang e it s policies an d practice s regardin g racia l minorities certai n condition s must b e met . First , legislatio n mus t exis t whic h provide s a lega l basis fo r th e eliminatio n o f discriminatio n i n hiring , promotion , and assignment . Second , a politica l climat e tha t i s bot h receptiv e to an d supportiv e o f racial refor m mus t prevai l a t the loca l govern ment level . Third , loca l governmen t administrator s mus t experi ence a genuin e nee d fo r racia l refor m i n th e organization . An d finally, owin g t o th e likelihoo d o f interna l resistanc e fro m thos e perceiving chang e a s a threat t o thei r "establishe d position, 5' ther e must exis t avenue s o f grievanc e redres s withi n a s wel l a s outsid e the organization . Interestingl y enough , i n Ne w Yor k City , a s i n other majo r urba n area s tha t undertoo k racia l refor m i n thei r po lice departments, thes e conditions wer e full y operativ e b y the earl y 1970s. In th e sectio n tha t follow s w e conside r a condition commo n t o all social arena s undergoin g change—namely , th e disjunctio n tha t

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emerges betwee n newl y established policie s an d traditiona l course s of action . A s w e shal l se e th e mer e fac t tha t a particula r polic y proscribing discriminatio n i n th e wor k settin g ha s bee n pu t int o effect b y n o mean s guarantee s tha t al l thos e i n position s o f ensur ing complianc e wit h suc h policie s actuall y d o so . Where Polic y an d Practic e Diverg e

In an y organization , polic e o r otherwise , inconsistencie s ar e likel y to develo p betwee n "officia l policy " a s se t dow n b y managemen t and th e "actual " practice s o f individua l supervisors . I n describin g how die y ar e treated b y the department , a second grou p o f 1 1 black policemen calle d attentio n t o jus t suc h inconsistencies . The y fel t that, althoug h th e departmen t itsel f ha d responde d positivel y t o the questio n o f racia l discrimination , th e fac t remain s tha t som e police supervisor s stil l acte d independentl y o f and , i n som e in stances, i n direc t contradictio n to , th e "official " rule s whic h pro hibit discriminatio n base d upo n racia l considerations . Th e follow ing quotations provide a general oudine of these basic inconsistencies as seen b y the me n i n thi s group : No . .. I don't believe the department discriminates by policy. There are instances of discrimination o n a n individual basis , however. This cannot b e helped. Yo u aren't goin g t o change everyone's attitude s overnight . . . attitudes tha t hav e been aroun d fo r s o long. . . . I would sa y ther e i s not s o muc h over t discriminatio n a s there wa s say ten, 1 5 years ago, but i n some places, among some bosses, it's still there. Overall, there has been a good deal of change from when I came on th e job [i n the early sixties]. Generally, yes, I would say it's not the policy of the job to promote people just becaus e they're white. Of course that doesn't mea n some superiors don't discriminate against black cops. You have to be blind not to see that. There are still a minority of individuals who still are racists and discriminate agains t blac k cops. A detectiv e wit h ove r 1 5 year s o f service , whil e flatly rejectin g any notio n o f a "hidden plan " t o discriminat e agains t blac k polic e officers, acknowledge s "occasional " instance s o f racia l bia s o n th e

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part o f som e whit e polic e superiors . Again , i t i s th e emphasi s o n individuals rathe r tha n o n th e departmen t whic h characterize s thi s group o f respondents . Since the late sixties I would say things have improved for the black policeman. Bu t I still feel that there is still room for more improvement. Personally , myself, I have never had an y problems, ever. On occasion ther e ar e what appear s t o m e to b e instances o f persona l prejudice agains t black detectives with certain bosses. On the whole I would have to say that blacks are treated prett y fairly now. I don't believe there' s an y secre t pla n o r polic y t o discriminat e now . Yo u would b e able to sense it i f there was. You would know. . . . When thi s grou p o f me n wa s aske d ho w the y ha d bee n affecte d by th e discretio n o f individua l supervisor s actin g agains t officia l department policy , the y pointe d t o tw o specifi c area s affectin g no t only themselve s bu t th e efficienc y o f th e departmen t a s a whole , and thos e were recognition an d reward , an d long-term suppor t fro m superiors. Recognition an d Rewar d Research int o larg e scal e organizations, a s well a s commo n sense , tells u s tha t prais e an d recognitio n ar e importan t t o developin g a sense o f jo b satisfaction . Mos t polic e officers , regardles s o f color , appreciate a sincer e wor d fo r a job well don e an d wor k bette r i n an atmospher e o f acceptanc e an d approval . T o th e exten t tha t rec ognition i s perceive d a s lacking fro m som e whit e supervisors , i t i s not difficul t t o se e ho w blac k policeme n coul d becom e bitte r to ward th e jo b an d eve n towar d thei r whit e colleagues . A n office r agreed: Yeah, this i s the typ e o f jo b tha t a black co p ca n wor k an d wor k and never get ( a good word) fro m som e white sergeants. With these bosses you rarely hear, "You did a good job." Speaking o n bot h th e persona l nee d an d fundamenta l impor tance o f recognitio n i n th e wor k setting , a detective adde d tha t

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There are a few things I could point to. For instance, there's plenty of good work by black detectives in my office, an d rarely does it go noticed by the boss. He just doesn't seem to feel that it's important to tell a black detective he did a good piece of work or maybe handled a sensitive situation well . There's just no communication her e at all. In other places I worked, it didn't seem to matter what color you were , you di d th e jo b an d yo u hear d abou t it . I t wa s a good feeling you had. I think all the black guys in the office fel t the same way. He continued , Look, I'm no t a little kid that need s a pat on th e head everytime a case is broken or a collar [arrest ] i s made. But, a t the same time it doesn't hurt once in a while to bring a guy in and let him know he did a commendable job. You would b e surprised ho w far this would go in a lot of ways, especially in the area (of ) rac e relations. Recognition an d reward , w e ar e told , ca n cu t acros s racia l line s if th e subordinat e happen s t o shar e th e sam e value s a s hi s imme diate supervisor . Th e obviou s proble m her e i s that value s are quit e often attache d t o membershi p i n a particula r racia l group . A n ex ample of this dilemma i s pointed ou t b y a black patro l officer , wh o observed, If you're whit e an d disagre e . . . you're a "shithead" wit h [Lieu tenant] . But if you're black and disagree, then the animosity toward thi s disagreemen t ma y b e doubled o r triple d becaus e guys like him, bigots , feel tha t a s a black you hav e no righ t t o disagre e about anything. Some blac k officer s i n thi s grou p wer e angr y an d resentfu l ove r what appear s t o the m t o b e an unequal applicatio n o f the principl e of "fitting th e man int o the job for whic h h e is best suited." Whit e policemen, the y argue , ar e ofte n give n "choice " assignment s re gardless o f whethe r the y ar e qualified fo r th e job. Blac k polic e of ficers, however, wh o ma y possess special qualifications fo r a particular assignment , ar e generally relegate d t o performin g routin e patro l functions.

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My pet gripe . Let' s say , for example , that ther e ar e two guys , one black an d qualifie d fo r a certain kin d o f job, an d th e othe r whit e and no t qualified . Th e wa y I see it, i n som e precincts , no t all , it's usually the unqualified whit e guy who gets the job. This I feel has happened t o m e personally . . . . Why shoul d I alway s b e i n th e field gettin g my head busted when I have special qualifications whic h should allow me to work in the squad . There are white guys down ther e wh o ha d n o prio r experienc e i n thi s sor t o f job , an d they had to be especially trained to do the job. This is what I mean. I put in for a transfer an d it gets knocked. This is not on an overall basis, becaus e I fee l tha t thing s hav e change d fo r th e blac k cop . They've gotten better . Bu t it' s still there in some places and i t makes you mad. The reluctanc e o n th e par t o f som e polic e supervisor s t o plac e black officer s i n position s fo r whic h the y ma y b e bette r suite d ca n lead no t onl y t o dissatisfactio n wit h th e jo b bu t t o los s of th e em ployee a s a productiv e membe r o f th e service . Thi s i s particularl y evident i n th e followin g accoun t o f a black policeman who , we ar e told, ha d compile d a n impressiv e arres t recor d i n a specialt y are a but faile d t o wi n recognitio n o r compensatio n fo r hi s perfor mance: I worke d wit h a guy a few year s ago , a friend o f mine . Hi s thin g was car stops, good stops . He kne w cars inside an d out . H e accu mulated i n a few year s well ove r a hundred collar s fo r stole n car s and forged license s and registrations. . . . All he wanted was a shot at the Auto Squad . H e go t a few interview s h e told me , but neve r got in . H e als o had a clean record , neve r ha d an y problems tha t I know of. . . . There was no reason why this guy wasn't transferre d to this outfit. H e felt personall y that i t was because of prejudice on the part of the white lieutenant who interviewe d him . His attitud e now is "fuck it " with everything. When I see him all he talks about is getting out i n 1 5 [years]. Of cours e i n som e instance s failur e t o receiv e seriou s considera tion fo r a particula r assignmen t ma y b e du e t o th e reluctanc e o f the office r himsel f t o "follo w up " o n transfe r request s submitte d through officia l departmen t channels , rathe r tha n t o actua l dis crimination o n th e par t of individual superiors . Thus, black s in th e

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department seekin g transfer s ar e advised , a s wa s th e office r men tioned i n th e followin g comment , t o sta y o n to p o f th e situation . I fee l als o that som e black cops are misplaced s o to speak. They're working in places they really don't belong . Som e of these guys are funny too . There was this one black cop who really wanted a transfer t o som e offic e downtow n becaus e o f hi s backgroun d i n elec tronics. I forge t th e nam e of th e office . Well , anyway h e pu t i n a 57 [transfe r request] , had one intervie w fo r a n opening an d neve r heard anything more. So he let the matter slide. He just kept crying that they didn't tak e him because he was black. Maybe so, but i f it were m e I would hav e followed u p on it , i f it meant tha t much . I would hav e looked into all possibilities. . . . However, i t shoul d b e note d tha t thi s reluctanc e i s itsel f a re action, howeve r premature , t o th e belie f tha t preferentia l treat ment i s invariabl y weighe d i n favo r o f whit e officers . Thoug h no t strictly a resul t o f discriminatio n pe r se , suc h a n apparen t reluc tance ma y b e a resul t o f a n environmen t perceive d a s discrimina tory. Support fro m Superior s Policemen fee l tha t on e o f the mos t importan t qualitie s o f a su pervisor i s hi s willingnes s o r courag e t o represen t al l o f hi s me n equally on issue s which appea r t o threate n thei r security . They fee l that a superviso r worth y o f hi s officia l designatio n mus t contin ually strive t o maintain a n interest i n the persona l well-being of his subordinates regardles s of their color , an d must , abov e all , suppor t them whe n legitimat e grievance s ar e brough t t o hi s attentio n o r when problem s aris e i n th e field . Quit e naturall y polic e officers re sent supervisor s wh o alway s seem t o tur n thei r bac k on problems , or wh o "disappea r whe n th e goin g get s tough. " Particularl y dis turbing t o th e blac k policeman , w e ar e told , i s th e whit e supervi sor wh o use s rac e a s a basi s o f differentia l treatmen t i n time s o f trouble o r persona l crisis . This wa s illustrate d b y th e repl y Treated equally? That's not an easy question, because basically I feel yes and no . On th e job level I think yes. When yo u drop down t o

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the individual level , say with som e white sergeants, I would b e inclined t o say absolutely not . What F m directly thinkin g of here relates t o a couple o f experience s I personall y observe d wit h whit e sergeants who turned their back on black cops who I guess you might say found themselve s in a ticklish situation. . . . I feel that if you're black an d thi s on e sergean t i n particula r i s working, you'v e go t a problem. You'r e on your own. I get the feeling tha t i f I personally ran int o a ticklish situatio n an d h e kne w i t wa s me involved , he' d be in the wind or if I was dead wrong he'd loo k to stick one up my ass [prefer forma l departmen t charges] . Fortunately, we don't have this problem anymor e becaus e he just got transferred . One blac k policeman's concer n ove r th e lac k of support i n "tick lish" situations i s brought t o ligh t i n th e followin g quotation . Un like th e othe r me n wh o voice d thi s complaint , however , thi s po liceman doe s no t sugges t tha t rac e itsel f i s a basi s fo r differentia l treatment, bu t tha t suc h problem s ar e commo n t o mos t bottom level policeme n regardles s o f color . Again, F m no t sur e whethe r it' s colo r tha t matter s her e s o much . Both group s I thin k hav e commo n problem s tha t ar e founde d i n fact. . . . I think i t boil s down t o th e fac t tha t som e bosse s toda y haven't had the experience some of the younger men have had. They seem to disappear when th e going gets tough. They don't bac k their men at all. How many supervisors do you see today going down to the trial roo m t o testif y o n behal f of a cop brough t u p on bullshi t charges? I'l l tel l you , ver y few . They'r e afrai d t o stic k thei r neck s out. They'r e afrai d they'l l los e their spo t [detectiv e superio r desig nation] i f things g o bad . Thi s i s especially tru e wit h thos e bosse s who hav e the mone y [e.g. , a detective sergean t o r lieutenan t wh o is receivin g specia l compensatio n becaus e o f hi s supervisor y posi tion within th e detective bureau]. It is , a s th e office r quote d abov e implies , ofte n difficul t t o sor t out a generalize d phenomeno n fro m a particula r instanc e o f dis crimination. Quit e possibl y som e black s anticipat e rejectio n an d discrimination i n th e wor k settin g an d creat e b y thei r ow n behav ior a self-fulfilling outcome .

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N AND THE BLACK OFFICER

Discrimination i n Polic y an d i n Practic e

The assumptio n tha t th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e departmen t an d its supervisor y staf f trea t blac k officer s i n muc h th e sam e wa y a s white officers—a n assumptio n seemingl y obviou s t o mos t o f th e men i n thi s study—wa s largel y rejecte d b y nin e o f th e policeme n interviewed. Whil e ther e ar e a numbe r o f attitude s tha t separat e this grou p fro m th e othe r two , perhap s th e mos t importan t i s th e feeling the y hav e that discriminatio n alon g racia l line s not onl y exists today bu t tha t i t extends beyon d th e "individual 5' level into th e operation o f the whole department . Althoug h th e men i n this grou p did no t alway s agre e a s t o th e for m discriminatio n takes , the y re main unite d i n the belie f that blac k cops on th e whole ar e far fro m enjoying th e rea l meanin g o f th e ter m "ful l equalit y o f opportu nity." No t surprisingly , thi s grou p o f respondent s consiste d o f mostly younger member s o f the servic e wh o wer e assigne d fo r th e most par t t o unifor m patro l rathe r tha n t o detectiv e command s o r other plainclothe s duties . Young , uniforme d officers , i t appears , ar e more likel y tha n diei r senio r counterpart s t o hav e experience d wha t they perceiv e a s discriminatio n o r t o hav e witnesse d instance s o f racial bia s i n th e department . Our principa l interes t a t thi s poin t i s to uncove r bot h th e for m discrimination i s thought t o tak e a s well a s the area s i n whic h i t i s believed t o operat e toda y an d t o se e t o wha t exten t thes e consti tute a justified charg e o f racial discrimination. W e begi n wit h th e most frequen t charge : tha t blac k cop s ar e subjecte d t o an d suffe r most fro m th e practic e o f favoritism . Favoritism In polic e organizations, a s in most large-scale bureaucracies , em ployment practice s stem largely fro m policie s developed withi n th e framework o f th e political , economic , an d socia l environmen t i n which th e organizatio n operates . Presumably , thes e practice s ar e aimed a t maximizin g productivit y an d providin g effectiv e service s to it s clientele. Decisions t o promot e a n employee, fo r example , o r to mov e hi m o r he r laterally , o r fo r tha t matte r th e conferrin g o f rewards i n general ar e ideally base d upo n suc h universall y accepte d

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criteria a s the valu e of th e individua l t o th e organization . I n actua l practice, however , th e us e o f purel y rationa l criteri a i n dispensin g rewards i s often replace d b y othe r less-objectiv e practices . On e suc h practice whic h take s it s for m fro m earlie r politica l patronag e sys tems i s "favoritism." Define d simply , it i s a practice which involve s the selectio n o f favore d individual s i n th e organizatio n fo r pre ferred dutie s o r assignment s ove r others who ma y possess equal o r even superio r qualifications . As a "way of life" on th e job today , favoritis m i s thought t o pre vail i n virtuall y ever y are a o f opportunit y an d t o involv e al l level s of th e organizatio n fro m th e precinc t clerica l staf f t o th e highes t ranking officials. Regardles s o f background, member s o f the polic e service, a s a n exampl e o f thos e wh o wor k i n an y publi c o r privat e organization, wh o happe n t o kno w peopl e i n the "right places " are often single d ou t fo r preferentia l treatmen t ove r others no t s o well connected. Bu t ho w doe s on e com e t o acquir e thos e importan t personal contact s an d what ar e the implication s o f not havin g peo ple i n th e righ t places ? I n som e instance s simpl y bein g affiliate d with a particula r civic , religious , o r socia l o r fraterna l grou p ca n help. I n othe r case s importan t contact s ar e established throug h th e process o f informa l socia l exchange . Subordinates , fo r example , wh o have serve d a superio r wel l i n th e pas t ca n reasonabl y expec t th e latter t o expres s hi s gratitude b y repayin g th e servic e when th e oc casion calls . I n othe r words , a social bon d i s create d betwee n members o f unequa l ran k b y th e initia l provisio n o f service s an d by the expectatio n an d obligatio n tha t service s wil l b e returne d i n the future . I n mos t cases , a s we shal l see , just bein g a membe r o f the "established " grou p ca n resul t i n th e acquisitio n o f th e "right " contacts o n th e job . Wha t thi s mean s i n effec t i s tha t i n some , i f not most , polic e command s a n officer' s potentia l o r actua l perfor mance ma y becom e substantiall y les s important i n term s o f receiv ing reward s an d favor s tha n hi s persona l contact s o r membershi p group withi n th e organization . For a number o f black policemen interviewe d fo r thi s study , th e practice o f distributin g reward s an d privilege s base d upo n infor mal group tie s constitutes a n activ e an d sometime s deliberat e for m of job discrimination. These me n argu e that, a s a group, blacks occupy a "newcomer" statu s i n th e departmen t an d consequend y hav e not ha d th e sam e opportunit y a s mos t white s t o develo p impor -

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tant persona l contacts , o r t o mov e int o informa l position s o f powe r within th e structur e o f th e organization . Pu t int o mor e systemati c form thei r complaint s ca n b e state d a s follows : (1 ) Th e distribu tion of rewards, privileges, and favor s i n the polic e department ha s traditionally depende d t o a large exten t upo n membershi p i n "ex clusive" white group s o r cliques . (2 ) Black s hav e bee n unable , ex cept o n a token basis , to penetrat e thes e group s o r t o develo p clos e and lastin g tie s wit h whit e officer s occupyin g "strategic " position s within th e comman d (e.g. , precinct ) structure . (3 ) O n a collective basis, black s hav e foun d i t difficul t t o establis h independen t source s of powe r an d influenc e withi n th e organizatio n whic h woul d al low the m t o participat e mor e full y i n th e rewar d distributio n sys tem. Generally speaking, thes e men hav e come t o believ e that i t is their "position" withi n th e organizatio n tha t result s i n thei r bein g as signed routin e patro l dutie s whil e white s frequentl y mov e o n t o more desirable duties. They have , consequendy, com e to regar d wit h distrust, i f no t outrigh t contempt , an y practic e whic h confer s re wards an d privilege s o n th e basi s o f informa l grou p ties . A patro l officer assigned t o a Harlem precinc t outline s a form o f favoritis m thought t o operat e i n hi s command . I guess it's just a gut feelin g I have about how black s are generally received. Take something like precinct assignments . Sometimes details ar e no t poste d o n th e board ; the y ar e passe d fro m mout h t o mouth. Whit e guy s wh o becom e awar e o f thes e detail s someho w tell friends wh o are also white and black s get shafted i n the end. Another patro l office r wh o ha s adopte d a postur e highl y antago nistic towar d favoritis m withi n th e departmen t als o argue s tha t dii s practice, a s i t currentl y operates , i s almos t entirel y confine d t o "white" ethni c groups . H e conclude s tha t blac k officer s wh o lac k personal tie s wit h ke y whit e officer s find themselve s a t a distinc t disadvantage whe n i t come s t o competin g wit h white s fo r "choice " precinct assignment s an d duties . Blacks, I don't fee l ar e treated equally . I'm no t sure whether this is racial discriminatio n o r not . I t ma y no t exactl y b e racia l discrimi nation a s i t i s define d i n a dictionary, bu t discriminatio n b y per sonal contact . . . . An example, if there ar e two cop s who pu t i n for a special detail , the white co p will get it , whethe r h e merits i t

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or not . Wh y i s that ? The y hav e peopl e i n th e righ t places . . . . Friends do favors fo r friends , an d white cops have white friends i n the right places to do favors for them. That's what it boils down to. The first officer quote d abov e wen t o n t o poin t ou t tha t becaus e it i s often s o subtle , favoritis m ha s resulte d i n complacenc y o n th e part o f high-rankin g polic e official s an d eve n lower-leve l precinc t commanders wh o actuall y believ e tha t black s ar e gettin g thei r fai r share o f reward s today . So in effect wha t you really have is just a different wa y of discriminating against blac k cops. And what make s it al l the worse is that you reall y can't claim discrimination becaus e you reall y can't prov e it. It's there and you can't prove it. But people downtown and even some of the C.O.'s thin k that they're on to p of the situation. They don't hea r th e complaint s s o they thin k thing s ar e on th e u p an d up. The perceive d inabilit y o f blac k polic e officer s t o participat e mor e fully i n th e "informal " rewar d distributio n syste m ca n perhap s b e better understoo d b y examinin g som e o f th e influentia l position s in th e department . The clerical position In the New Yor k City polic e department position s of power an d influence ofte n exis t apar t fro m th e forma l comman d structure . On e such positio n i s th e clerica l o r staf f post . Traditionally , polic e of ficers holding thi s positio n hav e tende d t o b e vetera n member s o f white ethni c groups, selected i n larg e par t becaus e o f their tim e o n the jo b an d presume d knowledg e o f precinc t politic s an d opera tions. 6 Workin g ou t o f precinct , borough , an d headquarter s of fices, members holdin g thes e position s perfor m importan t admin istrative functions . Althoug h muc h o f thei r wor k involve s routin e matters suc h a s preparin g rol l calls , dut y charts , an d sic k reports , there i s an element o f their job which no t only allows, but i n man y instances requires , them t o hav e acces s to importan t decision s an d developments affectin g member s o f thei r command . Th e clerica l officer, fo r example , i s usuall y on e o f th e first bottom-leve l mem bers o f th e departmen t t o lear n abou t suc h matter s a s personne l

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transfers, upcomin g details , opening s i n specialize d units , an d va cancies o r "seats " i n patro l car s sinc e h e i s usuall y i n charg e o f maintaining record s o f suc h assignments . There i s another aspec t of the clerica l officer' s positio n tha t mer its consideration. Clerica l officers , becaus e the y perfor m a numbe r of importan t administrativ e function s fo r th e commandin g office r and hi s staff, hav e developed ove r th e year s a special bon d o r trus t between themselve s an d th e staf f supervisors . Consequently , whe n a situation arise s tha t require s a decision t o b e made concernin g a particular office r i n th e precinct , i n many instance s th e staf f super visor (o r eve n th e commande r himself ) wil l tur n t o th e clerica l of ficer for inpu t o r advice . It i s at these times that th e clerical officer , who serves as a "liaison" between managemen t an d employees , can influence th e outcom e o f decisions effectin g othe r member s o f th e command. A final, an d perhap s mos t important , aspec t o f th e clerica l offi cer's positio n concern s th e backgroun d o f bot h th e office r himsel f and th e recipien t o f hi s influence . Sinc e clerica l officer s hav e bee n chosen fo r th e positio n largel y o n th e basi s o f seniority, the y ten d for th e mos t par t t o b e white . An d i t stand s t o reaso n tha t th e principal recipient s o f influenc e ar e als o likel y t o b e member s o f the establishe d grou p wit h who m the y share d experience s i n th e past or with whom the y at least identify personally—i n othe r words, other whit e polic e officers . Our respondent s agree d tha t thes e strategi c position s hav e tra ditionally bee n hel d b y whit e officer s wh o ofte n withhol d caree r advancement informatio n fro m blac k officer s bu t circulat e i t amon g their whit e friend s an d colleagues . Thi s practice , the y argue , con stitutes a deliberat e for m o f discriminatio n whic h almos t alway s operates t o th e disadvantag e o f th e blac k policeman . A s a Harle m patrol office r pu t it , In most of your clerical positions, or in position s where things are apt t o com e up , ther e ar e n o blac k cop s i n thes e positions . Sa y if there's a detail or something , i t always seems that me n ar e already picked. Only certain people know about it . You don't get a chance to vie for thes e details. . . . Recently, when the y had th e BLA detail, there was a call for blac k cops. That's the only time when blacks got details . Anytime a detail comes up, certain peopl e (blac k cops) are the last to hear about it .

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In reflectin g o n th e positio n o f blac k policeme n i n th e city , an other patro l office r agree d tha t mos t "influential " position s ar e hel d by whit e officer s wh o naturall y d o favor s fo r othe r white s whe n they can. However, h e als o felt tha t thi s practice depicts a differen t type o f discriminatio n tha n ha d existe d i n th e past ; th e blac k offi cer toda y ha s simpl y trade d on e se t o f "race-related 55 problem s fo r another. Tha t is , It's just mor e subtle now. It' s no t quit e righ t out i n the open a s it was i n th e past . Wha t ha s happene d i s tha t the y jus t painte d i t a different color , that's all. It's the same thing, has the same effect o n black cops. What d o I mean ? Year s ag o a black cop didn' t bothe r to pu t i n fo r a detail. H e kne w righ t u p fron t tha t h e woul d b e turned down , s o h e didn' t eve n bother . Today , ther e i s a feelin g that th e departmen t ca n n o longe r d o that . Ther e ar e law s no w against discrimination . S o no w the y exclud e yo u "unofficially " b y letting th e rol l cal l ma n mak e u p assignments . . . . He generall y picks men for details , sometimes with the sergeant's approval. Nat urally everyone involved is white so they naturally pick friends wh o are also white. In sum , i t ca n b e argue d tha t th e informa l powe r veste d i n th e clerical positio n serve s t o establis h a reservoi r o f bindin g obliga tions whic h th e incumben t ca n ta p whe n th e occasio n call s o r th e need arises . Thos e receivin g favor s o r service s becom e oblige d t o reciprocate i n th e futur e shoul d the y b e promote d o r move d t o a higher positio n withi n th e organization . I t als o create s network s of communicatio n betwee n th e provide r an d receiver s o f service s needed t o maintai n th e positio n itself . But mos t importantly , fro m the poin t o f vie w o f som e blac k policemen , i t help s maintai n th e established groups 5 position o f dominance withi n th e organizatio n by insuring , wher e possible , tha t certai n choic e assignment s an d duties continu e t o b e filled predominantly b y white males . The white sergeant The polic e officer' s immediat e superviso r occupie s anothe r ke y position withi n th e comman d structur e an d muc h lik e th e clerica l officer ca n us e hi s positio n t o influenc e th e outcom e o f decision s

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involving others . Bu t unlik e th e clerica l office r th e sergean t use s the forma l powe r veste d i n thi s positio n t o distribut e reward s an d privileges. Fo r example , h e ca n eithe r recommen d advancement s or transfer s throug h th e ratin g proces s o r preven t the m throug h formal disciplinar y procedures . An d herei n lie s muc h o f th e re sentment o f black policemen . Accordin g t o th e me n i n thi s group , white polic e supervisor s als o pla y the "favoritism " game , choosin g officers fo r preferre d assignment s an d dutie s an d providin g the m with othe r service s base d upo n factor s totall y unrelate d t o a n in dividual's capabilit y o r performance . A patro l office r describe d fa voritism involvin g whit e polic e supervisor s a s h e though t i t oper ated i n hi s precinc t a s follows : The climate of the job has not reall y changed tha t much . I can remember som e years ago when ther e was outright instance s of discrimination agains t blac k officers i n al l areas. Now it' s done mor e underhandedly. [Ho w i s that?] Well, for instance , competent blac k officers i n my precinct haven't been assigned to anticrime patrol. This I observed personally. White sergeants who are in the majority choose white cop s fo r thes e assignment s whe n the y com e up . This i s because they are close to these guys. They drink with them after wor k and the y liv e nea r them , s o naturall y wh o d o yo u thin k the y ar e going to pick when an opening in anticrime comes up . . . ? An d it doesn't reall y matter muc h whether th e blac k cop is more suited for the assignment. You see, blacks don't ordinarily get involved widi whites of f duty . The y generall y don' t fraterniz e wit h whit e ser geants after wor k and they certainly don't trave l home with them . Much o f wha t thi s office r sai d i s true . Friendship s whic h de velop betwee n polic e officer s an d thei r immediat e supervisor s out side th e wor k settin g d o ten d t o carr y ove r int o th e jo b an d ca n result, a s som e o f ou r respondent s intimate , i n a n unequa l distri bution o f reward s an d favors . Moreover , changin g economi c an d social conditions i n the city during the past two decades have added a ne w dimensio n t o th e developmen t o f relationship s betwee n whit e supervisors an d whit e subordinates . I t migh t b e recalle d tha t a s a result, i n part , o f deteriorating cit y services , increasing crime rates , and expandin g ghett o boundaries , whit e polic e a t al l level s i n th e department bega n t o mov e fro m th e cit y i n th e lat e 1960 s t o th e surrounding suburbs. 7 Because many of these officers no w had rathe r

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long distance s t o trave l t o work , ca r pool s wer e organize d which , in man y instances , whit e polic e supervisor s joined , thereb y in creasing opportunitie s fo r ne w an d mor e intimat e relationship s t o develop betwee n the m an d thei r subordinate s i n th e precinct . In asmuch a s black polic e tende d t o remai n withi n th e cit y or t o mov e to nearb y blac k communitie s ther e wa s little , i f any , occasio n fo r them t o trave l togethe r wit h white s an d henc e littl e opportunit y to increas e thei r contact s wit h whit e bosse s unde r condition s tha t could lea d t o preferentia l treatmen t o n th e job . The result , w e ar e told, i s diminishe d opportunitie s fo r favor s an d advancemen t fo r black polic e an d increase d opportunitie s fo r whites . There are sergeants who go home with white cops in car pools. Blacks are no t involve d i n tha t typ e o f thing . Th e sergean t wil l giv e th e detail to the white cop he rides with first. The black cop will be the last to be considered eve n when he' s more qualified . Such account s revea l somethin g o f th e disadvantage s facin g blac k police officer s a s a resul t o f thei r locatio n withi n th e structur e o f the organization . Althoug h i t woul d b e difficul t t o documen t in stances o f favoritis m o r discriminatio n stemmin g solel y fro m membership i n a particula r racia l group , th e fac t remain s tha t a number o f policemen i n thi s stud y fel t tha t suc h practice s no t onl y exist i n thei r command s bu t constitut e a n integra l par t o f th e op eration o f th e department . Th e questio n is , ho w the n ca n disad vantages whic h resul t fro m suc h practice s b e effectivel y neutral ized? Th e mos t obviou s solution , on e office r tell s us , lie s i n increasing th e numbe r o f blacks i n supervisor y an d comman d po sitions: It's my estimation tha t ther e is still discrimination i n a lot of areas. It now depend s upo n friend s i n the precinc t an d officer s o f highe r rank whether you're going to get a detail or possibly put i n for th e shield. . . . The situatio n strictl y depend s on you r relationshi p with some higher up. The tricky thing here, and I speak for a lot of guys you talke d to , i s that ther e ar e too fe w blac k bosses. And a white boss might b e more incline d t o d o a favor fo r a white guy, just as a black bos s might d o for a black cop. What i t boil s down to , th e bottom line , we need more black bosses.

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This view , however , represent s a n isolate d case . As we shal l see , black polic e officer s share , for th e mos t part , a marked skepticis m concerning th e rol e o f blac k superior s i n promotin g an d protect ing th e interest s o f lower-leve l blac k cops . The black superior Policemen interviewe d fo r thi s study have very definite idea s abou t the rol e o f blac k leadershi p i n th e department . Fourtee n wer e aske d whether blac k bosse s ha d bee n effectiv e i n fighting discriminatio n on th e job ; 1 2 responde d i n th e negative . Generall y i t seem s tha t black officer s i n forma l position s o f powe r ar e clearl y i n th e mi nority an d hav e bee n unabl e t o develo p th e networ k o f informal , interlevel an d intergrou p tie s needed t o exercis e effectively th e powe r vested i n thei r position . Lackin g thi s interrelationshi p black s oc cupying position s o f authority ofte n foun d i t necessary, an d a t time s even politicall y expedient , t o pla y dow n o r t o tur n thei r back s o n issues o f concer n t o thei r brothe r officer s o n th e job . Not onl y wer e th e policeme n i n thi s stud y awar e o f th e numer ical scarcity of blacks in supervisory an d comman d position s i n th e department, bu t man y fel t tha t thi s disparit y i s particularl y acut e in th e uppe r reache s of management wher e importan t politica l de cisions ar e made. They argu e tha t becaus e of the absenc e o f black s in hig h an d intermediat e positions , lower-leve l blac k bosse s (i.e. , sergeants an d lieutenants ) ar e virtuall y withou t interna l source s o f power an d ma y therefor e hesitat e t o b e outspoke n wit h regar d t o racial issue s an d problems . Indeed , th e blac k superio r wh o woul d take u p th e rol e o f spokesma n fo r hi s grou p ma y fee l tha t h e i s jeopardizing bot h hi s presen t positio n a s wel l a s hi s futur e caree r chances. A veteran patro l office r expresse s hi s vie w o n th e matter : They [blac k superiors ] definitel y won' t spea k ou t agains t policy . There's no one backing them. If they open their mouths too much, they never go any further . Another office r wa s a bit mor e explicit . H e said , I don't really see that they have been much help. That's because there hasn't been a united effort , a 100 percent effort. Yo u get partial ef -

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fort, that' s all . Loo k a t i t thi s way—th e whit e bos s generall y ha s some chief he can call if he is unhappy abou t something and wants to rearrang e things or maybe he wants some of his buddies moved up. A black boss, who does he have to call? Those blac k bosses on top, they'r e no t goin g t o d o anythin g becaus e the y aren' t united , there aren't enough of them. Besides, they're bureaucrats now, and they don' t wan t t o mak e waves . These guy s wer e handpicke d be cause it was felt that they wouldn't mak e any waves. So this feelin g filters dow n t o th e blac k lieutenant s an d sergeant s i n th e precinct . Now, they learn not to make waves. Black sergeants, they generally hide an d preten d the y don' t se e anything, tha t everythin g i s cozy. They don't mak e any waves because they have ideas about movin g up. As som e o f thes e sam e me n se e it , th e highe r u p th e organiza tional ladde r th e blac k superio r advances , th e mor e remove d h e becomes from th e problem s an d affair s o f hi s lower-rankin g brothe r officers, an d th e mor e h e come s t o identif y wit h th e "organiza tion" an d it s traditiona l values . This ma y b e especiall y tru e o f thos e few black s who , ove r th e years , hav e gaine d position s abov e th e rank o f captai n an d wh o aspir e t o clim b eve n highe r i n th e polic e bureaucracy. Accordin g t o on e respondent , blac k superior s nea r th e top ar e almos t impossibl e t o reach . Chief , for example , wouldn't d o a thing. That's becaus e he was "looking up. " In fact , yo u can go to th e highest-ranking blac k in th e departmen t i f you hav e a problem o r wan t a favor, an d h e will say , "I'll se e what I ca n do. " You kno w he' s jus t jerkin g yo u around. As has bee n said , i t i s common practic e fo r whit e supervisor s t o grant favor s an d provid e service s to whit e subordinate s o n th e ba sis of friendshi p an d interpersona l ties . Sinc e th e blac k superio r i s formally veste d wit h th e sam e "official " power s a s th e whit e su perior, h e ough t t o b e abl e to us e hi s positio n t o th e advantag e o f lower-level blacks. But thi s does not see m to b e the case . Most blac k superiors, w e ar e told , g o ou t o f thei r wa y t o uphol d standard s o f fairness an d equa l treatmen t i n orde r t o sho w tha t the y ar e no t favoring fello w black s on th e job. The followin g excerpt s testif y t o this belief :

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Most blac k bosse s ben d ove r backwar d t o sho w tha t the y ar e no t prejudiced towar d black cops. They definitely won't go out of their way like some white bosses to do favors fo r thei r own. I woul d sa y not . . . . A white superio r ma y pu t a man i n a slot [give hi m a special detail] becaus e h e i s a friend. A black superio r is i n th e minority . H e i s not a s willing t o d o favor s a s th e whit e superior. H e might feel that everybody is watching him. The blac k superio r ma y indee d fee l tha t h e i s bein g watched . Because of his "minority" status , bot h i n term s o f color an d actua l number o f blac k superior s o n th e job , h e ma y sens e tha t hi s ac tions an d decision s ar e bein g closel y scrutinize d b y whit e subor dinates a s well a s b y white superior s abov e him . I f his desir e i s t o move out o f routin e patro l o r b e considered fo r a specialty assign ment, h e ma y tak e specia l pain s t o avoi d behavin g i n a wa y tha t spells ou t o r eve n hint s o f racia l favoritis m o n hi s part . Wha t thi s translates int o i s a competitive disadvantag e fo r hi s blac k subordi nates who , lackin g i n man y case s th e appropriat e credential s an d informal grou p tie s o f thei r own , generall y find tha t the y canno t count o n th e blac k superio r fo r favor s o r preferentia l treatment . A detective summe d u p th e predicamen t o f th e blac k superio r an d indirectly tha t o f th e blac k polic e officer : He's like a raisin i n the white ic e cream. Everything h e does is put under a microscope, an d i f he's lookin g fo r a slot himself , h e certainly can't have charges of reverse discrimination bein g made against him. If this happens, he goes nowhere. The interpretation s o f the rol e o f blac k leadership i n th e depart ment toda y ten d t o suppor t th e widel y hel d vie w tha t upwardl y mobile black s ar e ofte n caugh t u p i n th e dilemm a o f competin g loyalties. Shoul d th e blac k superio r identif y to o strongl y wit h thos e forces fro m whic h h e derive s hi s officia l powe r an d chance s fo r further mobilit y withi n th e organization , h e risk s alienatin g him self fro m lower-leve l black s o n th e job . I n contrast , shoul d h e publically sympathiz e wit h hi s brothe r officer s b y acting , fo r in stance, as their spokesma n o n racia l issues , he risk s losing favor wit h his white colleague s an d support fro m thos e abov e him. Yet , as we shall see , thi s dilemm a i s no t face d exclusivel y b y black s holdin g

On the Job: Perceptions within the NTPD 7 supervisory o r comman d positions , bu t a s well b y blac k officer s o f lower rank . Rationalizing preferential treatment Not al l blac k policeme n i n thi s stud y viewe d th e practic e o f fa voritism i n a negativ e light . Som e se e i t withi n th e contex t o f a n occupational philosophy— a "wa y of life" on th e job tha t ha s bee n shaped b y th e interest s an d practice s o f earlie r generation s o f po lice officers . Fo r thi s an d othe r reason s havin g "connections " i n th e department i s regarde d b y thes e me n a s a legitimat e mechanis m through whic h a measure o f upwar d mobilit y ca n b e attained . Al though th e tw o group s o f officer s clearl y diffe r a s t o whethe r fa voritism constitute s a n activ e for m o f discrimination , bot h se e i t tied t o suc h organizationa l factor s a s seniority , friendshi p cliques , and th e scarcit y o f black s i n "strategic " positions. Fo r example , I reall y can't say that the department treat s me any different tha n a white cop. I can understand tha t some black cops may not feel that way. But it's not really based that much on color, but on things like seniority and mostly friendships. . . . People will do favors for others who they are friends with . This is a natural thing in all areas of life. It' s somethin g al l cop s hav e t o lear n t o liv e wit h i f the y ar e going to get by on the job. In the department, right now, there are not enoug h blac k cops i n the typ e of position s where the y can d o favors for othe r blac k cops. That's it, i n a nutshell. A detective, i n makin g essentiall y th e sam e point , point s u p th e distinction betwee n racia l discriminatio n an d inequality . Implici t in this officer's commen t i s the notio n tha t on e ma y experience th e latter withou t experiencin g th e former . In al l honest y I woul d hav e t o sa y there i s n o outrigh t racia l discrimination a s far a s I've seen. Any inequalit y tha t exists has to d o with time over junior men, guys you know in the precinct who can do favors fo r you . Otherwise, it doesn't reall y exist. In summar y thes e blac k officers see m t o tak e a purely pragmati c position regardin g favoritis m i n it s variou s forms . Thei r vie w seem s

3

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to b e tha t sinc e nothin g ca n b e done , on e simpl y mus t g o alon g with it . Besides , the y argue , th e blac k office r ca n als o benefi t fro m having peopl e i n th e "righ t places. " What you'r e askin g me, ar e black s discriminate d agains t more ? Ther e isn't an y o f tha t a s fa r a s I' m concerned . Thi s i s base d o n my ow n personal experiences . Peopl e wh o hav e th e abilit y t o mov e other s usually mov e friends , wh o als o happe n mostl y t o b e o f th e sam e color. Cop s d o favor s fo r guy s the y know , guy s they rid e with , guy s they trave l with . Th e onl y catc h her e i s that it' s no t alway s the bes t guy wh o wind s u p filling a specia l slot . Bu t thi s ha s alway s bee n the wa y i n th e jo b an d i t wil l probabl y alway s b e tha t way . Yo u can't fight it . Cop s wh o lik e each othe r stic k togethe r an d loo k ou t for eac h other . I'v e see n black s moved up , favor s don e fo r blac k cop s by white bosse s who ar e their friends . S o it' s no t reall y a racial thing . . . . I remembe r afte r a fe w year s o n th e job , I wa s reall y pisse d when I sa w mostl y whit e guy s gettin g specia l favors , anticrime , ti t jobs [choic e assignments ] i n th e precinct . The n I sa w tha t thi s i s the wa y thing s ar e done al l over , no t jus t her e i n m y precinct . A s I said, yo u can' t fight i t s o you accep t it . Yo u jus t hop e tha t eventu ally you mak e th e righ t friend s too . Things ar e prett y muc h o n th e u p an d u p now . Th e departmen t doesn't practic e discriminatio n b y choice . I may hav e though t tha t it wa s polic y year s ago . Mayb e i t wa s then , bu t no t reall y today . You hav e bosse s an d eve n patrolme n i n certai n position s wh o ca n manipulate othe r officer s int o goo d jobs . Bu t I don' t loo k a t this as racial discrimination anymore . It' s reall y present i n al l types of area s . . . favoritism . I thin k i n you r language , nepotism . . . . An d i t goes for blac k cops a s well today, to b e honest. Blac k bosses choos e blacks wh o ar e friend s o r belon g t o th e Guardians , yo u kno w fo r special assignment s whe n the y can . It i s eviden t tha t som e blac k cop s no t onl y accept , bu t eve n de fend arrangement s whic h besto w reward s an d favor s base d upo n seniority an d informa l grou p ties . Unlik e other s thes e me n see m to vie w an y disadvantage s confrontin g black s o n th e jo b no t a s a result o f departmenta l discriminatio n pe r se , bu t a s a functio n o f their "newcomer " statu s an d positio n withi n th e organization . Bu t more tha n that , thei r acceptanc e o f favoritis m a s bot h a n integra l

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and legitimat e featur e o f th e jo b ha s allowe d the m t o rationaliz e away any hostility that migh t resul t from th e belie f that differentia l treatment i s tied solel y t o membershi p i n a particular racia l group . As w e hav e see n earlier , however , thi s seemingl y "apologetic " view i s no t share d b y al l blac k policemen . A substantia l numbe r still vie w favoritism , nepotism , o r whateve r on e care s t o labe l th e practice a s a powerfu l organizationa l mechanis m capabl e o f ad vancing bot h th e individua l an d collectiv e interest s o f white polic e at th e expens e o f equall y deservin g blacks . There i s ye t a thir d poin t o f view , on e whic h incorporate s th e key arguments o f th e othe r two . Althoug h th e clai m ha s bee n mad e that membershi p i n a particular racia l group ca n hel p influenc e de cisions regardin g assignments , transfers , advancements , an d pro motions, affiliatio n alon e cannot guarante e tha t favorable decision s will be forthcoming. Persona l experience and contact s with hundred s of officer s ove r th e pas t 1 7 year s ha s show n tha t white s wh o lac k the "appropriat e connections " > n the jo b far e onl y somewha t bet ter tha n non-white s whe n competin g fo r choic e assignment s suc h as Emergenc y Service , Harbor , Aviation , Forensic , Bom b Squad , and s o on . Lik e blacks , white s wh o appl y eac h yea r fo r thes e an d other specialt y dutie s als o fin d tha t the y ar e routinel y turne d down , not becaus e the y lac k the requisit e qualifications , bu t becaus e the y lack th e righ t contacts . I t may , therefore , b e misleadin g t o labe l the practic e o f favoritis m a s racial discrimination sinc e th e practic e itself, whil e currentl y operatin g t o th e disadvantag e o f black s a s a group, clearl y affect s white s an d ma y occu r i n thos e command s where racia l distinction s ar e no t mad e i n designatin g assignment s and promotions . Some Specifi c Area s o f Concer n t o Black Policeme n Although a numbe r o f respondent s indicate d th e genera l for m discrimination i s believe d t o take , a mor e complet e pictur e o f th e concerns o f som e blac k policeme n emerge s whe n th e questio n i s directed t o th e specifi c area s i n which discriminatio n i s believed t o operate today .

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Task assignment Much o f th e disatisfactio n wit h th e departmen t stem s fro m th e belief tha t tas k assignment s ar e raciall y designated ; tha t blac k of ficers are generall y relegate d t o routin e patro l dutie s whil e white s receive mos t o f th e mor e desirabl e assignments . Moreover , ther e exists a feelin g amon g a fe w respondent s tha t habi t an d custo m still pla y a major rol e i n th e exclusio n o f black s fro m preferre d as signments. A s one patro l office r pu t it , There has been for the last two years a high-visibility team working in my precinct . Ther e ha s neve r bee n t o m y knowledge an y black officers assigne d t o thi s team. The captai n give s these assignment s to white cops. This is the way it's always been, and this is the way it still is. A black cop, as I said, doesn't have a chance to move around here. Another policeman , wh o appeare d bitte r abou t condition s i n his command, charge s tha t whit e superior s generall y pa y lip service t o the principl e o f equa l opportunit y especiall y whe n i t come s t o se lecting officer s fo r specialize d precinc t details . Hi s complain t wa s directed specificall y a t wha t h e fel t wa s a long-standing practic e i n his comman d t o exclud e deservin g black s fro m plainclothe s anti crime assignments . Anticrime her e i s almost al l white. There's onl y on e o r tw o blac k cops assigned. The bosses who run these details say they pick their men based upon activit y and ability. Well that's a crock of shit. They pick white cops over blacks who have more collars (arrests) and are more effectiv e i n th e street . I kno w thi s t o b e tru e becaus e I wa s personally passe d over . . . . Some white gu y i n th e precinc t wit h less than three years on the job and much less collars than I had got anticrime. . . . Equa l treatment , that' s a laugh . It' s onl y fo r th e newpapers. However, anothe r patro l officer , wh o work s i n th e sam e com mand, offer s a contrastin g pictur e o f curren t precinc t policie s re garding th e selectio n o f personne l fo r anticrim e units . H e con tends that becaus e of their "natural* ability to blen d int o communit y surroundings, blac k polic e officer s ar e ofte n picke d fo r anticrim e

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details i n blac k precincts . Bu t h e concede s tha t th e blac k office r ma y find simila r opportunitie s greatl y limite d i n predominantl y whit e precincts. Tha t is , white polic e superior s ofte n hav e seriou s reser vations abou t th e effectivenes s o f blac k policeme n who , fo r exam ple, when operatin g a n unmarke d polic e car in civilian clothes , ca n present a n identit y proble m th e precinc t commande r ma y be look ing t o avoid . In certai n blac k precincts , fo r exampl e wher e I work , I woul d sa y the black officer ha s an equal chance of being selected for anticrim e details or for som e detail that comes up. You see he fits in, so here he can make good collars . In other words , he's needed. Bu t this is only in blac k precincts. I've als o worked i n white precincts . There, blacks ar e hardl y eve r picke d fo r anticrime . I go t th e feelin g tha t maybe becaus e it' s a white are a black s ar e no t goo d enough . Yo u see, a lot of peopl e ther e don' t wan t a black cop ridin g aroun d i n civies for a lot of reasons. So they don't put you in for these details. If yo u wor k ther e yo u d o routin e patro l i n unifor m s o there' s n o question a s to who you are. Civilian-clothed, anticrim e assignment s presen t a special case fo r consideration here . Of th e 1 8 precincts locate d i n th e borough s o f Manhattan, Bronx , Queens, and Brookly n tha t were sampled i n a n effort t o determin e minorit y representation , i t was discovere d tha t there wer e a total o f 18 6 anticrim e officer s assigned , o f which, in terestingly, 1 2 percen t wer e black . Thi s figure, however , ma y b e totally misleadin g i n term s o f proportiona l representation . Onl y on e precinct (th e 28t h i n Harlem ) ha d mor e tha n tw o blac k cop s as signed t o anticrim e duty . I n fou r o f th e predominantl y blac k o r mixed precinct s ther e wer e n o blac k anticrim e cop s a t all , while i n five precincts onl y on e blac k co p wa s assigne d t o each . I n th e tw o predominantly whit e precinct s sampled , ther e wer e n o minorit y officers a t al l i n th e anticrim e units . Althoug h on e migh t expec t this situatio n t o prevai l i n a whit e precinc t where , a s th e office r above stated , ther e i s a possibility o f a n "identity 5' proble m arisin g should tw o blac k cop s patro l th e stree t i n a n unmarke d ca r wear ing wor k clothes , th e absenc e o f blac k anticrim e cop s i n som e o f the blac k area s wher e thei r natura l abilit y t o blen d int o th e sur roundings woul d presen t a definit e asse t i n fighting stree t crime , seems strange . Moreover , on e finds tha t i n th e department' s city -

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wide Street-Crim e Uni t ( a centralize d counterpar t o f th e precinc t anticrime unit) , which operate s i n high-crime area s of the city , black cops accounte d fo r onl y 6 percen t o f th e unit. 8 Why aren' t black s represente d i n greate r number s i n all-blac k an d mixed precinct s or in citywide units which serv e these areas? Whil e favoritism an d individua l discriminatio n i n assignmen t migh t ex plain thes e conditions , i t i s als o possibl e tha t the y ar e a result , i n part, o f a proces s o f "self-elimination. " I t i s conceivable—an d a number o f interviews tend t o support thi s explanation—that blac k police themselve s ar e ofte n reluctan t t o voluntee r fo r anticrim e dut y because thes e unit s ar e predominantly , an d i n som e precincts , all white i n composition . Als o i t i s thi s typ e o f assignmen t tha t has , over th e years , attracte d an d retaine d th e mor e aggressiv e whit e cops i n th e department . Th e poin t i s that anticrim e cop s hav e tra ditionally assume d a n aggressiv e approac h t o fightin g stree t crim e and man y qualifie d blac k officers ma y find i t uncomfortabl e work ing i n a n environmen t i n whic h the y woul d b e expecte d t o con form t o certai n occupationa l value s tha t the y di d no t shar e an d t o behave aggressivel y towar d othe r black s i n thei r communit y wh o are ofte n onl y suspecte d o f havin g committe d a n offense . Rathe r than subjec t themselve s to these competing pressure s and loyalties , it ma y simpl y b e easie r i n th e lon g ru n t o avoi d suc h assignment s altogether. So , what ma y appea r a t first glance a s a policy o f racia l exclusion i n som e precinct s may , upo n close r examination , b e th e result o f a selection proces s controlle d i n par t b y th e blac k office r who, although sharing the department's goal of reducing street crime in the ghetto , reject s outrigh t som e o f th e traditiona l polic e meth ods o f doin g so . As one office r pu t it , Let m e tel l yo u somethin g yo u probabl y don' t know . A lot o f us would want anticrim e an d would relis h th e chance to get i n there. But w e fee l tha t w e would b e put i n a sort o f a bind. Wha t d o I mean b y that. Well , fo r example , I kno w th e anticrim e cop s her e and excep t fo r they'r e al l white. These guys are demons in the street . No t tha t they'r e ba d guy s bu t the y fuc k wit h peopl e a lot, stopping people for n o real reason, tossing them, sticking guns in their faces. . . . And when they find that a dude's not dirty [i.e., he's not carrying a weapon or drugs] they just go on their way. No apologies no nothing—just g o on their way. This leaves a bad taste in people' s mouths ; an d I personall y can' t wor k unde r thes e con -

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ditions. Some guys can, maybe. I can't. These guys don't give a fuck about peopl e here anyway. They were the same in uniform . Area assignment The systemati c assignmen t o f blac k polic e officer s t o blac k pre cincts i n th e cit y i s another are a of concer n t o som e o f th e me n i n this group . Th e followin g comment s suppor t wha t othe r studie s have show n i n th e past ; tha t som e blac k policeme n deepl y resen t the practic e o f "enforce d segregation": 9 There are more blacks in this precinct than any other precinct in the city. Black s are overrepresented i n blac k precinct s an d underrepre sented i n white precincts . Personally, I fee l this i s not righ t partic ularly when it's forced o n you and you really don't have a say in the matter. I think the department discriminates in a lot of ways, but mainly as far a s representation. The y put black s into blac k areas most o f the time. And this is certainly not equa l treatment a s far a s I see it. A fe w ar e resentfu l o f suc h practice s becaus e the y resul t i n th e disproportionate exposur e o f blac k polic e officer s t o th e poten tially violent an d dangerou s condition s foun d i n some ghetto com munities. A detectiv e ha d thi s t o say : Blacks are overrepresented i n black areas. Manpower is allocated by race, not b y qualification. Th e departmen t i s using th e wron g criteria. Now, if you ask me whether thi s is a form o f discrimination, yes it is. Anytime you shift me n around b y color and some have to work i n mor e dangerou s precinct s fo r prolonge d period s o f tim e because of their color, it's discrimination. There's just no other way to cut it. Compounding th e resentmen t o f som e black s towar d so-calle d "restrictive" assignment s i s th e belie f tha t i t i s extremel y difficul t for the m t o transfe r ou t o f a blac k precinc t onc e the y hav e bee n assigned there . On e responden t wen t s o fa r a s t o asser t tha t a n "unwritten" departmen t polic y exist s whic h make s i t practicall y

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impossible fo r blac k policeme n workin g i n area s suc h a s Harle m to transfe r t o whit e precincts . Transfers fro m sa y Harlem t o midtow n o r Queen s precincts , they are difficult t o come by. Blacks are placed in Harlem and that's where they stay, most of them anyway . The department ha s an unwritte n policy about this . I think this is discriminatory. In addition , w e ar e tol d tha t whit e policeme n usuall y ar e no t subjected t o th e sam e assignmen t restriction s a s blac k officers ; transfers ou t o f precincts locate d i n Harlem o r Brownsville , fo r ex ample, ar e no t tha t har d t o com e b y i f on e happen s t o b e white . A detectiv e sees this a s a form o f "doubl e discrimination " agains t blacks: And then on top of this there are white cops who put in 57s [transfer requests] to get out of Harlem for one reason or another. This, you see, is possible. There's black officers wh o put in 57s to get out and they can't. I don't kno w what you woul d call it, bu t I personally feel tha t the black cop who finds himself locked in a black precinct whil e whit e cop s mov e aroun d freel y i s bein g discriminate d against twice. The practic e o f assignin g blac k polic e officer s t o precinct s lo cated i n blac k areas of the city has indee d provoke d protest s o f discrimination fro m som e o f th e me n i n thi s study . Yet , ther e i s n o evidence t o indicat e tha t i n makin g thes e assignment s th e polic e department acte d solel y wit h th e inten t o f discriminatin g agains t its minority personnel . I n fact , i t might b e recalle d tha t durin g th e turbulent 1960s , blac k civi l right s activists , black politicians , blac k news medi a representatives , an d blac k citizen s alik e wer e callin g fo r greater representatio n o f blac k cop s i n thei r communities . Fo r ex ample, when blac k cops were hire d an d assigne d t o patro l beat s i n Harlem i n th e mid-1960 s a leadin g blac k newspaper , th e Amsterdam News, rejoiced : "W e believ e tha t fro m ou r vantag e poin t o f being the community newspape r w e can fee l and repor t o n th e puls e of Harle m bette r tha n an y othe r media , an d i t i s a pleasur e t o b e able to sa y at thi s time tha t Harle m i s in a state of peacefu l calm." l0 Similarly, th e chairma n o f th e Africa n Nationalis t Pionee r Move ment reported : "Th e assignmen t o f mor e Negr o patrolme n t o th e

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Bedford-Stuyvesant are a wil l g o a lon g wa y t o improv e commu nity relation s wit h th e police." 11 I n makin g thes e assignment s th e police departmen t perhap s wa s simpl y respondin g t o communit y demands, expectin g tha t th e placemen t o f additiona l blac k officer s in blac k communitie s woul d lea d t o a n easin g o f tension s an d a better understandin g betwee n th e polic e an d th e community . Moreover, a s we shal l se e later , no t al l blac k polic e hav e bee n op posed t o suc h restricte d assignmen t practices . Indeed , som e o f th e men interviewed seeme d t o prefe r assignment s i n blac k area s o f th e city wher e the y fel t the y coul d serv e th e peopl e better . I n short , then, th e existenc e o f restrictiv e assignmen t practice s shoul d no t necessarily translat e int o racia l discriminatio n sinc e th e practic e it self ma y b e a respons e t o politica l pressure s emanatin g fro m withi n the blac k community . Promotion and advancement Some policeme n charg e tha t acces s to th e detectiv e burea u i s restricted fo r black s eve n i f the y hav e me t th e forma l requirement s for promotio n suc h a s accumulatin g a n impressiv e arres t record . One office r recall s th e difficult y h e encountere d advancin g t o th e rank o f detective : I was promised th e gold shield first i n 196 5 then in 196 6 and 1968 . I finall y go t it in 1972 , well after som e white cops who worked with me. This I feel is because there is discrimination agains t black cops. I can' t prov e it . It' s no t somethin g yo u ca n prov e easily bu t that' s how I feel—case closed . This officer' s commen t i s important , no t fo r wha t i t suggest s about racia l practice s i n th e NYP D today , bu t fo r wha t i t reveal s about th e effec t o f pas t experience s upo n curren t belief s an d atti tudes. Whe n aske d whethe r blac k polic e ar e treate d th e sam e a s white police , thi s office r replie d b y pointin g t o a situatio n whic h he claims existed a s far bac k a s 1 3 years ag o when h e was assigne d to a narcotic s undercove r detail . A s w e shal l se e thi s type of re sponse i s not uncommo n amon g th e men . A few policeme n interviewe d wer e amon g a larger grou p o f blac k

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officers wh o wer e calle d i n th e lat e sixtie s t o infiltrat e subversive , extremist organizations , t o gathe r intelligenc e informatio n o n thei r activities, an d t o wor k a s undercove r narcotic s agent s i n som e o f the city' s mos t hazardou s precincts . Althoug h al l o f thes e me n re call actua l life-threatenin g experience s whil e engage d i n under cover activities , no t on e complaine d abou t th e wor k h e ha d done , nor did an y of the me n appea r to share initial misgivings about th e dangerous natur e o f suc h assignments . Rather , th e majo r poin t o f contention wa s tha t th e departmen t ha d faile d t o hono r earlie r promises of advancement fo r black s who undertoo k hazardou s un dercover duties . Conside r th e followin g commen t fro m a forme r narcotics officer : While in one command years ago I found tha t minorities were being used for undercover work a lot. Undercover men rarely ever got the gold shield . I did a survey and foun d tha t i n no t one instanc e was a minority undercover cop promoted o r ha d ever been promoted . And, the y alleg e tha t whil e passin g ove r blacks , polic e official s awarded th e covete d gol d detectiv e shiel d t o whit e undercove r of ficers who worke d i n considerabl y les s hazardous areas— a prefer ential treatmen t whic h ha s cause d muc h resentment . Fo r exampl e as one office r stated , Well, for example, in narcotics we were expected to make heavy drug buys i n th e stree t i n high-crim e areas , whereas white officers wer e able t o g o t o whit e area s an d bu y marijuan a an d pills . The whit e officers wer e recognize d an d go t thei r gol d shield s way before man y blacks who worked under much more dangerous conditions. Whether suc h accusation s ste m fro m rea l or imagine d denial s o f equal acces s t o promotion s i n th e departmen t canno t b e know n from th e limite d an d ofte n contradictor y account s reveale d i n thi s study. Wha t i s importan t i s tha t thes e me n believe tha t th e distri bution o f reward s i n the mid-sixties wa s strongly influence d b y racial factor s operatin g a t th e tim e an d tha t thes e belief s hav e col ored thei r perception s o f racia l condition s i n th e departmen t today . As one office r ver y candidl y stated ,

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I hav e to go back to my experiences in narcotics. In narcotic s they expected mor e out o f blacks than whites . Blacks were in the stree t making heroi n buy s while white s were workin g i n whit e commu nities, i n Wal l Street , park s an d discos . There wa s alway s th e ris k for the black cop of being taken off or getting killed. . . . I f blacks didn't want to do this type of work they had a difficult tim e getting out. Ther e wa s alway s th e threa t tha t yo u woul d b e pu t bac k i n uniform eve n if you spent a few years in undercover. . . . A s I said my attitude was formed a t that time. Complaints wer e als o directe d a t form s o f racia l discriminatio n believed t o operat e eve n afte r a black officer ha d bee n upgraded t o the ran k o f detectiv e an d assigne d t o a field command . Som e o f the me n conten d tha t whit e detective s receive d systemati c ad vancements i n grad e whil e blac k detective s generall y remaine d a t the lowest possibl e leve l (ie. , third grade ) fo r comparativel y longe r periods o f time . On e detectiv e relate s th e difficult y h e experience d advancing i n grade . There is definitely discriminatio n i n promotions in grade too. I was put up for grade five times in about eight years. Each time I was in the top third. Three times a white detective who was under m e in evaluations got grade money. Another detectiv e offer s a similar tale : I had been recommended for second grade [when promotions were common practice ] a couple of times and never received it. It seems that I was always being passed over. I was always low man on th e totem pole. I can't explain it any other way except through discrimination. White guys always seemed to get grade ahead of me. Nor d o thes e officers appea r t o b e entirely satisfie d wit h th e wa y in which assignment s wer e mete d ou t onc e the y entered th e detec tive bureau . A specifi c charg e i s mad e tha t man y competen t blac k detectives wer e no t onl y initiall y exclude d fro m specialit y unit s during th e shif t t o "specialization " i n th e earl y 1970s , bu t passe d over a s openings i n thes e unit s late r becam e available . A s on e ob served,

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Well, there was a tremendous amount of discrimination durin g the move to specialization a s to who was going to a speciality unit and who was going to P.I.U.'s [Precinc t Investigative Units], which were [initially] believe d t o carr y les s prestige. Almost al l blacks went t o the P.I.U's. A patro l office r wh o feel s tha t black s ar e victim s o f differentia l treatment a t th e hand s o f th e polic e bureaucrac y point s t o severa l speciality units i n the department whic h h e claims are still "all white" in composition . There ar e no black s in the Helicopte r Squad , th e Boa t Squad , th e Hotel Squad , the Bom b Squad. There are quite a few choice commands that don' t see m to includ e black s in their plans . What doe s all this tell me ? It tell s me there i s still racia l discriminatio n i n th e job. . . . Once i n a while the y plac e a black gu y i n on e o f thes e places. All that i s is tokenism. And stil l anothe r patro l office r see s whites dominatin g th e rank s of suc h specialize d unit s a s Homicide an d Robbery . H e said , Also, there is still discrimination in assignments to specialized units. For example, Homicide an d Robbery . The percentag e of black s in these outfits i s still very low. It's just difficult fo r black detectives to get assigned t o these units. When aske d t o estimat e th e proportio n o f blac k detective s i n a particular Homicid e Squa d i n Harlem , however , th e abov e office r qualified hi s positio n somewha t t o exclud e specialt y unit s servin g black area s of th e city . Well, I would hav e to say there are probably more black detectives in the 6th Homicide. I would estimate probably around 2 5 percent are black. But that's just in Harlem. You don't find this kind of proportion working in homicide in other areas. At issu e her e essentiall y i s tha t acces s t o th e detectiv e burea u i s restricted fo r blac k polic e an d tha t eve n i f the y ar e assigne d t o a detective command , black s remai n a t th e lowes t grad e leve l (i.e. , 3rd grade) whil e whites are systematically promote d t o higher grades

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and int o mor e prestigiou s units . Although thi s seems t o b e the be lief amon g som e blac k officers , dat a fro m th e department' s Offic e of Equa l Employmen t Opportunit y tel l u s otherwise . The y show , in fact , tha t blac k polic e ar e slightl y overrepresente d i n th e detec tive burea u a t al l grad e level s an d tha t thi s proportio n ha s re mained fairl y constan t sinc e th e earl y 1970 s despit e th e los s throug h attrition o f ove r 90 0 detective s betwee n 197 4 an d 1 9 8 2 . u And , although thi s los s obviously affecte d blacks , it was no t due , a s som e claim, t o a polic y o f racia l discriminatio n bu t t o a genera l fiscal deterioration i n th e mid-1970 s whic h force d th e polic e depart ment t o substantiall y reduc e th e siz e o f th e detectiv e burea u b y freezing advancement s an d promotions . It shoul d b e mentione d her e tha t advancemen t t o an d withi n th e detective burea u ha s traditionall y depended , amon g othe r things , upon seniorit y an d performance . Considerin g th e fac t tha t blacks , as a group, wer e "newcomers " t o th e departmen t durin g th e 1970 s and eve n int o th e 1980s , i t ca n b e argue d tha t thos e blac k officer s who achieve d forma l recognitio n di d s o mor e o n th e basi s o f per formance tha n o n seniority . This , i n turn , suggest s tha t organiza tional pressure s t o rewar d superio r performance , regardles s o f color , were operativ e durin g thi s period . A n alternat e argument , o f course , is that th e department , i n it s attemp t t o preclud e th e possibilit y o f court litigatio n brough t b y th e blac k Guardian s Association , sim ply move d black s int o th e detectiv e burea u an d onc e there , int o higher grad e levels in approximat e proportio n t o thei r number s o n the force . Thi s basi s of makin g advancement s i s evident i n th e av erage breakdow n o f approximately 1 2 percen t blacks at each grad e level in the detectiv e bureau . I n eithe r event , th e dat a fro m th e de partment's Offic e o f Equa l Employmen t Opportunit y d o no t sup port th e clai m tha t blac k cops wer e denie d acces s to, an d advance ment within , th e burea u durin g th e 1970s . Discipline Complaints o f racia l discriminatio n i n th e are a o f disciplin e were , interestingly enough , fo r al l intent s an d purpose s nonexisten t i n this study . Whe n 1 6 respondent s wer e aske d whethe r blac k offi cers receiv e mor e complaint s (i.e. , departmental disciplinar y charges )

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for allege d rul e violation s tha n whit e officers , onl y tw o responde d in the affirmative . On e o f thes e men , althoug h h e himself ha d neve r been th e subjec t o f forma l charges , felt nevertheles s tha t black s were more likel y tha n white s t o b e single d ou t fo r disciplinar y actio n because black s ar e ofte n mor e outspoke n o n racia l issues . The othe r policeman offere d a differen t reaso n fo r thi s perceive d disparity . He said , There i s no doub t abou t it . Blac k cop s ge t mor e complaint s tha n white officers. I t happene d t o me and other blac k guys. This is because the complaint will be entertained downtown . In contrast , th e majorit y o f me n wer e o f th e opinio n tha t racia l discrimination wa s no t th e basi s fo r forma l punishment . Depart mental disciplinar y charges , the y felt , ar e largel y a function o f per sonality clashe s betwee n subordinate s an d supervisors . However , in a few instance s the y wer e though t t o resul t fro m a n individua l officer's poo r overal l performance , genera l lac k o f motivation , o r both. Fo r example , I hav e n o feeling s tha t blac k officer s receiv e mor e complaints , al though ther e ar e plent y o f prejudice d whit e supervisors . Com plaints ar e individual . I f a supervisor know s tha t a guy i s a good worker h e migh t spea k u p fo r hi m i f h e screw s up . I f a guy i s a general fuck-up , n o matter what his color, he will get one [ a complaint]. It i s als o believe d tha t blac k officer s no w hav e recours e whe n charges o f misconduc t appea r t o b e "racially " motivated . Whil e thi s has eliminate d th e "formal " applicatio n o f differen t standard s o f conduct fo r blac k an d whit e polic e officer s accordin g t o som e o f our respondents , i t ha s no t curtaile d th e unequa l impositio n o f "informal" sanction s upo n blac k policeme n b y whit e superiors . Supporting this , a black office r observe d tha t If a bos s give s a black officer a complaint, h e [th e officer] ha s recourse, and I don't thin k a supervisor woul d wan t t o hav e a weak complaint aired today, especially when it involves a racial issue. He would hesitat e to give a complaint tha t would no t seem to b e fair, but he would tur n aroun d an d give the black officer a shit detail.

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Police supervisors , lik e supervisor s i n an y publi c organization , have a t thei r disposa l an y numbe r o f informa l mean s o f securin g compliance wit h departmenta l rule s an d regulations . A superviso r need no t procee d formall y agains t a subordinat e wh o ha s broke n one o f thes e rules , unless, of course , th e rul e violation itsel f i s of a serious natur e o r i f the offende r ha s ignore d earlie r warning s con cerning hi s behavior . Instead , th e superviso r ma y procee d b y ad ministering a n informa l punishmen t whic h i s ofte n mor e severe . For example , wha t th e office r abov e refer s t o a s a "shit detail " i s a frequent for m o f informa l sanctio n administere d t o subordinate s who intentionall y violat e departmen t rule s o r wh o displeas e thei r supervisor i n other ways . "Shit details 35 are basically unpleasant du ties whic h ma y includ e standin g fixed post s fo r a se t o f tours , as signment t o indoo r clerica l dut y fo r a n extende d perio d o f time , assignment t o parad e details , DOA's , (standin g guar d ove r a dea d body), o r temporar y assignmen t t o othe r precinct s o r commands . If informal sanction s ar e to continu e t o b e used b y police super visors i n orde r t o modif y unacceptabl e behavio r an d i f i t i s t o maintain it s legitimac y i n th e eye s o f subordinate s i t canno t ver y well b e mete d ou t arbitraril y an d capriciously . I n fact , i n orde r t o protect subordinate s fro m th e capriciou s action s o f superior s an d to preserv e orde r i n th e department , precinc t commander s rou tinely rotat e unpleasan t assignment s amon g thei r officers . Shoul d a particula r membe r find tha t h e i s receivin g a disproportionat e number o f undesirabl e detail s an d shoul d h e fee l i n additio n tha t these assignment s ar e relate d t o hi s race , h e ha s recours e u p th e precinct chai n o f command , an d i f tha t fail s t o reliev e th e per ceived disparity , h e ca n file a forma l complain t wit h th e depart ment's Offic e o f Equa l Employmen t Opportunit y As for th e question o f formal discipline , even thoug h i t does no t seem t o b e o f concer n t o mos t o f th e me n i n thi s study , th e fac t remains tha t i n th e earl y 1970 s blac k cop s di d receive dispropor tionately mor e departmenta l complaint s tha n whit e cops. 13 Thi s finding, interestingly , contradict s th e predominan t view s expresse d and suggest s tha t blac k officer s wer e eithe r single d ou t fo r disci plinary charge s mor e ofte n tha n white s o r tha t the y simpl y en gaged i n misconduc t mor e frequentl y tha n whites . However , Ber nard Cohen , reportin g o n polic e misconduc t i n Ne w Yor k City , pointed ou t tha t neithe r interpretatio n nee d b e correct . Com -

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plaints issue d b y superio r officer s wer e foun d t o b e a functio n o f work assignment s an d blac k officer s wer e assigne d disproportion ately to thos e unit s i n which all police officers, regardles s o f color , were mor e likel y t o receiv e disciplinar y charges. 14 Overqualification and conformity as preconditions to advancement Some o f th e me n i n thi s stud y wh o clai m t o hav e experience d discrimination i n assignmen t fee l tha t i f th e blac k office r i s t o b e considered fo r advancemen t i n th e department , h e mus t perfor m substantially bette r tha n hi s white counterpart . I n othe r words , h e must b e overqualified fo r th e position . The only time the black can get assignments to good details is if he is needed fo r th e job. That goe s for stree t crime units an d th e bu reau. Otherwis e ther e i s discrimination whe n i t come s tim e t o b e considered fo r promotion . Ther e i s alway s a question mar k a s t o the blac k officer's competence . . . . The black officer alway s seems to be passed over when i t comes to promotions . He must b e three times as good a s the white cop to even be considered. Underlying suc h expectations , thes e me n claim , i s a n attitud e toward blac k capabilities deepl y roote d i n th e stereotyp e of the blac k man a s inferio r t o th e whit e ma n an d incapabl e o f succeedin g i f advanced. Th e followin g quotatio n fro m a patro l office r suggest s that mos t blac k policeme n ar e no t viewe d b y whit e superior s i n the departmen t a s equals , bu t a s inferio r performer s lackin g bot h the intellectua l credential s an d potentia l abilit y t o perfor m mor e challenging duties : As I sai d befor e blac k cop s ar e picke d u p fo r specia l detail s mor e on th e ground s tha t the y ar e neede d i n thes e areas . Fo r example , the BLA [Blac k Liberation Army ] detail, whites obviously could no t be used. If he is not especially needed an d if he wants to get into a specialized uni t he has to prov e his worth. H e has to convince the brass that h e i s qualified, whil e th e whit e office r i s just picke d re gardless o f hi s qualifications . . . . This equalit y thin g i s bullshit . The black officer ha s to be ten times better because the department is concerned abou t his performance. A lot of bosses feel that blacks

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are dumb, stupid and have to be led by the hand. This is a misconception. . . . S o you hav e t o g o ou t an d prov e you r worth . Yo u have to work te n time s a s hard t o sho w that you can handle some mickey-mouse detail. Besides lackin g th e capabilit y o f performin g mor e specialize d duties ther e i s als o th e feelin g amon g som e whit e bosses , accord ing t o a Harlem-base d detective , tha t black s canno t b e truste d i n "sensitive" assignments . I'm not sure why this is. I think maybe it's the mentality of the white bosses on thi s job. I don't thin k half of them trus t a black cop, especially whe n i t come s t o sensitiv e jobs . Say , the y cal l som e guy s up fo r a detail. Yo u find that the y alway s explain thing s ove r tw o or three times to the black guys. I guess they feel blacks don't catch on easily. I've personally hear d abou t instance s i n other command s where they didn't even tell the black detective everything he should know and they wouldn't le t him do certain things . Not onl y didn't they fee l th e blac k guy wa s capable of doing a job, worst o f al l in some cases they didn' t eve n trust him . That's som e hel l of a comment, that he might sell information . Not onl y is pressure believe d t o b e exerted externall y on th e blac k officer, bu t internall y a s well . On e responden t explain s tha t blac k detectives ofte n fee l the y hav e t o wor k harde r t o gai n recognitio n equivalent t o tha t wo n b y their white counterpart s becaus e th e blac k police officer' s background , lik e tha t o f s o man y othe r blacks , i s marked b y sever e educationa l deficiencies . Becaus e o f thi s funda mental disadvantage , w e ar e told , man y blacks i n th e burea u ar e not abl e t o expres s themselve s a s wel l a s mos t o f thei r whit e col leagues when the y write reports . I n orde r t o compensate , the blac k detective feel s h e ha s t o becom e mor e proficien t i n othe r area s o f the job . Fo r example , h e migh t pu t greate r effor t int o hi s investi gations, hopin g tha t thi s wil l offse t hi s failur e t o maste r th e En glish languag e an d it s complexities . Let me answer it this way. Some black guys I know recognize their own inabilit y t o handl e writte n report s properly . The y ar e quit e competent t o d o a n effectiv e jo b i n th e field , bu t becaus e the y dropped ou t o f school , the y can' t expres s themselves—sa y a s well as some of the other guy s on paper . To a lot of bosses i n this job,

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paperwork is important; it's really the only thing that counts. They couldn't care less about the case, just be able to "cover yourselP' on paper. I n m y office a couple o f blac k guy s ar e alway s bein g criticized about nickel-and-dime things like spelling and grammar. This to m e i s not fair . Thes e guys wal k awa y afte r thei r sergean t grab s them abou t som e stupid spellin g mistake, feeling lik e shit. S o they feel the y have to prov e themselves in other ways. They work twice as hard on thei r cases to make up for thing s like spelling. A related criticism offered her e centers on th e "expected" rol e of the blac k policema n wh o show s a n interes t i n achievin g promo tions. I f the blac k office r i s to b e seriously considere d fo r advance ment, commente d on e detective , h e mus t a t leas t outwardl y dem onstrate suppor t fo r th e conviction s o f hi s immediat e superiors , regardless o f whethe r thes e conviction s conflic t wit h hi s ow n se t of value s an d beliefs . Abov e all , th e blac k office r mus t neve r be come outspoke n o r openl y critica l o f hi s superior' s view s unless , of course, he i s willing t o suffe r th e consequences . Unlik e th e view s expressed b y most policeme n i n this study, thi s i s seen a s pervasiv e in th e departmen t rathe r tha n subjec t t o condition s enforce d b y individual superiors . Consequently , thes e policeme n ar e unwillin g to conside r conformit y eve n a s a strateg y fo r acceptanc e o r ad vancement. Th e followin g commen t i s typical : For a black t o move i n th e detectiv e bureau , yo u couldn' t b e outspoken. It seems like you have to play some sort of a predesignated role, and if you don't play this role, if you criticize the choices your boss make s for , le t u s say , promotion s o r assignments , the n the y sort o f delet e you , U X" you out . You'r e just n o longe r considere d for anythin g bu t shit details. When ratings come around yo u wind up 1 6 out of 15 . . . . My old bos s used to be like that. He always used t o criticize blac k politicians, but neve r white politicians . He' d say, "Look ho w they'r e lettin g thei r peopl e live. " Well, I' d sa y t o him, "What abou t Nixo n an d th e others?" He didn' t wan t t o hea r about that., so I was evaluated o n the botto m of the list, because I was outspoken. A s far a s I'm concerne d i f I have something to say I'll say it. I don't giv e a fuck i f they put m e 10 0 out of 50. Another office r talke d o f "outspokenness " i n a wa y connectin g it mor e closel y t o th e racia l stereotyp e believe d t o b e operatin g i n the departmen t today :

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One thing is you can't keep a stiff backbone . They try to bend you and break you. The attack is on your manhood. Yo u see, the manhood wil l b e tested a t every turn. It' s har d t o giv e specifics. I f you follow i t back to slavery, you'll find that any manhood, an y type of aggression wa s snuffed . Wha t aggressio n mean s toda y i s anothe r thing. Aggression today would be , I suppose, independence, asserting yourself and your beliefs . While i t i s tru e that , wit h mos t polic e supervisors , criticis m o r disagreement fro m an y quarte r i s unwelcome , som e blac k officer s feel tha t the y ar e mor e likel y to suffe r fro m suc h difference s whe n the subjec t i s rac e o r race-related . Thu s w e find, a s w e di d i n th e discussion o f blac k superiors , tha t th e blac k policema n ma y fee l tha t he i s bein g asked t o conform , tha t i s t o becom e a littl e "whiter. " This ca n lea d t o pressur e o n th e blac k office r especiall y i f h e i s seeking advancemen t i n th e department . Shoul d h e accep t th e rol e whites woul d impos e upo n hi m i n orde r t o mov e u p o r a t leas t out o f a routin e assignmen t lik e patrol , h e ma y discove r tha t th e psychological cos t t o hi s ow n identit y a s a blac k ma n outweigh s the benefit s conformit y brings . If , t o th e contrary , h e reject s out right th e establishe d group' s definition s o f wha t h e ough t t o sa y and ho w h e ough t t o thin k an d behave , h e ma y find attempt s t o gain acceptanc e an d recognitio n hampere d o r eve n blocke d b y thos e above an d aroun d him . Several observations migh t no w b e in order. Denial s of progres s in eliminatin g racia l discriminatio n i n th e polic e departmen t hav e come largel y fro m th e younger , less-experience d officers . Youn g black policeme n appea r mor e likel y tha n thei r senio r counterpart s to interpre t job-relate d problem s withi n a racia l context . Severa l possible explanation s ca n b e offere d t o accoun t fo r th e negativis m of blac k officer s an d especiall y o f th e younge r men . First , th e fac t that younge r blac k policemen appea r mor e disenchante d wit h con ditions o n th e jo b an d th e apparen t absenc e o f racia l refor m ma y simply reflect thei r lac k of experience an d appreciatio n o f the mor e overt form s o f discriminatio n characteristi c o f earlier years . I n thi s sense, th e older , mor e experience d blac k officer s are , i n man y ways , better equippe d t o recogniz e an d evaluat e change s tha t hav e com e about i n recen t years . The y hav e personall y experience d th e grad ual dissolutio n o f traditiona l racia l pattern s which , i n th e past , ef -

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fectively exclude d al l bu t a fe w fro m ful l acceptanc e i n th e orga nization, an d thei r awarenes s o f thes e change s seem s t o b e reflecte d in thei r comments . Second , man y youn g blac k policeme n comin g on th e job i n th e earl y 1970 s wer e initiall y thrus t int o low-visibil ity specialty unit s suc h a s narcotics, Organized Crime , an d th e Bu reau of Special Services where the department fel t it could best utilize their talent s an d especiall y thei r visibl e tie s t o th e blac k commu nity. Ironically, however, b y assigning large numbers of young black s to thes e nonuniformed , "low-contact " units , the department, i n ef fect, lowere d thei r visibilit y an d accessibilit y t o othe r blacks , cre ating i n th e proces s a false imag e o f institutiona l discriminatio n i n assignment an d reward . Third , th e negativis m expresse d b y som e of the black policemen i n this study may be a reflection o f the con cept o f relativ e deprivation whic h ca n b e set i n motion whe n a period o f objectiv e improvemen t i n condition s i s followe d b y a pe riod o f shar p reversa l an d whe n th e gain s mad e earlie r (a s i n th e late 1960s ) creat e expectation s tha t ar e increase d mor e rapidl y tha n the actua l changes . Condition s unde r whic h blac k polic e worke d had improve d substantiall y b y th e earl y 1970 s an d ma y hav e cre ated expectation s o f eve n greate r improvemen t i n th e future . Thes e expectations, a s w e know , faile d t o materializ e a s th e city' s econ omy bega n t o deteriorat e i n th e mid-1970s . Perhaps , i t wa s th e combination o f th e earlie r gain s an d th e unfulfille d expectation s fo r the lat e 1970 s tha t le d i n par t t o th e belie f amon g thes e disen chanted blac k officer s tha t white s wer e progressin g a t a faster rat e than the y wer e o r tha t the y wer e no t advancin g a t all . This lead s to th e relate d possibilit y tha t som e me n i n thi s study responde d i n strict racial terms to job situations and conditions i n the mid-1970 s (e.g., the freeze o n hiring , promotions, and advancements ) tha t mos t police officers , whit e an d black , wer e experiencin g bot h prio r t o and durin g th e perio d th e interview s fo r thi s stud y wer e bein g conducted. B y attachin g subjectiv e meaning s t o thes e condition s and bein g s o strongl y influence d b y thei r ow n particula r interpre tations, the y refuse d t o accep t o r eve n conside r alternativ e ones . Or, finally, a s th e office r quote d belo w states , som e o f th e re sponses allegin g widesprea d an d systemati c discriminatio n i n as signments ma y simpl y reflec t a n attitud e o f "sour grapes " a s thes e men sa w others mov e ahea d whil e the y remaine d behind , assigne d to routin e patro l duties .

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93

I'll tel l you what th e proble m i s with alo t of guys (bot h blac k an d white). You have more cry babies on this job than you have in cribs. As fo r th e specifi c claim s tha t blacks ar e disproportionatel y un derrepresented i n non-investigative , specialt y unit s suc h a s Har bor, Bom b Squad , an d Aviation Unit , i t might b e recalle d tha t thes e types of assignments ar e virtually closed t o member s o f the service , both whit e an d black , wh o d o no t posses s th e appropriat e techni cal qualifications o r "contacts " on th e job. I n thi s sense , the youn g black office r suffer s doubl y fro m hi s margina l positio n i n th e de partment, fo r h e i s a "newcomer 55 bot h i n term s o f hi s ethni c affil iation an d lengt h o f service . Bot h serv e t o dela y ful l acceptanc e an d the opportunit y fo r upwar d mobility . In th e final analysis , then , th e questio n o f purposeful racial discrimination wit h regar d t o th e are a o f specialt y assignmen t i s problematic. Wha t ma y appea r a s consciou s racia l discriminatio n to som e o f th e younge r (an d older ) black s o n th e jo b today , ma y more accuratel y b e described , a s one office r pu t it , a s "discrimina tion b y persona l contact. 55 I f w e refus e t o accep t o r eve n t o con sider thi s ter m independentl y o f an y racia l connotation s the n w e confront ye t anothe r problem : ho w t o accoun t fo r thos e white s who clai m t o hav e bee n denie d acces s t o preferre d specialt y unit s and dutie s becaus e the y lacke d th e righ t connection s o n th e job . In othe r words , ca n w e labe l favoritis m a racially discriminator y practice only when i t operate s t o th e disadvantag e o f black s or othe r ethnic minorit y groups ? In Par t I I o f thi s boo k w e dea l wit h workin g relation s betwee n white an d blac k policemen . Here , too , a fairl y consisten t patter n seems to emerg e betwee n attitud e an d tim e i n service . Black patro l officers wh o cam e o n th e jo b i n th e earl y 1970 s ar e mor e likel y than thei r senio r counterpart s t o fee l tha t relationship s wit h whit e officers ar e not tha t good . I n addition , they ar e more incline d tha n older black s t o vie w thi s conditio n a s a function o f negativ e racia l sentiments operatin g bot h withi n th e departmen t an d th e large r society. NOTES 1. Nichola s L . Danigelis , "Blac k Politica l Participatio n i n th e Unite d States : Some Recen t Evidence, " American Sociological Review. Volum e 43 , Numbe r 5

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(October 1978) , pp . 7 5 6 - 7 7 1 . Se e also , comments b y Alphonso Pinkney , Black Americans (Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall , 1969) , p . 197 . Recen t evi dence suggest s tha t i n th e futur e blac k citizen s ar e eve n mor e ap t t o ge t t o th e polls an d t o elec t black s t o publi c office . 2. Durin g thi s perio d i t was reporte d tha t th e tota l blac k populatio n i n th e North an d West increase d b y almost 4 million . Se e Thomas F . Pettigrew, Racially Separate or Together? (Ne w York : McGraw-Hill , 1971) , pp . 2 , 3 . 3. Se e especially th e quot e b y Edward Banfiel d an d Jame s Q. Wilso n i n Har old M . Baron , "Blac k Powerlcssnes s i n Chicago, " i n Norma n R . Yetma n an d C . Hoy Steel e (eds.) , Majority and Minority: The Dynamics of Racial and Ethnic Relations, 2nd ed. (Boston, Mass. : Ally n an d Bacon , 1975) , p . 387 . 4. Se e Nicholas Alex , New York Cops Talk Back: A Study of a Beleaguered Minority (New York : Wiley , 1976) , pp . 1 2 4 - 1 2 9 . 5. I n Chicago , fo r example , a Federal cour t withhel d $9 5 millio n i n revenue sharing fund s earmarke d t o pa y polic e salarie s unti l th e polic e departmen t com plied wit h a racia l quot a system . Se e Geral d D . Robin , Introduction to the Criminal Justice System (Ne w York : Harpe r & Row , 1980) , p . 121 . 6. I t seem s that ther e ha s always existed a feeling throughou t th e polic e com munity i n Ne w Yor k Cit y towar d senio r officer s whic h i n man y way s resemble s the attitude s peopl e i n ou r societ y hol d towar d ag e i n general . Fo r example , seniority ha s an d stil l determine s t o a large exten t whic h polic e officer s i n a particular comman d wil l b e eligibl e fo r "soft " detail s an d assignments . Seniorit y als o determines vacatio n selection s an d day s off . 7. Betwee n 196 0 an d 1972 , for example , ther e wa s an increas e fro m 7.7 per cent t o 37. 2 percen t i n polic e personne l residin g i n suburba n communitie s out side Ne w Yor k City . Se e Michae l Pete r Forbell , "Th e Commutin g Policeman — A Compariso n o f th e Effectivenes s o f Cit y an d Non-Cit y Residen t Ne w Yor k City Polic e Departmen t Patrolmen, " Joh n Ja y Colleg e o f Crimina l Justice , un published M.A . thesis , 1973 , pp. 3 , 4. 8. Dat a provide d b y th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department' s OEEO . 9. See , for example , Nichola s Alex , Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policeman (Ne w York : Appleton-Century-Crofts , 1969) , pp . 1 0 5 - 1 0 8 . 10. Ibid. , pp . 28 , 29 . 11. Ibid. , p . 29 . 12. Dat a provide d b y th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department' s OEEO . 13. Se e Bernar d Cohen , "Th e Polic e Interna l Syste m o f Justic e i n Ne w Yor k C\ty" Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science, Volum e 63 , Num ber I (Marc h 1972) , p . 57 . 14. Ibid .

Chapter Three

Forces Favoring Improved Relations

For one thing [early] civil right s leaders forced new laws to be passed. I thin k thes e law s eventuall y affecte d relation s betwee n black s an d whites. [Ho w i s that?] Well , i f you have laws which discriminate as you ha d prio r t o th e sixties—black s weren' t allowe d t o g o t o th e same school s a s whites, they couldn' t ea t i n th e sam e restaurants , that sort of thing—then yo u can't hav e good feelings and intention s about whites. You see the laws worked against you. Once you change the laws, you eventually chang e people's attitudes about each other.

A S w e hav e indicated , th e 1960 s an d earl y 1970 s wer e period s ) - A marke d b y broa d an d far-reachin g challenge s t o traditiona l JL~ JLracia l policie s an d practices . These challenge s wer e divide d along tw o majo r lines ; on e essentiall y conservativ e i n character , di e other mor e radical . Th e earl y civi l right s movemen t wa s basicall y conservative i n it s approac h toward s integratio n an d equalit y fo r blacks i n America . I t committe d itsel f largel y t o workin g throug h the existin g lega l an d politica l syste m an d accepte d th e prevailin g values o f th e countr y a s a whole . Th e later , mor e radical , move ment, whic h accepte d a militant postur e wit h regar d t o America' s racial problems , concentrate d les s o n notion s o f equalit y an d in tegration an d attempte d rathe r t o promot e racia l pride , blac k na tionalism, an d a n increase d self-respec t an d awarenes s amon g blacks . Our respondent s were , fo r th e mos t part , i n som e agreemen t concerning th e positiv e impac t tha t blac k protes t ha s ha d o n rac e

9 8 RELATION

S BETWEEN BLACK AND WHITE POLICE OFFICERS

relations i n th e countr y an d o n relation s betwee n blac k an d whit e cops i n particular . Ther e wer e differences , however , a s to ho w blac k protest actuall y influenced thes e changes an d mor e importantl y re garding th e contributio n o f each phas e o f th e movement . The Earl y Blac k Movemen t an d th e Pus h for Social , Lega l and Politica l Refor m

The comment s o f on e grou p o f respondent s sugges t tha t man y black policeme n i n th e cit y no t onl y supporte d th e strategie s an d goals o f th e earl y civi l right s movement , bu t associate d thi s phas e of the blac k struggle wit h wha t the y sa w as a general tren d towar d improvement i n th e are a o f rac e relations . Thes e policeme n see m particularly impresse d wit h th e approac h o f earl y civi l right s lead ers, especiall y thei r commitmen t t o fight discriminatio n throug h institutionally prescribe d mean s eve n i n th e fac e o f violenc e an d victimization b y governmen t leaders . The y fel t tha t thi s approac h eventually achieve d fo r black s greater acceptanc e b y arousin g a sense of mora l sham e amon g man y whit e Americans . A s on e office r pu t Well, it's my feeling tha t th e Marti n Luthe r Kin g perio d wa s very important. . . . A lot of people had to be moved, impressed by the fact tha t Kin g and hi s people stuck to thei r belief s n o matter wha t happened. H e opened a lot of eyes all over the country. When aske d wh y h e fel t relation s betwee n blac k an d whit e cop s have improve d i n recen t years , anothe r responden t als o spok e i n terms o f overal l improvemen t i n rac e relation s i n th e countr y a s a result o f th e effort s o f earl y civi l right s activists . This is a question that probably has a lot of answers. Behind all this I suspec t first and foremos t i s the fact tha t certain civil rights groups worked rathe r conservativel y i n getting thing s together . I mea n they didn't organize riots and that sort of thing. They pretty much went by the book and got a lot of changes slowly. . .. I feel these changes were not really resented that much b y whites. There was even a lot of white support i n places. . . . You could even see changes in the attitudes of some of the cops in this job too.

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A number o f policemen spok e of racial reform specificall y i n term s of th e variou s civi l right s law s tha t ha d bee n enacte d i n th e earl y sixties. Yet it i s not altogethe r clea r fro m thei r comment s just ho w these laws succeeded i n changing th e attitudes an d behavio r of white policemen towar d thei r blac k colleagues . On e possibility , o f course , is that th e passag e o f thes e law s ha d a reciprocal effec t o n th e view s each grou p hel d towar d th e other . If , fo r example , member s o f a traditionally define d subordinat e grou p begi n t o experienc e posi tive changes i n thei r situatio n a s a result o f legislation designe d t o improve condition s fo r tha t group , the y ma y the n begi n t o reac t less negativel y t o member s o f th e dominan t group , who , i n turn , may respon d i n kind . A detectiv e suggeste d suc h a line o f reason ing: In the early sixties, conditions in the department wer e different (tha n today). Those were hellified times . Those wer e sensitive times, the peace movement. . . . There was a clash of traditions which brought out animosities in all aspects of society. It's interesting to know that the difficultie s durin g thos e time s resulte d i n bette r relation s be tween the races in general and of course in the P.D. . . . Once the smoke cleared, everybod y stoppe d t o loo k a t each other fo r a moment an d i t was easier to understand eac h other's poin t o f view— from a black perspective too . Ha d i t no t bee n for th e tough time s of the sixties, I don't think we would be enjoying the calmness, more understanding, more tolerant times that we have today. The passag e o f antidiscriminatio n law s is , i t seems , a necessar y but no t a sufficien t conditio n fo r gain s t o b e mad e b y minorit y groups. On e nee d onl y revie w th e histor y o f th e earl y civi l right s movement i n th e Sout h t o fin d evidenc e tha t legislatio n designe d to revers e existin g racia l pattern s wa s successfu l onl y t o th e exten t that tha t legislatio n enjoye d suppor t an d enforcemen t fro m loca l government officials . I n thos e instance s i n which loca l governmen t support wa s lackin g th e impac t o f th e ne w law s wa s effectivel y neutralized. I t migh t b e argue d the n tha t th e lega l effort s o f earl y civil right s activist s t o eliminat e discriminator y practice s i n em ployment i n New Yor k might no t hav e been nearl y as effective ha d these effort s no t bee n accompanie d b y a politica l climat e i n th e cit y that openl y favore d an d supporte d refor m i n thi s area . A detectiv e presented thi s argumen t quit e nicely :

1 0 0 RELATION

S BETWEEN BLACK AND WHITE POLICE OFFICERS

I think relations on the job have improved a lot. Actually, there was no wa y the y coul d hav e staye d th e same . Firs t o f al l th e politica l atmosphere i n th e cit y change d [i n th e mid-sixties] . It wa s favor able t o bette r relation s betwee n black s an d whites . . . . This wa s due t o th e arisin g o f politica l sophisticatio n amon g blacks . The y (blacks) joined civil rights groups and created new laws. These groups also put pressure on the city for change. . . . Then you had Mayor Lindsay and his liberal appointments. I think Lindsay and other liberals moved o n a lot of racia l issues . It seeme d tha t wha t th e law s were saying Lindsay supported. It worked something like the domino principle . Lindsay' s appointment s woul d mor e o r les s express his feelings. Peopl e who didn't feel th e way he did ha d to underg o change o r quit . I f yo u ha d a Southern rednec k politicia n i n offic e at tha t time , relation s woul d stil l b e bac k i n th e ston e ages , even with all the antidiscrimination laws . This detectiv e indicate s a stron g belie f i n th e powe r o f lega l change, combine d wit h stron g supportiv e governmen t i n bringin g about bette r workin g relation s betwee n white s an d black s throug h improved workin g condition s fo r blacks . Yet it i s difficult t o kno w precisely ho w th e libera l climat e generate d b y Lindsa y an d hi s po litical constituent s succeede d i n penetratin g th e traditiona l con servatism an d resistanc e o f th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department . Judging from som e of the comments, however, penetratio n did occur with th e appointmen t o f a progressive-thinkin g polic e commis sioner i n the lat e 1960s . In fac t al l of the men wh o touche d o n th e political aspect s o f racia l refor m i n th e polic e departmen t men tioned Commissione r Patric k Murph y an d agree d tha t h e di d mor e to reconcil e th e department' s interna l racia l problem s durin g hi s term i n office tha n an y other polic e commissioner befor e him . Im plicit i n th e explanation s offere d b y mos t o f thes e men , includin g the office r quote d above , i s the belie f that refor m (i n thi s cas e ra cial change) i s increasingly facilitated a s succeeding hierarchical levels of authority ar e filled (or replaced ) b y like-thinking individuals . Recently, they're prett y good, bu t no t excellent . They've improve d because of the overall improvement i n race relations in the country. I would gues s that th e civil rights groups wer e very much respon sible for this . Years ago, for example , a black man could only b e a passenger on a bus. Today, the laws have changed. Blacks are now

Forces Favoring Improved Relations

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bus drivers an d cops . . . . You als o had peopl e i n office lik e (for mer commissioner) Murphy . H e becam e commissioner unde r a very liberal administration. Murphy made a big thing about racism. This was one of his pet peeves. He instituted a number of policy changes on the job, even though he made some enemies—people who maybe didn't want these changes so fast. Bu t he had the final say and fro m there things went uphill. Let's face it also, there are still some guys on the job today who still don't cater to blacks. Now they generally don't sho w it . They prett y muc h kee p their feeling s t o themselves. Before Murph y go t i n thes e guy s showed thei r feeling s i n a lot of ways. That mad e it prett y tough t o fee l good abou t whites on thi s job. Other policeme n wh o spok e positivel y abou t th e impac t o f th e early phas e o f th e civi l right s protest , the n contraste d thi s move ment wit h th e surg e o f blac k militanc y tha t wa s sweepin g th e country i n th e lat e 1960 s an d 1970s . According t o on e officer , th e antiestablishment postur e o f some o f the mor e revolutionar y blac k leaders succeeded i n stirring up once again racia l antagonisms amon g white policeme n thereb y makin g th e prospec t o f "gettin g along " that muc h mor e difficult . Concernin g th e latte r movemen t an d it s effect o n polic e rac e relation s a t th e time , h e explaine d tha t To m y wa y o f thinkin g peopl e lik e [H. ] Ra p Brow n an d Stokel y Carmichael instigate d trouble , riots, things like that. They were responsible fo r group s lik e the BL A [Blac k Liberation Army] . Cops were killed, both black and white cops. . . . They also caused people who were not really involved in the movement to riot. This was definitely no t a plus for blacks , the riotin g I mean. I feel that rela tionships went downhill in some precincts. In fact, where I worked they wer e rea l bad . Al l i n all , a s I said , I thin k they'v e improve d considerably. Once the militancy fad disappeared, relationship s definitely took a turn fo r th e better . A vetera n detectiv e seeme d equall y convince d tha t th e sudde n rise i n th e popularit y o f the blac k militan t movemen t an d it s "separatist" ideolog y i n th e lat e 1960 s serve d t o dampe n interracia l re lations i n th e polic e departmen t considerably . H e fel t tha t bot h h e and othe r blac k policeme n wer e bein g pu t i n th e positio n o f hav ing t o defen d themselve s agains t a philosoph y which , i n fact , di d not reflec t thei r tru e feeling s an d beliefs . H e wen t o n t o say ,

1 0 2 RELATION

S BETWEEN BLACK AND WHITE POLIC E OFFICERS

It seemed to me that al l of a sudden I was being looked at by a lot of white cops as the enemy. No, relations definitely wen t down then. They weren' t goo d a t all . I ca n remembe r on e (white ) gu y I wa s pretty tigh t with . We always kidded aroun d together , joke d around , even went out drinking together a couple of times. One day, I won't forget it , he comes up to me very cooly-like and h e asks me how I feel abou t thes e guys that preac h violence . I knew who he was referring t o and I told hi m first of all that I wasn't sure that they entirely preached violence but that I also didn't necessarily approve of groups who did. I also told him that I understood where these guys were coming from, wha t they were trying to accomplish . . . . We talked fo r a while an d staye d somewha t friendly , bu t no t lik e before. Ou r relationshi p cooled dow n quit e a bit, even today. I constantly had th e feeling afte r tha t that I had to somehow prov e myself. I guess you migh t sa y I ha d t o prov e my loyalty to th e other guys. What thi s officer i s saying i s not tha t blac k cops necessaril y sup ported violenc e as a means to a n end bu t tha t ther e were legitimate injustices facin g black s a t th e tim e tha t neede d someho w t o b e resolved. Wha t happened , however , wa s tha t th e distinctio n be tween th e legitimat e demand s fo r equalit y an d opportunit y an d th e means use d b y militant group s t o achiev e them were , in th e mind s of man y whit e officers , becomin g blurre d t o th e poin t tha t the y were ofte n unabl e t o separat e th e two . Man y whit e policeme n as sumed tha t becaus e black s favore d socia l chang e the y therefor e supported an y mean s use d t o brin g abou t change . Th e blac k co p was therefore considere d t o b e guilty of rejecting traditiona l value s (e.g., bringin g abou t chang e throug h institutionall y prescribe d means) an d supportin g revolutionar y tactic s simpl y b y virtu e o f hi s membership i n th e blac k race . No t al l aspect s o f th e militan t movement, however , resulte d i n increase d polarizatio n o f white an d black police . Some , a s we shal l see, operated t o strengthe n tie s between th e tw o groups .

The Militan t Phas e an d th e Growt h o f Blac k Consciousnes s

The argument s o f those polic e officers wh o expresse d som e support fo r th e basi c philosoph y o f blac k militanc y diffe r i n severa l

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important way s fro m thos e o f officer s wh o identifie d mor e clearl y with th e earl y form s o f th e civi l right s movement . First , o f course , there i s a genera l rejectio n o f th e concep t o f "workin g withi n th e system" as an effectiv e mean s of bringing abou t long-ter m change s in intergrou p relations . Oppositio n t o thi s concep t wa s clea r to o in those officers 5 belie f that th e earl y civil rights movemen t ha d bee n far to o conservativ e t o hav e implemente d anythin g bu t "cosmetic " changes i n th e are a o f rac e relations . Secondly , ther e wa s a n over t sympathy wit h on e o f th e majo r concern s o f th e blac k militan t movement; th e providin g t o th e masse s o f black s i n Americ a wit h a positiv e cultura l awarenes s an d identity . I t wa s fel t tha t b y pro viding thei r peopl e wit h a se t o f cultura l value s wit h whic h the y could identif y an d throug h whic h the y coul d develo p a sens e o f pride an d respect , black s woul d eventuall y acquir e th e strengt h needed t o affec t chang e i n America's institutions. 1 (I n th e lat e 1960 s the effec t o f thi s ne w militanc y wa s becomin g increasingl y eviden t in th e contribution s o f blac k artists , writers , an d educators , th e proliferation o f blac k studie s program s i n colleges , th e wearin g o f African clothing , an d eve n th e growin g popularit y o f Afr o hair styles.) For som e o f ou r men , interes t i n thes e ne w form s o f cultura l expression wa s aroused no t s o much b y the fac t tha t the y provide d blacks with a set o f positiv e symbol s bu t tha t the y altere d th e wa y blacks were beginnin g t o se e themselves i n relatio n t o whites . Th e following excerp t i s typica l o f th e feeling s expresse d b y thos e po licemen wh o identifie d wit h thi s par t o f th e movemen t an d wh o visualized it s long-ter m effec t o n intergrou p relations : The mer e fac t tha t a black perso n know s wher e h e stand s no w i n relation to whites makes it easier for him to cope with everday dealings in life. Belongin g allow s him t o relat e bette r to white people . . . . Going bac k to wha t I said before , thi s pride thing caught o n in the sixties. Blacks started dressin g differently, feelin g differently , and in some instances whites began copyin g them. When presse d abou t wha t h e mean t b y "copying them, " thi s of ficer continued For instance , ten o r 1 5 years ag o do yo u thin k mos t white s kne w what a "fro" was, or even cared > Today , you see many whites who

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are wearing Afros . On e of the whit e sergeants I work wit h i s very proud tha t hi s son i s wearing one. This h e personally conveyed t o me. In th e 1960 s i t wa s no t unusua l t o se e blac k policeme n openl y expressing thei r "newl y found " identit y b y sportin g Afr o hairdo s under thei r unifor m cap s an d b y wearin g Africa n clothin g an d jewelry whe n the y wer e no t o n duty . Whil e som e o f thes e ne w expressions o f racia l solidarit y an d prid e ma y hav e initiall y alien ated white s i n th e department , thei r long-ter m effect , w e ar e told , was t o promot e greate r respec t toward , an d acceptanc e of , blac k police, a t leas t o n th e job. As one policema n pu t it , Relations have definitely improved . That's because there is more acceptance and equality now. Actually, since the sixties there's no way in th e worl d tha t condition s coul d hav e gotten worse . The whit e cop accepts the black cop more as an equal today, than say, ten, 20 years ago . That's becaus e th e blac k co p see s himself i n a differen t light today . H e n o longe r walk s aroun d actin g lik e a "Tom." H e generally stand s up , speak s up . H e doesn' t le t racia l remark s slid e like he used to. Similarly, anothe r policeman , drawin g upo n previousl y hel d ra cial stereotypes o f blacks , explains ho w newl y developed prid e an d self-respect ofte n g o han d i n han d wit h mor e harmoniou s rela tions: I would sa y that befor e yo u can get the respect of others you have to buil d you r own self-respect. . . . Respect yourself and others will respect you. That's basically it. Would yo u be able to respect a cop who didn't respect himself? Absolutel y not. As I said before, i f you respect yourself, other guys will respect you, they got to. You can't have respect , fo r instance , fo r someon e wh o goe s aroun d sayin g "yassuh" and laughin g all the time. It i s both interestin g an d significan t give n th e fac t tha t mos t po licemen i n thi s stud y gre w u p i n th e ghett o wher e violenc e wa s often use d a s a means o f settling dispute s an d resolvin g problems , that no t on e o f th e respondent s expresse d approva l o f violenc e a s a mean s o f reconcilin g America' s racia l problem s an d conflicts . A

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few di d fee l tha t th e tactic s o f som e o f th e mor e revolutionar y blac k groups contribute d indirectl y t o a growin g sens e o f solidarit y be tween blac k an d whit e polic e i n th e city . Fo r example , b y openl y supporting violenc e agains t th e "establishment 5' an d especially b y targeting blac k an d whit e polic e team s fo r assassination , blac k extremist leader s furthered th e attempt s alread y bein g made b y th e department itsel f to promot e a sense of common identit y an d pur pose alon g occupational, no t racial , lines. Thus, a policeman i n th e study responded , How di d i t improv e relations ? It' s obvious . I t wa s a movemen t against th e establishment . The movemen t go t violent . Cop s repre sented the establishment. The movement, you see, wasted black and white cops alike. . . . Once a white cop saw a black cop lying dead in th e street , shot , h e couldn' t loo k a t anothe r blac k co p an d sa y you didn' t pa y your dues . The violenc e wa s a n education t o bot h black an d whit e cops ; th e ver y militan t blac k cop s a s wel l a s th e bigoted whit e cops were mellowed. Another office r explain s how th e sporadic attack s upon, an d kill ings of , uniforme d cop s i n th e earl y 1970 s eventuall y force d po licemen o f bot h group s t o channe l thei r aggression s an d hostilitie s against thei r newl y foun d "commo n enemy, " rathe r tha n agains t one another. 2 H e said , Relations hav e definitel y improved . . . . Mostly, I think , becaus e of the BLA and the cop killings. In thos e incidents bot h blac k and white cops were gunned down . The BLA deliberately choose black and white cops to make a point. They said they wouldn't have chosen two white cops or two black cops. . . . S o from ther e it was a "we versus they" feeling amon g most cops in the city. It's kind of a tragic way for guy s to ge t their shi t together . I don't fee l relation s will ever revert bac k to the old days. How coul d they? Such comment s no t onl y sho w ho w polic e victimizatio n ca n hel p minimize racia l difference s amon g policemen , bu t i t support s th e wider notio n tha t "dramati c events " occurring a t a time whe n black s and white s ar e experiencin g interracia l conflic t ca n trigge r shar p changes i n th e attitude s hel d b y member s o f eac h grou p towar d the other .

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A numbe r o f me n i n thi s grou p als o expresse d th e feelin g tha t New Yor k City government itsel f had take n som e ver y definite step s in di e directio n o f improvin g polic e rac e relations . Mentioned mos t frequently wer e change s i n th e racia l compositio n o f th e depart ment, th e erosio n o f barrier s t o promotio n an d advancemen t fo r blacks, th e introductio n o f huma n relation s trainin g programs , an d the emphasi s o n highe r educationa l achievemen t fo r al l police per sonnel. Thes e change s ar e considere d separatel y i n th e followin g pages. The Influx o f Black s int o the NYP D Earlier w e describe d th e change s i n th e racia l compositio n o f th e police departmen t a s a resul t o f th e effort s o f reform-oriente d cit y officials an d th e blac k Guardians Association . Ou r respondent s fel t that thi s wa s a n importan t tim e fo r th e blac k officer , an d tha t th e resultant increas e i n th e numbe r o f blac k cop s i n th e 1970 s pro duced a desirable effect upo n relationship s betwee n the m an d thei r white colleagues . Tha t is , after black s wer e admitte d t o th e ranks , it wa s argued , th e departmen t create d a workin g environmen t i n which black s an d white s experience d greate r interracia l exposur e and a n understandin g o f an d toleranc e towar d eac h other . A po liceman explained : You learn from eac h other. Whites who never had any dealings with black police now had more opportunity t o work with them. In some precincts a whit e co p ma y hav e ha d t o wor k mostl y wit h blacks . This was definitely a learning experience for both . You learn something abou t th e othe r gu y eac h tim e you wor k wit h him . Mostly , you lear n t o ge t along . . . . I personall y foun d tha t th e mor e I worked with a guy the more we found w e had in common. There's one catch . Sometime s yo u didn' t ge t t o wor k wit h on e gu y lon g enough t o find out where he's really coming from . To reiterate , i t i s quite possibl e tha t increase d interracia l contac t over th e pas t year s i s beginnin g t o dispe l th e long-standin g fear s and misunderstanding s hel d b y whit e an d blac k polic e towar d eac h other. Accordin g t o on e detectiv e i t wa s precisel y th e absenc e o f

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this typ e o f "extended contact " i n th e pas t tha t ensure d th e persis tence o f racia l stereotype s an d antagonisms . The mere fact that you have to deal with blac k cops as partners more often wil l automaticall y brin g abou t bette r relationships . . . . It' s very simple . I f yo u don' t hav e t o dea l wit h an d neve r hav e deal t with a green Martian, then you would not have the vaguest idea of what h e i s all about. Yo u won't understan d hi m an d yo u will fea r him unti l yo u ge t t o kno w him . Th e sam e thin g applie s here . I f you're exposed t o blacks more, you get to know them and you will fear the m less. In addition , b y alterin g th e racia l compositio n o f polic e pre cincts an d detectiv e squads , i t i s believe d th e departmen t reduce d the potentia l fo r intergrou p conflic t b y providin g additiona l sup port i n the event discussion s o r problem s o f a racial nature go t ou t of hand . A s one detectiv e remarked , The situatio n ha s gotten muc h bette r lately . I think yo u ca n se e it in my office. I n my team you got four blac k guys [out of nine men]. We're around each other a lot. To be honest you feel more relaxed, more comfortabl e whe n othe r black s ar e around . There' s les s ten sion, definitely les s problems . . . practically none at all. This same officer wen t o n t o spea k about th e importanc e of seeing blacks in hi s office th e first day he was assigne d t o a Harlem-base d detective squad : It's funny, befor e I got there, I was wondering how I was going to fit in. I was under the assumption tha t most detectives were white. I though t I migh t b e th e only blac k fac e i n th e offic e an d i f there was a problem wh o would I have on m y side. When I got ther e I saw the me n the y ha d an d i t wa s a lot o f white guy s an d a lot of blacks. I said , "Oh , shit , I'l l b e abl e t o fit in," which I did . I was able to work with n o problems a t all. According t o a seasone d patro l office r wh o ha s spen t mos t o f his career assigne d t o ghett o precincts , the influ x o f black s int o th e department i n the early seventies contributed t o th e imag e of a black man occupyin g a positio n o f authorit y an d powe r i n society . Pre -

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sumably, thi s "ne w image " resulte d i n greate r acceptanc e o f blac k police and greate r accor d betwee n policeme n o f both racia l groups . I neve r ha d an y real problems myself , but I'v e hear d storie s abou t guys showin g thei r shiel d [whe n off-duty ] an d stil l bein g ques tioned by white cops until they produced their I.D. cards. . . . But you hea r these stories les s and les s now. This, I believe, is because there are considerably more blacks on the job. Years ago there were only a handful. No w ther e ar e a lot more . This add s to th e credibility of a black man bein g a cop. The Breakdow n o f Racia l Barrier s t o Promotion an d Advancemen t

Among it s policy recommendations, th e Kerne r Commissio n re port o f 196 8 no t onl y calle d fo r increase d representatio n o f mi norities i n polic e department s acros s th e country , bu t als o recom mended tha t substantia l change s b e mad e i n departmen t policie s and practice s regardin g th e promotio n o f minorit y policeme n t o supervisory an d leadershi p positions . No t lon g afte r thes e recom mendations wer e delivere d t o th e public , th e Ne w Yor k Cit y po lice departmen t bega n t o promot e black s int o som e o f it s highes t ranking positions. 3 Virtually al l o f ou r respondent s acknowledge d th e advance s som e blacks mad e i n th e lat e 1960 s t o to p leadershi p position s withi n the polic e bureaucracy . A fe w considere d promotion s o f black s a s being essentia l t o th e growt h o f cooperativ e relation s betwee n blac k and whit e polic e i n th e city . A s a n exampl e o f this , a black office r stated tha t If I can see black officers i n top positions and other black s moving up finally, I feel that I can relate much better to the department and to other whit e cops I work with. I feel that I have a chance to advance if I so choose. The opposite i s also true, of course. Another policeman , emphasizin g prid e i n identification , ex pressed th e feelin g tha t th e promotio n o f black s int o hig h admin istrative position s ha d improve d hi s attitud e towar d th e depart ment an d it s predominantl y whit e officers . H e pu t i t thi s way :

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Like you see a black bum in the street and you feel bad . A guy has a much better image of himself seeing some black chiefs rather than all indians. It' s easie r t o wor k i n a department tha t include s blac k bosses i n thei r plans . You can identif y wit h th e high-rankin g bos s which mean s tha t yo u can identif y wit h th e departmen t o r a t least you fee l tha t th e departmen t i s now identifyin g wit h you . . . . I t boils dow n t o self-respec t an d pride . That' s th e A numbe r on e problem i n relations with people . It's paramount . While bot h o f th e officer s quote d abov e attribut e thei r positiv e attitudes toward s th e departmen t t o seein g black s move d int o ad ministrative positions , fo r on e thi s i s becaus e o f "fairness, " fo r th e other "image. " The blac k office r quote d belo w goe s furthe r i n at tributing t o suc h advancemen t th e reductio n o f race, altogether, a s a categor y informin g attitude s toward s hierarchica l relationships . What I believe I see too i s that cop s are now judging bosse s more or les s as to whether they'r e "sweethearts," not whether they'r e black or white. That doesn't mea n that a few of the white cops still don't say "Fuck him , I' m no t takin g orders fro m a nigger." Bu t I thin k in comparison t o 1 5 years ago this kind of attitude i s rare. I'll give you an example. If a white guy was transferred t o a precinct 1 5 years ago and he found ou t that he had a black sergeant or lieutenant, his initial attitud e wou d hav e been quit e differen t tha n i f he knew h e had a white boss . See , years ag o mos t blac k bosse s weren' t give n much respec t by white cops. Today, this is not really so. Bosses are evaluated o n wha t kin d o f men the y are ; you know , what kin d o f bosses they are; how they treat the men, not s o much color. 4 Occasionally thes e feeling s ar e couple d wit h th e belie f tha t th e department ha s finally abandone d long-standin g practice s whic h restricted bot h th e rol e an d dutie s o f blac k policeme n i n th e past . The followin g stor y relate d b y a veteran detectiv e focuse s o n on e such restrictio n an d infer s ho w it s persistenc e toda y woul d effec t police rac e relation s fo r th e worse . I wa s in Brookly n i n TPF an d a n old blac k man walke d u p t o me and showe d m e a retired polic e officer's shield . And i n my conversation wit h hi m i t was brought ou t tha t h e was eithe r th e secon d or third black officer hire d by the department. And he stated during those times, when he was an active police officer, tha t black officer s

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could onl y b e assigned t o blac k areas . And h e state d tha t i n mos t instances it was actually stated to him that the only place blacks were good enoug h t o wor k wa s i n a blac k neighborhood . [H e contin ued.] You know this is not th e case now, at least not to the degree it wa s i n thos e times . . . . H e tol d m e o f othe r things . . . . H e told me of other things that existed a t that time, things that would really cause problems if they existed today. Because these situations no longer exis t I think that' s th e reaso n wh y relationships ar e better. The polic e department , o f course , di d no t elevat e blac k supe riors t o hig h administrativ e position s o r modif y th e dutie s an d as signments o f blac k cop s i n orde r simpl y t o facilitat e improve d working relation s betwee n whit e an d blac k police . This was , quit e clearly, a n unanticipate d consequenc e o f thes e changes . Bu t th e department di d ac t decisivel y i n th e are a o f polic e rac e relation s i n the earl y 1970 s an d incidentally , a t abou t th e sam e tim e youn g militant black s wer e bein g draw n i n th e service , b y intensifying it s human relation s trainin g programs . Human Relation s Training Programs Early i n 1971 , a s par t o f a broade r effor t t o reduc e racia l fric tions an d preven t polarizatio n betwee n blac k an d whit e police , th e NYPD institute d a series of human relation s trainin g program s fo r patrol officers . On e o f th e first program s develope d a t th e precinc t level, wa s th e Huma n Relation s Workshop . Thi s wa s simila r t o th e workshop conducte d earlie r b y th e Nationa l Conferenc e o f Chris tians an d Jew s wit h th e polic e an d community . Th e onl y differ ence betwee n th e tw o wa s tha t th e participant s i n th e worksho p were polic e personne l an d th e proble m solvin g wa s oriente d to ward possibl e difference s betwee n whit e an d blac k patro l officers . A broade r program , introduce d a yea r later , wa s th e Intra-Orga nizational Huma n Relation s Worksho p whic h wa s conducte d b y the department's Communit y Affairs Division . Funde d unde r a grant from th e mayor's Crimina l Justic e Coordinatin g Council , thi s pro gram wa s designe d t o provid e a foru m fo r th e ope n exchang e o f views an d opinion s betwee n blac k an d whit e member s o f th e pa trol service . B y bringin g uniforme d member s o f differen t patro l

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precincts togethe r fo r 2 0 week s i n a workshop setting , i t wa s fel t that point s o f mutua l concer n t o bot h group s coul d b e explore d and arbitrated , thereb y preventin g a raciall y polarize d an d func tionally ineffectiv e department. 5 The polic e departmen t maintaine d tha t man y o f it s member s ha d profited fro m attendin g th e workshop . However , a few o f ou r re spondents di d no t agree. They fel t tha t th e progra m itsel f had faile d to reac h an d convinc e som e policeme n tha t racia l problem s di d i n fact exis t o n th e jo b a t th e time . Th e departmen t face d anothe r problem: a n initia l lac k of enthusiasm o n th e par t o f policeme n t o attend th e workshops . T o overcom e thi s reluctanc e an d t o insur e a somewha t balance d attendanc e a t thes e meetings , i t i s reporte d that som e police commanders simpl y selected "volunteers" from thei r respective precincts . Accordin g t o on e "volunteer, " Going bac k t o on e particula r progra m the y ha d i n Lon g Island , I can remember that participation didn't come about voluntarily. The CO. ha d to eventually pull guys out of the precinct to attend. This was the toughes t par t initially . Yo u could se e by a lot o f attitude s diat th e guy s didn' t giv e a fiddlers-fuck in th e beginning . The y thought thi s was strictly bullshit . There were , however , othe r policeme n wh o recognize d tha t a need existe d fo r som e typ e o f huma n relation s trainin g program . These me n agree d tha t racia l tension s wer e growin g i n som e po lice precincts i n th e lat e 1960 s an d tha t th e departmen t shoul d re solve th e problem . On e officer , wh o ha d participate d i n th e Intra Organizational Worksho p Program , explaine d ho w th e "work shop" concept eventuall y succeede d i n reducin g racia l tensions an d conflict betwee n thos e me n wh o attended . H e said , It brough t a lot of guys closer together, understandin g wher e each of u s come s from , ou r feelings , difference s an d tha t sor t o f stuff . . . . You clear the air, wipe out suspicions as far as how whites and blacks fee l towar d eac h other . Also , yo u find ou t wh y yo u fee l a particular way . Personally , I thin k the y wer e somewha t successful . I fee l toda y som e relationship s ar e bette r becaus e o f thes e discus sions, not excellen t bu t better . Yo u stil l go t som e problems , bu t I think they'll be worked out .

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One o f th e state d goal s o f th e worksho p progra m wa s t o en courage policeme n t o discuss openly their grievances, real or imag ined. I t wa s anticipate d tha t a ne w sensitivit y an d respec t fo r th e views of others would b e gained b y those officers wh o participate d and tha t thes e attitude s woul d b e communicate d t o other s i n th e precinct. Bu t state d goal s ar e no t alway s achieve d i n th e manne r anticipated. On e officer , fo r example , suggeste d a n ironi c endin g to a dialogue sessio n h e attende d earl y i n 1971 . Some of the guys left th e meeting and on the way out the y started talking abou t ho w fucke d u p i t reall y was . . . . You see , they already had somethin g in common. Then the y started bullshitin g on the way downstairs, started with the ethnic jokes. This kind of loosened things u p a little. It's aggressio n o n bot h ends , but it' s a safe sort of aggression. It's covered up so to speak. So these guys began to fee l mor e relaxe d wit h eac h other. The n th e next time the y go t together the y really got int o the problems. This sam e office r the n spok e o f th e importanc e o f continuin g these program s i n th e futur e a s wel l a s expandin g an d extendin g them t o includ e thos e member s o f th e departmen t wh o stil l hav e difficulty relatin g t o policeme n o f othe r racia l backgrounds . The problem i s that the department seemed to lose interest in these programs. You can't do that. You've got to continue them and you've got t o ge t t o th e res t o f the cop s wh o can' t ge t alon g i n th e pre cinct. This should b e done even if it means taking the men off th e street for a while. . . . The department' s interes t i n interracia l workshop s did , i n fact , decline somewhat towar d th e lat e 1970s . Bu t thi s wa s no t becaus e it deeme d thes e program s a failure . Rather , i t wa s du e largel y t o the growin g stabilit y o f intergrou p relation s themselves . Thi s i s no t to sa y tha t mutua l racia l antagonism s disappeare d entirel y fro m within th e patro l rank s b y th e lat e 1970s , bu t tha t rigidit y o f po sitions, extremism an d open conflict , characteristi c of the early 1970 s was graduall y givin g wa y t o negotiation , mutua l concessions , an d an acceptanc e o f difference s o n bot h sides .

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College-Level Trainin g fo r Polic e

Besides huma n relation s training , highe r educatio n for polic e als o was advocate d i n th e earl y 1970s . Becaus e o f th e growin g com plexities o f polic e work , politicians , academics , an d polic e leader s alike bega n t o loo k towar d colleg e educatio n t o hel p qualif y offi cers t o mee t th e demand s o f thei r jobs. 6 Agencie s o f th e Federa l government wer e th e first t o tak e a decisiv e positio n wit h regar d to th e issu e o f requirin g highe r educatio n fo r policemen . I n a series o f commissio n report s o n la w enforcemen t an d th e adminis tration o f justice, the governmen t conclude d tha t thi s nation coul d not expec t improvemen t i n th e qualit y o f it s polic e service s unti l higher educationa l requirement s wer e establishe d fo r al l polic e personnel.7 Respondin g swiftl y t o thes e an d othe r relate d recom mendations, Congres s enacte d th e La w Enforcemen t Educatio n Program (LEEP ) i n 1968 , providin g Federa l assistanc e i n th e for m of loan s an d grant s t o student s plannin g career s i n la w enforce ment an d t o polic e officer s intereste d i n pursuin g highe r educa tion. Durin g it s first yea r i n operation , LEE P provide d financial aid t o ove r 20,00 0 student s acros s th e country . B y 197 5 tha t figure jumpe d t o 100,000 . I n all , betwee n 196 9 an d 1975 , LEE P disbursed clos e t o $20 0 millio n i n educationa l benefit s t o police men an d pre-servic e polic e students. 8 As colleg e enrollmen t increase d amon g polic e i n th e earl y sev enties s o di d scholarl y interes t i n th e are a o f polic e education . B y the mid-seventie s dozen s o f studie s an d report s ha d bee n release d which supporte d earlie r contention s tha t colleg e trainin g could , among othe r things , overcom e th e undesirable , ofte n disruptiv e effects o f prejudice s whic h no t onl y isolate d polic e fro m majo r segments o f societ y bu t whic h divide d whit e an d blac k cop s int o separate an d opposin g camps. 9 It i s importan t t o not e tha t onl y a fe w policeme n i n thi s stud y questioned th e nee d fo r mor e college-traine d officer s i n th e de partment. Indeed , mos t fel t tha t th e requiremen t o f pursuin g a higher educatio n durin g th e administratio n o f Polic e Commis sioner Patric k Murph y ha s pai d of f fo r th e department. 10 Con sider, fo r example , di e followin g comments :

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I wa s i n th e Cap p Program . Som e o f th e course s tha t deal t wit h race relations wer e extremely helpful . Th e discussion s i n clas s broade n the knowledg e bas e o f al l cops . The y ten d t o forc e individua l pa trolmen t o dea l differentl y wit h minorit y peopl e tha n the y use d to . A cas e i n point : I don' t se e a lo t o f black s comin g int o th e statio n house brutalize d anymore . . . . I thin k thi s ha s a lo t t o d o wit h cops generally bein g more educated now . . . . That, t o me, is a key factor i f you're speakin g o f relation s betwee n black s an d whites . White cop s tha t I kno w tha t wen t t o colleg e no w relat e bette r t o people i n th e street—a t leas t th e one s tha t ar e somewha t seriou s about school . . . . I thin k educatio n ha s force d a lot o f thes e guy s to finally open thei r eyes . They're goin g to differen t schools ; they'r e taking course s i n rac e relations , sociology an d wha t they'r e learnin g seems t o b e rubbin g off . The y ac t better , mor e professiona l now . A fe w o f th e me n clai m tha t highe r education , especiall y i n th e liberal arts , expose s policeme n t o ne w idea s abou t societ y an d it s racial minorities . Th e result , the y argue , i s t o overcom e negativ e images tha t ar e attache d t o member s o f thes e group s an d t o bette r relations no t onl y betwee n polic e an d peopl e i n th e stree t bu t be tween blac k an d whit e polic e themselves . Thi s i s illustrate d b y th e following quote : I thin k educatio n i n th e pas t fe w year s ha s ha d a lo t t o d o wit h racial feeling o n th e job . On e thin g tha t ca n b e pointe d t o i n par ticular tha t I observed i s that s o many cops have decided t o go bac k to school . . . . This i s important becaus e i t show s tha t a lot o f thes e guys want t o expan d themselves . . . . School (i s a place where ) is sues lik e rac e ca n b e viewe d fro m differen t positions . Fo r example , some o f th e ol d belief s abou t black s ar e discusse d an d show n t o b e untrue. Le t m e giv e yo u a forinstance. Fiftee n year s ag o I couldn' t go dow n t o th e basemen t (i n th e statio n house ) t o ea t wit h thes e guys becaus e I wa s black . Th e though t wa s tha t black s ha d bod y odor o r something . Mos t o f thi s typ e o f garbag e thinkin g doesn' t exist today an d I' m no t sayin g that thi s i s just becaus e of education , but i t definitel y ha d somethin g t o d o wit h it . Thos e guy s wh o ar e in schoo l jus t don' t han g o n t o thes e attitude s anymore . . . . You see, you clea r th e ai r i n school , yo u hav e bette r relation s a t work . Many o f thos e placin g a hig h valu e o n educatio n fel t i t wa s mor e appropriate t o younge r tha n t o olde r member s o f th e department .

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Younger polic e perhaps would b e more receptiv e to new idea s abou t society an d it s social problem s tha n thei r senio r counterparts , and , as a result , adjus t mor e easil y t o workin g wit h blac k partner s i n ghetto neighborhoods . Th e followin g comment s touc h o n this : I don't have to tell you about the old school. I personally think that the younger cop s today ar e more educated an d have much broade r minds. . . . I ra n acros s quit e a few whit e cop s who fee l quit e a t ease working wit h blac k guys , much mor e s o than som e o f thos e guys who came on the job 20, 30 years ago. Also, animosit y ha s disappeare d t o a large degre e wit h th e disap pearance of th e ol d timers . It' s th e old timer s wh o ha d rea l funn y notions about blacks. They were really set in their ways. These guys simply didn't hav e the educatio n o f man y o f the younge r cop s today. These comment s sugges t o f cours e stil l on e othe r view , namel y that i t i s no t simpl y LEE P o r colleg e program s tha t accoun t fo r today's mor e stabl e an d amicabl e relationship s betwee n blac k an d white polic e officers , bu t rathe r a shift i n th e value s o f tw o differ ent generations . Thi s argumen t woul d hav e i t tha t a s th e olde r generation retires , rac e relation s improve , an d on e coul d reasona bly argu e tha t thi s woul d hav e happene d withou t LEE P o r th e emphasis o n polic e education . No t everyone , however , take s a s sanguine a view o f progress , a s we shal l shortl y see . NOTES 1. Se e Willia m B . Helmreich , The Black Crusaders: A Case Study of a Black Militant Organization (Ne w York : Harpe r & Row , 1973) , p . 27 . 2. I n 197 1 alone , te n policeme n wer e kille d b y blac k extremists , five o f the m black. Se e Nichola s Alex , New York Cops Talk Back: A Study of a Beleaguered Minority (New York : Wiley , 1976) , p . 151 ; also se e not e 1 1 o n p . 17 4 o f same . 3. A s reporte d b y James I. Alexande r i n Blue Coats-Black Skin: The Black Experience in the New Tork City Police Department Since 1891 (Ne w York : Expositio n Press 1978) , p . 83 . 4. Willia m M . Kephar t als o note d tha t mor e tha n hal f th e whit e policeme n in Philadelphi a resente d takin g order s fro m blac k sergeant s an d captain s n o mat ter ho w qualifie d th e blac k bosse s were . Se e Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement (Philadelphia, Pa. : Univ . o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1957) .

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5. Thi s genera l goa l was extracte d fro m departmen t pamphlet s an d officia l memos issue d t o member s o f th e servic e attendin g huma n relation s workshops . More specifically , th e goal s a s enumerated i n on e pamphle t entitled , Human Relations Workshop, Objectives and Components, wer e as follows: tha t participant s woul d experience or gain a greater degre e of empathy fo r eac h other, experienc e a breakdown i n stereotypin g and , profi t a t th e sam e tim e fro m th e reductio n o f tension s that migh t exist . 6. Se e Jame s B . Jacob s an d Samue l B . Magdovitz , u At Leep' s End? : A Re view o f th e La w Enforcemen t Educatio n Program, " Journal of Police Science and Administration, Volum e 5 , Numbe r 1 (March 1977) , pp . 1 , 2 . 7. Se e Th e President' s Commissio n o n La w Enforcemen t an d Administra tion o f Justice, Task Force Report: The Police, 1967, p . 126 . 8. Jame s B . Jacobs an d Samue l B . Magdovitz, op . cit. , pp . 8 , 9 . 9. See , fo r example , th e followin g article s an d books : Alexande r B . Smit h e t al., "Authoritarianism i n Colleg e an d Non-Colleg e Oriente d Police, " The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science, Volum e 58 , Numbe r 1 (Marc h 1967), pp . 1 2 8 - 1 3 2 ; Irvin g B . Guller , "Highe r Educatio n an d Policemen : At titudinal Difference s Betwee n Freshma n an d Senio r Polic e Colleg e Students, " The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science, Volum e 63 , Numbe r 3 (September 1972) , pp. 3 9 6 - 4 0 1 . I n thi s stud y Gulle r examine d th e effect o f college o n freshme n an d senio r polic e student s attendin g Joh n Ja y Colleg e i n Ne w York Cit y an d foun d a significant inverse relationshi p betwee n year s of educatio n and "dogmatism " amon g police . I n hi s conclusions , Gulle r suggeste d tha t expo sure t o colleg e promote s positiv e self-estee m amon g polic e officers , whil e dimin ishing punitive attitude s towar d others ; Ro y R . Roberg , "A n Analysi s of the Re lationships Amon g Highe r Education , Belie f Systems , an d Jo b Performanc e o f Patrol Officers, " Journal of Police Science and Administration, Volum e 6 , Numbe r 3 (Septembe r 1978) , pp . 3 3 6 - 3 4 4 . Withi n th e contex t o f improvin g polic e per formance an d behavior , severa l curren t researc h effort s hav e provide d som e ten tative suppor t o f th e assertio n tha t colleg e trainin g doe s reduc e th e incidenc e o f civilian complaint s an d charge s o f misconduc t agains t individua l officers . See , fo r example, Bernar d Cohe n an d Ja n M . Chaiken , Police Background Characteristics and Performance, Lexington, Mass. : Lexingto n Books , 1973) . I n thi s stud y th e investigators discovered , amon g othe r things , tha t polic e officer s wh o attende d college wer e les s likely t o receiv e disciplinar y charge s tha n thos e wh o di d no t at tend college . 10. I n a n Open Door letter to al l members of the department, date d Marc h 1973 , Police Commissione r Patric k V . Murph y emphasize d th e nee d fo r mor e colleg e trained polic e officers. Murph y state d tha t h e was encouraged t o see that s o man y members of the service were availin g themselves of the opportunity t o atten d col lege course s offere d i n th e precincts . H e note d tha t abou t 3 0 percen t o f th e de partment ha d som e colleg e educatio n an d tha t th e figure was increasin g yearly .

Chapter Four

Forces Against Improved Relations

I've bee n to a dance where comment s wer e mad e and got bac k t o me. . . . I asked the wife of one of the white cops to dance. Imagine that!

Anumber o f th e me n interviewed , a minority o f them , rathe r r - \ strongl y rejecte d th e notio n tha t workin g relation s be J L J L t w e e n blac k an d whit e polic e hav e improve d signifi cantly i n recen t years . Thes e men , nin e o f th e 46 , testifie d tha t conflict an d divisio n alon g racia l line s continu e t o exis t i n thei r commands, a continuanc e the y largel y attribut e t o th e persis tence o f antiblac k sentiment s an d practice s o n th e par t o f whit e patrol officers . Racial Exclusivis m A fe w o f thes e respondent s place d th e proble m squarel y i n th e lap of white policeme n an d som e black s who, the y argue , stil l pre fer racia l exclusivism a s a working arrangment . On e policema n wen t so fa r a s t o stat e tha t mos t whit e cop s i n hi s precinc t deliberatel y avoid contac t wit h blac k polic e an d i n s o doin g intensif y racia l di vision an d strai n amon g th e men . H e wen t o n t o sa y There ar e o f cours e situation s i n whic h white s an d black s ge t to gether, bu t i n most cases there i s still this dividing line . They pur posely avoid riding with blac k cops and they generally eat by themselves. This is the result of prejudice; simpl y that .

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Yet, accordin g t o on e o f thes e nin e respondent s i t i s quite nat ural fo r member s o f on e grou p t o prefe r workin g wit h other s o f the sam e ethni c group ; evidenc e o f thes e association s shoul d no t automatically giv e ris e t o charge s o f racis m b y either group . In al l the commands I'v e bee n in I found th e same situation t o exist. White cops generally tend t o han g together, s o did blac k cops. But this is a natural thing for peopl e to stick together, because they feel mor e a t ease , no t necessaril y becaus e the y dislik e eac h other . Look, ducks float on wate r becaus e they're ducks , it's natural. Bu t there are other problems. It i s als o quit e possibl e tha t socia l convention , define d her e i n occupational terms , dictates to some extent one' s choice of a working partner . A whit e policeman , fo r example , ma y hav e n o per sonal objectio n t o workin g wit h a blac k partner , bu t ma y fee l nevertheless tha t i f he i s seen i n th e compan y o f black s to o often , other white s i n th e precinc t wil l begi n t o as k questions . T o th e extent tha t suc h situation s manifes t themselve s i n one' s command , it may simply b e easier, as the policema n quote d belo w reports , t o work wit h member s o f one's ow n group . I'm no t saying that all white cops are prejudiced. A few of the guys don't mind working with blacks , buy maybe they feel a little funn y about it. Say a guy chooses to work with a black cop for whateve r reason, when there's 20 other white cops on the roll call. There might be questions asked . Ho w doe s i t look ? H e migh t eve n hav e snide remarks passed if he's done this before. So it's easier to avoid all the possible bullshit. But suc h a n explanatio n i s an exception . Mos t me n i n thi s grou p steadfastly maintai n tha t whit e uniforme d polic e deliberatel y limi t contact wit h blac k officer s no t becaus e o f th e prejudicia l attitude s communicated b y thei r whit e peer s bu t becaus e the y themselve s are biase d agains t blacks . Although onl y a few offere d reason s fo r this prejudice , al l seeme d pessimisti c abou t th e possibilit y o f im proving intergrou p relation s i n th e nea r future . Th e followin g comments ar e typical : I don' t reall y fee l tha t anythin g ca n b e don e t o chang e thei r atti tudes. Prejudice will always remain with diem. Feelings start at home,

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develop at home. By the time a guy comes on this job his attitudes are alread y se t an d nothin g i s going t o chang e them . Th e depar ment can' t eliminat e problem s o f thi s sort , shor t o f gettin g ri d o f these guys, and tha t mean s 7 5 percent of the force. N o amoun t o f training is going to help. Well, yo u kno w th e wa y I loo k a t th e situation , th e mea n ag e o f white cops i n this department i s about 35 . When yo u subtract 3 5 from 77 what do you get? 1942 . These were the kinds of attitude s prevalent then . Kid s gre w u p an d accepte d th e attitude s o f thei r parents then. That's what most white cops still live with today . Deep-seated, antiblac k sentiments—whethe r a product o f child hood experiences , later socializatio n i n th e polic e department , o r a combination o f both—are communicate d t o blac k policeme n wh o feel tha t becaus e they ar e not member s o f the dominant racia l grou p they ar e no t truste d b y whit e policeme n i n thei r precincts . Thi s causes bitternes s i n al l of these me n and , fo r some , concern fo r thei r safety i n th e street . Fo r example , A lot of these prejudiced cop s look at all black cops as being differ ent. They have doubts about the black cop's loyalty, whose side he's on. . . . This is not th e kind of relationship tha t I would cal l amicable. It's a dangerous job and you shouldn't hav e this feeling tha t you can't trust someone just because his skin color is different . Prejudiced whit e policeme n ar e als o accuse d o f attachin g t o blac k policemen racia l stigma s tha t som e peopl e i n th e ol d Sout h ha d held. Th e office r jus t quote d wen t on : You also have too many white guys who look at black cops as blacks, not a s cops. These guys generally don' t fee l tha t we'r e qualified t o perform certai n polic e functions . The y loo k a t th e blac k co p a s someone who has to be led around b y the hand to do the job. Strong racia l feeling s als o find expressio n outsid e o f work , par ticularly a t socia l function s attende d b y white an d blac k patro l of ficers. At suc h gatherings , commente d on e officer , i t i s especially important tha t th e blac k policema n conduc t himsel f alon g line s o f traditional racia l etiquette. The blac k policema n wh o indicate s tha t he does no t kno w hi s "proper place 55 at thes e affairs , o r wh o openl y disregards suc h norms , wil l mos t certainl y hea r abou t hi s transgressions th e nex t day .

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Pve been t o a dance where comment s wer e made an d go t bac k to me . .. I asked the wife of one of the white cops to dance. Imagine that! It shoul d b e mentioned , however , tha t mos t socia l gathering s attended b y whit e an d blac k polic e d o no t involv e wive s o r gir l friends. The y ar e usuall y affair s t o hono r recen t retiree s o r mem bers who hav e bee n promote d t o highe r rank , an d ther e i s no rea son fo r racia l friction . Thi s doe s no t necessaril y mea n tha t racia l feelings ar e entirely absent during these ceremonies, nor does it mean that they do not intrud e upon an d influence pattern s of interactio n among th e participants . At man y socia l function s attende d b y uniform member s o f th e service , black s graduall y gravitat e t o table s occupied b y othe r blacks , white s t o th e othe r tables . This , again , may no t b e th e resul t o f racia l animositie s sinc e muc h mixin g i s evident durin g th e early evening bu t becaus e of the fac t tha t whit e and blac k patrol officers ofte n hol d differen t beliefs , values, and in terests an d ten d t o gravitat e towar d other s wh o the y feel shar e these same qualities . However , thi s behavio r i s muc h les s eviden t a t social affair s attende d b y detectives . Indeed , blac k an d whit e detec tives mostl y pla y dow n o r ignor e th e rac e o f th e peopl e the y so cialize with . A s a rule , detective s wh o wor k togethe r i n th e sam e squad o r uni t ten d t o si t together fo r th e entire evening. Here , th e sharing o f occupationa l values , beliefs , an d persona l interests— a condition tha t develop s naturall y a s detective s experienc e interra cial contac t i n th e wor k setting—play s a n importan t rol e late r i n shaping pattern s o f interaction durin g off-dut y social gatherings . In sum , racia l exclusivis m ha s bee n an d stil l i s commonly foun d in uniforme d patro l precincts . Whethe r o f benig n inten t o r not , exclusivism operate s t o suppor t existin g racia l belief s an d stereo types, which i n turn lea d t o furthe r polarizatio n o f the group s an d even to occasional incident s betwee n member s o f different groups . Racial Incident s Betwee n Polic e

Black policeme n i n Ne w Yor k Cit y hav e th e sam e lega l status , authority, an d official responsibilitie s a s white policemen . Bot h ar e authorized unde r th e Criminal Procedur e La w of the Stat e of Ne w

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York to mak e arrests when crime s are committed i n their presence , and bot h ar e require d b y departmen t regulation s t o carr y thei r weapons a t al l times whil e i n thei r geographica l jurisdiction. 1 Ad herence t o thes e requirement s present s n o specia l problem s i n term s of relation s betwee n black s an d whites , excep t whe n th e blac k po liceman i s of f dut y o r whe n h e i s assigne d t o wor k i n civilia n at tire. Tha t is , black policeme n occasionall y becom e involve d i n sit uations i n whic h the y ar e force d t o dra w an d sometime s us e thei r weapons. A proble m tha t ha s le d o n mor e tha n on e occasio n t o heightened racia l tensio n i n th e departmen t i s th e failur e o f civil ian-clothed blac k policeme n t o properl y identif y themselve s a s po lice officer s t o othe r officer s wh o ma y hav e arrive d i n th e mean time while takin g actio n i n the street . I n th e past , thi s ha s resulte d in th e accidenta l killing s o f nonuniforme d blac k policeme n b y whit e officers—killings whic h prompte d bitte r charge s fro m th e leade r of on e blac k polic e organizatio n tha t whit e policeme n "shoo t first and as k questions later." 2 Our respondent s ar e unclea r a s t o wher e th e blam e shoul d b e placed fo r thes e "mistake n identity 5' shootings . Som e fee l tha t th e department i s a t faul t sinc e i t faile d t o tak e adequat e step s t o in sure th e safet y o f blac k civilian-clothe d policeme n i n th e street . Others argu e tha t n o amoun t o f training o r specia l instruction coul d prevent thes e tragedie s becaus e th e shooting s themselve s wer e symptomatic o f mor e fundamenta l problem s underlyin g relation s between black s an d white s today. 3 These me n maintai n tha t whit e policemen, whethe r i n unifor m o r not , ac t upo n racia l stereotype s which automaticall y assig n "police " statu s t o an y civilian-clothe d white holdin g a gun o n a black. Bu t whe n th e civilian-attire d per son holdin g th e weapo n happen s t o b e black , a "criminal " statu s is assumed. These belief s an d th e accompanyin g fea r o f takin g po lice actio n whil e dresse d i n civilia n clothe s i s wel l dramatize d i n the followin g commen t offere d b y a polic e office r who , bac k i n 1978, ha d single-handedl y capture d a tea m o f robbery-murde r suspects i n th e Bedford-Stuyvesan t sectio n o f Brooklyn . Wha t concerned thi s office r mos t wa s not th e actua l captur e o f tw o arme d felons, bu t th e polic e sirens cutting throug h th e ho t summe r nigh t and th e realizatio n tha t th e respondin g officer s woul d se e him , a black man , dresse d i n civilia n clothes , i n a slu m neighborhood , holding a gun i n hi s hand. A s he late r relate d t o a reporter, " I wa s

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scared that they might [tak e me for a criminal and] blow me away." 4 One blac k policema n i n thi s stud y recalle d a simila r inciden t i n which h e narrowly escaped bein g shot b y two white uniforme d of ficers who , whil e investigatin g a neighbor' s repor t o f a stickup i n the buildin g i n which h e lived, initially mistook hi m fo r on e of th e armed felons . H e wen t o n t o poin t ou t tha t relation s betwee n blac k and whit e cop s can b e set back substantiall y afte r suc h a n incident , especially whe n late r officia l inquirie s disclos e tha t colo r wa s th e sole criterio n use d b y th e whit e policeme n i n distinguishin g th e "good" guy s fro m th e "bad" : You know a s a black man an d a s a black cop that thes e shooting s wouldn't hav e happene d i f th e cop s ha d bee n white . Loo k wha t nearly happened to me. Because I'm blac k I was easily mistaken fo r a criminal an d I almos t go t it . . . . It's going t o tak e a long time to do away with thi s image. Every once in a while you're going to have an incident like what happened i n Brooklyn. And it's going to set back relation s fo r a while. I'v e notice d tha t afte r on e o f thes e shootings things i n the precinct ar e quiet. Guy s don't loo k at each other. They try to avoid each other. A detectiv e claim s tha t hi s persona l knowledg e o f polic e shoot ings unde r "mistake n identity 55 circumstance s no t onl y force d hi m to reevaluat e hi s feeling s abou t whit e policemen , bu t als o dimin ished hi s effectivenes s a s an officer : I've read enough abou t these incidents tha t I'v e come to see white policemen i n a different light . . . . I t als o makes me apprehensive. It affect s m y total dedicatio n t o m y job. There ar e certain area s in which m y efforts migh t b e curtailed becaus e of the innat e fea r o n my part of being killed i n the line of duty. But thi s extrem e reactio n seem s t o b e a n isolate d one . A youn g black detective states that th e wave of accidental shooting s o f black policemen a few year s bac k has simply forced hi m t o becom e mor e cautious, mor e awar e o f th e possibilit y tha t h e to o coul d b e mis taken fo r a felon an d sho t whil e takin g polic e actio n dresse d i n civilian clothes . Other policeme n repor t simila r reactions : Sure, it had a very definite effect o n me, even though I might know the guy isn' t shooting at me because he thinks I'm a police officer .

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I stil l can't draw my revolver i n certain instances . I know I stand a good chanc e of getting shot, so I'm mor e careful i n the street . I'll tell you what i t does to me . It make s me very conscious of the fact tha t I coul d easil y b e mistakenl y sho t i n th e typ e o f environ ment I work in . Its effect o n me , I'm just more cautious, that's all. It's like red light-green light . One office r attache d considerabl e significanc e t o th e difficultie s facing blac k detective s wh o ofte n tak e polic e actio n whil e dresse d in civilia n clothes . Accustome d t o dressin g casuall y whil e engage d in field assignments i n black , high-crime area s of the city, he state d that no w h e i s forced t o dres s the par t o f a detective while on duty : I starte d wearin g a suit t o work , somethin g I was not accustome d to doing becaus e of the work I was doing. I felt mayb e this would help insure that I was a cop in the minds of white policemen . This officer' s statemen t implie s tha t th e blac k non-uniforme d policeman mus t mak e a specia l effor t t o ensur e tha t h e i s recog nized a s a member o f the departmen t b y white policemen . Yet , eve n then, ther e i s n o guarante e tha t h e wil l b e accorde d th e appro priate respons e b y white officers . H e said , My partner an d I were returning t o our offic e whe n a 10-13 [as sist patrolman] was transmitted. My partner and I proceeded i n the direction o f the call. When w e reached th e scen e we observed several hundre d peopl e i n th e street . The first thing tha t cam e t o my mind was this is a real one [ a police officer wa s actually in trouble]. The second thing was to get my shield out. [W e were both dressed in suits]. My partner and I got out of the auto and saw two [white ] uniformed cop s trying to subdue a female and a male. When I reached the scene I put m y arms around th e female fro m th e rear . The cop yelled, "Who the flick ar e you?" I said, "I'm on the job," and showed him my shield, which was in my right hand. The cop started yelling, "She's got a knife, she' s got a fucking knife. " I looked ove r t o my right an d observe d th e other co p trying to subdu e th e mal e an d it looked like he had a long wooden pol e in his hand. The next thing I know I feel and see a nightstick around m y neck. I said to myself, "Oh, shit , I' m i n troubl e now. " I automaticall y relaxe d an d fel l t o the rear . Then I heard th e peopl e yelling, he's the police , over and over again. Then I felt someon e grab the cop's arm, saying, "What

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the fuc k ar e yo u doing? " Whe n th e co p release d m e I turne d an d said, "Wha t th e fuc k ar e yo u doing. " Th e nex t thin g I kno w an other co p grabbe d m e fro m th e rea r an d pushe d m e u p agains t a car. Afte r tha t i t wa s chaos . Another detectiv e recalle d a simila r inciden t h e experience d whil e assigned t o a high-crime , Harle m precinct : One inciden t I recall, my partne r [wh o wa s white] an d I responde d to a shooting ove r on 125t h Street , i n fron t o f th e Bar . We got ther e befor e th e uniforme d guys . At that poin t w e had tw o suspects lined u p agains t a car when thre e or fou r radi o cars pulled up . There wa s a lot o f confusion, peopl e rushin g out o f th e bar , peopl e coming from al l over the place . I remember bein g grabbed b y a white [uniformed] cop . I didn' t hav e m y shiel d ou t an d h e tol d m e no t to move. Some of the other cops had gone over to assist my partne r bringing on e o f th e guy s w e ha d line d u p int o th e radi o car . Min d you, my partne r an d I wer e th e onl y one s dresse d i n jacket s an d ties, but the y grabbed m e initially an d pushe d m e up agains t th e car until I thoroughl y convince d the m I was a cop. B y then m y partne r had als o tol d the m wh o I was . I go t a bi t nast y afte r that , no t be cause I fel t tha t I wa s bein g roughe d up , bu t becaus e neithe r co p apologized t o me . On e o f th e guys , al l he sai d was , "Well, ho w th e ftick wa s I suppose d t o kno w wh o yo u are. " This lef t a bad tast e i n my mouth . An d I'l l tel l yo u this , my partne r wa s s o pisse d off , h e told m e t o mak e a beef abou t it , th e wa y thing s wen t down . However, despit e th e occasiona l flaring u p o f racia l incident s i n the departmen t ther e seem s t o b e a positiv e feelin g amon g mos t of thes e me n towar d whit e policeme n wit h who m the y hav e worke d regularly i n th e past . Incident s suc h a s th e one s describe d abov e may see m importan t fo r th e moment . Indeed , the y ma y eve n pro voke retaliator y measures . But , a s w e shal l see , the y ar e no t ap t t o jeopardize o r upse t establishe d successfu l workin g relationships . There hav e bee n a fe w time s whe n th e ai r ha s gotte n heav y ove r some racia l incident . . . . Mos t o f th e guy s wh o ar e alread y clos e realize tha t thes e incident s wil l occu r fro m tim e t o tim e an d the y just don' t le t the m interfer e wit h thei r persona l feelings . Most blac k cops have seen it before, an d a few migh t tak e exceptio n to it . I t definitel y woul d no t hav e an y effec t betwee n partner s o r

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friends. They understand wha t causes it. The knowledgeable polic e officer know s what causes these incidents. If it got to the point where 100 percen t o f th e individual s wer e involved , the n i t woul d caus e problems. Now it's not a problem between partners. I've heard about a few of these incidents. The way I look at them personally, they're individual matters. They certainly aren't going to influence th e way I migh t fee l abou t a white gu y that I respect fo r differen t reasons . Should I stop being friends wit h hi m because of some stupid inci dent that happened i n another precinct ? The incident s o f mistake n identit y shooting s depicte d i n thi s section hav e n o doub t alienate d som e blac k policeme n fro m thei r white counterparts . Bu t the y di d mor e tha n that . The y als o pro voked stron g politica l reaction s fro m blac k polic e group s i n th e city—reactions whic h eventuall y le d t o drasti c polic y change s i n the department . Fo r example , no t lon g afte r a series of tragic , an d in two instance s fatal , shooting s i n the early 1970s , in which whit e officers mistakenl y fired upo n blac k civilian-clothe d cop s takin g police action , th e Guardian s Associatio n publicall y threatene d t o call al l blac k plainclothe s officer s of f thei r assignment s unles s th e police commissione r acte d decisivel y t o correc t th e situation. 5 Th e department di d ac t decisively. Beginnin g i n the spring o f 197 4 po lice officers a t al l levels began t o receive forma l trainin g o n ho w t o verify th e identity of another member of the service in civilian clothes and ho w t o handl e potentia l confrontatio n situation s i n th e street . Since th e inceptio n o f thi s progra m no t onl y hav e racia l incident s between blac k an d whit e cop s declined , bu t accordin g t o a recen t study, no t on e blac k o r whit e co p ha s bee n sho t b y anothe r mem ber o f th e servic e unde r "mistake n identity " circumstances. 6 Confrontations betwee n civilian-clothe d blac k polic e an d whit e officers was , however, onl y par t o f a wider racia l proble m tha t wa s reported b y thes e nin e men . Blac k civilians, we ar e told , wer e als o being subjected t o prejudice an d discrimination a t the hands of white policemen. Prejudice Directe d Toward th e Blac k Publi c Black-white relation s betwee n policeme n ca n b e straine d furthe r when anti-blac k polic e sentimen t i s expresse d outsid e th e statio n

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house, i n blac k communities . Man y o f th e me n wh o complaine d about th e wa y blac k cop s ar e treate d b y thei r whit e colleagues , als o expressed dee p ange r an d resentmen t a t th e insensitive , roug h treatment blac k citizens ofte n receiv e a t th e hand s o f white police men. On e officer , wh o allege d tha t eve n seemingl y nonprejudice d white cop s deal harshly with blacks , offered a rather interestin g explanation fo r suc h behavior . Th e whit e policeman , h e asserted , i s under constan t pressur e fro m hi s whit e colleague s t o "ac t tough " in the street, eve n when h e is not personall y incline d t o do so . The officer pointe d ou t tha t A lot of white cops feel they have to rough people up or talk tough to the m eve n i f th e peopl e aren' t shitheads . Thi s the y fee l i s expected of them by their peers. So even if a cop isn't a bigot or tough guy by nature, he feels he'd bette r act the role in front o f his white [police] friends . "Acting tough " i n th e street s an d statio n hous e i s indeed a n occupational nor m tha t most polic e officers com e to accep t upon bein g assigned t o a precinc t comman d an d on e whic h evoke s consider able pee r pressur e t o confor m with . Thi s behaviora l cod e serves , among othe r things , t o protec t th e polic e office r b y definin g hi s position an d intention s t o other s wh o ar e evaluating hi m a s an of ficer. However, thi s behavio r ma y b e reinforced b y expectations o f how h e think s certai n minorit y group s behave . The resul t i n som e instances ma y b e physica l abus e o f innocen t person s wh o becom e victims solel y becaus e o f thei r membershi p i n a particula r socia l category. A n exampl e o f thi s sentimen t i s described below : When these guys are out i n the street presented wit h wha t they interpret a s stressful situations , their innat e response is to behave according to what they learned as a child. As a child the white office r was unconsciously taught t o fear blacks . Now he's simply responding to what h e has learned. S o he doesn't realiz e he's abusing people. He' s simpl y lookin g t o protec t himself . Basically , he' s afraid . . . . But that' s on e reaso n wh y relation s aren' t tha t grea t i n some precincts. This for m o f "socia l adjustment " o n th e par t o f th e whit e po liceman ha s it s effect, i n turn, o n th e black s i n the communit y an d

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finally, o n th e blac k policeme n themselves . Tha t is , th e blac k po liceman ma y b e accorded th e sam e negative labe l attache d t o whit e policemen b y members o f the blac k communit y simpl y becaus e h e is a member o f th e polic e organization . Th e detectiv e quote d abov e continued: The on e thin g tha t reall y irk s m e thoug h i s when I' m personall y presented with a situation an d Pm not looked at as a black cop but as a cop representing white authority. Som e people don't se e us as black men . Tha t reall y blow s m y mind . Fo r example , m y partne r and I went to an apartment the other day to interview some people. We presented ourselves as detectives to a black woman who opened the door . Thi s woma n slamme d th e doo r i n ou r faces , saying , " I don't wan t t o tal k t o n o dam n police. " To he r w e had t o ac t like niggers, kic k th e doo r dow n befor e sh e woul d respond . . . . I t shouldn't b e like that. Bu t you kno w where thes e peopl e get thei r attitudes from . Whit e cops . I gues s a lo t o f blac k cop s ar e con fronted wit h thi s typ e of situation an d I guess i t affect s thei r feel ings about whites. It i s no t onl y occasiona l act s o f physica l abus e directe d agains t black citizens bu t th e constan t flow o f remark s an d subtl e innuen does which assig n negativ e characteristic s t o all blacks living in th e ghetto tha t disturbe d ou r respondent s an d continu e t o hur t black white relation s o n th e job : The whit e co p basicall y look s a t ghett o peopl e th e wa y h e wa s brought up . "They'r e al l fuckin g mutts, " he'l l say . Whe n turnin g out, yo u alway s hear white guy s saying things like , "Well, back t o the flicking jungle. " I personally resent thes e remarks. I fee l tha t if a whit e co p feel s thi s wa y h e shouldn' t b e her e an d h e definitel y should kee p hi s remark s t o himself . M y famil y live s i n th e ghett o because they can't affor d anyplac e else. Therefore the y must be animals too. To b e honest I hav e a lot o f trouble dealin g with thes e guys. And you see these same guys fucking wit h peopl e in the street. There's no fundamental respec t for anyon e here in Harlem. Not onl y ar e som e whit e officer s believe d t o appl y a doubl e standard i n thei r dealing s wit h black s o n th e street , bu t i n thei r actual perceptio n o f interracia l arrests . While ofte n unawar e o f thei r

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own motivatio n i n th e arres t situation , the y ar e quic k t o questio n those o f a black officer . Th e policema n quote d abov e continued : These are the same guys who wouldn't sit still one minute if a black cop brought i n a white woman unde r arrest . All sorts of questions would b e asked. The belie f that som e white policeme n confin e th e us e of abusiv e and demeanin g languag e to ghetto section s of the city evoked stron g feelings o f resentmen t fro m a veteran patro l officer : There are only a few [white ] guys Fve enjoyed workin g with. Most white guys I don't care to work with, but sometimes I have no choice, so I ge t t o se e ho w the y operate . I fee l thes e guy s ar e prejudice d and the y have a tendency to bring these feelings out when the y respond to a job. . .. I might ride up on a scene when one of them is abusing or insulting a black person. I tell him after that he shouldn't talk t o peopl e lik e that. I tel l hi m als o tha t h e wouldn' t pul l tha t kind of shit on Par k Avenue. . . . This happens too many times as far as I'm concerned. . . . When it' s over I go my way, he goes his. That's the wa y it i s here. It's no t al l of them, maybe a bunch. I'v e been her e te n year s an d I'v e worke d wit h mos t o f th e guys . As I said, I sense that things haven't reall y changed al l that much. Aside fro m stirrin g u p feeling s o f contemp t an d frustration , wha t other reaction s migh t th e blac k policema n experienc e whe n h e witnesses blac k citizen s abuse d b y whit e police ? On e extrem e re sponse take s th e for m o f rejectio n o f all whit e policeme n i n th e department. I ask you, how am I supposed t o feel good abou t white cops when I constantl y se e the m fuckin g wit h people . Yo u see , relationship s are not tha t simple . I might lik e a guy initially an d then I see him constantly fucking wit h people. How a m I supposed to continue to feel goo d abou t him ? I sta y away from hi m an d othe r whit e cop s because I fee l tha t behin d m y back they'r e al l doing th e same shit in the street. However, anothe r policema n offer s wha t appear s t o b e a mor e common reactio n t o thi s kin d of provocativ e behavior , an d th e logi c behind it :

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Well, I would probabl y tal k to th e co p privatel y lik e I said before . Of course that depend s on th e situation . . . . What mor e can you do, make a formal complaint ? I t woul d onl y be squashed b y some boss anyway. Yo u definitely can' t star t an y shit i n the street. The n you go t rea l problems . Cop s star t takin g sides . This ca n lea d t o a real ugl y situation . Besides , I fee l strongl y tha t th e publi c shoul d never see cops fighting or arguing . There ar e people out there that don't lik e u s n o matte r wha t colo r w e ar e an d the y wil l us e any thing they can to divide us. Perhaps on e o f th e mos t persisten t source s o f conflic t betwee n black an d whit e cop s i s th e feelin g tha t whit e polic e tak e th e la w into their own hand s i n the blac k community. The y fee l that whit e police abus e blac k citizens ; the y ar e insensitiv e t o thei r problem s and trea t the m differentl y fro m whit e citizen s just becaus e the y ar e black. Actually , ther e are differences i n th e wa y whit e (an d som e black) officer s respon d t o certai n citize n groups , thoug h i t ma y be, a s other writer s hav e argue d i n th e past , tha t thes e difference s arise fro m socia l clas s line s rathe r tha n racia l lines. 7 Suc h factors , for example , a s manpower allocation , o r tim e spen t o n a n investi gation o r eve n th e wa y i n whic h a patro l office r deal s wit h a par ticular citize n ma y well depend mor e upo n th e perceive d social status o f th e individua l tha n upo n race . Polic e situation s and , i n particular, investigation s involvin g complainant s o f apparentl y "reputable" character ar e generally afforde d greate r priorit y an d at tention tha n thos e involvin g lower-class , marginal , o r obviousl y deviant individuals , regardles s o f color . Wha t ma y hav e triggere d comments t o th e contrar y fro m a numbe r o f ou r respondent s i s the fac t that , fo r th e mos t part , thes e men , fro m th e tim e the y en tered th e polic e department , hav e bee n assigne d almos t exclusivel y to blac k areas of the city where color, becaus e of its overriding visibility an d uniformity , acte d t o obsur e othe r social factor s tha t in fluence th e wa y whit e polic e officer s respon d t o citizen s an d jo b situations. There is , moreover , a certai n amoun t o f toleranc e fo r abusiv e treatment o f black citizens which seem s to b e buil t int o th e syste m despite th e presenc e o f stron g retaliator y inclination s o n th e par t of som e blac k police . Th e blac k office r realizes , fo r example , tha t there i s littl e h e ca n d o t o preven t suc h occurrences . H e know s that h e cannot interfer e o r openl y criticize a brother office r i n pub -

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lie, for t o d o s o would signa l a division i n th e rank s tha t coul d b e exploited b y hostil e individual s o r "troublemakers " i n th e com munity. I n short , al l cops ar e acutely awar e of the nee d t o present , when workin g together , a unite d fron t i n th e eye s o f th e public . But thi s doe s no t mea n tha t incident s involvin g whit e cop s an d black citizens ar e either ignore d o r easil y forgotten. Dependin g o n the frequenc y an d seriousnes s o f thes e incidents , the y ca n divid e individual blac k an d whit e officers , i f no t entir e groups , int o op posing camps , perpetuatin g i n th e proces s mutua l antagonism s an d negative racia l stereotypes . Incident s betwee n th e polic e an d blacks , which ar e perhap s unnecessaril y provoke d b y whit e officers , ca n also create role and status problems for some blac k officers b y forcin g them t o choos e sides . This , however , i s a "no-win " situatio n fo r the blac k office r sinc e n o matte r whic h sid e h e choose s t o alig n himself with h e will b e subjected t o charge s o f disloyalty fro m th e other. Th e whit e office r wh o happen s upo n th e scen e o f a n inci dent betwee n a white policema n an d a blac k citizen face s a similar dilemma, excep t tha t th e resolutio n t o hi s proble m i s made easie r by the fac t tha t h e i s unlikely t o b e subjecte d t o charge s o f disloy alty b y th e blac k citizen . However , shoul d h e sid e wit h th e blac k citizen, which ha s happened o n occasion , h e subjects himsel f to a n even greater ris k of being labeled disloya l b y his white peers. Som e people assum e tha t i n encounter s betwee n whit e policeme n an d black citizens th e blac k policema n arrivin g o n th e scen e will prob ably side with th e black . There i s no suc h expectatio n tha t th e whit e policeman wil l d o so . Perhap s thi s largel y explain s wh y th e whit e officer invariabl y defend s th e action s o f hi s brothe r officer s eve n when the y ar e clearl y i n violatio n o f th e blac k citizen' s constitu tional rights . Needless t o say , th e proble m area s identifie d i n thi s sectio n d o not exhaus t th e concern s o f blac k policeme n wh o frequentl y find that the y must work alongsid e thei r white counterparts . They hav e been selecte d becaus e of the frequenc y wit h whic h the y were men tioned an d becaus e the y constitute, i n our estimation , bot h poten tial an d rea l barrier s t o th e complet e integratio n o f black s i n th e department. I t shoul d als o b e noted tha t althoug h blac k detective s and other s assigne d t o plainclothe s specialt y unit s ma y als o shar e some o f thes e sam e experience s an d views , th e condition s them selves are confined mostl y to patro l precinct s and involv e the activ -

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ities an d action s o f uniforme d polic e personnel . I n sum , then , i t can b e sai d tha t th e patro l situatio n itsel f serve s t o displac e loyal ties an d t o generat e interna l barrier s tha t divid e policeme n alon g racial rathe r tha n occupationa l lines . In th e chapte r tha t follow s w e conside r a n entirel y differen t se t of perception s o f intergrou p wor k relation s i n th e departmen t an d the logi c behin d thes e views . Her e to o ther e i s strong suppor t fo r the argumen t tha t organizational structur e determine s i n large par t how blac k an d whit e cop s ge t alon g o n th e job . NOTES 1. I n Marc h 1981 , th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e departmen t modifie d th e rul e that member s o f th e servic e mus t alway s b e arme d whil e withi n th e confine s o f their lega l jurisdiction. Accordingly, member s may now leav e their firearms at hom e or i n th e statio n hous e unde r certai n circumstance s suc h a s when the y ar e goin g to sportin g event s o r beaches , while the y ar e on vacation , whil e the y ar e engage d in off-dut y employmen t o r i n a social activit y wher e i t would no t b e advisabl e t o carry a weapon. Source : Interim Order Number 8, March 19, 1981. 2. Se e Nichola s Alex , New York Cops Talk Back: A Study of a Beleaguered Minority (New York : Wiley , 1976) , p . 169 . 3. I n fact , beginnin g i n 1972 , th e departmen t di d institut e step s t o preven t encounters betwee n uniforme d polic e an d civilian-clothe d on-dut y an d off-dut y members o f th e servic e fro m becomin g tragedies . Specifically , polic e wer e in structed a t bot h forma l an d informa l trainin g session s i n certai n standardize d procedures tha t wer e t o b e use d i n encounte r situations . I n addition , th e us e o f colored headband s fo r civilian-attire d polic e personne l wa s institute d an d mem bers o f th e servic e wer e instructe d eac h da y a s t o th e appropriat e identificatio n color. Source : Chief of Operations Memo, Number 10, August 31, 1973. 4. Se e Thoma s A . Johnson , "Man y Blac k Polic e Fee l They'r e Betwee n Tw o Guns . . . an d a Blac k Polic e Chie f Ma y b e 'i n th e middle ' Mos t o f All, " The New York Times, Jul y 18 , 1978 , p . Bl . 5. Se e Jame s I . Alexander , Blue Coats-Black Skin: The Black Experience in the New York City Police Department Since 1891 (Ne w York : Exposition Press , 1978) , pp. 9 8 - 1 0 4 . 6. Ibid . 7. Se e Gunna r Myrdal , An American Dilemma (Ne w York : Harpe r & Broth ers, 1957) . Als o see , Nichola s Alex , Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policeman (New York : Appleton-Century-Crofts , 1969) , p . 9 ; Donal d J . Blac k an d Alber t J. Riess , Jr., "Pattern s o f Behavio r i n Polic e an d Citize n Transactions, " i n Studies of Crime and Law Enforcement in Major Metropolitan Areas, Volum e 2 , Sectio n 1 (n.d.), p . 136 ; Alber t J . Reiss , Jr. , "Polic e Brutality-Answer s t o Ke y Questions, " in Arthu r Niederhoffe r an d Abraha m S . Blumber g (eds.) , The Ambivalent Force,

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2nd ed. (Chicago , 111. : Dryden, 1976) , pp . 333-342 ; Alexande r B . Smith an d Harriet Pollack, Crime and Justice in a Mass Society (San Francisco, Cal.: Rinehart, 1973), pp. 44-49; Rash i Fein , "An Economi c and Socia l Profil e o f the American Negro," in Raymond Mack (ed.), Race, Class and Power (New York: D. Van Nostrand, 1968) ; James Q. Wilson, Varieties of Police Behavior (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ . Press, revised 1978) ; John Gandy, Law Enforcement and Race Relations Committee in Metro Toronto (Toronto : Social Planning Council, 1979) .

Chapter Five m»

^

T/;^ Variable Nature of Police Race Relations

So I say cops, all cops in the street, have to be more or les s on guard. (Cops) have to stick together , protect on e another .

Athird grou p o f blac k polic e officers—1 7 me n i n all—wer e yCA incline d t o rejec t th e notio n tha t relationship s o n th e JL Jk^jo b coul d b e explaine d exclusivel y i n black-whit e terms . They fel t tha t suc h simplisti c generalization s maske d th e com plex natur e o f huma n interactio n an d i n th e proces s ignore d other basi c determinant s o f attractio n an d rejectio n i n th e wor k setting. A s som e o f thes e me n se e it , interracia l relationship s tend t o var y considerabl y accordin g t o one' s locatio n o r as signment i n th e department . Fo r other s basi c similarities—an d differences—in suc h area s a s occupationa l ideology , persona l values, an d interest s constitut e mor e powerfu l determinant s o f friendship an d acceptanc e tha n eithe r rac e o r assignment . Assignments Many o f th e policeme n wh o wer e interviewe d fel t tha t gettin g along wit h colleague s o f a different rac e depend s i n larg e measur e upon wher e on e i s assigned . Ther e wa s a genera l acknowledg ment, fo r example , tha t interracia l relationship s betwee n detectives

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performing simila r functions ar e generally superio r t o relationship s between blac k and white uniformed patrol officers. I t shoul d b e note d that i n al l bu t on e case , th e view s expresse d her e ar e thos e o f po lice detective s wh o ha d bee n assigne d t o investigativ e unit s fo r a t least four year s prior t o th e interviews , and i n some cases for mor e than 15 . Thes e year s o f separatio n fro m th e patro l forc e migh t perhaps constitut e a biasing facto r i n th e responses . I s i t possible , for example , fo r a detectiv e wh o ha s bee n virtuall y isolate d fro m uniform patro l condition s fo r s o man y year s t o offe r a n accurat e assessment o f racia l condition s o n thi s leve l o f th e organization ? The questio n wa s addresse d b y a blac k colleagu e wh o ha d re viewed a n earlier draft o f this section. His initia l point, par t of which is reported below , seem s well taken . I fee l tha t i t woul d b e impossible fo r a detective wh o has bee n i n the burea u fo r som e tim e t o mak e a n accurat e comment . I thin k that some of these men were reacting only to personal experiences. I don' t thin k they'r e qualifie d t o mak e statements comparin g rela tions here (i n th e detective bureau ) wit h th e patro l forc e wit h an y degree of accuracy. The merit s o f th e officer' s commen t wer e give n seriou s consid eration an d i t wa s decide d t o intervie w a s man y detective s fro m this grou p a s possibl e fo r a secon d time . Accordingly , eigh t re spondents wer e asked specifically t o consider th e fac t tha t the y ha d worked fo r som e year s i n virtua l seclusio n fro m uniforme d patro l personnel. Th e followin g quotation s ar e typica l o f th e replie s of fered b y thes e me n and , excep t fo r th e first, appea r t o len d mor e direct suppor t t o thei r initia l observation s an d accounts : I don't know . I guess I never gave it much thought. It's just a feeling I have that relations are better i n the (detective ) bureau . I guess, it's just, you know, an overall feeling . I've onl y bee n i n th e burea u a few year s so I guess I feel qualifie d to compare the two. Besides, most of my friends ar e uniformed cops, guys I worke d wit h fo r som e years. They talk on th e matte r fro m time to time, nothing heavy, but they express their feelings to me. Another detectiv e offere d a similar explanation :

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My though t woul d b e tha t yo u ca n ge t a pretty goo d ide a abou t racial conditions today. I hear about incident s between cops. I ride the elevator u p to th e office wit h uniforme d guys . I overhear con versations, comments mad e i n passing . Also , whether guy s tal k t o each other or not, what they talk about. . . . You get a feeling about things. Yo u ca n surmise . I hav e friends , too , uniforme d cops . We talk after work , stop and have a taste. Sometimes what isn' t said is important. If things are sour you will hear about it from your friends. There is , o f course , n o wa y o f knowin g fo r certai n whethe r o r not th e response s reflec t "actual " difference s i n racia l condition s between detectiv e an d uniforme d command s i n th e city . Wha t ma y be gaine d fro m th e interviews , however , i s a better understandin g of why certai n racia l conditions ar e believe d t o exis t a t one leve l o f the organization an d no t a t another . W e begi n b y examining som e recent changes i n the organization an d structur e o f detective work . The Changin g Structur e o f the Detectiv e Burea u In th e earl y 1970 s th e detectiv e burea u i n th e Ne w Yor k Cit y police departmen t underwen t significan t interna l reorganization . Prompted i n par t b y increase s i n th e caseload , an d th e siz e o f in vestigative units , th e burea u change d fro m on e whic h ha d bee n organized fo r som e 5 0 year s aroun d th e principl e o f "generaliza tion" to one organized aroun d th e concept o f "specialization." 1 A s part of the reorganization plan , separate and distinct speciality squad s outside th e norma l precinc t chai n o f command wer e se t up i n con venient location s throughou t th e city. 2 Withi n thes e ne w unit s de tectives concentrated o n on e particula r typ e of crime. For example , criminal case s tha t resulte d i n th e deat h o f a victim wer e automat ically channeled t o distric t homicid e squad s fo r investigation . Spe cialization, i t wa s felt , ha d severa l importan t advantage s ove r th e traditional "precinc t squad " o r "generalist " concept . Th e mos t ob vious wa s tha t detective s coul d no w concentrat e thei r tim e an d energies i n th e investigatio n o f a particula r typ e o f crimina l activ ity, an d throug h continuou s wor k i n a specifi c area , graduall y de velop skill s an d informatio n indispensabl e t o departmen t effi ciency.3

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Prior t o th e introductio n o f specialization mos t detective s worke d out o f precinc t squad s an d handle d a wide variet y o f crimina l cases . Police officer s wh o wer e newl y assigne d t o thes e squad s typicall y began a t th e botto m a s "whit e shield " detective s bu t coul d ad vance i n tim e t o third- , second- , o r eve n first-grade status . Sub stantial pa y increase s accompanie d grad e advancemen t i n th e bu reau. Promotio n t o first-grade detective , fo r instance , resulte d i n a salary nearl y equivalen t t o tha t earne d b y a uniformed polic e lieu tenant an d carrie d wit h i t a high leve l o f prestig e amon g al l mem bers o f th e service . Promotion fo r detective s ha s traditionall y depende d i n larg e par t upon performanc e ratings . I n considerin g a detective fo r advance ment, precinc t squa d commander s generall y place d grea t weigh t o n "quantitative" aspect s o f performance ; tha t is , on th e actua l num ber o f arrest s mad e durin g a specifi c ratin g period . Othe r factor s such a s having "sponsors" or "persona l contacts " on th e job could , of course , hel p insur e tha t a particula r detectiv e move d u p fas t o r jumped ahea d o f other s o n th e eligibl e list , althoug h sponsor s hav e often bee n reluctan t t o exten d themselve s fo r "marginal " perform ers. Thus , detective s wh o desire d t o mov e u p i n grad e wer e en couraged b y thei r immediat e superior s an d sponsor s t o produc e large number s o f arrests . Thi s typ e o f rewar d syste m had , unfor tunately, a number o f majo r drawbacks ; chie f amon g the m wa s tha t it encouraged amon g the men assigne d to a particular squad a strong sense of individualism. 4 Detective s wh o aspire d t o advancemen t i n grade foun d themselve s involve d i n a "numbers game, " competin g with othe r detective s i n thei r offic e t o se e wh o coul d amas s th e greatest numbe r o f arrest s b y th e en d o f th e year. 5 Not onl y di d th e differentia l emphasi s o n th e "quantity " o f ar rests, befor e th e polic y o f specializatio n wa s adopted , foste r th e growth o f individualis m amon g detectives , bu t i t i s believed t o hav e contributed towar d racia l polarizatio n i n som e precinc t squad s b y dividing detective s int o tw o opposin g groups ; thos e wh o chos e t o align themselves with th e department' s rewar d syste m an d pla y th e "numbers game" at the expense of black groups i n the community , and thos e wh o di d not . Althoug h thi s divisio n wa s clearl y no t al ways alon g racia l lines , som e blac k detective s obviousl y perceive d it a s such. On e said ,

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Pve been in the bureau since the early sixties and there was one major problem that I can remember. This came up between those guys (mostly white) who were up for grad e money and some of the black detectives. Thes e guy s naturall y mad e a lo t o f collars—loitering , needles, things like that—to buil d u p their arrests. There was a lot of competition betwee n detectives then. Everyone was pretty much out fo r himself . . . . I remember there were a few blac k guys who inwardly resented the fact that black s were being collared for bullshi t charges so guys could get grade. One of the black guys who didn't appreciate thi s conveyed hi s feelings t o a couple of the white guys one night. This created a lot of hard feelings betwee n them. It didn't change a fucking thin g though . Individualism, whic h ha d fo r s o lon g characterize d th e activitie s and relationship s amon g precinc t squa d detectives , wa s soo n t o disappear, however . Wit h th e shif t t o specializatio n i n th e earl y seventies, the polic e department temporaril y did awa y with th e grad e system an d it s emphasis o n "quantity" arrests. 6 Detectives assigne d to specialt y units unde r th e ne w syste m handle d significantl y fewe r cases an d wer e normall y responsibl e fo r workin g onl y thos e inves tigations specificall y designate d t o them . Cas e clearanc e replace d traditional criteri a fo r judgin g a squads ' effectivenes s an d served , in addition , a s an importan t indicatio n o f a n individual' s wort h t o the organization. 7 Since specialt y detective s no w ha d considerabl y fewe r case s t o work, an d sinc e they wer e n o longe r expecte d t o mak e arrest s othe r than thos e resultin g fro m cas e investigation, personne l evaluation s began t o focu s mor e tha n i n th e pas t o n qualitative aspect s o f in dividual performance . Th e abilit y t o demonstrat e "social " a s wel l as "technical " skill s too k o n increasin g importanc e i n som e spe cialty command s amon g thos e detective s wh o desired t o retai n thei r positions o r t o mov e u p int o mor e prestigiou s unit s suc h a s Hom icide. Detective s wh o wer e newl y assigne d t o specialt y command s soon discovere d tha t the y eithe r ha d t o develo p thes e skill s on thei r own—if, o f course , the y di d no t alread y posses s them—o r tea m up wit h othe r member s o f thei r squa d who , regardles s o f color , were proficien t i n thes e abilities . Central t o th e discussio n her e i s th e fac t tha t specialt y squad s such a s Homicide, Robbery , an d Burglar y wer e considere d b y mos t

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detectives i n th e cit y as "choice assignments, " and investigator s at tached t o thes e units were regarde d b y some a s the elit e of the bu reau. Retentio n i n a particular squa d became , fo r man y detective s in th e earl y seventies , a goa l i n itself . Investigator s wh o di d no t perform satisfactoril y whil e assigne d t o on e o r th e othe r specialt y squads face d th e ver y rea l possibilit y o f bein g transferre d t o les s "visible" precinc t investigativ e units , o r wors e yet , bein g reas signed t o unifor m patro l command s wit h a loss of salary, prestige , and status . One respondent , wh o attempte d t o explai n ho w th e shif t fro m generalization t o specializatio n i n th e earl y seventie s improve d re lations betwee n whit e an d blac k detectives , touche d o n som e o f the point s discusse d above . H e said , There was a lot of competition betwee n detective s fo r grad e money. Each guy was more or less out for himself. . . . It's completely different now . From what I'v e experienced s o far, sinc e specialization came in, it's more of a team effort now . Fo r example, you catc h a case now and generally it's up to you and your team to solve it, but you ge t hel p fro m othe r guy s i n th e office too . But mainl y it' s u p to yo u an d you r partne r t o wor k th e case . That's th e wa y i t i s in my office. Guy s saddle up with othe r guys who they feel ar e capable, guys who want to work, who can get along with people . . . . Color's not that importan t anymore. Competitiveness, a s a traditional organizationa l concept , di d no t entirely disappea r wit h th e adven t o f specialization , however . A s one responden t indicates , it s for m simpl y changed . No w ther e i s competition betwee n specialt y squads , rathe r tha n withi n them . Things are okay now, at least in the bureau. I've been in a few commands in the last six or seven years and, job-wise, there are few racial problems. I do fee l tha t ther e may be some jealousy and competition betwee n differen t offices . Fo r instance , i n m y office mos t guys feel that they are different fro m guys in other offices. Bot h black and white guys from m y office ma y slight guys from anothe r office . Retention i n a particula r specialt y uni t wa s probabl y a s impor tant fo r detectiv e supervisors a s it was for th e men themselves . Jus t as detective s wer e evaluate d largel y o n thei r abilit y t o clea r as -

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signed cases , detective superiors wer e rate d on thei r squad' s overal l clearance record . Thi s mean t tha t detectiv e bosse s bega n t o thin k more i n term s o f acquiring , retaining , an d rewardin g men , who , regardless o f color , coul d "ge t th e jo b done. 55 Consider, fo r exam ple, th e followin g comment : Well, before specialization you had precinct squad commanders and sergeants wh o weren' t a s concerned abou t evaluation s a s they ar e today. This was because if their men screwed up or didn't produc e collars and the sergeant or lieutenant got transferred to another squad, it wasn't all that bad . It reall y wasn't a "step-down." Now if a boss gets transferre d fro m sa y a Homicide Squa d t o a P.I.U. [Precinc t Investigative Unit] i t i s definitely considere d a "downer." If a boss is looking for a decent job when h e puts his papers in [retires] , he stands a better chance of getting the job if he can say he worked in Homicide or Robber y for som e years than if he worked in a P.I.U. . . . S o now a lot o f bosse s ar e lookin g t o sta y i n ke y spots, and the bosses from P.I.U . are naturally looking to "move up" to a specialty spot. So what doe s all this mean. It means that a boss is going to b e looking to ge t the bes t men possibl e i n his office, n o matte r what color they are. If a guy's black and he gets the job done, clears his cases , certain favor s wil l com e hi s way . . . . That's wh y I say it's no t reall y a racial thing . Nowaday s it' s a question o f who ca n get the job done. At least that's the way I see it where I work. This i s a n interestin g observatio n i n ligh t o f earlie r testimon y accusing whit e polic e superior s o f distributin g reward s an d favor s based primaril y upo n friendshi p rathe r tha n o n merit . Her e i t i s suggested that , wit h th e mov e t o specializatio n i n th e earl y seven ties, detectiv e superior s i n som e squad s abandone d thes e custom ary practice s an d adopte d i n thei r plac e a mor e rational , bureau cratic orientatio n whic h emphasize d individua l qualification s an d capabilities ove r racia l considerations . Closely relate d t o th e abov e i s the belie f tha t racia l feudin g i n a detective squa d ca n seriousl y hampe r cooperativ e effort s amon g th e men, effectin g i n th e proces s a unit 5s overal l cas e clearance record . Add t o thi s th e labe l tha t migh t b e attache d t o a unit commande r or squa d superviso r wh o appear s incapabl e o f controlling hi s men , and i t i s no t surprisin g t o find tha t mos t supervisor s o f detectiv e units see m t o g o ou t o f thei r wa y t o discourag e expression s o f ra cial conflict i n thei r commands . A s on e detectiv e pu t it ,

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I can' t reall y spea k fo r uniforme d cops , bu t I ca n sa y that i n m y office ther e i s an unwritte n polic y agains t racia l fighting . Thi s ha s been conveyed t o the men i n very indirect ways. Racial fighting is a "no-no." Personality clashes, that's a different story . You go int o the bos s an d yo u ge t you r tea m change d i f it's serious enough . I f there's a problem ove r some racial feeling, yo u will definitely hea r about it. I know my boss wouldn't tolerate this type of thing. I guess he feels tha t onc e i t starts, it would sprea d lik e fire and ther e goes the clearance . . . . Yo u can' t wor k unde r tha t typ e o f condition . Besides, it's damn embarrassing for th e boss . You gotta remembe r he gets rated too. It goe s withou t sayin g tha t th e effectivenes s o f an y branc h o f the polic e servic e depend s i n larg e par t upo n th e abilit y o f it s members to work togethe r i n a spirit of cooperation an d harmony . Conflict o f an y kind, an d especiall y intragrou p conflic t i s not onl y harmful t o moral e bu t ca n imped e th e achievemen t o f organiza tional goals . I t would follo w therefor e tha t conflict , whethe r racia l or otherwise , woul d b e leas t tolerate d a t thos e operationa l level s in whic h cooperatio n i s viewed a s most essentia l t o th e successfu l completion o f organizational tasks . If, i n fact, thi s i s true, then on e should expec t t o find a greate r emphasi s i n promotin g a tension free, cooperativ e atmospher e i n detective command s tha n i n patro l precincts wher e mos t routin g assignment s (e.g. , issuin g sum monses, tendin g t o th e sic k an d injured , givin g advic e an d direc tions) ca n b e carried ou t wit h littl e or n o hel p fro m othe r officers . Not onl y ar e change s i n organizationa l structur e perceive d a s having influence d pattern s o f rac e relation s i n th e detectiv e bu reau, bu t i n som e case s structura l element s themselve s ar e see n a s accounting fo r difference s i n th e wa y blac k an d whit e officer s as signed t o differen t branche s o f th e servic e ge t along . Tw o ele ments identifie d b y th e me n her e ar e th e physica l an d socia l envi ronment i n whic h policin g i s carried out . The Environmen t i n Whic h Detective s Wor k In attemptin g t o explai n wh y interracia l relation s ar e bette r i n detective commands, a number of men expressed themselve s in term s of th e elit e statu s hel d b y polic e investigator s a s compare d wit h

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uniformed patro l personnel . Specifically , the y spok e o f th e highe r pay detective s receive , o f th e fac t tha t detective s wor k i n civilia n clothes, of th e absenc e o f clos e supervision , an d o f th e benefit s o f a more flexible work schedule . These me n regarde d detectiv e wor k as inherently mor e interestin g tha n routin e patrol 8 an d referre d t o the age-ol d jealousie s whic h existe d betwee n th e tw o groups . I n short, fro m th e standpoin t o f these officers , blac k an d whit e detec tives work togethe r wit h littl e o r n o displa y o f racia l frictio n mainl y because the y hav e mor e t o los e shoul d racia l problem s develo p t o the poin t tha t the y adversel y affec t th e unit' s productivit y an d cas e clearance. Besides havin g mor e t o lose tha n patro l officers , importan t dif ferences ar e als o sai d t o exis t i n th e wor k environment s i n whic h investigative an d patro l dutie s ar e routinel y performed , difference s which, th e me n claim , ca n influenc e racia l pattern s o n eac h level . Detectives, fo r example , spen d a goo d par t o f thei r workin g da y under "relaxed " office conditions , preparin g an d reviewin g cas e reports, interviewin g witnesses an d complainants , contactin g variou s outside agencie s an d subunit s withi n th e departmen t an d confer ring wit h colleague s an d superiors . I n additio n t o this , spac e ar rangements i n detectiv e squad s ar e s o situate d tha t member s gen erally hav e direc t acces s t o thei r colleagues . Sinc e privac y i s no t a consideration i n mos t routin e investigativ e operations , ther e ar e n o partitions whic h normall y separat e wor k areas . Thi s arrangemen t tends t o facilitat e th e continua l flow o f interactio n amon g detec tives and afford s the m appreciabl y mor e tim e than thei r uniforme d counterparts—generally confine d t o radi o car s i n team s o f two — to exchang e informatio n abou t eac h other . One detective , reflectin g o n th e relaxe d atmospher e an d ex tended interracia l contac t foun d i n hi s office , explaine d ho w thes e conditions ar e conduciv e t o th e developmen t an d growt h o f posi tive feeling s amon g th e men . H e pointe d ou t tha t It's a n entirel y differen t atmosphere . Yo u ge t a chance t o interac t with just about everybody for a long time, at least as long as you're there. . . . I n m y offic e yo u si t around , discus s case s an d thing s that ar e importan t t o you . Yo u ar e i n th e offic e mos t o f th e tim e and you have time to learn about each other. The more you're with someone unde r offic e conditions , th e mor e yo u spea k t o him , th e more you lear n abou t hi m an d th e mor e h e learn s abou t yo u an d

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where you're coming from. Yo u more or less learn about his background. Yo u eventually find out wh y he reason s th e way he does. Very littl e i s kept secret . Also , there's mor e kiddin g aroun d here , and that way you get to know the other guys better. This i s clearly no t th e cas e a t th e uniforme d patro l level . In thos e precincts i n whic h blac k officer s hav e traditionall y bee n concen trated, th e demand s o f th e jo b ar e suc h tha t th e me n find them selves completely occupie d fo r th e entir e tou r o f duty, respondin g to on e assignmen t afte r another . I n short , th e patro l situation , b y its very nature—that is , its quickened, hurrie d pace—ofte n dimin ishes bot h th e frequenc y an d typ e o f contac t neede d t o for m at tachments an d friendship s acros s racia l lines . Although th e follow ing respondent' s accoun t tend s t o exaggerat e work demand s a t th e uniformed level , th e distinctio n thi s office r i s attemptin g t o dra w between th e natur e o f patro l an d investigativ e wor k i s clear : On patro l you'r e mor e individual , tw o individual s just workin g as partners. You may not hardly have the chance to talk to each other. . . . Uniform guy s work i n a "go-go-go" atmosphere. Yo u com e to work , chang e you r clothe s an d g o t o work . Eigh t hour s o f interaction between'cop s an d citizens, not amon g cops. Eight hours, you chang e you r clothe s an d g o home . There's littl e tim e t o tal k here, to o muc h happenin g i n th e street . Workin g i n unifor m yo u can work with th e same group of guys for year s and not reall y get to know them . An d yo u find yourself liking a guy on th e basi s of how h e wears his hair. It' s funny , her e you hav e more time, more opportunity to get to know one another. Here, if you dislike somebody you will thoroughly kno w the reason why. Another detectiv e draw s upo n a similar distinctio n betwee n th e demands o f routin e patro l dut y an d typica l investigativ e function s in accountin g fo r wha t h e sees a s difference s i n pattern s o f inter racial relation s betwee n thes e tw o branche s o f th e service . Relationships ar e generally very good amon g detectives where I'v e worked. A s a matter o f fac t they'v e alway s bee n ver y good . I d o believe ther e ar e difference s betwee n detective s an d patrolme n al though I'v e see n som e prett y tigh t camaraderi e i n unifor m pre cincts; also, precincts where animosit y exist s among fellow officer s in uniform. . . . First of all our job dictates that we work close to-

The Variable Nature of Police Race Relations^ 14 gether. Becaus e of this I feel that personalities are brought out more. The true personalities of the uniformed officer s ar e not brought out that muc h eve n thoug h the y ar e i n clos e contac t i n th e radi o car . [Why is this?] Well, detectives use all their ability to arrive at a conclusion o n a case. As a detective you're questioning people , spending a lot o f tim e tryin g t o ge t informatio n fro m them , talkin g t o people for hours , not unde r stres s conditions. You're usually cajoling the m int o becomin g witnesse s o r mayb e t o giv e you informa tion. What happens is your "real" personality cannot help but come out. You r partne r learn s a lot about yo u an d you lear n abou t him . You find you hav e more in common tha n you thought. Yo u begin to respect each other. At th e patro l level , in contrast, wher e th e pac e of work i s speede d up, a s i t ofte n i s especiall y i n high-crime , ghett o section s o f th e city, an d wher e cop s ofte n wor k withi n a climat e o f stron g emo tional pressure , the type of contact neede d t o buil d friendship s an d attachments acros s racia l line s ma y b e absent . Hence , a uniforme d patrol tea m ma y spen d considerabl e tim e workin g togethe r with out eve r reall y gettin g t o kno w th e mor e privat e aspect s o f thei r partner's personalit y an d relationship s ma y develop only on a "surface" level . The detectiv e quote d abov e describe d th e situation : In a radio car you may not have a chance to expose your personal ity, your true personality. That's because the functions o f patrol are not investigative . They ar e basicall y "quick " dealing s wit h people , where tempers flare and things said and done do not reflect the real personalities o f th e individual s involved . The n you'r e sen t t o an other job . You don't ge t a chance t o reall y lear n abou t you r part ner. You're always wondering what kind of guy he really is. Another policema n als o felt tha t difference s i n pattern s o f inter racial relation s foun d i n detectiv e an d patro l command s coul d bes t be understoo d b y examinin g bot h th e typ e o f wor k performe d a t each leve l an d th e condition s unde r whic h th e wor k i s carried out . Although thi s office r admittedl y ha d no t worke d i n unifor m fo r some years , he reflecte d nevertheles s o n th e kind s o f situation s pa trol officer s ar e likel y t o encounte r durin g a typica l tou r o f dut y and ho w thes e situation s migh t lead t o dissensio n an d conflic t be tween th e groups :

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It's my opinio n tha t relation s ar e goo d i n m y office . Personall y I teel they are good. I would thin k that conditions downstairs [meanin g the patro l precinct ] ar e no t lik e that. . . . First o f al l working con ditions ar e differen t eve n thoug h th e are a migh t b e th e same . W e are a specialized squad , wher e we dea l with homicides . Guys down stairs dea l wit h everything . Frida y an d Saturda y night s it' s a zoo . When d o w e eve r hav e t o dea l wit h that ? I woul d b e incline d t o speak mor e o r les s th e sam e wa y i f w e wer e workin g i n th e 5- 0 [ a relatively quiet , low-crim e precinct] . Yo u stil l hav e you r junkies , drunks, psychos , pocketboo k snatches , burglaries . . . . Th e guy s downstairs tur n ou t fo r roll-cal l an d mayb e i f the y ar e luck y the y get a glimps e o f on e anothe r tw o o r thre e time s durin g th e tour , whereas we ar e constantly i n touch wit h eac h other, talking , joking, communicating wit h eac h other . W e aren' t ou t ther e al l night deal ing constantl y wit h th e kin d o f shi t thes e guy s hav e t o dea l with . That kin d o f wor k produce s tensions . A whit e co p ma y sa y some thing derogator y i n th e hea t o f th e momen t an d th e blac k co p wil l take i t wrong , lik e a direct insul t agains t hi m personally . An d no w you go t a n uneas y situation . . . . Yo u see , it' s mor e o f a n emo tional thin g i n uniform . Whe n yo u ge t t o a scene , fo r instance , i t may b e heated , emotion s ma y b e hig h becaus e o f somethin g tha t happened before . Peopl e se e a white co p i n uniform , a force, a system an d someon e may overact . . . . That's basicall y wh y relation s are bette r upstairs . W e ar e no t o n th e stree t respondin g t o job s al l the time , s o we don' t hav e t o dea l firsthand wit h tha t kin d o f stuff . Another detectiv e point s ou t that , unlik e th e patro l force , com munication an d cooperatio n i n th e detectiv e burea u ofte n extend , out o f necessity , beyon d th e individual' s immediat e workin g team . It i s no t uncommon , fo r example , t o hav e separat e crimina l inves tigations lea d t o th e identificatio n an d arres t o f th e sam e suspect . In thes e situation s detective s fro m differen t team s o r eve n differen t squads ma y hav e t o wor k togethe r o n a particula r cas e thereb y get ting t o kno w on e anothe r bette r i n th e process . H e pu t i t thi s way : Sometimes case s overlap . Detective s migh t hav e t o wor k togethe r because on e gu y di d a coupl e o f homicide s an d h e get s identifie d by bot h detectives . Yo u hav e n o choic e i n thes e cases . Yo u wor k with anothe r gu y wh o ma y b e white . Yo u ge t t o kno w him . Yo u pool you r resources . Yo u spen d a lo t o f tim e togethe r an d man y times yo u becom e friends .

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As suggeste d i n a number o f comment s i n thi s section , encoun ters between uniforme d patro l officers wh o ar e dispatched t o a scene and ghett o citizen s ar e ofte n marke d b y uncertainty , tension , an d apprehension fo r al l concerned . Whit e patro l officers , fo r a num ber of reason s which wil l be considere d later , ma y overreact i n quit e ordinary situations . The y ma y becom e disrespectfu l an d abusiv e toward blac k citizens even when the y ar e in the company o f fello w black officers . Beyon d this , ther e ar e othe r potentia l source s o f in tergroup conflic t a t the uniforme d patro l level . One o f thes e i s th e use o f routin e pedestria n stop s o r "fiel d interrogations 55 i n blac k neighborhoods. Sinc e polic e seldo m observ e crime s i n progress , patrol officer s occasionall y initiat e thei r ow n encounter s wit h "sus pected55 law violators. The decision , fo r example , to sto p an d ques tion a citizen i n a car o r o n foo t i s regarde d b y polic e agencie s a s a legitimat e mean s o f uncoverin g evidenc e tha t a crim e ha s bee n committed, i s being committed, o r i s likely to b e committed i n th e near future . Whil e th e agenc y ma y justify thi s practic e a s being re sponsive t o th e expresse d need s o f law-abidin g citizen s fo r in creased protection , blac k policeme n i n particula r ma y resen t thi s practice. Bu t i t i s no t th e actua l stoppin g o f peopl e o r th e limite d intrusion upo n thei r privat e live s that ha s aroused th e ange r of thes e black officers. Rather , i t i s the "unregulated 55 manne r i n which thi s activity i s carried out . The y contend , fo r example , that i t i s almos t always whit e polic e wh o conduc t thes e so-calle d "routine 55 stops , that thes e practice s ar e confine d almos t exclusivel y t o blac k neigh borhoods, an d tha t the y ar e no t monitore d b y th e departmen t a s carefully a s they shoul d b e becaus e the y d o i n fac t occu r i n politi cally "les s visible 55 area s o f th e city . Blac k policeme n charg e tha t blacks wh o ar e stoppe d fo r questionin g ar e mor e ofte n tha n no t treated i n a discourteou s manner , subjecte d t o humiliatin g searche s often whil e i n th e compan y o f friends , neighbors , an d famil y an d seldom eve r tol d o f th e purpos e o f th e stop . Thes e me n conside r such activitie s provocative , discriminatory , an d abov e al l else , damaging t o relation s betwee n whit e an d blac k officer s them selves. When whit e polic e mak e routin e stop s whic h ar e base d upo n "minor55 or "contrived 55 violations , an d when , durin g th e cours e o f these intrusions , polic e weapon s ar e unnecessaril y displayed—o r used—relations betwee n whit e an d blac k patro l officer s ca n be -

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come even furthe r strained . On e detectiv e wh o claim s to hav e per sonally observe d numerou s instance s i n whic h gun s wer e thrus t i n the face s o f so-calle d "suspicious 55 blacks, gives us som e ide a o f ho w black policeme n fee l abou t suc h practices . H e explained , You see, this happens every day here. White TPF cops, the same guys everyday stopping people on the street for no reason, stopping cars and sticking their guns in the windows just because the car is filled with blacks . . . . You se e them stoppin g gyps y cabs, giving the m summonses. No t on e summon s fo r n o rea r light , bu t fifty summonses for ever y kind of violation imaginable . This guy's out hustling to make a few bucks , he's not stickin g up bars. So maybe his car isn't i n the best of condition, maybe his rear lights are out. Bu t the gu y i s hustling t o mak e $3 0 an d no w he' s got t o pa y $5 0 i n tickets. Meanwhile aroun d th e corne r som e guys ar e sticking u p a grocery store, but the white cops are giving a summons to the cabbie. Another policema n wh o sense d tha t relationship s wer e some what straine d a t the patro l level , offered a n interestin g insigh t int o the problem . Accordin g t o thi s office r ther e i s somethin g abou t the polic e unifor m itsel f tha t affect s th e whit e officer' s conceptio n of how h e ought t o behav e i n ghett o communities . I ge t th e feelin g tha t mos t o f these guy s ar e probabl y oka y whe n they're no t working . Bu t a s soon a s they pu t o n th e uniform the y become monsters . There's a certain chang e i n attitud e toward s black people tha t develop s i n th e street . It' s lik e Harle m al l of a sudden becomes their own privat e plantation an d they are the overseers. As this responden t suggests , the polic e uniform no t onl y affirm s the white officer' s sens e of power ove r peopl e livin g i n th e ghetto , but i t als o influences hi s action s an d reaction s i n th e street . To th e extent tha t th e whit e policema n view s th e unifor m a s a symbol o f unassailable authority , i t may , fo r example , preven t hi m fro m "backing down " durin g a confrontation wit h a citizen, eve n thoug h he himsel f wa s wron g t o begi n with . Consider , fo r example , th e following commen t fro m a veteran patro l officer : Because he's in uniform. . . . and once emotions start flying he feels he can't back down. He's got to carry through wit h what he started. Let's say he's insulted someon e or shoved someone around. He can't

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back dow n no w eve n thoug h h e starte d i t an d he' s wrong . Ho w would that loo k in uniform ? The polic e unifor m does , i n fact , hel p shap e th e patro l officer' s definition o f hi s rol e i n th e blac k communit y b y forcin g hi m t o modify hi s own self-imag e an d behavio r i n accor d with certai n ste reotypes though t t o b e a n integra l par t o f th e polic e subculture . An office r ma y feel, fo r example , that becaus e h e visibly represent s the authorit y o f law , h e no t onl y ha s the righ t bu t th e dut y t o de mand an d expec t deference durin g hi s encounters wit h citizens . Thi s can cause problems wit h blac k citizens an d i n turn wit h blac k cop s who may not shar e the feelin g tha t th e white officer attache s to th e police unifor m no r th e opinio n o f th e rol e h e perform s i n th e blac k community. An understandin g o f th e symboli c meaning s attache d t o th e po lice unifor m i s essentia l i n th e analysi s o f polic e rac e relation s fo r another reason . Tha t is , i t help s explai n wh y detective s wh o wor k in th e absens e o f suc h powerfu l symbol s d o not , a s a rule, fee l th e overriding nee d t o confor m t o thes e subcultura l stereotype s i n public. Indeed , th e absenc e o f a "military-style " unifor m an d it s trappings no t onl y alter s the visual imag e o f the detectiv e bu t make s his appearanc e see m les s threatening . I t thereb y reduce s th e anx ieties associate d wit h contac t betwee n polic e an d citizen s an d di minishes th e potentia l adversar y natur e o f suc h contacts . But on e mus t loo k beyon d th e significanc e o f th e polic e uni form a s i t relate s t o th e questio n o f polic e behavior . Historically , detectives hav e operate d unde r a "collaborative " rathe r tha n a "conflict" mode l o f policing . Thi s i s du e i n larg e par t t o th e fac t that on e o f their primar y function s i s the solvin g of crimes an d th e clearing of cases, a task which relie s heavily, if not entirel y i n man y instances, upo n citize n suppor t an d cooperation . Consequently , detectives hav e develope d a vested interes t i n dealin g wit h peopl e in a friendl y an d supportiv e wa y regardles s o f ho w the y ma y fee l about member s o f a particula r statu s group . An d i t i s thi s orien tation towar d citizen s i n th e blac k community, perhap s mor e tha n anything else, that ha s prompte d mos t blac k detectives interviewe d in this stud y t o presen t a favorable repor t o f their whit e colleague s and o f interracia l relationship s i n th e detectiv e burea u i n general . As one investigato r summe d i t up ,

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I personall y don' t hav e muc h respec t fo r whit e (uniformed ) cops . When I worked undercover three years ago I noticed a tremendous difference betwee n white patrolmen and (white) detectives in terms of ho w the y handle d peopl e i n th e street . I n mos t situation s th e outcome depended on the initial approach of the cop. Detectives as far as I could see had a much better rapport with people. . . . When they got t o a scene they were prepared t o reac t in a certain way— as investigators . . . . There's a certain amoun t o f mutua l respec t which develop s fo r a person's abilit y t o handl e peopl e profession ally. The implicatio n thu s fa r i s that workin g relationship s i n th e de partment canno t b e explaine d i n simpl e "black-white " terms . In deed, w e hav e seen tha t othe r factors , bot h directl y an d indirectl y related t o th e organizatio n an d demand s o f police work, ca n affec t the wa y blac k an d whit e polic e fee l abou t an d behav e towar d on e another. Ye t even thes e ar e by no mean s th e only explanatory vari ables. I n th e followin g page s w e conside r stil l anothe r se t o f fac tors that ar e thought t o influenc e relationship s i n the work setting . The Job a s a Basi s o f Solidarit y

It i s widel y believe d b y socia l scientist s tha t huma n being s ar e united b y man y factor s whic h cu t acros s racia l lines . Thes e ma y include socia l class , sexual identit y an d preference , age , individua l preferences, specia l interest s an d values , and , o f course , occupa tional affiliatio n an d ideology . I t woul d see m reasonable , there fore, t o expec t tha t th e view s o f a t leas t som e policeme n i n thi s study reflec t a belie f i n th e importanc e o f th e jo b itsel f a s a basi s of cooperatio n an d mutua l support . The Unifor m The polic e uniform , a s we have seen, serves a number o f impor tant symboli c function s fo r bot h member s o f th e departmen t an d the communit y the y serve . Fo r blac k an d whit e cop s specifically , conflict an d polarizatio n ca n resul t whe n thes e meaning s differ . When the y converge , however , cooperation , mutua l support , an d

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feelings o f solidarit y ar e likel y t o emerg e whic h neutraliz e th e im portance o f visibl e racia l differences . For som e polic e officer s th e significanc e o r meanin g o f th e blu e uniform lie s largel y i n it s abilit y t o distinguis h th e "goo d guys " from th e "bad. " A s a n example , Once they put on th e uniform ther e is a solidarity between the men. This i s inculcated i n th e polic e academy . Whe n a cop get s int o a jam i n th e stree t h e look s fo r anothe r uniform . It' s tha t simple . Whenever I find myself i n a situation wher e eithe r I hav e to tak e police action or I observe another cop taking police action, and it's obvious tha t h e needs help , I se e it a s a cop coming to th e rescu e of another cop . I don't se e any color line . I believ e that savin g his ass i s mor e importan t an d I' d lik e t o believ e hi s savin g m y as s is important too. The only line that is drawn in the street or that should be drawn i s between cop s and criminals. Certain behaviora l expectation s ar e indee d attache d t o thos e wh o wear a polic e uniform . Fo r example , a s we wer e jus t told , ther e i s a commo n assumptio n hel d b y polic e tha t whe n a uniforme d co p is i n troubl e i n th e street , othe r cop s wil l automaticall y com e t o his assistance . Thi s i s s o no t onl y becaus e th e unifor m signal s a sense o f commo n occupationa l identit y amon g som e officer s bu t because i t serve s to bin d al l officers int o a system o f reciproca l ob ligations. Thus , despit e a policeman' s persona l feeling s abou t a colleague o f a different color , on e thin g h e ca n alway s count o n i s help shoul d h e find himsel f i n trouble . On e said , Look, i f a black cop i s in trouble anothe r whit e co p will come t o his aid and vice versa. There is a sense of brotherhood with the uniform on. . . . It's interesting, if you're walking down the street and you see a man in uniform fighting or even being hassled, you rush over to hel p him. You may find that h e is only a special guard fo r some department stor e or something, but you rushe d ove r because he wa s i n uniform . Yo u see , year s ag o i t wa s rar e tha t a civilian would strik e a cop, neve r min d shoo t a t him . Now , there' s mor e and more of that. So you become more aware, I guess, that another cop can ge t hur t an d tha t co p ma y b e you. Yo u reall y don't hav e time to as k questions first. Just a s th e polic e unifor m i s though t t o signa l a sens e o f com mon identit y an d solidarit y amon g som e policemen , from th e poin t

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of vie w o f som e peopl e i n th e blac k community , i t symbolize s th e enemy regardles s o f th e perso n wearin g it . O n e office r w h o fel t that relation s betwee n blac k an d whit e polic e hav e recentl y change d for th e better , attribute d thi s improvemen t t o th e specia l problem s facing al l uniforme d policeme n assigne d t o high-crim e ghett o pre cincts today . H e explained , Most black s her e ar e decen t peopl e wh o don' t brea k th e law . Bu t there ar e also enemies out there . And yo u can' t alway s tell them apar t from th e friends . Th e co p i n area s lik e Harle m ha s t o b e abl e t o count o n hi s partner . Whe n you'r e i n th e stree t there' s n o color . Maybe year s ag o ther e was , bu t no t toda y anymor e wit h al l thi s violence. Yo u hav e a uniform o n an d that' s al l some peopl e see . Take a brick that's thrown throug h you r windshield. It' s no t reall y aime d at you r whit e partner . . . . Som e o f thes e youn g kid s ar e easil y brainwashed b y the wrong people . They tak e u p a cause against us . The unifor m her e i s al l they se e whe n the y thro w a brick o r tak e a shot a t a radi o car . S o I sa y cops , al l cop s i n th e street , hav e t o b e more o r les s on guard . The y hav e t o stic k together , protec t on e an other.

The Polic e Rol e Beyond this , ther e ar e policeme n w h o alig n themselve s wit h others, w h o , despit e colo r differences , appea r t o identif y wit h tra ditional polic e role s o r w h o shar e a commo n se t o f goals . Fo r in stance, th e manne r i n whic h a crimina l suspec t i s treate d onc e h e is brough t int o th e statio n hous e o r squa d roo m fo r questionin g is on e suc h definitio n tha t ca n divid e policeme n int o opposin g camps. Thi s i s indicate d b y on e o f th e responses : There ar e some younger blac k cops who fee l the y ar e black first and cops second. I' m no t sayin g that thes e guy s ar e right o r wrong , bu t I thin k tha t thi s migh t mak e fo r poo r relations . Le t m e give you a n example. A black officer wh o see s himself as a black man first is likely to ge t upse t seein g anothe r co p [whit e o r black ] brin g i n a youn g black ki d an d hoo k hi m u p t o th e wal l an d late r cu t hi m loos e be cause h e ha s th e wron g guy , an d no t giv e a shit . I f h e make s hi s feelings know n ther e ca n b e problem s wit h som e of the other guys . Then there' s th e "co p first" gu y wh o wil l brin g thes e kids in , hoo k

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them u p an d no t b e concerne d wit h whethe r the y ar e th e wron g guys. These guys get along great with most of the other cops. According t o anothe r patro l officer , rac e wa s neve r considere d relevant i n choosin g a partner . Wha t wa s importan t wa s ho w th e man fel t th e jo b o f policin g ough t t o b e done . It's ver y muc h a matte r o f dealin g wit h individua l personalities . Working relationship s ar e a matter o f techniques o f working. You can't operat e wit h peopl e whos e technique s ar e radicall y differen t from your own no matter what color they are. . . . I've always been extremely careful t o pick a partner who felt the same way I did about the job. It didn't matter so much whether he was white or black . Above all , policeme n ten d t o plac e grea t importanc e o n dem onstrating loyalt y amon g themselve s whe n the y confron t thos e perceived a s th e enemy . Th e manne r i n whic h a policema n re sponds t o a call fo r assistanc e fro m anothe r membe r o f th e servic e can, fo r instance , eithe r strengthe n hi s identit y a s a "fello w offi cer," o r discredi t i t entirely . Consider , fo r example , th e followin g incident tha t happene d t o a detectiv e shortl y afte r h e wa s trans ferred t o a Harlem-based squad : A couple of years back I remember I had a chance to prove myself, so to speak . I wa s ne w i n th e offic e an d mayb e som e o f th e guy s weren't quit e sur e where I stood. Well , one nigh t we were out in vestigating what appeared at the time to be an abandoned taxi. There was no one inside the cab and the motor was running. We had had a rash of cab stick-ups at the time and we figured maybe the driver was inside this abandoned building , dead or something. One of my partners (wh o was white) staye d ou t fron t whil e I went insid e th e building with [m y other partner] who was also white. At that time it looked as if something was up. We were on the second floor when I hear d m y partne r outsid e callin g fo r help . A s i t turne d ou t th e driver of the cab had come back with his friend an d saw my partner looking into the cab, and they started some shit with him. I'm sure they though t h e was alone . Well, we got dow n th e stairs , and we took care of things with these two guys so to speak. We wound u p locking these two dudes up for assaul t fo n a police officer]. I guess you might say I demonstrated whos e side I was on that night. Fro m that tim e relation s wer e reall y good . Guy s wh o wer e coo l t o m e before opene d u p and it' s been the same ever since.

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Yet, thi s policeman' s comment s sugges t tha t differen t image s an d expectations ar e attache d t o blac k an d t o whit e officer s wh o ar e newly assigne d t o a polic e command . Wherea s i t i s mostl y take n for grante d tha t th e whit e policeman' s loyaltie s wil l b e t o hi s fel low officers , di e blac k policema n ma y hav e t o prov e t o hi s whit e colleagues tha t h e i s a cop first an d a black second . The Publi c a s Common Enem y The occupationa l worl d o f th e policema n doe s i n fac t generat e a for m o f mutua l dependenc e an d solidarit y amon g th e men. 9 O n the jo b mos t policeme n fee l compelle d t o presen t a unite d fron t against th e criminal , especiall y on e wh o ma y wan t t o inflic t phys ical harm upo n them . Bu t al l policemen perceiv e another enem y i n the street—th e genera l public. 10 I n thei r everyda y dealing s wit h the general publi c some of the policemen interviewe d claime d the y have foun d tha t peopl e canno t b e counte d o n t o b e fai r an d im partial. The y accus e th e publi c o f bein g to o quic k t o criticiz e po lice actions i n the absenc e of objective, first-hand information , an d too quic k t o registe r forma l complaint s agains t them . Occasion ally, accompanyin g thes e charge s ar e accusation s agains t th e de partment itsel f which seem s t o punis h eve n hones t mistake s mad e by polic e i n thei r dealing s wit h th e public : Problems wit h th e public , well that' s anothe r story . They can't b e ironed ou t withou t som e cop getting hurt . On e thing I found ou t about th e public , they can always be counted o n to b e unfair wit h police. They alway s see m t o ac t withou t th e facts . I f a cop, Go d forbid, make s a mistake , forge t it . Th e publi c pursue s thes e mis takes to th e end regardles s of the color of the cop [involved] . You see th e departmen t i s als o a t faul t here . I t doesn' t permi t hones t mistakes, it punishes them. So cops naturally have to stick together. In addition , thes e cops see that th e public often act s through th e department t o ge t othe r cop s i n trouble/Thus , i t i s no t onl y th e general publi c tha t th e blac k cop views as a potential troublemake r and threa t t o hi s security bu t th e departmen t a s well. In thi s sense, then, th e situation o f the blac k policeman i s perceived a s being ba sically simila r t o tha t o f th e whit e policeman , a belie f whic h ca n draw bot h group s togethe r an d forc e the m t o see k refug e withi n

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their ow n occupationa l milieu . Depictin g a rather typica l situatio n confronting policeme n wh o dea l with th e general public , a veteran detective explaine d wh y h e view s th e publi c a s a potential enemy : It's been my experience for some time not to trust the public. They're really somethin g else . When i t comes t o canvassin g apartment s o r asking peopl e i n th e stree t fo r informatio n o n a homicide, no on e ever sees anything. They're all asleep. . . . Actually there were about fifty peopl e in the street when i t [ a homicide] went down a t 10:3 0 [p.m.], bu t whe n yo u ask , no on e wa s out. Bu t whe n a n inciden t involves a cop shooting some civilian, every one comes forward wit h information, wha t the y allegedl y saw . People star t t o com e out o f the woodwork . Th e phone s don' t sto p ringing . Jus t a while bac k we had a n inciden t involvin g a black, off-duty cop . He wa s goin g home with a friend [i n Harlem] whe n h e was approached b y fou r punks. One o f these punk s pu t a linoleum knif e t o hi s throat an d took his money. The cop managed to get to his gun and he wound up shootin g on e o f th e punks , who die d later . Thi s al l happene d about fou r i n the morning . Ho w man y people could hav e been in the stree t a t fou r o'clock ? Bu t yo u wan t t o se e how man y peopl e were lined up waiting to speak to some boss about what they wanted to believ e happened. I f I entertaine d jus t som e of their statement s I would have been inclined to lock the cop up for murder. You had to hear some of the stories. You know, originally no one came forward wit h an y statements unti l th e word filtered back to th e stree t that the guy who did the shooting was a cop. Then everyone came in with somethin g t o say . All I can say is Thank Go d th e cop was 100 percent correct in the actions he took that night . Our respondent s ar e acutel y awar e o f th e possibl e danger s fac ing the m i n thei r everyda y contact s wit h th e public . The y believ e that the y ar e dealing with, a t best, a n apatheti c citizenry from who m they deriv e littl e o r n o suppor t i n crisi s situations . T o th e exten t that thes e me n hav e personall y ha d negativ e experience s an d hav e come t o se e themselve s a s a beleaguere d minority , the y ar e ap t t o identify mor e wit h thei r occupationa l grou p an d accep t th e defi nitions o f the publi c expresse d b y their whit e colleagues . Shared Values , Beliefs , an d Interest s

It ha s bee n argue d earlie r tha t racia l factor s ten d t o diminis h i n importance a s policemen com e t o shar e simila r definition s o f thei r

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occupational role . But can shared definition s overrid e the effects o f racial difference s whe n the y involv e area s externa l t o th e police man's occupationa l world ? Severa l member s o f th e stud y popula tion, obviousl y speakin g fro m persona l experiences , see m t o fee l they can . Fo r example , There are guys in my team wh o are family men . I'm talkin g about black an d whit e cops . They don' t scre w aroun d afte r work . These guys rarel y "sto p off " [fo r a drink]. On th e othe r han d ther e ar e some guy s wh o d o scre w aroun d an d "sto p off. " Whe n eithe r o f these groups of guys are together the y talk an d find out the y have something i n common—mayb e thei r wive s hav e somethin g i n common too . . . . Some kin d o f feelin g develop s betwee n them . Again, I' m no t sayin g tha t becaus e a black an d whit e co p has th e same feelings abou t ho w to ru n thei r persona l live s they are going to be ass-hole buddies and start getting together with their families, although, I'v e seen this happen too . What I' m sayin g essentially is that there' s somethin g the y ca n share together , somethin g they have in common. Shared interest s tha t ar e totall y unrelate d t o th e jo b ar e als o thought t o constitut e a crucial facto r i n breakin g dow n th e socia l barriers between whit e an d blac k policemen . Discoverin g the y hav e interests i n common , policeme n ma y begi n t o interac t mor e fre quently. This i n tur n ca n resul t i n the strengthenin g o f friendship s between th e men . A n officer , who , fo r example , ha s a n interes t i n a particula r spor t ma y see k other s ou t wh o shar e hi s interest , be lieving perhap s tha t i f the y ar e attracte d t o th e sam e thing s the y must b e simila r t o himsel f i n othe r importan t way s a s well. 11 A s one policema n pu t it , You kid around a lot too, bullshit a lot. You get the wives together. . . . You find you have other interests in common. Before you know it you'r e no t jus t toleratin g Clyde , who' s black , bu t you'r e goin g out to play golf with him. Besides sports , a n outsid e interes t tha t seem s t o hav e softene d the effec t o f racia l difference s o n th e job today , b y providing bot h an intellectua l an d a social framewor k fo r peopl e t o mee t o n com mon ground , i s college education .

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Education naturally changes your opinions. It brings guys together. They g o t o schoo l together , mee t i n classes . They discus s th e in structor; the y get together t o stud y for exams. This is especially true for cops who are serious about their education. They may feel that this i s a dead-end jo b an d the y find they hav e somethin g i n com mon that's more important than their color, which, by the way, becomes less visible with time. Another i s one's marita l situation . Divorce d o r separate d police men wh o wor k together , fo r example , often find tha t thei r "partic ular" situatio n ca n becom e a basi s fo r mutua l suppor t an d lastin g friendships, despit e racia l differences . A detectiv e emphasize d thi s point: I've seen a lot of guys in my office ge t rea l close, I mean go places together (afte r work) . There's tw o tha t I kno w o f wh o jus t wen t through divorces . They bot h reall y lov e thei r kid s an d thei r wive s are bitches about lettin g them see them (th e kids). I overheard the m talking about their problem one night so I walked over to stick my two cent s in . S o bot h o f the m politel y go t u p afte r a while s o as not to embarrass me and they go out o n a case. I'm marrie d an d I threw a little dig in about i t being their fault i f they cared for thei r kids so much. I guess they didn't want to hear my shit, so they left . Anyway, these two are pretty close now. Two respondent s wen t eve n furthe r tha n other s i n thi s group i n rejecting th e notio n tha t workin g relationship s ca n alway s b e ex plained withi n a racial context . Fo r bot h o f thes e men , feeling s o f attachment o r rejectio n towar d fello w officer s wer e individual mat ters tha t ha d littl e o r nothin g t o d o wit h ski n color . The y said , I personall y fee l that relationship s ar e individua l matters . I ge t alon g pretty well with most of the guys in my squad and I definitely don' t judge peopl e b y thei r color . Ther e ar e som e guy s wh o I fee l ar e stinkers (both white and black) and I'm sure they feel the same way about me . But I have a feeling tha t they view me this way because of personality reasons. To star t wit h I'v e neve r experience d an y rea l problems . That's be cause relationships ar e based on individua l personalities . Either I like a guy or I don't. I f I like him, I'll work with him whether he's white

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or black—it doesn't matter. If I don't like him, I don't like him and I won't work with him. . . . There's good and bad relationships in every precinct, but mostly they're on an individual basis. This is because of the human factor . Som e guys just can't stand eac h other' s guts, an d i t doesn't alway s have to do wit h color . S o there's reall y no general answer to your question. However, whe n presse d int o explainin g wha t the y mean t b y "personality differences " bot h o f the officers quote d abov e referre d alternately t o jo b value s an d t o persona l interest s an d beliefs . Th e second officer , fo r example , pu t i t thi s way : Well, I'm no t sur e ho w importan t thes e ar e but I think tha t when you wor k wit h differen t guy s you find out a lot abou t them . . . . Well, you might find out that a guy feels the same as you about junkies, number s guys , dru g dealers . Yo u ma y no t tal k abou t thes e feelings bu t yo u find out anywa y whil e you'r e workin g wit h him . So you find that yo u hav e this i n common. . . . One (white ) gu y I hi t i t off wit h wa s telling me one day about barracud a fishing in the Islands. Well, I'm a nut about fishing. . . . So we both decided to take a trip that sprin g to (th e Islands) an d do some (barracuda ) fishing. That' s ho w our friendshi p go t started— a fishing trip. Today we're the best of friends . As man y o f th e observation s an d persona l account s i n thi s sec tion tel l us , th e natur e o f huma n relation s i n genera l an d specifi cally the formin g o f attachment s an d friendship s acros s racia l line s is indee d a comple x proces s tha t depend s no t onl y upo n racia l considerations bu t upo n a variet y o f structural , situational , an d personal factor s operatin g bot h withi n an d outsid e th e wor k set ting. Man y o f th e me n speak , fo r example , o f improvemen t i n th e way whit e an d blac k cop s ge t alon g o n th e jo b today . Yet , the y are in genera l agreemen t that , excep t fo r th e direc t attemp t o n th e part of Commissioner Murph y t o institute a program o f interracia l workshops a t th e comman d level , th e othe r factor s tha t dre w th e two group s close r togethe r i n th e 1970 s al l evolved independentl y of an y direc t effor t o r involvemen t o n th e par t o f th e departmen t to promot e refor m i n thi s area . And , a s w e hav e seen , eve n thes e events themselves (e.g. , the assault s on blac k and white patrol teams )

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did no t succee d i n eliminating conflic t betwee n al l black and whit e cops. Lingerin g belief s abou t th e innat e inferiorit y o f black peopl e in genera l couple d wit h "traditionall y accepted " way s o f dealin g with racia l minorities , sustaine d i n som e precinct s an d amon g som e patrol officer s a visible separatio n o f th e group s alon g racia l lines . This divisio n wa s intensifie d a t time s b y reciprocall y forme d neg ative images of white cops held b y some o f the younger, mor e mil itant blacks wh o go t caugh t u p i n th e blac k movemen t i n th e lat e 1960s an d earl y 1970 s an d wh o clearl y wer e n o longe r goin g t o tolerate racia l abuses . Perhaps th e cleares t exampl e o f ho w structura l element s influ ence racia l pattern s ca n b e foun d i n ou r examinatio n o f th e differ ences between work level s or assignments . Fo r example , on th e pa trol leve l interna l factor s suc h a s wor k demand s an d physica l environment operat e t o produc e th e potentia l fo r conflic t betwee n white an d blac k cops . Ye t thes e sam e tw o element s operatin g o n the detectiv e leve l clearly serve t o minimiz e th e importanc e o f rac e as a facto r definin g grou p boundaries . I f anything , i t ca n b e sai d that suc h element s lesse n th e likelihoo d o f intergroup hostilit y an d conflict. Accordin g t o th e testimon y o f th e me n quote d i n thi s chapter, th e qualit y o f intergrou p relation s o n th e jo b i s als o a function o f the extent t o which whit e an d blac k cops, regardless o f where the y ar e assigned , com e t o shar e o r agre e upo n commo n definitions o f thei r wor k role . The logi c advance d her e i s that rol e (or goal ) concurrenc e amon g member s assigne d t o a particula r uni t or command lead s invariably to greater interactio n betwee n th e of ficers, reduce d interracia l conflict , an d eventuall y t o th e mutua l discovery tha t the y shar e othe r commo n characteristic s betwee n them. An d i t i s this sequenc e o f events , we ar e told , tha t account s for th e mor e harmoniou s intergrou p relation s tha t ar e eviden t i n most, i f not all , of th e city' s detectiv e squad s an d specialt y units . In Par t II I o f this boo k w e continue ou r examinatio n o f the blac k policeman's workin g world , thi s tim e focusin g o n thos e factor s tha t are though t t o hav e shape d hi s view s of , rol e in , an d relationshi p with th e large r blac k community an d it s various subgroups . At th e center o f thi s discussio n i s th e critica l issu e o f relation s betwee n the polic e an d minoritie s an d th e nee d fo r all polic e t o establis h and strengthe n tie s wit h disaffecte d urba n group s an d individuals .

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S BETWEEN BLACK AND WHITE POLICE OFFICERS NOTES

1. Se e Pete r W. Greenwoo d e t al. , The Criminal Investigation Process, Volume 111: Operations and Analysis, (Sant a Monica , Cal. : Th e Ran d Corporation , Oc tober 1975) , p . 8 . 2. Th e department, however, still maintained precinct detective squads which handled criminal investigation s tha t were not referred directly to specialized unit s after preliminar y investigatio n b y member s of th e patro l services . 3. Se e V.A . Leonar d an d Harr y W . More , Police Organization and Management, 3rd ed. (New York : The Foundatio n Press , 1971) , p . 266 . 4. Thi s statemen t i s base d i n larg e par t upo n m y ow n observation s an d experiences as a precinct squad detective i n Harlem prio r to specializatio n i n 1972 . 5. Althoug h arrest s b y detective s sometime s wer e th e resul t o f cas e investi gation, i n bus y high-crim e precincts , th e bul k o f arrest s made b y detectives wer e initiated b y the detectives themselves . I n the Harlem-based squa d t o whic h I was assigned prio r t o 1972 , thes e arrest s involved , fo r th e mos t part , violation s o f drug and drug-related law s includin g loiterin g fo r the purpose s of usin g drugs. 6. Interestingly , th e "grade system" for detective advancemen t wa s reinstate d on a limited basi s i n 1977 , approximatel y tw o year s befor e th e detectiv e burea u reverted t o th e "precinct-squad " concept. 7. Crimina l case s ar e typically cleare d whe n a n offende r ha s bee n identified , taken int o custod y an d formall y charge d wit h a crime. However , case s ar e occasionally cleare d whe n circumstance s beyon d th e contro l o f th e investigato r pre vent th e lodgin g o f forma l charge s suc h a s the deat h o f th e offender , th e refusa l of the prosecuting authority (i.e., the assistant district attorney) to extradite a known felon fro m anothe r jurisdictio n o r t o procee d wit h a formal complain t agains t a known offender . 8. Se e Pete r N. Greenwoo d e t al. , op. cit. , p . 8 . 9. See , for example, the comments made in this connection b y Nicholas Alex, Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policeman (Ne w York : Appleton-Century-Crofts , 1969), pp . 86-89 . 10. Se e Davi d H . Bayle y an d Harol d Mendelsohn , Minorities and the Police: Confrontation in America (Ne w York : The Fre e Press, 1968) , pp . 49, 55 . 11. Thi s argument is drawn in part from personal observations and interviews, in part , fro m Georg e Homan' s descriptio n an d explanatio n o f "socia l system " as found i n Joseph A . Litterer's , Organizations: Structure and Behavior, 2nd ed. (New York: Wiley, 1969) , volum e 1 , pp. 167-188 .

Chapter Si x

Images, Attitudes, and Expectations

You can get hurt her e just b y talking to the police.

A S member s o f a publi c servic e organizatio n interactin g o n a r-\ frequen t an d continuou s basi s wit h thei r clientele , polic e J L JL^hav e becom e highl y sensitize d t o th e attitude s o f peopl e living withi n thei r precinc t an d ca n readil y distinguis h favorabl e from unfavorabl e ones . Bu t occupationa l affiliatio n doe s mor e tha n just aler t police to particula r communit y attitudes ; i t also sensitize s them t o th e condition s whic h giv e ris e t o thes e attitudes . S o i t i s with ou r polic e respondents . Whe n aske d t o apprais e th e attitude s blacks have traditionall y hel d towar d th e police , a clear, bu t decid edly unfavorabl e pictur e emerged . Virtuall y al l o f th e me n con ceded tha t majo r segment s o f th e blac k populatio n i n Ne w Yor k City, i f not whol e communities , hel d th e polic e i n contempt. The y attributed thi s to the way blacks have generally bee n treate d b y th e police ove r th e years . Whit e polic e (an d t o a lesse r exten t blac k officers) wer e accuse d b y ou r respondent s o f oversteppin g th e boundaries o f thei r lega l authorit y an d engagin g i n practice s whic h favored an d protecte d th e interest s of dominant whit e society . No t surprisingly, th e most frequen t charg e levele d against white police men i n thei r dealing s wit h blacks wa s brutality . Ou r me n alleg e that act s of physical and psychologica l abus e directe d agains t blac k people i n th e pas t wer e commonplac e i n al l o f th e city' s precinct s

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and contributed greatl y t o th e hostility an d distrus t tha t man y black s feel towar d th e polic e today . On e office r wh o gre w u p outsid e th e ghetto ha d thi s t o say : Police wer e hate d i n th e past . Ther e wa s a lo t o f physica l abuse . . . . People weren't aware of their rights and were needlessly abused by the officers. . . . Blacks were treated wors e than animal s i n the street. This I've heard from som e of the older blacks. A vetera n detectiv e wh o gre w u p i n th e are a h e no w work s i n described pas t condition s i n th e ghetto : Police definitely presente d a very negative imag e in the pas t which I believe has carried over today. Not among all blacks, but enough. The image Pm talking about was one of brutality. . .. I n the fifties and sixtie s yo u sa w cop s beatin g black s ove r th e hea d wit h littl e provocation. License t o exercis e authorit y ove r people , ofte n t o th e poin t o f physical abuses , was a t on e tim e (an d n o doub t stil l is) a means o f job satisfactio n amon g som e policemen . I n som e instance s i t ma y even constitut e a n importan t reaso n fo r joinin g th e department . Yet, many of our me n vie w the problem o f brutality strictl y withi n a racia l context , assertin g tha t it s cause s ca n b e trace d directl y t o unfavorable image s o f black s passe d o n t o whit e polic e b y racis t parents an d friends . A lot of white cop s I knew grew u p despising black s because tha t was what the y wer e taugh t a t home . They looke d a t blac k peopl e as scummers. They treated the m lik e shit i n the street becaus e they were black, no other reason. They saw a black man in the street and wondered what kind of shit he was into. Moreover, w e ar e told, i n pas t year s no systemati c effor t wa s eve r made b y th e polic e departmen t t o dispe l th e imag e o f th e "blac k as deviant " hel d b y mos t whit e officers . Thus , i t wa s possibl e fo r decent, law-abidin g black s t o b e considere d t o b e th e sam e a s th e criminal elemen t an d treate d accordingly . A n office r explaine d tha t There i s no questio n tha t polic e harasse d black s i n th e past . They didn't understan d blac k peopl e an d ther e wa s no attemp t t o teach

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police abou t th e differen t way s of blacks . Yo u ha d whit e cop s o n this job when I first cam e on i n the fiftie s wh o treated ever y black the same no matter who he was—the typical shithead as well as the law-abiding guy. They were all put i n the same pot. There are plenty of black people who still feel uncomfortable aroun d polic e because of this. Their attitudes are not positive. This results from memorie s of the past. Criticism o f whit e polic e focuse d no t onl y o n pattern s o f phys ical brutalit y an d harassmen t bu t o n othe r aspect s o f polic e inter action wit h blac k citizens . Whit e cops , fo r example , wer e accuse d of adherin g t o a double se t o f standard s i n th e wa y routin e polic e services were provide d i n lower-class , blac k communities . Thi s sit uation, w e ar e reminded , figured prominentl y i n shapin g th e atti tudes o f black s toward all police today : Police were not wel l like d i n the blac k community an d that's put ting i t mildly . Polic e treate d black s differentl y tha n the y treate d whites. They were treated, I guess you might say, as inferior peopl e who were born that way. What do I mean by that? Well, if a black had a problem or something he was not taken seriously by the white officer. Hi s proble m wa s definitel y no t give n th e sam e considera tion a s if he were white. Fo r example , before I came on thi s job I saw instance s i n which whit e policeme n jus t drove by peopl e wh o were injured o r neede d som e sort o f help . Also, people wh o were robbed or assaulted, police just seemed to treat these cases as being less important. People here today remember, some of them anyway. They have very little use for polic e because of it, and that goe s fo r black police too. As expected, man y als o pointe d t o extrem e difference s i n polic e enforcement practice s experienced b y ghetto blacks and mor e well to-do whites . Ghett o blacks , the y claim , wer e routinel y single d out , arrested, an d charge d wit h violation s tha t woul d hav e bee n ig nored i n whit e communities . Th e followin g commen t fro m a vet eran polic e office r assigne d t o a precinct i n Harle m i s typical : Police wer e despised . . . . I'v e worke d i n bot h blac k an d whit e neighborhoods an d I can say as a point of fact tha t years ago black people were arrested and charged with crimes that most whites would have been le t go for. Cops—bot h whit e and black in those days— did things in black communities that they never would hav e gotten

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away with i n white neighborhoods . . . . Black people were aware of this an d ther e ar e still some who remembe r an d hate the police for it . Widespread polic e abus e o f authority , differentia l enforcemen t of the law , an d provisio n o f polic e service s wer e onl y som e o f th e complaints black s expresse d agains t th e polic e tha t wer e t o find expression i n th e riot s an d genera l unres t tha t swep t throug h ou r nation's citie s i n th e mid-sixties . Ghett o black s wer e no t onl y fe d up wit h bein g treate d a s inferior , second-clas s citizen s b y th e po lice, the y wer e als o deepl y angere d an d resentfu l o f th e failur e o f government t o ac t upo n thes e an d othe r socia l unjustice s i n a deliberate an d meaningfu l way . As th e decad e o f th e seventie s approached , th e clas h betwee n th e police an d black s bega n t o tak e o n a ne w seriousness . Th e spon taneous disorder s tha t ha d characterize d th e nationa l scen e jus t a few year s earlier , offered , perhaps , th e cleares t evidenc e o f jus t ho w great wa s th e divisio n an d conflic t betwee n polic e an d th e blac k community the y served . Th e feelin g o f complacenc y tha t ha d fo r so lon g characterize d polic e respons e t o thi s growin g frictio n wa s finally bein g calle d int o question , an d polic e official s i n depart ments acros s th e countr y bega n searchin g fo r way s t o brin g th e two group s close r together . I n th e remainde r o f thi s chapte r w e consider th e perceive d effec t o f tw o suc h effort s o n th e qualit y o f police-black relation s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y today . The Influx o f Blac k Polic e Over time, white polic e have come to share a set of occupationa l values an d belief s abou t minorit y group s tha t se t the m apar t fro m significant segment s o f th e blac k community . Th e recruitmen t o f greater number s o f black s int o th e lowe r rank s i n th e earl y 1970 s was par t o f a large r effor t designe d t o narro w thi s distance . Th e assumption wa s that youn g blac k policeme n b y virtue of their cul tural tie s t o othe r black s would brin g differen t conception s o f th e police rol e int o ghett o neighborhoods , creatin g i n th e proces s a broader bas e o f communit y suppor t fo r th e department. 1 Al diough suc h assumption s reflecte d progressiv e thinkin g a t th e time ,

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it was no t altogethe r clea r ho w ghett o resident s actuall y fel t abou t being police d b y member s o f thei r ow n race . Sinc e whit e polic e were viewe d b y man y black s i n th e ghett o a s th e "enemy, " i t wa s quite possibl e tha t th e newl y hire d blac k officer s woul d b e viewe d in muc h th e sam e way . There wer e othe r problem s too . Man y blac k policemen resente d department effort s t o limi t thei r assignment s t o high-crime , slu m precincts. They fel t (an d perhap s righd y so ) tha t suc h practice s wer e discriminatory t o th e blac k office r who , b y virtu e o f hi s ski n colo r and presume d affinit y t o th e blac k community , mus t wor k unde r more trying, hazardou s conditions . The obviou s question, then, is, would a black policeman, o r fo r tha t matte r an y officer, wh o viewe d such assignmen t practice s a s discriminatory o r unfair , perfor m a t a level equivalen t t o a n office r wh o wa s no t especiall y trouble d b y having t o wor k i n thes e areas ? I n th e page s tha t follo w w e con sider som e o f th e possibl e implication s o f assignin g blac k polic e predominantly t o precinct s situate d i n crime-ridden , blac k com munities. W e ar e especially concerned wit h th e reaction s o f policemen t o th e politica l motivatio n o f th e department , a s expressed i n such assignmen t practices , an d thei r perceptio n o f ho w the y hav e been receive d b y member s o f th e blac k communit y whil e occupy ing position s o f authorit y an d control . Assignments i n Blac k Precinct s When aske d wha t the y though t abou t th e practic e o f assignin g black polic e t o blac k precincts , contrar y t o th e feeling s o f man y black police , a numbe r o f th e 4 6 me n agree d tha t i t wa s "goo d policy,55 and th e departmen t wa s entirel y justified i n implementin g such a practice. Blac k policemen , the y argued , kno w intuitivel y ho w to approac h othe r black s withou t arousin g unnecessar y fea r o r anxiety an d tak e a greater interes t i n community problem s tha n d o white policemen . Unlik e th e averag e whit e officer , th e blac k po liceman generall y stop s an d talk s t o peopl e i n th e street . Whil e o n patrol h e make s himself visibl e an d availabl e shoul d hi s services b e required. Consequently , w e ar e told, h e has gained th e respec t an d trust o f mos t blac k citizen s wh o com e t o hi m wit h thei r griev ances, loo k t o hi m fo r assistanc e an d suppor t i n time s o f trouble ,

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and rel y generall y o n hi s advic e whe n problem s arise . A detectiv e enlarged o n this : The people see the way the officer arrive s on the scene or handles a routine cal l fo r assistance , speakin g instea d o f shovin g o r push ing—the treatment of people die way an officer migh t want his family treated. The y jus t appreciat e a blac k office r comin g o n th e scen e where there is no fear involved . Other policeme n offere d simila r reason s fo r supportin g re stricted assignmen t practices . I believ e blac k cops shoul d b e assigne d t o blac k areas . You kno w the culture, background of the people. You can service them bette r because of this. Personally, I don't believ e it's discriminatory. I don't mind workin g here . The blac k communit y want s th e blac k office r here. It's practical, especially as a rookie or a young black patrolman, because he can identify wit h th e people. Black policemen wil l be less inclined to insult and abus e the blac k community membe r an d more apt t o understan d th e problem s facin g blac k people becaus e of his ethnic affiliation . One responden t suggeste d tha t th e presenc e o f additiona l blac k policemen i n area s suc h a s Harle m ha s finally begu n t o blun t th e edge of bitterness black s once fel t towar d th e departmen t b y effec tively neutralizing th e discriminator y behavio r o f prejudice d whit e policemen. H e claime d tha t By assigning the new black cops to black precincts, the department is helpin g t o remov e th e stereotyp e o f th e polic e i n man y ways . Sometimes whit e cop s ac t uncoo l an d unconsciousl y racist . Th e presence of more black police has helped to correct the situation. If a blac k co p i s ther e i n th e stree t whit e cop s ar e unlikel y t o trea t blacks—especially black women—the wa y they used to. Another policema n wh o acknowledge d th e importanc e o f th e above factor s i n shapin g th e blac k citizens ' attitude s towar d blac k police, suggeste d a furthe r dimension . H e fel t tha t bein g a blac k policeman i n an area such a s Harlem entaile d mor e than just work -

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ing there eigh t hours a day. I t meant becomin g involve d wit h peo ple i n th e communit y afte r th e tou r o f duty . Off-dut y socializing , he concluded, no t onl y went a long way toward drawin g th e com munity close r t o individua l officers , bu t i t als o serve d t o promot e a sens e o f rappor t betwee n black s an d th e department . A portio n of hi s respons e wa s a s follows : As I said, after m y eight hours Pm not rushing to go anywhere. It's not eigh t hour s an d the n I' m haulin g as s to g o hom e every day. I stick around sometimes . I feel that thi s is important. A lot of black cops stick around an d socialize after work . Another are a that migh t b e explored i f one i s to understan d an d appreciate wh y som e black s see m t o prefe r t o dea l wit h blac k po licemen ha s t o d o wit h perception s an d expectation s o f publi c be havior i n black , slum communities . I t ha s been show n i n a numbe r of studie s tha t polic e ar e likel y t o b e mor e apprehensiv e an d aler t to sign s o f dange r i n high-crime , ghett o precinct s tha n i n othe r areas o f th e city. 2 Bot h individuall y an d collectivel y the y ten d t o associate thes e area s wit h a n abnormall y hig h incidenc e o f violen t crime, especiall y violenc e directe d agains t th e police. 3 Blac k citi zens an d particularl y blac k youth s livin g i n slu m communitie s serv e as constan t reminder s o f th e potentiall y dangerou s an d explosiv e nature o f eve n "routine " encounter s betwee n th e polic e an d citi zens. Judging from som e o f th e comment s w e received , i t appear s tha t white policeme n ar e considerably mor e sensitiv e than blac k officer s to th e possibilit y o f har m comin g thei r wa y i n ghett o communi ties. Bu t thi s i s hardl y surprising . Recruite d a s the y traditionall y have been fro m middle - an d working-class backgrounds , white po licemen o n th e whol e ar e not familia r wit h lower-clas s culture . This, in turn , inhibit s thei r abilit y t o distinguis h betwee n behavio r whic h by ghetto standard s i s normal, an d essentiall y harmless, and behav ior whic h i s unusua l an d potentiall y dangerous . Moreover , whit e policemen a s a grou p ar e subjecte d mor e tha n thei r blac k col leagues t o negativ e definition s o f th e wor k situatio n i n ghett o communities—assessments tha t ca n an d frequend y d o overrid e th e effects o f everyday , routin e encounter s wit h blac k citizen s o n th e street.

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Although mos t o f ou r respondent s woul d probabl y conced e tha t there i s less risk of encountering violenc e i n mor e affluen t area s o f the city , man y agre e tha t whit e policeme n ten d t o exaggerat e th e prevalence of danger in slum communities an d becaus e of that tak e steps to avoi d what they regard a s "unnecessary contact" with blacks . As a n exampl e o f on e respons e t o this , I don't know all the reasons why a lot of white cops are more afrai d of working i n blac k precincts , bu t the y are . I suppose a lot ha s to do wit h al l th e killing s an d shooting s here . Bu t I thin k tha t the y exaggerate th e danger here. Compared t o all the violence that happens, only a few cops have been seriously hurt. . . . This fear per sonally prevents many of these guys from doin g their job properly. If a cop is afraid, he' s going to get off th e street a s much a s possible, o r he' s a t leas t no t goin g t o hav e tha t muc h t o d o wit h th e people in the community. The peopl e here just don't se e the white cop who's on a foot pos t and even when he's riding, he hardly ever stops and rap s with them. To th e exten t tha t th e blac k perceive s thi s avoidanc e a s deliber ate an d indicativ e o f th e whit e man' s feeling s towar d black s i n general, h e i s ap t t o respon d b y expressin g i n variou s way s hi s preference fo r blac k police . Some whit e policeme n ma y b e unhapp y workin g i n blac k pre cincts fo r othe r reason s too . They may , fo r instance , view thei r as signment a s a for m o f punishment , a n expressio n o f th e depart ment's displeasur e wit h thei r performance . I f this impressio n lead s to deliberat e avoidanc e o n th e par t o f th e whit e office r th e effec t on th e communit y ca n b e th e same . On e said , They feel tha t th e white officer doe s not wan t to wor k here . They feel tha t h e looks at thi s assignmen t a s though i t were some for m of punishment an d becaus e of this, he cannot o r does not wan t t o deal squarely with the situation h e confronts. The y see this and they respond t o it by turning to the black policeman. While basicall y i n agreemen t wit h th e practic e o f assignin g black s to precinct s located i n blac k communities, a few of the men never theless expresse d concer n ove r wha t the y fel t wa s a n "unwritten " department polic y which make s it almost impossibl e fo r blac k cop s to transfe r t o whit e area s of th e city . Assignmen t policies , they ar -

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gued, shoul d b e sufficiend y flexible to accommodat e th e divers e an d changing need s o f individua l polic e officers ; member s o f th e de partment, regardles s o f color , shoul d no t b e require d t o spen d al l of thei r tim e i n an y on e particula r precinc t o r district . On e office r who fel t thi s way justified hi s preference fo r "assignmen t rotation " on th e ground s tha t occasiona l movemen t betwee n precinct s an d districts resulte d i n a well-rounded, mor e effectiv e employee : It's not discriminatory , bu t don' t kee p him there for 2 0 years if he doesn't want it. He should b e allowed to transfer t o other precincts if that i s what h e wants , an d h e shoul d b e allowe d t o experienc e different place s an d differen t peopl e an d roun d ou t hi s overall experience. You kno w thi s goes for al l policemen, no t just th e black cop. I fee l tha t a more rounde d office r i s a more effectiv e officer , no matter where he works. Another policema n complaine d abou t wha t h e fel t wa s a long standing departmen t polic y o f sendin g additiona l blac k officer s int o ghetto precinct s durin g time s o f civil disorde r an d the n t o remov e them whe n th e situatio n returne d t o normal . Wha t disturbe d thi s policeman mos t wa s th e feelin g tha t h e an d othe r blac k officer s i n the cit y wer e bein g "used " b y th e departmen t t o quel l racia l dis turbances tha t the y di d no t i n fac t star t o r contribut e t o i n an y way. H e stated , If you ask the average black officer wher e he wants to work, he will usually say that h e prefers blac k areas. I feel tha t thi s is generally a good polic y for man y reasons. . . . But I would resen t bein g sent into a n are a becaus e ther e i s some racia l flareup. I don' t thin k it' s fair to send minority policemen into minority areas during crisis situations, fo r example , th e Mosqu e incident . Wh y sen d m e t o pu t out flames that someone else started. Other guys feel the same way, ask them. 4 Whatever individua l reservation s thes e me n migh t hav e towar d concentrating blac k cop s i n blac k precincts , thei r attitude s towar d such a practice remain , o n th e whole , supportive . A secon d an d somewha t smalle r grou p o f policeme n expresse d uncertainty ove r th e practic e o f systematicall y assignin g blac k of ficers to blac k precincts . Thei r comment s reflec t acceptanc e o f th e

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practice o n th e ground s tha t th e blac k communit y benefit s b y hav ing blac k officer s statione d ther e and , a t th e sam e time , rejectio n of th e arrangemen t becaus e i t i s patentl y unjus t t o thos e policeme n involved. Fo r example , Anytime yo u assig n a man strictl y on hi s race, it's discriminatory. I f you as k m e whethe r it' s ba d polic y fro m th e poin t o f vie w o f th e black community, th e answe r i s no. It' s goo d fo r th e communit y i n many ways . I don't thin k it' s fair t o the men. Department-wise , I feel tha t every body shoul d b e assigne d equally . Yo u shouldn' t hav e to wor k i n a n area becaus e yo u ar e blac k an d no t b e abl e t o wor k i n Fores t Hill s or Bayside . It' s mor e dangerou s workin g i n blac k areas ; therefore , it's no t fair . Ther e i s a highe r percentag e o f bein g hur t i n a black area. . . . Bu t fo r publi c relations , I thin k it' s good , i n th e sam e sense tha t I thin k a n Italia n woul d wor k bette r i n a n Italia n neigh borhood. Yo u kno w th e peopl e an d yo u understan d the m better . You spea k thei r languag e an d yo u ea t thei r food . A policema n wit h a littl e unde r seve n year s o f servic e wit h th e department expresse d hi s uncertaint y i n th e followin g way : Putting blac k cop s i n minorit y precinct s ma y b e discriminator y t o the cop , bu t i t ma y als o b e viewe d a s a practica l administrativ e strategy. Why? Becaus e there i s less community resistanc e an d stati c putting a blac k office r i n a blac k are a tha n puttin g a whit e office r there o r puttin g a black office r i n a white area . A thir d grou p o f policeme n rejecte d th e policy , base d o n th e as sumption tha t effectiv e polic e servic e i s relate d t o ski n color . Fo r example, I don' t believ e ther e i s an y differenc e i f you'r e a co p i n uniform . People wil l com e t o yo u wit h thei r problem s n o matte r wha t colo r you are . Mos t peopl e I find don' t differentiat e betwee n th e blac k and whit e co p when the y have a problem o r nee d som e type of help. When aske d wh y h e objecte d t o th e practic e o f confinin g blac k police t o blac k precincts , a detectiv e wit h ove r 1 2 year s o f experi ence responded ,

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I believ e tha t th e administratio n think s blac k officer s ar e more ef fective wit h blac k citizens. I don't fee l that this is so. I believe that any white officer ca n be just as efFective as any black cop. I've worked with whit e patrolme n an d whit e detective s wh o hav e bee n jus t as efFective a s any black officer . I alway s found tha t bette r detective s employed the "humane approach " regardless of color. Many blacks have commented to me that attitude is important rather than color. Both o f th e officers , i n respondin g t o th e question , misse d th e crux of the issue . There i s no question , fo r example , that peopl e i n trouble wil l invariabl y welcom e an y office r wh o happen s o n th e scene. Bu t th e fac t remain s tha t seriou s problem s (e.g. , someon e attempting t o brea k int o a n apartment ) ar e experienced fa r les s fre quently tha n eithe r routin e problem s o r servic e calls . Th e ques tion, then , i s whethe r whit e policeme n are , o n th e whole , no t a s capable t o dea l with th e routine , day-to-da y problem s confrontin g blacks livin g i n th e ghetto . I f the y ar e not , a s some commentator s point out , the n peopl e livin g i n thes e area s ar e indee d gettin g shortchanged whe n ghett o precinct s ar e staffed mosd y wit h whites . Opposition t o restricte d assignment s wa s als o motivate d b y th e belief tha t ther e i s disproportionatel y mor e wor k t o b e don e i n ghetto communities . Som e o f ou r policeme n complain , fo r exam ple, o f bein g "shortchanged " themselve s b y havin g t o wor k i n bus y precincts whil e receivin g th e sam e pa y a s cops assigne d t o quiete r sections o f th e city . They fee l tha t I don' t thin k you should assig n mostl y black officers t o black areas when you have other officers wh o are getting the same pay. Equally resentfu l o f segregated assignmen t practices , but fo r dif ferent reasons , a detective responded , It's discriminatory. It' s simply unfair t o the black officer wh o i s assigned her e strictl y on th e basi s of hi s color. Supposedly , yo u can deal better with the people in the community. However, I don't go along with that . Cop s should b e trained t o handle any situation i n any neighborhood. The y fee l tha t yo u hav e to saturat e blac k areas with blac k cops. Well, white officers shoul d b e trained properl y t o work here. Besides, I feel cheated somehow if I have to lock up blacks all the time.

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One policema n too k th e positio n tha t i n a society of rapid chang e such a s ours, blac k cop s shoul d b e assigne d t o precinct s through out th e cit y o n a more-or-les s rando m basis . To d o otherwise , h e maintained, make s the tas k of adjustin g mor e difficul t fo r blac k cop s who eventuall y fin d themselve s workin g i n predominantl y whit e precincts an d fo r white s wh o ma y neve r hav e confronted black s i n positions o f authority . There ar e precinct s that hav e only three blac k officers. Th e precinct ha s only five black officers . Whe n yo u ge t out o f a car in the precinc t t o giv e a summon s t o someone , th e perso n you are giving the summons to can't believe he is getting one fro m a black officer. H e ha s never seen blac k officers before . S o just because the officer i s black, he should no t b e assigne d t o blac k areas in my opinion. Here th e objectio n t o restricte d assignmen t practice s i s base d les s upon th e feeling s tha t ghett o precinct s presen t greate r persona l dangers t o th e officer s o r tha t the y ar e more physicall y demandin g than o n th e possibl e psychologica l cost s t o th e blac k officer's iden tity i n th e large r society . That is , the longe r th e blac k officer i s denied opportunitie s t o wor k i n whit e area s of the cit y during a presumably progressiv e era , th e greate r wil l b e hi s feeling s o f statu s frustration an d sens e of marginality . A fe w respondent s challenge d th e polic e department' s assign ment o f blac k cop s t o blac k precinct s o n th e theor y tha t the y ha d an affinit y towar d th e peopl e i n th e community . Thes e me n spok e of the fea r an d suspicio n eve n thei r presenc e evoke d amon g black s and o f th e genera l disreput e int o whic h blac k polic e fell. 5 On e Harlem-based office r remarke d tha t som e black s i n hi s precinc t wanted nothin g t o d o wit h th e blac k officer , tha t the y sa w hi m a s an enforce r o f th e "whit e man's " laws, hired an d assigne d t o wor k in th e ghett o i n orde r t o kee p black s "i n thei r place. " This sam e officer als o fel t tha t som e o f th e negativis m directe d towar d blac k police resulte d fro m conflictin g definition s o f th e blac k officer' s professional rol e i n th e community . Som e blacks , h e wen t o n t o explain, vie w th e blac k policema n a s a "newcomer" t o th e jo b an d thus no t entitle d t o ful l recognitio n an d acceptance . Th e blac k of ficer, of course , reject s thi s definition .

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Some blacks also are unaccustomed t o playin g subservient role s t o other black s an d tha t include s th e blac k cop . The y resen t hi s au thority over them and they refuse to have anything to do with him. This leads to trouble on bot h sides. Related t o th e feelin g tha t h e hold s onl y "newcomer " statu s i s the questio n o f th e blac k officer' s authorit y t o regulat e conduc t i n the blac k community. Som e fee l tha t thi s i s not automaticall y buil t into th e blac k officer' s officia l position , bu t mus t b e earne d ove r time. To me it's amazing. There ar e white cops in this precinct who deserve anything bu t respect . They ar e holy terrors i n the street. Bu t they are white and the people generally respect their authority. . . . It's as if I have to prov e myself, prove that I' m a cop too and have the same authority a s the white cop. One detectiv e brough t u p th e often-belabore d poin t tha t som e ghetto black s feel tha t th e blac k cop sol d the m ou t whe n h e joine d the department . Especiall y despise d b y these members o f the blac k community, accordin g t o thi s officer , i s th e blac k policema n wh o joins extremis t group s (e.g. , Blac k Panthers ) unde r th e guis e o f kinship an d loyalt y to th e blac k cause, but wh o i s secretly workin g for th e departmen t i n a n undercove r position . H e state d tha t The black cop is frequently hel d in contempt particularly in the role of undercover officer. Th e community simply feels that one of them has violated th e trus t o f thei r ethni c grou p b y exposing ethni c secrets. In additio n t o bein g accuse d o f "sellin g out, " th e blac k police man i s susceptibl e t o th e charg e tha t h e i s a n "Uncl e Tom. " On e officer explaine d wha t h e mean t b y th e term : Some blacks don't want to deal with the black cop because they see him as an Uncle Tom, a person who stands by while the white cop abuses and shows disrespect towar d othe r blacks. A detective , i n explainin g blac k negativis m towar d blac k police , added a n interestin g not e t o th e discussion . H e stated , i n effect ,

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that becaus e blac k polic e ar e awar e of the rea l needs an d problem s of lower-class blacks , they make discriminations whic h ten d t o discourage certain groups of people fro m raisin g questions or makin g complaints that , i n thei r eyes , do no t constitut e "real " police mat ters.6 This, he felt , ha s alienated som e black s from th e blac k office r and encourage d the m t o tur n t o whit e policeme n i n time s o f dis tress. The black cop is more aware, he more fully understands the reasons why some blacks make complaints to the police. A lot of these complaints ar e strictl y bullshit . The y jus t tak e u p a lot o f time . Mos t detectives that I know feel that they have more important things to do than stand around entertainin g bullshit stories, or talking to socalled complainant s simpl y becaus e the y fee l the y hav e somethin g to say and want to say it to a detective. This office r the n pointe d ou t tha t black s wh o drin k t o exces s sometimes fal l int o thi s category : If a drunk staggers up to a black cop he is often hear d to say, "Get the fuc k ou t o f here." The white cop may listen; hi s patience may be longer. The black waits until he gets drunk to make a complaint and then he comes up to the officer an d hobbles away saying nothing. They just come up to bug you. . . . This may explain why some blacks tur n t o th e whit e cop . H e ma y b e mor e outwardly sympa thetic. The negativis m directe d towar d th e blac k policema n ma y deriv e from other , bu t somewha t related , source s a s well. There i s a feel ing amon g a fe w o f th e men , fo r example , tha t th e recen t eco nomic gains made b y all New Yor k City police during th e Lindsa y administration provide d blac k cop s wit h th e mean s fo r a more af fluent styl e o f life . Ironically , the y add , thes e sam e gain s als o serve d to weake n th e blac k officers ' attachmen t t o th e ghett o an d it s spe cial problems . A veteran office r explains , I would hav e to sa y that a t one time , blacks probably preferre d t o deal with blac k officers. Ther e were stronger bond s between them . The blac k office r accepte d othe r lower-clas s blacks , naturally , be cause he was one of them. This i s not alway s the case now. Many

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blacks look at the black officer wit h suspicion . This is because, like other minorit y groups who hav e advance d themselve s i n our society, h e n o longe r care s abou t resident s i n Harle m o r thei r condi tions. H e only comes here to work. I t basicall y becomes just a job for him. The notio n tha t i n th e proces s o f movin g u p th e socia l ladde r black polic e hav e com e increasingl y t o disassociat e themselve s fro m everything tha t onc e symbolize d thei r identificatio n wit h th e ghett o and it s peopl e ma y no t b e mer e conjectur e o n th e par t o f thes e officers. Referenc e grou p theorists , followin g th e lea d o f Rober t K. Merto n an d others , hav e pointe d ou t tha t sociall y mobil e black s do i n fact ten d t o assum e th e valu e orientation s an d aspiration s o f white middle - an d upper-clas s groups . I n on e importan t stud y o f ethnic mobility , fo r instance , th e researcher s foun d tha t high-sta tus black positions were not only associated with acceptanc e of white attitudes bu t wit h weak involvemen t i n racia l matter s an d weak identification wit h th e blac k community. 7 A fe w respondent s appeare d mor e circumspec t i n thei r expla nations, holdin g bot h thei r brothe r officer s an d member s o f th e community responsibl e fo r th e persistenc e o f antiblac k polic e sen timent. On e policeman , wh o a t first too k som e o f hi s colleague s to tas k fo r thei r insensitivit y towar d lower-class , ghett o blacks , the n turned o n th e large r blac k communit y i n a n apparen t attemp t t o balance th e blame . H e said , The publi c i s mixed up . They wan t protectio n bu t the y complai n when som e o f thes e character s ge t thei r tai l kicked . The y wan t homicides solved but they don't wan t the police around doin g any questioning. This office r wen t o n t o stat e tha t eve n th e increase d hirin g o f black cop s an d thei r subsequen t assignmen t t o ghett o precinct s ha s failed t o alte r the moo d o f most blacks toward th e department sig nificantly. They want black representation in the community. They ask for more black cops and then they accuse these officers o f being traitors. With feelings suc h as these, it's not surprising to find that th e overall attitude of blacks hasn't reall y changed that much.

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There is , i n addition , a feeling share d b y a fe w o f th e me n tha t rejection o f blac k policeme n i s linke d t o th e negativ e symbol s at tached t o th e polic e uniform, rathe r tha n t o th e blac k police them selves. Implici t i n thi s argumen t i s the notio n tha t som e member s of th e blac k communit y se e onl y th e unifor m an d th e interest s i t is presumed t o represent; obscure d i n the process are both individ ual an d grou p distinctions . You figure he' s in uniform, he' s a police officer whethe r he's white or black. This is the way many blacks view the policeman. As I said before, a pig is a pig, whether he' s white or black. I would have to admit that a lot of blacks don't care for uniformed police of either color. They have as little to do with us as possible, except, of course, when they are in trouble, when someone's knocking down thei r door . However, anothe r policema n offere d a qualificatio n t o thi s view . He argue d tha t on e mus t b e carefu l abou t makin g accusation s against an y on e grou p o f peopl e sinc e negativis m towar d th e po lice may no t b e uniforml y hel d throughou t th e blac k community . The wa y I see it mos t middle-clas s black s look dow n o n th e black officer a s d o upper-clas s white s t o th e whit e officer . Bu t the y re spect his authority and accept his services willingly. Lower-class blacks barely tolerat e th e blac k officer o r an y officer fo r tha t matter . The only time these people care, I mean really care, is when someone is behind the m with a hatchet. As th e account s i n thi s sectio n suggest , no t al l policeme n sup port th e positio n tha t precinct s locate d i n high-crime , blac k com munities shoul d b e staffe d mostl y wit h blac k police . I n fact , a number o f convincing argument s wer e offered t o justify a positio n against jus t suc h assignmen t practices . Perhap s th e mos t vali d ar gument ha s t o d o wit h th e actua l natur e o f polic e wor k i n ghett o communities. On e ca n hardl y disput e th e claim , fo r example , tha t areas suc h a s Harle m an d Bedford-Stuyvesan t d o presen t greate r personal danger s t o th e me n tha n mor e advantage d section s o f th e city, o r tha t polic e wor k i n ghett o precinct s entail s greate r per sonal stres s bein g place d o n th e office r a s a resul t o f th e typ e an d

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frequency o f call s fo r servic e fro m th e public . I t woul d see m the n that th e argumen t callin g for mor e flexible assignmen t policie s i s a legitimate one a t least from th e poin t o f view of those officers wh o find themselve s locke d int o hazardou s precinct s indefinitely . There is , moreover , th e proble m o f th e blac k o r whit e police man who , fo r an y number o f other reasons , i s bothered b y havin g to wor k exclusivel y i n crime-ridden , slu m communities . T o kee p this office r i n suc h a n are a becaus e i t seem s politicall y advanta geous may , i n th e lon g run , b e counterproductiv e t o th e interest s of th e departmen t sinc e unde r suc h condition s th e office r i s apt t o perform hi s dutie s i n a less than enthusiasti c manner . How the n shoul d polic e b e selecte d an d assigne d t o precinct s populated largel y b y ghett o blacks ? Wha t qualification s (racia l o r otherwise) ough t t o b e considere d i n choosin g a n office r fo r as signment t o thes e areas ? An d finally, ho w migh t polic e bes t b e deployed onc e assigne d t o a ghetto precinc t s o tha t frictio n betwee n the polic e an d black s i s kept a t a minimum? I n th e page s tha t im mediately follo w thes e question s ar e considere d wit h th e ide a o f developing strategie s tha t woul d promot e mor e cooperativ e rela tions betwee n polic e an d racia l minorities . Selected Qualification s fo r Assignmen t to Blac k Precinct s Despite recen t effort s t o hir e large r number s o f blac k cops , i t i s doubtful tha t th e racia l makeu p o f th e departmen t wil l reflec t th e city's blac k populatio n withi n th e nex t fe w years. 8 What thi s means , in effect , i s that communities , suc h a s Harlem, wil l continu e t o b e policed an d service d b y a mixe d o r eve n a predominantl y whit e force. Wit h thi s i n mind , th e respondent s wer e asked t o identif y particular qualification s o r characteristic s tha t polic e officer s shoul d have who ar e assigne d t o ghett o precincts . Surprisingly, th e larges t numbe r o f policemen—man y o f who m had earlie r expresse d suppor t fo r a polic y o f segregate d assign ments—felt tha t ghett o precinct s woul d b e best serve d i n the lon g run i f factor s othe r than , o r i n additio n to , rac e wer e considere d in assignin g polic e t o thes e areas . Man y o f thes e me n indicate d a strong preferenc e fo r polic e officer s wh o ha d a basi c understand -

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ing an d acceptanc e o f ghett o culture , wh o wer e flexible i n thei r approach towar d racia l minoritie s an d who , abov e all , expressed a desire t o wor k i n th e ghetto . A s one policema n remarked , If I were the CO., I would personally interview the men I intended to have in my command. I would want those officers wh o indicated to me that they were interested i n working i n black communities. Another qualificatio n though t b y man y o f our respondent s nec essary t o assur e th e succes s o f th e polic e i n ghett o communitie s i s a colleg e background . Th e followin g replie s ar e typical : I think I would b e most interested i n their background, you know, their educational experience . I feel that the more educated me n are the mos t understandin g men , regardles s of color. These men hav e more understandin g o f the problem s facin g th e blac k community . And my questions to the m woul d involv e community problem s and how they felt abou t them. So I wouldn't sa y that it would b e stricdy a black or white issue. Ask fo r an d deman d th e bes t office r possible . Onl y thos e officer s who volunteered. . . . How much formal educatio n does he have? I woul d choos e th e gu y with th e mos t education . I would loo k at his educational background. If he had a college degree, I would definitely consider him over another cop who didn't have any college. Because of the frequenc y wit h whic h thi s particular qualificatio n was mentioned, i t would see m a fair assumptio n tha t blac k police , on th e whole , perceiv e a rather stron g connectio n betwee n highe r academic trainin g an d superio r polic e performanc e i n ghett o com munities. Althoug h w e di d no t inquir e mor e deepl y int o th e rea sons for thi s supposed relationship , it is strongly suspecte d tha t blac k policemen wh o consistentl y reporte d highe r educatio n a s being o f central importanc e i n th e provisio n o f qualit y polic e service s ma y have ha d som e direc t contac t wit h officer s wh o attende d college . Perhaps first-hand contac t wit h thes e me n a t th e wor k leve l ha s allowed the m t o draw distinctions betwee n polic e students an d othe r members o f th e departmen t whos e educationa l backgroun d wa s more limited . A fe w policemen , whil e acknowledgin g th e advantag e o f a col -

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lege education , nevertheles s fel t tha t assignment s t o ghett o pre cincts should b e based primaril y on compatibilit y with member s o f the community , a s has bee n discusse d earlier . Fo r thes e men, com patibility ha d mor e t o d o wit h havin g bee n raise d unde r condi tions simila r t o thos e foun d i n slu m communitie s toda y tha n wit h either racia l similarit y t o th e clientel e bein g serve d o r t o year s o f formal education . On e policema n pu t i t thi s way : I woul d choos e officer s wh o understoo d th e natur e o f minorit y people. And this would have to be someone who grew up in a lowerclass neighborhood, whethe r he' s white or black. This person went through i t already . He' s experience d wha t mos t black s ar e experiencing now. He would bes t understand th e problems of black people. Hopefully, h e would treat them the way he wanted to be treated when h e was growing up . Of course, education i s important, too . I personally believe that it instills a sense of feeling and understanding in some officers i n thes e areas . If I had t o choose, though, between tw o officers , on e wh o ha d som e colleg e an d on e wh o wa s born and raised in a ghetto neighborhood, I would choose, I think, the gu y wh o cam e fro m a lower-class area , al l othe r thing s bein g the same, of course. In additio n t o suc h criteri a a s desir e t o wor k i n a ghett o com munity, colleg e education, an d compatibilit y wit h th e community , other characteristic s though t t o b e relate d t o superio r polic e per formance ha d t o d o wit h individua l personalit y trait s themselves . The followin g lis t represents , i n decreasin g order , th e frequenc y with whic h thes e trait s wer e cited . (I n a fe w instance s th e me n mentioned a s many a s four items ; most , however , mentione d onl y one o r two) : Understanding of and sympathetic toward minorit y peopl e Not short-tempere d o r overly excitable Not afrai d o f blacks Possessing common sens e and good judgmen t Open-minded Capable of listening Not pron e to labeling people Fair-minded Capable of anticipating troubl e Knowledgeable abou t job Honest abou t feeling s

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While mos t o f th e characteristic s ar e eas y t o comprehend , a s the y were expressed , a fe w ar e not . Thus , th e tru e definitio n o f som e traits requir e som e clarification : Not prone to labeling people: no t goin g aroun d wit h "thos e people " attitudes. Understanding of and sympathetic toward minority people: receptiv e t o peo -

ples' want s an d attitude s an d questions , understandin g ethni c back grounds an d custom s of people you ar e working with. Can't go aroun d laughing at people and the way they behave. Honest about feelings: a n "honest " person . I woul d rathe r wor k wit h a n honest person even if I knew that he didn't like blacks. Just don't preten d that you do and then curse them out behin d my back. In contrast , a small minority of (younger ) policeme n di d expres s the feelin g tha t ghett o communitie s woul d b e best serve d an d ten sions gread y reduce d i f precincts situate d i n thes e area s were staffe d mostly wit h blac k officers . No t surprisingly , th e argument s ad vanced b y thes e me n wer e consisten t wit h view s expresse d earlier . Basically, the y fel t tha t th e averag e blac k policema n wa s mor e at tuned t o th e subtletie s o f ghett o culture , mor e sensitiv e t o th e problems facin g blac k people , mor e intereste d i n promotin g gen uine cooperativ e relationships , an d mor e dedicate d t o th e profes sional ideal s of the job a s they relat e t o policin g raciall y segregate d communities. In addition , a s th e followin g respons e make s explicit , th e blac k policeman i s thought t o b e mor e intereste d i n helpin g reduc e th e incidence o f crimina l victimizatio n i n blac k communities . Conse quently, whe n he makes a n arrest , h e i s making i t for differen t rea sons tha n doe s th e averag e whit e officer . I woul d hav e predominantl y blac k cops , abou t 80/20 . I thin k th e average blac k co p ha s mor e understandin g o f th e communit y an d more willingness to serve the people in different ways . He i s more interested, therefore , h e perform s a better service . . . . He make s arrests, but for different reasons . He wants to make the community a safer place in which to live. A lot of white cops simply use the job to "hunt. "

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The Questio n o f Integrate d Police Team s Much o f th e researc h (includin g ou r own ) tha t ha s examine d th e issue o f integrate d o r segregate d socia l structure s uncovere d evi dence whic h tend s t o sho w tha t sympatheti c attitude s develo p among member s o f divers e racia l group s a s contac t betwee n th e groups increases. 9 While this finding ma y be applicable t o a particular leve l o f interaction , say , i n workin g relation s betwee n whit e and blac k polic e officers , th e questio n her e i s whether suc h bene fits can b e extende d ou t int o th e communit y itself . There i s a feel ing, fo r example , tha t despit e th e positiv e effect s inside , full y in tegrated precinct s migh t b e viewe d b y som e blacks o n th e outsid e as an indicatio n tha t th e departmen t lack s confidence i n th e abilit y of blac k polic e t o d o th e jo b adequately . Moreover , i f blac k po licemen ar e constantl y assigne d t o wor k wit h whit e partners , the y too ma y com e t o fee l i n tim e tha t the y ar e bein g controlle d b y th e department an d tha t thei r assignmen t i s a n expressio n o f th e de partment's distrus t o f black s i n general. 10 Ther e i s als o th e possi bility that integrate d polic e teams ma y initially bring out th e wors t in som e officers . A young , inexperience d blac k co p may , fo r ex ample, wan t t o prov e t o hi s whit e partne r tha t h e i s "on e o f th e guys'5 and ma y demonstrat e thes e feeling s b y bein g unusuall y toug h on black s i n th e community . Or , i f he i s senio r t o hi s whit e part ner, h e ma y want t o sho w hi m "ho w t o handl e blacks. " While som e o f thes e opinion s ma y hav e bee n hel d b y blacks i n the past , ther e i s n o evidence , a t leas t fro m th e presen t study , t o support thei r widesprea d existenc e today . O n th e contrary , whe n asked fo r thei r view s o n "integrate d polic e precincts " an d "work ing teams, " th e majorit y o f me n full y supporte d a polic y whic h would assign , whe n practicable , a blac k an d whit e office r t o wor k together. Aske d t o justif y thei r position , the y spok e mosd y i n term s of th e benefit s tha t woul d accru e t o member s o f th e blac k com munity from suc h a n arrangement . Som e recalled , fo r example , tha t even routin e confrontation s betwee n whit e polic e officer s an d blac k citizens ca n escalat e int o highl y charged , violatil e incidents . Th e presence o f blac k policeme n a t a scene , i t wa s pointe d out , coul d help preven t thes e potentiall y explosiv e situation s thereb y prevent -

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ing injurie s t o bot h sides . A s on e policeman , wit h ove r 1 5 year s of experienc e i n a Harlem-base d precinct , pu t it , I woul d divid e th e precinc t i n half . A n integrate d precinc t stand s a better chanc e o f controllin g possibl e disruptiv e situation s a s com pared wit h a mostl y whit e precinct . I n man y situations , I'v e see n white cop s ac t strictl y ou t o f fear . Fea r controlle d th e situatio n an d things happene d tha t shouldn' t hav e happened. O n th e other hand , most blac k cops ten d t o ac t calm, the y understan d th e situation . . . . There's anodie r tiling , too. With a n eve n numbe r o f blac k cops, there is les s danger fo r al l concerned , particularl y fo r th e cop . Fo r exam ple, i f a white co p ha s t o knoc k dow n a dude an d the n arres t him , oftentimes th e peopl e i n th e communit y wil l attemp t t o tak e th e person away . Whe n a black co p i s there, thi s doesn' t happen . A furthe r advantag e t o th e "integrate d team " approac h wa s sug gested b y a patro l office r w h o viewe d thi s arrangemen t withi n th e context o f enhancin g th e department' s imag e i n th e eye s o f th e blac k community. Implici t i n this , a s wel l a s man y o f th e othe r com ments containe d i n thi s section , i s th e feelin g tha t whit e police , i f left o n thei r own , woul d no t b e a s effective . A s th e office r said , By having a n equa l numbe r o f blac k an d whit e cops , you woul d b e cutting dow n o n th e racia l imag e of police . What d o I mea n b y that? Well, during time s of incident s an d stree t conditions , i f a black an d white office r respon d t o a jo b together , th e situatio n ha s a bette r chance o f being handle d properl y withou t unnecessar y problems . I t would the n cu t down o n di e blac k peoples ' dislike of police. I t woul d also cut dow n o n brutalit y charge s an d civilia n complaints . Another responden t spelle d o u t th e potentia l benefit s o f havin g ghetto communitie s patrolle d b y polic e team s o f black s an d white s within th e framewor k o f a learnin g experienc e fo r bot h group s o f officers. A s a resul t o f increase d contac t wit h blac k policemen , thi s officer envisione d a favorabl e shif t i n th e behavio r o f whit e cop s toward black s i n th e community . H e though t tha t Every whit e co p shoul d hav e a blac k partne r becaus e th e blac k co p can unconsciousl y trai n th e whit e co p t o b e coo l i n certai n situa tions. B y floodin g th e precinct s wit h blac k cops , yo u ar e accentin g polarization. Wit h integrate d precincts , one officer ca n train th e odier .

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The white officer wil l subtly learn the attitudes an d behavior of black ethnic groups from th e black officer . Two respondent s pointe d ou t tha t "mixed 55 patro l teams , be cause the y emplo y th e talent s o f policeme n o f divers e racia l an d experiential backgrounds , contribut e differen t idea s and insight s int o solving job-related problem s i n the ghetto . There i s also the adde d benefit tha t th e department' s credibilit y woul d b e enhance d whe n people i n th e communit y sa w polic e officer s o f differen t racia l backgrounds workin g togethe r o n a n equa l statu s basis . It als o gives different approache s t o problem-solving . Bein g white with a different backgroun d an d vice versa. A consolidation o f both . Two black officers woul d probably give similar suggestions on how to handl e a specifi c proble m the y ra n u p against . Wit h a n inte grated team, one guy has one approach based upon his background and experiences and the other guy has another approach as opposed to a n all-whit e o r all-blac k view . Yo u hav e a balanced vie w which is superior to a n ethnic view. Yes, there is a very definite advantag e to an integrated team as I see it. I n a n integrate d team , yo u hav e the bes t o f bot h worlds . Bot h have cops' experience, but the white officer i s bringing in his values and th e blac k office r i s doing th e sam e an d eac h i s learning fro m the other. It's good fo r th e cops and good fo r th e community. They get a chance t o se e two peopl e workin g togethe r a s a team. Tw o people fro m differen t racia l backgrounds tryin g to solve some of the community's problems together . A furthe r perspectiv e o n th e issu e o f integrate d team s wa s pro vided b y a policeman wh o ha d recentl y bee n transferre d t o a Har lem command . Thi s office r note d th e tendenc y fo r som e o f th e younger blac k policeme n t o b e to o lenien t wit h blac k la w break ers, wh o wer e no t arreste d whe n the y probabl y shoul d hav e been . Yet, thi s sam e office r wa s equall y trouble d wit h som e whit e po licemen i n hi s precinc t wh o h e fel t acte d fa r to o punitivel y i n sit uations tha t coul d hav e bee n handle d "ou t o f court. 55 A n inte grated-team approach , h e concluded, wa s the mos t practica l solutio n to thes e "extreme 55 style s o f policin g i n th e sens e tha t i t provide d both th e communit y an d th e departmen t wit h a system o f "check s and balances. 55 A portio n o f hi s respons e wen t a s follows :

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You won't have anyone behaving in a racist way and you won't have an all-blac k theor y o f "lettin g the m slide. " The whit e office r wil l control lettin g mos t thing s slid e an d th e blac k office r wil l contro l the white officer's aggressiveness . The reaction s o f a fe w policeme n t o th e prospec t o f integrate d teams ar e o f interes t her e becaus e the y illustrat e th e doubt s an d potential problem s tha t suc h a n arrangemen t coul d evoke . Fo r ex ample, on e office r expresse d th e feelin g tha t a departmen t orde r requiring blac k an d whit e cop s t o wor k togethe r o n a systemati c basis would almos t certainl y com e u p agains t stron g resistanc e fro m those polic e commander s wh o di d no t vie w th e arrangemen t a s contributing towar d th e reductio n o f crim e i n thei r precincts . Thus, without th e support o f those occupying position s o f direct contro l over th e assignmen t o f patro l teams , suc h a policy , eve n i f insti tuted a t highe r levels , migh t no t b e full y implemente d a t th e op erational level . Further, an d perhap s mor e importan t fro m th e standpoin t o f those policeme n wh o woul d b e directl y affected , th e force d insti tution o f "mixed" working team s might ten d t o creat e serious mo rale problems , especiall y amon g thos e officer s wh o hav e worke d together comfortabl y i n th e pas t an d wh o suddenl y fin d them selves split up . On e nee d kee p i n min d i n thi s regar d tha t individ ual policeme n ten d t o develo p differen t wor k style s ove r th e year s and generall y see k ou t partner s wh o shar e thei r view s abou t ho w the jo b o f policin g ough t t o b e done . Forcin g me n t o wor k to gether o n th e basi s o f som e unteste d "racial " formul a rathe r tha n allowing the m t o selec t partner s base d upo n mutua l compatibilit y would, i t was feared, resul t in lowered morale , reduce d motivatio n and productivit y an d possibl y increase d racia l dissensio n withi n th e ranks. Two fel t tha t You have two guy s who can' t stan d eac h other's gut s an d b y putting them together you create a worse situation for the men and the people in the community. These men aren't going to do a thing for the CO., not a fuckin' thing. Primarily teams should be compatible with each other regardless of their individua l backgrounds . Yo u star t stickin g guy s togethe r fo r

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some political end and they don't see eye to eye, you got problems, morale problems. And that leads to men "going dead" in the street. In short , thes e men agre e that unde r norma l working condition s patrol officer s shoul d b e assigne d togethe r o n th e basi s o f com patible wor k styles . A "happy 55 tea m i s a productiv e team . T o as sign policeme n otherwise , an d especially becaus e i t was thought t o be politicall y expedien t a t th e time , woul d onl y b e self-defeatin g in th e lon g run . Another poin t whic h ma y have some bearin g o n th e issu e of assignments wa s raise d b y a detective wh o ha d worke d wit h cop s o f both race s durin g hi s 1 6 year s o n th e job . Accordin g t o thi s offi cer, goo d arrest s constitut e a n importan t measur e o f a squad' s o r team's overal l effectiveness , an d man y "quality 55 arrest s ar e mad e by policemen workin g i n civilia n clothes . The questio n thi s office r raised an d the n attempte d t o answe r wa s whethe r th e colo r o f th e men workin g a s a team , ou t o f uniform , ha d an y effec t o n thei r ability t o apprehen d felon s effectivel y an d safel y i n raciall y segre gated communities . For example, I had an occasion to make an arrest in the street with another black officer. Th e individual that we were attempting to arrest (also black) began to run before we had an opportunity to clearly identify ourselves . Once we caught u p with hi m an d mad e i t clear that w e were officers , h e immediatel y calme d dow n an d bega n t o cooperate with us . He the n stated tha t he thought i t was a rip-off. On anothe r occasion , the exact opposite happened. Mysel f and another black officer i n civilian clothes spotted an individual in a crowd of about 3 0 to 40 people. My partner and I left our car and walked approximately one-half block into the middle of the crowd right up to thi s individua l an d tol d hi m tha t h e wa s to wal k wit h m e an d my partner t o th e car . This was done successfully . Th e crow d wa s black. I f i t wer e m e an d a white officer , i t coul d neve r hav e come off that way. As this detectiv e point s ou t ther e ar e certai n tactica l advantage s to b e gaine d fro m th e assignmen t o f tw o black , plainclothe s po licemen t o work togethe r i n a black precinct. The fac t tha t th e tw o officers ar e blac k allow s the m i n man y instance s t o blen d i n wit h

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the surrounding s mor e easily , thu s minimizin g problem s associ ated wit h approachin g an d arrestin g suspecte d felons . Yet , i n othe r situations, teamin g tw o black , nonuniforme d policeme n togethe r can creat e special problem s i n which takin g a criminal suspec t int o custody i s no t onl y mor e difficul t bu t mor e dangerou s a s well . Consider, fo r example , th e possibilit y tha t th e suspec t i n th e first situation mentione d abov e ha d a gu n o r othe r conceale d weapo n and wa s determine d no t t o b e rippe d off—th e fea r h e late r com municated t o th e arrestin g officers . I n thi s situatio n i t migh t hav e been les s apparen t t o th e suspec t tha t th e tw o individual s ap proaching hi m were , i n fact , polic e officers , tha n i f one o r bot h o f the men ha d bee n white . There i s the additiona l danger , then , tha t the suspect , thinkin g h e was about t o b e victimized himself , migh t have use d hi s weapo n t o inflic t injur y upo n th e approachin g offi cers. Yet, being blac k clearly afforde d th e polic e officers i n th e second situatio n a tactica l advantag e i n apprehendin g th e suspec t without riskin g unnecessar y injur y t o themselve s o r other s nearby . Depending, o f course , o n th e natur e an d seriousnes s o f th e crim e alleged t o hav e bee n committed , i t i s unlikel y tha t th e suspec t i n the secon d situatio n woul d hav e remaine d i n th e middl e o f th e crowd ha d eithe r o r bot h o f th e approachin g officer s bee n white . Moreover, a s ha s bee n mentione d earlier , blac k policeme n working i n civilia n clothe s routinel y ru n th e ris k o f no t bein g rec ognized a s polic e officer s b y othe r member s o f th e department . There is always the possibilit y tha t the y may be mistaken fo r felon s themselves an d sho t befor e thei r true identity is established. I n thi s connection th e followin g commen t reflect s bot h th e advantage s in herent i n a n "all-black " tea m approac h t o policin g blac k commu nities whil e dresse d i n civilia n clothe s an d th e fear s o f black , non uniformed policeme n workin g i n thes e a s wel l a s whit e area s o f the city : Basically, Pm in favor of integrated teams, both in uniform an d out of uniform . Ther e ar e definit e advantage s t o both . Bu t ther e ar e maybe mor e advantage s t o havin g tw o blac k detective s o r plain clothesmen workin g together . The y ca n ge t i n an d ou t o f place s quicker without static. They can come on a guy they're looking for without bein g recognized a s the "man" more easily than a black and white team . Yo u hav e problem s her e too , though . An d I hav e to answer thi s b y bringin g u p a sensitive topic . It' s a fact tha t mor e

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black cops are shot by white officers whe n they were chasing someone wit h thei r gun s drawn . Thi s rarel y happen s t o whit e cop s working in plainclothes who happen to be chasing someone or who have someone up against a wall. If stragic, but it's a fact of life here. Black cop s just tak e a greater chanc e tha t the y wil l b e sho t whe n they take their guns out in the street. That's why I say it's a difficult question, there's pros and cons to working in civilian clothes in any area in the city [i f you're black]. The issu e o f "integrate d polic e teams " i s indee d a difficul t on e that mus t b e examine d fro m bot h th e departmenta l a s well a s a n individual poin t o f view . I n assignin g officer s t o patro l i n mixe d teams, th e departmen t mus t conside r no t onl y it s ow n specifi c in terests an d need s bu t thos e o f th e wide r communit y an d th e indi vidual officer . I t mus t als o weigh suc h a polic y agains t other , pos sibly more effective , way s to mak e assignments . The problem s an d divergent need s articulate d her e represen t jus t a fe w o f th e issue s that mus t b e addresse d befor e suc h a policy ca n b e pu t int o oper ation. I n th e conclusio n t o thi s boo k a n alternativ e t o th e "forced " mixing o f patro l team s i s considered i n som e detail .

Police-Community Relation s Program s

As th e comment s i n thi s stud y revea l no t al l blac k policeme n working i n precinct s situate d i n ghett o communitie s fee l tha t th e attitudes of people livin g in these area s have changed al l that muc h in recent years. Indeed, negativis m on th e part of black citizens seems to persis t despit e th e steadil y growin g numbe r o f younger , pre sumably mor e understanding , sympatheti c blac k polic e and , a s w e shall see , despit e effort s o n th e par t o f th e polic e departmen t t o expand it s communit y relation s functions . Most policeme n i n thi s study , whe n asked , tende d t o minimiz e the effec t o f departmen t community-relation s programs , som e claiming tha t the y wer e designe d simpl y t o creat e a n "image " o f police sensitivity an d concer n towar d th e blac k community an d it s problems. On e officer , wh o speak s fo r man y o f th e men , charge d that th e departmen t actuall y undermine d individua l effort s t o es tablish a relationship with black s becaus e i t continued t o adher e t o

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archaic rule s an d regulation s whic h limi t interactio n wit h th e pub lic to matter s o f "official " polic e business. 11 The departmen t ha s don e ver y little . Community-relation s pro grams jus t foo l th e peopl e int o thinkin g tha t th e polic e ar e con cerned. They haven' t reall y changed th e averag e blac k person' s at titude. . . . I personall y fee l tha t th e departmen t a s a whol e ha s hindered thos e officer s wh o ar e tryin g t o d o something . I f a cop seems lik e he' s concerned , he' s looke d a t a s if he's som e sor t o f a sissy. . . . Also, you know this mentality about staying out of bars and thing s lik e that. Don' t ge t involve d unles s you're takin g some sort o f polic e action . Thi s onl y hurt s i n th e end . Th e onl y tim e a cop i s supposed t o b e talking to somebod y i s when he' s making a collar or getting information o n a homicide. . . . Even with all this talk abou t sensitivit y an d police-communit y relations , I wonde r sometimes if the department i s really concerned abou t ho w peopl e feel. Another, an d perhap s mor e pointed , complain t directe d agains t the department' s community-relation s effor t i s tha t i t ha s onl y bee n successful i n gainin g th e cooperatio n an d suppor t o f a handful o f law-abiding black s i n th e community . Uninfluenced , fo r th e mos t part, hav e bee n th e masse s of alienate d blacks , people wh o ar e mos t affected b y polic e polic y decision s an d operation s i n thei r pre cincts, peopl e wh o ar e mos t distrustfu l an d suspiciou s o f th e po lice an d who , i n th e estimatio n o f som e o f th e men , ar e th e leas t able t o articulat e thei r problem s an d concerns . Thi s i s supporte d by the statemen t tha t What the y ar e doin g i n th e community-relation s thing , the y ar e working with peopl e who are already pro-police, people who want to cooperate . Bu t th e averag e citize n i s no t bein g contacted , an d the police cannot operate effectively wit h the cooperation o f only a minority of law-abiding people. A fe w policeme n wer e mor e specifi c a s t o whic h group s wer e not bein g reached. Some , for example , felt that th e department ha s traditionally concerne d itsel f wit h th e problem s facin g adult s i n th e community, thereb y neglectin g blac k yout h wh o ma y b e mor e flexible in changin g thei r attitude s toward s th e police . A s on e of ficer concluded,

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You hav e got t o star t with th e kids . Just star t b y talking to them . Say something positiv e when yo u drive by . Stop an d bullshi t wit h them. What can it hurt? What can you lose? Unfortunately, to o many cops just don't se e their job as becoming involve d with thes e kids. . . . I believe that you have got to convince these kids that you are interested i n them, that you are not just out ther e riding herd over them. These kid s are impressionable , som e of the m anyway . They need to see that the policeman cares. . . . If you ask me if I have a preference, i n all honesty, I would prefe r i f the department spen t a little more time and mone y on th e kids. You can have all the community meetings in the world, but if you don't somehow reach the kids, then yo u hav e won th e battl e bu t yo u ar e sure goin g to los e the war . I'l l sa y this, i f you ca n wi n th e kid s over, yo u hav e wo n the war, because the older people will follow . This i s a n importan t observation . For , a s some o f ou r respond ents se e it , withou t th e trus t an d cooperatio n o f neighborhoo d youth, long-rang e effort s t o improv e th e qualit y o f relation s wit h the large r blac k communit y ma y fai l despit e successfu l attempt s t o win ove r it s older an d mor e stabl e members . Not al l of the comments , however , reflec t unfavorabl y o n recen t department program s aime d a t drawing th e polic e an d blac k com munity close r together . On e office r spok e abou t th e positiv e effec t one suc h progra m ha d o n peopl e livin g i n th e precinc t i n whic h he worked : In m y precinc t the y wer e givin g awa y bicycle s t o th e kids . There were also plenty of outings and bus rides. These are not really community-relations programs per se but I believe that they are still doing a lot t o mak e life easie r fo r th e co p i n the street . . . . Well, some of the parent s o f thes e kid s have come u p t o m e i n th e stree t an d told me what they thought o f the bike program. They thanked m e even thoug h I personally ha d nothin g t o d o wit h it . I n fact , t o b e honest abou t it , I wasn' t eve n awar e tha t th e precinc t wa s givin g away bikes . . . . The poin t i s tha t I reall y fee l tha t thes e peopl e have a better attitude about the police here now, the kids especially. If I were in some kind of trouble no w I think they would help me. And a few years ago they really didn't giv e a damn what happene d to you. One mus t b e careful, however , no t t o overstat e th e importanc e of program s tha t ar e designe d t o encourag e peopl e t o "fal l i n lov e

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with th e police. " If , a s a byproduct , suc h program s d o promot e greater appreciatio n an d acceptanc e o f th e police , all well an d good . But i t would appea r tha t a more importan t overal l goa l o f th e de partment shoul d b e to improv e th e qualit y of police services in th e ghetto. 12 Quit e obviously , th e progra m depicte d i n th e officer' s comment, whil e i t initiall y ma y hav e succeede d i n enhancin g th e department's imag e i n th e eye s o f som e communit y members , di d not, i n and of itself, address the mor e fundementa l proble m of , fo r example, communit y apathy . Still , ther e ar e som e me n who , lik e the office r above , fee l tha t "publi c relations " effort s ar e crucia l i f the departmen t i s to narro w th e ga p betwee n itsel f an d peopl e i n the blac k community . Police , the y say , coul d begi n b y spendin g more tim e wit h ghett o kid s whil e o n patrol , listenin g t o thei r problems an d grievances , an d attemptin g t o find ou t "wher e the y are coming from. " A s one office r pu t it , There ar e individua l effort s tha t ar e being mad e to reac h th e kids. I personally am a great believer in talking to kids. Quite a few guys have been communicating with them . They go out of their way to rap. They fee l tha t the y ar e doing th e righ t thing. Listen , a lot of these kids aren't going to make it no matter what. But I think a lot of them ca n be reached. I t just take s a lot of patience an d interest . You kno w th e simples t thin g i n th e worl d whe n yo u ge t ou t o f a radio car is to act friendly . Part o f th e overal l effor t o f th e departmen t i n th e seventie s t o improve relation s wit h th e blac k publi c involve d "humanizing " it s image b y introducin g som e basi c change s i n equipment , trainin g and dress . Polic e operatin g o n th e patro l leve l especially were tol d to improv e style s o f grooming , neatnes s o f uniform , an d kee p thei r weight i n line . Thos e officer s wh o faile d t o liv e u p t o thes e ne w standards wer e ofte n subjecte d t o informa l sanctions , an d i f the y failed t o conform , forma l sanction s wer e brough t i n man y cases . There als o was a n attemp t durin g th e 1970 s t o reduc e th e inci dence o f polic e misconduct , muc h o f whic h occurre d i n precisel y those communitie s i n which th e peopl e were mos t estrange d fro m the police . Potentia l an d actua l behaviora l problem s wer e handle d largely through innovativ e trainin g program s an d throug h th e threa t that th e department woul d n o longe r defen d a police officer foun d guilty at a departmental hearin g of having violated specific civil rights

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codes. With regar d t o corruption , a problem lon g plaguin g polic e agencies in this country, th e departmen t move d swiftl y i n the earl y 1970s, in response t o th e Knap p Commissio n report , b y introduc ing ne w regulation s whic h wer e designe d no t onl y t o reduc e th e opportunities for corruptio n bu t als o the temptatio n t o engag e i n dishonest activities . Overall departmenta l effort s t o creat e a more professiona l imag e and t o instil l i n th e individua l office r a ne w sens e o f prid e i n hi s job an d respec t fo r th e law s an d right s o f all citizens appea r t o hav e paid of f initiall y whe n ne w officer s entere d th e rank s i n th e sev enties. No t onl y were thes e officers traine d t o b e more attentiv e t o their ow n persona l appearanc e but , accordin g t o som e of the men , they wer e instructe d t o ac t wit h greate r physica l restrain t i n thei r dealings wit h minorit y citizens . Thus, on e said , I thin k a lot of changes hav e come an d a lot o f blacks now se e us in a different light . I thin k thes e change s hav e com e abou t a s the result of the younger officer . Whe n I first came up here cops wore ragged uniforms. . . . They behaved very poorly towar d blac k citizens and especially toward peopl e they locked up. Beating of prisoners now is less than when I came on the job. I reall y don't se e it anymore. When a prisoner cam e i n handcuffed year s ago , 50 guys jumped o n hi s bac k wantin g a piec e o f him . Thi s rarel y happen s any longer. Th e younge r cop s hav e com e o n th e jo b whe n i t was no longer fashionable t o beat people and abuse them. The younger cop just feels differently abou t the way he treats people and I think it's rubbing off a little on the peopl e in the street. Widespread an d systemati c corruptio n i s als o though t t o b e a thing o f the pas t accordin g to som e of the men , a s are other form s of seriou s polic e misconduc t i n th e blac k community . Personally, I think it's the younger co p who has made a change in the way people see us. They're not abusing people publically. They're not takin g mone y fro m people . They're no t shakin g dow n o r ha rassing people anymore. References t o "younger " policeme n a s bein g mor e profession ally oriented i n th e seventie s ma y no t b e conjectur e o n th e par t o f these respondents. I t migh t b e recalled tha t departmenta l effort s t o

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alter it s image , t o cu t dow n o n polic e violenc e an d incident s o f brutality an d t o eliminat e corruptio n fro m withi n th e rank s al l evolved i n th e earl y 1970s . Thes e youn g officer s wh o joine d th e department durin g thi s perio d o f rapi d interna l transitio n receive d intensive exposur e t o ne w directive s an d procedure s whic h wer e aimed a t eliminating undesirabl e attitude s an d habits . Besides this , the racia l make-u p o f th e departmen t a t th e tim e wa s als o undergoing chang e with th e influx o f black and Hispani c cops, many of who m aligne d themselve s wit h th e minorit y communit y an d supported publi c attempt s t o brin g abou t change s i n polic e behav ior. As we know , however , man y o f the "idealistic " internal change s in polic e practice s were short-lived . Th e growin g crim e rat e i n th e seventies, couple d wit h a laxnes s i n polic e supervisio n an d a de clining militanc y o f blac k polic e themselves , resulte d amon g man y officers bot h whit e an d blac k i n a gradua l retur n t o som e o f th e earlier habit s and style s of policing. This i s perhaps n o where mor e evident tha n i n the testimony of those men i n this study who sens e that eve n th e assignmen t o f young, blac k policeme n t o ghett o pre cincts an d th e expansio n o f police-communit y relation s program s in these same areas have failed t o substantially reduc e the fear, mistrust an d contemp t tha t ha s lon g characterize d blac k feeling s abou t the police. 13 But then th e development o f an improve d attitud e to ward th e polic e ma y no t li e exclusivel y o r eve n largely i n increas ing th e proportio n o f black s assigne d t o ghett o precinct s o r i n augmenting innovativ e community-relation s program s wit h selec t citizen groups. Rather , i t might b e accomplished b y increasing th e understanding an d sensitivit y o f all polic e towar d thei r changin g role i n raciall y segregate d communities , t o insur e impartia l en forcement o f the la w as well as protection o f all citizens from thos e officers wh o ar e prone t o abus e thei r authorit y an d power . For , a s we shal l se e i n th e followin g section , th e cos t o f adherin g t o tra ditional polic e role s an d method s i n today' s overlegalize d an d per missive society is even greater isolatio n betwee n th e polic e an d th e communities the y serve . NOTES 1. Se e Nicholas Alex, Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policeman (Ne w York : Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1969) , p. 24 ; als o see The President' s Commissio n o n

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Law Enforcemen t an d Administratio n o f Justice , Task Force Report: The Police, Washington, D.C. , 1967 . 2. Fo r example, see David H . Bayle y and Harol d Mendelsohn , Minorities and the Police: Confrontation in America (Ne w York : Th e Fre e Press , 1968) , pp . 8 7 108; als o se e W. Eugen e Grove s an d Pete r Rossi , "Polic e Perception s o f a Hos tile G\\otxo" American Behavioral Scientist, Volum e 1 3 (1970) . 3. Se e Davi d H . Bayle y an d Harol d Mendelsohn , op . cit. , p . 107 . 4. I n th e Mosque incident , whic h occurre d o n Apri l 14 , 1972 , a white polic e officer respondin g to a signal 10-1 3 (assist patrolman), forceably entere d the Muslim Mosque locate d o n Wes t 116t h stree t i n Harlem , Ne w Yor k Cit y an d wa s ap parently sho t an d kille d wit h hi s own gu n b y a member o f th e Mosque . 5. I n Black in Blue, Nichola s Ale x present s a simila r finding wit h regar d t o lower-class black s residin g i n blac k communities . Se e p . 144 . 6. Not e als o the followin g accoun t offere d b y a black secretary fro m th e Phil adelphia Guardian s Civi c League : "I'v e gon e int o communitie s an d ha d black s tell m e they' d rathe r hav e a white office r o n patro l tha n a black one , becaus e th e white office r wil l listen. " "Black Cops ' Role, " The New York Post, June 10 , 1971 ,

p. 2.

7. Se e Seymou r Parke r an d Rober t Kleiner , "Statu s Position , Mobility , an d Ethnic Identificatio n o f th e Negro, " i n Marce l L . Goldschmi d (ed.) , Black Americans and White Racism: Theory and Research (New York : Holt , Rinehar t an d Winston, 1970) , pp . 5 5 - 6 6 . 8. Thi s conclusio n alon g wit h th e underlyin g reason s accountin g fo r blac k underrepresentation i n th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e departmen t wa s offere d b y th e Guardians Associatio n o f th e NYP D i n a proposa l t o conduc t a full-tim e law enforcement an d trainin g progra m fo r minoritie s o f underprivilege d circum stances. The proposa l was date d Marc h 1 , 1971. 9. See , fo r example , th e following : E . Works , "Residenc e i n Integrate d an d Segregated Housin g an d Improvemen t i n Self-Concept s o f Negroes, " Sociology and Social Research (1962) , pp . 2 9 4 - 3 0 1 ; W . C . Haggstrom , "Self-Estee m an d Othe r Characteristics o f Residentiall y Desegregate d Negroes, " Dissertation Abstracts, 1963, Number 23 , pp . 3 0 0 7 - 3 0 0 8 ; Bonni e Bullough , "Alienatio n i n th e Ghetto, " i n Marcel L . Goldschmid , op . cit. , pp . 6 6 - 7 4 ; Willia m M . Kephart , Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement (Philadelphia, Pa. : Univ . o f Pennsylvania Press , 1957) . 10. A s reporte d i n Nichola s Alex , op. cit. , p . 17 . 11. Se e also , Herma n Goldstein , Policing a Free Society (Cambridge, Mass. : Ballinger, 1977) , p . 135 . 12. Se e Loui s A . Radelet , The Police and the Community (Encino , Cal. : Glen coe, 1977) , p . 27 . 13. Th e negativ e perception s thes e officers hav e of the public' s view of th e po lice ar e largel y supporte d i n th e literatur e o n police . Compare d wit h th e large r white populatio n i n thi s country , th e blac k communit y i s stil l generall y dissatis fied with th e police . Blac k citizen s ten d t o perceiv e inequitie s i n th e provisio n o f police service s an d believe , amon g othe r things , tha t th e polic e provid e inferio r and inadequat e protectio n i n blac k communities . Fo r a compilation o f bot h pas t and recen t studie s concernin g publi c attitude s towar d th e police , se e Scot t H . Decker, "Citize n Attitude s Towar d th e Police : A Revie w o f Pas t Finding s an d

1 9 6 TH

E POLICE AND THE BLACK COMMUNITY

Suggestions for Futur e Policy, " Journal of Police Science and Administration, Vol ume 9, Number 1 (March 1981) , pp. 80-87 and Daniel J. Bell, "Police and Public Opinion," Journal of Police Science and Administration, Volum e 7 , Number 2 (June 1979), pp. 196-205 .

Chapter Seven

The Police Role in the Black Community

Nobody i n the black communit y want s to b e thought o f as a stool.

O

U R concern s ar e with th e wa y blac k polic e perceiv e thei r role i n ghett o communities , wit h th e expectation s blac k citizens attac h t o th e polic e mission, an d whether o r no t these coincide . W e als o discus s som e o f th e problem s blac k (an d white) polic e routinel y fac e i n attemptin g t o mee t th e demand s o f the blac k communit y fo r greate r polic e protectio n a s wel l a s th e reactions o f th e me n a s the y com e t o realiz e tha t the y ar e some what ineffectua l i n dealin g wit h man y o f thes e problems . First, an d contrar y t o ou r initia l expectations, th e great majorit y of blac k policeme n i n thi s stud y define d thei r rol e i n th e blac k community i n traditiona l polic e terms . Tha t is , they sa w thei r pri mary dutie s a s fighting crime , apprehendin g felon s an d maintain ing orde r rathe r tha n providin g extra-legal , non-enforcemen t ser vices to th e public . Second , an d als o contrary t o ou r expectations , black policemen , fo r th e mos t part , di d no t perceiv e themselve s a s more effectiv e crim e fighters tha n whit e police . I n fact , whe n asked , this sam e majorit y o f me n rejecte d th e notio n tha t a relationshi p even existe d betwee n a policeman's rac e an d th e qualit y o f la w en forcement h e provided .

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Barriers to Effective Crime Contro l It i s widely accepted b y police i n New Yor k City that one of th e critical problem s facin g cop s wh o wor k i n th e ghett o i s the wide spread lac k of citizen cooperatio n i n matters pertainin g t o th e con trol, apprehension , an d prosecutio n o f criminal offenders . Th e po licemen w e surveye d gav e a numbe r o f reason s which , whe n considered together , ten d t o explai n wh y peopl e livin g unde r a constant fea r o f attac k an d propert y los s often d o no t rall y behin d the police . Thes e ar e base d o n a misunderstandin g o f th e polic e role an d th e constraint s place d upo n police , fea r o f crimina l retal iation, an d a n enforcemen t priorit y syste m whic h concentrate s o n serious crim e whil e leavin g pett y bu t hig h visibilit y offender s o n the street . Th e effec t o f thes e factor s o n citize n attitude s an d ex pectations i s compounde d b y th e reciproca l natur e o f thi s aliena tion. Tha t is , policeme n themselve s ten d t o reac t wit h increase d indifference t o th e peopl e unde r pressur e resultin g fro m th e com munity's lac k o f cooperatio n an d fro m th e officia l constraint s im posed o n the m b y the lega l syste m an d th e departmen t itself . Much o f th e problem , w e ar e told , stem s fro m a genera l an d widespread misunderstandin g o n th e par t o f the blac k publi c a s t o what th e polic e ca n an d canno t d o i n term s o f protectin g peopl e from persona l attac k and propert y loss . Our me n conten d tha t man y blacks livin g i n th e ghett o se e th e polic e a s failin g t o fulfil l thei r law enforcemen t responsibilitie s an d respon d bot h individuall y an d at times collectively b y refusing t o assis t i n polic e investigations. I t might b e note d tha t detective s i n thi s stud y voice d eve n greate r concern an d disappointmen t tha n uniforme d patro l officer s ove r the blac k public' s unwillingnes s t o cooperat e i n crimina l investi gations. Yet , on e migh t expec t thi s typ e o f respons e fro m detec tives since , a s a specialize d group , the y ar e subjecte d mor e tha n uniformed officer s t o organizationa l pressure s t o mak e arrest s an d clear cases. Reflecting o n wha t the y believ e to b e the public' s unrealisti c ex pectations concernin g th e polic e rol e today , severa l detective s re called instance s i n which the y were personall y accuse d o f failing t o meet thei r obligation s t o th e communit y a t large . Th e followin g account, fo r example , typifies th e experiences o f many police , bot h white an d black , wh o find themselve s i n th e positio n o f havin g t o

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assume responsibilit y fo r th e inadequacie s o f th e large r crimina l justice system : There i s very littl e cooperatio n fro m th e publi c a s far a s I'm con cerned. I don't kno w al l the reasons , but I can tell you what I believe from working in Harlem for the last 1 2 years. Many people— not all—don' t hav e trust i n th e police . And thi s is because mostl y they don't understand our job. They blame us for all the things that go wrong i n the stree t an d courts , the guy who's out i n the stree t and mayb e shoul d b e i n jail . . . . Ho w abou t th e gu y tha t mo lested thos e tw o kid s a couple o f month s ago ? H e wa s release d a couple o f days afte r w e locked hi m up ; somethin g t o d o wit h th e evidence a t th e hearing . Well , yo u kno w I go t 5 0 call s fro m th e mother of one of the boys and from peopl e in the building screaming abou t wh y the gu y i s out. They'r e blamin g m e for a situatio n which I have no control over. . . . I personally believe that peopl e hear stories lik e this one and they don't wan t to cooperate with u s because the y thin k tha t someho w w e don' t giv e a shit. The y jus t don't understan d tha t we have nothing to do with what goes on in court. When aske d wh y polic e appea r t o b e ineffectiv e i n ghett o com munities, anothe r detectiv e mad e essentiall y th e sam e point . Cooperation i s piss-poor, an d th e reaso n i s that peopl e her e don' t trust cops. But you als o have to add, the majority o f the public does not want to get involved. It's not al l that the people don't trust cops. It's probabl y th e mos t importan t reason , bu t the y als o don't wan t to get involved, most people. The failur e o f peopl e i n th e ghett o t o acknowledg e th e restric tions impose d o n th e polic e i s only on e o f th e factor s believe d t o influence th e leve l of cooperation polic e generally can expec t in thes e areas o f th e city . A s ha s bee n mentione d above , man y o f th e me n also spok e o f blac k citizens ' fea r o f reprisa l shoul d the y testif y i n court o r otherwis e assis t i n polic e investigations. 1 On e detectiv e commented ver y frankl y alon g thes e lines : There i s very little .cooperation fro m th e public . As a black policeman, I ca n understan d thei r problems . An d I realiz e a t th e sam e time that I can' t dea l with the m a s I would lik e to. I can' t chang e

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the laws. . . . People ar e arreste d fo r seriou s crime s an d i n man y cases they ar e out i n n o time ; i n som e cases, even befor e th e co p gets back from court . It's a joke, some of these cases. . . . You want to know abou t why police are not effective ? Well , I personall y believe it arise s out o f a misconception a s to wh o i s at faul t whe n a murderer i s released and possibly threatens a witness. He continued , Everyone i s scared. There i s such a fear o n th e par t o f the peopl e here to become involved as witnesses and complainants. When they do cooperate, they either have to move out of the neighborhood o r stay in their house. And what can the police do? What do you say to someon e wh o point s a n accusin g finger at you an d blame s you for not protecting him. . . . The way I see it, the policeman is only a part o f the system . He can' t b e all things t o al l people. He can' t offer protectio n t o every victim or witness. So again I say, what do you say to someone when he asks what happens if the guy gets out and comes looking for him, or if the case gets thrown out of court? You certainly can' t si t an d hol d hi s hand. S o how do yo u get thi s guy to cooperate if he's a victim? Peopl e just don't want to understand our side of the story. Such a response als o suggests tha t th e polic e ar e seldom i n a position t o mol d th e jo b accordin g t o thei r ow n needs . Personne l shortages combine d wit h th e shee r volum e o f seriou s crimina l of fenses committe d i n ghett o communitie s preclud e th e possibilit y of police offering protectio n t o al l but a few victim s and witnesses . Consequently, man y o f thos e wh o ma y wan t t o assis t th e polic e are reluctant to come forward wit h informatio n o r to testify i n court . The reactio n o f man y policeme n t o th e discover y tha t the y ar e virtually powerles s t o perfor m t o th e satisfactio n o f th e publi c i s frustration wit h th e lega l syste m an d apath y towar d thei r profes sional responsibilitie s an d duties . A s a n exampl e o f this , Cooperation fro m mos t people here is poor, very poor. Peopl e will run over a dead body just to get out the door before the police come so they won't have to answer questions about what happened. . . . The policema n generall y i s no t i n a goo d positio n t o b e sympa thetic to what he sees. He has a very limited knowledg e of human behavior. His attitudes about people here develop from thes e kinds

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of experiences . H e finally say s t o himself , i f he' s worke d her e lon g enough, "Wh y shoul d I car e when th e peopl e don' t care. " One detectiv e spok e o f th e experience s o f polic e investigator s w h o are routinel y calle d u p o n t o obtai n statement s fro m recalcitran t witnesses t o shooting s an d crimina l homicides : As a n investigator , I find i t difficul t t o perfor m my dutie s a s I woul d like to. Cooperation fro m th e publi c i s poor. Peopl e just don' t see m to care . The y don' t wan t t o becom e involved . The y tel l yo u the y didn't se e anything , the y didn' t hea r anything . Thirt y peopl e tel l yo u that the y wer e i n th e bathroom , al l at th e sam e tim e whe n th e gu y got shot . Meanwhile , th e bathroo m i s bi g enoug h fo r tw o people , at most . A lo t o f detective s se e thi s attitud e whe n the y g o ou t t o interview witnesses. They com e bac k t o th e offic e wit h a "fuck them " attitude. Thi s i s th e mai n reason , a s I sai d before , wh y polic e ar e not tha t effective . It' s no t al l thei r faul t though . Police indifferenc e t o ghett o crime s ma y b e intensifie d b y th e efforts o f victims , w h o ofte n hav e t o b e "tracke d d o w n , " t o avoi d testifying a t a crimina l proceeding . In th e beginning , th e peopl e ar e angr y abou t wha t happened . The y say the y wil l loo k a t picture s an d com e t o cour t i f necessary , tha t there's n o problem . Bu t later , whe n a n arres t i s made , it' s a differ ent story . Whe n yo u g o ou t t o ge t th e complainan t t o g o t o court , he's neve r home . An d whe n yo u d o finally catc h u p wit h him , h e makes some outrageou s excus e fo r no t bein g able to make i t to court . Most peopl e neve r reall y come out an d tel l you ho w the y reall y feel . They sa y thing s like , m y mothe r i s sic k dow n Sout h an d I ha d t o go se e her. I don't kno w ho w man y time s I've hear d tha t story . Bu t let's tal k abou t ho w th e co p feels . A lo t o f cop s don' t giv e a shi t anymore, blac k cops a s well as white cops . As I said, it' s frustrating . They fee l tha t the y hav e cases to clos e an d the y get fe d u p wit h thi s kind o f cooperation . S o mayb e the y don' t kil l themselve s th e nex t time. Where' s th e reward , th e appreciation ? While i t i s indee d frustratin g fo r th e communit y t o lear n tha t a judge ha s dismisse d a crimina l charg e agains t a know n offende r because o f insufficien t evidenc e o r lega l technicality , i t i s eve n mor e disturbing perhap s t o th e individua l office r w h o ma y hav e spen t

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weeks or eve n month s collectin g evidenc e an d preparin g a case fo r trial only t o find tha t a n obviously guilty criminal i s being release d because th e victi m o r complainan t couldn' t b e locate d i n tim e or , if found, decide d no t t o prosecut e th e cas e afte r all . The followin g comment, fo r instance , reflect s th e feelin g o f utte r despai r experi enced b y detective s (an d uniforme d cops ) wh o sens e tha t thei r ef forts t o brin g serious crimina l offenders t o justice ar e often thwarte d by a n indifferent , scared , o r unappreciativ e public : Sometimes you reall y feel lik e giving up. For instance, I had a case a little whil e ago which involve d a guy wh o was stabbed durin g a petty stickup . H e wa s a working ma n wh o wa s on hi s way hom e when two junkies tried to take his money. After abou t two months, my partner an d I made a collar. The guy [victim ] was as happy as a pig-in-shi t a t th e time . Anyway , th e tria l too k almos t a year t o come up. When it was time to go to court, everyone wanted to drop the charges; the famil y o f the victim , as well as the victim himself. Let me tell you, we broke our asses on that case just to make a collar. And after al l this aggravation, they tell me that he wasn't really sure that that was the guy who cut him. Actually, fea r o f criminal retaliatio n i s probably n o greate r amon g black witnesses t o seriou s crim e tha n amon g white . However , on e aspect o f the proble m ma y b e unique t o lower-class , blac k area s o f the city . An d tha t i s the adde d concer n o f th e blac k witnes s abou t how hi s neighbor s an d friend s i n th e communit y ar e goin g t o reac t should the y discover tha t h e has voluntaril y cooperate d i n a police investigation. A s on e responden t candidl y pu t it , "Nobod y i n th e black community want s t o though t o f a s a stool." Another police man echoe d thi s sentiment : A lot of guys think that the people here are only afraid of criminals. However, that' s no t th e whole story. A lot of people ar e afraid o f what thei r neighbor s an d eve n thei r friend s wil l say . Yo u can ge t hurt her e just by talking to the police. Related t o th e problem s discusse d abov e an d apparentl y havin g some impac t o n th e willingnes s o f black s to cooperat e i n an d sup port polic e operation s i s the highl y visibl e respons e o f th e depart ment t o "minor " crimina l offense s an d devian t stree t conditions. 2

The Police Role in the Black Community 2 0 The Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department , lik e mos t polic e agencie s in th e country , ha s establishe d a system o f enforcemen t priorities , concentrating effort s o n reducin g crime s tha t directl y threate n lif e and property , whil e expendin g les s energy enforcin g law s o f a less serious nature. 3 Yet , ther e i s som e evidenc e fro m ou r interview s that peopl e livin g i n slu m communitie s suc h a s Harle m wan t law s relating t o thes e lesse r offense s an d condition s mor e vigorousl y enforced. Whe n the y ar e not , the y accus e th e polic e o f maintain ing a doubl e se t o f standards—on e fo r th e poo r an d on e fo r th e more well-to-do . A s on e office r wh o ha s spen t th e pas t 1 1 year s assigned t o a Harlem precinc t pu t it , There i s als o wha t yo u woul d cal l a communication-gap betwee n the black public and the police, and I believe it leads to mistrust on the part of the people toward the police. This is mainly because many of the black s see the laws in areas like this as having little meaning to them. They see the police walking and driving by the junkies and pushers i n th e stree t an d doin g nothin g abou t it . They thin k tha t the police don't care about what's going on. . . . "Why aren't these laws enforced here , they are in other communities ? Wh y aren't these people arrested?" These are the questions they ask. Although i t i s probabl y tru e tha t peopl e livin g i n Harle m ar e aware tha t suc h condition s flourish i n almos t ever y blac k slu m community i n th e city , their appreciatio n o f the reason s which cre ate a n imag e o f polic e laxit y i n enforcin g thes e law s may b e muc h too superficial. 4 Yet , accordin g t o on e officer , i t i s precisel y thi s image which ha s prevaile d i n larg e par t fro m th e nee d t o dea l firs t with mor e seriou s crimina l condition s tha t i s the cru x o f the prob lem today . They think that becaus e it's Harlem, the cops don't care . They don' t understand tha t we have our hand s full wit h mor e serious matters, that we must have some sort of a priority system when dealing with crime. There i s enough serious crime her e to kee p the averag e cop busy eight hours a day. However, eve n whe n arrest s ar e mad e fo r mino r crimina l of fenses ther e i s a great reluctanc e t o prosecut e thes e case s sinc e th e judges an d prosecutor s themselve s generall y d o no t vie w the m a s "enforcement priorities. " A policema n said ,

3

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The way I see it, there's no support for police to enforce these laws, either by the department or by the courts. The D.A. and the judges don't pay serious attention to these types of crime. And the people, they ar e no t i n cour t t o se e what happen s whe n arrest s ar e made. So they don't know . In short , th e frequenc y wit h whic h certai n crimina l activitie s ar e practiced i n slu m communities , couple d wit h th e difficult y o f suppressing an d prosecutin g the m al l ma y lea d blac k citizen s t o con clude tha t the y ar e bein g shortchange d b y th e polic e department . This ca n result , a s on e office r tol d us , i n eve n greate r distrus t o f the polic e an d lega l system . There's a lack of support fo r polic e i n mos t blac k neighborhoods . But thi s has a lot t o d o wit h th e courts an d th e presen t syste m of law tha n wit h th e polic e themselves . Th e peopl e se e th e hustlers , junkies and pros' all over the place and question why the police aren't doing anythin g abou t them . The y begi n t o questio n th e police man's motives and the law. They just don't trust us and the law and I guess when you get down t o it, you reall y can't blame them. In orde r t o reestablis h a sense of trust an d confidenc e i n the po lice, a few o f our respondent s fel t tha t th e departmen t shoul d tak e a toughe r stan d regardin g th e enforcemen t o f certai n so-calle d "victimless" crimes an d tha t th e polic e themselve s shoul d b e give n additional power s over common stree t hoodlum s an d devian t types . You can hardl y ge t a witness u p t o th e squad . The legislatur e an d the judicial syste m ar e at fault , no t th e co p i n th e street . Many of the laws—th e gamblin g laws , drug laws—mea n nothin g t o blac k people. The same with th e prostitutio n laws . There could b e more cooperation i f the police were allowed to do their job and get these drug users and prostitutes an d tin-horns off the street. . . . You're not goin g to get cooperation a s far a s witnesses ar e concerned be cause the people are getting no satisfaction i n other areas. They see the polic e doing nothin g an d the y assume , naturally, that the y don' t care. Most o f the men , however , argue d tha t a show o f force concen trated i n on e are a succeede d onl y i n forcin g certai n crimina l type s to locat e elsewher e i n th e community . O f specia l interes t her e i s

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the followin g commen t b y a veteran detectiv e whic h reflect s criti cally o n traditiona l departmen t effort s t o eliminat e illici t dru g ac tivities i n Harle m throug h th e sporadi c displa y o f force . I personally don't think that would do any good. In fact, I can honestly say that I don' t believ e there ar e many cops who would sup port thi s solution . Year s ago , th e polic e mentalit y wa s t o handl e problems of this sort b y bringing i n more manpower an d b y making a lot of arrests. I'll never forget th e remark made by one [white ] boss some time ago when a bunch of us were sitting around talking about some of these problems. "Give me a hundred cops with night sticks and I'l l show you ho w to clean up the problem. " To sa y the least, tha t wa s hardl y a solution , bu t i t wa s th e wa y som e cop s thought. . . . The problem i s still there, but onl y it's someone else's headache. As ha s bee n said , divergen t definition s o f th e polic e role , cou pled wit h organizationa l constraint s an d enforcemen t prioritie s which "pla y down " les s serious bu t nevertheles s sociall y disruptiv e criminal activities , d o i n fac t contribut e t o th e public' s lo w regar d for th e police , t o thei r genera l reluctanc e t o cooperat e i n solvin g serious crime s and , i n turn , t o th e growin g sens e o f apath y an d isolation experience d b y man y uniforme d officer s an d detective s working i n th e ghetto . Bu t thes e ar e no t th e onl y problem s facin g police today . Compoundin g thi s mutua l alienation , accordin g t o some me n i n thi s study , wer e th e expectation s o f polic e profes sionalism an d fairnes s o n th e par t o f thos e black s wh o lef t th e agrarian Sout h afte r th e Secon d Worl d Wa r i n order t o escap e th e pervasive problem s o f unemployment , racia l discrimination , an d police prejudice. 5 Upon arrivin g i n Norther n citie s many, i f not most , black s foun d that "cit y life " closely resemble d th e on e the y ha d lef t behind . Mor e often tha n not , w e ar e reminded , th e behavio r o f individua l po licemen towar d black s corresponded mor e with thei r own persona l prejudices an d feeling s tha n wit h th e law . The eventua l realizatio n that thei r exodu s ha d faile d t o reliev e th e over t miserie s attache d to subjugatio n an d discriminatio n lef t man y Souther n black s eve n more suspiciou s of the fairnes s o f America's lega l system i n genera l and o f th e polic e i n particular . Accordin g t o on e policeman , th e prospect o f winnin g th e trus t an d cooperatio n o f som e o f th e olde r Southern black s i n th e ver y nea r futur e appear s bleak :

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There is a different stor y with the older blacks. Some of these people wh o don' t wan t t o cooperat e o r becom e involve d i n an y way with th e polic e cam e u p fro m th e Sout h afte r havin g bee n mis treated al l their lives . When they got here , they received ba d treat ment also ; mostl y a n " I coul d car e less " attitude fro m th e police . There ha s been som e improvemen t i n thei r attitudes , bu t no t tha t much. Som e of the peopl e just can' t forge t th e past . The scar s go too deep, I guess. They just don't wan t to be bothered. I'v e talked with a lot of them an d thi s is what the y tell me. Maybe in the fu ture, they will feel different, bu t righ t no w they just want to be left alone. Other respondent s suggeste d tha t cynicis m towar d th e polic e i s not confine d t o peopl e o f an y particula r ag e level , or geographica l region, bu t sprea d uniforml y throughou t th e blac k community . There was agreement among these men, for example, that most blacks living i n slu m communitie s distrus t th e polic e an d fo r tha t reaso n are reluctan t t o cooperat e i n crimina l matters . The followin g neg ative account s o f th e large r blac k public' s perceptio n o f polic e ar e typical: The blac k publi c i n mos t instance s look s a t th e co p a s the enfor cer—any cop . I n a lot o f instances , ther e migh t b e a chance o f a person approachin g a black cop with som e information. Bu t mosdy, the cop has the stereotyped imag e of the enforcer. Peopl e don't want to see him in any other way. Not onl y don' t the y wan t t o hel p solv e murders , the y don' t wan t to become involved in any police related function. . . . I personally don't thin k anythin g ca n be done right now. People don't wan t t o become involve d wit h th e polic e o n an y level . Polic e t o the m ar e "anti-society" groups. The fac t tha t peopl e i n th e blac k community ar e often unwillin g to assis t i n polic e investigation s may , however , hav e mor e t o d o with thei r lac k of rea l inpu t int o departmen t decision s concernin g police policies and operations a t the precinc t level than wit h wher e people com e from . A s one patro l office r cynicall y concluded , All police serve the blac k community poorly , becaus e th e community doesn' t giv e a fuck anymore . Ther e i s no community interes t

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in police matters. . . . Basically people in the ghetto have given up. People don' t giv e a shit abou t wha t happens . The y fee l tha t the y have n o sa y i n ho w th e precinc t i s bein g run , i n ho w policeme n behave i n the street . They say to themselves , "why shoul d I cooperate?" This feeling i s shown i n the way they reac t t o a policeman responding t o a job. People don't say , "Hey, I'm gla d to see you," but rather , "what took you so long?" It i s als o importan t t o conside r th e frustration s man y polic e ex perience tha t aris e fro m th e constraint s impose d b y th e depart ment an d th e lega l syste m a s a whole—constraint s affectin g th e ability to deal with majo r a s well as minor crimina l offenses. Whe n asked wh y the y fel t polic e ar e unabl e t o dea l effectivel y wit h th e crime proble m i n ghett o communities , man y o f th e me n blame d the nation' s highes t lega l authority—th e Suprem e Court . Recen t Court rulings , especiall y thos e relate d t o interrogatio n an d searc h and seizure , the y charged , hav e effectivel y neutralize d polic e ef forts t o contro l seriou s form s o f criminalit y b y placin g excessiv e limitations o n th e abilit y o f th e polic e t o mak e arrest s an d t o gathe r evidence. Conside r th e followin g comments : Police can't deal with the criminal the way they used to. The courts are responsibl e fo r thi s condition . Al l thes e restrictions . An d wh o do they hurt the most? Not the guy who just ripped off the grocer. This is the saddest par t of all. It's th e guy who owns a small business o r wh o work s ever y da y t o suppor t a family tha t i s likel y t o suffer th e most . He' s th e one wh o i s most likel y to ge t rippe d of f by one of these guys walking around wit h a weapon i n his pocket. When i t cam e t o suspects , polic e wer e mor e effectiv e i n th e past . The typical street criminal knows his rights now about being stopped by the police. The cop can no longer be aggressive in the street. H e has t o dea l wit h th e gu y carryin g drug s o r eve n a gun i n a very delicate way. And when h e does stop someone who he suspects of carrying a gun o r somethin g an d h e locks the guy up, then h e has to convinc e th e cour t tha t h e acte d withi n th e limit s o f th e law . Maybe that gun coul d b e used i n a stickup or agains t another cop. The courts don't take these things into consideration whe n they release the guy because of an illegal search. These me n furthe r conten d tha t th e Court' s attemp t t o preven t abuse o f polic e authorit y an d t o safeguar d individual right s wen t

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too fa r i n establishin g rule s tha t ultimatel y favore d an d protecte d the criminall y guilty . On e detectiv e bes t summe d u p th e situatio n as these me n sa w it . As I sai d man y time s before , th e polic e hav e los t th e battle ; goo d people ar e scare d t o death , ba d peopl e d o wha t the y want , whe n they want. Although th e grea t majorit y o f policeme n fel t tha t recen t Su preme Cour t ruling s prevente d the m fro m doin g thei r jo b effec tively, they wer e quic k t o den y allegation s tha t cop s routinel y dis regarded th e decisions o f the Court i n thei r everyda y dealings wit h people i n th e street . Th e genera l consensu s wa s tha t toda y onl y a "crazy55 cop woul d ris k incurrin g civi l o r crimina l penaltie s b y de liberately violatin g a n individual' s right s o r b y givin g fals e testi mony concernin g a crimina l incident . A formerl y "active " polic e officer, on e wh o mad e a lo t o f collar s i n Harlem , spok e candidl y of th e possibl e consequenc e o f suc h polic e violation s today . H e observed, You gotta b e out of your mind to fuck aroun d with people's rights today. . . . You hear some of the horro r storie s abou t cop s bein g fined $50,000 becaus e the y brok e int o someone' s apartmen t ille gally. That don' t mak e no sense. I personally wouldn' t giv e a fuck what kind of crime the guy committed. I f I wasn't 10 0 percent right I wouldn't go in. I'm not going to turn my house over to some shit head junki e o r pushe r jus t fo r a collar. Tha t goe s fo r usin g you r gun too . If you're wrong, you got problems , big problems. This office r speak s fo r mos t cop s toda y wh o ar e no t onl y dis turbed ove r wha t the y se e a s a radical shif t i n governmen t an d ju dicial respons e t o allegation s o f civi l right s violation s bu t wh o ar e unwilling t o plac e thei r job s an d persona l holding s i n jeopardy b y intentionally violatin g a n individual' s constitutiona l rights . But what abou t thos e policeme n wh o unintentionall y o r mistak enly violat e someone' s rights ? Ou r respondent s maintai n tha t i n the eye s o f th e cour t the y ar e equall y liabl e t o civi l penalt y a s th e officer wh o willfully engage s i n such conduct. Thus , to escape civil or, wors e yet , crimina l prosecutio n i n case s where a n "honest mis take" on th e par t o f th e office r result s i n har m o r persona l los s t o

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a citizen, polic e ma y attemp t t o shif t th e blam e t o th e injure d per son throug h th e us e o f "cover-up " arrests . On e explained , Well, i n order t o cove r u p a mistake i n judgement th e co p ha s t o make a collar. . . . A s I said befor e th e system i s at fault here , not the individual officer. I t doesn't permi t mistakes, it punishes them. That is , if a policeman rough s u p a citizen, fo r example , or oth erwise violates hi s constitutional right s becaus e h e erroneousl y be lieved somethin g t o b e true , rathe r tha n ow n u p t o th e mistake , the officer , fearin g punishment , ma y arres t th e citize n o n "trumped up" charge s o r fals e evidence . Th e poin t her e i s tha t "cover-up " arrests o r othe r illega l action s ca n reflec t unfavorabl y bot h o n th e department an d o n thos e individua l officer s wh o ar e attempting t o establish citize n trus t an d confidenc e i n th e police . I n thi s regar d the followin g statemen t fro m a prominen t America n Civi l Liber ties Union spokesma n i s well taken : If the police simply hit a man and then le t him go, there would b e an abus e o f the authorit y conferre d b y th e unifor m an d th e stick , but no t th e compoun d abus e o f hittin g a man an d the n draggin g him to court on criminal charges, really a more serious injury tha n the blow. One's head heals up after all , but a criminal record never goes away . Ther e i s n o mor e embitterin g experienc e i n th e lega l system than to be abused by the police and then tried and convicted on fals e evidence. 6 A numbe r o f policeme n als o sa w th e effort s o f thei r colleague s to reduc e crimina l victimizatio n hampere d b y th e department' s re action t o th e findings an d recommendation s containe d i n th e re cent Knap p Commissio n repor t o n polic e corruption i n New Yor k City.7 Specifically, the y complained o f drastic and unrealisti c change s in departmen t rule s governin g method s polic e hav e traditionall y used t o collec t informatio n an d evidenc e o n crimina l activities . Th e following length y repl y to th e question , "Wha t effec t ha s the Knap p Commission ha d o n polic e crime fighting efforts? " reflect s th e feel ing conveye d b y these me n tha t i n it s attemp t t o eliminat e corrup tion a t th e patro l level , th e departmen t simpl y trade d on e se t o f problems fo r another .

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This group [Th e Knap p Commission ] ha s ha d s o muc h influenc e on department polic y concerning corruption. Well, you know what I mean . Cop s ar e really limite d i n wha t the y ca n d o i n th e street . Their hand s ar e tie d becaus e o f al l thi s tal k ove r corruption . Yo u can't go here, you can't go there. Stay out of bars, social clubs. Don't make narcotic arrests unless a supervisor is present. Who ever heard of anything lik e that. . . . Now i f you ar e seen talking to a policy man or other so-called undesirable character, IA D [Interna l Affair s Division] calls you down and wants to know all about it. And chances are they are looking to hurt you. . . . These people [suc h as gamblers and ba r owners] used to b e great sources of information. No w they kno w tha t the y don' t hav e t o tal k t o you i f they don' t want . There is no fear o f the uniforme d co p anymore. I mean when was the last time you heard of a uniformed co p making a policy collar. . . . S o now you mind your own business and keep your eyes and ears closed. Who needs the aggravation anyway . The people downtown want to show that the department is not corrupt. So what did they do, they overreacted. They restrict your activities. The department wind s u p pullin g on on e side , the peopl e o n th e other. Th e department cannot withstand pressure . They tend to go along with the press and what they believe is public opinion. It shoul d b e clea r b y no w tha t man y blac k policema n se e them selves a s much a s victims of the political-lega l syste m i n thi s coun try as do peopl e they are sworn t o serv e and protect . They fee l tha t their effort s t o protec t th e publi c fro m crimina l victimizatio n hav e been al l bu t neutralize d b y a series o f lega l decision s an d hig h cour t rulings whic h favo r th e offender . The y se e thei r authorit y an d au tonomy ove r th e stree t crimina l slowl y erodin g i n th e fac e o f di rectives aime d no t a t reducin g crime , bu t a t reducin g th e likeli hood o f police misconduct an d abus e of authority. Bu t most of all, like thei r whit e brothe r officer s the y fee l bese t b y a public wh o i s at bes t indifferen t towar d thei r effort s t o reduc e crimina l victimi zation an d maintai n som e degre e o f la w an d orde r i n th e blac k community. Furthermore, lik e othe r policeme n i n th e country , th e blac k of ficer believe s h e i s caugh t u p i n a politica l battl e betwee n thos e who champio n th e right s o f the individua l an d thos e who suppor t the right s o f larger society . Shoul d h e suppor t th e forme r positio n and abid e strictl y b y recen t Cour t rulings , h e risk s bein g labele d inept b y hi s superior s wh o fee l the y mus t maintai n arres t quota s

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and b y thos e segment s o f th e blac k communit y wh o nee d an d de mand greate r polic e protection . Shoul d h e suppor t th e positio n tha t the communit y mus t b e protecte d "a t an y cost " h e i s eventuall y bound t o overste p th e limit s o f hi s lega l authority , thereb y expos ing himsel f t o th e possibilit y o f civi l sui t o r eve n crimina l action . This dilemm a wa s describe d b y a veteran patro l office r i n Harle m as follows : The job today sucks. . . . Let me give you a typical case. Let's say you ge t a call tha t som e gu y i s selling dope o n 118t h Street . You got a good description so you go over to 118t h Street and there he is. S o you giv e him a toss [search ] an d yo u find out tha t he' s go t no drugs on him . Now thi s dude's lookin g to sue you fo r stickin g your hands in his pocket. . . . S o the next time someone tells you there's som e gu y sellin g dop e yo u tel l hi m yo u can' t d o anythin g about it , tha t you'l l giv e i t t o narcotics . Meanwhil e thi s characte r just sol d som e dop e t o a ki d wh o O.D.' s o n it . S o becaus e yo u couldn't legall y handl e th e jo b yourself, som e kid' s dea d an d no w the neighborhood i s screaming how the cops don't give a shit. . . . Anyway you cut i t the cop loses no matter what color he is. As we know, one of the purpose s o f drawing black s into the po lice departmen t i n th e earl y 1970 s wa s t o improv e relation s be tween th e polic e an d blac k community, wardin g of f i n the proces s the possibilit y o f futur e racia l disorders . Sinc e thes e youn g blac k officers ha d alread y experienced th e turmoi l o f the 1960 s an d wer e presumably awar e o f th e cause s o f disorder , perhap s the y woul d come t o shar e a mor e service-oriente d vie w o f policin g ghett o communities. Becaus e of their clos e attachment s t o th e blac k com munity an d thei r share d identificatio n wit h communit y concern s prior t o joinin g th e departmen t i t i s also possibl e tha t the y woul d be subjected les s to th e negativ e assessment s o f polic e work i n thes e areas the n thei r olde r brothe r officers . Thi s feelin g i s largely born e out i n th e experience s an d account s depicte d i n th e followin g sec tion. Mos t o f the me n reportin g her e hav e les s than eigh t year s o f service wit h th e department . Wha t i s no t s o clear , however , i s whether thes e me n ar e referrin g specificall y t o thei r ow n persona l experiences a s young , blac k polic e officer s workin g i n th e ghett o or t o blac k polic e officer s i n general . Perhap s the y ar e referrin g t o a specifi c categor y o f blac k officer s who , becaus e o f thei r specia l

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attachments t o th e ghetto , hav e resiste d o r delaye d ful l socializa tion int o th e polic e world . Black Polic e a s "Peace-Keepers "

The belie f tha t blac k policeme n provid e mor e effectiv e service s to ghett o clientele , a s ha s bee n discussed , i s supporte d b y a sec ond, bu t considerabl y smaller , grou p o f respondents . However , fo r nearly al l o f thes e me n effectivenes s wa s no t linke d t o traditiona l definitions o f th e polic e rol e a s expressed b y the othe r officers , bu t to th e tas k o f maintainin g orde r i n th e blac k communit y i n a s judicious a manner a s possible . Severa l reason s wer e offere d t o sup port thei r contentio n tha t blac k policeme n serv e th e blac k com munity mor e effectivel y tha n whit e policemen . Fo r one , th e averag e black office r wa s reare d unde r condition s nearl y identica l t o thos e found i n the ghetto today . Consequently , the y understand th e psy chological need s an d motivation s o f other black s an d ar e bette r abl e than th e averag e whit e officer , wh o come s fro m a totally differen t cultural environment , t o manag e mos t conflic t situation s withou t having to resort to the use of provocative behavio r or excessive force. There sentiment s wer e summe d u p i n th e statemen t tha t In terms of color, the black officer i s much mor e effective. I n mos t instances, h e function s better . Blac k officer s understan d th e prob lems in black communities better than most white officers. They have a bette r rappor t wit h th e people . Take a guy with a knife, fo r example. The blac k office r i s i n a bette r positio n t o ge t th e gu y t o drop the knife without having to use his gun. Black cops better understand the situation. The white cop may shoot much quicker. Also, white officers ma y feel that somethin g i s of major importance , while the black officer see s it as minor most often . Another policema n reflecte d o n th e importanc e o f th e "peace keeping" role i n blac k communitie s an d o n th e abilit y o f the blac k officer t o mediat e citize n dispute s du e t o hi s "cultural " ties t o an d understanding o f th e blac k community . H e said , Ninety percen t o f th e whit e cop s canno t relat e t o th e blac k community. This , however , i s a natural reaction . Th e whit e co p finds

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himself in a strange world . H e live s in private homes , not i n tenements. On the other hand, the black cop is much more effective. H e does not panic as the white cop does in situations where he should not panic . Fo r example , i f a dude pull s ou t a knife o r something . This dud e i s just tryin g t o "pu t o n a show" for hi s brothers. This is a means to releas e som e of th e frustration s o f the environment . The blac k cop, understands i t and doesn' t panic . He rap s with th e dude. He understands . For som e o f thes e me n "effectiveness " wa s als o closel y tie d t o the degre e o f interest a n officer develop s i n th e communit y i n whic h he works . Blac k police , w e ar e told , evidenc e a greater interes t i n the affair s an d problem s o f th e blac k community , a s d o othe r po lice groups t o thei r ethni c community . This , our respondent s con tend, i s a natural produc t o f belonging t o a particular ethni c grou p and assimilatin g it s distinc t cultura l values . Th e followin g com ments ar e typical : Yes, because blac k cops hav e a clearer understandin g o f blac k culture. . . . Blac k cops have different attitude s because they have been raised here and ar e part of the culture. They automaticall y have an interest i n th e peopl e an d th e communit y an d ar e generall y ac cepted a s the Italia n office r i s mor e accepte d i n Italia n neighbor hoods. Their presenc e is generally appreciate d b y most people. White officers ar e not a s effective a s black officers. The y do not have the interest that the black officer ha s for the people in the community becaus e the y don' t understan d th e way s o f blac k peopl e an d don't mak e a n attemp t t o lear n them . A s i f a white co p i s Jewish and he's working in a Jewish neighborhood, in all likelihood he will service th e peopl e bette r becaus e h e understands thei r cultur e an d speaks thei r language . H e ha s a special interes t i n hi s peopl e tha t no other officer ca n have unless he is also Jewish. Thus, w e ar e told , a n effectiv e polic e office r i s on e wh o take s a genuine interes t i n th e community , wh o i s sensitive t o it s cultura l nuances, an d wh o i s capable o f managin g "culturall y related " con flict situations withou t alway s resortin g t o punitiv e measures . Th e average whit e policema n workin g i n a ghett o communit y appar ently cannot b e expected t o mee t thes e qualifications. Havin g bee n raised i n a lower-middl e o r working-clas s environmen t an d influ -

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enced b y middle-clas s values , th e whit e office r quit e naturall y ex periences difficult y understandin g an d acceptin g th e differen t life styles encountere d i n th e ghetto . Thus , whe n whit e officer s reac t punitively t o situation s the y se e a s devian t o r provocativ e i t ma y not necessaril y b e ou t o f malevolenc e towar d th e peopl e bu t be cause th e situation s themselve s ar e alie n an d unfamilia r t o them . A lot ha s to do with th e willingness o f the white officer t o under stand an d accep t th e ways of blac k people. And her e we are again with th e white officer wh o comes from a more affluent area . Many times h e wil l reac t negativel y t o a group o f peopl e sittin g o n th e sidewalk drinking wine or beer. That may be a violation of law. But he's got to understand tha t these people have no other plac e to socialize; no backyard and no air-conditioned apartments . The whit e policema n workin g i n the ghetto i s also charged wit h maintaining a double se t o f enforcemen t standards . Thus , White cop s i n man y way s are les s effective i n blac k communities . Regarding violations such as drunk driving , the white cop is more apt to make an arrest of the black, while he might let the white guy go and just take away his keys. This results from a basic attitude of prejudice an d stereotyped feeling s towar d black s and drinking. He i s accused o f overenforcing th e law . White officers hav e little or no compassion fo r black people, that is for junkie s and th e like . Their remark s are generally, "Fuck it , let's lock him up." Whites feel that Harlem is their own private hunting grounds, or their private plantation. They ride around on their white horses cracking the whip. He i s blamed fo r makin g arrest s i n situation s whic h ma y no t al ways cal l for lega l intervention . Black officers ar e definitely mor e effectiv e an d d o a better jo b because the y ar e no t goin g t o loc k u p everyon e i n th e street . The y adjudicate les s serious cases between individual s in the street rathe r than i n court. The blac k policeman , a s has bee n discusse d severa l time s above , is thought b y some to b e more effectiv e tha n hi s white counterpar t

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because h e i s a "peacekeeper " rathe r tha n a stric t "law-enforcer. " His suppose d abilit y t o sor t ou t th e trul y dangerou s situatio n fro m the mor e benign , t o appl y a single set o f enforcement standard s i n dealing with th e criminal element , an d t o mediate eve n seriou s disputes outsid e th e court s seem s t o suppor t thi s belief . Bu t a s w e know keepin g th e peac e an d maintainin g orde r ar e onl y tw o as pects o f th e polic e function . Anothe r i s reducin g crimina l victimi zation throug h deterrence ; tha t is , b y creatin g a n atmospher e i n the communit y i n whic h th e potentia l crimina l come s t o believ e there i s little opportunity t o escap e apprehensio n an d punishment . It i s widel y accepte d amon g polic e tha t th e solutio n o f seriou s crimes, an d mor e importantl y th e successfu l prosecutio n o f crimi nal offenders , depend s largel y o n informatio n supplie d t o th e po lice. Not surprisingly , a few o f the me n i n thi s grou p pursue d thi s theme, definin g effectivenes s no t onl y i n term s o f th e greate r abil ity o f blac k polic e officer s t o serv e a s peace-keeper s i n th e ghett o but t o thei r greate r abilit y t o cultivat e an d us e informant s i n thei r community. The y said , The black policeman i s generally more effective becaus e he can find out mor e about what's going on i n his precinct. This is because he mixes with th e people . H e stop s an d talk s wit h the m a s a friend , not a s a cop. . . . The black citizen just feel s mor e comfortable i n the company of black cops. He feels more at ease with them and he is more willing to open u p to them. Well, there ar e some white cops I know wh o get alon g exceptionally well wit h peopl e i n th e precinct . They manag e t o ge t a lot o f information that' s passe d alon g t o th e [detective ] squad . Bu t generally, the black cop gets more. He may have friends an d family living there . The blac k cop i s able to ge t mor e informatio n thi s way more easily than th e white cop who doesn't socialize or live there. The whit e policeman , i n contrast , generall y doe s no t mi x freel y with blacks . Indeed , a s suggeste d earlier , h e ma y deliberatel y iso late himsel f fro m th e blac k communit y becaus e i t i s precisel y i n these neighborhood s tha t h e anticipate s hostilit y an d violenc e th e most. Yet , b y isolatin g himsel f fro m peopl e i n th e communit y th e white office r greatl y diminishe s hi s chance s o f developin g impor tant source s o f information . Th e first office r quote d abov e contin ued,

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The whit e policema n rarel y stops an d talk s to people excep t when he want s something . B y then , it' s sometime s to o late . Fo r man y blacks, he is just seen as a face passin g by. But i t i s no t simpl y th e blac k policeman' s "social " tie s t o th e community tha t affor d hi m a distinct advantag e over th e white of ficer in obtainin g crime-relate d information ; hi s visible ties t o black s also allow him, fo r instance , to retur n t o the scene of a serious crime in civilia n clothes , an d elici t informatio n withou t arousin g suspi cion an d fear . Tha t is , as a black policema n observed , It's a matter o f goin g bac k t o a n are a an d talkin g t o peopl e afte r everything has cooled down. By going back, maybe off duty, sometimes people who were originally reluctant to say anything may now come acros s wit h som e information . Becaus e th e blac k co p i s no t afraid o f the area and because his presence would not cast suspicion on anyon e i n particular , h e i s more willin g t o g o bac k and tak e a chance that he will come up with something. This, the white cop is unable to do . His presenc e immediatel y say s to th e people that h e is not ther e t o socialize , but t o ge t information . Hi s colo r imme diately makes him stand out. It's understandable, there is more risk for everyon e concerned, especially the person wh o is giving up the information. In thi s sectio n w e have attempte d t o find ou t ho w blac k police men vie w thei r rol e i n blac k communitie s an d t o identif y som e o f the factor s though t t o b e linked bot h directl y an d indirectl y t o po lice effectiveness i n thes e area s of th e city . Whedie r o r no t th e blac k officer is , on th e whole , mor e effectiv e tha n hi s white counterpar t remains a n unsettle d questio n tha t mus t tak e int o consideratio n different an d ofte n conflictin g definition s a s t o wha t constitute s "effective" polic e performance . I t ma y b e significan t i n thi s regar d that th e grea t majorit y o f blac k officer s interviewe d define d effec tiveness i n term s familia r t o mos t whit e policemen ; tha t is , the y saw themselve s basicall y a s "crim e fighters" rathe r tha n "peace keepers." Moreover, thes e sam e men responde d t o th e question o f effectiveness withi n a non-racial context ; mos t fel t tha t police , re gardless o f color , wer e virtuall y ineffectiv e i n term s o f protectin g the publi c fro m crimina l victimization . While man y o f th e respondent s pointe d t o a lack of citizen sup port an d cooperatio n a s th e greates t singl e deterren t t o effectiv e

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crime contro l i n th e blac k community , other s sa w thei r effort s i n this directio n severel y hampere d b y recen t Cour t ruling s an d de partment directive s whic h the y fel t acte d t o reduc e bot h thei r au thority an d autonom y ove r th e crimina l element . Fro m th e stand point o f these policemen , th e court s an d t o a lesser degree th e polic e department itsel f ar e the rea l adversarie s o f th e larger , law-abidin g black public . Inabilit y t o dea l effectivel y wit h ghett o lawlessnes s was als o indirectly attribute d t o th e mountin g despai r an d frustra tion experience d b y police a s they come t o realiz e that man y of th e problems inheren t i n ghett o la w enforcemen t ar e beyon d thei r control. Frustratio n produce d b y repeate d failur e t o gai n citize n cooperation an d t o mol d th e jo b accordin g t o thei r ow n need s generates a psychologica l stat e o f apath y amon g polic e whic h i s then turne d outwar d o n t o th e blac k publi c i n suc h typica l expres sions a s "If the y don' t giv e a shit, the n wh y shoul d I. " In contrast , a number o f younger me n fel t tha t blac k polic e were , on th e whole , more effectiv e i n blac k communities. These me n de picted th e averag e blac k co p a s bein g mor e attune d t o th e nuanc e of ghett o culture , an d thu s bette r abl e t o dea l wit h ghett o gener ated problems . Whit e police , on th e othe r hand , wer e see n a s having littl e understandin g o f an d compassio n fo r black s an d there fore unabl e t o respon d t o eve n routin e situation s i n a non threatening way. Effectiveness fo r som e of these men wa s also linked to the issu e of police informants . Becaus e of their social and highl y visible ties to the black community, blac k police were seen in a better position t o assis t th e publi c i n combattin g seriou s crim e b y thei r ability t o attract , cultivat e an d utiliz e source s o f crimina l informa tion. In th e followin g sectio n w e continu e ou r examinatio n o f polic e in th e blac k community , focusin g thi s tim e o n th e perceive d rol e of th e blac k office r vis-a-vi s ghett o youth . Her e ou r discussio n centers o n th e relationshi p betwee n locatio n i n societ y an d th e forming o f certai n attitude s an d values towar d crim e a s a wa y o f life. Dealing wit h Ghett o Yout h

One o f th e mos t seriou s an d perhap s pressin g problem s facin g ghetto communitie s toda y i s th e growin g involvemen t o f blac k

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youth i n crimina l activities. 8 Youn g blac k males , i t seems , ar e no t only th e mos t frequen t perpetrator s o f serious crime i n our centra l cities, the y ar e i n man y way s it s mos t tragi c victims . Som e sociol ogists an d student s o f juvenil e crim e hav e recognize d tha t revers ing thi s tren d woul d requir e th e interventio n o f socia l institution s and agencie s tha t com e i n contac t wit h inner-cit y youth . Yet , i f one look s closel y a t thei r activities , i t woul d see m tha t th e polic e are one of the fe w tha t hav e bot h th e responsibilit y fo r developin g positive attitude s towar d ou r lega l institution s an d th e capabilit y of dealin g wit h thos e youngster s whos e behavio r border s o n o r i s in direc t conflic t wit h th e law . With th e problem s o f ghett o yout h i n mind , interview s wer e conducted wit h a smal l grou p o f blac k officers . The y wer e aske d about th e exten t o f adolescen t blac k involvemen t i n seriou s crim e and th e rol e o f th e blac k policema n a s a n agen t o f socia l contro l (and change) i n the black community, an d one question wa s whether the blac k office r could , i f provide d wit h adequat e resource s an d training, serv e a s a n effectiv e rol e mode l i n ghett o neighborhood s in orde r t o encourag e blac k youngster s t o confor m t o sociall y ap proved behavior . Th e genera l feelin g conveye d b y thes e me n dur ing th e grou p discussio n wa s on e o f pessimis m an d dee p concer n about th e realitie s o f ghett o lif e today . Onl y on e though t tha t blac k policemen coul d favorabl y influenc e th e blac k youngsters ' choic e of referenc e grou p an d futur e lifestyle . Th e other s fel t that , whil e such goal s were indee d important , i f not crucial , t o th e futur e sta bility o f blac k communities , the y coul d not . I n th e forty-si x inter views tha t followed , mos t blac k officer s expresse d th e sam e pessi mism. Problem s facin g thes e kid s wer e perceive d a s "fa r to o complex" an d involvin g facet s o f ghett o lif e ove r whic h th e aver age blac k office r or , fo r tha t matter , an y polic e office r ha d littl e o r no direc t control . Mos t though t tha t th e large r societ y stresses th e importance o f achievin g succes s (wealth , power , an d prestige) whil e it restrict s th e achievemen t o f thes e goal s primaril y t o whit e peo ple. Consequently, th e onl y "practical " avenue t o success , a s man y black kid s se e i t today , i s though illega l activities . A detectiv e pu t it thi s way : The black kid nowadays looks to where the money is . Bread i s the name of the game and the only access to money is hustling.

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What the kid sees in the movies and in the streets are material things in th e for m o f success . H e look s u p t o th e gu y i n th e stree t i f he doesn't hav e a father. I don't thin k the blac k cop can do anything , there's just too much agains t him. While thes e policeme n ar e quic k t o acknowledg e th e man y dis advantages attache d t o bein g raise d i n a disaffecte d an d sociall y limiting environment , the y als o agre e tha t thes e disadvantage s d o not automaticall y mea n approvin g illega l activitie s a s a mean s o f getting ahead . A policema n speak s fo r mos t o f thes e men : Kids i n th e stree t [want ] money . Thi s i s a mone y society . Whe n you really get down t o it , what other chances do these kids have to make a buck . No t tha t I accep t o r condon e wha t the y d o t o ge t money, but that I can understand where they are coming from. They have learne d t o ge t mone y fro m hustlin g an d th e wa y the y se e i t they aren't dumb fo r doin g it . Our respondent s conced e tha t th e stree t hustle r represent s a powerful imag e t o th e ghett o youngster . Th e flashy cars , fanc y clothes, an d expensiv e jewelr y conspicuousl y displaye d b y mos t o f these individual s symboliz e a lifestyle tha t i s not onl y attractiv e t o the youn g blac k kid , bu t on e tha t ha s bee n attaine d despit e th e severe economi c an d socia l restriction s impose d upo n black s b y th e larger whit e society . T o man y o f thes e kid s th e stree t hustle r ha s succeeded i n achieving society' s sought-afte r goals , while th e blac k policeman i s simply "gettin g by. 55 The kids have a fascination t o watch these people [th e hustlers and pimps]. The cops have too much to overcome. The kids see people and t o the m th e pimp s don' t hav e th e hassl e i n life . Besides , kids want these things naturally, I guess. They see the pimps in the cars. They are visible. The cop comes up and has nothing to show them, so how is he supposed t o change them. What can you say to a black kid who is constantly exposed to people drivin g Cadillac s an d othe r expensiv e cars , "A Volkswago n i s better?" Police cannot compete with the superfly dudes . This image represents mone y an d power . Th e departmen t represent s th e sys tem t o obtai n goal s legally . . . . The blac k office r ca n merel y say, "I'm doin g okay. " This doe s no t mea n anythin g t o th e kids . The concept of society is built upon wealth .

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Black policeme n als o believ e tha t th e stree t hustle r ha s at tempted t o discredi t th e blac k office r b y deliberately underminin g his professiona l rol e an d imag e i n th e community . On e office r ex plained how . Black kids are set against the cops by these pimps and drug dealers. . . . They are taught b y these peopl e t o despis e us . They ar e also taught tha t w e ar e the sucker s i n the community , no t them . They will do almost anything to make us look bad in the kid's eyes. . . . The cop doesn't have a chance. The crimina l wa y o f lif e i n th e slum s o f Ne w Yor k Cit y i s fur ther encourage d a s youthful black s come t o se e that th e stree t hus tler act s with virtua l impunity . Th e blac k policema n appear s t o b e powerless t o preven t hi s activitie s an d h e i s a t th e sam e tim e un able t o compet e wit h hi m fo r statu s an d positio n i n th e commu nity. This dua l proble m wa s poignantl y describe d i n th e followin g account o f a Harlem detective : I fee l tha t blac k policeme n can' t d o anythin g with respec t to thes e kids. The departmen t doesn' t allo w the m to . Fro m m y experience recently, th e departmen t passe d T.O.P.' s (Temporar y Operatin g Procedures). Cops were not allowed to stop known narcotic dealers unless a supervisor was present. The department seemed more concerned wit h corruptio n tha n wit h tryin g t o uphol d th e law . Thi s gives the pushers more leeway to do their thing. The kids observe. The kids observe the guy off the block that didn't finish high school driving a $20,00 0 Mercede s an d a pocketfu l o f money , beautifu l girls, buying a home i n Teaneck, Lon g Islan d o r Mt . Vernon an d not bein g harasse d b y the police . Whereas male s an d female s tha t went through hig h school and college and come from th e same block as the pusher have very little to show. So the notion of being a hustler an d no t bein g harasse d b y the polic e seems to b e more glamorous tha n goin g alon g with th e system . The polic e can't d o anything because their hands are tied. Recent scandal s allegin g widesprea d corruptio n an d gros s mis conduct withi n a smal l bu t "elite " minorit y uni t i n th e polic e de partment wer e als o thought t o hav e neutralized th e positiv e imag e other blac k cop s wer e seekin g t o projec t t o blac k youths. 9

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In my opinion, there is very little chance of black policemen reaching these kids in the near future. A few years ago, there was a good chance that a black cop could have been some sort of a positive role model for these kids that get in trouble. You had the PEP (Preventive and Enforcemen t Patrol ) Squa d i n Harlem. This group o f black patrolmen ha d th e respec t o f th e community . Kid s bega n t o loo k up to them. If you remember, these cops made a lot of collars, good collars. They too k drug s an d gun s of f th e streets . N o bullshi t ar rests, just goo d collars . Then cam e th e Knap p Commissio n an d a lot of these cops were accused of stealing money and shaking down people. This di d mor e har m t o th e imag e of the blac k officer tha n anything else. It's going to take a long time before th e damage that a few of these cops did will be rectified . When questione d furthe r som e blac k policema n expresse d th e feeling tha t ther e wa s ver y littl e the y coul d d o t o influenc e youn g blacks sinc e thei r primar y functio n i n th e blac k communit y wa s fighting crime . I n makin g thi s poin t on e responden t als o argue d against th e notio n tha t polic e ough t t o becom e involve d i n "socia l work" roles . Socia l work , h e felt , wa s no t a "real" polic e functio n and police , therefore , shoul d no t b e expecte d t o engag e i n activi ties tha t othe r cit y agencie s wer e responsibl e for . As I said , socia l work belong s t o othe r agencies . That's wha t the y get pai d for . Mos t officer s fee l tha t the y hav e othe r thing s t o d o after the y work , othe r tha n wor k wit h someon e else' s kids . They have their own kids and family to be with. As I said, it's not soun d thinking to believe that policeme n can do very much with these kids, nor should the y be expected to do a lot. Another agreed . What i s th e co p suppose d t o do , tak e th e ki d hom e wit h hi m a t night? I think it's asking a little too much for polic e to becom e involved in these programs. First of all, they are not trained to handle problem kids. They would nee d a lot of training which th e department i s not abou t t o do . And wha t abou t th e other agencie s wh o are responsible fo r thes e kids. That's their function , no t ours. I don' t mean to sound callous, but I think that police in Harlem have enough to do without becomin g involve d i n other areas.

2 2 2 TH

E POLICE AND THE BLACK COMMUNITY

A detectiv e wit h ove r 1 5 year s o f experienc e i n slu m communi ties expresse d th e feelin g tha t perhap s i t i s not alway s th e individ ual blac k office r who' s oppose d t o becomin g involve d wit h blac k kids on a more intimat e level , but th e policeman' s wif e an d famil y who ma y hav e seriou s reservation s abou t suc h arrangements , es pecially when the y involv e bringin g "strangers " int o th e home . I though t abou t i t a lot myself . Maybe some cops would b e inter ested in that, but maybe the wife doesn't want strange kids coming into her house. Concern wit h protectin g famil y member s fro m possibl e harm was, in fact , reflecte d i n virtuall y al l o f th e response s t o th e question , "How abou t bringin g on e o f thes e kid s hom e fo r a weekend?" The following typica l comment expresse s th e reservation s hel d b y these men: I don't know if I would want to take the responsibility for bringin g kids home. The way I figure it, it's just too risky. I don't know what I woul d d o i f something happene d t o on e o f my kids or m y wif e because I was trying to be a "do-gooder." Other policeme n fel t tha t blac k youth s coul d b e helped , eve n i f the polic e wer e restricte d i n th e conduc t o f thei r occupatio n an d suffered fro m a ba d image . The department , i t wa s thought , shoul d not abando n effort s t o develo p amon g youn g black s a more posi tive attitud e towar d ou r lega l institution s an d syste m o f law . Th e point wa s als o mad e tha t an y successfu l attemp t i n thi s directio n would requir e tha t police , bot h whit e an d black , approac h th e problems facin g ghett o yout h fro m a "humanistic " rathe r tha n a "punitive" poin t o f view . Blac k cops , especially , shoul d star t b y projecting a friendly, nonthreatenin g imag e an d b y demonstratin g not onl y b y word s bu t throug h action s tha t th e polic e ar e con cerned abou t thei r well-being . The followin g comment s reflec t thes e basic themes : I thin k th e polic e could d o something b y changing thei r approac h toward blac k kids in the neighborhood, particularl y those kids who need the most supervision. First , they have to show them that they

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are concerned . Blac k policeme n ar e articulat e enoug h t o projec t themselves a s concerned huma n being s an d policeme n a t the sam e time. I suggest rap sessions with the kids. Get the kids to talk about what's on thei r mind , eve n i f it's difficult fo r th e cop s to si t dow n and listen objectively. Blac k cops should get involved more in community-relations program s with th e kids . They should especiall y seek out thos e kids who are antisocial. Better community-relations programs with the kids. Playing ball with them, taking them out and showing them that someone cares. Also, by not locking up the kids for bullshi t violations. But by doing this the cop is almost committing malfeasance. . . . Most kids are street kids. They are confronted dail y with the superfly imag e in the street and movies . . . . They have to b e shown tha t th e policema n care s about them , that he can be a friend t o them. An importan t poin t here , an d on e whic h seem s t o hav e elude d most polic e official s an d law-makers , i s th e commen t mad e abov e concerning arrest s for so-calle d "bullshit 55 violations . Th e enforce ment o f law s pertainin g t o mino r crimina l offense s committe d b y juveniles present s a seriou s dilemm a fo r th e blac k office r (an d som e whites) wh o ofte n view s thes e act s no t a s "real " crime s bu t a s wrongdoings whic h ar e tied closel y to th e cultura l code s o f ghett o communities an d onl y "technically" i n violation o f law. By lockin g them u p fo r thes e "crimes " the blac k office r discredit s hi s identit y as a ghetto-dweller i n the eyes of some people . They conside r him , in effect , t o b e par t o f th e dominan t establishment , a membe r o f the enemy camp, a traitor who i s not t o b e trusted o r counted upon . However, i f he overlooks thes e "technical" violations an d doe s no t arrest a blac k juvenil e offender , th e blac k office r i s violatin g th e law himself . O f course , i f hi s failur e t o ac t i s reporte d t o hi s su periors, h e coul d indee d find himsel f i n seriou s trouble . Thus , th e policeman sometime s canno t releas e a juvenile who i s suspected o f having committe d a minor offens e i f he i s reasonabl y confiden t tha t someone wil l mak e th e matte r "public. " Besides overlookin g certai n mino r crimina l offenses , ther e ar e other way s policeme n coul d strengthe n thei r credibilit y an d over come th e basi c sens e o f distrus t o f blac k kid s i n th e ghetto . A de tective wh o claime d t o hav e worke d wit h "marginal " blac k yout h in th e pas t offere d on e suggestion .

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If yo u wan t t o chang e thei r attitude s yo u can . Bu t th e blac k co p cannot d o i t alone. He need s the cooperation o f other cop s in th e precinct. My feeling is that you have to try to project a friendly image in the street when you come in contact with these kids. A friendly gesture, no t a n arrogan t loo k o r remark , i s all tha t i t take s i n th e beginning. The cop has to show them that he does not despise them. Of course, this is only a start. Another thing, these kids have to be treated with a little respect. Again, that involves all the members of the precinct, not just the black officer. Cop s should receive training in human relations. They should try to picture these kids as belonging to one of their friends. It' s tough t o do this in many instances, but it' s a start. Projecting a friendl y imag e i s onl y on e approac h t o th e prob lem, however . Wil l th e policeman' s influenc e ove r th e behavio r an d career choic e of ghetto kid s b e increased a s a result o f a few week end outing s o r ra p sessions ? On e office r suggeste d tha t wha t i s required i s a "dual" approach t o the problem ; on e that combine s th e virtues of promotin g greate r understandin g o f the polic e an d lega l system wit h a program tha t focuse s mor e directl y o n way s t o dis credit th e ghett o youngster' s mos t visibl e an d accessibl e sourc e o f identification—the caree r criminal . There's no question tha t blac k police must improve their imag e with the kids. Becoming involved with th e kids in their world i s important, too. But this is not the only answer. There ar e kids here who are very impressed wit h thes e guys in the street. I' m talkin g abou t the guys driving aroun d i n big , expensive, flashy cars, with lot s of women an d a pocketfu l o f bread . Wha t the y don' t realiz e i s tha t most o f thes e character s win d u p i n jail eventuall y o r mayb e the y wind up shooting dope in some vacant building. I have found tha t one wa y t o ge t throug h t o thes e kids—t o mak e the m hav e som e respect fo r police—i s t o introduc e the m t o ex-junkie s an d othe r hustlers who have been through i t all, the streets, prison, the whole works. Sho w the m th e othe r sid e of th e picture . No t ever y kid i s going t o bu y it , bu t fo r some , th e descriptio n thes e guy s giv e o f prison life is like shock therapy. Another detectiv e reflecte d o n th e importanc e o f discreditin g th e lifestyle o f th e ghett o stree t hustle r b y pointin g ou t tha t th e final fate o f th e hustle r contradicts , i n nearl y al l instances , hi s everyda y image o f "being o n top. "

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I see the question a s meaning, can I, as a black police officer, offe r the kids in the street myself as a model to follow. . . . I don't think that thi s i s the entir e answer . I thin k th e answe r i s to sho w the m that th e hustle r an d dru g deale r ar e o n to p today , bu t broke , o r possibly dead tomorrow. Yo u got a kid without a father wh o comes out o n th e stree t an d see s a man drivin g aroun d i n a bran d ne w Caddy an d possibl y own s tw o o r thre e others . Ho w i s it possibl e for me , as a black officer, t o impres s this child to be like me rather than th e man in the Caddy. This is the reaso n I feel the other way about it . Brin g the m u p t o th e office , u p t o th e squad , an d sho w them the picture s an d th e files and the actua l hundreds of cases of drug dealer s an d hustler s wh o ar e killed eac h year or sentence d t o long prison term s or just plain end up on the street broke, junkies, whatever. In thi s sectio n o f th e boo k w e hav e considere d severa l way s i n which blac k polic e perceiv e thei r rol e vis-a-vi s ghett o youngsters . As th e grea t majorit y o f comment s suggest , blac k policeme n d o not fee l tha t the y ca n promot e respec t an d suppor t fo r ou r lega l system among youthfu l blacks by offering themselve s a s alternativ e role model s fo r th e older , mor e materially-successfu l stree t crimi nal. Largel y b y virtu e o f thei r occupatio n an d social standin g i n the community , blac k policeme n se e themselves , fo r al l practica l purposes, a s powerles s t o compet e wit h th e stree t crimina l whos e behavior an d lifestyl e represen t a n escap e fro m th e economi c dep rivation impose d upo n black s by the larger society. I n an d of itself, this finding shoul d com e a s n o surprise . Som e sociologist s hav e suggested tha t mos t traditiona l form s o f delinquenc y an d crimi nality emerg e unde r precisel y thos e condition s i n whic h acces s t o material succes s throug h legitimat e mean s i s blocke d an d wher e opportunities t o lear n an d perfor m devian t role s ar e both availabl e and rewarding. 10 What the n ca n th e polic e d o t o hel p alte r existin g pattern s o f delinquency an d criminalit y i n ghett o communities ? Certainly , th e police alone , o r eve n i n conjunctio n wit h othe r socia l agencies , cannot alte r th e structur e o f societ y t o produc e greate r opportu nities fo r blac k kid s t o achiev e reward s legitimately . But , perhap s in conjunctio n wit h othe r socia l agencies , the y ca n hel p discredi t the crimina l wa y of lif e b y presenting t o thes e kid s a more realisti c picture o f wha t become s o f thos e individual s wh o engag e i n sys tematic crimina l activities .

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In th e final sectio n o f thi s par t o f th e boo k th e focu s shift s t o another subgrou p withi n th e blac k community—th e blac k of fender. W e ar e concerne d wit h a numbe r o f aspect s o f th e inter action betwee n th e offende r an d th e blac k policeman . Specifically , how doe s th e blac k offende r defin e an d reac t t o arres t b y a blac k policemen? Doe s th e blac k offender , i n th e cours e o f bein g take n into custody, presen t specia l problem s t o blac k policemen ? And , i f he does , ho w ar e these problem s resolve d i n th e wor k setting ? The Blac k Offende r

It ha s been suggeste d i n a t least two studie s o f urban polic e tha t the blac k offende r ca n an d frequentl y doe s creat e specia l manage ment problem s fo r th e blac k policeman. 11 Thi s view , however , re ceived only partial support i n the present study. When aske d whether the blac k offende r give s th e blac k co p a mor e difficul t tim e tha n the whit e co p i n a n arres t situation , fewe r tha n hal f of th e 4 6 po licemen responde d i n the affirmative . Mos t o f the men fel t tha t th e white office r wa s more likel y to experienc e problem s fro m th e blac k who i s bein g take n int o polic e custody . However , eve n man y o f these men agree d tha t th e situatio n wa s not cu t and drie d sinc e the approach an d demeano r o f th e office r involve d playe d a decisiv e role i n structurin g th e outcom e o f mos t arres t encounters . A s on e detective explained , Generally, blac k cop s hav e les s trouble , bu t it' s als o a n individua l thing. Why? Because it depends on how the contact is made. In an arrest situation , let s sa y tha t the y [th e police ] ar e disrespectfu l o r brutal, the y ar e going t o ge t a lot o f resistanc e an d trouble , especially from th e younger blacks. A simila r positio n wa s take n b y a uniformed patro l office r wh o observed numerou s arrest s whil e assigne d t o wor k undercove r i n a specia l narcotic s unit . H e explained , I woul d hav e t o sa y a blac k co p probabl y get s mor e cooperatio n and receive s les s troubl e becaus e o f hi s affinit y t o hi s ow n ethni c group. They all came out of the ghetto. Yet, in the years I worked undercover, I observe d thing s i n th e streets , cop s makin g arrests , stopping peopl e and s o on. Those cop s who got th e mos t troubl e

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were the ones who made the arrest a personal matter, as if the person committed the crime against them personally . Those cops who acted cool , or neutra l . . . who approache d th e offende r no t lik e he was some sort of freak o r degenerate, rarely had any trouble. This goes for whit e a s well a s black cops. The wa y I feel , it' s al l in th e way you handl e yoursel f i n the street , ho w yo u trea t people , ho w you talk to them . Of course , th e behavio r o f the offende r als o affects th e outcom e of the encounter. 12 Th e policema n occupie s th e positio n o f strengt h and authorit y an d an y affron t t o tha t authorit y ca n escalat e th e possibility o f violence fo r th e offender. I t i s suggested above , how ever, tha t ther e ar e normativ e guideline s whic h structur e th e rol e each participan t play s durin g a n arrest . N o matte r wha t th e colo r of th e participants , i f thes e rule s ar e followe d ther e wil l b e littl e trouble fo r either . Bu t eve n thi s assumptio n i s open , a s w e shal l see, to furthe r qualification . Fo r man y o f th e me n wh o personall y felt tha t th e blac k policeman experience s a more difficul t tim e fro m the blac k offender , suc h qualitie s a s demeano r an d approac h di d not see m t o matte r al l that much . The fac t tha t th e officer wa s blac k and i n uniform a t the time was sufficient i n many instance s to trig ger som e for m o f resistanc e fro m th e offender . One explanatio n offere d fo r thi s reactio n o n th e par t o f th e blac k offender centere d upo n th e conflictin g definition s o f th e arres t sit uation establishe d b y bot h th e blac k offender an d th e blac k police men. Th e offende r i n certai n instance s ma y defin e th e arres t situ ation i n purel y racia l term s an d attemp t t o tak e advantag e o f hi s visible an d presume d socia l tie s t o th e blac k officer . H e may , fo r example, chid e th e office r fo r doin g wha t h e consider s "whit e man' s work." I f h e find s tha t thi s approac h wil l no t wor k t o gai n hi s re lease, he may becom e belligeren t o r eve n physicall y abusive . A variation o f thi s them e wa s offered b y a detective wh o claim s t o hav e made "hundreds " of arrest s i n ghett o precincts : He [th e offender] take s it for grante d tha t the black officer wil l go easier with hi m whe n a n arres t ha s t o b e made. H e feel s tha t be cause the officer i s a "brother," he can get awa y with more. This i s an interestin g observatio n whe n on e consider s th e differ ent expectation s tha t ar e generall y attache d t o polic e encounter s with blacks . As suggeste d earlier , whit e policeme n see m t o b e mor e

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sensitive tha n blac k officer s t o th e possibilit y o f har m comin g t o them durin g confrontation s wit h blacks , and ma y communicat e thi s feeling i n way s tha t ten d t o forestal l resistanc e durin g th e arres t situation—for example , th e whit e office r ma y b e quicke r t o reac h for hi s gu n o r rais e hi s nigh t stick . Throug h repeate d exposur e t o reactions suc h a s thes e o r throug h contac t wit h othe r black s wh o have personall y experienced , witnesse d o r hear d abou t suc h reac tions, th e blac k offende r ma y com e t o defin e a n arres t situatio n involving a whit e policema n a s on e i n whic h h e risk s substantia l injury shoul d h e forcibl y resis t arrest , o r eve n challeng e th e offi cer's authority . The arres t situatio n involvin g a blac k policeman , o n th e othe r hand, ma y evok e a n entirel y differen t se t o f image s an d expecta tions fo r bot h th e office r an d th e offender . Durin g mos t routin e arrests, th e offende r ma y perceiv e tha t th e blac k office r doe s no t feel especiall y threatene d an d therefor e wil l b e les s likel y t o re spond wit h excessiv e forc e t o a challeng e o r defian t gesture . Thi s expectation, especiall y i f i t ha s bee n supporte d b y othe r experi ences wit h blac k policeme n i n th e past , ma y encourag e th e of fender t o pu t u p a littl e mor e resistanc e becaus e h e feel s h e ca n probably ge t awa y wit h it . Fo r example , on e blac k office r ex plained tha t I believ e that fo r th e most part , black and white cops are given an equal amount of trouble by the black offender. Bu t when more static is given, it is given to the black officer becaus e the guy knows fro m experience tha t th e whit e office r i s mor e ap t t o pul l hi s gu n an d shoot him. Most troublesome , w e are told, i s the individua l wh o define s eac h and ever y confrontatio n betwee n a blac k policema n an d a blac k citizen i n racia l term s an d wh o the n attempt s t o embarras s th e of ficer for occupyin g a role which h e considers detrimenta l t o hi s ow n race.13 The office r wh o introduce d thi s explanatio n wen t o n t o re call a n inciden t i n whic h h e wa s personall y single d ou t durin g a civil disturbance , wa s accuse d o f ethni c disloyalty , an d wa s re minded o f hi s "real" identity . When I was in TPF during the Brookly n riots , I ha d a male black approach m e while I was standing i n formatio n wit h a number of

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predominantly whit e officers . H e stated , "You're suppose d t o b e a brother and you're out here coming down on us." I found ou t later from som e of the peopl e i n the stree t tha t h e was an agitator . H e hated polic e and he especially hated blac k police and he gave them a hard time whenever he could. The arres t situation , whethe r i t occur s durin g a racia l distur bance o r not , seem s to presen t a most opportun e momen t fo r som e blacks publicl y t o condem n th e blac k policema n a s a traitor t o hi s race and the n tr y to provok e hi m int o retaliatin g wit h violence . A n officer said , I ca n recal l bein g i n situation s i n whic h blac k officers , mysel f in cluded, wer e calle d "Traitors, " "Uncle Toms " an d name s lik e tha t by certain peopl e in the community becaus e we were in a situation in whic h polic e actio n ha d t o b e taken . W e ha d a rea l har d tim e with these people on a number of occasions. A detective characterize d thes e black s as "rabble rousers " and of fered th e followin g insigh t int o thei r motive s fo r attachin g a spe cial significanc e t o th e action s o f blac k policeme n i n th e arres t sit uation: I would say that some people are out there looking to give the police a har d tim e an d it' s usuall y th e blac k office r wh o the y singl e out. These people hav e little commitment t o the community, most of them. They just want to stir up trouble. They always seem to be around whe n a cop stop s someon e i n th e street . I woul d describ e them as rabble rousers. They see the black officer a s taking sides in a racial issue. They see him as doing harm to black people. It's no t the "police " agains t th e "criminal " issue , th e wa y the y se e it . It' s "black" agains t "white " an d th e blac k co p i s see n a s takin g th e (wrong) side. The brie f analysi s presente d her e suggest s tha t statu s distinc tions tak e o n importanc e no t onl y withi n a specifie d normativ e context bu t withi n cultura l one s a s well . I t als o suggest s tha t cer tain distinctions , e.g. , "superordinat e versu s subordinate " ar e op erative onl y a t certai n time s an d tha t statu s holder s ma y attemp t to replac e distinctions whic h the y fee l ar e irrelevan t with one s the y

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feci ar e important . Fo r example , th e blac k offende r ma y attemp t to disengag e th e operativ e distinctio n "superordinat e versu s sub ordinate" whe n th e forme r positio n i s occupied b y a blac k office r and replace i t wit h th e ne w distinctio n "whit e agains t black, " i n which th e blac k office r i s no w cas t int o th e "white " category . A s we discusse d before , rea l problem s ca n aris e whe n th e offender' s definition o f th e situatio n conflict s wit h tha t o f th e blac k officer , since i t i s th e blac k office r (o r fo r tha t matter , an y officer ) wh o invokes th e operativ e distinctio n an d it s attendan t rule s o f behav ior. As w e hav e seen , th e provocativ e an d sometime s physicall y ag gressive action s o f th e blac k offende r ca n unde r certai n circum stances creat e specia l managemen t problem s fo r th e blac k police man. Ho w h e react s t o th e offende r an d t o blac k criminalit y i n general thu s ma y diffe r fro m th e wa y th e whit e policema n reacts . With thi s i n min d ou r respondent s wer e aske d whethe r th e blac k officer i s generally toughe r tha n th e whit e office r o n th e blac k of fender and , i f so, why. I n answerin g th e questio n mos t o f th e po licemen responde d i n way s whic h strongl y suggeste d tha t th e colo r of th e office r n o longe r play s a decisive rol e i n th e wa y black s ar e treated whe n take n int o custody . I n fact , man y o f thes e sam e me n went s o fa r a s t o stat e tha t durin g mos t "routine " arrests , police men o f bot h group s ten d t o respon d t o th e blac k offende r i n a n emotionally detached , even-hande d manner . This , however , wa s no t always the case. In th e past , w e ar e reminded, unprovoke d assault s committed upo n blac k suspect s an d prisoner s wer e commonplac e in al l of th e city' s polic e precincts . Ten year s ago, the white policeman [wa s tougher]. I saw incidents that turne d m y stomach ; mistreatmen t o f prisoner s an d th e like . Today, basicall y now , whit e an d blac k cop s approac h towar d th e black offender ar e pretty lenient. Cops are cool now—although ther e are som e psycho s runnin g aroun d i n th e street—th e majorit y ar e pretty fair wit h th e offender . In the past, the whit e officer wa s much more brutal. I haven't witnessed any of this lately. Since the sixties, things have changed. They have gotte n better . I don' t believ e th e rac e o f th e office r ha s tha t much to do with the way the offender i s treated anymore. Both black and white cops are pretty fair with th e offender now .

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Not onl y ar e polic e no w see n t o exercis e greate r physica l re straint durin g routin e arrest s but , i n th e vie w o f a fe w respond ents, "cooperative " suspect s an d prisoner s ar e ofte n provide d con siderations beyon d officia l departmen t requirements . Th e followin g series o f comments, fo r example , tend no t onl y t o suppor t thi s vie w but als o provid e evidenc e o f polic e behavio r whic h seem s t o bor der o n actua l benevolence : Police ar e muc h mor e human e now , . . . Most cop s no w g o ou t of their way to make life easier for prisoners . . . . For instance, they ask if prisoners want foo d o r i f they want t o us e the phone . Cop s today mak e notification s [phon e call s t o th e prisoner' s famil y o r friends]. Year s ago, they didn't do this much. There is a better overall attitude now. I wouldn't sa y it's a racial thing. I think most police now are faire r than they were say ten years ago . . . especially in the station house when a guy bring s a prisoner in . I don' t se e the m draggin g pris oners upstairs or into the backroom bleeding all over for no reason. If a guy comes i n bleeding, chances ar e he reall y deserved it . I see cops sending out for coffee o r sandwiches for these guys. This type of thing you rarel y saw years ago. I thin k th e whol e departmen t ha s change d i n th e wa y the y trea t prisoners. Many prisoner s ar e even given money to bu y smokes or coffee an d even sometimes I've seen them send out for a little taste. . . . Cops don't bea t on prisoner s anymore , at least I haven't seen any of this. Although th e account s give n abov e clearl y sugges t tha t i n mos t routine arres t situation s polic e treatmen t o f blac k offender s i s mor e lenient an d human e toda y tha n i n th e past , th e me n w e inter viewed concede d tha t forc e woul d b e use d quickl y an d effectivel y to overcom e resistanc e t o arres t o r t o reaffir m th e officer' s officia l position. The followin g typica l comment give s evidence of this view: The majority o f black cops can understand what' s happening. And most whit e cop s wh o ar e ove r th e "shakes, " they to o understan d what's happening. They use a little psychology with the offender i n the arrest . However, i f a dude gets down an d starts calling him, he's going to get his ass kicked by either cop.

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E POLICE AND THE BLACK COMMUNITY

Black police do not alway s insist upon stric t complianc e with in formal interactiona l code s i n th e street . Sometime s th e blac k of fender wil l b e allowe d t o manipulat e hi m b y drawin g i n nonrele vant cultura l issue s suc h a s race. However , a s i s made clea r i n th e above comment , whe n th e situatio n involve s a personal attac k upo n or affron t t o th e office r an d especiall y whe n i t lead s th e blac k of ficer to believ e that h e is losing control o f the situation, h e is likely to reestablis h hi s authorit y an d redefin e th e arres t i n mor e forma l terms. Studies o f th e polic e hav e show n tha t "typ e o f crime " can als o influence th e policeman' s reactio n whe n h e i s attempting t o arres t an offende r regardles s o f th e officer' s race . Especiall y despise d b y police an d thu s deservin g o f "special " treatmen t ar e co p fighters and se x degenerates wh o pre y o n childre n an d th e elderl y an d who , when caught , sho w n o outwar d concer n o r remors e fo r thei r ac tions. Ou r interview s revea l tha t blac k polic e ar e no differen t fro m their whit e counterpart s bot h i n term s o f feelin g an d reactio n t o those whos e behavio r violate s "commonl y accepted " standard s o f criminal conduct. 14 Conside r th e followin g typica l comment : Well, I thin k th e wa y a n office r react s t o a n offende r depend s o n the crime generally. There ar e a few cops who are tough o n al l of fenders. You see them in the precinct. Most cops, I would say, react according to the situation. I think some cops are probably toughe r on se x offenders, particularl y thos e guy s wh o ge t picke d u p afte r committing some forceable crim e against a child, or someone who seriously injure s th e perso n afte r attackin g them. Also, I thin k th e guy who shows that he doesn't give a fuck abou t what he did. These guys probably have it a little tougher. On the other hand, you have guys who break into apartments, steal a few articles and then leave, or guys who rip off pocketbooks or stick people up. As long as they don't bash in someone's head to get the money, there's no problem. In fact, i n most instances, they're not treate d badl y at all. As is evident from th e following brie f accounts, however, no t al l black policemen believ e that tim e ha s significantly modifie d th e at titudes an d behavio r o f whit e policeme n towar d th e blac k of fender. Indeed , a fe w o f ou r respondent s remai n convince d tha t the whit e officer , regardles s o f hi s tim e o n th e jo b o r wher e h e i s assigned, still treats black suspects an d offenders mor e harshly tha n do blac k cops .

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The white policema n i s generally tougher. Everyon e he locks up is a "shithead" or "scumbag." The white cop is more brutal. Opportunity t o vent his hostility toward blacks. Its rare to find a black officer wh o is tougher. There is no reason for th e black officer t o be tougher. Generally, the white cop is tougher. But there are some black, older cops who are very tough wit h th e blac k offender. Thi s i s a throwback to the old school. At one time the black cop was tougher. This has changed now. Now the white cop is tougher. It ma y wel l be tha t unde r ordinar y arres t situation s whit e polic e are somewha t toughe r tha n blac k polic e i n thei r dealing s wit h blac k criminals. Bu t wha t abou t extraordinar y situations ? Ar e whit e po lice, for example , mor e ap t t o us e thei r weapon s t o terminat e a crime i n progres s o r t o effec t a n arrest ? I n short , ar e the y mor e inclined t o respon d wit h violenc e t o a seriou s situatio n involvin g the blac k offender ? Recen t dat a collecte d b y a reporte r fo r The New York Times suggests tha t i f "toughness" i s measured i n par t b y in volvement i n fata l shootin g incidents , the n th e blac k cop i s indee d tougher tha n th e whit e cop . Accordin g t o officia l departmenta l statistics examine d b y Davi d Burnha m betwee n 196 9 an d 1973 , one ou t o f ever y 25 0 whit e policeme n kille d someon e whil e on e out o f ever y 3 8 blac k policeme n di d so . Specifically , durin g thi s period, th e 30,00 0 whit e policeme n i n th e departmen t kille d 64 blacks, 32 whites and 20 Hispanics . The 198 7 black policemen kille d 44 blacks , fiv e whites , an d thre e Hispanics. 15 If , a s thes e figure s suggest, th e blac k co p i s mor e likel y t o us e deadl y physica l forc e in seriou s confrontation s wit h blac k suspects , the n i t i s als o pos sible, as a number o f men i n thi s stud y claim , tha t h e will respon d more aggressivel y t o th e blac k offende r i n other , les s threatenin g situations. A number o f explanations hav e bee n offere d b y those takin g th e position tha t blac k officer s ten d t o resor t t o mor e extrem e mea sures tha n th e white . Fo r one , i t ha s bee n suggeste d b y polic e au thorities an d sociologist s a s well a s b y th e me n i n thi s stud y tha t the blac k policema n i s a s vulnerabl e a s othe r member s o f th e ser -

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vice t o th e pressure s an d frustration s o f polic e wor k i n ghett o communities. 16 And , i n on e importan t sens e th e blac k office r ma y be mor e susceptibl e t o thes e strains . H e ofte n reside s i n commu nities populate d largel y b y lower-clas s black s an d ma y hav e rela tives an d friend s livin g i n thes e sam e areas , sometime s i n th e ver y same precinc t t o whic h h e i s assigned . Fo r th e blac k officer , wh o has relative s o r clos e friends , especiall y livin g i n hi s wor k area , i s sometimes incline d t o tak e a toug h stan d wit h regar d t o ghett o crime an d th e blac k offender . Th e office r wh o respond s i n thi s manner ca n the n justif y hi s positio n o n th e ground s tha t th e of fender i s presentin g a threa t t o th e safet y o f hi s friend s an d love d ones an d t o th e futur e stabilit y o f hi s community . A blac k office r agreed a s follows : I believ e tha t som e blac k cops ar e toughe r o n th e blac k offender , not all of them, but some. . .. I would als o have to say that many black cops, myself included, hav e family her e and naturall y w e are concerned abou t what goes on. These people (criminals) are letting down thei r own race . They're forcing goo d peopl e out of the area. They're committing crime s agains t eac h other, no t robbin g imper sonal banks . The law-abidin g perso n i s paying al l his money o n a T.V. set and this is the only pleasure he gets when he comes home from work . And someone hits him over the head and steals it fro m him. Or h e may work all week long and one of these bum s comes along an d take s i t [hi s paycheck ] fro m hi m o r mayb e h e kill s th e g«yThis i s quite obviousl y no t th e cas e with whit e policeme n who , while the y ma y wor k i n th e ghetto , retur n hom e t o thei r whit e communities afte r thei r tou r o f duty . Sure black cops are tougher. They have to be . The blac k cop takes it to heart when honest people in the community are robbed or killed. The white cop works eight hours and then leaves. He has no family here. Many black cops have relations living in the ghetto. They are concerned about their people, what kind of a place it will be in the next few years. Whether blac k policemen actuall y believe that b y taking a "hardline" approac h towar d th e blac k offende r the y ar e i n fac t makin g

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the blac k communit y safe r fo r thei r friend s an d relative s i s ques tionable. A mor e likel y motiv e fo r suc h reaction s i s th e blac k po liceman's feelin g o f frustratio n wit h th e large r crimina l justic e sys tem o r societ y i n genera l whic h i s simpl y displace d o n t o a mor e available target—th e blac k offender . A fe w o f th e policeme n als o advanced th e notio n tha t som e blac k cops feel the y must ac t tough i n the ghett o i n order t o ear n respec t and maintai n authorit y i n th e fac e o f increasin g challenge s fro m youthful blac k hoodlums . Fo r example , In my opinion, blac k cops are sometimes tougher tha n white cops. However, the y ar e tougher fo r othe r reason s and the y don't evok e the sam e hostilit y an d criticis m a s d o whit e cops . Th e blac k co p sometimes feels as though h e is not getting the respect due him from the younger blacks he locks up. . . . The ass-kicking they get is deserved; they know it and the people in the street know it and accept it. Another policema n similarl y justifie d th e nee d t o "lea n on " th e black offende r a little harde r i n orde r t o asser t hi s positio n i n th e arrest situation . Black policemen ar e definitely toughe r o n som e occasions. The black officer mus t lean on the offender a little harder because many blacks take thing s fo r grante d becaus e th e blac k co p i s supposed t o b e a "brother." I f yo u g o eas y wit h them , the y wil l no t respec t you . Sometimes, yo u tak e a lot o f shi t fro m thes e peopl e i n th e street . . . . A s I said, it' s mostly a matter o f respect. The blac k cop feel s that h e has the same authority a s the white cop, but sometime s he doesn't get the same respect due his badge. As w e ca n se e fro m th e comment s quote d above , th e abilit y o f the blac k policema n t o regulat e th e conduc t o f othe r blacks ma y not alway s correspond t o hi s own professiona l expectations . Som e blacks i n hi s precinc t ma y vie w hi m a s a "newcomer" t o th e polic e occupation an d fai l t o confe r upo n hi m ful l recognitio n an d accep tance i n hi s officia l role ; otherwis e the y ma y simpl y rejec t hi m a s being i n a position o f authority becaus e the y conside r hi s rol e det rimental t o th e interest s o f othe r blacks . Whateve r th e reason , th e resulting disjunctio n betwee n "official " authorit y whic h ha s bee n

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granted b y th e stat e an d "real " authorit y whic h ca n onl y b e con ferred b y th e communit y ma y foste r i n som e blac k policeme n in tense feeling s o f insecurit y an d frustration—feeling s whic h ca n onl y be relieve d b y striking out first a t those individual s who th e office r feels ar e immediatel y i n a positio n t o challeng e hi s authority . A s one policema n commented , The blac k officer, bein g awar e of his position a s he believes others see it, automatically reacts defensively i n an offensive manne r to make clear tha t h e i s indeed authorit y an d tha t hi s authorit y wil l b e respected the same as the white officer . Thus fa r i n th e discussio n a numbe r o f observation s hav e bee n offered concernin g th e social-psychologica l dynamic s o f interac tion betwee n polic e an d blac k offenders . On e conclusio n reache d by man y o f th e me n i n thi s stud y i s tha t polic e tactic s toda y ar e geared mor e towar d a humane , professiona l treatmen t o f law breakers whether the y ar e blac k or white . The clai m was made, fo r example, tha t polic e no w tr y t o mak e lif e easie r fo r crimina l sus pects who onl y a few shor t year s ag o coul d b e seen bein g dragge d into th e statio n house , subjecte d t o abusiv e and , a t times , bruta l treatement, deprive d o f thei r righ t t o mak e telephon e call s t o members o f thei r family , an d denie d request s t o smok e o r sen d ou t for foo d an d drink . Bu t wha t lie s behin d thes e apparen t changes ? One explanatio n tha t wa s offere d ha s t o d o wit h th e adde d pres ence an d greate r visibilit y o f youn g blac k polic e officer s i n ghett o precincts. The feelin g expresse d wa s that th e probabilit y o f a black officer arrivin g o n th e scen e o f a crim e o r showin g u p a t th e sta tion hous e durin g th e processin g o f a blac k suspec t i s no w suffi ciendy great t o restrai n mos t overl y aggressiv e (o r prejudiced ) whit e policemen fro m physicall y abusing prisoners . The assumptio n con veyed her e i s tha t th e blac k office r i s n o longe r goin g t o tolerat e abusive treatmen t o f black s a t th e hand s o f whit e officers . Fo r ex ample, one said , I've witnessed som e changes and they'r e for th e better . I think the fact tha t we now have more black officers her e has had a lot of influence o n th e white officer , especiall y the way he behaves towar d the black prisoner. The blac k officer i s now visible. The white offi cer never know s whe n he' s going t o tur n aroun d an d fin d a black

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cop standing behind him, observing. Most black cops are not going to stan d b y and watch black s get hit for n o reason an d the white cops know this. They are beginning to act more cool now. Although th e additio n o f greate r number s o f blac k polic e sinc e the lat e sixtie s (an d b y extensio n thei r greate r visibilit y i n ghett o precincts) n o doub t ha s acted a s a constraint agains t whit e polic e brutality, it is questionable whethe r thi s development, b y itself, led to suc h dramati c change s i n the behavior o f white officer s a s some of th e me n claim . A mor e comprehensiv e explanatio n mus t tak e into accoun t th e possibl e impac t o f othe r recen t change s i n ou r legal syste m an d i n th e genera l orientatio n o f th e polic e depart ment itself . W e ar e reminde d throughou t thi s study , fo r example , that th e growin g emphasi s o n colleg e educatio n fo r polic e i n th e early 1970 s ha s had the effect o f creating a small bu t nevertheles s visible corp s o f policeme n wh o are more professiona l i n thei r ap proach towar d policin g today . Perhaps , a s severa l writer s hav e suggested, exposur e t o college education doe s ten d t o soften hard line o r punitiv e attitude s towar d other s b y enhancing th e officer' s own self-imag e an d esteem . Th e logi c pu t fort h her e i s that thos e who lik e themselve s ar e more ap t t o dea l harmoniousl y wit h oth ers. 17 Also contributin g t o thi s shif t i n polic e behavio r toward s thos e arrested wa s the establishmen t o f th e Civilia n Complain t Revie w Board (CCRB ) i n th e mid-sixties . Se t u p unde r th e Lindsa y ad ministration t o investigat e an d evaluat e citize n charge s o f polic e misconduct (suc h a s excessive or imprope r us e of force), th e CCR B presented a ver y rea l restrictio n o n thos e policeme n wh o consis tently abuse d thei r powe r an d authority whe n dealin g with minor ity groups . Fo r th e firs t tim e i n th e histor y o f th e polic e depart ment, crimina l offender s coul d initiat e charge s o f brutality agains t individual policemen—charge s whic h i f substantiated a t an officia l departmental hearin g coul d resul t i n loss of pay, suspension , or , if serious enough , arres t an d dismissal fro m th e force . Th e threa t o f these sanction s seem s t o hav e ha d a very definit e effec t o n th e behavior o f policemen . Whil e th e overal l numbe r o f reporte d com plaints allegin g misconduc t ha s risen somewha t sinc e the late 1960s , indicating perhap s a growin g publi c confidenc e i n th e Revie w Board, th e numbe r o f allegation s chargin g seriou s misconduc t

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dropped substantially . This i s most vividl y reflected i n the statistic s for th e pas t fe w year s whic h sho w tha t th e incidenc e o f Clas s A complaints, which ar e the most serious , decreased fro m 64 2 i n 198 1 to 19 1 i n 1982. 18 The recen t decline in allegations of serious forms o f police abus e of authorit y ma y als o b e a reflectio n o f th e growin g awarenes s among policeme n themselve s tha t the y coul d b e hel d civill y liabl e for thei r action s unde r Federa l law. 19 Althoug h ther e ha s alway s existed th e possibilit y tha t a citizen , whethe r a crimina l offende r or not , coul d brin g a civi l sui t agains t a n office r fo r abus e o f au thority, onl y recentl y hav e th e court s invoke d Sectio n 198 3 o f th e Civil Right s Ac t o f 187 1 an d begu n t o rul e i n favo r o f civilia n litigants. According t o a study conducte d b y the Internationa l As sociation o f Chiefs o f Police , th e numbe r o f civi l suit s brough t against polic e i n thi s countr y mor e tha n double d betwee n 196 7 and 1971 . Although th e grea t majorit y o f thes e case s were los t i n court b y the civilia n complainants , o f those remainin g judgement s leveled agains t th e police , the averag e penalt y wa s $3000. 20 I n Ne w York City , th e polic e department , unde r Commissione r Rober t J . McGuire, ha s take n a firm position wit h regar d t o th e questio n o f liability. I f the accuse d office r ca n sho w tha t h e was i n complianc e with departmenta l procedure s an d order s an d tha t h e di d no t intentionally violat e th e complainant' s civi l rights , th e cit y wil l as sume liabilit y fo r hi s actions . If , however , h e i s found i n violatio n of departmental regulations , the n th e financial burde n fall s directl y upon th e officer . Finally, substantial salar y increases an d relate d fring e benefit s wo n by city cop s durin g th e Lindsa y administratio n constitut e anothe r powerful facto r i n gaining a n officer's complianc e wit h departmen tal directives. Polic e i n Ne w York , despit e th e sever e fiscal crisis o f the mid-seventies , ar e stil l amon g th e highes t pai d i n th e countr y and no w ma y thin k twic e befor e placin g thei r job s an d economi c security i n jeopardy b y intentionall y abusin g thei r authorit y o r b y otherwise engagin g i n unlawfu l act s agains t citizens . I n short , th e combined effort s o f cit y administrators , hig h polic e officials , an d the court s t o cur b th e incidenc e o f polic e misconduc t has , amon g other things , sharpene d th e policeman' s awarenes s t o th e fac t tha t accountability an d responsibilit y n o longe r res t solel y wit h uppe r management bu t als o wit h th e individua l officer . Withou t prope r

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supervision an d training , however , i t ma y b e year s befor e ever y police officer become s awar e of this. Unti l then , an d especiall y whil e the rat e o f violen t crim e continue s t o escalat e i n Ne w Yor k City , there wil l b e individua l officer s wh o wil l fee l compelle d t o ac t ou t their ow n persona l shortcomings , biases , and frustration s wit h th e larger criminal justice system by taking the law into their own hands . NOTES 1. Th e followin g quote , take n fro m a woma n whos e so n wa s murdere d i n Harlem, recentl y appeare d i n The Daily News: "There' s a code: I gues s you' d cal l it Ghett o Courtesy . N o on e wil l testify . N o on e wil l hel p a cop. " Jame s Stolz , "Trapped i n th e Courts, " The Daily News, Jul y 2 1 , 1980 , p . 44 . 2. W e ar e referrin g her e specificall y t o crime s suc h a s loitering , prostitution , gambling, an d alcohol-an d drug-relate d offenses . 3. Se e Allan N . Kornblum , The Moral Hazards: Police Strategies for Honesty and Ethical Behavior (Lexington, Mass. : Lexingto n Books , 1976) . 4. O n som e stree t corners i n Harlem , fo r example , heavy concentrations o f dru g addicts ca n b e see n regularl y "takin g car e o f business. " Yet, uniforme d polic e fo r the mos t par t see m t o win k a t thes e activities . Likewise , prostitutes , winos , an d street deviant s o f al l sort s congregat e i n certai n location s i n Harle m a t al l hour s of th e day , soliciting , harassing , an d generall y interferin g wit h th e norma l activ ities o f law-abidin g citizens . Her e too , thes e devian t group s see m t o remai n es sentially fre e fro m polic e intervention . 5. I t shoul d b e adde d tha t blac k migratio n t o Norther n urba n area s o f th e country was also a consequence of the mechanization o f Southern agricultur e whic h left many , i f not most , blacks without substantia l mean s o f employment . 6. Pau l Chevigny , Police Power: Police Abuses in New York City (Ne w York : Pantheon, 1969) . 7. See , The Knapp Commission Report on Police Corruption (New York : Georg e Braziller, 1972) . 8. See , fo r example , Marti n R . Haskel l an d Lewi s Yablonsky , Crime and Delinquency, 3r d ed . (Chicago , 111. : Rand McNall y Colleg e Publishing , 1978) , pp . 361-378. 9. Th e accomplishment s o f th e PE P Squa d fro m it s inceptio n i n 196 9 ar e in deed noteworthy . Fo r example, between Octobe r o f that year and October o f 1970 , this 20 ma n uni t effecte d 29 8 felon y narcoti c arrest s an d seize d 13,41 5 deck s o f heroin an d 5 1 firearms . B y comparison, th e Tactica l Patro l Force , whic h i s com prised o f over 1000 officers , effecte d onl y 77 felon y narcoti c arrest s i n th e first 1 0 months of 1970 . It i s significant tha t thi s unit ha s been acknowledge d i n The New York Times, The New York Daily News, the blac k periodical Amsterdam News, T.V. news coverage , an d b y communit y leaders . Thes e statistic s wer e take n fro m th e Guardians repor t entitled , We Have a Responsibility, date d Marc h 1971 , pp. 1 6 18.

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10. Se e Richar d A . Clowar d an d Lloy d E . Ohlin , Delinquency and Opportunity: A Theory of Delinquent Gangs (New York : Th e Fre e Press) , 1960 . 11. Se e William M . Kephart , Racial Factors and Urban Law Enforcement (Philadelphia, Pa. : Univ . o f Pennsylvani a Press , 1957) , p . 116 ; also , Nichola s Alex , Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policeman (Ne w York : Appleton-Century-Crofts , 1969), pp . 1 4 9 - 1 5 4 . 12. See , for example , Willia m H . Hohenstein , "Factor s Influencin g th e Polic e Disposition o f Juvenile Offenders," i n Thorsten Selli n and Marvi n Wolfgang (eds.) , Delinquency: Selected Studies (New York : Wiley , 1969) , pp. 1 3 8 - 1 4 9 ; Richar d J . Lundman, "Routin e Arres t Practices : A Commonwealt h Perspective, " i n Social Problems, Number 2 2 (1974) , pp . 1 2 7 - 1 4 1 ; Willia m Westley , Violence and the Police: A Sociological Study of Law, Custom and Morality (Cambridge, Mass. : MI T Press, 1970) . 13. Se e Nicholas Alex , who make s th e sam e poin t i n Black in Blue, op . cit. , p . 150. 14. I n on e sens e thi s finding tend s t o suppor t Sudnow' s interpretatio n o f "normal" crimes . Se e Davi d Sudnow , "Norma l Crimes, " i n Ear l Rubingto n an d Martin S . Weinber g (eds.) , Deviance: The Interactionist Perspective, (Ne w York : Macmillan, 1968) , pp . 1 5 8 - 1 6 9 . 15. Se e Davi d Burnham , " 3 o f 5 Slai n b y Polic e ar e Black, " The New York Times, Augus t 26 , 1973 . Fo r a mor e recen t stud y o f polic e shooting s se e Jame s J. Fyfe , "Wh o Shoots ? A Look a t Office r Rac e an d Polic e Shootings, " Journal of Police Science and Administration, Volum e 9 , Numbe r 4 (Decembe r 1981) . Thi s study support s th e findings o f Burnha m whic h disclos e tha t minorit y officer s ar e disproportionately involved i n polic e shootings . 16. See , for example , Arthur Neiderhoffer , Behind the Shield: The Police in Urban Society (Ne w York : Ancho r Books , 1969) , p . 193 . 17. Se e Irvin g B . Guller , "Highe r Educatio n an d Policemen : Attitudina l Dif ferences Betwee n Freshma n an d Senio r Polic e Colleg e Students, " The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science, Volum e 63 , Numbe r 3 (Septembe r 1972), p . 401. 18. Dat a provide d b y a captain assigne d t o th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e depart ment's Civilia n Complain t Revie w Board . 19. W e ar e referrin g her e specificall y t o Sectio n 198 3 o f th e U.S . Federa l Cod e which provide s a lega l foundatio n fo r th e civi l an d crimina l prosecutio n o f in stances o f polic e abus e o f authority . Concer n abou t bein g sue d i n Federa l cour t was personall y conveye d t o m e o n severa l occasion s b y polic e colleague s i n Ne w York Cit y wh o state d rathe r griml y tha t the y wer e awar e o f instance s i n whic h members o f th e departmen t wer e sue d i n Federa l civi l cour t fo r action s take n b y the office r i n th e performanc e o f hi s duty . I t wa s furthe r reporte d tha t i n a fe w of thes e case s th e departmen t absolve d itsel f entirel y fro m liability , leavin g th e officer(s) wit h ful l responsibilit y fo r hi s actions . Whethe r o r no t polic e i n Ne w York Cit y hav e personall y suffere d sever e monetar y losse s for thei r action s i s perhaps les s importan t tha n th e belie f tha t the y have , or might . Se e also , Davi d H . Bayley and Harol d Mendelsohn , Minorities and the Police: Confrontation in Amer-

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tea (Ne w York: The Free Press, 1968), pp. 103-105 , for a further discussio n of the feelings of police toward thi s recent problem . 20. Se e Gerald D. Robin, Introduction to the Criminal Justice System (Ne w York: Harper & Row, 1980) , p. 88. Also see, George L. Kirkham and Laurin A. Wollan, Jr., Introduction to Law Enforcement (Ne w York : Harpe r & Row, 1980) , p. 356.

CONCLUSIONS In thi s boo k I hav e attempte d t o repor t o n th e accomplishment s and failure s o f blac k policeme n durin g a perio d o f massiv e socia l change b y drawin g upo n materia l foun d i n journals , newspapers , books, an d departmen t documents . Bu t mostl y I hav e relie d upo n a lon g serie s o f interview s wit h 4 6 blac k Ne w Yor k Cit y police men who , b y an d large , were quit e willin g to tel l me ho w the y ar e treated b y thei r superiors , ho w the y ge t alon g wit h whit e officers , and ho w the y vie w thei r rol e i n th e blac k community . Thi s wor k seems incomplete , however , withou t offerin g m y ow n view s o n th e issues discusse d b y m y respondents . A s a membe r o f th e NYP D since 1966 , an d on e wh o ha s serve d i n a variet y o f investigative , patrol, an d supervisor y capacitie s i n predominantl y blac k area s o f the city , I hav e becom e increasingl y sensitize d t o a numbe r o f thes e issues an d t o th e problem s facin g black s an d othe r minoritie s wh o have ha d t o dea l wit h a "white-dominated" department . Whil e m y assessment o f thes e aspect s o f th e blac k policeman' s workin g worl d has undoubtedly bee n influence d b y what m y respondent s hav e tol d me, i t ha s als o bee n shape d b y wha t I hav e rea d an d b y wha t I have observe d i n th e street s an d statio n house s an d hav e generall y experienced a s a membe r o f th e department . I t i s t o thes e view s largely tha t th e remainin g page s o f thi s boo k ar e devoted .

Discrimination o n th e Jo b

In th e forewor d t o a recent boo k depictin g th e histor y o f black s in th e NYPD , Rober t J . Magnum , a blac k Ne w Yor k Stat e judg e and forme r membe r o f th e polic e departmen t betwee n 194 1 an d 1958, summe d u p th e condition s unde r whic h blac k polic e worke d in thos e days :

244

CONCLUSIONS

Conditions . . . were almost unbearable, and we, in the third generation, were informed tha t they were even worse before 193 1 and during the 1930s . . . . The assignment of Black police officers ha d been confined almos t exclusively to three precinct s throughou t th e city—the 28th an d 32nd Precincts in Central Harlem and the 79th Precinct in Bedford-Stuyvesant . Blacks a t th e tim e wer e almos t neve r assigne d t o specia l assign ments, suc h a s the Detectiv e Division , Plainclothes , Radi o Moto r Patrol and were completely excluded from elit e special squads, e.g., Missing Persons, Burglary, Forgery, Safe and Loft an d Truck, Pickpocket, Emergency Service, and so on. . . . Black superior officer s were almost non-existent; Blac k officers receive d the most undesir able assignments ; disciplinar y action s agains t Black s an d agains t Whites were uneven at the expense of Blacks and racial slurs by White patrolmen an d superior officers agains t Blac k officers an d Black citizens were commonplace. 1 Is racial discrimination stil l roote d i n th e system-wid e operatio n of the police department a s Judge Magnum implied ? Ar e black police still confine d t o blac k precinct s an d districts ? Ar e the y stil l ar bitrarily denie d acces s t o promotion s an d t o specialize d assign ments, positions an d duties ? I n short , ho w fa r hav e black cops com e in recen t years toward achievin g ful l equalit y an d acceptanc e i n th e New Yor k City polic e department ? I thin k i t i s safe t o sa y that th e type o f institutiona l discriminatio n outline d b y Judg e Magnu m above has been al l but eliminated i n the department. Today , black s are no t onl y activel y encourage d t o joi n th e polic e servic e but , onc e hired, the y ar e assigne d th e sam e basi c duties a s whites, promote d through civi l servic e withou t regar d t o race , occup y i n man y in stances comman d position s ove r white s ( a situation tha t rarel y obtained prio r t o th e 1950s ) an d hav e availabl e fo r th e firs t tim e av enues of grievance redress both within and outside the organization. 2 While th e dat a collecte d fo r thi s stud y generall y suppor t th e contentions expresse d above , the y als o clearl y indicat e tha t blac k accomplishments di d no t occu r i n a vacuum , bu t wer e linke d t o and shape d b y a n interconnectin g serie s o f legal , social , an d polit ical events tha t wer e taking plac e i n large r society . I n a great num ber o f majo r cities , fo r example , legislatio n ha d bee n enacte d i n the seventie s t o insur e tha t loca l governmen t agencie s wer e i n compliance wit h earlie r Federa l ruling s aime d a t eliminatin g dis -

Conclusions

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crimination i n hiring , promotion , an d assignment . Yet , a s I hav e attempted t o show , neithe r th e enactmen t o f antidiscriminatio n law s nor th e creatio n o f cit y agencie s t o overse e departmenta l practice s regarding racia l minorities were , by themselves, responsible fo r th e entry o f black s into th e polic e servic e in substantiall y greate r num bers o r fo r th e movemen t o f man y o f thes e officer s ou t o f routin e patrol assignments . Towar d th e lat e sixties , ther e wa s a growin g recognition o n th e par t of local government leader s that blacks could serve the polic e department i n important politica l ways. New Yor k City, i t migh t b e recalled , ha d recentl y experience d a serie s o f ra cial disorder s tha t resulte d i n injurie s t o bot h polic e an d citizens , widespread propert y damage , an d a growing divisio n betwee n it s white an d minorit y populations . Ther e was , n o doubt , als o a con cern amon g hig h cit y officials tha t th e predominantl y "white-owned " businesses locate d i n th e ghett o woul d continu e t o suffe r eco nomic losse s i f ne w an d mor e effectiv e mean s o f preventin g dis orders wer e no t immediatel y found . B y incorporatin g greate r numbers o f black s int o th e actua l proces s o f policin g an d b y as signing thes e officer s t o command s situate d i n ghett o districts , th e city hope d t o strengthe n th e bond s tha t linke d th e polic e with th e black community, securin g peace in the process. 3 Also, once swor n in, blac k cop s coul d infiltrat e blac k subversiv e group s suspecte d o f instigating rac e riot s an d coul d serv e i n othe r specialize d position s in which whit e polic e could no t operat e unnoticed . Thes e were, o f course, not th e only compellin g factor s i n the decisio n t o ope n th e doors t o eligibl e blac k polic e candidates . Th e cit y als o face d th e very rea l threa t o f los s o f Federa l revenue-sharin g fund s shoul d i t be foun d i n violatio n o f Federa l statute s prohibitin g discrimina tion i n th e hirin g o f minorities . Yet, perhaps , th e greates t gain s i n th e are a o f minorit y hirin g were mad e b y minoritie s themselves . Beginnin g i n th e lat e sixtie s black police , wh o fel t tha t blac k candidate s wer e bein g short changed b y th e city , bega n t o organiz e themselve s int o activ e po litical groups (suc h a s the Guardian s Association ) t o fight discrim inatory hirin g practices . Onc e organized , on e o f th e first steps take n by the Guardians wa s to file suit i n Federa l cour t chargin g the cit y with usin g "culturall y biased " entranc e standard s i n a n attemp t t o limit th e number s o f minoritie s i n th e polic e department . Whe n this failed t o substantiall y "spee d up" the pace at which black s were

246

CONCLUSIONS

being hired , th e Guardian s the n challenge d th e us e o f wha t the y claimed wer e "biased" exams. What eventually emerged fro m thes e and othe r attempt s t o brin g abou t a mor e raciall y balance d de partment i n th e seventie s wa s a quot a syste m whic h insure d tha t of ever y fou r officer s hire d beginnin g i n 198 0 on e woul d b e o f minority extraction . Largely a s a result of the efforts o f the Guardian s Associatio n t o do awa y wit h discriminator y hirin g practice s i n Ne w Yor k City , the proportio n o f blacks on th e forc e i s now ove r 1 0 percent, nearl y twice what i t wa s i n th e lat e sixties. This accomplishmen t ma y no t seem tha t grea t i n a city where nearl y hal f the populatio n i s eithe r black o r Hispani c an d wher e th e curren t 24,00 0 membe r forc e i s still 8 3 percent white . Bu t on e mus t als o examine thes e gains withi n the socioeconomi c contex t i n whic h the y occurre d a s wel l a s th e prospects fo r improvemen t i n th e future . Beginnin g i n 1975 , fo r example, a s a resul t o f a deterioratin g economy , th e cit y lai d of f 18 percen t o f al l blac k cop s an d 2 2 percen t o f al l Hispani c ones , compared t o only 1 0 percent o f its white force. 4 I n actua l number s these figures represente d a tota l o f 63 2 minorit y officer s whos e service t o th e departmen t ha d bee n "involuntarily " terminate d be cause o f civi l servic e policie s b y whic h th e "last-hired " minorit y members wer e release d first. Whil e clearly not a n ac t of intentiona l racial discrimination o n th e par t o f cit y government , thi s los s rep resented, nevertheless , a tremendou s setbac k fo r blac k an d His panic groups wh o onl y a few year s earlier ha d succeede d i n addin g some 140 0 minorit y polic e o r nearl y 1 9 percen t o f al l ne w ap pointments t o th e force. 5 Durin g th e nex t five year s few , i f any , recruits entere d th e Polic e Academy . However , b y 1980 , i n par t because of a recovering econom y i n the city, minorities onc e agai n began t o see progress bein g made towar d achievin g a more raciall y balanced department . Unde r Judg e Carter' s court-impose d racia l quota abou t 75 0 black s joine d th e polic e rank s betwee n Septem ber o f that yea r an d Januar y 1982 . As fo r th e future , i f th e curren t racia l quot a remain s i n effec t during th e 1980s—an d ther e i s n o indicatio n tha t i t wil l b e re scinded unless , of course , minority polic e candidate s pas s entranc e tests i n number s tha t Judg e Carte r finds acceptable—an d i f attri tion i n th e departmen t continue s a t it s presen t rat e o f approxi mately 200 0 officer s eac h year , the n b y th e lat e 1980 s th e racia l

Conclusions

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composition o f th e forc e shoul d reflec t mor e closel y th e propor tion o f minorities i n th e city. 6 This estimat e i s based upo n th e fol lowing fact s an d relate d assumptions . Th e overwhelmin g majorit y of polic e officer s wh o wil l b e retirin g fro m th e departmen t durin g the 1980 s wil l b e white . Thi s follow s fro m th e fac t tha t mos t of ficers who joine d th e forc e i n the 1960 s (som e 2 0 year s ago ) wer e white. Nearl y hal f o f al l th e nonrankin g blac k an d Hispani c offi cers on th e job today joined th e department i n the early 1980 s an d will not be eligible for pensio n retiremen t unti l the late 1990s . This new corp s wil l provid e a pool o f minorit y officer s wh o will , i n al l probability, attai n rankin g position s themselve s unde r a differen t but als o recentl y enacte d racia l quot a syste m i n promotion s an d who ma y wel l decid e a s som e white s hav e i n mor e favorabl e eco nomic time s t o remai n o n th e job pas t thei r eligibl e retiremen t date . Now, a s black s (an d Hispanics ) ente r th e departmen t i n increas ingly greate r number s an d advanc e i n rank , a mor e favorabl e im age o f polic e wor k a s a career shoul d emerg e i n th e eye s o f mem bers of the large r minorit y community . Thi s ne w imag e should , i n turn, attrac t eve n large r number s o f minorit y polic e candidate s i n the futur e a s the communit y itsel f wil l hav e les s reaso n t o suspec t black an d Hispani c officer s o f bein g tool s o f th e whit e society . Thi s does no t necessaril y mean tha t th e actual number o f minority cop s in the department wil l greatly increas e i n the nea r future . Tha t wil l depend upo n bot h populatio n an d economi c stabilit y i n th e city . Should th e city' s economy, fo r example , once agai n tak e a turn fo r the worse , the n w e ma y ver y well se e fewe r polic e position s avail able in the future, fewe r promotion s t o rankin g positions , and per haps mos t importan t o f all , fewe r retirement s o f white s du e t o a decrease i n outsid e jo b opportunities . Bu t eve n i f the cit y were t o experience a declining econom y th e overall proportio n o f minorit y officers i n th e departmen t shoul d increas e a s a resul t o f th e racia l quota syste m i n hiring . Thus , whil e black s (an d Hispanics ) ma y not gai n muc h i n term s o f absolut e number s unde r a deterioratin g economy, the y shoul d stil l gai n proportionatel y t o whites . Besides bein g abl e t o coun t upo n increase d opportunitie s fo r police employmen t i n Ne w Yor k City , blacks , onc e hired , ca n ex pect t o b e assigne d t o precinct s i n th e futur e o n a more-or-les s random basis . Unlik e thei r brothe r officer s i n th e past , th e blac k cop will not find himsel f exclude d fro m assignment s i n more afflu -

248

CONCLUSIONS

ent, whit e area s of th e cit y becaus e o f hi s skin color . A s we know , this wa s generall y th e cas e i n th e sixties . Fo r "political " reasons , largely, blac k cop s wer e routinel y assigne d t o lower-clas s ghett o districts. Today , th e virtua l absenc e o f unres t i n th e city' s blac k communities couple d wit h recen t pressur e fro m th e Guardian s Association t o d o awa y wit h "restrictive " assignmen t practices , ha s resulted i n a more balance d distributio n o f newl y hire d blac k offi cers. This patter n i s evident i n most , i f not all , of th e city' s "mixed " communities wher e th e curren t proportio n o f blac k polic e range s anywhere fro m 1 0 t o 3 5 percent , an d eve n i n suc h affluen t area s as Manhattan's "silk-stocking " district, wher e i n the pas t year or s o close t o hal f o f al l newly assigne d cop s ar e o f minorit y extraction . The recen t tren d towar d nonrestrictiv e assignment s ca n als o be inferred fro m th e racia l distributio n o f civilia n member s o f th e ser vice. Lik e th e blac k an d Hispani c officer , th e minorit y civilia n ca n expect t o b e assigned t o commands locate d outsid e a s well as withi n the ghetto . Black polic e no t onl y fough t an d succeede d i n modifyin g geo graphical assignmen t practice s t o accommodat e thei r ow n specia l interests, bu t the y mad e equal , i f not greater , gain s i n th e area s o f task assignmen t an d advancement . Restrictin g blac k cop s t o foo t patrol duties , fo r example , i s clearl y a thin g o f th e past . Today , and fo r som e tim e now, assignment s t o motor-patro l dut y depen d largely, althoug h no t entirely , upo n seniorit y an d performance . Officers wh o hav e onl y a few year s i n ran k an d wh o sho w a willingness t o mee t eve n averag e performanc e standard s ca n expec t t o be assigne d t o motor-patro l dut y soone r tha n junio r member s o f the precinc t regardles s o f thei r color . Advancemen t t o th e detec tive burea u i s anothe r are a i n whic h black s (an d Hispanics ) hav e made significan t stride s sinc e th e 1960s . Dat a collecte d b y th e de partment's Offic e o f Equa l Employmen t Opportunit y consistentl y show tha t durin g th e seventie s nonwhit e officer s hav e bee n as signed t o detectiv e command s i n greater proportio n tha n thei r numbers i n th e patro l forc e and , onc e there , advance d i n grad e a t an equa l rat e a s whites. This suggest s tha t th e departmen t ha s fo r some year s no w a t leas t supporte d a policy o f proportiona l repre sentation fo r it s minorit y polic e i n th e detectiv e burea u i f no t a policy of merit advancement . Although th e dat a i n thi s stud y sho w tha t th e blac k office r i s

Conclusions

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clearly bette r of f toda y tha n h e wa s som e year s ago , h e ma y fin d nevertheless tha t hi s chance s fo r upwar d mobilit y o n th e jo b ar e still restricte d i n som e case s b y factor s beyon d hi s control; tha t is , they ar e no t affecte d b y cour t action , increase d politica l activism , or b y above-averag e performanc e ratings . Fo r example , th e blac k officer ma y discove r tha t eve n thoug h h e i s fairl y represente d i n the department' s 7 0 o r s o specialt y units , h e i s likel y t o b e mor e fairly represente d i n some than i n others. Emergency Service , Har bor, Highwa y Patrol , Aut o Crime , Arson/Explosion , an d Inspec tions ar e but a few example s of "preferred" specialt y units i n whic h black participatio n i s no t onl y belo w bu t i n som e instance s wel l below th e averag e of 1 0 percent. 7 Eve n a t the precinc t leve l in som e commands, th e blac k office r ma y find opportunitie s somewha t limited fo r movemen t ou t o f routine patrol . As I mentioned earlie r this situatio n ma y b e du e i n par t t o a "self-elimination 55 proces s activated b y th e blac k office r wh o deliberatel y choose s no t t o vol unteer fo r certai n specialt y assignment s becaus e o f th e belie f tha t occupational value s hel d b y member s o f thes e unit s ofte n ru n counter t o hi s own . Bu t mostly , I believe , i t i s tie d directl y t o hi s "newcomer55 statu s i n th e organization ; tha t is , to th e fac t tha t h e is no t ye t considere d a member o f th e establishe d group . Becaus e the blac k office r i s a "partia l outsider, 55 h e ma y fin d i n som e pre cincts tha t h e i s no t entitle d t o al l th e benefit s ful l membershi p brings. Hi s tie s to mos t whit e cop s i n th e precinc t are , for th e mos t part, limite d largel y t o matter s o f official polic e business . Rarel y i s the blac k uniforme d office r i n a positio n t o cultivat e th e typ e o f relationships wit h whit e officer s tha t ca n lead to privilege s o r pref erential treatmen t o n th e job . The blac k officer's connection s an d relation s with white s outsid e the work settin g is , generally speaking, even more limited . Becaus e he i s no t a membe r o f th e dominan t ethni c group , h e doe s no t belong t o thei r socia l fraterna l clubs . Becaus e o f continuin g social pressures exerte d b y bot h sides , h e doe s not , a s a rule , fraterniz e with whit e cops afte r work . And, finally, because white societ y still has th e mean s t o exclud e mos t black s fro m whit e surbura n com munities, h e doesn't liv e near white cop s an d consequentl y doesn' t travel t o an d fro m wor k wit h them . Together , thes e restrictions , which ar e linked largely but not entirely to his position within bot h the departmen t an d th e large r society , hinde r th e developmen t o f

250

CONCLUSIONS

the kin d o f informa l intergrou p tie s neede d b y th e blac k office r t o compete o n equa l term s wit h hi s whit e colleague s i n th e precinct . The blac k office r similarl y finds tha t h e canno t tur n t o hi s whit e superiors fo r preferentia l treatment . Fo r al l o f th e abov e reasons , his relation s wit h mos t whit e bosse s ar e als o limite d t o matter s o f an officia l nature . Nor , ca n th e averag e blac k office r alway s coun t on hi s brothe r officer s o f highe r ran k t o hel p hi m mov e ahea d o n the job . For , lik e himself, black s i n supervisor y an d comman d po sitions als o occup y a "newcomer' 5 statu s wit h man y o f th e atten dant disadvantages . How the n i s th e blac k patro l office r t o overcom e th e disadvan tages arisin g fro m partia l membershi p i n th e organization ? I t ha s been m y feelin g fo r som e tim e no w tha t th e answe r doe s no t li e solely in furthe r cour t actio n o r i n greate r politica l activis m o n th e part o f blac k polic e groups , sinc e thes e avenue s onl y redres s prob lems whic h ar e tangibl e an d therefor e amenabl e t o suc h tactics . Blacks, i f the y ar e t o compet e o n trul y equa l term s wit h whites , must establish , a t leas t fo r th e tim e being , independen t source s o f power an d influenc e withi n th e structur e o f the organization. Thi s means, fo r on e thing , tha t mor e o f the m mus t attai n supervisor y and comman d positions . Ye t evidence presente d earlie r show s tha t even a s lat e a s 198 1 blac k bosse s accounte d fo r n o mor e tha n 4 percent o f the entir e comman d structur e o f the polic e department , hardly a n encouragin g picture . Some would argu e that thi s condition i s due i n larg e par t t o th e persistence of discrimination i n the police department; bu t this seems barely a n accurat e assessmen t o f th e problem . Wha t ha s histori cally accounted fo r th e smal l numbe r o f blac k bosse s i s a seniorit y system whic h has , as far bac k a s I can determine , allotte d credi t o n promotional exam s (u p t o 5 0 percen t o n some ) i n proportio n t o longevity on th e force. Sinc e blacks, as a group, were relativ e new comers t o th e departmen t i n th e 1960 s an d earl y 1970s , thi s ar rangement, althoug h clearl y not aime d a t keepin g minorit y candi dates down , di d operat e t o thei r greate r disadvantage . A s well , a promotional testin g system which emphasize d educatio n an d read ing skill s a s requisite s t o successfu l exam-takin g adversel y affecte d blacks wh o hav e suffere d disproportionatel y i n th e pas t fro m ed ucational deficiencies . I t wa s unlikel y tha t the y woul d hav e score d as well a s whites o n exam s whic h stresse d th e acquisitio n o f thes e

Conclusions

251

skills. Also , i t i s clea r fro m speakin g wit h th e me n i n thi s stud y that som e black s lac k motivatio n t o prepar e fo r competitiv e civi l service examinations. 8 This, however , ma y hav e bee n du e i n som e part t o th e fac t tha t i n pas t years , an d especially durin g th e lat e 1960s, black s wh o di d attai n rankin g position s i n th e departmen t were ofte n "hidde n away 5' i n nonuniformed , specialt y unit s suc h as Narcotics an d th e Bureau o f Special Services. Because these bosse s were no t accessibl e t o lower-leve l blacks , the y di d no t serv e a s a reference grou p t o whic h blac k officer s coul d aspir e t o belon g o r even relat e themselve s psychologically . I n thi s sense , then , th e placement o f blac k bosse s i n "lo w visibility 3' specialt y unit s i n th e late 1960s , early 1970s , ha d th e unanticipate d an d somewha t dys functional consequenc e o f lowerin g th e motivatio n o f lower-leve l blacks t o aspir e t o rankin g position s i n th e department . Finally , and perhap s mos t importantly , ther e wa s a sharp reductio n begin ning i n th e lat e 1960 s i n th e frequenc y wit h whic h promotiona l exams wer e bein g given— a conditio n owin g largel y t o th e city' s growing fiscal problem s durin g thi s period . I n th e pas t 1 2 years , for example , onl y tw o civi l service test s hav e bee n offere d fo r pro motion t o th e ran k o f sergeant , on e i n 1973 , th e othe r i n 1978 . And i t i s only fro m th e mor e recen t exa m and onl y i n th e pas t yea r or s o tha t minoritie s hav e bee n promote d t o th e ran k o f sergean t under a court-impose d quot a system . Similarly , th e las t promo tional exa m fo r th e ran k of lieutenant— a positio n i n which black s make u p a scarc e 2 percen t o f th e comman d structure—wa s las t given i n 1973 , nearl y a decad e ago. 9 Thi s mean t tha t onl y thos e blacks who ha d bee n appointe d prio r t o th e late 1960 s would hav e been eligibl e to take thi s test and o f this group onl y those fe w wh o had passe d a prio r sergeant' s exam . Clearly , whil e i t wa s neithe r the city' s faul t no r it s intentio n tha t s o fe w promotiona l test s hav e been offere d sinc e th e earl y 1970s , i t i s impossible nevertheles s t o integrate black s an d othe r minoritie s int o uppe r managemen t po sitions wher e the y ca n begi n t o effec t polic y change , i f the y hav e not firs t bee n afforde d th e opportunity t o tak e lower-leve l sergean t and lieutenan t promotiona l exams . While ther e i s a clear tren d i n Ne w Yor k Cit y toda y towar d re ducing th e importanc e o f seniorit y i n promotion s t o supervisor y and lower-managemen t positions, 10 ther e stil l remain s th e dua l question o f blac k educationa l deficienc y i n exam takin g an d alon g

252

CONCLUSIONS

with tha t th e problem s generate d b y th e infrequenc y wit h whic h promotional test s hav e bee n give n i n recen t years . I n attemptin g to dea l with thes e specifi c problem s th e cit y ha s recentl y move d i n two directions . First , ther e ar e indication s tha t th e Departmen t o f Personnel wil l be scheduling promotiona l test s on a more frequen t basis in th e futur e du e t o th e growing numbe r o f vacancies i n lowe r and middle-managemen t position s whic h have , i n turn , bee n cre ated b y greater-than-averag e number s o f retirement s an d a newl y expanding wor k force. 11 Ther e als o i s evidenc e tha t futur e pro motional exam s will tes t job-relate d issue s an d attemp t t o measur e the candidates ' knowledg e o f polic e procedures , policies , an d la w rather tha n acquire d readin g skill s o r mathematica l abilit y a s the y have i n th e past. 12 I n conjunctio n wit h this , evidenc e ha s als o com e to m y attentio n whic h suggest s tha t a s a group, blac k polic e ma y be considerably bette r educate d toda y tha n whites. 13 If this i s true, then blac k candidates fo r promotio n shoul d b e able to compete o n more equa l term s wit h white s whethe r futur e test s ar e "job-re lated" or not . O f course , a s has bee n mentioned , th e mor e impor tant questio n i s whether black s will b e sufficiently motivate d i n th e future t o stud y fo r competitiv e promotiona l tests . I f reference grou p theory doe s explain , i n part , th e lac k o f motivatio n amon g mem bers of this group i n the past (an d I suspect i t does) the n th e steadily growing numbe r an d visibilit y of blac k uniformed sergeant s ough t to provid e th e incentiv e neede d fo r lower-leve l black s t o ade quately prepar e fo r thes e exam s i n th e comin g years . Bu t eve n i f this i s no t th e case , o r i f fo r an y numbe r o f othe r reason s black s continue t o far e les s wel l tha n white s o n competitiv e promotiona l exams, th e recen t enactmen t o f a racia l quot a i n lower-leve l pro motions shoul d serv e t o insur e greate r representatio n o f blac k su pervisors i n th e nea r future . An d a s black s mov e int o supervisor y and comman d position s i n increasingl y large r numbers , thei r spher e of influenc e shoul d begi n t o expand , alterin g i n th e proces s exist ing pattern s o f informa l powe r relations . The othe r facto r which , i n pas t years , has effectively blocke d th e building o f a n independen t an d interleve l blac k powe r bas e i n th e New Yor k Cit y polic e departmen t ha s bee n th e near-tota l concen tration o f senio r whit e officer s i n ke y clerical positions . Dat a fro m the department' s OEE O show , however , tha t thi s patter n i s changing. Beginnin g i n th e earl y seventies , th e polic e departmen t

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has slowly bu t systematicall y replace d polic e officer s occupyin g thes e positions a t al l operationa l level s wit h (predominantly ) blac k an d Hispanic civilians . I n 1975 , fo r example , ther e wer e som e 540 0 civilians employed b y th e departmen t i n variou s clerical , technical , and professiona l positions , of which nearl y 150 0 o r 2 8 percen t wer e black. B y th e earl y 1980 s th e tota l civilia n forc e ha d climbe d t o over 7000 , whil e th e proportio n o f blac k civilian s jumpe d t o 4 7 percent.14 Wha t accounte d fo r thi s shar p increas e i n civilia n rep resentation i n th e departmen t wa s th e belie f (share d b y man y cit y officials) tha t well-traine d an d supervise d civilian s coul d perfor m most routin e adminstrativ e task s a s well a s police an d fo r substan tially lowe r salarie s an d fewe r fring e benefits . Besides reducin g expenditure s durin g a critical perio d i n th e city' s history an d freein g thousand s o f uniforme d officer s fo r mor e im portant field assignments , "civilianization " systematicall y strippe d away on e o f th e ke y base s o f "informal " powe r fo r white s i n th e organization. Onc e remove d fro m th e "office setting " and assigne d to patro l duties , thes e officer s soo n los t th e "connections 55 tha t wer e the sourc e o f thei r powe r an d influence . Gradually , th e informa l power tha t wa s onc e i n thei r hand s exclusivel y wa s bein g trans ferred t o minority civilians who clearly were not goin g to continu e to favo r white s ove r othe r emergin g groups . Changing economi c an d socia l pattern s i n th e cit y durin g th e past decad e o r s o hav e no t onl y begu n t o alte r traditiona l powe r arrangements amon g lower-leve l police, as evidenced above , but the y have triggered change s i n relation s amon g officer s o f unequal ran k as well. It might b e recalled once agai n that , a s a result of the mas s exodus o f white polic e to th e suburb s beginnin g i n th e lat e 1960s , new friendship s base d upo n residentia l proximit y an d th e nee d t o travel together i n car pools were beginning to emerge between whit e patrol supervisor s an d whit e subordinates—friendship s tha t woul d later carr y ove r o n t o th e jo b an d affec t th e informa l distributio n of reward s an d privileges. 15 Becaus e black s live d predominantl y i n the city , the y di d no t becom e involve d i n car-poolin g an d there fore misse d ou t o n th e opportunit y t o becom e par t o f these newl y emerging networks . Bu t evidenc e suggest s tha t thi s pattern , too , is reversing itself. Rising divorce rates among city police have forced many o f thes e whit e officer s t o retur n t o th e cit y rathe r tha n ren t an apartmen t i n th e suburbs. 16 No t onl y ar e thes e officer s movin g

254

CONCLUSIONS

back int o th e cit y i n greate r number s bu t th e rapidl y escalatin g in terest rate s on ne w hom e mortgages i s effectively limitin g th e poo l of newly hire d officer s wh o ca n affor d t o liv e outside th e city . No w as the olde r white s retir e fro m th e job an d a s they ar e replace d b y minorities—who i n all probability will b e forced t o remai n withi n or clos e t o th e city—an d a s member s o f thes e group s advanc e i n rank themselves , pattern s o f informa l powe r relation s linke d t o hi erarchical tie s i n th e departmen t shoul d begi n t o shif t i n favo r o f the newl y emergin g groups . I n short , preferentia l treatmen t base d upon grou p membershi p an d informa l tie s wil l neve r completel y disappear i n the polic e department eve n under th e most egalitaria n conditions a s lon g a s th e powe r t o provid e service s t o other s i s built int o th e structur e o f position s themselves . M y ow n persona l experiences, alon g wit h dat a provide d b y thi s study , d o suggest , however, tha t th e bases from whic h informa l arrangement s develo p and gro w wil l continue t o shif t i n the future , reflectin g i n th e pro cess changing social , economic, an d politica l trend s bot h withi n an d outside th e department . Although I argue d earlie r tha t favoritis m i n it s variou s form s operates o n al l level s o f th e department , it s impac t o n black s i n recent year s seem s leas t acut e i n th e detectiv e bureau . Thi s i s no t because black s hav e bee n abl e t o establis h a n independen t bas e o f power a t thi s level , bu t becaus e th e changin g structur e an d need s of th e burea u i n th e 1970 s provide d fo r th e applicatio n o f mor e egalitarian standard s i n distributin g reward s an d privileges . As th e detective burea u shifte d t o specialization , fo r example , th e rol e o f detectives underwen t considerabl e transformation . Cas e clearance , teamwork, an d th e acquisitio n o f "social " skill s replace d long standing "quantitative " indicator s o f performance , promptin g de tective supervisor s themselve s t o adop t a mor e rational , race-fre e basis fo r rewardin g member s o f thei r units . Whethe r thes e ne w criteria continu e t o gover n th e wa y reward s an d privilege s ar e distributed i n th e futur e wil l depen d i n part , I suspect , upo n furthe r structural change s i n the organization. Shoul d th e department per ceive a nee d for th e detectiv e burea u t o rever t t o it s earlie r for m (with a n emphasi s o n "quantity " rathe r tha n "quality 35 arrest s an d case clearance) , i t i s conceivabl e tha t reward s (advancement s i n grade) an d privilege s wil l once agai n b e distribute d largel y amon g

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members o f the dominan t grou p who , i n the past , wer e more will ing tha n black s t o undertak e activitie s whic h futhere d thi s goal . There i s yet a final problem facin g blac k polic e i n Ne w Yor k Cit y and elsewhere . Thi s i s th e deliberat e attemp t b y individual white s in th e departmen t t o den y black s al l the opportunitie s an d advan tages attached t o membershi p i n the dominant grou p solely because they ar e black . Individua l racism , regardles s o f th e wor k leve l i n which i t i s found , differ s i n severa l importan t way s fro m favorit ism. Fo r one , white s wh o engag e i n th e practic e o f favoritis m mak e distinctions base d largel y upo n friendshi p ties , pas t allegiances , o r group affiliation . The y d o not , a s a rule , singl e ou t othe r white s for preferentia l treatmen t becaus e of their dislike or distrust of blacks. Indeed, th e racia l facto r i s seldo m eve r consciousl y considered . Th e racist, i n contrast , make s hi s judgement s affectin g position s an d duties base d upo n grou p membershi p an d disdai n fo r nonmem bers an d unlik e th e whit e wh o practice s favoritism , place s rac e ove r all other persona l value s an d individua l characteristics . Second , eve n though bot h favoritis m an d racis m ma y resul t i n th e unequa l dis tribution o f rewards an d privilege s alon g racia l lines, the tw o prac tices are often quit e differen t i n terms o f persona l impact . I t migh t be recalle d tha t favoritis m i n it s earlie r for m (politica l patronage ) was defende d a s a mean s o f adjustmen t o r wa y o f circumventin g the politica l system s o f thi s countr y whic h faile d t o satisf y th e dis tinctive needs of immigran t American groups . I n this sense, it serve d a positiv e functio n fo r thos e wh o ha d fe w alternativ e mean s a t thei r disposal t o pul l themselve s u p ou t o f poverty . Whil e it s for m ha s changed somewha t ove r th e years i n Ne w Yor k City , favoritis m o r patronage i s still regarded b y many cop s a s an accepte d o r custom ary "way of life" in the organizational arena . This feelin g i s evident even amon g man y black s i n th e departmen t who , ironically , ben efit les s from th e practic e than d o member s o f the established group . To m y knowledg e n o blac k cop s hav e defende d racis m o r eve n at tempted t o justif y it s existence . Personal experienc e ove r th e year s suggest s tha t racis t cops , whil e admittedly fe w i n number , ar e mor e ofte n tha n no t senio r mem bers of the servic e set i n thei r way s an d belief s abou t blac k people . Their vie w o f black s a s bein g primitive , inferior , an d quit e ofte n "different" regardles s o f th e individual' s background , occupation ,

256

CONCLUSIONS

or positio n i n th e community , undoubtabl y wa s formed prio r t o their entr y int o th e polic e departmen t an d reinforce d b y racis t folklore an d selecte d contact s wit h member s o f th e blac k commu nity. Bu t i t i s not thi s view tha t set s the racis t apar t fro m th e grea t majority o f his white colleagues : There ar e many whites on th e job who thin k of black s in these terms. Rather , i t is an attitude towar d and treatmen t o f black police a s indistinguishabl e fro m al l othe r blacks that identifie s thi s type of individual . The unifor m th e blac k cop wears , th e authorit y h e represents , an d th e accomplishment s he ha s achieve d ove r th e year s hav e i n n o wa y altere d thi s percep tion. I n th e eye s of the racis t white cop , the blac k officer i s viewed not a s a colleague bu t a s an unwante d "outsider " wh o ha s system atically infiltrate d th e rank s o f th e "establishe d group " an d deval ued th e prestig e o f th e job . What i s especially harmfu l abou t th e racis t cop' s vie w o f black s is no t tha t h e simpl y ha s the m bu t tha t h e ofte n translate s the m into racially-discriminator y behavior . Becaus e o f intens e negativ e feelings abou t blacks , the racis t white officer , fo r example , finds tha t he canno t o r wil l no t ac t i n a n objectiv e wa y towar d them . Hi s predispositions ofte n preven t hi m fro m backin g black s i n trouble some situations , fro m bein g receptiv e t o advic e the y ma y hav e t o offer, o r fro m recognizin g thei r superio r performance . Th e blac k cop ma y als o find tha t th e racis t whit e i s neve r satisfie d wit h th e quality o f work n o matte r ho w har d h e trie s t o please . He knows , moreover, tha t h e canno t b e outspoken , especiall y o n racially-sen sitive issue s an d ca n neve r tak e a position contrar y t o tha t hel d b y the white police . Bu t what disturb s hi m mos t i s the feelin g h e get s that thes e ver y same standards ar e hardly eve r applie d t o white s i n the sam e command—that h e i s being single d ou t fo r specia l treat ment onl y becaus e o f his color . Most detrimenta l t o th e acceptanc e an d positio n o f blacks i n th e department i s tha t th e racists 5 view s ar e ofte n contagious , espe cially whe n communicate d b y someon e i n a positio n o f authorit y and leadership . The casua l use , fo r example , o f th e demeanin g ter m "nigger," whe n referrin g t o black s o n th e job, no t onl y affect s th e subordinate's attitud e towar d member s o f thi s group , bu t a t th e same tim e convey s th e feelin g tha t th e departmen t itsel f condone s notions o f blac k inferiorit y an d subordination . Yet , i t i s becaus e the racist' s tru e feeling s ar e generall y hidde n fro m black s i n hi s

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command tha t thi s individua l represent s a mos t seriou s challeng e to their position . On e simply , after all , cannot fight tha t which on e cannot documen t an d prove . Therein lie s perhap s on e o f the mos t difficult problem s facin g progressiv e polic e agencie s today—tha t of identifying an d separatin g fro m sensitiv e command assignment s those individua l bosse s wh o stil l harbo r racis t attitude s and trea t blacks i n way s tha t reflec t thes e views . I n th e pas t ther e ha s bee n a tendency among some police commanders to ignore (o r even deny) behavior o n th e par t o f a subordinate office r tha t wa s racially discriminatory i n bot h inten t an d impact . Throug h suc h tactic s th e commander avoide d a direc t confrontatio n wit h a n unpleasan t problem. Unfortunately , b y doin g s o h e wa s als o conferrin g ap proval upo n existin g practice s i n hi s unit. I t shoul d b e recognized , in conclusion, tha t polic e agencie s are hierarchically structure d an d that changes in behavior an d attitude usually come about when thos e in charg e tak e a firm positio n agains t discrimination .

Interpersonal an d Intergrou p Relation s Perhaps, a s some of the me n i n this study claim , th e singl e mos t important determinan t o f racia l chang e i n th e NYP D ha s bee n th e early civi l right s movement . Operatin g a s i t di d o n a numbe r o f levels this movemen t wa s directl y responsibl e fo r eliminatin g lega l barriers t o equalit y b y providin g avenue s throug h whic h black s an d other minorit y group s coul d effectivel y challeng e racially-biase d policies an d practice s i n th e wor k setting . Bu t th e earl y blac k movement influence d racia l pattern s i n th e NYP D i n othe r way s as well. Fo r example , becaus e o f th e accomplishment s the y achieve d in th e are a o f jo b opportunities , blac k polic e wer e beginnin g t o feel bette r abou t th e department, feeling s tha t would eventuall y carr y over int o thei r relationship s wit h whit e cops . Of course , white po lice wh o ha d activel y demonstrate d i n th e sixtie s fo r highe r pa y and improve d workin g condition s wer e als o beginnin g t o chang e their vie w o f civi l protes t an d o f blac k polic e a s the y themselve s gradually bega n t o identif y i n thi s regar d wit h oppresse d groups . While th e earl y blac k movemen t wa s settin g th e stag e fo r posi tive change s i n interracia l pattern s o n th e job , i t was , ironically ,

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CONCLUSIONS

the mor e militan t phas e tha t woul d eventuall y hav e th e greates t impact o n relation s betwee n th e tw o groups . Yet , a s som e hav e asked me , how coul d a movement tha t clearl y opposed establishe d and cherishe d value s an d tha t occasionall y calle d fo r violenc e a s a solution t o America' s racia l problems , dra w blac k an d whit e cop s closer together ? I t di d s o i n severa l ways : First , th e latte r move ment wit h it s emphasis o n racia l prid e provide d th e stimulu s fo r a new self-conceptio n an d sens e o f identit y amon g man y blac k offi cers i n th e city . Rathe r tha n bein g dysfunctiona l t o racia l integra tion i n th e department , a s might b e expected , thi s ne w identifica tion resulted , i n th e lon g run , i n greate r acceptanc e o f black s a s equals o n th e job. 17 Second , an d perhap s mor e critically , th e mil itant movemen t provoke d i n som e instance s violent , guerilla-typ e attacks upo n blac k an d whit e patro l team s i n th e city . B y alterin g the policeman' s perceptio n o f th e "enemy 55 an d b y directin g atten tion awa y fro m interna l racia l issue s an d problems , thes e assault s succeeded i n reducin g th e importanc e o f rac e an d i n fosterin g a closeness an d sens e o f commo n identit y betwee n th e groups . I n fact, i t was shortl y afte r a series of fata l attack s on blac k an d whit e teams i n Harle m an d i n th e Eas t Villag e b y member s o f th e Blac k Liberation Arm y tha t I becam e awar e o f a ne w sens e o f comrad erie developin g betwee n blac k an d whit e policeme n assigne d t o central Harle m precincts . Mutua l hostilitie s an d divisio n whic h ha d for som e tim e characterize d interpersona l relation s i n thi s are a seemed t o diminis h eve n amon g th e mor e overtl y prejudice d an d militant officers . At abou t thi s tim e othe r development s wer e takin g plac e i n th e city tha t woul d reduc e furthe r th e divisio n betwee n th e groups . For one , th e polic e departmen t itsel f wa s i n th e proces s o f hirin g additional blac k officer s an d assignin g the m t o neighborhood s populated largel y by blacks. Of course, not al l white polic e reacte d with enthusias m t o th e influ x o f blacks , but i n tim e man y di d com e to recogniz e an d appreciat e th e advantage s o f havin g blac k cop s assigned t o wor k i n th e ghetto . Gradua l acceptanc e rathe r tha n outright rejectio n becam e th e nor m i n mos t o f th e city' s polic e precincts. The proble m o f racia l polarizatio n i n som e polic e command s a t the tim e als o cam e unde r direc t attac k b y Commissione r Patric k Murphy. I n a numbe r o f experimenta l precincts , human-relation s

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training program s wer e se t up . Thei r primar y purpos e wa s t o strengthen cooperatio n an d tea m wor k betwee n whit e an d blac k cops a t th e comman d leve l an d t o promot e a sens e o f mutua l re spect an d acceptanc e fo r thei r views . Accordin g t o severa l officia l reports issue d b y th e department , thi s progra m wa s a n over whelming success . Mos t officer s wh o participate d foun d it , a s di d some o f th e me n i n thi s study , t o b e a rewardin g experienc e an d expressed a desire t o exten d th e progra m int o th e future. 18 I n ad dition t o this , the Commissione r embarke d upo n a n all-ou t effor t to encourag e polic e officers t o pursu e a college education. Murph y remained convince d (i n spit e o f th e controvers y surroundin g th e issue o f polic e education ) tha t college-traine d officer s wer e mor e likely than thos e tha t wer e not t o develop a sensitivity t o th e prob lems facing urba n polic e an d minorit y groups . Thi s effor t to o wa s deemed a success . B y th e mid-seventie s wel l ove r 600 0 polic e of ficers, o r roughl y a thir d o f th e force , wer e attendin g colleg e o n their ow n time ; over 180 0 of them ha d alread y attaine d degrees. 19 Another developmen t tha t appeare d t o weake n th e racial basi s of grou p solidarit y i n som e polic e command s was , ironically , th e Knapp Commission' s investigatio n int o organize d polic e corrup tion durin g th e earl y 1970s . I n it s attemp t t o roo t ou t corrup t in fluences in the department an d prevent patterns of misconduct fro m reemerging i n th e future , th e Commissio n intentionall y create d a n atmosphere o f suspicio n amon g polic e officer s tha t an y on e o f thei r colleagues coul d b e workin g fo r th e Commissio n o r th e depart ment's Interna l Affair s Division . I n respons e t o thi s tactic , polic e officers throughou t th e cit y an d especiall y thos e assigne d t o com mands i n corruption-pron e district s suc h a s Harlem , soo n devel oped strategie s o f thei r ow n t o scree n ou t fello w officer s who , re gardless o f color , wer e eithe r suspecte d o f o r know n t o b e sympathetic t o th e Commission . I t wa s durin g thi s perio d an d fo r some time after tha t I began t o see new relationship s emerging alon g lines o f mutua l trust , rathe r tha n race . Bot h blac k an d whit e offi cers suspected o f having breeche d th e polic e "code of silence" were systematically separated fro m thos e who were not suspect . Of course, once suspicio n wa s dispelle d afte r th e Commissio n hearings , ol d friendships wer e reestablishe d i n man y o f thes e commands , bu t th e new one s whic h ha d develope d prio r t o an d durin g th e hearing s (many o f which wer e interracial ) als o remaine d intact .

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CONCLUSIONS

As with an y attempt t o alte r long-standing practice s an d feeling s in a particula r socia l setting , however , ther e i s boun d t o b e bot h resistance an d difference s o f opinion a s to it s success. S o i t i s with a numbe r o f policeme n i n thi s stud y wh o remai n essentiall y un convinced tha t relation s betwee n black s an d white s o n th e uni formed patro l leve l hav e substantiall y improve d ove r th e pas t fe w years. These me n poin t t o factor s which , becaus e the y ar e though t to b e s o deepl y imbedde d i n th e belie f systems an d wor k routine s of whit e police , constitut e a persisten t sourc e o f intergrou p con flict. Racial exclusivism, whether i t results from genuin e feeling s o f aversion towar d member s o f anothe r grou p o r fro m a natural ten dency o n th e par t o f blac k an d whit e cop s t o kee p t o themselves , is thought t o b e on e potentia l sourc e o f strai n betwee n th e groups . Racial incidents , an d especiall y th e kin d tha t resul t i n a n assaul t upon o r shootin g o f a black , nonuniforme d policema n b y a whit e officer ar e another . However , a s w e know , sinc e 1974 , whe n th e department first institute d forma l procedure s standardizin g th e manner uniforme d cop s would us e to verify th e identit y o f a member i n civilia n clothes , ther e hav e bee n n o instance s o f mistaken identity shooting s b y eithe r grou p agains t th e other . Th e on e problem remainin g i n this regar d ar e the incidents which resul t fro m the us e o f unnecessar y forc e o r inflammator y languag e durin g th e verification proces s an d eve n these , I a m told , ar e practicall y un heard o f today. 20 Another potentia l sourc e o f intergrou p conflic t a t th e patro l leve l (and the only one I a m inclined t o believ e constitutes a threat eve n to establishe d relationship s today ) i s th e abusiv e treatmen t som e black citizen s receiv e a t th e han d o f whit e cops . Althoug h I hav e argued earlie r tha t th e blac k officer' s understandin g o f th e whit e cop's reason s o r motive s fo r behavin g i n thi s particula r wa y ma y be distorted b y th e "racial " factor operatin g i n the ghetto , th e fac t remains that white uniformed polic e are, on th e whole, apt to trea t blacks a s a grou p differentl y tha n white s becaus e i t i s blacks , no t whites wh o ar e numericall y overrepresente d i n lower-clas s ghett o communities wher e th e actua l conflic t lies . In othe r words , action s taken b y white police , whil e seemingl y influence d solel y b y visibl e racial factor s ar e i n fac t influenced , bot h consciousl y an d uncon sciously, b y factor s linke d t o socia l class . Wha t colo r a perso n is , is, in my view, of less importance a s a predictor o f police decision s

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regarding th e treatmen t o f a citizen . I f th e perso n i s presumabl y or actuall y o f middle - (o r upper- ) clas s standin g i n th e blac k com munity, th e police , while the y ma y no t alway s think o f hi m a s such , will nevertheles s trea t hi m th e sam e a s the y woul d a white perso n from a similar background . Yet whil e white uniforme d polic e an d peopl e livin g i n th e ghett o continue t o experienc e conflict , evidenc e collecte d fro m thi s stud y suggests that the more blatan t and unchecked abuse s of police powe r that gav e ris e t o interracia l dissensio n o n th e jo b i n th e pas t ar e on th e decline . This i s a consequence, i n part , o f th e introductio n in the seventie s of new polic e procedures an d policie s aime d a t im proving relation s betwee n th e races . Bu t mostly , I sense , i t i s th e result o f th e greate r presenc e an d visibilit y o f minorit y officer s i n the street s an d o f th e increasin g us e o f civi l litigatio n agains t th e police fo r abus e o f authority . Indeed , "lawsuit s agains t officer s fo r everything fro m failur e t o ac t an d excessiv e forc e t o fals e impris onment . . . reache d near-epidemi c proportions " durin g th e 1970s. 21 An d give n th e increasin g frequenc y wit h whic h Federa l courts hav e bee n rulin g i n favo r o f civilian complainants , alon g wit h die publicit y thes e decision s hav e generate d ove r th e pas t fe w years , it i s not a t al l surprising t o fin d tha t eve n th e mos t unstable , bru tal, an d irresponsibl e officer s ar e bein g effectivel y deterre d fro m intentionally violatin g th e right s o f minorit y citizens. 22 In analyzin g th e changin g characte r o f polic e rac e relations , i t would appea r tha t whil e ther e ha s indeed bee n som e improvemen t over th e year s i n th e wa y blac k an d whit e patro l officer s ge t alon g on th e job, structural factor s operatin g o n thi s work leve l continu e to produc e th e potentia l fo r conflic t an d divisio n betwee n th e groups. On e facto r identifie d i n thi s stud y i s th e natur e o f patro l work itself , tha t is , its routine , demanding , sociall y restrictin g an d potentially dangerou s character . State d anothe r way , patro l wor k in thos e area s of the cit y where blac k an d whit e officer s experienc e the greates t exposur e t o eac h othe r i s o f suc h a natur e a s t o limi t rather tha n increas e th e typ e o f intergrou p contac t neede d t o for m attachments an d friendship s acros s racia l boundaries . Yet , i t i s i n this particula r are a tha t th e departmen t i s perhap s leas t abl e t o ef fect change . I t cannot , fo r example , regulat e th e kin d o r frequenc y of job s polic e routinel y handl e whil e o n patrol . No r ha s th e de partment muc h control over the physical environment i n which mos t

262

CONCLUSIONS

patrol officer s work . Anothe r facto r mentione d earlie r concern s th e actual assignmen t o f patrol officer s itself . I t ha s been argue d alon g these lines that i f black an d white cops could only experience mor e contact wit h eac h other , racia l difficultie s woul d b e resolved . However, we also know from observation s of the behavio r of whites and black s i n th e Republi c o f Sout h Afric a an d i n part s o f th e American Sout h tha t increase d interracia l contac t can , unde r cer tain conditions , intensif y rathe r tha n lesse n hostilit y an d conflic t between th e groups . What the n ca n b e don e t o reduc e th e potentia l fo r conflic t be tween whit e an d blac k uniforme d cop s i n th e comin g years ? Fo r one thin g th e departmen t coul d structur e th e wor k environmen t for it s newl y hire d officer s s o tha t the y woul d experienc e greate r interracial contac t under conditions tha t ar e more conducive t o th e growth o f mutua l respec t an d acceptance . I n fact , whil e th e de partment i s probabl y unawar e o f it , th e Neighborhoo d Stabiliza tion Uni t (NSU) , originally forme d i n 197 8 to projec t a "high visibility55 polic e imag e throughou t th e city , wa s on e ste p i n thi s direction. Comprise d o f rooki e polic e officer s fres h fro m th e acad emy, th e NS U operate s ou t o f designate d precinct s i n th e city' s five boroughs. Member s assigne d t o thi s uni t ordinaril y wor k i n teams o f tw o o n foo t o r i n patro l car s unde r th e supervisio n o f hand-picked sergeant s an d field trainin g specialists . Excep t unde r the mos t unusua l o f circumstance s NS U officer s ar e expecte d t o respond onl y to certain type s of jobs while on patrol . They ar e no t required t o handl e mos t routin e job s assigne d t o member s o f th e regular patro l force . While assigned a s a precinct sergean t first in the Bronx an d the n in Manhattan , I ha d th e opportunit y personall y t o observ e NS U officers bot h i n the street and durin g more relaxe d moments i n th e station house . Wha t impresse d m e mos t wa s th e eas e wit h whic h this mixtur e o f youn g black , Hispanic , an d whit e officer s worke d together—the virtua l absenc e o f an y displa y o f frictio n an d th e seemingly tota l disregar d o f thei r racia l differences . Non e o f th e NSU officer s I observe d o r cam e int o contac t wit h betwee n 198 0 and 198 1 seeme d t o experienc e eve n th e slightes t difficult y adjust ing to thei r visibl e an d sometime s sociocultura l difference s an d accepting each othe r a s equals o n th e job. Wha t wa s crucial i n term s of bringin g abou t thes e desirabl e result s was , first o f all , th e fac t

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that thes e officers fro m th e da y they lef t th e Polic e Academy worke d apart fro m member s o f th e regula r patro l forc e an d wer e conse quently shielde d fro m th e negativ e influence s o f th e older , mor e cynical an d prejudice d cop s i n th e precincts . Secondly , eve n thoug h it i s tru e tha t member s o f bot h th e NS U an d regula r patro l forc e are experiencing greate r interracia l contac t i n thei r respectiv e com mands nowadays , th e type s o f contac t situation s experience d b y white an d blac k cops assigne d t o th e NS U diffe r gread y fro m thos e experienced b y members o f the regula r patro l force . And , a s I suggested above , i t i s not simpl y increased contact betwee n th e group s that lead s to mutual respec t an d acceptanc e on th e job but , a s Gor don Allpor t an d other s pointe d ou t som e years ago , contact unde r controlled condition s unde r whic h th e race s interac t wit h th e posi tive suppor t o f la w o r authority , posses s equa l status , ar e cooper atively dependen t upo n eac h other , an d see k commo n goals. 23 The critica l issu e here i s to wha t exten t d o th e NS U an d regula r patrol forc e mee t th e criteri a fo r furtherin g cooperatio n an d re spect. I n th e polic e departmen t toda y clearl y th e first conditio n obtains fo r both . Al l cops , regardles s o f ran k o r assignment , wor k together unde r th e suppor t o f la w an d loca l authorities . Bu t be yond thi s difference s betwee n th e tw o unit s begi n t o emerge . An d it i s thes e difference s tha t I believ e accoun t i n larg e par t fo r th e virtual absenc e o f racia l difficultie s i n th e NS U o n th e on e han d and fo r th e lingerin g potentia l fo r interracia l problem s amon g cop s assigned t o precinc t patrol . Fo r example , al l bottom-leve l polic e officers hav e th e sam e officia l statu s withi n th e organization . Ye t for som e white s assigne d t o th e regula r patro l forc e eve n recen t Federal an d loca l ruling s hav e faile d t o alte r thei r erroneou s per ception o f black s a s possessin g a subordinate o r inferio r status . Thi s comes acros s mos t clearl y i n thei r disparagin g remark s directe d no t only a t member s o f th e blac k communit y bu t a t blac k cop s them selves. These me n simpl y do no t vie w black s a s "equals" regardles s of whether the y ar e merchant s i n th e community , politica l leader s or co-worker s o n th e job . Som e whit e patro l officer s als o d o no t see themselves i n a position o f cooperative dependenc e upo n thei r black colleagues. Fo r them , th e averag e blac k co p i s not viewe d a s a membe r o f th e polic e fraternit y bu t rathe r a s an "outsider " wh o is invading th e whit e policeman' s territory , monitorin g hi s behav ior i n th e street s an d statio n houses , an d sidin g wit h othe r out -

264

CONCLUSIONS

siders i n decision s affectin g hi s authorit y an d autonom y i n th e blac k community. I n addition , th e natur e o f patrol assignments , most o f which ar e handle d effectivel y wit h littl e o r n o assistanc e from othe r police units , serve s t o dul l th e officer' s sens e o f dependenc e upo n others in his precinct except , of course, under th e most demandin g or dangerou s o f situations . Perceptions o f status equality , dependence , an d cooperatio n are , as far a s I can see, manifesdy differen t amon g member s of the NSU . Largely becaus e officers assigne d t o thi s uni t ar e required t o spen d the firs t si x month s o f thei r fiel d trainin g i n virtua l isolatio n fro m members of the regular patro l force the y have, like members of other specialty unit s i n th e departmen t (e.g. , detectives) , com e t o de pend almos t exclusivel y upo n on e anothe r fo r support , direction , companionship, and , perhap s mos t importantly , protectio n i n th e street. Thi s mutua l dependenc e leads , i n turn , t o a sense o f statu s equality amon g th e officer s whic h i s evidenced no t onl y b y th e re spect the y sho w eac h othe r a t work , bu t b y thei r occasiona l will ingness t o establis h an d maintai n relationship s afte r workin g hours . Perhaps th e greates t singl e differenc e separatin g th e NS U fro m the regula r patro l forc e involve s th e are a o f commo n o r mutuall y agreed-upon goals . There i s rathe r stron g evidenc e i n bot h thi s an d other studie s whic h show s tha t eve n thoug h whit e an d blac k pa trol officer s ofte n shar e a commo n definitio n o f thei r rol e i n th e black community , ther e remain s som e differenc e betwee n the m a s how bes t t o achiev e certai n departmenta l goals. 24 The issu e o f ag gressive patro l i n th e ghetto , fo r instance , ha s com e unde r shar p attack fro m som e o f the younge r black s on th e job today , wh o se e it no t a s a way of preventing stree t crim e bu t a s a means o f harassing blac k people . Mos t whit e cops , i n contrast , suppor t th e polic y of aggressiv e stree t patro l despit e th e potentiall y harmfu l effec t i t has on th e attitudes of some blac k groups towar d th e police. There is, i n addition , disagreemen t betwee n som e whit e an d blac k patro l officers a s t o th e priorit y tha t shoul d b e attache d t o certai n tradi tional polic e goals . Many black s who joined th e departmen t i n th e late 1960 s adopte d "peac e keeping " an d "orde r maintenance " a s predominant organizationa l goal s while most whit e cop s on patro l clung t o th e belie f tha t th e policeman' s primar y jo b shoul d b e fighting crime . I n th e NSU , b y contrast , conception s o f occupa tional role s an d job prioritie s ar e determined largely , althoug h no t

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entirely, b y th e officer s themselve s durin g th e first si x month s o f their career s and hav e a n importan t an d relativel y permanen t effec t on thei r late r identity . Whil e ther e i s a n obviou s concer n amon g these officer s wit h protectin g th e publi c fro m crimina l victimiza tion an d engagin g i n othe r traditionall y define d la w enforcemen t pursuits, extrem e position s an d wor k style s ten d t o b e effectivel y tempered b y th e proces s o f interactio n an d informa l negotiatio n which take s plac e i n th e field betwee n th e officers . Her e th e "ra cial55 factor, tha t is , the constant interactio n betwee n whit e an d blac k NSU cop s unde r equa l statu s conditions , combine s wit h th e mor e "relaxed55 settin g i n whic h thes e officer s wor k t o produc e a mor e "balanced55 vie w o f th e polic e role—on e whic h i s the n carrie d wit h the office r t o hi s permanen t precinc t command . Moreover , work ing o n foo t (o r i n a radi o car ) b y themselve s an d no t havin g t o deal wit h th e seemingl y uninterrupte d flow o f "tension-produc ing55 jobs routinel y handle d b y members o f the regula r patro l forc e provides a n optima l settin g fo r polic e o f differen t racia l back grounds t o discove r tha t the y shar e simila r beliefs , interests , an d values whic h ar e totall y unrelate d t o thei r job . An d i t i s thi s dis covery o r i n som e instance s th e actua l growt h o f simila r persona l characteristics tha t supplie s man y officer s wit h a basi s fo r mutua l attraction an d lastin g friendships . Indeed , man y o f the whit e NS U cops tha t I hav e worke d wit h an d com e t o kno w o n a mor e per sonal basi s sinc e thei r reassignmen t t o precinc t commands , hav e not onl y brough t wit h the m a se t o f attitude s towar d thei r wor k and thei r blac k colleagues tha t i s more i n keepin g with curren t no tions o f equalit y an d fai r play , bu t hav e maintaine d thes e positiv e attitudes i n th e fac e o f unpleasant, advers e citize n contact s an d oc casionally countervailin g pressure s fro m olde r whit e precinc t offi cers. It woul d thu s finally appear t o m e tha t ther e i s considerably mor e accord betwee n th e NS U an d th e detectiv e burea u i n term s o f meeting Allporf s fou r condition s fo r reducin g interracia l conflic t than betwee n th e NS U an d th e regula r patro l force . Bu t thi s shoul d not b e surprising . Bot h (NS U officer s an d detectives ) wor k i n th e type o f environmen t tha t invariabl y lead s t o a reductio n o f preju dice throug h increase d interracia l contac t unde r equa l statu s con ditions. Bot h shar e withi n thei r ow n respectiv e wor k setting s a common definitio n o f thei r rol e whic h i s predicated, amon g othe r

266

CONCLUSIONS

things, upon a mutually dependen t effor t tha t involve s littl e o r n o competition alon g racia l lines. And bot h ca n boas t o f experiencin g few, i f any , interna l racia l difficulties . Base d upo n thesf c observa tions alon e i t woul d see m tha t th e departmen t woul d d o wel l t o preserve the concept of NSU i n the future an d t o establish a policy that would provide , where possible , for th e random pairin g of newly assigned officers . Thi s arrangemen t woul d avoi d th e necessit y o f applying a stric t racia l formul a i n assignin g member s t o teams , thereby eliminatin g th e proble m o f "race accenting" inherent i n such a formula. O f course , this approac h woul d not , i n al l instances, cure the proble m o f individua l dislike s an d hostilities , bu t i t might hel p discourage th e growth o f group distinction s that , i n the past, wer e made alon g strictl y racia l lines . Furthermore , considerin g th e growing number s o f blacks , Hispanics , an d wome n wh o ar e join ing th e polic e departmen t eac h year , a s a practical matter , thi s ar rangement woul d presen t fe w hardship s o n th e officer s involved . In fact , i t woul d b e fa r easie r t o achiev e integratio n a t thi s earl y stage i n th e officers ' caree r tha n a t a later poin t whe n rol e concep tions, wor k habits , an d attitude s hav e bee n set . Th e departmen t might als o conside r extendin g th e perio d o f assignmen t i n NSU , thereby providin g newl y hire d officer s wit h eve n greate r opportu nities fo r cross-racia l contac t unde r condition s tha t ar e conduciv e to th e growt h o f mutua l respect , acceptance , an d lastin g friend ships. Finally , an d i n conjunctio n wit h this , the departmen t migh t consider effort s t o modif y th e precinc t patro l officer' s perception o f his working environmen t an d rol e i n th e blac k communit y s o tha t both ar e mor e compatibl e wit h curren t policin g requirements . But , this wil l take , amon g othe r things , a renewe d emphasi s o n bot h higher educatio n an d in-hous e trainin g o f the kin d tha t wil l brea k down, i n a wa y acceptabl e t o mos t police , traditiona l definition s and belie f systems. The Blac k Communit y

As th e dat a i n thi s stud y show , th e blac k struggl e t o achiev e equality an d acceptanc e ha s over the years taken a variety of forms . First, ther e were court battle s an d forma l governmen t interventio n initiated mosd y b y prominen t civi l rights leaders. These action s were

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followed b y mor e direc t challenge s t o America' s dominan t valu e system—challenges whic h culminate d a t time s i n violen t confron tations with thos e i n establishe d position s o f power an d authority . Finally, ther e wa s a collectiv e effor t o n th e par t o f blac k group s and governmen t leader s i n som e citie s t o incorporat e minoritie s no t only int o th e rank s bu t int o th e policy-makin g structur e o f it s so cial, political, an d lega l institutions . While effort s i n th e 1960 s ofte n occurre d simultaneously , i t was not unti l the earl y 1970 s tha t governmen t agencie s such a s the po lice began t o experience rea l changes in their policie s and practices . In Ne w Yor k Cit y th e decision , fo r example , t o increas e blac k po lice representation wa s based, amon g other things , upon a numbe r of political considerations; mos t important , perhaps , was the belie f that, onc e hired , black s woul d behav e i n way s tha t wer e mor e ac ceptable t o racia l minorities , i n th e proces s transformin g commu nity hostility towar d th e departmen t int o trus t an d support , a s has been discusse d a numbe r o f times . I t wa s als o felt , a s a practica l matter, tha t sinc e blac k cop s woul d b e welcom e i n ghett o com munities, the y woul d b e mor e effectiv e i n thes e areas . But , a s th e interviews i n thi s boo k ten d t o show , thes e assumption s di d no t always translat e int o reality . Man y black s wh o joine d th e depart ment i n th e 1970 s soo n foun d themselve s facin g conflictin g de mands fo r loyalty . A s members o f th e blac k communit y the y wer e expected t o brin g int o thei r neighborhood s definition s o f th e po lice rol e tha t wer e mor e compatibl e wit h blac k cultur e an d inter ests. As police officers, the y als o were expecte d t o confor m t o a set of occupational value s and belief s tha t wer e ofte n a t odds wit h thos e held b y som e sector s o f the blac k population. 25 For a number o f younger blac k officer s enterin g th e departmen t during thi s period , bein g par t o f th e large r blac k experienc e heightened thei r sens e o f identit y wit h th e communit y an d le d t o a rejectio n o f man y traditiona l polic e values . Thes e younge r me n openly expresse d interes t i n th e affair s an d problem s o f th e blac k community, a n attachmen t foreig n t o al l bu t a handfu l o f whit e officers. Becaus e the y gre w u p i n th e ghett o themselves , the y ha d a better understandin g o f its culture. Consequently, whe n assigne d to patrol , the y wer e les s apprehensiv e tha n whit e cop s i n thei r dealings wit h blac k peopl e an d mor e likel y t o attemp t t o mediat e problems withou t resortin g t o provocativ e behavior , unnecessar y

268

CONCLUSIONS

force, o r arrest . Also , becaus e thes e younge r officer s fel t les s threatened i n contac t situation s wit h othe r blacks , the y tende d t o integrate themselve s into , rathe r tha n isolat e themselve s from , th e community. I n short, fo r man y black s living in the ghetto, the adde d presence o f th e youn g blac k co p i n th e stree t represente d a signif icant brea k wit h traditiona l method s o f patrollin g thes e area s an d a mov e towar d fulfillin g th e rea l meanin g o f th e "service 55 mode l of policing . The belie f that th e blac k cop coul d serv e a s a buffer betwee n a n outwardly prejudice d an d insensitiv e white department an d the blac k community prompte d a numbe r o f me n i n thi s stud y t o recom mend tha t precinct s wit h a larg e blac k populatio n b e staffe d wit h mostly blac k cop s or , i f tha t wa s no t feasible , mixe d wit h white s and assigne d t o patro l i n integrate d teams . Whil e o n th e fac e o f i t this seem s lik e a practical respons e t o conflict s betwee n polic e an d blacks, ther e ar e i n fac t a number o f problem s tha t arise . Consid ering first th e questio n o f integrate d patro l teams , asid e fro m th e problems tha t migh t develo p du e t o th e reluctanc e o f precinc t commanders t o insur e prope r complianc e wit h suc h a directive, i t seems unwis e fo r th e department , especiall y a t a time whe n whit e and blac k cops ar e workin g togethe r wit h littl e or n o outward display of friction, suddenl y to "accent" the racia l issue. By forcing white and blac k cop s t o wor k togethe r unde r a "racial" formula, th e de partment is , i n effect , publicall y admittin g tha t a proble m exists . Second, the forced integration o f patro l team s would probabl y com e under shar p attac k fro m polic e unio n official s a s well a s individua l officers o f bot h color s o n th e ground s tha t i t woul d b e disruptiv e to interna l morale . I t i s important t o remembe r tha t patro l officer s have traditionally chose n partner s o n th e basi s of simila r wor k style s and jo b value s an d mor e recentl y wit h regar d t o th e nee d t o wor k together o r a t leas t b e assigne d t o th e sam e tea m i f they trave l to gether lon g distance s t o an d fro m wor k i n ca r pools . T o th e ex tent, then , tha t car-poolin g serves , among othe r things , a vital en ergy-saving function , i t coul d reasonabl y b e defende d b y polic e lin e organizations a s both a legitimate an d practica l reaso n t o maintai n traditional assignmen t practices . I n short , an y deliberat e disrup tion o f long-standin g arrangement s tha t result s i n undu e hard ships, economi c o r otherwise , woul d no t onl y meet , I suspect , wit h

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political resistanc e fro m th e officers , bu t woul d lea d t o increase d racial polarization , lowere d morale , an d reduce d productivity . As fo r th e staffin g o f precinct s locate d i n predominantl y blac k areas o f th e cit y wit h blac k officers , a differen t se t o f problem s emerge. Fo r one , th e drasti c cutbac k i n polic e personne l durin g the mid-seventie s resulted , a s I note d earlier , i n the disproportion ate layoffs o f minority police . Although thi s condition ease d some what wit h th e recal l o f a numbe r o f thes e officer s an d wit h th e institution o f a racia l hirin g quot a i n th e earl y eighties , i t i s stil l uncertain whethe r th e departmen t wil l b e abl e t o attrac t i n th e ver y near futur e sufficien t number s o f eligibl e blacks t o insur e a pre dominance o f blac k cop s i n al l o r eve n i n mos t o f th e city' s blac k districts. Second , eve n i f the racia l compositio n o f th e departmen t were t o underg o substantia l chang e i n th e 1980 s an d minorit y representation bega n t o approximat e th e city' s large r population , it is still not a t all clear whether th e department woul d greatl y ben efit b y assigning it s blac k cops exclusivel y t o blac k precincts. Ther e is, fo r example , th e questio n a s t o whethe r blac k cop s themselve s prefer workin g i n ghetto precincts , an d i f some d o no t i f these sam e officers wil l perfor m u p t o par . Moreover , eve n i f some blac k cop s might prefe r ghett o assignments , th e deman d o n th e par t o f othe r black officer s t o serv e i n patro l area s outsid e th e ghett o ha s bee n so grea t tha t th e Guardian s Associatio n ha s recentl y sough t t o d o away wit h raciall y base d assignmen t practice s altogether . Beside s the othe r disadvantage s attache d t o workin g i n high-crime , physi cally demanding ghett o precincts , suc h assignment s ma y symbol ize fo r som e blac k policeme n thei r subordinat e statu s i n th e de partment an d sugges t t o th e large r publi c tha t the y ar e not capabl e or worth y o f policin g whit e area s o f th e city . Finally , an d perhap s most importantly , ther e remain s th e questio n o f whether blac k po lice ar e a s warml y receive d b y peopl e i n th e blac k communit y a s some claim . If , i n fact , the y ar e no t hel d i n suc h hig h regar d b y significant sector s of the blac k populatio n an d i f for individua l rea sons som e blac k officer s prefer , eve n demand , assignment s else where, then i t would see m les s justified o r eve n counterproductiv e to saturat e blac k area s wit h blac k polic e o r eve n t o conside r forci bly integratin g patro l team s t o begi n with . Actually, ther e i s evidenc e i n thi s an d earlie r studie s o f th e po -

270

CONCLUSIONS

lice which strongl y sugges t tha t amon g certai n sector s o f the blac k community, th e blac k office r i s viewe d an d treate d i n muc h th e same wa y a s hi s whit e counterpart. 26 Distrus t o f th e lega l syste m as a whol e an d o f th e polic e i n particula r i s apparentl y s o grea t among thes e group s tha t th e blac k officer i s suspect simpl y b y vir tue o f th e unifor m h e wear s an d th e interest s h e i s presume d t o represent. Ye t th e perceptio n o f th e blac k office r a s a "whit e co p in blac k skin " i s linked obviousl y t o mor e concret e circumstances . For example , b y joining th e polic e departmen t durin g a favorabl e economic perio d (suc h a s th e lat e sixties) , blac k cop s wer e pro vided no t onl y wit h neede d job s bu t wit h a means t o escap e fro m the ghett o t o mor e advantage d surroundings . Thi s le d i n som e in stances t o a disassociation fro m th e value s an d lifestyle s tha t onc e were th e basi s of thei r identificatio n wit h th e ver y sam e peopl e the y were hire d t o serve . Indeed , i t i s not al l tha t uncommo n toda y t o find amon g blac k cop s wh o fled th e ghett o soo n afte r joinin g th e department, a n attitud e devoi d o f an y specia l attachmen t t o th e community, it s peopl e o r it s interna l problems . But som e blac k policeme n di d mor e tha n jus t disassociate them selves fro m th e problem s o f th e inne r city . A fe w contribute d di rectly to these problems b y systematically engaging, along with som e white cops , i n seriou s form s o f misconduc t includin g th e accept ing o f illici t payoff s fro m narcotics ' dealers , gamblers , numbers ' operators, an d loca l businessmen. 27 I n fact , i t wa s the exposur e o f these unlawful activitie s amon g member s of the "elite," and largel y black, Preventativ e an d Enforcemen t Patro l Squa d durin g th e earl y 1970s that , accordin g t o a numbe r o f me n i n thi s study , greatl y undermined th e positiv e imag e othe r black s i n th e departmen t wer e attempting t o projec t i n Harlem . Ther e is , in addition , th e charg e that som e blac k cops are overly harsh i n thei r dealings with certai n groups i n th e blac k community , especiall y crimina l offenders . Whatever th e motivatio n fo r thi s typ e o f behavior , whethe r i t de rives from legitimat e concern s fo r law-abidin g peopl e o r fro m cul tural value s internalize d durin g th e socializatio n process , i t ca n onl y be interprete d b y sections of the blac k community a s further proo f that underneat h thei r blac k skin lie s a "white" mentality . Rejection o f the blac k policeman b y segments o f the blac k com munity has , ove r th e years , take n a variety o f form s rangin g fro m subtle innuendo s t o mor e direc t attack s upo n hi s identif y an d

Conclusions

271

physical well-being . Ther e is , fo r example , a feelin g share d b y som e black cops today tha t authorit y i s not automaticall y buil t int o thei r official positio n a s i t i s wit h th e whit e officer . Thi s come s acros s most strongl y i n routin e encounter s wit h senio r blac k citizen s (es pecially crim e victim s an d complainants ) wh o ofte n see m t o prefe r dealing with whit e officers, wit h a substantial portio n o f the younge r black populatio n wh o vie w th e blac k officer' s positio n i n th e de partment an d communit y a s marginal, an d wit h th e blac k offende r who occasionall y reveal s his contempt fo r th e blac k officer b y challenging his right t o mak e an arres t of another blac k or eve n t o tak e police actio n t o begi n with . Besides experiencin g rejectio n fro m hostil e an d suspiciou s seg ments of the blac k community fo r th e reason s given above, the blac k officer ha s als o ha d t o com e t o grip s wit h th e feelin g tha t h e i s actually n o mor e effectiv e i n combattin g crim e an d reducin g vic timization i n th e ghett o tha n hi s whit e counterpart . And , lik e th e great majorit y o f his white brothe r officer s wh o wor k i n thes e areas , he ha s turne d outwar d i n assignin g th e blame . H e contends , fo r example, that i n the blac k community ther e is a growing disrespec t for la w an d order , tha t h e i s no t receivin g cooperatio n an d sup port fro m th e public , tha t becaus e the y d o no t understan d o r re fuse t o accep t th e lega l constraint s unde r whic h h e mus t operat e in today' s changin g society , the y hav e becom e increasingl y bitte r toward th e polic e an d indifferen t t o their problems . Bu t th e blac k officer i s equally critica l o f bot h th e administration , whic h h e claim s has substantially weakened hi s powe r ove r th e crimina l elemen t b y instituting change s i n polic e procedures , an d th e Suprem e Court , which h e no w sees , a s d o mos t whit e cops , a s favorin g an d pro tecting throug h it s recen t decision s th e criminall y guilty . I t i s per haps a n iron y t o th e blac k office r tha t man y o f th e sam e ruling s and departmenta l directive s tha t wer e enacte d durin g th e 1960 s an d early 1970 s t o cur b formerl y unchecke d abuse s o f polic e powe r i n minority communitie s hav e also effectively limite d hi s ability to dete r crime i n thes e areas , t o mak e arrest s tha t stic k an d t o collec t evi dence fo r successfu l prosecution . Understandably , suc h experi ences have tende d t o alienat e man y blac k (an d white ) cop s no t onl y from th e departmen t an d large r lega l system , bu t fro m th e com munity the y ar e sworn t o protect . No t onl y hav e these experience s led t o frustration , cynicism , an d resigne d apathy , bu t the y hav e

272

CONCLUSIONS

undermined th e officers 5 ow n self-image , prid e i n hi s work , an d commitment t o th e highe r ideal s o f polic e service . Some black s in the department hav e attempte d t o mee t the frus tration generate d b y changin g law s an d procedures , contradictor y roles, greate r citize n demand s fo r protection , an d growin g com munity indifference t o thei r problem s b y applyin g fo r transfer s t o less demanding assignment s wher e the y could pas s the tim e study ing fo r promotiona l exam s or waitin g fo r retirement . Bu t eve n her e they experience d rejectio n an d adde d frustratio n because , unti l ver y recendy, the ghetto was precisely where the department fel t i t needed its blac k officer s th e most . I t wa s a t thi s poin t tha t th e job cease d to b e viewe d withi n a professional contex t fo r man y o f thes e me n and becam e instea d simpl y a means t o a paycheck. Unfortunately , this definitio n o f polic e wor k reinforce d i n th e eye s of som e blac k citizens the negativ e image s an d expectation s the y ha d of the blac k officer t o begi n with . Perhaps, then, the basi s for improvin g polic e effectiveness i n th e ghetto doe s no t li e exclusively or eve n predominantl y i n saturatin g these area s with blac k cops . Rathe r i t woul d see m t o lie , as I hav e indicated earlier , i n effort s t o inculcat e i n all police comin g o n th e job a n understandin g of , an d receptivit y toward , thei r changin g rol e in today' s society . An d I remai n firmly convince d that , i n spit e o f the various argument s t o th e contrary , on e way this can b e accom plished i s throug h highe r education . Again , I a m no t speakin g o f education i n th e natura l science s o r eve n th e polic e sciences , bu t education i n th e socia l an d behaviora l sciences . It ha s bee n m y experience tha t polic e colleg e student s traine d eve n minimall y i n thes e areas ar e bette r abl e tha n mos t wh o ar e no t colleg e educate d t o recognize, accep t an d dea l wit h changin g situation s bot h withi n the departmen t an d th e large r society . Seriou s student s are , on th e whole, mor e sensitiv e t o ghett o problems , les s abrasiv e i n thei r dealings wit h minorit y citizens , an d mor e ap t t o appl y th e "spirit " rather tha n th e "letter" of the law . In short , they ar e more effectiv e police officers . However, a great dea l more focuse d researc h i s needed no t onl y into th e kin d o f socia l scienc e curriculu m tha t polic e ough t t o b e exposed to , bu t researc h dealin g wit h th e lengt h o f tim e polic e students mus t atten d institution s o f highe r learnin g befor e the y begin t o experienc e measurabl e chang e i n attitud e an d behavior .

273

Conclusions

That is , it seem s t o m e tha t an y evaluatio n o f th e substantiv e ben efits o f colleg e trainin g woul d o f necessit y hav e t o tak e int o con sideration bot h th e conten t o f academi c curricul a a s wel l a s th e length o f tim e spen t gainin g a higher education . I n th e meantim e the polic e departmen t mus t rene w it s suppor t fo r th e concep t o f higher educatio n fo r polic e an d possibl y eve n conside r requirin g that futur e promotion s t o highe r ran k b e predicate d upo n comple tion o f a college degree . In concluding , on e final point ough t t o b e made. I hav e tried t o show throughou t thi s boo k tha t whil e the situatio n o f blac k polic e in Ne w Yor k Cit y ha s indee d improve d ove r th e pas t decad e o r so, thi s chang e wa s inspire d mostl y b y event s occurrin g outsid e th e organizational setting . Fo r example , a s the politica l syste m i n Ne w York Cit y underwen t refor m i n th e mid-sixtie s an d a s loca l gov ernment bega n t o experienc e a need fo r greate r accommodatio n o f its minority groups, these groups began to experience a parallel move toward greate r acceptanc e an d equality . However , a s w e know , th e political climat e o n bot h th e Federa l an d loca l level s ha s onc e agai n shifted direction , bringin g wit h i t ne w governmenta l priorities . Whether th e NYP D wil l maintai n it s positio n a s a progressive in stitution i n th e are a o f rac e relation s durin g th e nex t decad e wil l depend no t onl y o n th e directio n thes e prioritie s take , bu t upo n a renewed commitmen t b y local government , it s minority leaders , an d constituents (bot h withi n an d outsid e th e department ) t o resist , through political , an d i f necessar y legal , expression , an y attempt s to tur n th e calenda r back . I f i t i s to maintai n thi s positio n th e de partment mus t als o take step s o n it s ow n t o eliminat e th e remain ing vestige s o f racis m an d inequalit y i n th e wor k settin g b y in creasing th e numbe r o f polic e whose view s ar e more consisten t wit h the democrati c ideal s of thi s nation . NOTES 1. Jame s I . Alexander , Blue Coats-Black Skin: The Black Experience in the New York City Police Department Since 1891 (Ne w York : Expositio n Press , 1978) , pp . ix, x. 2. Par t o f thi s statemen t i s no t entirel y correct ; th e recentl y establishe d racia l quota i n promotion s no w allow s black s wit h lowe r exam score s o n civi l servic e tests t o advanc e i n ran k ove r white s wit h highe r scores . So , i n effect , thes e offi cers ar e bein g promote d with regar d t o race .

274

CONCLUSIONS

3. Se e Nicholas Alex, Black in Blue: A Study of the Negro Policeman (Ne w York : Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1969) , p . 27 . 4. Se e Janice Prindlc , "New York' s Whitest—Keeping th e Meltin g Po t o n th e Back Burner, " The Village Voice, Octobe r 1 5 - 2 1 , 1980 , p . 21. 5. Ibid , p . 20 . 6. Informatio n o n polic e retirement s was provide d i n Novembe r 198 2 b y Po lice Officer Lo u Matarazz o o f th e Patrolmen' s Benevolen t Association . 7. Dat a provide d b y th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department' s OEEO . 8. A numbe r o f me n interviewe d fo r thi s stud y clai m tha t althoug h the y pu t some effor t int o studyin g fo r promotiona l exams , the y di d no t pu t i n enoug h t o pass th e tests . Other s tol d m e tha t the y weren' t reall y intereste d i n bein g pro moted t o supervisor y position s an d therefor e di d no t stud y a t all . And stil l other s stated tha t thei r onl y goa l wa s to achiev e th e ran k o f detective ( a nonsupervisor y position). Havin g accomplishe d this , they ha d n o interes t i n movin g beyon d thi s position. 9. Dat a provide d b y th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department' s OEEO . 10. Sinc e thi s writin g a civil servic e promotiona l exa m t o th e ran k o f lieuten ant ha s bee n give n i n whic h ful l seniorit y (i.e. , te n year s i n ran k a s a sergeant ) added only five points t o th e candidate' s final mark . 11. Besid e the recentl y held exa m for promotio n t o lieutenant , th e departmen t has tentatively scheduled exam s for promotio n t o captai n i n 198 4 and t o sergean t in 1983 . 12. Unlik e al l pas t civi l servic e promotiona l tests , th e writte n portio n o f th e recent lieutenant' s exa m containe d n o question s whic h wer e directl y aime d a t measuring th e candidate's abilit y to rea d an d understan d length y paragraphs . Th e questions themselve s consiste d o f a fe w shor t sentence s an d focuse d o n work related dutie s o f precinc t lieutenant s an d o n informatio n member s holdin g thi s rank ough t t o hav e i n orde r t o effectivel y carr y ou t thei r assigne d duties . 13. I n th e 5t h an d 6t h Homicid e Zone s i n Harlem , fo r instance , blac k detec tives attendin g college s an d universitie s durin g th e lat e 1970 s outnumbere d whit e detectives b y a t leas t thre e t o one . I hav e als o foun d simila r proportiona l repre sentation i n college s i n som e o f th e patro l precinct s fro m whic h I collecte d data . These are , of course, only roug h estimate s whic h d o no t spea k fo r blac k an d whit e police i n othe r part s of th e city. Yet , I strongly suspec t tha t thes e commands (lo cated mostl y i n Manhatta n an d th e Bronx ) ar e full y representativ e o f othe r com mands i n th e city . Se e also , Bernar d Cohe n an d Ja n M . Chaiken , "Polic e Back ground Characteristic s an d Performance, " (Th e Ne w Yor k City-Ran d Institute , August 1972) , p . xi . I n thi s stud y th e author s note d tha t blac k officer s i n Ne w York Cit y wer e considerabl y bette r educate d tha n whit e officers . Nearl y 4 0 per cent o f the blac k appointee s sample d ha d attende d colleg e fo r a t leas t one yea r a s compared t o slightl y ove r 2 0 percen t o f th e whites . Fo r furthe r evidenc e o f th e higher educationa l leve l o f blac k Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e officers , se e James Sordi , "Do th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Polic e Departmen t Effort s t o Recrui t Blac k an d His panic Officer s Clas h wit h it s Ne w Appointmen t an d Promotio n Proposals, " John Jay College o f Crimina l Justice , unpublishe d M.A . thesis , 1973 , p. 44 . 14. Dat a provide d b y th e Ne w Yor k Cit y polic e department' s OEEO .

Conclusions

275

15. Ca r poolin g i s no t a n issu e amon g detectiv e sergeant s an d thei r subordi nates since detective bosses , unlike their uniformed counterparts , work a different chart (schedule ) tha n thei r subordinates . Uniforme d sergeants , fo r example , ar e normally schedule d t o wor k th e sam e tour s a s member s o f thei r squad s thu s al lowing the m t o trave l t o an d fro m wor k together . Precinc t detectiv e bosses , o n the othe r hand , wor k a n overlappin g char t s o tha t the y ar e abl e t o supervis e members of all teams over a designated perio d of time. The irregularit y with whic h a detectiv e sergean t supervise s an y particula r tea m o f detective s serves , i n effect , to preclud e car-poolin g a s a feasible arrangement . 16. Man y researcher s hav e commented o n th e high divorc e rat e among polic e in thi s country . Anthon y Pat e o f th e Polic e Foundation , fo r example , ha s com piled dat a fro m th e Nationa l Institut e o f Occupationa l Safet y an d Healt h whic h show tha t the current divorce rat e among polic e i s twice tha t of th e general pop ulation. See W. Clinton Terry, 111 , "Police Stress; The Empirical Evidence," Journal of Police Science and Administration, Volum e 9 , Numbe r 1 (Marc h 1981) , foot note numbe r 9 , p . 67. I n addition , persona l knowledg e o f th e marita l statu s of a great many of my friends, acquaintances and their friends on the job today strongl y suggests tha t onc e separated , polic e officer s livin g i n suburba n communitie s ar e moving bac k into th e city. 17. Fo r furthe r suppor t o f thi s positio n see , Marce l L . Goldschmi d (ed.) , Black Americans and White Racism: Theory and Research (Ne w York : Holt , Rinehar t an d Winston, 1970) , p . 341 . 18. A departmenta l mem o date d Apri l 23 , 197 1 fro m a sergeant assigne d t o the 16t h Divisio n t o th e Chie f o f Personnel , comment s o n th e effectivenes s o f one suc h dialogu e progra m involvin g blac k an d whit e patrolme n i n th e 105t h precinct. Thi s mem o an d othe r informatio n pertainin g t o th e department' s Hu man Relation s Worksho p program s wa s supplie d b y th e Communit y Affair s Di vision o f th e NYPD . 19. Polic e Departmen t Cit y o f Ne w York , Pres s Release, Publi c Informatio n Division, date d Februar y 20 , 1970 , Numbe r 17 . 20. According t o thi s officer , wh o wishe s t o remai n anonymous , th e Guardi ans Association trie s to maintai n a careful recor d of such incident s i n case of cour t litigation. The feelin g conveye d t o m e b y this office r wa s that, i n the past , i t was common practic e t o challeng e black s who claime d to b e cop s becaus e ther e wer e so fe w black s on th e job a t the time . 21. Se e Georg e L . Kirkha m an d Lauri n A . Wollan , Jr. , Introduction to Law Enforcement (Ne w York : Harpe r & Row , 1980) , p . 356 . 22. I a m of th e fir m belie f that recen t civil suit s brough t b y aggrieve d citizen s under Sectio n 198 3 o f the Civi l Right s Ac t of 1871 , have effectively reduce d in stances o f deliberat e abus e o f polic e authorit y i n Ne w Yor k City . A recen t con versation with a sergeant assigne d t o th e department's Advocate s Offic e support s this belief . H e state d tha t h e wa s personall y awar e o f onl y two cases i n th e pas t few year s i n whic h member s o f th e departmen t wer e foun d liabl e fo r imprope r action take n agains t civilians . This , h e added , constitute d a substantial decreas e in th e numbe r o f advers e judgement s levele d agains t polic e officer s i n th e city . See also, Gerald D. Robin , Introduction to the Criminal Justice System (Ne w York :

276

CONCLUSIONS

Harper & Row , 1980) , pp . 8 6 - 8 8 , fo r a discussio n o f recen t civilia n la w suit s against polic e agencie s i n thi s country . 23. Fo r a n excellen t discussio n o f contac t an d racia l chang e see , Thoma s F . Pettigrew, Racially Separate or Together? (Ne w York : McGraw-Hill , 1971) , especially pp . 2 7 4 - 2 8 0 . 24. Se e Nichola s Alex , op . cit . Se e also , Alex's , New York Cops Talk Back: A Study of a Beleaguered Minority (New York : Wiley , 1976) . 25. Se e James B . Jacobs an d Ja y Cohen, "Th e Impac t o f Racia l Integratio n o n the Police," Journal of Police Science and Administration, Volume 6, Numbe r 2 (Jun e 1978). 26. I n a numbe r o f "riot " situation s i n thi s countr y i t ha s bee n dramaticall y shown tha t blac k police alon e have bee n a s ineffective a s white polic e i n restorin g order. Fo r example , on Jul y 24th, 1968 , Cleveland's Mayor , Car l Stokes , decide d to remov e al l whit e la w enforcemen t officer s an d Nationa l Guardsme n fro m th e riot-torn area s o f Cleveland . Thes e officer s wer e replace d b y approximatel y 10 0 black officer s an d deput y sheriff s wh o wer e assiste d b y 50 0 blac k civilian s wear ing "Mayor' s Committee " armbands . Thi s experimen t faile d t o restor e orde r an d Mayor Stokes , th e nex t day , returne d th e Nationa l Guardsme n an d whit e polic e to th e area . See , Davi d N . Lawyer , Jr. , "Th e Dilemm a o f th e Blac k Badge, " The Police Chief, Novembe r 1968 , p . 22 ; se e also , Nichola s Alex , Black in Blue, op . cit., especiall y pp . 135-160 . 27. Th e Knap p Commission' s repor t o n polic e corruptio n i n Ne w Yor k Cit y offers evidenc e o f organize d corruptio n amon g group s o f blac k cop s assigne d t o Harlem precincts . Thi s not e i s not mean t t o malig n blac k cop s a s a group o r t o devalue thei r accomplishment s t o date , bu t t o mak e th e poin t that , onc e hired , they wer e a s susceptibl e a s whit e officer s t o payoffs , bribe s an d othe r form s o f misconduct. I n addition , sinc e mos t blac k cop s were assigne d t o ghett o precinct s prior t o th e Knap p investigatio n i n 1972 , ther e wa s mor e opportunit y fo r the m as a group t o becom e involve d i n corrup t activities .

INDEX Advancement, see Promotions Affirmative Actio n Amendment , 2 4 African Nationalis t Pionee r Movement , 8 0 Afro America n Patrolman' s Leagu e (AAPL), 2 7 Akron polic e department , 2 7 Alabama highwa y patrol , 2 5 Alex, Nicholas , 1 Allport, Gordon , 263 , 26 5 American Civi l Libertie s Union , 20 9 Anticrime patrol , 68 , 7 6 - 7 9 Apprehensiveness in ghetto precincts , 169 , 26 7 and mistake n identit y shootings , 12 2 Arrests cover-up, 20 9 interracial, 127-12 8 and blac k offenders, 226-23 5 and blac k polic e candidates , 5 3 quantity vs . quality , 136-137 , 25 4 and promotion , 8 1 Assignment rotation , 17 1 Assignments; see also Specia l assignment s area, 14 , 7 9 - 8 1 , 180-18 1 task, 67 , 68 , 7 6 - 7 9 , 8 3 - 8 4 , 89 , 13 9 Baltimore polic e department , 28 , 3 2 Beard, Eugene , 1 5 Black bosses , 32 , 7 0 - 7 3 , 74 , 109 , 2 5 0 251 Black community , 125-130 , 159-239 , 266-272 Black in Blue, 1 Black Liberatio n Arm y (BLA) , 54 , 66 , 101, 105 , 25 8 Black migratio n fro m South , 46 , 20 5 Black militancy , 17 , 4 4 - 4 6, 97 , 101 , 1 0 2 106, 25 8 Black nationalism , 44 , 9 7 Black offenders , 226-239 , 27 1

Black Panthers , 17 5 Black polic e officer s accused o f ethni c disloyalty , 175 , 2 2 7 229 and blac k precincts , 7 0 - 8 1 , 107 , 110 , 167-183, 212-217 , 26 4 disciplinary charges , 15 , 8 5 - 8 8 effectiveness, 212-217 , 267 , 271 , 27 2 grievance redress , 47, 55 , 24 4 influx int o NYPD , 106-108 , 166-16 7 performance ratings , 1 5 politicization, 2 6 promotions, 10 , 31 , 54 , 8 1 - 8 5 , 8 8 - 9 3 , 108-110, 136 , 248 , 250-25 2 and racia l disorders , 17 1 racial stereotypes , 8 8 - 9 1 , 104 , 119 , 12 1 recognition, 5 7 - 6 0 sensitive assignments , 8 9 special assignments , 14 , 54 , 5 8 - 5 9 , 75 , 8 3 - 8 5 , 135 , 137-139 , 249 , 25 1 supervisory positions , 15 , 32 , 108-110 ; see also Blac k bosses ; Superio r officers ; White bosse s transfers, 60 , 68 , 80 , 17 1 undercover work , 43 , 5 3 - 5 5 , 17 5 upward socia l mobility , 176-177 , 27 0 Black polic e organizations , 26 , 45 ; see also Afro America n Patrolman' s League; Bridgeport Guardians ; Guardians As sociation Black politicians , 4 6 - 4 9 Black youth, 190-192 , 217-225 , 27 1 Boston polic e department , 1 4 Bridgeport Guardians , 2 7 Bridgeport polic e department , 25 , 27 , 3 2 Burnham, David , 23 3 Car pools , 69 , 249 , 253 , 26 8 Carter, Judg e Robert , 29 , 55 , 24 6 Candidate Revie w Boar d (NYPD) , 2 3

278 Chicago polic e department , 14 , 25 , 27 , 28 , 31 Cincinnati polic e department , 2 6 Civil Right s Ac t of 1871 , 23 8 Civil Right s Ac t of 1964 , 23 , 30 , 42 , 4 6 Civil right s movement , 16-18 , 42 , 44 , 97-98, 257 , 26 6 Civil right s violation s b y police , 207-209 , 211, 237-238 , 261 ; see also Knap p Commission; Polic e brutalit y Civilian Complain t Revie w Boar d (CCRB), 20 , 23 7 Civilianization o f NYPD , 21 , 25 3 Class vs. race , 129 , 26 0 Clerical officers , 21 , 65-67, 25 2 Cleveland polic e department , 2 5 Cohen, Bernard , 8 7 Community Affair s Divisio n (NYPD) , 11 0 Community relation s programs , 19 , 21, 189-194,223 Cooperation o f ghett o citizens , 198-20 8 Cop killings , 105 , 156 , 258 ; see also Blac k Liberation Army ; Mistaken identit y shootings Corruption o f police , see Polic e corruption ; Knapp Commissio n Criminal justic e system, 199 , 200 , 204 , 207 Cultural bia s an d polic e exams , 27-30 , 245 Detective burea u black representatio n i n NYPD , 3 2 - 3 3 blacks overrepresented in , 8 5 conditions fo r advancement , 8 5 interracial relations , 120 , 133-135 , 138-143, 147-14 8 specialty units , 8 3 - 8 5 structure, 135-14 0 working environment , 140-14 4 Denver polic e department, 2 2 Detroit polic e department , 26 , 2 8 Disciplinary procedures , 15 , 68, 85-8 8 Education, an d blacks , 46, 89 , 250-25 2 Education, an d police , 19-20 , 106 , 1 1 3 115, 154-155 , 180 , 237 , 250-252 , 272-273 Effectiveness o f police , 5 - 6 , 198 , 2 1 2 217,267,272

INDEX Entrance requirements , 23 , 27 , 28 , 24 5 Equal Employmen t Opportunitie s Com mission (EEOC) , 2 4 Ethnic mobility , 177 , 27 0 Favoritism, 6 2 - 7 5 , 254 , 25 5 Federal courts , an d civi l right s reforms , 25 , 27, 31 , 39 , 42 , 44 , 5 5 Federal Equa l Employmen t Opportunitie s Act, 24 , 4 2 Field interrogations , 14 5 Fiscal crisi s i n Ne w Yor k City, 29 , 85 , 95 , 238, 24 5 Fort Lauderdal e polic e department , 2 6 Friendship cliques , 6 3 - 6 4 , 73 , 139 ; see also Car pools ; Favoritism ; Persona l con tacts; Socia l fraterna l group s Gold shield , 43 , 81 , 8 2 Grade money , 137 , 13 8 Grievance redress , 26 , 47 , 55 , 60 , 24 4 Griggs v . Duk e Powe r Company , 2 9 Greenberg, Marti n Aian, 1 4 Guardians Association, 2 , 7 , 11 , 28, 45 , 55, 74 , 85 , 106 , 125 , 245 , 24 6 Harlem riot s of 1943 , 1 4 Harlem riot s of 1964 , 1 7 Hartford polic e department , 3 0 Hispanics, an d standar d heigh t require ment, 2 3 Homicide Squad , 14 , 84 , 137 , 13 9 Housing an d Transit polic e departments , 23, 5 3 Human relation s trainin g programs , 21, 110-112, 156,258-25 9 Human Right s Commission , 4 8 Informants, police , 215 , 21 7 Integrated polic e teams , 31 , 118 , 1 8 3 189, 258 , 268 ; see also Co p killings ; Partners Internal Affair s Divisio n (NYPD) , 210 , 259 International Associatio n o f Chief s o f Po lice (I.A.C.P.) , 19 , 23 8 Kansas City polic e department , 2 2 Kerner Commission , 18 , 10 8 King, Marti n Luther , Jr. , 17 , 42 , 9 8

Index Knapp Commission , 193 , 209 , 210 , 221 , 259; see also Polic e corruptio n Law Enforcemen t Educatio n Progra m (LEEP), 20 , 113 , 11 5 Layoffs o f minorit y polilce , 26 9 Leary, Howard , 20 , 2 3 Legislation, an d civi l right s reform , 16 , 2 3 - 2 6 , 42 , 55 , 97 , 99 , 24 4 Lindsay, Joh n V. , 20 , 22 , 40 , 53 , 54 , 10 0 Lindsay administration , 176 , 237 , 23 8 Local government , an d civi l right s reform , 40, 44 , 55 , 99 ; see also Lindsa y Los Angele s polic e department , 22 , 2 5 Magnum, Judg e Rober t J. , 243-24 4 Memphis polic e department , 2 8 Merton, Rober t K. , 17 7 Methodology, 2 - 7 Minor crimina l offenses , 145-146 , 202 , 223 Minority recruitment , 21 , 2 2 - 2 6 , 2 8 - 3 0 , 254 Mistaken identit y shootings , 121-125 , 188, 26 0 Mobile polic e department , 3 0 Mosque incident , 17 1 Murphy, Patric k V. , 20 , 40 , 100 , 101 , 113, 1 5 6 , 2 5 8 , 2 5 9 McGuire, Rober t J. , 23 8 NAACP Lega l Defens e Fund , 3 2 Narcotics division , 53 , 8 1 - 8 3 , 92 , 251 ; see also Undercove r assignment s National Advisor y Commissio n o n Civi l Disorders, 18 , 2 2 National Conferenc e o f Christian s an d Jews, 11 0 Neighborhood Stabilizatio n Uni t (NSU) , 262-266 Newark polic e department , 1 4 Newcomer statu s o f blac k polic e officers , 63, 74 , 93 , 174-175 , 235 , 249 , 25 0 Newman, Judg e Jon , 2 9 New Orlean s polic e department , 27 , 3 2 New Yor k Polic e Departmen t (NYPD ) and blac k politicians , 4 6 clerical positions , 21 , 65—67 , 25 2

279 community relation s programs , 19 , 21, 189-194, 22 3 and education , 106 , 154-155 , 180 , 250-252, 272-27 3 enforcement priorities , 20 3 human relation s trainin g programs , 110-113 inconsistencies betwee n polic y an d practice, 5 6 - 5 7 influx o f blacks , 106-10 8 minority recruitment , 2 8 - 3 0 , 5 2 - 5 4 occupational solidarity , 130 , 148-15 7 promotion o f blacks , 108-11 0 racial breakdown , 30—3 3 and racia l equality, 41—4 4 reform unde r Lindsa y administration , 20-21 social function s an d racia l etiquette , 11 9 New Yor k Stat e Divisio n o f Huma n Rights, 3 1 News media , 43 , 49—5 2 Office o f Equa l Employmen t Opportunity , 2, 2 4 - 2 5 , 33 , 85 , 87 , 248 , 25 2 Ohio stat e police , 2 6 Omnibus Crim e Contro l an d Saf e Street s Act, 2 0 Overqualification, an d blac k polic e officers , 88 Participants i n study , backgroun d of , 3 - 7 Partners, 118 , 143 , 151 , 183-189 ; see also Integrated team s Patrol assignments , 14 , 58 , 62 , 117 , 134 , 142-148, 157 , 198 , 261-262 , 26 4 Patronage, see Favoritism Performance ratings , 15 , 68 , 13 6 Personal contacts , 6 3 - 6 5 , 75 , 93 , 136 , 253; see also Ca r pools, Favoritism ; Friendship cliques ; Socia l fraterna l clubs Personnel Investigatio n Sectio n (NYPD) , 23 Philadelphia polic e department, 14 , 25 , 2 8 Plainclothes assignments , 32 , 62 , 76-79 , 121-125, 187 , 244 , 260 ; see also Undercover assignment s Police brutality , 126 , 163-166 , 193 , 237 , 260

280

INDEX

Police corruption , 50 , 193 , 209 , 210 , 259 ; see also Knap p Commissio n Politicization o f blac k polic e officers , 2 6 President's Crim e Commission , 14 , 15 , 1 8 Preventative an d Enforcement Patro l Squad (PEP) , 221 , 27 0 Principal Hearin g Boar d (NYPD) , 2 3 Promotional exams , 21 , 31 , 32 , 250-25 2 Promotions and black polic e performance , 8 8 - 9 1 , 248 detective bureau , 136 , 24 8 racial discrimination, 8 1 - 8 5 , 9 1 - 9 3 trends, 250-25 2 Public Informatio n Divisio n (NYPD) , 5 1

Superior officer s and blac k polic e organizations , 3 1 - 3 2 blacks as, 70-73 detective bureau , 13 9 exclusion o f blac k polic e officers , 1 5 favoritism, 6 2 - 7 5 promotion o f blac k police officers , 108 110 recognition of black police officers, 5 760 support o f blac k polic e officers , 6 0 - 6 2 white sergeant s an d discrimination, 6 7 70 Suspects, treatmen t of , 126-128 , 145 , 15 0 Syracuse polic e department , 2 6

Quotas, see Racial quota s

Tampa polic e department , 2 6 "Toughness," 78, 126 , 233-23 5 Transfers, 60 , 68 , 80 , 17 1

Racial disorders , 14 , 17-18 , 52 , 53 , 101 , 166, 171 , 24 5 Racial exclusivism , 117-120 , 26 0 Racial pride , 17 , 45, 97 , 104 , 109 , 25 8 Racial quotas , 24 , 25-26 , 29 , 30 , 55 , 246 , 251, 26 9 Recruitment o f minorities , 21 , 2 2 - 3 3

Undercover assignments , 43 , 53-54 , 7 6 79, 8 1 - 8 3 , 175 , 226; see also Blac k Liberation Army ; Narcotic s division ; Plainclothes assignments ; Subversiv e groups Uniform, police , a s symbol o f authority , 146, 148-150 , 17 8 U.S. Suprem e Cour t decisions , 16 , 2 0 7 208, 210 , 27 1

Sacramento polic e department , 2 6 San Francisco polic e department , 25 , 2 8 Seattle polic e department , 2 6 Seniority, 21 , 31 , 32 , 66 , 73 , 85 , 248 , 250, 25 1 Washington, D.C. , polic e department , 15 , Service mode l o f polic e work , 20 , 21 , 211, 22, 28 , 3 1 268 White bosses , 32 , 57 , 6 0 - 6 1 , 6 7 - 7 0 , 86 , "Shit details, " 8 6 - 8 7 109, 139 , 25 0 Skolnick, Jerome , 1 9 White polic e officer s Social fraterna l clubs , 63, 249 ; see also apprehensiveness i n ghetto, 169 , 2 2 7 Friendship cliques; Persona l contact s 228 "Social work " role of police , 221-22 2 assignment t o blac k precincts , 169-17 0 Special assignment s abuse o f blac k citizens , 125-130 , 14 5 and blac k precincts , 8 4 brutality, 163-166 , 230-231 , 26 0 and blacks , 14 , 54 , 5 8 - 5 9 as "crime fighters," 216, 26 4 and persona l contacts , 7 5 effectiveness, 213-21 6 detective bureau , 8 3 - 8 5 , 135 , 137-13 8 Witnesses i n blac k precincts , 153 , 2 0 0 Stark, Rodney , 1 9 202, 20 4 Stereotypes, racial , 8 8 - 9 1 , 104 , 119 , 121 , 263 Subversive groups , 43 , 53 , 82 , 245 ; see also Young blac k polic e officers , 62 , 9 1 - 9 3 , Black Liberatio n Arm y 150, 157,217,23 6

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