Bisayan Filipino and Malayan Humoral Pathologies: Folk Medicine and Ethnohistory in Southeast Asia

Table of contents :
Cover......Page 1
Half-title Page......Page 3
Copyright......Page 4
Title Page......Page 5
Colophon......Page 6
Dedication......Page 7
Foreword......Page 8
Preface......Page 9
Table of Contents......Page 11
Introduction......Page 13
Humoral Pathology: Classical and Latin American......Page 15
The Philippine Literature......Page 21
Bisayan Folk Medicine......Page 25
Bisayan Humoral Pathology......Page 30
Indigenous Southeast Asian Hot-Cold Syndrome......Page 41
Ayurveda: Indian Humoral Pathology......Page 45
Burma......Page 47
Thailand......Page 50
Arabs, Islam, and Malay Humoral Pathology......Page 57
Humoral Pathology in Telok Kumbar, Penang......Page 59
Moslem Filipinos of Mindanao and Sulu......Page 61
Chinese and Vietnamese Medicine......Page 69
Purpose......Page 73
Indian Influence in the Bisayas......Page 74
Islamic Influence Among the Moslem Filipinos......Page 75
Chinese Influence in the Bisayas......Page 76
Indigenous Influences Among Borean and Philippine Primitive Societies......Page 77
Parallels Between the Bisayas and Latin America......Page 78
Future Research Needs......Page 85
Appendix......Page 89
Key for Interpretation of Tables 1-3......Page 91
Table 1, Bisayan (and Tagalog) Classification of Foods by Hot-Cold Principle......Page 92
Table 2, Classification of Ocean Fish bythe Hot-Cold Priniple, Frequency of Catch, and Class in Caticugan and Siaton......Page 95
Table 3, Bisayan Classification of Medicinal Flora by Hot-Cold Principle......Page 96
Table 4, Bisayan and Tagalog Hot-Cold Classification of Illnesses......Page 98
Table 5, Malay (Telok Kumbar, Penang) Classification of Foods by the Hot-Cold-Regular Principle, Angin and Bisa......Page 99
Table 6, Hot and Cold Sicknesses in Telok Kumbar, Penang......Page 101
A, B, C......Page 103
D, E, F......Page 104
G, H, I, J, K, L......Page 105
M, N, O, P......Page 106
R, S......Page 107
T, U, V, W, Y, Z......Page 108

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'!er 7 6 Southeast Asia Program Department of Asian Studies Cornell University, Ithaca, New York November, 1969 Price:

$3.00

THE CORNELL UNIVERSITY SOUTHEAST ASIA PROGRAM The Southeast Asia Program was organized at Cornell University in the Department of Far Eastern Studies in 1950. It is a teaching and research program of interdisciplinary studies in the humanities, social sciences, and some natural sciences. It deals with Southeast Asia as a region, and with the individual countries of the area: Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. The activities of the Program are carried on both at Cornell and in Southeast Asia. They include an undergraduate and graduate curriculum at Cornell which provides instruction by specialists in Southeast Asian cultural history and present-day affairs and offers intensive training in each of the major languages of the area. The Program sponsors group research projects on Thailand, on Indonesia, on the Philippines, and on the area's Chinese minorities. At the same time, individual staff and students of the Program have done field research in every Southeast Asian country. A list of publications relating to Southeast Asia which may be obtained on prepaid order directly from the Program is given at the end of this volume. Information on Program staff, fellowships, requirements for degrees, and current course offerings will be found in an Announcement of the Department of Asian Studies, obtainable from the Director, Southeast Asia Program, Franklin Hall, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York 14850

To Dr. Douglas Gilbert Haring, Emeritus Professor of Anthropology, who first interested me in anthropology -- as he did a legion of students at Syracuse University.

It gives me honor to

acknowledge here my indebtedness to this extraordinary teacher, persistent and productive scholar, and admired colleague. Daghang salarnat para tanan, Manong.

V

PREFACE When this manuscript was first called to my attention, in my "confundity" I reacted with the query -- What is humeral pathology?

I have no

doubt that other readers will also discover humoral pathology by reading Donn Hart's delightful and informative cross-cultural analysis of this phenomenon. The Cornell Southeast Asia Program takes great satisfaction in making this study available to students of Southeast Asia, both for their education and entertainment. Frank H. Golay Cornell University Ithaca, New York January 1970

Vl.

FOREWORD This Data Paper could not have been written without the cooperation of numerous persons. The first to receive credit are the barrio folk of Caticugan and Lalawigan. Since de­ tailed information on Christian and, especially, Moslem Fili­ pino folk medicine is scarce, I imposed on colleagues who had done research in the Philippines for data from their unpublished field notes. Their response was most generous. For this reason, some material in this study comes from per­ sonal correspondence with the. following anthropologists: George Appells, Brandeis University; William Goeghegan, Uni­ versity of California, Berkeley; F. Landa Jocano, University of the Philippines; Thomas Kiefer, Indiana University; Harry Nimmo, State College of Los Angeles; and Richard Lieban, National Science Foundation, Washington, D.C. The world-wide scope of this report was the source of some perso_nal trepidation. I am hugely indebted to George Foster, University of California, Berkeley, for his expert counsel and criticism of drafts of this study. Torn Harrisson, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, first drew my attention to the hot-cold dichotomy that occurs among some primitive groups in Borneo;. he furnished references and critical comments on this section. Cha·rles Leslie, New York University, offered helpful suggestions on many aspects of this study. Data for Iloilo and Negros Oriental provinces were furnished by Mr. and Mrs. Jos�· P. Bernardo who made several trips in Negros Occidental province solely to obtain requested information. This publication has profited from the critical comments of still others: Fred Eggan, University of Chicago; Chester Galaska, Ithaca College, New York; John Musgrave, Library, University _of Michigan; Arthur Rubel, University of Notre Dame; and Daniel Scheans, Portland State ·college. Morton Netzorg, Detroit, Michigan, improved the lucidity of both my style and thought. Grateful acknowledgment is also made to the author's capable research associates in Caticugan and Lalawigan: Mr. Dioscoro Ragay, Miss Ramona Ragay, Mr. Isidro Somoza, Jr., and Mr. Felipe Dala. Mr. Roy Montes obtained some data from

Vl1

informants in Borongan poblaaion. Research in Penang was facilitated by the generous cooperation of Mr. Kok-Sue Cheong. Research in the Philippines was made possible by Ful­ bright Research Fellowships in 1950-51, 1955-57, and 1964-65. Donn V. Hart Department of Anthropology Syracuse University September, 1969

¥111

TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

Introduction

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Classical and Latin American

Humeral Pathology:

Philippine Research Area

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Background . . • • • •

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Bisayan Humeral Pathologyo ·� .

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The Philippine Literature· Bisayan Folk Medicine

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Indigenous Southeast Asian Hot-Cold Syndrome Ayurveda:

Indian Humeral Pathology

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The Humeral Pathology of the Burmese and Thai Burma

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Thailand

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Arabs, Islam, and Malay Humoral·Pathology . .

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Humeral Pathology in Telok Kumbar, Penang Moslem Filipinos of Mindanao and Sulu Chinese and Vietnaomese Medicine Conclusions . .

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49

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57

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Spanish Influence in the Bisayas .

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Indian Influence in the Bisayas

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Islamic Influences in Penang and the Bisayas . . .

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Islamic Influence Among the Moslem Filipinos . • •

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Purpose

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Page Chinese Influence in the Bisayas . . . . • Indigenous Influences Among Bornean and Philippine Primitive Societies . . . .

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64

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Parallels Between the Bisayas and Latin America Future Research Needs .

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Appendix

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Key for Interpretation of Tables 1-3 .

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7-9

Table 1, Bisayan (and Tagalog) Classification of Foods by Hot-Cold Principle . . . . . . . . . .

80

Table 2, Classification of Ocean Fish by the Hot-Cold Principle, Frequency of Catch, and Class in Caticugan and Siaton . . .a . . . .

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Table 3, Bisayan Classification of Medicinal Flora by Hot-Cold Principle . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Table 4, gisayan and Tagalog Hot-Cold Classification of Illnesses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Table S, Malay (Telok Kumbar, Penang) Classification of Foods by the Hot-Cold-Regular Principle, Angin and Bisa . . . . . . . . . . .

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Table 6, Hot and Cold Sicknesses in Telok Kumbar,

Penang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Index

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89

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INTRODUCTION Greek humeral pathology, based largely on the Hippocratic concept of the four humors, was brought to Spain by its Moslem conquerors. This medical complex later diffused from Spain to Latin America during the Conquest, and has been extensively described in the literature for this area. In contrast, this Data Paper is the first detailed report on this complex in another Hispanicized part of the world--the lowland Philippines. Not only were the Moslems responsible for the diffusion of humeral pathology to Spain but they also carried this disease concept and associated curing techniques to another part of Southeast Asia, Malaya. Two basic problems are dealt with in this Data Paper. First, an analysis of the role of the humeral complex, espe­ cially the hot-cold syndrome, in Bisayan Filipino and Malayan folk medicine, both based on field research. Second, to ex­ plore this medical system's involved cultural history. The first purpose requires little comment since its ethnographic nature is as obvious as is its contribution to a fuller understanding of Filipino and Malay disease concepts and treatment. The second purpose requires some explanation. One cannot assume that the humeral complex of Bisayan Fili­ pinos is simple a Spanish contribution.· This assumption's plausibility is greatly enhanced for the Spaniards introduced the humeral complex to Latin Americans and also made signifi­ cant changes in Philippine culture and society. This study explores the possibility that this aspect of Bisayan folk medicine may have borrowed less from the Spaniards and more from indigenous Southeast Asian, Indian, Arabian, and Chinese sources. More questions are raised in this enquiry than are answered; the final solution requires new field research. A brief summary of the classical Hippocratic system, and its subsequent modification in Latin America, is presented first for later comparative purposes.

1

HUMORAL PATHOLOGY:

CLASSICAL

AND LATIN AMERICAN Greek humoral pathology, based on the Hippocratic doc­ trine of the four humors, was elaborated by the Roman physi­ cian Galen. Such famous Arab physicians as as-Razi (Rhazes: 841/50-903/06 A. D. ) and Avicenna (980-1036/37 A.D.) later made additional developments of this doctrine. Although the medicine practiced by the Arabs was chiefly of Greek origin, it had also absorbed some Indian and old Persian elements.o1 In fact, it is doubtful if Hippocrates "fully expounded" the doctrine of humors that is regarded a$ an essential part of his medical system. 2 Humoral pathology was later "trans-. . mitted to Spain when the country was dominated [8th to 11th centuries] by the Moslems." 3 The concept of the humors and the physiological results of their disturbance waso'' . . . · the chief pillar of the [western] medical temple for the next two thousand years, and became [and remained] part of the current speech of Euro­ pean people.o"o4 A 12th century translation of Avicenna's The Canon of Mediaine (Qanun), based on the achievements of the early Greek physicians (some of whom had rejected the humoral system), was a basic text in European universities for cen1.

E.o G. Browne, Arabian Medicine (Cambridge: University Press, 1962), pp. 44, 65.

2.

Donald Campbell, Arabian Medicine and Its Influence on the Middle Ages (London: Kegan Paul, Tren.ch, Trubner and Company, 1926), 1, p. 4.

3.

George M. Foster, Tzintzuntzan: Mexican Peasants in a Changing World (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1967), p. 185. Although many sources refer to "Arab medicine," it was neither Moslem nor exclusively the achievement of the Arabs. However, from the 9th to 14th centuries--the Pax Mongoliaa--Arabic became the.language of international Eurasian science. Pierre Huard a.nd Ming Wong, Chinese Medicine (London: World University Library, 1968), p. 92.

4.

Henry 0. Taylor, Greek Biology and Medicine (New York: Cooper Square Publishers, Inc.o, 1963), p. 19. 3

4

turies. The doctrine remained unchallenged until, in the 16th century, Paracelsus began his medical lectures with the ceremonial burning of the works of Galen and Avicenna. The basic functions of the body were believed regulated by the humors--blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and bl·ack bile. The humors had "complexions" with characteristics or quali­ ties of fire, earth, water, and air (vapor). Whereas blood was hot (warm), phlegm was cold and wet, yellow bile was hot and dry, and black bile was cold and dry.n5 Phlegm had no specific location in the body, but blood was centered in the liver, yellow bile in the gall bladder, and black bile in the spleen.n6 Each quality's intensity, in both the classic theory and in Latin America, was ranked from one to four degrees. For example, "'Cold' and 'dry' vinegar was de­ scribed as F 1 S 2, or fr£o in the first (and least) degree and seao [dry] in the second degree."n7 Not only humans but "medicines, foods, and most natural objects also had com­ plexions, based on pairs of the qualities of temperature and degree of moistness.n"n8 Good health required a person to maintain his individual balance of the four humors and their qualities, whereas sick­ ness was the result of a humoral imbalance and extremes of hot and cold, d�y and wet. One's humoral equilibrium could be influenced by the seasons, wind, mode of living (e.ng.n, diet), age, and climate.n9 The fir�t step in diagnosis was to determine the complexion of the disease, or its etiology, and the natural humeral balance of the patient.n10 The purpose 5.

Taylor, op. ait., p. 18.

6.

Browne, op. ait., p. 121.

7.

George M. Foster and John H. Rowe, "Suggestions for Field Recording of Information on the Hippocratic Clas­ sification of Diseases and Remedies,n" Kroeber Anthro­ potogiaai Soaiety Papers, 5 (1951), p. 1.

8.

Foster, Tzintzuntzan, p. 185.

9.

Benjamin L. Gordon, Mediaine Throughout Antiquity (Philadelphia: F. A. Davis, 1949), p. 509.

10.

William Madsen, Mexiaan-Ameriaans of South Texas (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964), p. 71. These people also believe that strong emotions may upset the humoral balance and result in illness. Also see Ari Kiev, Curanderismo: Mexiaan-Ameriaan Folk Psyahiatry (New York: The Free Press, 1968), p. 46.

s of treatment was to restore to normalcy the disturbed humoral balance of the sick person. 11 "This was accomp-lished by such devices as diet, internal medicines, purging, vomiting, bleeding, and cupping."a12 When the Spanish conquest of the New World begana'' . . a. an extremely complex humoral pathology constituted the theo­ retical framework for scientific (but not popular) Spanish medicine. . . . The conceptual framework of humoral pathology for medicine, and the complexions of plants and animals, was brought to America at the t·ime of the Conquest, and American a plants herefore unknown in Europe were quickly classifieda." 13 In Spain humoral pathology appears to have been part of the Great but not the Little Tradition. ·In sixteenth-century Spain the 'hot-cold' con­ cept, in more sophisticated form, represented the best medical practice and belief, as derived from the Hippocratian concept of humoral pathology. ferhaps because there �as already a vigorous and satisfactory body of popular �edical belie£ and practice in Spain, it seems not to have s.pread to the folk levela. Presumably this medical knowledge came to America on an elite level, filtered in .sim­ plified form to the folk, and with the general recep�ivity to new elements that characterized the New World, was avidly taken up.a14 The New World acceptance of this humeral doctrine prob­ ably was facilitated by preadaptive indi·genous elements. According to Currier, the hot-cold principle was present in both Maya and Inca medicine.a15 Some, however, believe that· 11a.

George M . Foster, ''Relationships Between Spanish ·and Spanish-American Folk Medicine," Journal of Ameriaan Folklore, 66 (1953), p. 20a3 .

12.

Foster, Tzintzuntzan, pp. 185-86.

13.

Ibid., p. 186 . ·

14.

George M . Foster, Culture and Conquest: Ameriaa's Span­ ish Heritage (New York: Wenner·Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Inc., Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, Noa. 27, 1969), pp. 20, 14-15.

15.

Richard L . Currier, "The Hot-Cold Syndrome and Symbolic Balance in Mexican and Spanish-American Folk Medicine," Ethnology, 5 (1966), p. 252; and also John Gillin, The Culture of Security in San Carlos.

A ·eStudy of a

6

reports of an indigenous hot-cold syndrome in such accounts as Sahagun may actually be intrusive European influence.n16 In the process of its adoption in Latin America, the humeral pathology system of the Spaniards was considerably simplified. First, the qualities of wet and dry ·disappeared. Second, the degrees of intensity of these qualities were rarely retained. For example, in San Francisco Tecospa, Mexico, the four degrees for coldness remain but only two degrees for hotness.n17 Finally, a new category, templado (temperate or regular) was added, referring to foods and remedies that were neither hot nor cold but neutral.n18 Originally, and normally in Latin America, the hot-cold nature of various foods and medicines was not determined by "physical temperature and [had] nothing necessarily to do Guatemalan Community of Indians and Ladinos (New Orleans: Middle American Research Institute, Publication No. 16, Tulane University, 1951), p. 32.

16.

Isabel Kelly, Folk Practices in North America. Birth Customs, Folk Medicine, and Spiritualism in the Laguna Zone (Austin: Institute of Latin American Studies, Mono­ graph No. ·2, University of Texas Press, 1965), p. 1 19. "Not long ago, Robertson . . . emphasized the danger of 'important if not massive unrecognized components of Hispanic thought and influence' in even such assumedly · 'native' sources as Sahagun's Nahuatl texts."

17.

William Madsen, "Hot and Cold in the Universe of San Francisco Tecospa, Valley of Mexico, " Journal of American Folklore, 68 (1955), p. 125. In Middle America two de­ grees of hot and cold are recognized, Richard N. Adams and Arthur J. Rubel, "Sicnkness and Social Relations,n" No. 62, Offprint Series (Austin: Institute of Latin American Studies, The University of Texas, 1967), p. 342.

18.

Madsen, op. cit., p. 125; Foster, "Spanish-American Folk Medicine,n" p. 204; Foster, Tzfntzuntzan, p. 187, Foster and Rowe, op. cit., p. 1. In Chan Korn some foods are "half-cold" or intermediate, Robert Redfield and Alfonso Villa Rojas, Chan Korn: A Maya Village (Chicago: Univer­ sity of Chicago Press, 1962), p. 161. In parts of Mexico, irritante is substituted for caliente (hot) and fresco may be used instead of frio. "The word 'fresco, ' however, may occur with 'frio, ' indicating a lesser degree of 'cold' than the latter.n" Foster and Rowe, op. cit., p. 1. In Northern Mexico "fresh" foods may also be "cold." Kelly, op. cit.e, p. 80.

7

with physiological effect; from a scientific viewpoint, the attribution of a substance to one or the other of these cate­ gories may be purely arbitrary.o"o19 In Chan Korn, the hot-cold categories are regarded as '"natural' physiological princi­ ples," involving neither the will of man nor supernaotural · . forces.o20 The Latin American classification of some hot and cold medicines and foods may be determined by their exposure to the sun or water. 21 In parts of Mesoamerica, for example, , frog) are re-. animals that usually live in the water (e.g.o garded as cold because of their habitat. 2 2 Furthermore, pork may be both hot and cold, depending upon whether and how it is cooked.o23 In general, however, .oclassification usually is independent of such visible traits as form, color, texture, and physical temperature; the hotness . and coldness of a sub­ stance• is descriptive only of its effects upon a person who . eats 1t. 2 I+ . . �ormally before an illness can be treated in Latin America, its hot or cold classification must be.odetermined. Following the principle of opposites, a disease believed hot will be treated with cold herbal remedies and the · patient . advised to eat mainly cold foods. 'Blood' dysentery comes from hot foods, and one should take 'fresh' [cold] things to cure it.o25 19.

Foster and Rowe, op. cit., p. 1.

20.

Redfield and Rojas, op. ait., p. 163.

21.

Madsen, op. ait., pp. 125-27. Also Charles Wisdom, "The Supernatural World and Curing," in Sol Tax (ed. ), Heri­ tage of M iddle Ameriaa (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1952), p. 130; and Ozzie G. Simmons, "Popular and Modern Medi­ cine in Mestizo Communities of Coastal Peru and Chile,'' Journal of Ameriaan Folkelore, 68 (1955), p. 61.

22.

Wisdom, op. cit., pp. 130, 134.

23.

Currier, op. ait., p. 256.

24.

Ibid., p. 251. Also John Gillin, Moahe: A Peruvian Coastal Community (Washington, D.C.: Institute of Social

Anthropology, Publication No. 3, Smithsonian Institu­ tion, 1945), p. 53.

25.

Kelly, op. cit., p. 80; Arthur J. Rubel, ·"concepts of Disease in Mexican-American Culture," American Anthro-

8

Charles Leslie Mexican curers on the grounds bland remedies

(personal communication) states that some avoid giving cold remedies for a hot sickness they "shock the system"; instead they use with some cooling agents.

The classification of many foods, diseases, ·and medi­ cines as hot, cold or neutral by contemporary Latin Americans is variable "and general agreement among all people even in a single town is not the rule."n26 Pork is classified as hot in San Carlos and cold in Moche.n27 Yet Foster found general agreement in Tzintzuntzan regarding each of many foods.n28 Currier, with some exceptions, found a similar classification in his research area.n29 For Latin America there is a much greater correspondence between the classification of herbs, according to classical authorities, than of foods. Not only humans, foods, and medicines are classified by the hot-cold syndrome but also natural objects. For example, in San Carlos, a Guatemalan community, pinewood, cotton cloth, humans, and the sun are hot, whereas all metal, pot­ tery, the moon, and corpses are cold.n3 ° Finally, real tem­ peratures of hot and cold also affect the humeral balance and may result in sickness.n31 With this short sketch of the Hippocratic system of medicine, both in its original form and the Latin American variants, the Philippine data can be comparatively analyzed.

pologist, 62 (1960), pp. 795-814. A hot sickness may require a cold medicine that is then followed by a hot medicine to provide a counter-balancing effect. Ibid., p. 799.

26.

Foster, "Spanish-American Folk Medicine,n" p. 205.

27.

Gillin, San Carlos, p. 32.

28.

Foster, Tzintzuntzan, p. 187.

29.

Currier, op. cit., p. 256.

30.

Gillin,

31.

Nathan L. Whitten, Guatemala: The Land and People (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1961), p. 226; Currier, op. cit., p. 251; Foster, Tzintzuntzan, pp. 188-89.

op. cit.e, p. 31.

PHILIPPINE RESEARCH AREA Background For more than three centuries (1521-1898) the Philip­ pines was a Spanish possession in Southeast Asia until it was won by the United States during the Spanish-American waro. From the middle 16th to the late 19th centuries Filipinos were subjected to selected aspects of Spanish cultureo. For the greater part of this period, the Philippines was adminis­ tered from Mexico. In addition,. most Spaniards came to the Philippines via Mexico; the Cape of Good Hope route was not used until the late 18th centuryo. The trans-Atlantic cross­ ing was so strenuous that most 1 of them spent at least six months recuperating in Mexico .o Although the actual time re­ quired to sail from Spain to the Philippines, via the Atlantic and the Pacific, was eight months, the trip seldom took less than two years. For these reasons, Filipinos probably were also exposed to certain features of the hybrid Spanish-Indian (Mexican) ·culture then developing in Mexicoo. The Philippine Literature A search of the available literature shows that the con­ cept of humoral pathology had been reported in the Philip­ pines as early as the 18th centuryo. Beyond this, however, the data are extremely limitedo. Printed studies of contem­ porary Filipino peasant society, including those focused on traditional medicine, throw little light on this aspect of rural life. In the first part of the 18th century, Pablo Clain, a Jesuit, published Remedios Faailes para Diferentes Enfermedades (East Remedies for Different Siaknesses).2 One chapter of 1.

John Leddy Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines: Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses, 1565-1700 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1959), pp. 42-43o.

2.

Pablo Clain, S . J . , Remedios Faailes para Diferentes Enfermedades (Manila, 17 12), xxxi, 298 pp� Another edi­ tion of this book, published in Manila in 1857, had 638 9

10 Remedios was titled: "Senates para Conoaer si la Enfermedad es de Cal.or o de Frio" ("Signs by which to Know whether the

Sickness is of Heat or of Cold"). Another source contains brief references to this subject, but associates these be­ liefs with the Chinese, not Filipinos. The quotation below is from a 19th century publication on the Philippines, here translated from the French. The Indians [Filipinos] claim that air plays an important role in all sicknesses, and the Chi­ nese add that it is the lack of a balance between cold and hot and the perpetual struggle between these two principles that causes all the disturb­ ances that afflict the harmony of the human body .a3

Later the same author notes that various hot-cold remedies are prescribed to a patient to restore the hot-cold balance ("retabZ.ir Z.e bon aaaord") of the body. Fruits and other plants were known as either hot or cold.a4 Several references to the hot-cold system for the con­ temporary Philippines were located in the sources examined. For example, in early 20th century Obando, a municipality near Manila, some foods were classified as cold. A new mother avoided ?uch cold foods as eels, oysters, and the pages. Bantug states this work was finished in 1708, and copies of the manuscript probably circulated pri­ viately before its publication. Also see Sixto de los Angeles, "El Folklore Medico en Filipinas" (typescript, ca. 1930), in the private library of Mr. Morton Netzorg. Jos� P. Bantug, A Short History of Medicine in the Philippines During the Spanish Regime, 1565-1898

(Manila: Colegio Medico-Farmac�utico de Filipinas, Inca., 1953), pp. 11-12a. Bantug, quoting Jos� Rizal, writes that the latter stated that "El aire, el. calor, el frto,

el. vapor de tierra y Z.a indigestion, son la uniaas aausas patogenas que se admiten en el. pats" ("Air, heat,

cold, mist, and indigestion are the sole pathogenic causes admitted in the country [Philippines]")a. Ibid., p. 12. 3.

.

Jean B. Mallat de Bassilan, Les Philippines: Histoire,

Geographie, Moeurs, Agriculture, Industrie et Commerae des Colonies Espagnol.es dans l'Oaeanie (Paris: A .

Bertraud, 1846), 1, p. 51.

4.

Ibid., p. 52.

11 patola Squash for "The 'cold' foods are supposed to induce stomach pains . " 5o

The most detailed account of this aspect of Philippine folk medicine was found in a 19th century Spanish novel, Sin Tttulo (No Titze). 6 Selected passages, ·translated from the Spanish, are given below in a somewhat abbreviated formo. In this novel, a Chinese physician, Tiang-Song, is asked to examine an ailing young mestiza, Charing. When her father, Don Anselmo, requests Tiang-Song's diagnosis, he replies: "'Heat! ! ' 'How?' said Don Anselmo. . o. . 'Do you feel hot? Bah! The windows shall be opened in this house! •

•

•

'

'No . . . I say what the girl has is . . . heat! Do you see, Charing? It is necessary that you be­ come cool • . . that you not eat spiced foods . . .o and above all that you not eat eggs, nor pansit [noodles usually cooked with diced meat]o, nor piquant fruits. . . o. What you have is heat! And it is understood. . . . ' 'Tell me,o' asked Don Anselmo gravely, 'what causes earth-quakes?' 'Heat!' answered the Chinese. . . . 'That's it!! . . . now I understand . . . .o The earthquakes are hot . . . the heat escapes . . . we catch it or it catches us . . . and . . o. now I believe! I am such a fool . . . . Feel my pulse, dear Tiang-Song. . . . ' Don Anselmo unbuttoned his silk vest and coat and sat beside his daughter . . .o . 5.

Paula Malay, "Some Tagalog Folkways,o" The University of Manila Journal of East Asiatia Studies, 6 (1957), p. 7 4 . To avoid cholera, Filipinos were also advised not to eat green fruits "especially the cold ones like melons, aamias, balimbing. . . .n" Bantug, op. cit.n, p . 37 . The camias, or kamias (Averrhoa bilimbi Linn . ) is a fruit introduced to the Philippines from tropical Americao. Balimbing (Averrhoa aaramboza Linn. ) is another fruit of · New World origin. Eduardo Quisumbing, Medicinal Plants of the Philippines (Manila: Technical Bulletin 16, Bureau of Printing, 1951), pp . 438-41 .

6.

Francisco de Paula Entrala, Sin T{tuZo (Manila: Ramirez y Giraudior, 1881), pp. 40-45o.

12 ' What do I have?' asked Don Anselmo at last. . . . ' You . . . cold!' ' The young are hot . . . the old are cold . . . the earth is hot . . . the air is cold . . . the heat of the earth gives heat . . . cold of the air, cold. . . . What is good for you, for me is bad. . . . The human body is not constant. . . . Always different. . . . This one has blood . . . that one none . . . here yes . . . there no . . . this one strong . . . this one weak!' ' Yes, that'as it. . . . Now I see it clearly. . .a . And believe me I had a moment of perplexity and disappointment. . . . Because I was telling myself that the sickness of my daughter came from the earthquake. . . . ' ' Ah, no! That is something else!' ' Ah, understood, understood . . . Senor Tiang-Song . . . therefore there are two . . . . One of the fright (susto) and another of the heat and of heat and of cold. . . . It is clear. . . . That is why the Spaniards, when they experience fright, say: noase aaalore usted [do not heat yourself]. . . . ' ' And pleas·e tell me, Senor Tiang-Song, can Charing take chocolate?' ' Ah! no, hota.' ' And mangoes?' ' Also hota.' ' And eggs?' ' Ah, no . . . hot. ' ' And ice cream?' ' Ice cream . . . yes . . . because it is cold! . . a.' ' Chicken, hen? . • • That cannot harm her?' asked Don Anselmo. ' Why not? Hot! Leahon [roast suckling pig] is good, tajuri [a white gelatinous food sold by the Chinese], the atole [a ground corn gruel], the nido [bird nest], squash . . . are good for her . ' " 7 7.

One purpose of Entrala, who arrived in Manila in 1873, in writing Sin Titulo was to ridicule the popular mediquillos of 19th century Manila. Wenceslao E. Retana, Notiaias Historica-Bibliografiaas de el Teatro en Filipinas Desde Sus Origines Hasta 1898 (Madrid: Libreria General de

13

In summary, the preceding information indicates clearly that the concept of humeral pathology, with its associated hot-cold syndrome, existed in the Philippines as early as the 18th centurya. The paucity of data on this topic, however, does not permit any detailed reconstruction of this medical systema. The fuller significance of this material will be discussed latera. Bisayan Folk Medicine The field research data for this section were obtained in the Bisayas, a major cluster of Philippine islands south of Luzon and north of Mindanaoa. Bisayan Filipinos include Cebuans (Cebuanos or Sugbuanons) who are the most numerous cultural-linguistic group, both in this area and for the Philippines. They inhabit Cebu, Bohol, Siquijor, western Leyte, and eastern Negros. Panayan Filipinos ( Ilongos or Hiligaynons) occupy most of Panay and western Negros. Samarans (Samarenos or Waray-waray) live in Samar and eastern Leyte. Barrio Caticugan, the Cebuan village studied in 1951 and 1964-65, is located in Siaton municipalitya. Siaton, a relatively· sparsely settled municipality, is situated at the. southern tip of Negros Oriental, one of the two provinces of Negros Islanda. Caticugan is one mi-le north of the largest settlement ( Siaton poblaaion) in the municipality. No feeder road connects this village with the national dirt road that passes through the poblacion, connecting southern Negros with Dumaguete, the provincial capital, about 35 miles to the northeast. In 1965 Caticugan had 732 inhabitantsa. Their major economic activity is subsistence farming; they grow both corn and rice. All residents are Roman Catholics whose mother tongue is Cebuana. Victoriano Suarez, 1909), pp . 108, 110. A mediquillo was a "simple practitioner with some notions of medical science . . . a little or petty physician." Jose Nunez, "Present Beliefs and Superstitions in Luz6n,a" in Emma H . Blair and James A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Cleveland, Ohio: A . aH. Clark, 1903-1909), 43, p . 314 . When doing research for this article, the author was corresponding with a former student, Dra. Lilia Hernafldez­ Chung, whose dissertation was on Spanish language novels published in the Philippinesa. Dr. Hernandez-Chung drew my attention to this novela.

14 The second community investigated (1956) was Barrio Lalawigan in Samar. Lalawigan is an agricultural-fishing village of 1,225 people (1960 census) situated in eastern Samar. Borongan, the provincial capital of Eastern Samar, one of the three provinces of the island, is about five miles north of Lalawigan. All villagers are Samaran-speaking Roman Catholics. They, like the barriofolk of Caticugan, reside mainly in nipa palm thatched bamboo dwellings built upon piles, without electricity or running water. Indeed, the peasants of Caticugan and Lalawigan share many character­ istics: most were born in the village they now live in, or in one nearby; mate selection is localized; social organiza­ tion is based on bilateral principles; subsistence agricul­ ture (and fishing to a lesser degree) is their major economic activity; and they each compose a single socio-economic group. The humeral pathology of Bisayan Filipinos cannot be meaningfully described apart from their total folk medical system. Only the barest outline of this topic can be pre­ sented in this Data Paper. Bisayan Filipinos support at least two, often competing, medical systems. When ill, they may consult both the indige­ nous shaman and the western trained physician. Certain ill­ nesses are assi.gned to such natural causes as overeating, poor diet, excessive drinking, physical abuse of the body, infections, and accidents. Such ordinary ailments normally are treated with home remedies. Other illnesses are believed caused by supernatural agents. There are the invisible spirits "who replicate the life of the peasants but possess supernatural powers denied most humans.n''8 Sickness and death may also result from the actions of angered ancestral spirits, witches, persons with the evil eye, or the lethal bite or powers of preternatural animals. If the patient either does not recover or worsens, he seeks the advice of the various folk medical specialists. Depending upon the individual, his financial resources, and the illness, modern western drugs may be sought, including hospitalization in the provincial capitals. These two medi­ cal systems are not totally separated. Some physicians in Dumaguete accept aspects of the hot-cold syndrome, whereas traditional curers are not beyond recommending aspirin or giving their patients injections.n9 8.

Donn V. Hart, "The Filipino Villager and His Spirits," Solidarity, 1 (1966), p. 66.

9.

Donn V. Hart, Phya Anuman Rajadhon, and Richard J. Coughlin, Southeast Asian Birth Customs: Three Studies in Human Reproduation (New Haven, Conn.n: Human Relations Area Files, Inc.n, 1965), p. 2 1.

15

A variety of traditional curers, including shamans, both diagnose and treat the sick. Some part-time specialists limit their practice to specific types of afflictions, e. g . , boils, fractures, bones or food lodged in the windpipe, sick­ ness caused by fright, by supernaturals, etc. Although the etiology of an illness may be supernatural, herbal remedies can be used. Other forms of treatment are massage, "fumigat­ ing" the patient with incense, prayers at both the household altar and the church, magical incantations, amulets, fo od offerings to the spirits and ancestral souls, and a few modern drugs. Shamans often diagnose sickness by feeling the patiento's pulse. According to a Cebu City curer, " ' The pulse is the best spot to tell the illness of the patient because it is an outlet, a "substation," of the heart. · If the pulse lies, then the heart lies.o' " 1o0 A Lalawigan shaman said an ill person'os pulse may be hot or cold, depending on the type of sicknesso. A healthy person has stabilized his unique balance of hot, cold, and air elements in the · bodyo. When the body becomes too hot (or too cold), the velocity of the blood's circulation is increased (or decreased). Loss of appetite and general malaise occurs, lowering the normal defenses against illness. The shaman most respected by Caticuganers claimed he could diagnose the sickness of a villager by feel­ ing the p�lse of the messenger who came to fetch him to the patient. The messengero' s pulse duplicated the abnormal beat­ ing of the sick person' s pulse, although he did not contract the latter'os illness. Latin American and Philippine folk medical complexes assert that exposure to excessive real heat or cold is harm­ ful. The following paragraph, written about Tzintzuntzan, is largely true in Caticugan and Lalawigan. Heat may attack the body following exposure to high temperatures such as the rays of the midday sun, a hot bath, and radiation from a coooking fire or pottery kiln. ' Heato' may also attack the body as a consequence of strong emotional experiences such as anger, fright, envy, or joy (which are classified as ' hot' experiences, from injudicious ingestion of hot foods and drinks, and from the emanations believed to be given off by a corpse.o1 1 10.

Richard W. Lieban, Cebuano Sorcerya: Malign Magic in the Philippines (Berkeleyo: University of California Press, 1 9 67 ) , p . 82 .

11.

Foster, Tz intz untzan, p. 188. Among the items used in the posthole ceremony for a new Caticugan residence are

16 In Lalawigan, however, great fright or joy are regarded as cold not hot experiences . A woman in C aticugan reportedly became blind because she constantly baked rice cakes in an outdoor oven, and failed to protect her eyes from the fire. In Caticugan ill­ ness may occur if a female irons clothing (using a charcoal iron) and immediately afterwards washes her hands in cool water. Sudden changes in the weather, "strong winds and vagrant breezes,n" vapors that rise from the ground when the sun appears after a lengthy rain, simultaneously eating or drinking certain hot and cold foods, or exposure to the night air are alleged causes for illness in Caticugan and among other Christian Filipino groups .n1 2 In Malitbog, a predominantly Protestant village in Panay, the residents believe that overn-exposure to the sun or heat from the kitchen cooking fire turns a mothern's milk rancid; as a result her nursing infant may become ill with a stomach-ache or loose bowels .n1 3 In summary, both metaphysical and real hot and cold temperatures, when absorbed by the body in excessive amounts, result in sickness. One feature o f the "complexion" o f the humors, in the classical sense_, was their quality o f air or vapor. Both small Z ag-it (Ceb. hard and sharp) stones. These stones, always under water in the river, are believed to guaran­ tee that future occupants of the dwelling will have a "watery, cold mind,n" i . e., will not be quick to anger. Donn V. Hart, The Cebuan Filipineo Dw elling in Caticugan: Its Construction and Cultural Aspects (New Havenn: Cul­ tural Report Series, Southeast Asia Studies, Yale Uni­ versity, 1959), p. 35. 12.

George M. Guthrie and Pepita J. Jacobs, Child Rearing and Personality in the Philippines (University Parkn: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1966), pp. 130, 132 ; Hart, Rajadhon, and Coughlin, op. cit., p. 13; Lieban, op. cit., p. 81; Ethel Nurge, "Etiology of Illness in Guinhangdan,n" American Anthropologist, 60 (1958), pp. 1161-62. In C aticugan and Lalawigan, a person may be­ come ill when exposed to heat and then subjected to cold, a condition called pasma. In Lalawigan air, or wind blowing from the forest, is considered cold, whereas wind coming from the sea is hot.

13.

F. Landa Jocano, Groweing Up in a Philippine Barrio (New York : Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969), p. 35.

17 Latin Americans and Filipinos accept the possible baneful effect on their health of air or wind (Sp. aire or mal aire ) . o1 4 Among Filipinos air (Cebo. and Sam. hangi n, also meaning wind) may produce illness in two basic ways . First, exposure to a normal draft or bre e z e may bring illness, e. g. , a cold. If one absorbs excessive amounts of hot or cold air, the balance of these principal elements in the body may be disturbed. The Caticugan mother wraps the navel of her infant with a cloth to prevent air from entering its body through this alleged aperture. Coconut oil in which pauli roots have soaked is rubbed on the skin to keep "the wind from penetrat­ ing one' s pores . " Air circulates in the veins. Dr. Jocano writes that the barriofolk of Malitbog believe that if hot air is absorbed through the pores and carried by the blood to the brain cavity, mental illness may occur in which the victim becomes extremely hostile . A second association of air, or wind, with illness is that it may be the means by which the spirits (Ceb. i ng k anto) propel thorns, pebbles, bones, or other foreign objoects to penetrate magically the body. Many aches and pains in Caticugan and Lalawigan are the result of the spirits' "missiles" "shot" by air into one's legs and arm joints.o1 5 The Balangingio' Samals have the same troubles with their j i n. Dr. Jocano reports that "All diseases, for the farmers of Malitbog, are caused by either supernatural beings or by the unbalanced relationship of elements inside the body due 14.

Gillin, San Carlos, p. 107; Whitten , op. ait., p. 2 2 6. Many Middle American Indians believe that aire may be self-activating or used by the spirits as a vector. Adams and Rubel, op. ait., p. 338. Among Mexican-Ameri­ cans, good healtho" . . . is the result of perfect equi­ librium between these internal humors and ai res, as well as between man and his family, and betwe en man and God.o" Kiev, op. ait., pp. 43, 46,o131.

15.

F . Landa Jocano, "Cultural Perception of Food and Its Implication for Technological Change: A Case Study," delivered at the seminar on. Production of Protein - Rich Foods from Local Sources, [Manila: 1968] , mimeographed. The data for this paper were collected in Tuburan, Iloilo province, Panay, a "progressive Bisayan agricul­ tural village" and Santolan, Rizal province, Luzon, "a rapidly industrializing Tagalog community.o" Tagalogs call this type of illness i nak yatan ng masamang hang i n sa ulo (bad air entered the head), ibid.e, p. 9. Also see Nurge, op. ait., p. 1164.

18

to the imbalance of the elements in the body by air or the overconsumption of cold or hot foodsa.a1 6 The relationships between excessive exposure to hot and cold air and disease concepts among Bisayan Filipinos are more complicated than this short summary indicatesa. For example, a Cebu City mananambal (t raditional curer) told Dr. Lieban that a person who has eaten spoiled food becomes vulnerable "to a wind con­ taining both hot and cold elements."a1 7 Filipinos in Tuburan , Santolan , Caticugan and Lalawigan also associate hotness with the supernaturala. These villag­ ers usually erect their dwellings only on cold sites. Build­ ing a residence on a hot location would bring sickness and bad luck to the occupantsa. There are numerous techniques to select a proper location. In Tuburan, a carabao (water buffalo) is staked on a prospective site. The new building is constructed only on the spot where the animal finally lies down to rest since this area is regarded as cold (mahamog).e1 8 One of several ways Caticuganers determine if the en ­ vironmental spirits approve a new housesite is to bury a green coconut in which the fluid inside cannot be heard when the nut is shaken. The next morning the nut is unearthed and shaken. If the liquid inside is heard, the area is re­ garded as hot, _ia. e . a, the spirits disapprove its use as a housesitea.a1 9 Bisayan Humoral Pathology Some Cebuans believe that the body is composed of three or four elements- - water, earth, fire, and wind--that have qualities of hot and colda. (A Tagalog informant told Dra. Charles Kaut that the dead return to the four places of their origina--earth, fire, water, and wind.) On the whole, cer­ tainly in Caticugan and Lalawigan, this concept of the com­ position of the body is not widely known. On the basis of interviewing local informants and consulting available dic­ tionaries, the Bisayan languages do not have a term for humor, in the Hippocratic sense. 16.

Personal communication from Dra. Jocano.

17a.

Personal communication from Dra. Richard Liebana.

18.

Jocano, "Cultural Perception of Foods,a" p . 9.

19.

Hart, Catiauegan Dwelliengs, p . 3 1.

19 Bisayans do classify most foods, herbs, and diseases as hot, cold, or natural (Cebo. Pan � and Sam, neutral or regular, i . e . , neither hot nor cold) .o2 0 "The two categories of food in Malitbog are the 'cold' and the 'hot' foods . " 2o 1 Most in­ formants in Caticugan and Lalawigan are unable to explain why foods or herbs are placed in these categorieso. When questioned, they usually replied: "I do not know" or "It is their nature (birtud)e." (Birtud , from the Spanish, vi rtude, although translated as nature, may have an old Spanish mean­ ing of virtud, as does the word in English, of power or strength . ) One elderly Lalawigan woman explained why she thought certain foods were hot or coldo. When a person's blood cir­ culates "fast and high [in pressure] , " the individual is "constantly hot . " When the blood's circulation is "slow and low, one is always coldo." She speculated that maybe it is the same with other animals and plants, causing some to be hot and others to be coldo. It was not possible to discern any consistent scheme that governs the Bisayan hot-cold-regular classificatory system for foods, herbs, and diseaseso. The problem probably is one of taxonomy; there are too many items for too few logical categories, hence making fine discriminatioons is difficult .o· Bisayans, as do Latin Americans, classify some items according to their exposure to actual temperatureso. One Cebuan informant told Dro. Lieban that the carabao is hot since it always avoids the sun, seeking the shade or a cool, muddy waterholeo. Fish are considered regular in Lalawigan but hot when dried since "They are plac·ed under the sun . " Salted fish are hot because salt is hoto. (Some claim that imported salt is hotter than locally produced salt . ) In Caticugan and among most Panayans, fish are put in all three categories, although they live in the watero. Sometimes one element of a food is crucial in its clas­ sificationo. According to a Caticugan informant, pork is cold because the meat contains fat and fat contains lard and 20o.

In Manalad, a village in southern Negros Occidental, certain foods are classified only as cold and "not cold" (possibly the natural category) . If one eats a cold food when lacking adequate sleep, a stomach ache may resulto. Willis Sibley, "Manalad: The Maintenance of Unity and Distinctiveness in a Philippine Village" (Ph . D . thesis in anthropology, University of Chicago, 1958), p. 29o.

21.

Jocano, Philippine Barrio, p. 27 .

20

other hand, lard is cold. In Tuburan and Santolan, on 2 the 2 Such modern "fatty and oily foods are considered hot.n"n drugs as vitamins, B1 "shots,n" and aspirin could not be clas­ sified by most informants for lack of knowledge of their ingredients. Some, however, believed aspirin must be cold since it "cures fever. " Most Bisayans classify vegetables in all three cate­ gories. However, the barriofolk of Tuburan, Malitbog, and Santolan classify most vegetables as cold since their juice and fleshy parts supposedly cool the mouth and stomach. F ruits are largely cold, whereas most beverages are hot. (For alcoholic beverages, this classification probably re­ flects the belief that alcohol is hot. ) Some Lalawigan resi­ dents claimed they could not classify soft drinks (Coke, etc. ) because they did not know their ingredients. Several in­ formants, however, thought Tru-Orange was cold since oranges are placed in this categonry. Oranges are also cold in Tuburan and Santolan. Table 1 (see Appendix) presents the classification of foods for Barrio Lalawigan and Borongan, Eastern Samar; Barrio Caticugan, Siaton poblacion and Dumaguete ; Negros Oriental; Iloilo and Negros Occidental provincesn; a Cebuan barrio (Agusan) in northern Mindanao ; and a Manila Tagalog informant. Wheri available, the classification of foods by the barriofolk of Tuburan (Panayan) and Santolan (Tagalog) is also included. Table 2 (Appendix) gives more detailed information, limited to Caticugan and Siaton, on this classi­ fication of fish, including their local (and often scientific) names , frequency of catch, and class, i.ne. , desirability as food.n2 3 The Spaniards introduced many New World plants to the Philippines. It was speculated that their Latin American hot-cold classification might have accompanied the plants when they crossed the Pacific Ocean. For example, chocolate is a New World plant introduced by the Spaniards to the Philippines. Chocolate is generally regarded as hot throughn­ out Latin America and by Bisayans. (A Tagalog informant, however, classified chocolate as cold). 22.

Jocano, " Cultural Perception of Food,n" p. 1 3 .

23.

Donn V. Hart, Securing Aquatic Products in Siaton Munic­ ipality, Negros Oriental Province, Philippines (Manila: Institute of Science and Technology, t1onograph 4, Bureau of Printing, 19 56) , pp. 5 4 - 56.

21

Lack of adequate data made this investigation unproduc­ tive. For some introduced plants the Philippines and/or Mexican hot- cold classifications are unknown or given for only one region. Comparison· is also handicapped by the use of local names ; scientific identification, especially by specimen, is rare. Furthermore, disagreement occurs among Latin Americans and Filipinos regarding the classification of basic foods. Existing classifications of foods, both for Latin America and the Philippines, are incomplete. The lists may not indi­ date, as Madsen found, if the food is v e ry hot or cold. A fresh. (fresco) category occurs in Mexico but is yet to be reported for the Philippines. Animals may be classified by parts not wholes. The head and flesh of a goat in Mexico is considered hot, whereas the blood and internal organs are cold. Cooking may modify .oa food'os category: in one Mexican community raw garlic is very hot but when cooked it is only hot.o2 4 Some Filipinos classify meat differently if the animal is wild or domesticated, whereas fruits may be put in are green or ripe. different categories based on whether they .o These imprecise classifications, typical of many published lists of hot-cold foods, makes precise comparison hazardous. It is believed these factors probably explain some dis­ agreements· over the classification of iterns in Table 1. For example, some Fili-pinos may have given a general classifica­ tion for bananas and others may have been referring to a particular, or common, species. A Filipino may have classi­ fied the pig as hot, in regard to its fat, whereas another may have given cold in reference to its flesh. Finally, it is not known, except for Caticugan, Lalawigan, and the data furnished by Bernardo, if the classifications given represent unanimous or only maj ority opinions. On the other hand, as research in Caticugan and Lalawigan verify, some differences in classification are not ethno­ graphic error but differences of opinions. Although there are some broad principles that indicate a food's probable classification by the hoto- cold system, in most cases the only way to determine the category is by experience--the reaction the food has on a healthy or sick person.o2 5 One of Jocanoo's informants did not know before eating dried shrimp if they were hot. "I knew about it only when welts and but Zig (papule) came out . • .o . We took a bath in the river 24.

Madsen, op. cit.a, pp. 125-27 ; Currier, op. cit . a, pp. 253-56.

25.

Currier, op . cit . , p. 253.

22 and slowly the discomfort disappeareda. " The system appears productive and probably comprehensive for it includes rela­ tively new items (aspirin and antibiotics) and such uncommonly eaten foods, for rural Filipinos, as the heron (tungkago) and geese--both regarded as cold by Agusan barriofolka. Nevertheless, it is apparent that most Bisayans and Tagalogs classify most foods by the hot-cold principlea. Yet they (according to Table 1) agree on the classification of only a few foods: carabao and mongo beans are hot, whereas the cucumber, kaimito (sugar-apple)a, guayabano (soursop)a, and watermelon are colda. As the geographic scope of the hot-cold classification is narrowed, agreement increasesa. Of the items listed in Table 1, Bisayans and Tagalogs agree on the classification of only six foods (7 %)a; for Bisayans (Cebuans, Samarans, and Panayans)a, the agreement rises to 27a% . For only Cebuans (Barrios Caticugan and Agusan)a, there is a 3 5 % accord in the classification of foodsa. Finally, for Barrio Caticugan, the unanimity increased to 7 0 % of the foods listed in Table 1 . a2 6 These figures suggest, on the basis of available data, that considerable disagreements on food classification prob­ ably exist amo�g different Filipino cultural-linguistic groups, duplicating the Latin American situationa. Extensive classificatory agreement probably is limited to the barrio, perhaps municipal level. If so, this factor suggests the relationships of food to the maintenance of good health and curing practices probably also varies significantly among these various Filipino groups. Table 3 (Appendix) lists the hot-cold classification of various medicinal flora used by Samarans and Cebuansa. The relatively high percentage of cold herbs suggests that among Samarans hot ailments may be more common than cold ones (see Table 4)a. Habitat influences the classification of some herbsa. Table 4 (Appendix) lists some common illnesses according to their hot-cold classification in the Bisayas, and including one Tagalog (Santolan) communitya. Although there is con­ siderable disagreement among Bisayans regarding classifica­ tion of fooda, reading Table 4 across rows demonstrates the 26.

For Bisayans and Tagalogs, only one Cebuan classifica­ tion is available for two of the six foodsa. For Bisayans, the classification of eight items in Table 1 is unknown for Panayans, in four instances different varieties of bananasa.

23

remarkable agreement over the classification of the listed il lnesses by the hot-cold principle. This article does not attempt a comprehensive catal og of all illnesses known in Caticugan and Lalawigan, their classification and associated treatment. Folk remedies for several hot-cold illnesses are offered only for illustrative purposes. Bisayans, on the whole, regard boils and most skin diseases as the result of excessive body heat; in its effort to escape, the heat produces external eruptions and swel lingso. Accordingly, the patient should avoid hot foods and take regular early morning baths. In Caticugan cold mayana and a entimento leaves are placed ·in water that is later drunk by the patient. Cold ati s (sweetsop) bark may . also be applied to the boils. For some skin diseases, the roots and bark of the cold s ibukao are dried, powdered, mixed with coconut oil, and applied. This salve then may be covered with cold labnog leaves. For smallpox one purposely drinks a hot concoction, e. g. , tubaa2 7 mixed with eggs, for one day, once in the morn­ ing and again in the eveningo. The heat of this drink "drives out" the pox ("even the intestines have sma l lpox") causing skin eruptions. The sick person then switches to cold foods. One also b_athes daily for three days with water in which sour dum-on and libas leaves have soaked. Beri-beri is caused by "excessive coldness entering the body." In Lala­ wigan, three varieties of beri-beri are recognized: 1) beri­ beri ha ginhawa (of the stomach) ; 2) beri- beri ha tol-an (of the bones); and 3) beri-beri ha panit (of the skin). Al­ though cold foods are avoided, so are s6me hot foods, e. g. , tubaa, chocolate, carabao, and salt. Since foods are classified as hot, cold, or regular, it is possible to lessen their qualities by mixtureo. For exam­ ple, Tepoztecans believe "Foods may be neutralized--that is, made less dangerous--by mixing .ocertain ' hot' foods with cer­ tain 'cold' foods. "o2 8 Although this culinary practice was not investigated in either Lalawigan or Caticugan, Jocano reports similar beliefs for the Bisayan and Tagalog communi­ ties studiedo. Beans are considered hot; when cooked they are mixed with cold green vegetables to achieve a ba lance. Most Santolan residents cook their vegetables with lard or oil (hot) to balance their cold traits. Excessive consumption 27. 2 8.

Tuba is an alcoholic beverage made from the sap of the

coconut fruit bud.

Oscar Lewis, Tepo z tlan: Village in Mexiao (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960), p. 12.

24 of cold vegetables may result in ber i - beri, of hot meat, in rashes. The best way to prepare many foods is to blend them so a proper balance of their innate qualities is obtained-­ kailangan ka tamtaman Zang (j ust enough is needed).n2 9 The preceding section sketches only the bold contours of B isayan folk medic ine in general and the hot-cold syndrome in particular. Fever, head-aches, some skin diseases, and mental illness may be caused either by a disturbed balance of body elements or by various supernatural agents. The role of air, and its interrelationships with the hot-cold syndrome, probably is mo�e complicated than suggested. Research indicates that the humeral pathology aspect of traditional medic ine in Caticugan is less v iable than in Lalawigan. This segment of Lalawigan folk medicine quickly became apparent, whereas many Caticuganers have only hesitant opinions or blurred ideas on this subject. Certainly Caticu ­ gan contrasts with Malitbog where Jocano reports only two causes of illness, the supernatural and the hot-cold complex. Future research may f ind, as in Latin America, this feature of F ilipino folk medic ine is erratically distributed throughout the Philippines.n3 0 A more comprehensive investigation of this aspect of F ilipino folk medic ine would facilitate our present under­ standing of this aspect of rural life and efforts to induce the peasants to accept modern medical concepts and practices. For example, a recent book states that 29.

Jocano, "Cultural Perception of Foods,n" pp. 12- 13. Cer­ tain fish are considered hot by Santolan resindents. "When cooking these fish, one should see to it that they are combined with food considered cold in order to neu­ tralize their fatal effect on the body.n" Apparently this mixing of foods to neutralize their qualities is not done by the barriofolk of Tuburan.

30.

In one Mexican community, the people have only "vague concepts of sickness being caused by 'heat' and 'cold.n'" Ralph L. Beals, Cheran : A Sierra Tarascan Village (Washington, D. C. : Institute of Soc ial Anthropology, Publication No. 2, Sm ithsonian Institution, 1946), p. 202. Members of one upper class family in Peru "pay no attention to the traditional differences between 'hot' and 'cold' foods. . . . " E. A. Hammel, Power in Icaa: The Structural History of a Peruvian Community (Boston: L ittle, Brown and Company, 1969), p. 69.

25

The stress Filipinos place on physical clean­ liness, the primary importance of being clean­ looking and clean-smelling--in their bodies, their clothing, and their homes- - is certainly different from a health-oriented view of cleanliness since they are concerned with appearance and -smell .o3 1 For Bisayans, and one suspects for most Filipinos, bathing is explicitly "health-oriented . " As already suggested, regu­ lar morning baths in Caticugan and Lalawigan are necessary to maintain the hot-cold balance of the body. Irregular bathing causes a "heating of the body; even the stomach boilso." In Tuburan and Santolan frequent baths is one prac­ tical way to deal with a possible imbalance of hot-cold ail­ ments, especially when eating large amounts of one of these foods, e. g . , mangoes during . their season, resulting in "mango rash.o" In Malitbog, mqthers do not mind if their children wear· wet clothes after bathing in the river; this is not the way one catches a cold . Actually, the wet clothes may be bene­ ficial for they both cool the body, reducing enlargements of the stomach caused by "'heat emanating from the body'o'' and hot food the person previously ate, thereby preventing loose bowelso.o3 2 In this regard Filipinos differ from Mexican­ Indians who reject the value of daily bathing since it con­ flicts "with the principles of the hot- cold system . " 3 3 Another applied value of increased knowledge of this hot- cold dichotomy is that innovations in nutritional educa­ tion require an awareness of the peasants' ideas about the nature of food and its proper preparation. Jocano ' s inform­ ants recommend that beans (hot) always be cooked with a cold vegetable to achieve a balance of these two qualities . One Santolan mother blamed her small son's rash on failure to conform to this folk belief. You see, the doctor said my child has beri­ beri. It would be good for him to eat mongo beans. So I gave him mongos. Now see, he has a rash. You see, mongos are hot to the bodyo. If you cook mongos you should mix them with tender leaves of whatever vegetables--like young leaves of ampalaya 31o.

Guthrie and Jacobs, op. ait.n, p. 132 .

32o.

Jocano, Philippine Barrion, p . 46 .

33o.

Madsen, op. ait.n, p . 139.

26

or camote. But the doctor said I should not mix the mongos with anything. That is why the ch ild has a rash.n3 4 It is apparent that numerous simn i larities link the humeral pathologies of the Spaniards, Latin Americans, and Christian Bisayan F ilipinos. A plausible assumption to ex ­ plain these resemblances would be that th is aspect of Filin­ pino traditional medicine was f irst introduced by the Span­ iards, repeating a transmission of humeral pathology they accomplished in Latin America. During the several centuries the arch ipelago was a Spanish possession, lowland Filipino society and culture was considerably Hispanicized. Moreover, some of the parallels between Latin American, especially Mexican, and lowland F ilipino trad itional medicine might reflect the fact that most Spaniards who came to the Philip­ pines, until the late 18th century, spend considerable time in Mexnico before proceed ing to Manila. The following sections of this report explore alterna­ tive possibilities, that F ilipino folk medicine may have drawn upon other sources, all of which are found in Indon­ sinesa. We shall deal with four possi ble sources. F irst, an indigenous Southeast Asian hot- cold system could have been a major factor in contributing to the conceptualization of contemporary· Filipino folk medicine. Second , the Ayurveda medical system, remarkably similar to the Hippocratic com­ plex, diffused from India to mainland Southeast Asia. Indian influence is known to have reached the Philippines. Perhaps what appears to be H ippocratic in Filipino folk medical con­ cepts is actually of Ayurvedic origin. A third possible source are the Arabs, and Southeast Asian converts to Islam; the former transmitted Greek humeral pathology not only to Spain but also to Malaya. These be­ liefs regard ing the nature of sickness and its treatment might have entered the Ph i l i ppine arch ipelago by its "back door,n" along with the Islamnization of the peoples of Sulu and southern Mindanao. For this reason F i l ip ino Moslem tra­ ditional medicine was also examined. F inally, Ch inese and Vietnamese medic ine, the latter borrowing heavily from the former, share certain parallels with humeral pathological principles. Chinese influence in the Philippines is of docu­ mented pre-hnistoric origin. The following sections do not attempt a comprehensive history or exposition of these various, complicated medical 34.

Jocano, "Cultural Perception of Food,n" p. 11.

27

systems .o3 5 The main purpose is to demonstrate the humeral features of these medical systems and their hot-cold syn­ drome ; and, in a preliminary manner, to investigate the pos­ sibility they may have diffused to the Philippineso. The search for an indigenous hot- cold syndrome in Southeast Asia was limited to Bornean and Philippine primit-ive societieso. Malaya , and not Indonesia , was selected for this topic since personal research has been done on Malay folk medicineo.

35o.

Research for these sections utilized materials in the Human Relations Area Files for Burma, Thailand, Malaya, Borneo, Vietnam, Philippines, and Chinao. Additional information was sought by consulting basic, and special­ ized, bibliographies for Southeast Asia in general and the individual countries in particular. As mentioned in the Foreword, some data for Borneo and the Philip­ pines were furnished by the acknowledged anthropologists from their unpublished field notes.

INDIGENOUS SOUTHEAST ASIAN HOT-COLD SYNDROME Sources on various Bornean primitive groups were searched to determine the possible presence of an indigenous hot- cold dichotomy or humoral pathology features of their traditional medicineo. Most of these societies have been largely isolated from the main streams of Indian, Arab, Chinese, and Spanish influence in Southeast Asiao. For primitive societies where this dichotomy occurs, no convincing evidence exists to date that the concepts were borrowed from these external cultural traditions. No primitive Borriean society was located, in the sources examined, that systematically classifies foods, medicines, and diseases on a hot-cold basis. Bornean folk medicine does not appear to have any pronounced humoral qualitieso. When the hot- cold concept occurs, it is related primarily to the structure of the universeo. For example, humans who dis­ turb the world's hot-cold balance suffer sickness and other misfortuneso. The Kelabit believe the universe is controlled by a hot-cold balance that began with a struggle between fire and water during the origin of the human world.o1 They assert that humans, their domestic (but not wild) animals, dwellings, and personal possessions may petrify from intense cold if certain customs are violated .o2 Williams reports that The people [ Dusun] of Sensuron [Sabah] feel that the state of the universe as well as omens of personal fortune are responsible for sickness. The condition of a ' hot universe' . . .o is feared greatly since at such a time the 'fever of sick­ nesso' affects man, plants, and animals. When the universe is • . . 'cool,o' then it is believed 1.

Some information on the Kelabit was obtained from Pro­ fessor Harrisson through personal correspondence.

2.

Tom Harrisson, World Within : A Borneo Story (London: Cresset Press, 1959), pp. 114-16.

29

30 personal fortunes would be good and men can expect to be in good health and live to the limits of their fate.a3 The Dusun also fear precipitation that occurs when the sun . fevers is shining. Such "hot rain" not only causes fatal and jaundice but thea" . . . evil spirits are much in evidence and particularly virulent during showers of this kind."'+ The Rungus Dusun of Sabah (North Borneo) believe that illicit sexual intercourse creates heat that spreads in "an ever-widening circle involving the couple, their kin, and the community, so that illness and death increase, humans and animals fail to produce, crops wither and die, and the world itsaelf becomes increasingly dry and hot."a5 A major 3.

Thomas R. Williams, The Due un: A North Borneo Soaiety (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965 ) , p . 34a. If a kite, a red-colored bird (Ha liastur indus), lights on an unfinished Dusun dwelling, the house is doomed super­ naturally to destruction by the "'red-hot' . . .a quality inherent and conducted by the birda." Torn Harrisson, "Birds and Men in Borneo," in B. E . Srnythies, The Birds of Borneo (�dinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1960) , p. 23.

4.

Ivor H. N. Evans, Studies in Renligion, Fo lk- lore and Custom in British North Borneo and the Malay Peninsu la (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1923), p. 175a. The Negritos and Sernai of Malaya share this belief. P . D . R. Williams-Hunt, An Introduation to Malayan Abo­ rigines (Kuala Lumpur: Government Printing House, 1952), pp. 64, 72 ; and Robert K. Dentan, The Semai : A Nonvionlent Peopnle of Malaya (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968) , pp. 20-21a. Dentan thinks the Sernai concept of "hot rain" may be of Malayan origin. Also see George N . Appell, "A Survey of the Social and Medical Anthropology of Sabah: Retrospect and Prospect," Behavior Saienae Notes, 3 (1968) , pp . 1-54a.

5.

George N. Appell and Robert Harrison, "The Ethnographic Classification of Dusun-speaking Peoples of North Borneo," Ethnology, 8 (1969 ) , p . 222a. In a personal communica­ tion, Professor Appell added that if the people of a vil­ lage suffer from an unusual number of colds, others may jokingly remark that the village is hot; if there is little sicknes s in the community, it is said to be cool. Alien traditions with the strongest impact on the Dusun­ speaking people are, in order, Chines e , coastal Islam, and Westerna. No archaeological evidence has been found of Indian influence. Ibid.n, p. 213 .

· 31

wedding ritual is the sacrifice of a pig to "cool" the maro­ riage ; a similar ritual with the same purpose has been re­ ported for other Dusun-speaking groups. Apparently the hot­ cold dichotomy among the Dusuns and Kelabit is activated only by illicit sexual relations and the violation of various other mores that causes an abnormal heating or cooling of the universeo. Publications on various primitive Philippine groups do not report a hot-cold dichotomy or humoral pathology as part of their concepts of the universe or traditional medicineo.o6 Since these societies often retain features once typical of Christian Filipinos, a wide-spread occurrence of these be­ liefs would have strongly suggested their pre-Hispanic pres­ ence in the lowland . In summary, and on the basis of this survey, none of the Southeast Asian primitive societies examined in Borneo or the Philippines has a well-developed humoral pathology. Although a hot-cold dichotomy appears among some Bornean groups, no similar complex was found for primitive groups in Luzon or Mindanaoo.

6.

Of special assistance in this research for the Philip­ pines was Shiro Saito, A Preliminary Bibliography of Philippine Ethnography (Manila: The Ateneo de Manila, 1967), mimeographedo. Also see Anastacia Villegas, "Prim­ itive Medicine in the Philippines,o" Annals of Mediaal History , 5 (1923), pp. 229-41o. Professor Eggan reported these concepts were unknown among the primitive groups he had studied in north-central Luzon. Also see George M. Guthrie, Impressions of Ifugao Health and Social Aativities (University Parko: The Pennsylvania State Uni­ versity, 1964), mimeographed.

AYURVEDA:

INDIAN HUMORAL PATHOLOGY

The Ayurveda medical system of ancient India, most simi­ lar to the humoral pathology of Hippocrates, spread through­ out Asia, inclauding mainlaand Southeast Asia. Since aspects of Indian culture reached the Philippines before the arrival o f the Spaniards, the Ayurveda is another possible, if remote, contributory source to pre- Hispanic Bisayan folk medicine. The striking convergency between various aspects of the Hippocratic and Ayurvedic medical systems has created a con­ troversy over the possible Greek origin of the l attera. Fil liozat argues that, long before Alexander's invasion, scientific communication existed between India and Greece. "This is the explanation of why there are, between Indian and Greek medicines, so very particular and precise similari­ ties which are not easy to ascribe to chance."a1 However, the uncertainty of the chronology of Hindu medical tr·e atises makes it difficult "to determine the exact nature of any mutual influence."a2 Kutumbiah states that "the similaarities [between the Greek and Indian systems] are super­ ficial [and] the differences are fundamental."a3 There are four Greek humors but original ly only three Indian humors (do 9 as)a; l ater blood was added as a fourth humor.a4 The Greeks had four basic elements (earth, air, fire, and water), whereas the Ayurveda propounded five elements (pancabhutas)a, earth, air, fire, water, and ether. Final l y, some argue that if the Ayurveda had been heavily inflauenced by Greek medical science, why did not the Indians borrow such starting original l y 1.

J. Fil liozat, The Classical Doctrine of Indian Medicine : Its Origins and Its Greek Paral l e l s , translated from the French by Dev Raj Chanana (Delh i , India: Munshiram Manoharlal, 19 46), p. 257.

2.

Henry R. Zimmer, Hindu Medicine, edited w ith foreword and preface by Ludwig Edelstein (Ba ltimore : Johns Hopkins Press, 19 48), p. xlviii.

3.

P . Kutumbiah, Ancient Indian Me dicine (Madraas : Or ient Longmans, 1962), pp. xli- xliiia.

4.

Zimmer, op. cit . a, p . xlix; Kutumbiah, op . cit. , p . 62 . 33

34 Greek medical concepts as the pulse lore or the belief that the brain was the central organ of thought and consciousness ? Edelstein, therefore, writes that it isn". . . safer to sug­ gest ' an independent parallel growth and development of ideas, as they could easily come about with regard to the same sub­ ject and problem.n' " 5 According to the Ayurveda the body is composed of the modifications (dhatus) of the five elements (bhutas)a. The seven dhatusa, blood, flesh, fat, bone, marrow, semen, and taste, are formed from ingested food. Health requires that ained in proper proporntions (sama-yoga­ the dhatus be maintn vahin)a. 6 As in Greek and Latin American humeral pathology, the dhatusa' proportions constantly fluctuate, differing for each person. When the dhatus are in their normal measure, an equilibrium is created called dhatu-samyaa . In turnn, the dhatusa' equilibrium depends on the balancing of the do�aas or humors. The sole aim of Ayurveda is to prescribe diet, medi­ cines, and a life way that maintains or, when necessary, re­ stores an upset dhatu-samyaa . Disease (dhatu-vai� amya) occurs when the balance of the five elements is disturbed. Nidanasa, or upsetting causes, may be the seasons, habitat, type of life, and especially diet. The nidanas do not produce sickness by themselves but by acting direttly upon the do� as . The vitiated humors, in turn, then act upon the dhatusa, causing disease in these bodily constitutents.n7 The disturbed humeral balance is re­ stored not naturally but by diet, medicine, and a regimen of life. Once the patientn's symptoms are recognized, and the role of the particular do� a is determined , the function of treatment was to return the disturbed dhatus proportions to normalcy. Foods and drugs were classified in a great variety of ways , including hot, cold, dry, moist, etc. ; hot substances were recommended for cold sicknesses and vice versa.n8

5.

Z immer, op . cit . a, p. xlviii.

6.

Kutumbiah, op. cit . a, p. 35; Fillioz at, op. ait . a, p. 29 ; Z immer, op. ait.a, p. lviii.

7.

Kutumbiah, op. ait.a, p. 82.

8.

Rustom J. Vakil, Our Glorious He ritage (Bombayn: The Times of India Press, 1966), pp. 92-93; Filliozat, op. ai t . a, p. 29.

THE HUMORAL PATHOLOGY OF THE BURMESE AND THAI The Ayurvedic medical system diffused to Tibet, Mongolia, China, Japan, and Southeast Asiao. At the start of this cen­ tury, this Indian medical system spread from Mongolia to Russia where it is called "Tibetan" since its concepts first reached the Mongols through the Tibetans.o1 Of special con­ cern to this study is the humoral pathology, primarily de­ rived from the Ayurveda, of th� Theravada Buddhist Burmese and Thai. Although no thorough study has been made of Bur­ mese humoral pathology, its main contours can be sketched. Burma Forchhammer'os claim that all Burman science, including medicine, was derived ·from India has been judged "exagger­ ated. "2 However, a recent and careful enquiry into folk medicine states that many Burmese medical books are based on translations of the Ayurvedic su�hitas of Susruta and Charaka.o3 The following material indicates that the Burmese humoral pathology absorbed many basic Ayurvedic principles. 1.

Filliozat, op. ait., p. 30.

2.

Emmanuel Forchhammer , An Essay on the Sources and the Deveelopment of Burmese Law (Rangoon: Government Printing, 1885), p. 21; and Melford F. Spiro, Burmese Supernaetural­ ism: A Study in the Explaenation and Reduation of Suffer­ ing (New Jersey : Prentice-Hall, 1967), p. 148. Although

the Persians and Arabs had direct, if limited, commercial contacts with Lower Burma as early as the 9th century, it appears unlikely they contributed any of their medical knowledge to the Burmese. M. Sidiq Khan, "Muslim Inter­ course with Burma (From the Earliest Times to the British Conquest)," Islamic Cutture, 10 (1936), pp. • 409-27. 3.

Report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Indigenous System of Mediaine (Rangoon: Government Printing and

Stationery, 1951), p. 5.

35

36

Most Burmese believe that the 32 component parts of the body are grouped under five el ements (dat)a: earth (pahtawi)a, water (aboa, apaw or arbaw ) a, fire (teizaw)a, air or oxygen (wayaw)a, and ether (agatha)a. � These e l ements, arranged on the opposite sides of the body, are also patterned differently for males and females. There are three humors (dawthas)a: wind ( Lay ) a, bile (theahi)a, and mucus or phlegm (thaZait)a. One humor may predominate or several may combine to produce disease; each humor may be excessive, retained, scanty, ex­ hausted, or decomposed . Their exact status is determined by the age of the patient, symptoms of the disease, climate, day of the week, etc.a5 For the Burmese, "Ilalness comes from throwing the locus and the amount of the e l e�entals out of proper combination. . . . It is the proper balance of the e l ementals that is 'health' and disturbances of the balance that are ' il l health,a' and medicine is a series of techniques to restore harmony and balance . " 6a When the earth dat (forming the 4.

Manning Nash, The Go Zden Road to Mode rnity : Vi l lage Life in Conteamporary Burma (New York : John Wiley and Sons, Inc . , 1965) , p . 193. Scott lists the same e l ements but adds that ether was usually disregarded by traditional curersa. Sir James Scott ( Shway Yoe) , The Burman: His Life and Notions ( London: Macmi l lan, 1910) , p. 4 1 8 . An­ other sourc e states a fifth dat is akasaa, or the organs of the senses, e.g., eyes, ears, nose, etc. Report of the Committee of Enquirya, p . 16. This term is identical with the Sanskrit term for space or emptiness (aka§a or antariksa)a, known in Burmese as agathaa. Fil liozat, op. ait.a, p . 26 . The Sanskrit term for wind or air is vayua; fire, tejas ; water, ap ; and earth, pfthvra.

S.

Report of the Committee of Enquirya, p . 17. Scott adds thata". . . it is important to know the precise time of a man' s birth in order to know in what proportion the dat should be present . " Scott, op . ait . a, p. 4 18.

6.

Nash, op. ait . a, p . 194. Also see Mrsa. Ernest Hart, Piaturesque Burma : Past and Present (London : J . aM. Dent and Company, 1 897) , p. 180a. It appears that traditional Laotian medicine also is based on a humoral pathology b asis for their concept of disease includes the idea anal­ ogous "to the humors of European physicians a few centur­ ies ago." Laotians b e lieve the body is composed of such basic el ements as air, water, and firea. Stomach ache is diagnosed as trouble with the air e lement, whereas fever occurs "be cause the fire e l ement is too strong." Joel

37 bones , muscles , etc.) is disturbed , loss of strength , emacia­ tiona, and diarrhea resultsa. If the teizaw element , or bodily heata, is upseta, fever or loss of appetite occurs. Various sicknesses are associated with the days of the week; i f one becomes sick on Sunday , the cause is an excessive amount of the earth dat that creates an unhealthy state of the fire data. 7 Various "cold- and-hot-caused diseases" require "balance­ restoring" foods and medicinesa. Traditionallya, there are 96 ailments that may result when the body's humeral balance is upset.a8 As a resulta, most foods eaten in Nondwin and else­ where in Upper Burma fall into one of four classesa. These classes area: 1) pu , sat , and hka (different kinds of heat) ; 2) aho , ahin , and a orae (different kinds of cold i ; 3) seina, bland taste; and 4) ngan and hpana, neutral foods. Some foods are classified as both hot (cold) and bland. As in Latin America and the Philippinesa, a food's category is not M . Halperna, Laotian Health Problems (Los Angelesa: Laos Projaecta, Paper Noa. 19a, University of Californiaa, Depart­ ment of Anthropologya, n.d.)a, p. 20a. 7.

Keith N. MacDonald , The Practice of Medicine A mong the Burme ie Translated from Original Manuscripts, with an Historical Sketah on the Progress of Mediaine, from the Earliest Times (Edinburgh : MacLachlan and Stewart , 1878)a, p. 2 2.

8.

Harta, Picturesque Burmaa, p . 180a.

9.

Nasha, op. ait.a, p. 195. Nash lists the classification of more than SO Burmese foods. The Judson Burmesea­ English dictionary gives somewhat modified definitions of some of these termsa. Pu and sat are hota, but the former is hot , in the sense of warmth , whereas the latter is hota, in taste or pungencya. Hkaa, defined as bittera, could be associated with hota. Nash states choa, chin and a (orae) are different kinds of cold; the dictionary de­ fines aho as sweeta, chin as soura, and a (orae) as cold. Nash define� sein as a bland tastea, the dictionary gives raw. Although ngan and hpan are listed as neutral foodsa, their dictionary definitions are salty and astringent (slightly sour)a. Adoniram Judsona, The Judson BurmeseEnglish Diationarya, reva. and ed. by Robert C. Stevensona, rev. and eda. by F . H. Eveleth (Rangoon: American Baptist Missionary Press , 1921) , pp . 644 , 3 5 5 , 371 , 299 , 287 , 15 8 , 375 , 3 22 , and 684.

38

necessarily dependent on its physical taste, form, or tex­ ture. Scott described two categories of traditional Burmese curers. One type is datsayas ( hsaya, expert or master)a, or dietists, who trust solely to regulating the patienta's diet for restoration of the humoral equilibriuma. The be indawsayase, the more numerous of the two, rely upon various drugs for treatmenta. Sometimes a hsaya combines both types of treat­ mentsa.a1 0 Thailand The Handbook on Thailand notes that the Thai supposedly lack a single, consistent theory of the cause of sicknessa. It is quite possible that the absence of a unitary focus may be a function of our limited knowledge of this aspect of Thai traditional culturea. For Behind much of the diagnosis, explanation and cure of disease is the idea, not always clearly articulated, that the body [ and all nature] is com­ posed of the four elements--wind, water, fire and earth--and that sickness results from or is a symp­ tom of imbalance in the proportions or arrangements of these elements. Imbalance of the body's wind is the explanation for fainting ; earth in the j oints, it is believed, results in rheumatisma. Such imbalance may occur through magical or natural causes.a1 1 Thai folk medicine, borrowing heavily from the Ayurveda, also has absorbed Chinese elements, but the latter are difficult to document. 1 2 10.

Scott, op. ait.e, p. 418 ; Report of the Committe e of Enquirye, p . 16 .

11.

Lauriston Sharp (eda.) , Handbook on Thailand (New Haven: HRAF, Inca., 1956) , p. 489 ; Ernest Young, The Kingedom of

the Yeellow R obe : Being Ske tche s of the Domestia and R e ­ ligious Rites and Cere monies of the Siameese (Westminstera:

Archibald Constable & Coa., 1900)a, p . 122; Dan B. Bradley, "Siamese Theory and Practice of Medicine," Sangkehomsat Parithate, 5 (1967 ) a, p. 10 3 (reprinted from Bangkok Caleendare, 1865)a. 12.

Kenneth R . Landon, Thailand in Transition: A Brie f Sur­

ve y of Cultural Tre nds in the Five Ye ars Sinae the

39 There are two sets of Thai terms for the four ele­ ments .a1 3 1. 2. 3. 4.

Air (wind) Earth Water Fire

Akat Lorn

Din, Thi-din Nam Fai

Way o Pata-wee· Ahpo Deohn'o or Daahn'o

Patawee is the Sanskrit/ pratiwil and wayno the Sanskrit / vayul. The thi, of thidin comes from Chinese and is the basic term for earth used in Chinese religions .a. Since Thai words of Indian origin usually begin with the prefix ah or a (long a), apho may be a derivativea. Deahn'o , or daahn'o (Thai, heat, fire, might � or power) is also suspected to be of Sanskrit origin .a1

Both the Thai and Burmese believe that there are exactly 96 humeral ailments ; these disabilities "are the inevitable result of any excess in the amount of any one of the primary elements.a"a1 5 Actually, a deficiency of an element may also produce an abnormal equilibrium, resulting in sicknessa.a1 6 If fire (or any of the other three elements) penetrates an individual, the excess deranges the healthy balance of the bodya. The victim becomes ill with fever, measles, smallpox, or other iilmentsa. Internal disturbances may also upset the balance of the elements; for example, apoplexy results when the wind element, blowing from all parts of the body, concen­ trates on the hearta. Illnesses that are difficult to di�gnose usually are blamed on the abnormal accumulation or deficiency of wind (or air) in the bodya.a1 7 A common expression for sickness Revolution of 1 9 3 2 (Chicago : distributed by the Univer­ sity of Chicago Press ( 1939]), pp . 139-40a.

13a.

The Thai terms in the second column are honorific words, whereas those in the first column are ordinary Thaia. Bradley, op. oit.n, p . 104a. The assistance of Professor Galaska on this section is gratefully acknowledged .

14a.

Antoine Cabaton, " Siam,a" in James Hastings (ed.), Enoyn­ oZopedia of Religion and Ethias (New Yorka: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1921), 11, p . 4 84 .

15a.

Young, op. oit.n, p. 122.

16a.

Bradley, op. oit . , p . 104 .

17.

Young, op. oit . , p . 122 ; Bradley, op. ait.n, p. 104 .

40 among the Thai is: " It is the wind . "n1 8 Thai medication "whether of mineral, vegetable, or animal origin, aims at adding to or taking away from the constitutive elements what 19 they lack or what they have in excess."n The four major categories of medicine (with numerous subdivisions) are those associated with fire, water, earth, and w ind.n2 0 Ayurvedic, Burmese, and Thai traditional medicine accept a causal relationship between the etiology of disease and the seasons, including each month. Each element is associ­ ated with certain months ; during this period the element's influence predominates. Ailments blamed on excessive heat are more prevalent during the hot (dry) season, whereas those caused by water occur more frequently during the rainy part of the year.n2 1 Burmese, Thai, and Malay have synthesized with Ayurvedic and Hippocratic concepts the belief that the environmental and other spirits control the four elements of the body, and hence may cause illness by disturbing their balance. These preternatural beings also control the external elements that are directed, for cause, into the victimn's body resulting in sickness or death.n2 2 As spirits have control over elements of the world, th�y may control the elements of the body too. A spirit may cause a disproportion of some bodily element and bring on sickness. When this happens, the thing to do is to exorcise the spirits and expel them by incantation and the sprinkling of holy water which has been blessed by the monk.n2 3 18.

Landon, op. ait., p. 140.

19.

Cabaton, op. ait., p. 484.

20.

Bradley, op. ait., p. 105.

21.

Rudolf Hofauer, M. D. , "A Medical Retrospect of Thailand,n" The Journal of the Thailand R esearch Soaiety, 34, Part 1, (1943), pp. 193 f f. ; Bradley, op. ait., p. 1 0 3.

22.

Bradley, op. ait., pp. 104-105 ; George L. Harris and Others, Area Handbook for Thailand (Washington, D.nC.n: U.nS. Government Printing Office, 1966), p. 259.

23.

Kenneth R . Landon, Southeast Asia: Crossroad of Reli­ gions (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1949), p . 27. The Thai "attribute the non-equilibrium of the four elements and hence their illnesses to spirits, and

41 In summaryo, it is obvious that Burmese and Thai humeral pathology borrowed extensively from Ayurvedic doctrine. Available information on these two traditional medical sys­ tems is so meager that the probability of Chinese influence can merely be suggested. Sources that assert Chinese influ­ ence never offer any documentation. Until detailed field studies are made of Burmese and Thai folk medicineo, more precise statements concerning possible relationships with external sources are inappropriateo. It is beyond the scope of this monograph to discuss extensively the agents and techniques by which Indian culture diffused to Southeast Asiao, a subjoect of current dispute among scholars of this region.o2 4 Preceding sections of this study , however , have indicated (or implied) that in Latin America and parts of Southeast Asia , humeral pathology and Ayurvedic medical concepts were brought to these areas by members of the Great Tradition. Yet today these intrusive cultural elements are aspects of the Little Traditions of the rural population. The spread of Hinduism-Brahmanism into Southeast Asia was basicallyo''. . . an aristocratic proce�s , [whereas] Bud­ dhism involved cultural transfer at the popular levels.o''o2 5 Early Brahman immigrants often gained the favor of Southeast Asian nobility with knowledge of their Great Tradition-­ mythology , law , royal genealogies , ritual , folklore , Sanskrit , etc. They were also involved in the "treatment of illnesses" and the "distribution of curative medicines.o"o2 6 consult the sorcerer rather than the doctor; besides the sorcerer is often the ordinary doctor.o" Cabaton , op. a i t . a, p. 484. 24.

D. G. E. Hall , A History of South-East Asia (London: Macmillan & Co.o, Ltd.o, 1964)o, pp. 17-18; D. G. E. Hallo, "Recent Tendencies in the Study of the Early History of South-East Asia , " Paaifia Affairs, 39 (Fall and Wintero, 1966-67) , pp. 339-48; John F. Cady , Southeast Asia : Its Historiaa Z Deve Z opment (New York: McGraw-Hill , 1964) , pp. 41-44; G. Coedes , The Making of South East Asia, translated by H. M. Wright (Berkeley: University of California , 1967), pp. 54- 55.

2 5.

Cady, op. cit.a, p. 43.

26.

Gabriel Ferrard , "Le K'oouen-louen , et les anciennes navigations inter-oceaniques dans les mers du Sud , " Journal A siatique (1919) , cited by G. Coedes , The Indianized States o f So utheast A sia , edited by Walter F. Vella ; translated by Susan Brown Cowing (Honolulu: East-West Center Press , 1968) , p. 22.

42

Most aspects of the Great Tradnition of India could not have been transmitted to Southeast Asia by the uneducated Dravidians involved in the trading act iv ities between the two regions. However , Ayurvedic medicine probably was , as it is today , widely known in village India--unlike the situa­ tion in rural Spain. These Indian sailors and traders , therefore, could have introduced basic Ayurvedic concepts to port c i ty Southeast Asians. However , mastery of the esoteric doctrines of Ayurveda requ ired extensive spec ialized tra ining and knowledge of the literature; these features of the medi­ cal complex must have been brought to Southeast Asia by other agents. If the Brahmans exposed Southeast Asian nob il ity to Auyrvedic practices, this elite probably encouraged Ayurvedic spec ialists to come to their courts as resident physicians . The "Indianization" of Southeast Asia was partly the result of the initiative of Southeast Asians. Furthermore , ". . n. Indian medicine could incorporate indigenous anatomical and physiological speculations and each countryn's recipes for cures [more easily than could] mathematics and other sc iences of a universal nature [ that] did not lend themselves to local 2 7 variatnion."n Ayurvedic knowledge could also have reached members of the Southeast Asian elite through translations of Indian texts. Indian medicine , for exampl·e , is traditionally be1 ieved to have been introduced into Thailand by Tha i translan­ tions of the medical treat ises of Khomarabhacca who l ived during the time of Buddha.n2 8 If this hypothetnical recon­ struction of the major modes of transmission· of Ayurvedic medicine is valid, the next question is how these concepts diffused outward from the elite and the court circles to the Little Tradition of the villagers. It is believed that one group of mediators between the Great and Little Traditions in Burma and Thailand were the Buddhist monks. They have always acted , as they do today , as medical therapists. Unlike the ar istocratic , pollution­ haunted Brahmans , they had intimate contacts not only among local court c ircles but with the peasants. In addition , Buddhism's introduction to Southeast Asia was ma inlyn". . . by South-East Asians , notably Mon monks , who went to Ceylon to study , to collect canonical texts, and to receive orthodox 27.

Coedes , Ma king of South East Asia , p. 226.

28.

Cabaton , op. ait.a, p. 484. the name of Rokhanithan.

Khomarabhacca wrote under

43

ordination.a" 2 9 While in Ceylon they could have been exposed to Ayurvedic specialists and texts whose knowledge they later propagated among the faithful in their homelands. ible that the religious in both In summary, it is pos s a regions, the Buddhista·rnonks in Southeast Asia and the Catho­ lic priests in Latin America, and perhaps also the Philip­ p ines, played a crucial role in linking these intrus ive elements of the Great T raditions with the Little Traditions of the indigenous populace of the countrysaide.

29.

Hall, History of South-East As ia, p. 22a. Also see Charles Leslie, "Profes s ional and Popular Health Cul ­ tures in South As ia: Needed Research in Medical Sociol­ ogy and Anthropology,a" in Ward Morehouse (ed.), U nder­ s tanding Saienae and Teahnology in India and Pakisetan,

Occas ional Publication No . 8 (Albany : Foreign Area Materials Center, Univers ity of the State of New York, 1967)a, pp. 27-4a2.

ARABSo, ISLAM, AND MALAY HUMORAL PATHOLOGY The Arabs, including South Asian Moslems, transmitted a classical humeral pathology to the Malayso. It was hypotheo­ si zed that the Arabs , and especially Islamicized Southeast Asians ( Malays and Indonesians in particular), might have been agents for diffusing similar medical concepts to Moslem and Christian Bisayan Filipinoso. Before the days of the Prophet , Arab merchants sailed Southeast Asian waters en route to Cathayo. The earloies_t known Arab contacts in Malaya occurred in the 7th centuryo. By the end of the 9th century , Moslem traders were living in coastal Malay towns and marrying local womeno. Some became shahbandars, establishing centers of Islamic learning , asso­ ciated with local court circles , and imported Moslem scholars and holy men .o1 Information on the role of the Arabs in transmoitting their humo·ral pathology directly to Malays is both explicit and detailedo. Arabic works on medicine have been translated into Malay, and there may be read learned disquisio­ tions on the parts and functions of the human body , which, in point of scientific accuracy , are of the age of Galen and Aristotle .o2 Malays believe the body is composed of four elements--earth, fire , water , and air (wind). Malay medicineo· iso" . . . based on the fundamental principle of ' preserving the balance of power' among the four elementso. This is chiefly to be af­ fected by constant attention to , and moderation in, dieto. To enforce these golden precepts , passages from the Koran 1.

S . Q . Fatimi , Islam Comes to Malaya, Malaysian Sociologi­ cal Research Institute, Ltd . (Singapore : Malaya Publish­ ing House, Ltd . , 1963), pp . 69, 99-100; Hal l , History of South-East Asia, pp . 190, 202-203o.

2.

W . M . Maxwell, "Shamanoism in Perak, " Journal of the

Straits B ranch of the R oyal Asiatic Societye, 12 (188 4 ) a,

p . 222 .

45

46 are plentifully quoted against excess in eating or drinking . " 3a Commenting on Newbolda' s remarks, Skeat wrote 60 years latera: "The foregoing quotation shows that the distinctive features of the Aristotelian hygienic theory, as borrowed by the Arabs, did eventually filter through (in some cases) until they reached the Malays. Such direct references, however, to Greek theories are of the rarest character, and can hardly be considered typical."a4 The Malay bomora, or traditional medical specialist, treats illnesses resulting from an excess of bodily humors with various foods and drugs ; their qualificationa". . a. into hot, cold, moist, and dry, and the compounds such as cold and warm, warm and humid, cold in the third degree, etc., is elaborate."a5 For example, betel leaf is warm in the first degree and cold and dry in the second degree. - This is the first appearance in Southeast Asia of the Hippocratian degrees of intensity of the qualities of the humors. The primary elements, as in Thailand, are also assoa­ ciated with spirits (jin)a.a6 Disease may be brought by the spirits springing from, or presiding over, the four elements. Jins of the air cause wind-borne diseases, of the earth, vertigo, of the fire, fever, etc.a7 Each Kelantan Malay has a personal jin . a_ Without the consent of this jina, those spirits associated with the four elements are powerless to harm. 3.

T. J. Newbold, Political and Statistical A ccount of the British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, viza. Pinang, Malacca, and Singapore : With a History of the Malayan States on the Peninsula (Londona: John Murray, 1839), 2, p . 351.

4.

Walter W. Skeat, Malay Magic: Being an Introd�ction to the Folklore and Pop ular Religion of the Malay Peninsula , with a preface by Charles 0. Blagden, originally published in 1900 (New York : Dover Publications, 1967), p. 409.

5.

John D . Gimlette, Malay Poisons and Charm Cures , 3rd ed . (Londona: J. A. Churchill, 1929), p . 35.

6.

Ibid . a, pp. 31, 33.

7.

Richard Winstedt, The Malay Magician Being Shaman, Saiva, and Sufi, rev. and enl. ed. (London : Routlege and Kegan Paul, 1961), p . 1 0 1.

47

Humeral Pathology in Telok Kumbar, Penang In 1956 the humoral pathology of residents in a Malay village in Penang was investigated. Telok Kumbar, a fishing village of nearly 1000 people (1956), is located about 13 miles outside of Georgetown, the port city o·f Penang, Malay­ siao. A paved road runs past the village; bus service between the city and Telok Kumbar is excellent . A small commercial center clusters on both sides of the road, consisting of food stores, a small Chinese pharmacy,o_otailor and coffee shops, and a bus station. The village also had Malay and Chinese schools, and a small marketplace. Most people in the village made their living by fishing; the beach at the edge of Telok Kumbar was lined with small fishing boats, many with outboard motorso. Telok Kumba r was a pleasant-appearing nucleated village with white sandy paths and community wells; coconut and rambutan trees surrounded neat wooden p·ile dwellings with palm thatched roofso. Most houses had electricity and some families owned radioso. Only one Indian family resided in the village. Telok Kumba r residents share the same basic humeral pathology previously described for Malayso. They accept the disturbance of the four elements in the body as a major cause of illness. Most sicknesses are classified as hot or cold. Food and medicine is classified as hot (han�at or panas)a, cold (sejok)a, and regular (sedang or suam)a. For hot illo­ nesses, cold foods and remedies are prescribed, and vice versao. Informants in the village, however, had no knowledge about the various intensities of the hot-cold qualitieso. A Penang informant claimed no Malays in this general locality classified hot or cold by degrees. Possibly this aspect of their original humeral pathology has been dropped by many Malays today as in most of Latin America and, apparently, in the Philippineso. 8.

For additional meanings of these words, see Richard Winstedt, A Practical Modern Malaya-English Dictionarya, 4th ed . ( Kuala Lumpur and Singapore : Marican & Sons, Ltdo., 1964), and Collins Malay Gem Dictionary, Malaya­ English : English-Malay ( Londono: Collins, 1964)o. Hangat supposedly is used more commonly in northern Malaya than panas. A knowledgeable Penang Malay informant claimed sedang means "fair" and should not be translated as "regularo. " It was he who suggested suama; however, sedang was the word given by the villagerso. Other meanings for suam are "tepid" or "luke- warm.o"

48

Some, but not all, foods have the additional qualities of angin (air, breeze, or flatulence) and bisa. Although one meaning of bisa is "poison,n" in this context the term is best translated as "allergic" or "produces an ill effect.n"n9 A fruit's flesh may lack bisa but the seed or juice possess this quality, e . g. , the seeds of the jackfruit or the sticky milk of the lanzones. Food with bisa must be avoided, re­ gardless of its other qualities, when one has specific ill­ nesses that bisa aggravates. Some fish (terubok and ray­ fish) and duck eggs have both angin and bisa ; for a person with a skin disease, eating these foods would worsen the disease since bisa is "antagonistic" to skin ailments. If one is not afflicted with a skin disease, the bisa quality of these two foods has no affect. Bisa does not increase or decrease the coldness or hotness of any foods. Table 5 (Appendix) lists various vegetables, fruits, meat, eggs, and spices according to their hot-cold-regular, angin and bisa qualities in Telok Kumbar. These qualities are believed to be "the will of Allah"; typically, they are usually independent of any intrinsic characteristics of the foods. Most fruits are cold yet two rather similar fruits, lanzones and rambutan, are, respectively, hot and cold. Brown sugar is cold, with bisa, rock sugar, simply cold, and white sugar, hot (or regular) with angin. Originally, the classifications were made on the basis of personal experi­ ence. For example, the mangosteen is coldn; if eaten one feels colder than if one had not eaten the fruit. The effect is said to be faster during the evening than the day. As Table 5 indicates, the classification of foods in Telok Kumbar, as in Latin America and the Philnippines, is not always unanimous for each item. Table 6 (Appendix) classifies many of the common sick­ nesses known in Telok Kumbar as whether they are hot or cold. The local bomor said "smallpox is not a Malay disease because it came from India." For fractures, one should avoid for one year cold foods, for eating them delays the knitting of the broken bone. Given this concept of sickness and remedies, an epidemic may assume additional economic significance. A Penang flu epidemic ( 1956) so abnormally increased the demand for cold fruits and vegetables sold in the marketplaces that 9.

Another definition of bisa is "painful,n" see John D. Gimlette, A Dictionar y of Malayan Medicine, ed. and com­ pleted by H. W. Thomson (Londonn: Oxford University Press, 1939). Some informants claimed only cold foods have bisa. In Table 5, ten foods are listed as possessing bisa ; of these seven are cold and three are hot (with two hot foods also classified as regular).

49 throughout the island their regular prices were greatly in­ flated for several months. Excessive angin in the body causes specific illnesses generically known as penyakit angin . For example, penyakit angin litasan , the Malay equivalent for stro·ke, occurs when too much angin collects in the body . However, no classificao­ tion was attempted of the various types of penyakit angin. A new mother's diet is rigidly prescribed in Telok Kumbar until the confinement ends--40 days after the delivery for a boy, 44 for a daughtero. The woman's puerperium diet is a simple fare of hot foodso. She must not eat vegetables, whereas raw chicken eggs, pounded salted fish, and honey are recommended. ( Some mothers arrange the egg shells by the bed to keep track of the length of the confinement . ) During delivery , only certain membranes are believed affectedo. If one were to eat cold foods, the whole body would be weakened; in such cases cold foods could result in convulsionso. Both the Malays in Telok Kumbar and those living in southern Thailand regard pregnancy as hot and the subsequent puerperium as cold. I n southern Thailand a new mother and her husband avoid "certain types of goods considered 'cold' (for examp_le, most vegetable foods). . . .o During pregnancy she was not allowed to eat 'hot' foods , such as meat and some fruit."o1 0 Moslem Filipinos of Mindanao and Sulu Although the Philippines is known as. the "only Christian nation in Asia ," a large Moslem minority lives in the south­ ern part of the archipelagoo. Since Arabs and Islamicized South Asians carried the classic humeral pathology to Malayao, we hypothesized that they might also have been the agents of transmission to the Philippineso. Unfortunately , reliable published sources on Moslem Filipinos (Moros) are scanty, so that data on their folk medicine are extremely meagero. How­ ever, it was possible to secure additional information on the disease concepts and curing practices of some Moslem Filipinos from anthropologists who recently returned from the fieldo. This section reports what is known about the humoral pathology aspects of the traditional medicine of four Moslem Filipino societieso. 10o.

Thomas M. Fraser , Jr.o, Fishermen of South Thailand: The Malay Villagers ( New Yorko: Holto, Rinehart and Winston, 1961), p. 60.

so The Magindanao, Maranao, Tausug, and Samal compose four of the seven major Moslem Filipino groups inhabiting the Sulu Archipelago and south-central Mindanaoa.a1 1 The Maginda­ nao are concentrated in Cotabato province, Mindanao, whereas the Maranao are f6und around Lake Lanao, south-central Mindanao. As to Sulu, the Tausug are the only ethnic group on Jolo, although they are also found on adjacent islands, including Basilan and Palawan, and the eastern coast of Malaysian Borneoa. The Samal are divided into two branches, the Eastern and Western Samala. The Eastern Samal are cultur­ ally distinct, in language, history, and economics, from the Western Samal that include the Bajaua. Islam penetrated the southern Philippines at the end of the 14th centurya. Kiefer states that Islam was introduced to Jolo, the major island of the Sulu Archipelago, by three different groups: "Arab traders and adventurers, Chinese Moslems, and Sufi missionaries from Malaya and Sumatra, and a By the time Islam reached the possibly south China . " 12 Philippines, the religion's original form had been modified by passage through Persia, India, Malaya, and Sumatraa. "The fact that many of the traditions came via Malaya meant that it [the religion] was presented in a cultural and institu­ tional form which was readily understood by the [ Filipino] converts.a"a1 3 The most detailed published (but itself brief) study of Moslem folk medicine concerns the Magindanao of C otabato. This source discusses their theories of the causation of disease, its treatment, and various medicines, but makes no 11.

Most of the general information on Moslem Filipinos in these paragraphs is summarized from Thomas M . Kiefer, Tausug Armed Confliatn: The So aial Organization of Mili­ tary Aativity in a Philippine Mos lem Soaiety (Chicago: Philippine Studies Program, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, Research Series No . 7, 1969), and Peter G. Gowing, Mosque and Moron: A Study of the Mus lims in the Philippines (Manila: Philippine Federa­ tion of C hristian Churches, 1964)a. Another source consulted was Thomas M . Kiefer and Stuart A . Schlegel, Senl e ated Bibnliographyn: Philippine Mos lems (Chicago: Philippine Studies Program, University of Chicago, 1965), mimeographed, 16 pp .

12a.

Kiefer, op. ait.n, p . 10a.

1 3 a.

Ibid. , p. 1 1 .

51 reference to a humoral pathology or a hot-cold dichotomy .o1 4 No hot - cold classification of foods, medicines or diseases is menti oned. Magindanao traditional medical theory shares one feature of Roman, Chinese, Ayurvedic, Burmese, and Thai medicineo. All these systems associate disease with different seasons, months, and days .o1 5 The Magindanao believe a sick­ ness beginning on Monday is caused by wind; on Tuesday, by water; on Wednesday, by sun, etc.o1 6 Yet this source does not state or imply that wind, f ire, or sun (heat) are be­ lieved to be humoral elements of the body, the equilibrium of which is identical with health . A recent publicati on on the Maranao includes a short chapter by a Maranao sociolog ist on their folk medicine.o1 7 This makes · no mention of a hot-cold syndrome or humoral pathology concepts in their traditional medicine. Although the reference is tantali z ingly brief, the Maranao believe one element, bisa , of either an organic or inorganic riature, is a causal agent of sicknesso. Bi saa, a quality that Malays also assert is inherent in some fo ods, aggravates illness when eaten. 14o.

Liborio Gomez, "Mohammedan Medical Practices in Cotabato Province, " The Philippinea.aJournal of Sciencea, 1 2 - B (191 7), ppo. 261-80o. Other sources consulted without profit for Moslem Filipinos were: Philip F. Harvey, "Native [Moslem] Practice in the Philippines, w ith Introductory Observations," The New York Medical Journal , 74 (1901), pp . 203-11; J . Franklin Ewing, S. J., "Birth Customs of the Tawsugs, Compared with Those of Other Philippine Groups,o" Anthropological Quarterlya, 33 (1960), pp. 129-33; J . Franklin Ewing, S. J. , "Food and Drink Among the Tawsug with Comparative Notes from Other Phil­ ippine and Nearby Groups," A nthropological Quarterlya, 36 (1963), pp. 60-70; Dolores Ducommun, "Sisangat: A Sulu Fishing Community," Philippine Sociological Review , 10 (1962), pp. 91-107o.

1 5 o.

Kutumbiah, op. c i t.a, pp . 132-33. Charaka divided the year into six seasons (cold, spring, rainy, etc . ) . Since one cause of sickness was varying annual temperatures, during the rainy season one should avo id sleeping by day and should eat certain foodso.

16.

Gomez, op . ci t . a, p . 265 .

1 7 o.

Mamitua Saber and Abdullah T. Madale, "Health and Medical Problems Among the Maranaos," in Antonio Isidro and Mamitua Saber, Muslim Filipinos (Marawi C ity: University Research C enter, Mindanao State University, 1968), pp. 84-93.

52 Harry Nimmo spent two years studying the Bajau (Badjaw), or "sea gypsies,a" of the Sulu Archipelago .a1 8 His anthropoa­ logical research, with extensive investigation of illness and curing, was done among the Bajau o f Tawi-Tawi and Sibutu Islandsa. The Bajau of Tawi-Tawi are a nomadic boat people, whereas those living on Sitangkai have almost completely abandoned the boat-dwelling lifea. Sitangkai Bajau are thor­ oughly acculturated to Islama. Some Baja.u groups in Zamboanga and Jolo live exclusively on boats, although the majority occupy pile dwellings built over the sea when they are not on fishing trips .a1 9 On the whole, however, the Bajau are on the fringe of Islamic tradition in Sulua. Nimmo found no humeral pathology or hot-cold dichotomy among these people who attribute almost all sickness to the spiritsa. Professor Kiefer spent two years (196 6-6 8) studying the Tausug o f Jolo .a. "Approximately fourteen months were spent in intensive participant observation in a single community located in the municipality o f Luuk in the easternmost part of the Island of Jolo . . . . The remaining time was spent in travel throughout Sulu, several months residence in Bun-bun . . . and several monthsa_residence in the Luuk municipal center and the town of Joloa. " 2a0 Although his research was focused on a totally different topic, Kiefer did not encounter any humeral pat�ology or hot-cold syndrome conceptsa. It is only among the Eastern Samal that a definite hot­ cold syndrome appears as part of Moslem Filipino traditional medicinea. Professor William H . Geoghegan spent nearly one year studying the Balangingia', an Eastern Samal group who lives in Barrio Tagtabon on Tictauan island,a· about six miles off the east coast of Zamboanga City .a2 1 The following data on Samal folk medicine, supplied by Professor Geoghegan, applies primarily to the Balangingia' who currently are the politically dominant Moslem group in the Zamboanga area. They also fill most of the major Islamic religious roles in the locality, including those in communities of mixed cul­ tural-linguistic groups. 18a.

Harry Nimmo, "The Bajau of Sulu- -Fiction and Fact,a" Phi lippine Studi e s , 16 (196a 8), pp . 772-73a.

19a.

Harry Nimmo, "Social Organization of the Tawia-Tawi Badjaw,a" Ethno logy , 4 (1965), p . 4 2 1 .

20a.

Kiefer, op . ai t . , p . iiia.

21a.

Professor Geoghegan wrote that although his research was mainly concerned with other areas of Samal culture, "I did conduct a brief (two or three months) training study in Samal disease conceptsa."

53

The Balangingi' Samal have four maj or disease (saki) or sickness categories: 1) swelling (e.g., small boil, goiter, smallpox, etc.); 2) pain/ache (e.g., headache, stomach ache, etc.); 3) hot/heat (e.g., smallpox, gangrenous erysipelas, etc.) ; and 4) cold (e.g. , malaria, chills, measles, etc.).o2 2 Occasionally a wet/dry distinction appears in some aspects of their folk medicine. There are also some diseases that do not fit into any of these broad categories. Although these categories are regarded as separate, they are also linked, in pairs, in terms of etiology, symptoms, and treat­ ment. A union exists between hot/heat (saki pasun') and swell­ ing (saki bahan') illnesses. For example, a Balangingi' ex­ plainso: "The reason it gets red, the reason it swells, because heat gets in." Most hot diseases occur because "heat gets into the body." The categories of cold (saki haggut) and pain/ache (saki piddin' ) sicknesses are also j. oined. "We here, if our stomach aches, sometimes we're caused first to drink hot water. Something to get out the chill (cold)o." Some ailments, such as pneumonia, associated with fever, are said to be cold. In general, treatment fo� hot/heat and swelling sicknesses is something cold, to eliminate the heat that results in the ailment. Cold remedies vary from various foods and �erbs to smoking menthol cigarettes or resorting to ancient magical spells of the cold variety. For -the second linked pair of disease categories, pain/ache and cold, the usual treatment is heat, e.g., wrapping the patient in a blanket, drinking warm water, or taking hot (or bitter) foods and/or medicines. An essential aspect of Balangingi' folk medicine is the concept of sukang, the opposite of medication (tambal). Sukang is a quality that aggravates various sicknesses. Most diseases have sukang as well as tambal ; and these supposedly have opposite effects on the course of the illness. Accord­ ing to the patient'os sickness, some foods regularly eaten must be avoided because of their sukang qualityo. Generally sukang shares the same hot-cold features as its associated diseases. C ertain foods that cause sigkness (e.g., eating low- tide sea products may result in a stomach ache) are not classified as sukang. Some kinds of behavior not associated with eating or food are treated like sukang. If one has a mild cold, he should avoid being "hit by the rain" since this may complicate his ailment. 22.

Smallpox is both a "swelling" disease because of its pustules and a hot disease since excessive internal body heat produces the eruptions.

54

The Balangingi' do not appear to classify foods on a hot-cold basisa. When one is ill, however, certain foods must be avoided because of their sukang relationship with a particular disease, not because of any metaphysical hot- cold qualitya. The p hy si aai quality of a food is relevant (e . g . , the actual serving temperature) but not in the Bisayan Fili­ pino or Malayan sense of hot-cold categoriesa. ·acertain herbs are believed efficacious in extracting heat or cold from one'as body, but it is unknown if they are classified in this manner. A Balangingi' with pneumonia, a cold disease, must not eat squid, shrimp, crab, and jackfruit; eggs may be consumeda. However, for measles and chickenpox, both cold diseases, eggs are sukang and must be avoided. Since all of these three ailments are regarded as cold, more than the hot-cold concept must be involved to make eggs sukanga. These Samal do not have any explicit beliefs that good health requires the balance of hot and cold elements in the body. Yet the implication of such an equilibrium exists since sickness often is the result of excessive heat or colda. entering the bodya. These illnesses are cured by neutralizing the intrusive element. In other words, their beliefs do imply that the absence of an excess of hot or cold represents a normal, healthy persona. A partial similarity occurs between the bisa of Malays in Penang and the sukang of Balangingi'a. For both Malays and the Balangingi' certain foods when eaten have a quality that aggravates the patient' s ailment. Sukang cannot bring on disease, although it may complicate an illness or result in a more serious sicknessa. In the sense that bisa is simi ­ lar to "allergy,a" i . e . , can actually cause sickness, the two concepts are dissimilar . Unfortunately, the bisa concept in Malay traditional medicine was not thoroughly investigated. Bi sa also appears to be an integral concept in the folk medi­ cine of the Maranao Moslems; rabies is called by bisa aso [ aso, dog] and venom, bisa ni p aia. Bisa is ·used by the Balan­ gingi' in its Malay sense of a poisonous or stinging bite.a2 3 However, our data on these concepts are too scanty to more than speculate on their possible generic relationships. 23.

Although Professor Carol Molony specifically inquired, she found the Moslem Yakans of Basilan island have no hot-cold classification of foods, herbs, and diseases or humeral pathology aspects associated with their traditional medicinea.

55

This summary of the known contours of Moslem Filipino traditional medicine, with the exception of the Balangingi', does not indicate the presence of a humeral pathology or hot­ cold dichotomyo. A definite hot-cold syndrome appears among Balangingi' disease concepts, but humeral pathology aspects are more latent than manifest. Since Islam was introduced to Filipinos primarily by Arabs, and s ufl missionaries from Malaya, it is curious that an almost classic form of humeral pathology was passed on to the Malays during their Islamiza­ tion but apparently not to Moslem Filipinos.

CH INESE AND V IETNAMESE MEDICINE China itself and the Chinese residents of the Philip­ pines and other Southeast Asian nations , are sources that Christian Filipinos may have utilized in creating their tra­ ditional medical system. The following pages do not attempt either a thorough description of Chinese medicine or investi­ gate in detail possible external influences on its develop­ ment. This brief summary was provoked by historical refer­ ences to Chinese folk healers and medicine in the Philippines that bear considerable similarities to humoral pathology. Parallels occur among the Hippocratic , Ayurvedic , and Chinese medical systems. The Chinese believe that animate and inanimate objects consist of five elements; to the Greek and Indian elements of earth , fire , and water, they added wood and metal .o1 The five element concept led to the development of an elaborate pseudoscience for each element was linked. to a natural physiological process and specific internal organs.o2 Both blood and air (pneuma) was believed to flow through the body's vessels. The Chinese also accepted the dualistic concept of Yang (male , warm, active, dry, positive , life) and Yin (female, cold, passive , moist, negative)o. Along · with the five ele­ ments , Yang and Yin created , and existed in , all the phenom­ ena of nature. These two forces, or positive and negative princi� les, had a mutual affinity and antagonism to each othero. Health required both a harmonious equilibrium between Yang and Yin and a proper quantitative relationship among 1.

Fielding H . Garrison, An Introduation to the History of

Medioine with Mediaal Chronology, Suggestions foP Study and Bibliographiaal Data (Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders Co. , 4th revo. ed.o, 1929) , pp. 74-75; Edward H. Hume , The Chinese Way of Mediaine (Baltimore : Johns Hopkins Press,

1940), pp. 1 7 - 19.

2.

Ralph C . Croizier , Traditional Mediaine in Modern China:

Soeienoe, Nationalism, and the Tensions of Culture Change

(Cambridge: Harvard University , 1968)o, p . 17.

3.

Gordon , op. ait.e, p . 357. 57

58

by the five elementsa. The Yang-Yin balance was maintained proper conduct, dietary rules, acupuncturea, etca.a4 Illnesses also resulted from exposure to hot and cold elementsa.a5 For example, the Chinese (like Lalawiganers) distinguished three varieties of beriberi: hot, cold , and cardiaca. Chinese foods and drugs were classified in numerous ways, including their quantity of Yang and Yin; the more Yang a substance possessed , the greater its healing powers. There­ fore , food was one means by which the Yang-Yin balance could be upset or restoreda.a6 Certain drugs were prescribed to make up a deficiency of Yang or Yin, to aid the fire element against an excess of water , etc .a7 Needham believed there is little likelihood that Hippo­ cratic principles diffusing directly from Greece to China .a8 On the other hand, cultural exchange, including medical knowledge, occurred between the Arabs and Indiansa. Kublai Khan supposedly introduced to China healing practices used by the Arabsa, including remedies recommended in Avicenna'as Ash-Shifa but not his Canon.e9 Maritime relations existed between the Persian Gulfa_aarea and Canton (the latter port was the main terminus of Arab trade) during the early Chris­ tian centuriesa.a1 0 After the Chinese were converted to Mahayana Buddhism , which advocated the Ayurvedic theory of four elements, numer­ ous pilgrims from China visited Indiaa. As early as the 3rd centurya, B . C . a, Tsou Yen tried to amalgamate Chinese medical concepts with those he learned from Indian travelers.a1 1 4.

Croizier, op. cit.e, p . 17 .

5.

Humea, op. cit.e, p . 121.

6.

Gordona, op. cit.e, p . 377 .

7.

Croiziera, op. cit., pp. 20-2 1 .

8.

Joseph Needhama, Science and Civilizeation in China, 4 vols. in 8 parts (Cambridge: Cambridge Universitya, 1962) , 2 , p. 246 .

9.

Hakim Mohammad Said, Medicine in China (Karachi: Hamdard Academy, 1963), pp . 233-34a.

10 .

Pierre Huard and Ming Wong , Chinesee Medicine, translated from the French by Bernard Fielding (Londona: World Uni­ versity Librarya, 1968)a, pp . 93-94a.

11.

Ibid., p. 88 .

59 I-tsing (Ching Wen-ming), Fa-Hsien, and Hsuan Tsang are some of the more notable Chinese monks who studied in India, be­ tween the 4th and 7th centuries, A. D. Later they translated Indian classics into their language. Considerable exchange occurred between the medical systems of these countries. For example, sphygmology (diagnosis of illness by the pulse) was borrowed from the Ayurveda by the Chinese.o1 2 During the T ! ang period Sun Szu-Miao (Souen Sseu-Mo) developed a medical system that was a compromise between the Indian and Chinese doctrines. The - disharmony of the five elements was rarely invoked as a pathological factor. After the diffu­ sion of the India-Greek theory of the four elements by Buddhism, the disharmony of the latter often was invoked by the pathologists of the T ' ang era. They made strange attempts to conciliate Indian and Chinese pathogenesis. Souen Sseu-Mo is very typical of this point of view.o1 3 The Chinese could have introduced their medical knowledge (including derivatives from India) to Filipinos. Unfortun­ ately, no research has been done on the relationships be­ tween Chinese and Filipino traditional medicine. Vietnamese fo·lk medicine, based extensively but not com­ pletely on Chinese traditional medical concepts, furnishes some insight into the adaptive process of borrowing in one Southeast Asian nation. Vietnamese folk medicine asserts that health depends on maintaining a balance of bodily ele­ ments. Cure of illness results when a disturbed equilibrium of these elements is restored. Many foods and sicknesses are regarded by the Vietnamese as hot or cooling in nature.o1 4 I n Vietnam pregnant woman avoid certain hot and cold foods to prevent upset of the body'os balance of vital forces, making them "susceptible to every conceivable illness."o1 5 12.

Croizier, op . ait . , p. 90.

13.

Pierre Huard and Ming Wong, "Structure...,de la Medicine Chinoise, " Bu 'l 'le tin de ia So ciete des Etudes Indoahi­ noises, 33 (1957), p. 3Q4..

14. 15.

Gerald Hickey, Vi 'l 'lage in Vi�tnam (New Haven, Conn. : Yale University, 1964), p. 57.

Richard Coughlin, "Pregnancy and Birth in Vietnam,o" in Hart, Rajadhon and Coughlin, op. cit. , p. 2 2 8.

60

Today some Western drugs have been rejected by the Vietnamese since they "are ' hot ' and have a dehydrating effect on the humor and on the blood . " o1 6 In Vietnam, as elsewhere in Southeast Asia, both Western and traditional medicines are used .o1 7

16.

Harvey H. Smith and others, A rea Handbook for South Vietnam (Washington, D. C . o: U . S . Government Printing Office, 1967), p . 134.

17.

James B. Hendry, The Small World of Khanh Hau (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1964), p . 98 .

CONCLUSIONS Purpose The primary purpose of this monograph has been to de­ scribe the humoral complex of the traditional medicine of Bisayan Filipinos and of Malays in Penango. Because of neglect of this topic, there is need for additional field data on this aspect of Southeast Asian culture in general, and of Christian Filipinos in particular.o1 1.

Recent studies of Filipino village life, that deal exten­ sively with food, diet, folk medical beliefs, shamanism, and die·tary practices, contain no data on the hot-cold complex or humoral pathology of disease and treatment: Ethel Nurge, Life in a Leyte Village (Seattleo: American Ethnological Society, Monograph No. 40, University of Washington Press, 1965); Agaton A . Pal, "A Philippine Barrid: A Study of Social Organizations in Relation to Planned Cultural Change,o" The Unive rsity of Manila Journal of East Asiatic Studies , 5 (1956), pp. 333o- 486; Francisco T. Aparece, "The Care of the Sick and the Burial of the Dead in the Rural Areas of Bohol and Their Education Im­ plications'' (Cebu City: M . A. thesis· in Education, Univer­ sity of San Car 1 os , 196 0 ) ; Richard Arens, S. V. D . , ''The Tambalan and His Medical Practice in Leyte and Samar,o" The Philippine Journal of Sciencea, 86 (1957), ppo. 121-30; F. Landa Jocano, "Cultural Context of Folk Medicine : Some Philippine Cases,o" Philippine Sociological Reviewa, 14 (1966), pp. 40-48; Richard W. Lieban, "Qualifications for Folk Medicine in Sibulan, Negros Oriental, Philippines,o" The Philippine Journal of Sciencea, 91 (1962), pp. 511-21; William F . Nydegger and Corrine Nydegger, Tarong: An Iloaos Barrio in the Philippin es (New Yorko: Six Cultures Series, Vol . 6, John Wiley and Son, Inc. , 1966); Teodora W . Tiglao, Health Practices in a Rural Community (Quezon City : Community Development Research Council, Study Series No. 23, University of the Philippines, 1964); Leon Ma. Guerrero, "Medicinal Plants,o" in Census of the Phil­ ippines [1918] (Manila : Bureau of Printing, 1921), 3 , pp. 7 47-87; Eduardo Quisumbing, Medicinal Plants of the Phil­ ippines (Manilao: Bureau of Printing, Technical Bulletin 16, 1951); and Richard W . Lieban, "The Dangerous Ingkantoso: Illness and Social Control in a Philippine Community,o" American Anthropologist , 64 (1962), pp . 306-12o. 61

62

An additional objaect was to compare this feature of Filipino and Malay folk medicine with Asian and Latin Ameri­ can parallels, and to identify possible relationships. At the start of the projaect, we suspected that the Spaniards introduced the Bisayans to concepts of humoral pathology. However, there can be no doubt that diffusion to the Malay peninsula was directly by Arabs and indirectly by other Mos­ lem South Asians when I slam spread into Southeast Asia. Spanish Influence in the Bisayas As the research proceeded, the original hypothesis that the humoral pathology of Bisayan Filipinos was part of their Spanish heritage became increasingly more viable. Although conclusive documentation is lacking, the weight of the evi­ dence is that the basic humoral aspects of Bisayan traditional medicine probably were a cultural transmission of the Span­ iardsa. Moreover, its diffusion via Mexico probably occurred during the early part of the Spanish colonial period in the Philippines. Indian Influence in the Bisayas It appears improbable that the humoral aspects of Bisayan folk medicine have an Ayurvedic source. The few trustworthy analyses of Indian cultural elements in the Philippines offer no clues that medical or disease concepts were among those diffused. Unfortunately, existing knowledge of the impact of Indian culture on Filipinos is hazy, if not contradictory. Cady, for example, maintains that Filipino cultural loans from India were "secondhand and superficial in character.a" 2 Yet Alfred Kroeber writes that not only was Indian cultural influence at its "most profound" in the coastal and lowland regions, but "There is no tribe in the Philippines, no matter how primitive and remote, in whose culture today elements ofa· Indian origin cannot be traced.a"a3 2•

Cady, op. cit., p. 2.32 •

3.

Alfred L. Kroeber, Peoples of the Philippines, 2nd and rev. ed. (New Yorka: American Museum of Natural History, 1943), pp. 15-16. The latest maj or study of Indian in­ fluence in the Philippines does not deal with the topic of this monograph: Juan R. Francisco, " Indian Influence in the Philippines: With Special Reference to Language and Literature," Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities R ev iew, 27 (1963) , pp . 1-310.

63

Most likely Cady is correct in that most Indian influ­ ence reached the Philippines through Southeast Asian inter­ mediaries, whereas Kroeber probably is right in asserting that the totality of borrowed elements was not superficial. Although Filliozat states that Ayurvedic medical principle4 diffused widely from India to "Indo-China an-d Indonesiaa,"a no evidence was found that they were adopted by Christian Filipinos. A recent study reports a negligible number of Sanskrit loan-words in Cebuan .a5 The Cebuan words of known o r suspected Sanskrit origin relate primarily to flora and fauna , parts of the bodies of animals , and secondarily to social institu­ tions and relationshipsa. No lexical borrowings associated with Ayurvedic concepts appear in Cebuan. Since information on the small contemporary Indian community in the Philippines is exceedingly scarce , it has been impossible to determine . if• Ayurvedic medicine is practiced today in the the Philipapines. Islamic Influences in Penang and the Bisayas The humeral pathology of the Penang Malays was largely borrowed directly - from Arabs or Arabic sources and then locally adapted. Among all Southeast Asiansa, only the Malays retain the traditional degrees of intensity of humoral elea­ ments. It was hypothesized that if the traditional medicine of Moslem Filipinos exhibited a pronounced humoral pathology , this might constitute evidence that diffusion of this aspect of Bisayan folk medicine to the Philippines began with the arrival of Islam in the 14th century. Islamic Influence Among the Moslem Filipinos Available information is that most of the major Moslem Filipino groups do not share such disease concepts. Only 4.

Filliozata, op . ait . , p. xvii.

5.

Jos� G. Kuizon , "The Sanskrit Loan - Words in Cebuano­ Bisayan Language and the Indian Elements in Cebuano­ Bisayan Culture" (Cebu City: M. A. thesis in Anthropology , University of San Carlos , 1962) , pp. 118-19 , 124. For critical comments on efforts to identify Sanskrit. and Chinese loan-words in Philippine languagesa, see William

64 among the Balingingin' does a hot-cold dichotomy occur. How­ ever, the basic conceptualization of their folk medicine is dissimilar from that of either the Malays or Bisayan F il i • pinos. Data on this subject are limited, for most anthropolo­ gists who have studied Moslem F ilipinos have not concentrated on their folk medicine. New research may uncover examples of humoral pathology where they are now believed non-exin stent. Chinese Influence in the Bisayas Several quoted sources assert that Chinese medical spec ialists in the Spanish Philippines believed the mainte­ nance of health required the harmonious balance of hot and cold elements in the body. These references probably refer to the Yang-Yin corpus of beliefs, among which was that good health requires the equilibrium of hot and cold. Unfortun­ ately, no studies have been made of Chinese influence on Filipino folk medicine. Traditional Filipino medical com­ plexes do not appear to have adopted any uniquely Chinese traits, such as acupuncture. Although our knowledge of the Chinese element in Philip­ pine languages is limited, Manuel ' s study of Chinese loan­ words in Tagalog does not indicnate any significant lexical borrowing of Chinese terms for diseases, drugs, equipment, etc. For example of 3 8 1 words he believes to have been adopted from the Chinese, only seven (1.n8 % ) pertain to medi­ cine or anatomy. From a broader point of v iew, it can be seen that these ( 3 8 1] words have reference chiefly to the economic and soc i al life--the occupational terms and names of foods representing the economic phases, and the kinship terms, maj ority of the action-words and terms referring to abstract quali­ ties indicating the influence on the social life.n6 Henry Scott, Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History (Manila: University of Santo Tomas Press, 1968), pp. 55 ff. 6.

E. Arsenio Manuel, Chinese Elements in the Tagalog L an­ guage w ith Some Indication of Chinese Influence on Other Philippine Languages and an Excursion into Austronesian L inguistics (Manila : Filipiniana Publications, 1948), p. 112a.

65

Although the Chinese probably had some influence on Filipino folk medicine (Chinese medical preparations are still popular among the barriofolk), no convincing evidence was• found that its humoral characteristics are of Chinese • or1g1n. Indi�enous Influences Among Bornean and hilippine Primitive Societies What have been considered here to be intrusive aspects of Bisayan F ilipino folk medicine may actually be indigenous. However, our search for indigenous humoral pathologies or hot-cold syndromes among Bornean and Philippine primitive (non-literate) societies was of l imited successo. As to some Borneans, this was found: they, and other primit ive peoples, regard the universe "as sensitive to wrongdoing or to certain events. Under certain conditions the world may become ' hot' or 'sick . ' o" ' The Kelabit and Dusun of Sarawak and Sabah--and the Lovedu of South Africa--share this basic concept that the world becomes hot when certain events occur or certain mores are violated.o8 The l�terature examined does not attribute to primit ive F i l ipino societies a concept of automatic retroibution that abnormally heats o· r cools the universe .o9 Finally, our search revealed no Bornean or F i l ipino group whose folk medi­ cine has humoral pathology features or that classifies foods, herbs, and diseases along a hot-cold continuum. 7.

John J. Honigmann, The World of Man (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1959), pp. 640 - 6 1.

8.

E. J. Krige and J. D. Krige, The Realm of a Rain-Queen (London: Oxford University Press, 1943), p. 120. Among the Lovedu when a King dies, a woman dies during child­ birth, or a person is struck by lightning, the world be­ comes so hot that ra in is impossible. Symbolic "cooling" rituals are performed to restore the universe to its normal balance.

9.

A comprehensive search on this topic was not attempted in the ava i lable materials on primitive societies in Borneo and the Philippines. Some indication of the docu­ mentation available on a single Philippine group is illustrated by Harold C. Conklin, Ifugao Biblioagraphy (New Haven, Conn. : Yale University, Southeast Asia Studies, Bibliography Series No. 11, 1968).

66 Parallels Between the Bisayas and Latin America There are numerous similarities between Latin American and Bisayan humoral pathologies. In both Latin America and the Bisayas the same deviations from the classical humoral pathology occur. The qualities of wet and dry disappeared, and only hot and cold remained, whereas the degrees of intena­ sity of these qualities were rarely retained in Latin America and, apparently, never in the Philippines. Both folk medi­ cal complexes also added a new taxonomic category (templado or natural)a. These parallels between Latin American (especially Mexican) and Filipino traditional medical complexes appears partially explainable. In Latin America Spanish physicians, geographers, and natural historians classified the new flora and fauna according to their system. In 1570, for example, a number ofa- Spanish physicians were sent by Philip I I to collect information about New World medicinal plants and their uses ; specimens and reports were to be forwarded to Spain.a1 0 "By the end of the 16th century a fair part of the indigenous pharmacopoeia had been recognized and the qualia­ ties of each item described according to the prevailing notions of hot,a- cold, wet, and dry.a" 1 1 Some Spaniards, and especially the priests, took a deep interest in Philippine ethnobotany. "The early Spanish mis­ sionaries were keenly interested in medicinal plants and in folk medicine, and having none other, often used them on theirselves [ sic ] . " 1 2 Many New World medicinal plants were introduced by the friars and their known properties in Mexico were taught to Filipinos.a1 3 "More plants were brought from Mexico than from Spain, because the Philippines was adminis­ tered through Mexico and had more contact with Mexico than with Spain.a"a1 � Of 178 species of plants purposely or accia10.

C. H. Haring, The Spanish Empire in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1947), pp. 233-34.

11.

Foster, "Spanish-American Folk Medicine,a" pp. 20 3 - 20 4.

1 2.

Robert M. Zingg, "American Plants in Philippine Ethno­ botany,a" The Philippine Journal, of Sciencea, 54 ( 19 3 4), p. 271.

13.

Ibida., p. 25 4.

14.

Teodoro A. Agoncillo and Oscar M. Alfonso, A Short His­ tory of the Filipino Peop ie (Quezon City : University of

67 dentally introduced to the Philippines from the New World ! more than 100 were brought from Mexico by the Spaniards.o1 The Spaniards started medical education in Latin America at an early date. In 1580. a chair in medicine was established at the University of Mexico. By 1638 the University of San Marcos, Peru , had begun medical training. "Hippocrates , Galen, Avicenna, and other authorities of the Classic and Arabic periods were the basic sources of this teaching.'' 1 6 Howevero, "Medical education in the colonies . . . even in early Bourbon timeso, had advanced litotle berond the concepts of Hippocrates, Galen , and Avicenna. . . . " 7 In facto, humeral pathology continued to be taught in Mexican medical schools until the middle 18th century. During the time the Philippines was governed as a de­ pendency of the Vice-Royalty of New Spain , no medical schools were founded in the archipelago. To.ostudy medicine during this period , one hado''.o·. • to go to Mexico at great expense because of the long journey; moreovero, in these ancient Islands belonging to the Occident there were but a few physi­ cians who came from the mother country.o''1 8 . Presumably humeral pathology concepts were transmitted to the Philippines by those physicians trained in Mexico. The first Philippine medical sc.hool was not established until 187 1, as part of the University of Santo Tomas, in Manila. Both Latin America and the Philippines suffered from an acute shortage of physicians. In Latin America " In view of the relative lack of doctors, priests and other educated. in­ dividuals were called upon to help the ·sick to a degree prob­ ably not characteristic of Spain. The same shortage of doctors stimulated the publication of guides to home curing; the Philippines Press, 1960), p. 85. "The prominence of Mexican plants in the American element of the ethno­ botany of the Philippines is noteworthy. This resulted from the continuous contacts of the Islands and Mexico in the long trade monopoly between Acapulco and Manila from 1600 to 1820.o" Z ingg , op. ait . a, p. 260. 15.

Robert B. Fox , "The Pinatubo Negritos : Their Useful Plants and Material Culture,o" The Philippine Journal of Saienaea, 81 ( 1953) , p. 193.

16.

Foster, "Spanish-American Folk Medicine, " p. 204.

17.

Haring, op . ait . a, p. 234.

18.

Bantug, op. ait . a, pp. 121-22.

68 one of the most interesting dates from 1771. . .a . "a1 9 In the Philippines the priests "in the absence of trained physicians . . . could not very well neglect the physical wellbeing of their parishioners. "a2 ° Father Clain'as tract on medicinal plants in the Philippines and their therapeutic uses was published in 1712. During the first part of the Conquest era in Latin America, the sick were attended mainly by Spanish priests. So it was the clergy who were chiefly respona­ sible for introducing and promulgating Spanish cona­ cepts of medicine among the natives and persuading them to accept alien standards.a2 1 In the Philippines the priests appear to have been equally active as medical therapists. They were also much interested in local ethnobotany. It is believed they were the main agents for diffusing, among rural Filipinos, the Spanish medical concepts, from either Mexico or such urban centers as Manila or Cebu. The priest was the representative of the Spanish crown in most Filipino villages. He lived permanently among the peasants and learned their languages. I n addition to his religious duties and authority, he supervised and controlled local elections, was in charge of education, charities, and social welfare, served as the tax inspector, arbiter of morals as well as censor of books and entertainment.a2 2 In addition, the "Friars with some medical knowledge often undertook hazardous expeditions to isolated hamlets. Their commendable attempts to succor striken Filipinos gained many converts and settlers."a2 3 19.

Foster, " Spanish-American Folk Medicine,a" p. 204.

20.

Bantug, op. ci t. , p. 11.

21.

Gordon Schendel, Medicine in Mexico: From Aztec Herbs to Betatrons (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1968) , p . 86.

22.

Gregorio F. Zaide, The P hilippines: Since the British Invasion (Manila: R. P. Garcia Publishing Company, 1949), p . 163.

23.

Robert T. Reed, "Hispanic Urbanism in the Philippines: A Study of the Impact of Church and State,a" The Univer­ sity of Manila Journal of East Asiatic Studiese, 11 (1967) , p. 44.

69

To overcome the shortage of priests and other adminis­ trators, and to facilitate taxation, government, conversion, and religious education, the Spaniards encouraged, someotimes coerced, Filipinos to abandon their scattered, isolated vil­ lages . When successful, these upro oted Filipinos were resettled in larger population centers called aaberaeriasa, later to evolve into the poblaaiones.a2 q In these towns, especially .the larger ones, Spanish military and administra­ tive officials and the parish priests often resided. These denser settlements facilitated the introduction and spread of new concepts among a larger number of Filipinos. Many of these towns probably served as relay stations for innovations introduced first into Manila. In partial summary: until the latter part of the 19th century, Philippine residents had to obtain their medical education abroad, almost invariably in Mexico. Until the middle of the 18th century, new physicians returning to the Philippines from Mexican medical schools were thoroughly in­ structed in the principles of humeral pathology. Spaniards, particularly the priests� in both Latin America and the Philippines, enthusiastically identified and classified the new flora and fauna of these areas. "Because of the great variety of species and their diverse therapeutic actions, Philippine medicinal plants attracted at once the attention of the early missionaries who devoted much time and effort to a systematic study of them . " 2 5 No precise evi­ dence was found that Philippine plants were classified by hot-cold notions, as in Mexico, but, under the circumstances, it seems a reasonable assumption that such was the case. It is believed that the priests in the Philippines were the main mediators between this segment of the Great and Little Traditions. Few physicians other than priests resided among the peasants, whose poverty and illiteracy prevented any extensive home use of printed first-aid tractso. (Their contents, of course, could have been orally diffused. ) The priests, and perhaps a few other Spaniards, remain the most logical means by which these medical concepts would have been transmitted among the villagers . Their enormous prestige , as Spaniards, would have favored Filipino acceptance of new disease concepts and healing techniqueso. Several fleeting glimpses of this process are reflected, if indirectly, by fragments found in the sources investigated. 24 .

Phelan, op. ait . a, pp. 44 ff.

25.

Bantug, op . ai t . , p. 11.

70 For example, one early friar naively wrote thatn". . . it is in their superstitions that they [ Indios or Filipinos] most show their savagery. They think that disease is caused by the flight of the spirit, whereas all intelligent men know that sickness is caused by fluctuations of the humors." 2 6 Humeral pathology concepts appeared in locally printed materials on Philippine ethnobotany. Father Santa Maria's book (1768) described 2 0 8 local herbs and their medical uses. He cautiously comments that one must know the qualities of each herb for they are not equally effective for every ill­ ness. Medicinal plants must be adminisntered with knowledge of the age of the patient and o f the various humors that com­ pose the human body ( ''de la variedad de humores de que se compone el cuerpo humano'') .n27 However, despite the foregoing, Foster's statement for Latin America also applies, at least for the present, to the Philippines: "The mechanisms whereby university medical beliefs and practices filtered down to the folk level can only be surmised. " 2 8 It is apparent that medical ideas and practices have been circulating, at the Great Tradition level, for many cen­ turies within (and without) the "ancient oikoumenea. " Kroeber shifted the meaning of the oikoumene from the Greeks' defini­ tion of the "'range of mankind'" to the "'range of man's most developed cultures. '" 2 9 Within thisn". . . great web of culture growth, extensive in area and rich in content . . . inventions or new cultural materials have tended to be transmit ted, sooner or later, from end to end." 3 0 26.

Z ingg, op . cit.a, p. 271.

27.

R. P. Fr. Fernando de Santa Maria, O. P. , Manual de Medi­ cinas Caseras Para Consuelo de los Pobres Indios en las Provincias y Pueblos Donde no Hay Medicosa· ni Botica (Manila: Imprenta de Sto. Tomas, 1 8 1 5). The first edition was published in 1768; this book, however, was translated into various Philippine languages. Bantug, op . cit . , pp. 14, 163.

28.

Foster, "Spanish-American Folk Medicine," p. 204.

29.

Alfred L. Kroeber, "The Ancient Oikoumene as an Historic Culture Aggregate," The Journal of the Royal Anthropo­ logical Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 75 (1945 ) , p . 9 .

30.

Ibid . a, p. 17. Some ideas developed in the following section were first suggested by Professor Leslie in personal correspondence.

71 The classical concept of humoral pathology, originating among the Greeks, was diffused by the Arabs to Spain and Southeast Asia (Malaya)o. The Spaniards were to carry this medical complex to the New World; and, on the basis of present evidence, they probably brought the system to the Philippines. Available information on the e·xact indebtedness of Ayurvedic medicine to the Greeks is disputed, although some mutual exchange of medical ideas occurred between the Greeks and Indianso. From India Ayurvedic concepts diffused to parts of Europe, Eastern and Southeast Asiao. A sharing of Arabic and Indian medical ideas with the Chinese, and the latter with Southeast Asians, occurred, but present knowledge on this subject is too limited to permit _omore than informed speculation, especially at the Little Tradition levelo. However, many fundamental ideas utilized by these "classic" medical systems were common to the ancient oikoumene (and also outside its sphere), e.og . , macrocosm/microcosm analogy of the body to the universe; opposing qualities such as hot/cold or male/female ; wet/dry in balance and sickness resulting from their disequilibrium; and beliefs that intense emotions cause unhealthy imbalances of bodily elements. In the process of accepting and adapting humoral pathology con­ cepts of the Greeks, Arabs, Indians, arid Chinese, by oikoumene societies,. these Ur-ideas both facilitated adoption and modi­ fied the original and more integrated systems, resulting in unique configurations of traditional folk medicines. Kroeber excluded the New World from the oikoumene. wrote that

He

. . .o the story of major civiliozational growth in America . . o. gives no indication of integrating with the corresponding story in Eurasiao. The two are not, so far as we can see, parts of a single plot. Resemblances are either analogies instead of homologies; or, where they are the latter, they are also disjeata membra. 3 1 The diffusion of humoral pathology to Latin America can fairly be described, in this regard, as disjeata membra of the oikoumenea. Southeast Asia, of course, is part of the oikoumene.

31 .

Ibid . a, p . 1 9 .

FUTURE RESEARCH NEEDS It is believed possible to trace with greater precision than has been done elsewhere, or in this Data Paper, the spread of many of these medical ideas at the Great Tradition level in the oikoumene. Few attempts have been made to demonstrate how medical ideas of the Great Tradition pene­ trated the Little Tradition, either in the New World or Asia. In both instances, new research, in ·the field and the libraryo, are requiredo. Yet these cultural reconstructions will always be handicapped by the impossibility of locating all the sources and paths of diffusion of such Uro-notions as hot-cold or macrocosm/microcosm.o· Theseo·concepts presumably pre-date Greek, Indian, Arabic, and Chinese medicine and certainly · were partly integrated into them. This exploratory study has provided a preliminary chart­ ing of the origin and spread of these clustered medical con­ cepts in Southeast Asia. Extension, refinement, and correc­ tion is both possible and desirable. The one proper foundation of all broader studo­ ies in ethnology as in history is the precise, intimate, long-continued examination of the culture of an area or a period. It is onlj upon such de­ tailed examinations that sound compa•risons and wide inferences may legitimately be based.o1 For example, available evidence in fugitive sources makes it possible to be more precise than some scholars have been regarding the extent to which Burmese or Thai folk medi­ cine have borrowed from Ayurvedic concepts. I ncreased knowl­ edge of the shared medical system of the oikoumene gives new significance to innocent statements, made by a Burmese author, that among her people "medicine and food are closely related" or that usually a "cooling mangosteen is eater after the heating durian.o"o2 1.

Ib i d. , p . 9 .

2.

Mi Mi Kha ing, Bu�mese Family (Bloomington : Indiana Uni­ versity Press, 1966), p. 138.

73

74 Greater familiarity with these oikoumeene cultural ele­ ments would have lessened Nashn's "confusions" and "puzzle­ ment" about the conceptualnization of Burmese folk medicine. That he had earlnier done research on traditional medicine in Mexico and Guatema la makes his initial difficulties in grasp­ ing the rationale of Burmese folk medicine harder to under­ stand.n3 Urgently needed is greater scholnarly attention to the complexities and rationale of indigenous Southeast Asian medical complexes, and their interrelnationships with intru­ sive Euroamerican and Asian disease concepts and curing tech­ niques. An example of interrelationships is that some col lege - trained practicing physici ans and col lege-trained nurses in Dumaguete have incorporated aspects of the hot - cold dichotomy into their belief systems. Leslie writes that equally little concern has been shown for the similar hot-cold complex in South Asia. "These ideas are casually mentioned in anthropological studies, where the concern is usually with the ritual significance of food. "n4 Yet Opler, in describingn_nv i l l age India, reports that a "very l arge percentage of cases of imbalance and s ickness are attributed to faulty diet and are considered capable of being adjnusted by strict nutritional controls. " 5n Leslie underlines the urgent need for research ton". . . explore the range and distribution of conceptions of ' hotn' and ' co l d foods and [to] show how dietary notions combine with other ideas to form an area-wide pattern of humeral theories within which regional, cl ass, urban, and rural varinations are recognizable. " 6 Research along these and other l ines for the Phil ip­ pines, if not for Southeast Asi a in general, is badly needed and wil l open new and illn uminating vistas. Such investiga­ tion w i l l enhance existing knowledge of the nature of tradin­ tional medicine, interaction between the Great and Little Traditions, problems of introducing scientific health ·con­ cepts and practices to Asian peasants, the l inkage between culture and diet, and the oikoumene, possibly world-wide dis­ tribution, of such notions as the hot-cold dichotomy and humeral pathology concepts. In the past these ideas frequently 3.

Nash, op. ait., pp. 192 - 93.

4.

Les1 i e, op. ait . , p. 36.

5.

Morris E. Opler, "The Cultural Definition of Il lness in Vil l age India," Human Organization, 22 ( 1 96 3), p. 33.

6.

Leslie, op. ait., p. 36 .

75

have been discussed as if they were a distinction of a par­ ticular culture or regiona. This monograph has discussed issues that require more extensive research of existing published sources before their resolution is possiblea. Field investigation is essential for other problems since the required data are unavailable. The new information in this study on these features of Bisayan Filipino and Malayan traditional medicine is an initial if modest contributiona. Some topics that were only superficially explored in this Data Paper may raise questions incapable of solution for they require the researcher to enter the peril­ ous slough of cultural reconstructions of the ancient pasta. However, Filliozat'as The Classical Doctrine of Indian Mediaine is a brilliant example of what is possiblea. Humoral concepts obviously are viable aspects of t�e ideas man in both hemispheres has developed and continues to accept about the nature, cause and treatment of illnessa. Humeral pathology and the hot-cold syndrome is fundamental to traditional Latin American medicine. In village India today Ayurvedic medicine is about the only medical relief available to most villagers .a7 Humeral concepts have wormed their way into the medical beliefs of some contemporary, western-t�ained Filipino physicians for several practicing in Dumaguete claimed aspirins are cold and antibiotics are hot medicinesa. Finally, a recent questionnaire survey of medical practices in the rural Philippines found that a few ". . . physicians apparentl y accept ideas about witchcraft, sorcery or other folk beliefs as evidence by their answers.a"a8 Scientific medical knowledge and practices often come into conflict with traditional medicine, limiting the accept­ ance of modern medical servicesa. Under these circumstances, education is a two­ way processa. Not only is the spread of scientific information about health and diseases to the popua­ lace necessary ; also, thorough understanding of the local, social and cultural milieu by medical personnel is required if they are to face the pub­ lic health problems in their respective areas realistical ly . a9 7.

Opler, op. ait . a, p . 3 3 .

8.

Richard Lieban [and Dr. Amanda V . Valenzuela ] , "A Study of Medical Practices in the Philippines,a" Aata Mediaa Philippinaa, 16 (1959) , p. 3 5 .

9.

Ibid.a, pp . 3 5-3 6 .

76

Medical anthropology faces an admittedly formidable yet e qually crucial challenge in studying, describing, and ana­ lyzing more thoroughly the humoral pathology aspects and hot­ cold syndrome o f folk medicine, certainly in the Philippines if not Southeast Asia as a whole.

APPENDIX

77

79

Key for Interpretation of Tables 1-3 Tables 1 - 3 required the data be coded for tabular pre­ sentationo. The code used is : Sam

=

Ceb

- Cebuan ( Caticugan)o.

Pan

=

Tag

=

+

=

*

Unanimous classification by informants.

=

Classification differed among informantso.

Samaran (Lalawigan). Panayan (data collected by Bernardo in Iloilo and Negros Occidental provinces and by Jocano in Barrio Tuburan, Panay)o. Tagalog (data obtained from Tagalog informant and collected by Jocano in Barrio Santolan)o.

Classification for Tuburan (Panayan) and Santolan (Tagalog)o.

X

=

+x or *x

=

y

=

Young .

m

=

Mature.

w

- Wild or non- domesticated.

#

=

Classification of both Bernardo's informants (+ oro*) and the residents (x) of Tuburan (Panayan) or Tagalog informanto (*) and residents (x) of Santolan (Tagalog).

A banana variety.

Classifications in the second Cebuan column were fur­ nished by Mro. Gaabucayan, based on his research in a Cebuan barrio about eight miles northeast of Cagayan de Oro, Northern Mindanaoo. He reported no regular categories, hence there is only one column for Cebuan under "Regular." Also see Samuel Gaabucayan, "Folk Medicine of Barrio Agusan (Cagayan de Oro, Philippines), and Its Development Implications" ( Cagayan de Oro: M . A . thesis in Folklore, Xavier University, 1969)o. Data for the Tagalog column, in addition to that collected by Jocano in Santolan, were obtained in 1969 by Professor Scheans in the Philippines. He interviewed a young Filipina who learned these classification from her Manila-born mater­ nal grandmother who speaks both Tagalog and Spanish.

80

Table 1 B i s ayan ( and Tagalog) C l a s s i ficat ion o f Foods by Ho t - Cold Principle I t ems Meat Carabao Chicken Eggs Cow Deer 1 Dog Duck Fish 2 Goat Horse Pig 3 Sheep Turkey Turtle ( s e a) Vegetables i+ Amp a l aya 5 Balibaran Cabbage Calabong Camo tes ( & l e aves ) Carobasa ( squash) Corn Cucumber DAwa (millet) Eggplant Gab i ( t aro) Ganda G inger Kal amung a i Kasoy ( c ashew) Mongo beans Pako (fern t ip s ) Palauan Peanuts Pechay P i l i nuts Rice Rice (glutinous ) Siqua

Hot

Cold

Regular

Sam Ceb Ceb Pan Tag

Sam Ceb Ceb Pan Tag

Sam Ceb Pan Tag

+

+

*

+ + * * +

* +

* *

*

*

+ *

+

+

* *

* *

* +

+ *

+

* * *

X

*x X +x *x

*x *x

* +

*

+

+ *

* * * * + * +

* *

+ + *

*

+ *

*

X

+ * +

* *

*

+

+

X

+

+x

* +

+ +

+ +

+

+

+

+

+ * +

* *

* * *

X

X

X

X

X X +

X

*x

* * *

* *

* *

* *

*

+

X

+

X

*x *

+ * * *

*

+

+

+

*

* *

*

+

*

*xw

*w

+

*

*

X

*

+ +

+

+

+ + +

*x

* X

+ +

*

*

*

+ * *

*

+

* *

*

+

*

*

*

*

*

* *

*

* * * * * *

*

*

*

+

*

* * * *

*

*

*

*

*

*

+

+

+

+

*

*

* *

* * *

1.

In Barrio Agusan deer 1 s "very cold . "

2•

In Tuburan and Santolan most s e a fish are regarded as hot , whereas a l l fresh­ water f i s h , except the pantat and catfish, are col d . All fish that bleed when cleaned are hot .

3.

In both Tuburan and Santolan pork 1s regarded as cold, whereas its fat 1 s hot .

4.

"Both B i s ayan [Tuburan] and Tagalog [ Santolan] housewives are in agreement that mos t vegetables and fruits are cold . . . . There are some vegetables and frui t s , howeve r , which are equally recognized as hot . " Jocano , op . oi t . , p . 1 1 . Young leaves o f arnp alaya and camote are cold.

S.

Wild amp alaya 1s called Rabarin g .

81 Tab l e 1 (continued) Items Vegetab l e s (cont . ) Stringbeans 6 Tabiyong Tomatoes Ubi Upo Fruit Avocado Aldaba # At i s Banana' Bo- agas II Bongoran # Bubua Benotig # Canara # Cantaloupe Coconut Coconut "milk" Coconut "water" Galangan 8 Guava Guayabano (soursop) Ig6t Jackfruit Kaimito Kolo II Lingkod # Makopa Mango Mangoripon II Papaya Pine apple Pod ikit # Sab - a II San P ab l o # Suha Tabolilid Tamb i s Tenumbaga Tindok II Todlo binokot # Waterme lon Beve rage s Beer Chocolate Coffee Rum Soft drinks Tuba

Cold

Hot Sam Ceb Ceb Pan Tag

Sam Ceb Ceb Pan Tag +.

+ +

+

+

*

+

+

+m + +

*y

*m

xm

+ +

* *

fc

* * *

* * * *

+

*y + * * + + *y + + + * + +

+

*

+ + * + +

X

*

fc

* *

+

* *

+

+ + +

+ *

+

+ +x +x +

*

+ + +

+ +

+ *m +

+ + + + + * +

fc

+ + *

*

* ·+ + +

+

+

+

++ +

+ +

*

*

+

Regular Sam Ceb Pan Tag

* *

*

*

*

X

+x xm

* *

+ *

*x

+

+

*

*

*

* +

*

* *

+

+ xy + X

+

X

+

+ + xy

+x + +

*m * * * * fc fc

* *

*y

* +

*

* *

*

+

fc

••

* * *

+

+

* *

+

* *

*

+

* *x

* *

*

*

*

*

*

+

*

6.

Jocano s t ates that "beans" are considered hot in Tuburan and Santo lan .

7.

I n Barrio Agusan bananas (bululan, lakatan, tundan, morado, etc . ) generally are regarded as cold except the $ab-a and kantong varieties that are hot. Some lis tings do not dist inguish between the classification o f green and ripe bananas .

8.

Known as kiring in eastern Samar .

,

82

Table 1 (continued) Items Condiments Salt Sugar 9 Vinegar Other Candy 9.

Hot

Cold

Regular

Sam Ceb Ceb Pan Tag

Sam Ceb Ceb Pan Tag

Sam Ceb Pan Tag

*

* *

+

*

+

*

*

Sugar cane (Barrio Agusan) .

*

* *

*

*

+

+

+

*

* * *

83

Table 2 Classification of Ocean Fish by the Hot-Cold Principle, Frequency of Catch, and Class in Caticugan and Siatono1 Hot

Names

A B C D Andohao (Japanese Mackerel)+ Bangkolisan (Skipjack)+ Bangsi (Flying fish)+ Badlon (Golden Pampano)+ Balch (Gar)+ Budlisan Hinck Ihalason (Tuna) Malanangsi Malapati (Silverside)+ Mampahan Managat (Red Snapper)+ Panit (Yellowfin Tuna)+ Tangingui (Sp·anish Mackerel)+ Titina (similar to Tulingan or Tuna) Iho (Shark)+ 1.

?•

Cold

Regular

Frequency of Catch

A B C

A B C D ?

I II III ?.

* * *

* *2

*

*

*

*

* *

*

*

*

* * *

*

*

*

*

* *

*

*

* *

· * *

*

* *

*

*

*

* *3

* *

A (first), B (second), C (third), and D (fourth) indicate class of fish based on its desirability as a food. Question mark means this fish'os class is unknown. I (frequently), II (infrequently), and III (rarely) indicate the frequency of catch of these fish in southern Negros waters. Question mark means frequency of catch is unknown. Fish witho+ are scien­ tifically identified in Hart, Securing Aquatia Products , pp. 54-55, 67-68.

2.

Informants classify some fish differently so two classes are giveno.

3.

Iho, or shark, should be classified as E, the poorest type of eating fish.

84

Table 3 Bisayan Classification of Medicinal Flora by Hot-Cold Principlea1 Items Abaka (Manila hemp) Agbai Alb6tra Alibhon Amorsiko (Love grass) �ntulanga Atis (sweetsop) Badyang Banaba Banana Bayonbayon Buri Busikad Buyo (Sama. Dapon) Caballero (Paradise flower) Cachubong Dalapot Dalupang Dapdap Dawa (millet) 2 Estewetes Gabi (taro) Ganda nga yapi Guava Guayabano (soursop) Hilbas Ig6t Kalingag (Sama. Kaningag) Kapok Kasla (Sama. Tub� sanglay)

Cebuan

Samaran H

C

R

Su

H

C

L R

L

R

Panayan R

c·

H

L Fl L

L R,L R, L L Su,St

Sa Sa Fl

L

Sa B,R

L Fl

*

B L B

B, R

L

Fl

Sea·

L L L L L

*

L

*

* B

B

L

1.

Code: B (bark); Bu (bulb); F (fruit); Fl (flower); R (root); Sa (sap); Se (seed); St (stalk); Ste (stem); L (leaf); anda* (part of plant used is unknown) . H is hot, C is cold, and R is regulara. No regular category was reported for the Panayan classificationa.

2.

Dawa has no medicinal use in Lalawigana.

B

85

Table 3 (continued) Items K6gon Labnog Langka (Jackfrui t ) Lanzone Lim6n Lomboy Malagaya Mansanilla Marok-barok Mayana Panigbin Pasau Rosas Salay Salingakapa Sant61 Sentimento Sibukao Siempreoviva Silhig Suha Tabolilid Tabon Hangin Talikod Tambis Tanglad (Lemon grass) Tanmanan Tobacco Tubli Uli-on Wheat Yerba buena (Sam. Herba buena: Mint)

Samaran H

C

R L B, F B

L L B, F L L

Cebuan R

H

L

Ash

Ste L F, L, R Fl L Bu L

C R

*

B

* R R

*

* R

L R, B R

Se

Se L

H

Ash

Se

L L L L R

Se,R

L

R

F

L, F, R

B

C

Panayan

Se

R

L

86

Table 4 Bisayan and Tagalog Hot-Cold Classification of Illnesses Illnesses Beri-beri Boils Diarrhea-dysentery Fever Flu-colds Headache Malaria Mumps Rheumatism Skin diseases Smallpox Stomach-ache Tuberculosis

Samaran

Cebuan

Panayan

Tagalogo1

Hot Cold

Hot Cold

Hot Cold

Hot Cold

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

* *

*

* *

*

* *

* *

* *

* *2

*

*

*

*

* *

*

*

* *

*

*

1.

Jocano, "Cultural Perception of Food,o" p . 10 .

2.

Includes only skin ulcers, athleteso' foot, and a type of scabies.

87

Table 5 Malay (Telok Kumbar, Penang) Classification of Foods by the Hot-Cold-Regular Principle, Angin and Bisa Items Vegetables Bean curds (Takua) Bean sprouts (Tauge) Cabbage (Kubis) Carrot (Lobak merah) Chili pepper (Chabai) Garlic (Bawang puteh) Kangkong (aquatic morning glory) Onion, white, large (Bawang besar) Peanut (Kaahang tanah) Peas (Kaohang ijau) Rice (husked, beras, cooked, nasi) Rice, glutinous (PuZut) Spinach · (Bayam) Sweet potatoe (Ubi klZedek) Tapioca (Ubi kayu) Tomatoe (Buah tomato) White potatoes ( Ubi benggaZa) Fruits Apple Banana (Pisang) Chempedak (like jackfruit?) Chiku (Sapodilla) Chocolate Coconut (Nyiur) Coconut meat (Young nut) Coconut meat (Mature nut) Coconut "water" (Ayer nyiur) Coconut "milk" (Santan) Durian Grapes Guava (Jambu, general name) Jackfruit (Nangka) Lanzones (Langsat) Mangosteen (Manggis) Orange (Limau manis) Papaya (Papaw) Rambutan Setiai ( ?) Sugar cane (Tebu)

Hot

Cold

*

* * * *

* * * * * *

* *

*

* * *

Regular

Angin

Bisa

*

* * *

*

* *

* *

* * * * * * *

* * * * *

* *

* * * *

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

* * *

* * * * * *

*

*

* * *

88 Table 5 (continued) Items Meats and Eggs Bat (Kelawar) Beef Chicken (Ayam) Cockles (Ke rang) Crabs (Ketam) Eggs, chicken Eggs, duck Fish (Ikan)e1 Goat (Kambing) Milk (Cow) Pigeon Sea clams (Siput) Shrimp and prawn (Udang) Squid (Sotong) Water buffalo Spices Coriander (Ketumbar) Nutmeg Pepper, black (Lada hitam) Salt (Garam) Sugar, brown (Gula merah) Sugarn, rock ( Gula batu) Sugar, white ( Gula puteh) Others Flour, wheat Flour, rice Honey Water 1.

Hot

*

*

*

* *

*

*

*

Cold

Regular

Angin

*

* * * * * * * * * *

* * *

*

*

*

*

Bisa

* * *

*

* *

*

*

*

*

* * *

*

*

*

* * *

Classification of fish depends on the variety.

*

89

Table 6 Hot and Cold S icknesses in Telok Kumbar, Penang Sicknesses

Hot

Bronchoitis (Demam s ejok) Chickenpox (Champak b e s ar) 1 Childbirth Cough (Batok) 2 Diarrheao3 Elephantoiasis ( Untut) Fever (Demana) Flu (Deman) Fracture Ulcer (Bera) 4 Malaria (Demam kura) 5 Rheumatism ( Urat) 6 Skin disease called kayap 1 Smallpox (Champ ak • beaar) Sprains and dislocations Tuberculosis (Ba to k keri ng) Typhoid (Champak keahiZ)

*

Cold

* *

* * * * * * * * * *

*

* * *

l.

Champak is measles and b e s ar big .

2.

One should avoid some hot foodso.

3.

A young patient may eat some hot foods but an adult may not .

4.

A few hot foods may be eateno.

5.

Malaria is also called demam tuiang ; kura is defined as spleen, and deman kura, as agueo. However, the term in the table is the one given by the villagers.

6.

Urat is also defined as nerve, vein, or muscle .

7.

Kay ap is said to be herpes and shingleso.

Bera also means boil.

INDEX Acupuncture , 58 , 64 Agusan , 2 2 � 79, 87 Ailment ; see Illness Air, 15, 16 , 17o, 36, 38, 39 , 45, 5 1 , 7 1 Aire ; see Air Alcoholic beverages , 14, 20 Angina, 48 , 87 Antibiotics,o· 2 2 , 7 5 Apoplexy, 39 Appell, Georgeo, v, 30 Arabs, 26, 2 9 , 35 , 45, 49, 55 , 58, "6 2 Aristotle, 45 Ash- Shifaa, 58 Aspirin, 2 2 , 7 5 As-Ra z i , 3 Avicenna , 3 , 58, 67 Ayurveda, 2 6 , 33, 38 , 40, 5 1 , 57 , 62 , 63 , 7 1

Bile, 4 , 2 3, 36 Bisaa, 48 , 5 1 , 87 Bisayans , 13, 2 2, 25 Blo od , 4 circulation, 19 Boils, 2 3 Bomora, 46, 48 Borneo, 2 7 , 29, 65 Boroiigano, 14 Brahmanism , 41, 42 Buddhism _oMahayanao, 58 Theravada, 35 Burma , Upper., 37 Burmese, 35 , 39, 40, 51 , 73 Caberaeriasa, 69

Cady, John , 62, 63

Calientea, 6 Canon of Mediain e , Thea, 3 , 58

Bajau, S O, 52 Balangingi', 17o, 52, 54, 64 ; seae also Samal Basilan, 50 Bath , 23, 25 Beindawsayasa, 38 Beri-beri , 23, 24, 2 5, 58 , 86 Bernardo, Jos�, v

Bhutasa, 34

91

Canton, 58 Carabao, 19, 2 2, 2 3 Catholic; seae Roman Catholic Caticugan , 13, 16, 1 7 , 18, 2 1 Cebu, 68 Cebuans , 13 , 18 , 2 2 , 63 Cebu City, 15, 18 Ceylon, 42 Chan Korn, 6, 7 Charaka, 35, 51

92 Cheran, 24 Chickenpox, 54, 89 China, 35, 37 Chinese, 1, 10, 26, 29, 30, 38, 39, 4 1, 47, 51, 64, 71 Ching Wen-ming; see I-tsing Chocolate, 12, 20, 2 3 Cholaera, 11 Choong, Kok-Sue, vi Christian Filipinos, 13, 16, 31, 57, 59 Clain, Pablo, 9, 68 Cleanliness, 25 Convulsion, 49 Cotabato, 50 Cupping, 5 Curers, 8, 14, 18, 3 8 ; s ee a lso Beindaw�ayas , Datsayas , Hsayaa, Manananba l , Currier, Richard L. , 5 Data, 36 Da tsayasa, 38 ; s ee a lso Curers Daw thasa, 36 Dhatu- samya , 34 Dhatusa, 34 Diarrhea, 37 Diet, 14, 34, 45, 74 Disease, 34, 40, 53, 70 DoEJ a , 34 Dravidian, 42 Drugs, 14 , 34, 58 , 60 Dumaguete, 13, 14 , 75 Dusun, 29, 30 , 31 , 65

Eggan, Fred, v, 31 Elements (bodily), 18, 38, 39, 40, 45, 47, 57, 58, 59, 63, 71 Ethnobotany, 66, · 67, 68, 70, 73 Evil eye, 14 Fa-Hsien, 59 Fever, 30, 36, 37, 39, 46, 86, 89 Fil liozat, 33, 63, 75 Fish, 19, 24, 4 8, 8 3 Flu, 4 8, 89 Folklore, 4 1 Folk medicine, 53, 75 Bornean, 29, 74 Burmese, 35, 73, 74 Filipino, 14, 26, 64 Malay, 27 Moro, 64 Thai, 38, 7 3 Vietnamese, 56, 59 Food Balance of, 23, 24 Bisayan, 19 Burmese, 37 Chinese, 58 Hot-cold, 14, 23 Malay, 4 8 Forchhammer, E., 35 Foster, George, v, 8, 70 Fresaaoa, 21 Friars, 66, 68, 70 ; s ee a lso Priests

93 Fright, 12, 15, 16 Frio , 4, 6 Fruits, 10, 48, 81, 87 Gaabucayan, Samuel, 79 Galen, 45, 67 Geoghegan, William H . , v, 52 Georgetown, 47 Great Tradition, 41, 42, 69, 70, 7 3, 74 Greek, 3 3, 34, 40, 57, 7 1 Guatemala, 8, 74 Hangina; e e e Air

Harrisson, Tom, v, 29 Herbal remedies, 7, 10, 15, 53; s e e also Medicine Hernandez-Chung, Lilia, 13 Hinduism, 41 Hippocratic system, 1, 2, 8, 26, 3 3, 46, 57, 67 Hot-cold dichotomy, 6, 8, 10, 13, 16, 19, 25, 27, 29, 3 1, 51, 52, 59, 65, 69, 7 1, 74, 75 House site, 18 Hsayaa, 38 Hsuan Tang, 59 Human Relations Area Files, 27 Humors, 4, 16, 17, 18, 36, 70 Balance of, 4, 8, 15, 36, 75 Burmese, 36 Degree, 6 Greek, 3 3 Indian, 3 3

Malay, 46 Pathology, 14 Thai, 38 Illness, 7, 14, 30, 39, 75, 86; see a lso Disease Ilongo; see Panayan Inca, 5 India, 26, 42, S O , 74 Indian, 29, 30, 47, 58, 62, 63, 7 1 Indo-China, 63 Indonesia, 2 7 , 45, 63 Ingkanto.; see Spirit Injections, 14 Islam, 26, S O , 52, 55, 62, 63 I-tsing, 59 ·.,

Japan, 35 Jin, 46 Jocano, F. Landa, v, 1 7 , 21, 23, 24, 25, 79 · Jolo, 52 Kaut, Charles, 18 Kelabit, 29, 3 1, 65 Kelantan, 46 Khomarabhacca, 42 Kiefer, Thomas M . , v, S O , 52 · Kroeber, Alfred, 62, 63, 70, 71 Kublai Khan, 58 Lalawigan, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 58 Laotians, 36

94 Latin America , 4, 6 , 24, 4 1, 47 , 66 , 67 , 71 Latin Americans, 1 , 15 , 17, 20 , 26 , 34 , 37, 62, 75 Leslie, Charles , v , 8, 70 , 74 Lieban , Richard, v, 1 8 , 19 Little Tradition , 2 , 4 1 , 4 2 , 69, 71 , 73, 74 Lovedua, 65 Luzon, 1 3 , 31 Madsen , William , 21 Magindanao, SO Malaria, 53, 86 , 89 Malaya , 26 , SO, 7 1 Malays , 40 , 54 , 63 Malitbog (Panay)a, 16, 17 , 20a, 24, 25 Manalad (Negros Occidental)a, 19 Mananambal ; s ee Curer Manila, 10a, 68a, 69 Manuel, E. Arsenic, 64 Maranaos, SO, 54 Mas sage, 15 Maya, S Measlesa, 39, 53a, 54 Meat, 19, 2 1, 24 , 4 8 , 80 , 8 8 Medical schools ,a· 67 , 69 Medicinal plants, 66, 69, 84 Medicine, 4 1 , 60a; s ee alseo Drugs, Herbal remedies Mediqueilloe, 13 Mental illnesas , 17a, 24 Mesaoamerica, 6 , 7 , 17 Mexicansa, 21 , 25a, 26, 66

Mexico, 6 , 9 , 62 , 68 Mindanao, 13, 26 , 31, 79 Moch�a, 8 Molony, Carol, 54 Mon, 4 2 Mongoliaa, 35 Monks, 40, 59 Morose, 49 Mos 1ems , 3 , 4 5 Musagravea, Johna, v Naturale, 19

Needham , Joseph, Negritosa, 30 Negros Oriental , Netzorga, Morton, New World , S , 66 Nida.enaee, 34 Nimmo , Harry , v , Nondwin (Burma)a,

58 13 v 52 37

Obando (Luzon)a, 10 Oikoumenee, 70 , 73 Oplera, Morris E.a, 74 Palawan, 50 Panayans, 13, 19, 20 Panaabhutase, 33; s ee alseo Elements Paracelsusa, 4 Pasema, 16 Patienta, 14, 36 Peasants , 9, 14, 24 , 25 , 68 , 74 Penang, 47 , 54 , 61

95

Persia, 35, S O Peru, 24, 67 Philip I I, 66 Phlegm, 4, 36 Physician, 3, 13, 14, 36, 66, 67, 69, 74, 7 5 Pneumonia, 53, 54 Po b Za o i on, 13, 69 Pork, 7, 8, 19 Pregnancy, 49, 59 Priests, 66, 67, 68 ; a l s o s e e Friars Puerperium, 49 Pulse, 15, 34; s e e a l s o Sphygmology Purging, S Rabies, 54 Radio, 47 Rain (hot), 30, S O , 5 3 Rash, 24, 25; s e e a Z s o Skin Ailments Rhazes; s e e As-Razi Rheumatism, 38 Rizal, Jos�, 10 Rokhanithan, 42 Roman Catholic, 13, 14 Rubel, Arthur, v Russia, 35 Sabah, 29, 65 Sahagun, 6 Saki, 53 Salt, 19, 23 Samals, S O, 52, 54; s e e a l s o Balangigi'

Samar, 13 Samarans, 13, 22 San Carlos, 8 San Francisco Tecospa, 6 Sanskrit, 36, 39, 63 Santolan (Luz on), 17, 20, 22, 23, 25, 7 9 Sarawak, 65 Scheans, Daniel, v, 79 Scott, Sir James, 38 Semai, 30 Sexual intercourse, 30 Shahbandar, 45 Shaman, 15 Siaton, 13 Sibutu, 52 Sitangkai, 52 Skeat, Walter W . , 46 Skin ailments, 48, 86, 89; s e e a l s o Rash Smallpox, 23, 39, 48, 53, 86, 89 Sorcerer, 41 Souen Sseu -Mo; see Sun Szu­ Miao Southeast Asia, 9, 27, 35, 41, 7 1, 74 Spain, 5, 26, 42, 67 Spaniards, 12, 20, 26, 29, 62, 67 Sphygmology, 59 Spices, 48, 88 Spirits, 14, 17, 18, 30, 40, 52; s e e a l s o Ingkanto and Jin

Stomach-ache, 16, 19, 36 Suft missionaries, 5 5

96 Sukang , 53, 5 4 Sulua, 2 6 , 5 0 Sumatraa, 5 0

Sun Szu-Miao , 5 9 Susrutaa, 3 5 Bus to ; s e e Fright Tagalogs , 17, 20 , 22 , 2 3 Tausug , S O , 52 Taw i - Tawi , 52 Telok Kumbara, 47 , 87 Temperature (metaphys ical) , 7 , 8 , 16 , 54 Temp lado , 6 ,

66

Tepoztecans , 23 Tha i , 3 8 , 51 , 7 3 Thailand , 46 , 49 Tibeta, 35 Tictauan i sland , 52 Tsou Yen , 58 Tub a , 23 Tuburan (Panay) , 17 , 1 8 , 20 , 2 5 , 79

Tzintzuntzan , 15 Universe , "hot , " 29 , 30 , 65 University of San Marcos , 67 Univers ity of Santo Tomas , 67 Vapor ; s e e Air Vegetables , 20 , 23 , 25 , 48 , 80 , 87 Vietnamese, 26 Vitamins , 20

Waray-waray ; s e e Samarans

Wedding , 31 Williams , Thomas R . a, 29 Wind; s e e Air Wi tchcrafta, 75 Yakansa, 5 4 Yang-Y in, 57 , 64 Zamboanga , 52