Bichara: Moro Chanceries and Jawi Legacy in the Philippines (Islam in Southeast Asia) 9811908206, 9789811908200

Table of contents :
Acknowledgment
Contents
List of Figures
Chapter 1: Introduction
Chapter 2: Formation of the Malay Sultanates
Theory of the Sultanate
The Islamic Kingdoms of Sumatra
The Sultanate of Malacca
Aceh and the Formation of the Malay Chanceries
The Establishment of Sultanates in the Philippine Archipelago
References
Chapter 3: Sultans in the Philippine Archipelago
The Sultanate of Brunei and Bornean Thalassocracy
The Incipient Islamic Kingdoms of Luzon
Sultans of Sulu
Sultans of Maguindanao
The Title of Caliph in the Philippines
References
Chapter 4: Political and Social Structures of the Philippine Sultanates
The Kadatuan System of Government
Islamic Law and Customary Adat
Ethnic Moro Communities
Bichara and Moro Diplomacy
References
Chapter 5: Development of the Philippine Islamic Courts
The Imagined Court: Urduja of Tawalisi
The Shrine as a Site of ribat
Langgal, Cota and Astana
New Urbanism and Moro Institutions
Musical Landscape of the Sultanates
References
Chapter 6: Jawi Tradition in the Philippines
Ancient Philippine Writing
Jawi Script in the Philippines at the Spanish Advent
The Consolidation of a Written Tradition
Spanish Influence in Philippine Jawi
Origins of Moro Philology
References
Chapter 7: Moro Literature
Classic Arabic Geographic Literature and Lore on the Easternmost Edge of the World
Moro Adab: Oral and Traditional Literature of the Ethnic Communities
Islamic Literature
Silsilah / سلسلة
Kitāb / ﻜﺘﺎﺐ
Khuṭbah / ﺧﻁﺑﺔ
References
Chapter 8: Moro Letters
The Heritage of the Moro Letter
The Collection at the National Archives of the Philippines
Sections
Contents
Categories
Letter: Sūrah/سورة
Treaty: Kapitūrasyūn/كَڤِتورَسيون
License
Others
Dates
Language
Material Description
References
Conclusion
Index

Citation preview

ISLAM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

Bichara Moro Chanceries and Jawi Legacy in the Philippines Isaac Donoso

Islam in Southeast Asia Series Editors

Nassef Manabilang Adiong Institute of Islamic Studies University of the Philippines Diliman Quezon City, Central Luzon, Philippines Imtiyaz Yusuf International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilisation International Islamic University Malaysia Selangor, Malaysia Lily Zubaidah Rahim Govt and Int. Relations University of Sydney Sydney, NSW, Australia Maznah Mohamad Dept of SE-Asian / Malay Studies National University of Singapore Singapore, Singapore Nadirsyah Hosen Faculty of Law Monash University Clayton North, VIC, Australia

The series publishes academic and policy research on historical and contemporary Muslim communities, both in the region and in the diaspora, and on all aspects of Islam in Southeast Asia. It concentrates on theoretical, methodological, empirical, religious, spiritual, and critical studies of Islam, including mundane praxes and lived Islam. We encourage interdisciplinarity and eclectic contributions from scholars and practitioners (e.g. preachers, spiritual/religious leaders, and policy makers) to facilitate a holistic approach towards the study of Islam. The series particularly welcome topics on: 1) Islam and Politics 2) Islam & Ethnicity; 3) Islam and Modernity; 4) MENA Influences in Southeast Asia; 5) pre-Modern and Contemporary Islamic Thought; 6) Sunni and Shia Relations; 7) Islamic Studies and Area Studies; 8) Canonical and Periphery Islam; and 9) Relations between Muslims and non-Muslims across the region. Contributions are welcome from across fields and disciplines including politics, international relations, sociology, humanities, the arts, anthropology, comparative religion, cultural studies, economics, history, law (jurisprudence), philosophy, mysticism (Sufism), and theology. The series will include original monographs, Palgrave Pivots, edited volumes/collections, and handbooks.

Isaac Donoso

Bichara Moro Chanceries and Jawi Legacy in the Philippines

Isaac Donoso Área de Estudios Árabes e Islámicos Universidad de Alicante Alicante, Spain

Islam in Southeast Asia ISBN 978-981-19-0820-0    ISBN 978-981-19-0821-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0821-7 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-­01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Acknowledgment

We would like to recognize and acknowledge our permanent debt to all the members, librarians, staff, faculty, students, and alumni of the Institute of Islamic Studies from the University of the Philippines in Quezon City. It was a privilege to study and research in the beloved Romulo Hall and to learn the sense of Bichara from great professionals and persons. Without the legacy of this model of scholarship, fostered after César Majul’s teachings, the present volume could not have been realized. Similarly, we want to recognize the members of the National Archives of the Philippines, for the kind and serious attention during the time collecting the documents. The documents included in the appendix are reproduced by courtesy and permit of the national repository. The preliminary compilation of the documents included in the appendix was undertaken during 2008 together with Julkipli Wadi under the assistance of the “Spanish Program for Cultural Cooperation” granted by the Ministry of Culture of the Government of Spain.

v

Contents

1 Introduction  1 2 Formation of the Malay Sultanates 11 3 Sultans in the Philippine Archipelago 33 4 Political and Social Structures of the Philippine Sultanates 83 5 Development of the Philippine Islamic Courts113 6 Jawi Tradition in the Philippines137 7 Moro Literature169 8 Moro Letters189 Conclusion209 Index211

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List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2

Fig. 3.3 Fig. 3.4 Fig. 4.1 Fig. 4.2 Fig. 4.3 Fig. 4.4 Fig. 4.5 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2 Fig. 5.3 Fig. 5.4

MS Seville. Carta del Sultán de Joló, Alimudín, escrita en árabe 1747: 1v Sultanía de Joló. Acta de incorporación a la Monarquía Española. Joló, 30 de abril de 1851 MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9274 [1836–1897] Expediente 7, S.118–125 Nómina del sultán Harun Narrasid: Joló, 30 de noviembre de 1887. MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9246. [1774–1887] Expediente 35, S-561 Muhamad Harun Narrasid’s seals and seal of the Government of Jolo Mujeres del datto Pian (Women of Datu Pian). La ilustración artística XVI (796), 5. Barcelona, 29 de marzo, 1897 Blumentritt (1890: 42) Detail of Philippine Islamized tribes from Donoso (2013: 157) Bichara between French travelers and Jamāl al-A‘ẓam, Sultan of Sulu. (Montano 1886: 157) Ataque a la isla y fuerte de Balanguingui (19 de febrero de 1848) [Antonio Brugada. Museo Naval. Madrid] Carlos “Botong” Francisco: Princess Urduja (1957) [López Memorial Museum. Manila] Tuan Maqbalu before (left) and after its destruction (right). (Majul 1999: 204) Plaza de Joló, 1878 Historical picture of the palace of Harun Narrasid in Mubu

57

59 61 62 96 99 100 103 105 116 119 125 127

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List of Figures

Fig. 5.5 Fig. 5.6 Fig. 5.7 Fig. 5.8 Fig. 6.1 Fig. 6.2 Fig. 6.3 Fig. 6.4 Fig. 6.5 Fig. 6.6 Fig. 6.7 Fig. 6.8 Fig. 6.9 Fig. 6.10 Fig. 6.11 Fig. 6.12 Fig. 6.13 Fig. 6.14 Fig. 8.1 Fig. 8.2 Fig. 8.3 Fig. 8.4 Fig. 8.5

Letter of property of a residence in Mubu built and donated by the Spanish government to the sultan Harun Narrasid, December 12, 1888 127 “Maimbung” (Miralles 1887) 128 Tipos de Mindanao. (V. 1877: 6) 131 Kulintang in the National Museum of the Philippines. (Our photography)132 Baybayin, Philippine pre-Hispanic script 138 Detail from Jornadas a Borneo, 1578: 10v 143 Hail Mary in Tagalog and Spanish in Doctrina cristiana, en lengua española y tagala (1593) 147 Detail of the translation done by Miguel Yaat and Constantino Xuárez of MS Seville. Carta del rey de Borneo, 1599: 1v 148 Carta que el Sultán de Joló, Muhammad Dianarol Ahlam (Shaw and Mola 2007: 14) 151 Spanish words in Jawi in MS Seville. Carta del rey de Borneo, 1599: 2v 154 Spanish words in Jawi in MS Manila. Carta de Mu‘izz al-Dīn, Sultán de Joló, 1753: 1r 155 Details of Spanish aljamiado encapsuled in yellow in MS Manila. Capitulaciones de Paz, 1836: 2r 158 Detail of “Excelentísimo Señor” in a Tausug Letter: MS Manila Petición del Sultán de Joló, 1855: S. 414 159 Detail of “Excelentísimo Señor” in a Maguindanao Letter: MS Manila Ascenso del Datu Harak, 1895: S. 344 159 Detail of MS Manila Expediente promovido por el ex-Sultán160 Detail of MS Manila. Expediente promovido por el Sultán160 Maguindanao words and their equivalents in Spanish, in Roman and Jawi scripts from Cartilla moro-castellana, 1887: 15–16163 Jawi texts in fig. 30 with corresponding transcription and translation in Maguindanao, Spanish, and English 163 Details of the envelope, seal, and letter in MS Manila. Cartas del Dato Benito, 1898 194 Details of the envelope of MS. Expediente sobre el viaje a La Meca del Sultán de Joló, 1897 194 Envelope of MS Manila. Capitulaciones de Paz, Protección y Comercio 1836 196 MS Manila. Capitulaciones que arreglan los derechos, 1836: S-85 197 Jawi version of MS Manila. Licencia en ydioma del país 1791: S-68–69198

  List of Figures 

Fig. 8.6 Fig. 8.7 Fig. 8.8 Fig. 8.9 Fig. 8.10 Fig. 8.11 Fig. 8.12 Fig. 8.13

License in Spanish by Jamāl al-Kīrām I of Sulu, in MS Manila. Nota de los encargos, 1836: S. 6 MS Manila. Nómina de los haberes que han correspondido, 1887: S. 561 MS Manila. Carta de Luis Huertas Urrutia, Gobernador Político-­Militar de Joló, 1888: S. 1330 MS Manila. Documento bilingüe de la venta de un carabao 1873: S. 161 MS Manila. Carta de Mu‘izz al-Dīn, Sultan de Joló. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, Rare 3 (1749–1754), Fol. 59 MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9246 (1774–1887), Exp. 3, S. 68 MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9241 (1750–1898), Exp. 322, S. 1202 MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9326 (1858–1898), S. 12

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199 200 201 202 203 204 205 205

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

The Philippine archipelago compMletely altered its historical evolution when Ferdinand Magellan landed and died on the island of Mactan April 27, 1521, five hundred years ago. The Kingdom of Spain, in a frenetic imperial expansion across Europe, North Africa and the whole of America, had placed its eyes on a suitable Asian land under the Treaty of Tordesillas (1497), and the first circumnavigation of the globe targeted a territorial conquest. Followed by other Spanish expeditions, the “Magellan archipelago” was put under the royal patronage of Prince Philip, and thus renamed as “the Philippines.” This definitive historical shift has concealed the natural evolution of the region under the expected circumstances taking place in continental and insular Southeast Asia. A consistent process of Islamization, beginning several centuries before, was transforming local ethnic communities and establishing Islamic states in the form of sultanates in major commercial ports from the fourteenth century onwards. The historical Golden Chersonese / Χρυσῆ Χερσὁνησος was no longer a transitional pass towards the gates of China, but a necessary mediator in the lucrative international market. Islam was the key to secure agency, and to attract a cosmopolitan nation of Muslims from the four corners of the world. Malay ethnicity predominated as a model for cultural, political, and religious Islamization, and many Southeast Asian regions joined the Dār al-Isla ̄m. The Philippine archipelago was not an isolated case, on the contrary. It represented the easternmost edge of the Islamic expansion, together with the Islamization © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 I. Donoso, Bichara, Islam in Southeast Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0821-7_1

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I. DONOSO

of the Moluccas. Accordingly, Ibn Mājid wrote a beautiful Arabic urjūzah describing the route from the Moluccas to Sulu at the end of the fifteenth century. At least two major Islamic states were created in the current territory of southern Philippines in the fifteenth century—the sultanates of Sulu and Maguindanao. Through the thalassocratic actions of Brunei, it is possible to speak about incipient Islamic kingdoms in southern Luzon in the sixteenth century. Juan de Grijalva, on page 138v of his Crónica de la orden de nuestro padre san Agustín en las provincias de Nueva España, published in Mexico in 1624, says: There are on this island [of Manila] and on that of Tondo many Mohammedans, who adopted the religion by trading in Borneo. They married and settled on the islands, and attached the religion to them, and taught them, giving them primers, ceremonies, and ways of preserving the creed. And so many of the island began to be Muslims performing circumcision and giving themselves Arabic names. If the arrival of the Spaniards took longer, the cancer was spreading so fast that all were today Muslims, as are all the islanders who are not in the government of the Philippines, to whom they have very industrialized missionaries [gacizes] and other marabouts [morabitos] who come to them to preach through the Straits of Mecca and the Red Sea.

The quotation is important indeed, in several aspects. Firstly, many indigenous Tagalogs adopted Islam in Manila Bay through the political and commercial relation with Brunei. Therefore, Brunei was the main way to introduce Muslim preachers and saints in the Luzonian entrepôt. Secondly, primers (cartillas in the original Spanish) with the Islamic doctrine circulated, understandably in Arabic language and with Qur’ānic texts. Tagalogs started to be so familiarized with the Islamic civilization that they adopted Arabic names, and the new cosmopolitan fashion was growing to the degree that, had the Spaniards taken longer, Tagalogs would have been completely Muslims by the end of the sixteenth century. Obviously, Brunei imperial actions in Luzon and Sulu were not exceptional. Other military forces placed attention in the lucrative Philippine ports during the early modern era. Chinese and Japanese privateers developed a well-known activity in the region, and the Portuguese started to visit the islands. It was a matter of time to alter the native landscape of

1 INTRODUCTION 

3

coastal ethnic settlements, in the geographic crossroads that the Philippines represented. And the change came from the less expected way—the East. We cannot change History, but historiography has traditionally minimized the significant participation of the Philippines in the Islamic global world, and in a civilization coming from “above the winds”—the West. In our opinion, Islamization was certainly a way of Westernization, since Islamic civilization was universal in its cultural dimension, from the Mediterranean Sea to the Indic Ocean. How to explain, therefore, the presence of Iskandar Dhū l-Qarnayn / Alexander the Great in the Philippine Islamic genealogies (tarsilas)? Moreover, historiography has traditionally problematized Philippine Islam and Muslims as ‘unnatural’ to the Filipino core and self, certainly in as essentialist way to understand the Nation. The anthropologist Fernando Zialcita raised the point for better understanding in page 279 of his Authentic Though not Exotic. Essays on Filipino Identity (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2005): There is thus not one Great Tradition that covers all of Southeast Asia today, but four: the Chinese (Vietnam, Singapore), the Indian (Laos, Cambodia, Thailand, Burma, Bali, and, to a continuing extent, the aristocracy of Central Java), the Islamic (Sulu, parts of Mindanao, Malaysia, most of Indonesia), and the Western (Singapore, Philippines, Flores, East Timor).

After the Spanish establishment of Manila as capital of the new political government in 1571, certainly the role of the city exerted power and fashion to articulate a new cultural sense across the centuries, embracing at the end the notion of the Filipino nation. But the Philippines was an archipelago of thousands of islands and Islam. The southern regions preserved longer the legacy of the ancient cosmopolis. In the meantime, a new modern globalization developed around Manila. As a matter of fact, historiography has already recognized that it is simplistic to reduce the Philippine historical reality to an irresolvable dichotomy, to say in short, a clash of civilizations. Beyond the ideological surface, it was clear that a general conversion of Muslims was unrealistic, and the Christian mission focused overall on pagans and heathens. In fact, the Jesuit southern mission found more religious profit moving eastwards to Micronesia—even seeking martyrdom, with the famous San Vitores and many other Jesuits—than entering the dominions of the sultans.

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I. DONOSO

Discovery, conquest, and colonization was legally and internationally sanctioned by the Popes, after the concession of the Patronato real for the Spanish Monarchy as it was before the Padroado for the Portuguese expansion. Christianity was the ‘ethical’ justification for Empire, as it was for the eradication of al-Andalus—the Islamic territories of the Iberian Peninsula. However, behind the legal and moral validation, many other aspects moved the military machine towards seizing nations, lands, and assets. Beyond Reconquista (re-conquering the Iberian lands for Christianity), Repartimiento emerged in the peninsula (sharing the spoils), as Encomienda did in America and the Philippines. Obviously, Spaniards were not foreigners to Islam. Until 1612, Islam was a quotidian Spanish reality, around half a million Muslims lived in the Peninsula, and Arabic was spoken by many Spanish families. The legacy of al-Andalus penetrated the Spanish culture, and this legacy traveled the seas together with the crew, reencountering the so-called ‘Moro’ in the Far East. We propose in this book to place attention on the legacy that Islam brought to Philippine culture, in terms of cultural development and political administration. Rather than problematize the irresolvable dichotomy towards a fruitless vacuum, it is unquestionable that Islamic civilization developed supratribal and international institutions in the Philippine archipelago, adopting sophisticated tools for governance, justice, and writing. These tools—some of them shared with other Southeastern Asian nations—, allowed Filipino Muslims to join a regional and international space, as far as Constantinople. But in addition, the Philippine case has a remarkable and exotic ingredient that makes unique the historical and cultural construction of Islam in the archipelago, moving it as far as Cordoba. Perhaps we can describe this link attending Marshall Hodgson’s concept of ‘Islamication.’ Islamization took place in the Philippine archipelago as a natural process following the cultural dynamics of the region. But the cultural legacy of al-Andalus was abruptly introduced after a political intromission that altered the local communities. Consequently, Islamization was interfered, but Islamication obtained a fabulous melting pot connecting the two edges of the Islamic ecumene. This is what we tried to explain in our book Islamic Far East. Yet the present volume aims to move further in time and scope, by focusing on specific aspects that shaped the sultanates. It is perhaps gratuitous to cite Giambattista Vico and his Verum ipsum factum, but our way to progress is to identify and describe facts that can provide, beyond the

1 INTRODUCTION 

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conundrum, a feasible and workable image of Philippine Islam in the collective and individual domains, this is to say, as a legal and political macrostructure, and as a way of life and ethos. Following the same methodology, Juan Andrés tried to prove in the eighteenth century the decisive Arabic influence in the construction of European culture. French encyclopedism silenced his thesis, but time has proven that he was right. Arabic and Islamic cultures were part of Spain, as they were part of the Philippines, and we should understand the phenomenon in dialogical rather than dialectical ways. Indeed, Hegelianism is used to reduce the powerful personality and diversity of human expression. Having this in mind, we have tried to inquire in this volume on the historical essence of the Word, the Islamic Word. In doing so, we have explored how Islam crossed Southeast Asia and eventually changed the political and social scenario of the region within a connected world. Coastal regions of the Philippine archipelago little by little joined the commercial network and were visited by Muslim missionaries, preachers and merchants that introduced local ethnic communities to a completely new civilization. The new fashion, belief and culture was adapted to the local lore and being—as any Islamic nation in the world did—, and politically, socially, and culturally Muslims led the change in the archipelago. We study in the first chapter the introduction of Islam in Southeast Asia and the consolidation of a Malay cultural model. Certainly, the history of Islam affects the four cardinal points and many communities across the planet. The Islamic Empire—Umayyad and Abbasid—was one of the biggest recorded in history, from the Iberian peninsula to the borders of India. However, only commercial factories were established from India to China. The entrepôt was a meeting point of goods and products as it was of cultures and fashions. Although the Indian Ocean entrepôt was not part of the Islamic Empire, eventually Islam was a decisive quality to claim legitimacy. Hence, a major part of Southeast Asia became part of the Islamic world without a military conquest or a political expansion. The title of Sultan overshadowed the Raja and communities from Sumatra and the Malay peninsula started to implant a new legal system beyond the tribe. Finally, the success of the Islamic Sultanate as political model for the region allowed the appearance of new polities, including the Philippine archipelago. In a singular way and without military conquest, insular and some continental areas of Southeast Asia became for the fifteenth century one of the crucial domains of the Da ̄r al-Isla ̄m.

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European sources on early modern insular Southeast Asia reflect Islamic elements, practices and preachers being introduced in the region. It was an on-going and borderless process of Islamization, affecting the whole area until the Pacific Ocean. When Fernández de Quirós arrived in New Guinea, he found Muslims teaching Islam to the Papuans. When Legazpi conquered Manila, the rulers were clearly Islamicized, as it is well described in the Spanish sources, and then in the Boxer Codex. Melchor de Ávalos accordingly issued two letters to the Spanish King in 1585 alleging a global Islamic confabulation. In fact, Tondo conspiracy under the Bornean elite took place in 1587, and the erasure of the thalassocracy of Brunei freed the sultanates in the Philippines. The deIslamization of Luzon, and the military failure of the conquest of Mindanao in 1596 by Rodríguez de Figueroa focused the Islamic attention on the southern and independent Muslim states. The second chapter aims to identify in a general way the preaching of the Koran and the Islamic missionary activity in the Philippines as well as the consolidation of the southern sultanates. In doing so, we have displayed a list of sultans and explained the specific moments when Philippine sultans adopted the highest Islamic title as Amı̄r al-Mu‘minı̄n. Nevertheless, the list of sultans does not clarify the tools in which the state, the governance, and the legality were exerted. Chapter three has tried to identify facts for better understanding the macrostructure of the Philippine sultanates. Firstly, the system of Datus or Datuship defines many aspects of the institution, thus the principals run a post within the hierarchy. The organization is perfectly defined, and every member of the polity is positioned by social prestige and political power. We have studied the Bornean model to clarify the nature of the Philippine sultanates, and the legal system to sustain the mixed law, between the application of the shariah and the continuation of customary rules. Certainly, the sense of the sultanates was to create a superior community beyond the tribe, sanctioned by a divine authority. Different ethnic communities adopted Islamic practices in the archipelago and populated the territories under the rule of the sultans. In the end the sultanate had to negotiate not only the inner social hierarchy but also the external political action. The way of doing politics is certainly one of the most remarkable aspects of the Islamic states in the Philippines. The use of the word, the Bichara, follows the most solid Islamic tradition of the Adab.

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The famous Moroccan traveler Ibn Baṭṭūṭah (1304–c.1369) in his Tuḥfah al-nuẓẓār fı̄ gharā’ib al-amḥār wa-l-‘ajā’ib al-asfār, better known as the Riḥlah (Travel), described a strange land beyond China that captivated the imagination for a long time: the story of Princess Urdujā of Ṭawālisı̄. José Rizal located this kingdom in the Philippine province of Pangasinan, and from them the description of Urdujā’s court has modelled pre-Hispanic Philippines. Chapter four attempts to describe the consolidation of the Islamic court in the archipelago, from the fanciful description of Tawalisi to the activities associated with the palace: the chancery and the leisure. Accordingly, as the Islamic site of power, the realm of the territory must have preserved a holy place, a shrine for respect and legitimacy—the ribāṭ. We have studied the human use of the space in Islamic terms, from the place of worship to the walls and the palace, following the requirements of the medina. Finally, a new urbanism from the medina to the city evolved during the nineteenth century, erecting concrete buildings and walls. We included in this chapter not only the physical landscape, but also the musical one, as sound is also part of the space. Our focus in this volume is to study specific Islamic facts that shaped the life of Philippine ethnic communities in creating a model of living, attending especially the use of the word for political, social, and cultural goals. The fifth chapter efforts to provide a general survey of the Islamic written tradition in the archipelago, from the introduction of Jawi script in pre-Hispanic Luzon to the first intellectual works to establish a Philology on Moro languages. Indeed, vestiges of the use of the old lingua franca can be still tested in modern Tagalog, with several words coming from Arabic. The Boxer Codex clearly mentioned Muslim preachers and missionaries teaching the word—the Quran—to Tagalogs. At the same time, Arabic borrowings did not come only via Malay, but the Philippine languages testify many other borrowings coming from the Arabic once spoken in Spain. Moreover, the growing process of Hispanicization of southern Philippines from Zamboanga introduced not only the Spanish language in the courts of the sultans, but also numerous Spanish borrowings in Jawi documents. We consider that this is again something singular that connects the Islamic Far East with the legacy of al-Andalus, since both Iberian Moriscos and Filipino Moros wrote Spanish in Arabic script, in the phenomenon called aljamiado. Certainly, Spain did not consciously promote Islamization, but unconsciously promoted Islamication, since the Andalusian legacy was at the very core of Spanish culture.

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Beyond the specific and extraordinary history of Jawi script in the Philippines, Moro ethnic communities preserved an indigenous folk and oral literature. Eventually the influence of the Islamic literature developed new typologies and genres, at least three: the silsila, the sermon and the book. As it is well known, Islamic civilization was one of the most massive producers of books in history. Spanish accounts testified that books were common objects in Moro collections. Chapter six analyses the features of folk Moro literature as a tradition of the word that built the local Adab, the cultural etiquette reinforced with the Arab and Islamic traditions. Philippine locations in Arabic geographical literature, and especially the world of ‘Ajā’ib—marvelous tales from far away—introduce the chapter, since the islands of Southeast Asia were the scene of the fashionable literature that fascinated the old court of Baghdad. Finally, chapter seven is a descriptor of characteristics concerning the collection of Jawi manuscripts preserved in the National Archives of the Philippines. After several years selecting single documents in dozens of bundles in the national repository, we provide a rationale of the main aspects of this corpus. Although several letters are preserved in private hands in the Philippines and abroad, the whole corpus safeguarded in Manila represents a magnificent heritage to explore the history and culture of the sultanates. It exposes the nature and personality of the Moro Letter, the old languages employed in the chanceries, and the etiquette and protocol of the diplomatic relation. We attend a classification of typologies and a description of the physical features of the letters. In addition, the volume is supplemented with the catalogue of the whole collection of Jawi manuscripts in the National Archives of the Philippines. A total of 175 documents are described and displayed from the eighteenth to the nineteenth centuries. We consider that the corpus is a valuable instrument for further research, a source for future researchers to dive into unexplored aspects of Islamic civilization in the Philippines and reinforce our knowledge of the legacy of the Moro nation. Finally, I want to recognize and acknowledge my permanent debt to all the members, librarians, staff, faculty, students, and alumni of the Institute of Islamic Studies from the University of the Philippines in Quezon City. It was a privilege to study and research in the beloved Romulo Hall and to learn the sense of Bichara from great professionals and persons. Without the legacy of this model of scholarship, fostered after César Majul’s

1 INTRODUCTION 

9

teachings, the present volume could not have been realized. Similarly, to the members of the National Archives of the Philippines, for the kind and serious attention during the time collecting the documents, and for the exceptional days together with Julkipli Wadi. Isaac Donoso, June, 2021

CHAPTER 2

Formation of the Malay Sultanates

Theory of the Sultanate The Sultanate was a political Islamic institution developed after the fragmentation of the Caliphate. The Caliph was the leader of the community of believers at the death of Muḥammad in 632 A.D. Thus, beyond the tribal division, Islam established a community (Umma/‫ )�أمـّة‬that allowed equality between persons submitted to God (Dermenghem 1981: 34). Given the political nature of the new community (Khadduri 1969: 3–7), a leadership was required, a successor to Muḥammad in terms of Caliph, Khalīfah Rasūl Allāh /‫( خليفة رسول اﷲ‬Lambton 1981). As first among the believers (Amīr al-Muʼminīn/‫)ٲمرياملؤمنني‬, a protocol (bayʻah/‫ )بيعة‬was established to transfer the political and religious power. Over time, the protocol was crucial to claim political legitimacy under the umbrella of religious authority.1 The Caliphate (khilāfah / ‫ )خالفة‬functioned as political-religious leadership until the advent of the Umayyad dynasty (661–750). It was elective in nature, this is to say, the notables (shuyūkh / ‫ )�شيوخ‬of each community chose the “successor” (real meaning of caliph) among them. During the 1  “The decision of the leaders, whose choice fell on Abū Bakr, was communicated to the people who confirmed it by giving allegiance. The importance of this election in Islamic history cannot be over-emphasized. It provided the later jurists with a precedent on which they could base their theories of succession, not only to the caliphate, but also to kingship” (Majumdar 1960: 439).

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 I. Donoso, Bichara, Islam in Southeast Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0821-7_2

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Umayyad period started a mutation from elective designation to inherited succession, as in a monarchic model. The holder of the title maintained the mandate to defend the community of believers, to be guarantor of the law (shar‘īah/‫ )رشيعة‬and sponsor of the jihād/‫هجاد‬: Rather, what happened was that Sultans steadily appropriated the religious functions of the Caliph, such as leadership in jihad. By establishing the legal conditions under which de facto rulers, as Commanders, might legitimately undertake religious functions previously ascribed to the Deputy alone, he [al-Māwardī] gave a juristic basis for the phenomenon, soon to become widespread, of the Sultan-Caliph. (Black 2001: 89)

A dissociation between the spiritual (dīn / ‫ )دين‬and earthly (dunyā / ‫)دنيا‬ realms emerged in this theocratic model after the establishment of the hereditary succession of the Caliphate. It became a dynastic monarchy under a religious sanction.2 The allocation of the political function in a vizier (wazīr / ‫ ; وزير‬or ḥājib / ‫ )حاجب‬caused in the ninth century the definitive fracture between the two realms: the spiritual and religious charisma (imāmah / ‫( )�إمامة‬Madelung 1990: 1163) from the political and military power (salṭanah / ‫)سلطنة‬. Once completed the division (Arkoun 1988: 61), the one that could defend with greater guarantees the interests of the community of believers would reach wider legitimacy. In fact, and by imposing the force, that one capable to hold military power was worthy to hold the tasks of the caliph.3 Accordingly, the Abbasid caliphate (750–1258) was sustained under the authority of military power, followed by continuous segmentations

2  “An attempt to limit the true caliphate to the Rāshidūn, on the basis of a tradition attributed to the prophet which states: ‘the caliphate after me will be thirty years, then it will become kingship’ did not become accepted doctrine. Later Sunnī jurists, however, drew a distinction between the caliphate of the Rāshidūn, the Khila ˉfat al-nubuwwa (the vicariate of prophecy) and the later caliphate which they held to have had the character of worldly kingship (mulk)” (Lambton 1990: 948). 3  “The imamate conferred by force, and this Ibn Jamā‘a makes clear, was the only imamate which existed in his time, was conferred upon the holder by virtue of his exercise of coercive power. Al-Ghazālī had prepared the way for the recognition of this type of imamate by including the sultanate in the caliphate as a necessary element. Ibn Jamā‘a, forced by the circumstances of the time, goes further and accepts the possibility of the absorption of the caliphate itself into the sultanate” (Lambton 1981: 141).

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and division of provinces and provincial rulers.4 The historical process began with the so-called al-sulṭān ẓill Allāh fi-l-arḍ / ‫السلطان ظل ﷲ يف ا ألرض‬ (“Ruler as the shadow of God on earth”). During the Abbasid period there is a progressive withdrawal of the caliph from the exercise of political power in favor of the prime minister, the vizier or chamberlain. Namely, it was the institutional dissociation between the khilāfa and the salṭana (Rosenthal 1958). The concept of sulṭān was therefore a way to name the person, the leader, who enforced political power (Tyan 1957). The step from being a mere denomination to then being an institutional title was fast. The sulṭān ended up representing the title of the effective power, in the Abbasid world and beyond. The caliph al-Qādir (991–1031) entitled Maḥmud of Gazna (971–1030) as ‘sultan.’ Subsequently Seljuk (1037–1307) and Ayyubi (1171–1341) rulers claimed political authority under the same title. Given the shortage of the title of caliph, jurists had to find legal sustain to the new political entity from the thirteenth century onwards.5 The former subaltern in the service of a caliph created new military coalitions: The jurists conceived military power as an instrument in the hand of the caliph for fulfillment his public duties, but when the authority of the caliph waned and his deputy commanders became in fact more powerful than he was, the jurists often justified the assumption of authority by force. To many jurists, military force was regarded as a basic qualification for authority, a view which reflects the increasing tendency to subordinate institutions to those who have command of the army. (Khadduri 1969: 87–88)

4  “The Deputy thus transferred his religious and jurisdictional functions to the sultan. One aim was to boost the Mamluks’ claim as pan-Islamic rulers. Above all, the sultan now came to be the seen as the guarantor in his own territory of contracts, marriages and Sharia’s Penalties—critical legal acts whose religious legitimacy formerly depended on the Deputy. The Sultan-Caliph had arrived” (Black: 143). 5  “By the literature of the thirteenth century Sulṭān had become a title indicating the most absolute political independence […] Sultans, having thus become potentates whose absolute independence was generally recognized, jurist and historians set themselves to construct theories to find a justification in law for the existence of such potentates for whom there had been no place in the old conception of the Muslim caliphate” (J.H. Kramers [C.E. Bosworth] Kramers 1990: 850).

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In the end, the sultan assumed religious authority too.6 Accordingly, after the Mongolian rape of 1258, the Mamluks of Egypt protected the descendants of the Abbasid caliphate until the Ottoman conquest of the Nile in 1517. At this time the Ottoman sultanate managed to establish itself as a caliphate assuming the leadership of the Sunni world. As an institution based on authority of power, dynastic succession, and autocracy of the leader, the sultanate developed a political model easily applicable to any kind of society. The sultanate became in the thirteenth century the Islamic political institution par excellence. From Granada to Malacca, Muslim sultans enforced religious charisma with military power. Since the Islamic Empire (Mamlakat al-Islām / ‫ )مملكة االسالم‬no longer existed, private rulers were the de facto defenders of the Dār al-Islām / ‫دار إالسالم‬.

The Islamic Kingdoms of Sumatra The Mongolian devastation of the Islamic world was intense, but the imperial system collapsed earlier. For a long time, the khilāfa was just a nominal title. The sultan was the true ‘prince’ among the believers (Amīr al-Mu’minīn), and the post-Mongolian scenario multiplied the rulers in a fragmented Islamic world.7 Under this new order, any leader with political might could govern enforcing Islamic law and jihad. Consequently, chiefs from many nations found in this political institution a way to sanction the state. In the margins of the Islamic world, the sultanate became a suitable form of government that at the same time adopted indigenous realities. The longue durée in the process of Islamization of Southeast Asia can also be explained within the scenario of Islamic political disintegration. Indeed, it was not possible to erect an Islamic polity beyond the authority of the caliphate (unless the creation of a new one, such as the Fatimid or Umayyad in al-Andalus). Muslims living in commercial factories of China, maritime entrepôts of Southeast Asia, on the coasts of Zanzibar, and even 6  “If al-Ghazali referred to the ‘high status’ of kings, the Saljuks themselves went a stage further; for them ‘there was one Sultan just as there was one Caliph, and the Sultan was the supreme military and political head of Islam’. This had tremendous implications, which became clear in the Ottoman state, when the Sultan claimed to be, and was widely recognised as, the military leader of Sunni Islam; and then—the final twist—claimed to be Deputy as well” (Black: 94–95). 7  “The Mongols destroyed the Caliphate of Baghdād, and when they themselves were converted to Islām they favoured the theory that every independent Muslim empire constituted a Caliphate by itself” (Majumdar: 440).

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in the southern ports of India, were colonies along the borders of the Islamic empire.8 It is perhaps feasible to say that the political fragmentation multiplied movements and travels throughout the Islamic world, supplying the borders with newcomers. In a setting of political instability and military risings, merchants, scholars, ulamas, mystics, jurists, lawyers and many common Muslims perhaps sought a better life in exile. The old commercial routes were ready to accommodate new passengers, Muslims in search of prosperity in remote colonies along the Indian ocean, controlled by native populations (Hall 2010). Indeed, Indians, Chinese and Malays were in charge of local commercial activities, within the ancient Arab and Persian international trade. Cooperation and, at last, Islamization, were the key to understanding this commercial prosperity that dominated the world from the seventh to the fifteenth centuries. In those oceanic entrepôts (Tibbetts 1979), where mestizo populations emerged, Islam offered not only a metaphysical answer, but a whole civilization: a written legacy, a legal system, and a political state. Beyond the caliphal demotion, Muslim polities arose at the edges of the empire, and for the thirteenth century sultanates materialized in Southeast Asia. The former commercial colonies, the remote entrepôts, the middle points between India and China, develop sufficient autonomy to self-proclaim an Islamic state in the form of a sultanate (Riddell 2017a). When the Venetian traveler Marco Polo managed to reveal the secrets of the Chinese route at the end of the thirteenth century, the Malay entrepôt turned into a true city-state. By controlling Muslim merchants and adopting Islam, the first sultanate of Southeast Asia appeared. It was around the city of Perlak (called by Polo ‘Ferlec’) in the northern region of the island of Sumatra: E dirovvi de’reame di Ferbet (Ferlec). Sappiate, perche i mercatanti saracini usano in questo reame con lor navi, e’hanno convertita questa gente alla legge di Malcometto; e questi sono soli quelli della cittá. Quegli delle montagne sono come bestie, ch’egli mangiano carne d’uomo. (Polo 1928: 181) 8  “Ainsi, perdus dans l’espace, les enfants lointains de l’Islam ne sont pas, tant s’en faut, perdus de cœur. Sans doute ne relèvent-ils pas, au propre, du monde arabo-musulmane, de cette mamlaka que nous allons maintenant installer sur la carte, et dans la description de laquelle on ne les comprend pas. Ils sont pourtant, dans les faits, comme un trait d’union entre la mamlaka et cet autre immense, qui est, à la fois, l’etranger et le païen” (Miquel 1975: 524).

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In fact, Marco Polo mentioned six kingdoms in northern Sumatra: Ferlec, Basma, Samara, Dragoian, Lambri and Fansur (Hill 1963: 7). However, sources are limited to detail the scope and history of this Perlak Sultanate, its origins (perhaps the ninth century) and Shia influence (Zulkifli 2013: 4). On the other hand, Arabic sources used to mention the name of al-Rāmnī / ‫ الرامين‬or Lāmurī / ‫( المري‬Tibbetts 1979: 138–140). Lambri, Ramni, Lamuri was a commerce entrepôt frequented by Muslim merchants (McKinnon 1988). However, it is unclear that the kingdom of Lamuri developed an early Islamic sultanate, but several archaeological traces are nowadays under study in the north coast of Aceh Besar (Montana 1997; Oetomo 2008; Husni 2019). When Ibn Baṭṭūṭah arrived half a century later to northeastern Sumatra in 1345, sultan Malik al-Ẓāhir /‫ املكل الظاهر‬was promoting theological discussions and Qur’ānic readings, calls to jihad and payments of jizya. In other words, he made use of all the privileges offered by the Islamic sultanate to increase his power and extend his domain. Accordingly, a true scenario of Islamic political propagation emerged in fifty years. It was a former entrepôt that expanded beyond the city-state through jihad and political consciousness, it was the rise of Samudra-Pasai Sultanate. Malay literature started to be transformed under new Islamic categories (Braginsky 2004: 85–90), as Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai (c. 14th c.) proves: Now Merah Silu had a dream. In his dream he saw a person standing, his chin cupped in his hand, his eyes covered by his four fingers. The person said: “Merah Silu, recite the words of the profession of faith”. “I do not know how to recite them”, replied Merah Silu. “Open your mouth”, said the person. Merah Silu opened his mouth and the person spat into it. The taste was rich and sweet. Then he said to Merah Silu “Your name shall be Sultan Maliku’l-Saleh. From now on you are a Muslim”. (Hill 1960: 118)

Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai is perhaps the first story of the Islamized Malay world (Anonymous 2004). It tells how Merah Silu envisioned Muḥammad and converted to Islam around the year 1267, and was named sultan Malik al-Ṣāliḥ / ‫املكل الصاحل‬. The data is contrasted by the existence of his funeral tombstone with the epigraphic style of Cambay (now Khambhat) in Gujarat (Yatim 1988; Guillot and Kalus 2008). This is actually the famous Terengganu inscription, the first evidence of Jawi script in the region (Attas 1984; Adam 2017).

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An important fact that appears in Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai is a first mention of Iskandar Dhū l-Qarnayn in Southeast Asia: “The historical value of chronicles has not yet been fully worked out. Titles like Megat Skandar […], for example, may go to show that the Alexander legend was known in thirteenth-century Pasai” (Winstedt 1969: 156). Though the text of Hikayat Iskandar Zulkarnain might be written down in fifteenth century Pasai (Braginsky 2004: 113), nothing invalidates a previous oral transmission. As known, Dhū l-Qarnayn / ‫“( ذوالقرنني‬The Two-horned one”) was the prophet sent by God to the farthest limits of the world, from sunset to sunrise: [18:83] And they ask you about Dhul-Qarnain: Say “I shall recite to you something of his story” [18:84] Verily, We established him in the earth, and We gave him the means of everything [18:85] So, he followed a way [18:86] Until, when he reached the setting place of the sun, he found it setting in a black muddy water […] And he found near it a people. We said: O Dhul-Qarnain! Either you punish them, or treat them with kindness [18:87] He said: “As for him (a disbeliever in the Oneness of Allāh) who does wrong, we shall punish him, and then he will be brought back unto his Lord, Who will punish him with a terrible torment (Hell)” [18:88] “But as for him who believes (in Allāh’s Oneness) and work righteousness, he shall have the best reward (Paradise), and we (Dhul-Qarnain) shall speak until him mild words” [18:89] Then he followed another way [18:90] Until, when he came to the rising place of the sun, he found it rising on a people for whom We (Allāh) had provided no shelter against the sun [18:91] So (it was)! And We knew all about Dhul-Qarnain.9

Alexander the Great / Μέγας Αλέζανδρος has been traditionally linked with this Islamic prophet at the borders of the world. Indeed Iskandar, related with Dhū l-Qarnayn / ‫�إسكندر ذو القرنني‬, represents a mythical figure in the Islamic civilization. A whole narrative, exegesis and tradition was developed from a Persian background, giving form to the Alexander Romance (Doufikar-Aerts 2010; Manteghi 2018). 9  All Qurʼānic translations from Taqī-ud-Din al-Hilālī, Muhammad and Muhammad Muhsin Khān, Translation of the meaning of the Noble Qurʼa ˉn in the English Language (Medina: King Fahd Complex for the Printing of the Holy Qurʼān, 1417 H.).

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I. DONOSO

Dhū l-Qarnayn was considered the first prophet at the edges of the world in Qurʼānic terms, the first Muslim heard by nations at the limits of the inhabited land, including Gog and Magog (Seyed-Gohrab et al. 2007). According to the Qurʼān, Dhū l-Qarnayn built a barrier separating nations from the chaos of Gog and Magog. Al-Masʻūdī offers a valuable text in the section “On the earth and its form” at the beginning of his Kitāb al-tanbīh wa-l-ishrāf. The connections between Dhū l-Qarnayn’s barrier, Alexander/ Iskandar, and the wall raised across Chinese borders is clearly pictured here: On the edge of the inhabited world in the far east towards the limits of China and Sila [Korea], is the wall of Gog and Magog that was built by al-­ Iskandar, to protect the earth from their chaos.10

As noticed, the same al-Masʻūdī connects Iskandar’s name with the Qurʼānic narration of Dhū l-Qarnayn’s barrier against Gog and Magog, already in the tenth century. Therefore, it must be understood that, once the Arab folklore about the Chinese route was already consolidated, the connection Iskandar=Dhū l-Qarnayn emerged as a result of fitting real geography into Qurʼānic cosmography. In this case Iskandar was associated with Dhū l-Qarnayn and, most importantly, the association represented the first prophet of Islam in the confines of the world. The eventual outcome was to consider Alexander the Great the first Islamic prophet in the Far East (Donoso and Franco-Sánchez 2020). It was no longer ‘ajā’ib tales (mirabilia) from Hellenic or Persian materials, but a Qurʼānic mandate about the origins of Islamization at the end of the ecumene: “Malay sultans needed no ‘usual’ supernatural ancestors, but a great Muslim forefather, Iskandar Zulkarnain, the great conqueror of the world who spread ‘the faith of Ibrahim’ to its farthest limits” (Braginsky 2004: 113). Indeed, Iskandar Dhū l-Qarnayn became the first invocation to substantiate Islamic expansion in East Asia. Thus, as the first messenger in the

10  Our translation from the original, Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum, edidit M. J. de Goeje. Pars octava. Kita ˉb at-Tanbı‐h wa’l-Ischra ˉf, auctore al-Masu‐dı‐ (Brill: Leiden, 1894):

‫وأقصى العمران في المشرق أقصى حدود بالد الصين والسيلي إلى أن ينتهي ذلك إلى ردم يأجوج‬ .‫ومأجوج الذي بناه اإلسكندر دافعا ً ليأجوج ومأجوج عن الفساد في األرض‬

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Eastern limits, to mention his name was conditio sine qua non to Islamize polities: The position of Alexander, or Iskandar, in Islam may be compared to that of Julius Caesar in Christianity: both fulfilled a destiny as forerunners providentially conquering, and so preparing, or “making straight the way”, for the establishment of a world religion. (Glassé 2003: 38)

In practical terms, any attempt to legalize the Islamic state in East Asia must refer, in the first place, to Iskandar Dhū l-Qarnayn, the genetic figure of Islam in this part of the ecumene. Thus, the erection of Islamic legitimacies in the Malay world retained and enforced the founding Qurʼānic myth of Alexander, as took place in Malacca, the next sultanate to appear in the region: Now this is how the story begins according to the account we have received:—When Raja Iskandar, the Two-Horned, son of Raja Darab, a Roman of the country of Macedonia, set out to visit the East, he came to the frontier of India. Now there was a certain Raja, by name Raja Kida Hindi, whose kingdom was so vast that he held sway over half of all India […] And Raja Kida Hindi was defeated by Raja Iskandar and was captured alive, whereupon Raja Iskandar ordered him to accept the True Faith. And he did so and became a Muhammadan, embracing the religion of Abraham, the chosen friend of God (on him be peace). (Brown 1970: 2)

Sejarah Melayu begins the narration of the founding of the Sultanate of Malacca around the year 1400. Raja Iskandar Dhū l-Qarnayn (transformed now into raja) explains the process of Islamization of the Malay world: from paganism to Islam, from raja to sultan, from Sri Vijaya to Malacca. In order to sanction the Islamic advocacy, the monarchy of Malacca has to accommodate the Hindu-Buddhist past within a rigorous Qurʼānic authority. It is interesting to note that the process of Malay Islamization can be traced by studying the chains of transmission (silsilah) of the different sultanates and Dhū l-Qarnayn’s presence. Fittingly, a diffuse or vague presence can be explained as late transmission, late Islamization, or weak Qurʼānic awareness. In other words, the direct or indirect degree of Iskandar Dhū l-Qarnayn’s appearance in Malay silsilas tell us about the process of Islamization. The Sulu sultanate in the Philippine archipelago is a good sample, as well as Majul’s reflections:

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The Iskandar (Alexander the Great) legend which figures prominently in the Sejarah Melayu (Malay Annals) is not found in the Sulu Genealogy. However, Alexander the Great is found in various oral traditions in Sulu either as having come to Sulu or to have sent there some of the first inhabitants. There has been no serious attempt to link Alexander the Great to any of the Sulu sultans. As it is, with the elaborate ancestry claimed for the Sulu sultans, one more Greek on the list would have been superfluous. (Majul 1999a: 7)

Certainly, the presence of Alexander the Great in Sulu traditions is not an anecdotic or superfluous matter. The absence of his name as the tarsila indicates, most probably, an erosion on the awareness of the rigorous Islamic claim. In the end, the Islamic mandate would be transformed to connect with indigenous realities, as pointed by Saleeby: The traditions state that Tuan Mashai’ka was the son of Jamiyun Kulisa and Indara Suga, who came to Sulu with Alexander the Great […] The common believe among the Sulus that Alexander the Great invaded their island is one of many indications which lead one to think that most of their knowledge and traditions came by the way of Malacca or Juhur, and possibly Tuan Masha’ika came from the same direction. It does seem therefore as if the dynasty of Sipad was supplanted by a foreign element represented by Tuan Masha’ika. (Saleeby 1963: 38–39)

Traditional historiography explains the presence of Alexander the Great in Sulu as mere influence coming from Malacca. However, the mention cannot simply be limited to an ordinary imitation. The reason behind it, as pointed, has an Islamic nature. Alexander the Great was the needed justification to develop an Islamic polity, and for Sulu political purposes his campaigns arrived as far as Jolo (Donoso 2013: 118–122).

The Sultanate of Malacca Paduka Sri Maharaja Parameswara (1344–1414) was one of the last descendants of Sri Vijaya’s rulers, kingdom annihilated by Majapahit. He migrated from Sumatra to settle in the southern coast of Malay peninsula. Parameswara married the princess of Pasai to enforce alliances with this Sumatran sultanate. Symbolically the process took place with the change of name: from Paduka Sri Maharaja Parameswara (all Sanskrit titles of Hindu-Buddhist tradition) to Iskandar Shāh / ‫( �إسكندر شاه‬Iskandar by virtue

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of the necessary Islamic legitimacy and Shāh manifesting perhaps a close influence from Delhi sultanate) (Sandhu and Wheatley 1983; Reid 1988). The new port of Malacca became the new maritime empire of Southeast Asia at the beginning of the fifteenth century: Through adopting Islam, the ruler was acquiring the most modern spiritual doctrines and techniques, and, at the same time, entering the Muslim galaxy which he would believe encompassed the greater part of the civilized world. Yet, of he has something to gain, he had nothing to lose. (Milner 1985: 31)

Sri Vijaya succumbed to the new hegemony of the Majapahit Hindu empire. No other political strategy remained but to embrace Islam. If a ruler wanted to attract international recognition to empower a polity within the new arena, Muslim trade was the key. By establishing an Islamic state, the ruler adopted a new political-religious status beyond the rajaship. He was now a sulṭān / ‫سلطان‬: “The coins they minted proclaim the ruler as sultan […], thus raising him above all other princes in the area who, with the exception of Pasai, bore the simple title raja” (B. Andaya and Ishii 1999: 173). With the adoption of the sultanate around 1414, the alliance with Pasai, and the marginalization of Majapahit on the island of Java, Malacca became the sole and exclusive pole of attraction for Muslim commercial activities in the transoceanic trade from the fifteenth century. The direct trip to China was controlled by Chinese merchants, even to a greater extent after the Persian rebellion of Quanzhou between 1357 and 1366 (Chaffee 2018). Arabs, Persians and Indians were bound to trade in the region under Chinese control. However, at the beginning of the fifteenth century Malacca began to flourish, welcomed Islamic trade, and received the consent of China, for instance in the many trips of Zheng He (Sen 2009): The Ming expansion was followed by a great increase in trade, and Malacca was able to profit greatly by this. Finally, in 1414 Parameswara was converted to Islam, and Malacca became the headquarters of the powerful and wealthy Muslim merchants who soon discovered the geographical advantages of Malacca’s position, and by their trading activities eventually made the city the greatest Emporium in South-East Asia. (Moorhead 1965: 119)

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Malacca responded to merchants and Muslims, from both sides: the Indian Ocean and the China Sea. It responded at the same time to the instability of Southeast Asia. In fact, no other entrepôt in the route to China competed with Malacca in the fifteenth century: Malacca was the commercial centre of the whole of the South-East Asia, at least for the Arabs. It is to Malacca that the main Arab routes go and beyond Malacca, the sailing directions seem only half-hearted. In fact the only real sailing-directions beyond are for China and Java and these are mere ghosts of the directions given for other parts of the Ocean. (Tibbetts 1979: 230)

Malacca was a commercial and political success between China and India. In addition, the Malay entrepôt established a model of Islamic intellectual patronage. A considerable number of Arab, Persian, Chinese and Indian Muslims made of this small hub a flourishing intellectual center. Unlike in old times, where commercial profit was the goal for Muslims embarking in the Persian Gulf, Malacca began to accommodate a large number of Muslim scholars and ulama. The interest of the sultanate was not only to create a commercial empire, but to develop a true structure that would attract material and spiritual power. Since Islam was a new way of life for many, locals needed to master new codes, practices and dogmas to build the state. This is how Malacca became an important Islamic intellectual center, attracting a global civilization through the Muslim commerce: Let us not underestimate the pull and attraction of Islam as a religion and as a way of life. It meant among other things: literacy, a tradition of learning, a code of laws, an individual sense of worth, and a system of action. Hence, it is not by accident that Muslim states or kingdoms were centres of the learning during this period. Baghdad, Cordova, Timbuktu, Delhi, and Malacca, were all flourishing centres of learning and culture at the height of Islamic rule. (Abubakar 2005: 48)

The Southeast Asian economy was improved immensely alongside science and technology. Malacca became a center of scholarship and erudition, as Sejarah Melayu testifies (c.1612). The history of the sultans of Malacca—like most of the Malay Islamic literature—was written in Jāwī / ‫ﺟﺎﻮﻱ‬. This written tradition using the Arabic script to write Southeast Asian languages began to produce a huge legacy that reached the Philippine archipelago, as we will see in the future. In addition, the historical accounts

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of the sultans of Malacca used genealogies (silsilah / ‫)ﺴﻠﺴﺔﻠ‬, well-­ accommodated with the tradition of isnād / ‫ا�سناد‬. These narrations revealed the role of Muslim preachers known as makhdūm / ‫خمدوم‬. Thus, numerous makhdūmūn established themselves in Southeast Asia as a new region incorporated into the Islamic world. In this sense it is revealing that while the Portuguese were bombarding Malacca, the sultan discussed mystical lessons with his makhdūm: And the king went forth on to the bridge and stood there amid a hail of bullets. But Makhdum Sadar Jahan clasping the pannier with both hands cried out to Sultan Ahmad Shah “Sultan, this is no place to study the Unity of God, let us go home!” Sultan Ahmad smiled and returned to the palace. And the Franks shouted from their ships, “Take warning, you men of Malaka, tomorrow be land!” And the men of Malaka answered, “Very Well!”. (Brown 1970: 162)

In the end, the model of Malacca as a cultural medina and commercial empire exceeded the limits of both entrepôt and Kerajaan. Once the Malay sultanate model was established, it was exported to other areas of Southeast Asia. The old entrepôt became a city-state under the authority of a sultan, and through the new political structure, Islam enlarged through a world of countless islands.

Aceh and the Formation of the Malay Chanceries When Malacca fell into Portuguese hands in 1511, part of the royal family was transferred to Johore, where a new sultanate emerged (Winstedt 1932). The son of Sultan Maḥmūd Shāh / ‫— محمود شاه‬Malacca’s last sultan—founded the new Sultanate of Johore in 1528, with the name of Sultan ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Riayāt Shāh II / ‫عالء ادلين رايت الثاين‬. Surprisingly, relations with Portuguese Malacca were not always hostile, as the Hispano-Flemish merchant Jacques de Coutre continuously narrates (Coutre 1991: 395–401, 2015). Accordingly, the ambitions of the emerging Aceh Sultanate in northern Sumatra made Portugal and Johore allies in some moments (Sousa Pinto 1997). The scenario became far more complicated than before, and the polities fought to attract the oriental trade under the global conflict of European imperialism and Ottoman expansion. Aceh was the new power in insular Southeast Asia, a great opposition for both Portuguese Malacca and Johore. The origin of Aceh is certainly

24 

I. DONOSO

surprising, since it has linguistic similarities with the ancient kingdom of Champa in southern Vietnam (Thurgood 1999). In fact, Champa was one of the most Islamized kingdoms on the route to China (Manguin 1979). The strong Islamization of Champa was one of the reasons behind Vietnam’s invasion and extermination of the Cham population in 1471. The capital of Champa, Vijaya, was totally razed, and the genocide caused the social and political ruin of the ancient empire (Maspéro 2002: 117; Vickery 2009: 56). The son of the king of Champa was sent to northern Sumatra, together with a multitude of exiles. He contributed to the extensive Islamization of the region. In this way Syah Pau Ling was established in Aceh, and in 1496 the Aceh Sultanate was born under the leadership of the new sultan ‘Alī Mugāyāt Shāh / ‫عيل مغاايت شاه‬. With the fall of Malacca in 1511, Aceh seeked to attract regional trade and Islam authority (Santos Alves 1999). Accordingly, sultan ‘Alā’ al-Dīn al-Qahhār / ‫ عالء ادلین القهار‬requested assistance to the Ottoman caliph in 1561 and attacked Johore and Malacca (Peacock and Gallop 2015). Suleiman the Magnificent died in 1566, and Selim II continued the preparations for the Ottoman expedition to Aceh. Under the orders of admiral Kurtoğlu Hızır Reis many xebecs crossed the Indian ocean to Southeast Asia. However, few of the ships arrived at Aceh. When Aceh attacked Malacca in 1568, the Turkish forces were scarce (Manguin 1988). Nevertheless, Aceh was consolidated as a diplomatic and military regional power, developed at the same time as an important center of Islamic culture. Remarkable Malay Muslim thinkers emerged in Aceh between the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, among them Ḥamzah Fanṣūrī / ‫( محزة فنصوري‬d. 1590) and Shams al-Dīn al-Sūmaṭrānī / ‫مشس ادلين سومطراين‬. These first thinkers started a preliminary Islamic mysticism (Attas 1970), Qurʼānic exegesis (Riddell 2017b) and Malay poetry (Drewes and Brakel 1986). However, the arrival of the Gujarati Nūr al-Dīn al-Ranīrī / ‫( نورادلين الرنريي‬m. 1658) to the court of Aceh caused turmoil in regard to local mysticism and erudition. Al-Ranīrī was a traditional ulama with strict formation, and he soon opposed the mystical tradition of local thinkers as heresy against the unity of God. In fact, local thinkers used the concept of wujūdiyyah / ‫ وجوديـّة‬from the Andalusian Ibn ‘Arabī (Attas 1966). To demonstrate the essential principles of God’s unity, al-Ranīrī wrote in Malay a monumental work based on Islamic sources: Bustān al-Salāṭīn / ‫( ب�ستان السالطني‬The Garden of the Sultans) (Harun 2009).

2  FORMATION OF THE MALAY SULTANATES 

25

Under the rule of sultan Iskandar Mūdā / ‫( اسكندر مودا‬r. 1607–1636), Aceh developed all the structures of a political chancery: formation of a cabinet of intellectuals and ulama, tax collection, articulation of the jihad, diplomatic protocol and above all, an office to establish international and diplomatic relations under Islamic Law (Lombard 1967). The consolidation of a particular way to conduct politics, organize the court and strengthen religiosity highlighted a mature model of the Islamic sultanate in Southeast Asia. Indeed, a written protocol was essential to achieve such. Jawi script highlights an important degree of Arabization and the adoption of an international code for local expression. At the same time, Jawi script was the way to face European intromission with words and diplomacy, with the muscle of a global religion. During the seventeenth century, the model of Aceh inspired rulers in Southeast Asia to consolidate a political system based on the Islamic Sultanate and the advice of Muslim ulama and officials. Thus, the incipient Jawi script shaped from the seventeenth century onwards the essential form of a Malay court (Hadi 2004): While Aceh shared many features with Malayu Melaka, a fundamental difference was its active pursuit of ideas and models from Islamic civilizations. Malayu culture as represented by Melaka and later Johor was an amalgam of indigenous, Hindu-Buddhist, and Islamic ideas, whereas Islam formed the underpinnings of society in Aceh. […] As long as Aceh was the leading entrepot and military power in alam Malayu, it became the model for other Malayu courts. Kedah on the Malay Peninsula and a number of kingdoms on the northeast and northwest coasts of Sumatra had already adopted Acehnese practices and titles by the seventeenth century. (Andaya and Andaya 2008: 126, 137)

The Establishment of Sultanates in the Philippine Archipelago From the pioneer sultanates of Samudra-Pasai and Malacca to the administrative capacity demonstrated by Aceh, Malay polities entered an international arena. Those entrepôts of Southeast Asia where Islam germinated transformed their social structures. The sultanate became an ideal framework to assume supra-tribal legitimacy and face the intervention of European powers. Many communities in Southeast Asia adopted Islamic tools to shape life in the Early Modern period (Andaya and Andaya 2015). Oddly enough, when Islam ruined in al-Andalus and the West, the nations of Southeast Asia adopted Islam for regional cohesion. Thus, many

26 

I. DONOSO

sultanates materialized during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries from Patani in the Buddhist kingdom of Siam (Gilquin 2002; Syukri 2005) to Mataram in the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit (Ricklefs 2006). The sultanate of Mataram (1587–1755) based in central Java conquered during the seventeenth century important parts of the entire island, expelling towards Bali the remnants of the Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms. The Sultanate of Banten (1527–1813) progressed economically between Sumatra and Java, the region where the empire of Sri Vijaya was born (Guillot 1990; Guillot et al. 2005). However, both Mataram in 1677 and Banten in 1684, gave extensive concessions to the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie or VOC). The Dutch had conquered Malacca from the Portuguese in 1641 with the help of the Sultanate of Johore. Contrary to the union of sultanates, rivalries were a common practice between them. It is important to remember that sultanates emerged in the region as a consequence of local accommodations to foreign dynamics. The decisive attraction towards Islamization was the sharing of a lucrative commercial market. Unlike the Islamic Mediterranean (where Islamization and Arabization followed a territorial conquest by sword), in Southeast Asia there was no military conquest by a foreign empire. As a matter of fact, Islamization preceded the subsequent articulation of the Islamic state, quite unlike what took place in the Middle East and the Mediterranean basin, where Islamization followed the imposition of the Islamic empire. In other words, a high degree of Muslim presence previously existed to the self-proclamation of the sultan. Therefore, there was no unity of action of a united Islamic empire, but local assumptions of the Islamic authority, with primarily political-economic purposes. As with the old maritime folktale of mermaids, the command of the entrepôt was to attract the wealth of foreigners. Consequently, a common action among the sultanates to proclaim an Islamic jihad or Malay alliance against Western intervention was not usually the case. Like other foreigners who landed in the ports of Southeast Asia, Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutch and English were customers as well as competitors in the regional profit. Each local ruler, each sultan, developed suitable alliances for each particular case. As a result, Islamic solidarity was dramatically affected by local gain and European diplomatic game. Another key to understanding the proliferation of multiple sultanates in the region is the persistence of a trade route from Zaytun (Quanzhou, the old Citong) (Schottenhammer 2001) to Borneo operated by Chinese Hui

2  FORMATION OF THE MALAY SULTANATES 

27

(Chaffee 2018). It has been traditionally thought that Islam entered Southeast Asia as a continuum from west to east, with three ethnic actors: Arabs, Persians and Indians (Pareja 1952–1954: 1–299). The ultimate role of Turkish population linked to the Ottoman caliphate has been recently remarked (Özbaran 2009; Casale 2010). Similarly, we have called attention to the feasible participation of Muslim exiles from the Iberian peninsula in the Indian ocean (Donoso 2008), as noted by Ibn Baṭṭūṭah (Donoso 2016: 251–252) and Melchor de Ávalos (Donoso and Franco-­ Sánchez 2011–13, 2014–16). In addition, it is clear nowadays the crucial role of Chinese Muslims and the entrepôt of Zaytun in the Islamization of Southeast Asia, especially for the Philippine archipelago, as noted by Majul (1999b). Therefore, the establishment of sultanates in the Philippines is not a simple continuation of the same process of Islamization that took place in maritime Southeast Asia, but the consolidation of entrepôts linked to the South China Sea. Officially, the Islamization of Sulu is, at least, contemporary to Brunei. The formation of the modern sultanates of Sulu and Brunei are commonly considered around mid-fifteenth century. The Sultanate of Maguindanao materialized later, around 1515, perhaps in the circle of Ternate, but with an explicit influence from Johore according to the tarsila (Majul 1999a: 23). In addition, a significant Chinese Muslim influence from Quanzhou molded southern shores, connecting the mercantile stations with Bornean kingdoms. Tagalogs, Tausugs and Bruneians resold Chinese goods in local markets and participated in an insular Islamization quite different to the one experienced around Malacca. The triangle of Manila-Sulu-Brunei was described by Spanish sources (Donoso 2014), and Majul detailed the genealogical bonds (Majul 1999a: 429–432): Brunei directed this trade into ports it controlled in Borneo, Sulu, and what became the Philippines. At the mouth of principal rivers, a Brunei pengiran, or a local chief appointed by such, would control and tax the trade. In larger centres, at developed at Manila and in Sulu, a Brunei nobility would form the core social, commercial, and political hierarchy. Much trade was directed to Brunei itself, but Manila and Sulu enjoyed a share of their own. (Saunders 2014: 46)

According to Combés (1897): 41; Donoso 2017), exiles from Butuan formed the Sultanate of Sulu to compete with the old Hindu-Buddhist aristocracy of Agusan. The Sultanate of Maguindanao was also established

28 

I. DONOSO

by exiles coming from Johore. New Islamized aristocracies were formed in Manila bay to accommodate the international expansion of Brunei in the mid-sixteenth century. The sultanate formula was adopted for different causes and strategies along Southern Asia, but it was certainly a fashion to follow. As eclectic political model religiously inspired, the sultanate offered to the Malay world a protocol for discipline and governance among heterogeneous populations.

References Abubakar, Carmen A. 2005. The Advent and Growth of Islam in the Philippines. In Islam in Southeast Asia. Political, Social and Strategic Challenges for the 21st Century, ed. K.S. Nathan and Mohammad Hashim Kamali, 45–63. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Adam, Ahmat. 2017. The New & Correct Date of the Terengganu Inscription. Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Centre. Andaya, Barbara Watson, and Leonard Y. Andaya. 2008. Leaves of the Same Tree: Trade and Ethnicity in the Straits of Melaka. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. ———. 2015. A History of Early Modern Southeast Asia, 1400–1830. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Andaya, Barbara Watson, and Yoneo Ishii. 1999. Religious Developments in Southeast Asia, c. 1500–1800. In Cambridge History of South East Asia: From Early Times to c.1500. Vol.1, Part 2, ed. Nicholas Tarling, 508–571. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Anonymous. 2004. Histoire des rois de Pasey. Intro. Monique Zaini-Lajoubert and Trans. Aristide Marre. Toulouse: Anacharsis. Arkoun, Mohammed. 1988. The Concept of Authority in Islamic Thought. In Islam: State and Society, ed. K.  Ferdinand and M.  Mozaffari, 53–73. London: Curzon. Attas, Syed Muhammad Naguib al. 1966. Ranīrī and the Wujūdiyyah of the 17th Century Acheh. Singapore: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. ———. 1970. The Mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press. ———. 1984. The Correct Date of the Terengganu Inscription: Friday, 4th Rejab, 702 A.H./Friday, 22nd February, 1303 [A.C.]. Kuala Lumpur: Muzium Negara. Black, Anthony. 2001. The History of Islamic Political Thought. From the Prophet to the Present. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Braginsky, Vladimir. 2004. The Heritage of Traditional Malay Literature: A Historical Survey of Genres, Writings and Literary Views. Leiden: KITLV Press.

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Brown, C.C. 1970. Sĕjarah Mĕlayu or Malay Annals. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. Casale, Giancarlo. 2010. The Ottoman Age of Exploration. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Chaffee, John W. 2018. The Muslim Merchants of Premodern China: The History of a Maritime Asian Trade Diaspora, 750–1400. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Combés, S.J.  Francisco. 1897. Historia de Mindanao y Joló por el P.  Francisco Combes de la Compañía de Jesús, obra publicada en Madrid en 1667, y que ahora, con la colaboración del P.  Pablo Pastells, de la misma Compañía, saca nuevamente a luz W. E. Retana. Madrid: Minuesa de los Ríos. Coutre, Jacques de. 1991. In Andanzas asiáticas, ed. Eddy Stols, B. Teensma, and J. Werberckmoes. Madrid: Historia 16. ———. 2015. Jacques de Coutre’s Singapore and Johor 1594-c. 1625. Ed. and Trans. Peter Borschberg. Singapore: NUS Press. Dermenghem, Emile. 1981. Muhammad and the Islamic Tradition. New  York: Overlook Press. Donoso, Isaac. 2008. Al-Andalus and Asia: Ibero-Asian Relations before Magellan. In More Hispanic Than We Admit. Insights into Philippine Cultural History, ed. I. Donoso, 9–35. Quezon City: Vibal Foundation. ———. 2013. Islamic Far East: Ethnogenesis of Philippine Islam. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. ———. 2014. Manila y la empresa imperial del Sultanato de Brunéi en el siglo XVI. Revista Filipina 2–1: 14–24. ———. 2016. El viaje andalusí al Extremo Oriente: peregrinación, comercio y diáspora. In Unterwegs im Namen der Religion II / On the Road in the Name of Religion II Wege und Ziele in vergleichender Perspektive – das mittelalterliche Europa und Asien / Ways and Destinations in Comparative Perspective  – Medieval Europe and Asia, ed. Klaus Herbers and Hans Christian Lehner, 241–255. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. ———. 2017. Francisco Combés: Historia de Mindanao y Joló. In ChristianMuslim Relations. A Bibliographical History. Volume 11. South and East Asia, Africa and the Americas (1600–1700), ed. David Thomas and John Chesworth, 390–392. Leiden: Brill. Donoso, Isaac, and F. Franco-Sánchez. 2011–13. Moriscos peninsulares, moros filipinos y el islam en el extremo oriental del imperio español: 1. Estudio y edición de la Segunda carta para la S.C.M.R acerca de los mahometanos de las Philipinas de Melchor de Ávalos (1585). Sharq al-Andalus. Estudios Mudéjares y Moriscos 20: 553–583. ———. 2014–16. Moriscos peninsulares, moros filipinos y el islam en el extremo oriental del imperio español: 2. Edición de la Primera carta para la S.C.M.R

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acerca de los mahometanos de las Philipinas de Melchor de Ávalos (1585). Sharq al-Andalus. Estudios Mudéjares y Moriscos 21: 137–163. ———. 2020. La conexión filipina del Islam global y el mito de Alejandro. Vegueta. Anuario de la Facultad de Geografía e Historia 20: 145–161. Doufikar-Aerts, Faustina. 2010. Alexander Magnus Arabicus: A Survey of the Alexander Tradition Through Seven Centuries from Pseudo-Callisthenes to Ṣūrī. Louvain: Peeters. Drewes, G.W.J., and L.F.  Brakel, eds. 1986. The poems of Hamzah Fansuri. Dordrecht & Cinnaminson: Foris Publications. Gilquin, Michel. 2002. The Muslims of Thailand. Bangkok: Irasec & Silkworm Books. Glassé, Cyril, ed. 2003. The New Encyclopedia of Islam. London & Walnut Creek: Rowman & Altamira. Goeje, M.J. de. 1894. Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum. Pars octava. Kitāb at-Tanbīh wa’l-Ischrāf, auctore al-Masūdī. Leiden: Brill. Guillot, Claude. 1990. The Sultanate of Banten. Jakarta: Gramedia Books. Guillot, Claude, and Ludvik Kalus. 2008. Les monuments funéraires et l’histoire du sultanat de Pasai à Sumatra (XIIIe–XVIe siècles). Paris: Éditions de la Maison des sciences de l’homme. Guillot, Claude, Lukman Nurhakim, and Sonny Wibisono. 2005. Banten avant l’islam. etude archéologique de Banten Girang (Java-Indonésie) 932?–1526. Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient. Hadi, Amirul. 2004. Islam and State in Sumatra: A Study of Seventeenth-Century Aceh. Leiden: Brill. Hall, Kenneth R. 2010. A History of Early Southeast Asia: Maritime Trade and Societal Development, 100–1500. Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield. Harun, Jelani. 2009. Bustan al-Salatin: The Garden of Kings. A Malay Mirror for Rulers. Palau Pinang: Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia. Hill, A.H. 1960. Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 22-2: 1–215. ———. 1963. The Coming of Islam to North Sumatra. Journal of Southeast Asian History 4-1: 6–21. Husni, Amir. 2019. An Investigation of Archaeological Remains at Lamreh Site, Aceh, Indonesia and Their Context Within the Lamuri Kingdom. IJAPS 15-2: 59–88. Khadduri, Majid. 1969. War and Peace in the Law of Islam. London: Johns Hopkins Press. Kramers, J.H. [C.E. Bosworth]. 1990. Sulṭān. In The Encyclopaedia of Islam, IX, 849–851. Leiden: Brill. Lambton, Ann K.S. 1981. State and Government in Medieval Islam. New York: Oxford University Press. ———. 1990. Khalīfa. In The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. IV, 947–950. Leiden: Brill.

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Lombard, Denis. 1967. Le Sultanat d’Atjèh au temps d’Iskandar Muda 1607–1636. Paris: Ecole Française d’Extrême Orient. Madelung, W. 1990. Imāma. In The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. III, 1163–1169. Leiden: Brill. Majul, César Adib. 1999a. Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. ———. 1999b. Islam in the Philippines and Its China Link. Asian Studies XXXV: 12–27. Majumdar, R.C., ed. 1960. The Delhi Sultanate: Bombay. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. Manguin, Pierre-Yves. 1979. L’introduction de l’Islam au Champa. Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient 66-1: 255–287. ———. 1988. Of Fortresses and Galleys. The 1568 Acehnese Siege of Melaka, after a Contemporary Bird’s-Eye View. Modern Asian Studies 22-3: 607–628. Manteghi, Haila. 2018. Alexander the Great in the Persian Tradition: History, Myth and Legend in Medieval Iran. London: I.B.Tauris. Maspéro, Georges. 2002. The Champa Kingdom: The History of an Extinct Vietnamese Culture. Bangkok: White Lotus Press. McKinnon, E.  Edwards. 1988. Beyond Serandib: A Note on Lambri at the Northern Tip of Aceh. Indonesia 46: 103–121. Milner, A.C. 1985. Islam and Malay Kingship. In Readings on Islam in Southeast Asia, ed. Ahmad Ibrahim et  al., 25–35. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Miquel, André. 1975. La géographie humaine du monde musulman jusqu’au milieu du 11e. siècle. Géographie arabe et représentation du monde: la terre et l’étranger. Paris: Mouton & École Pratique des Hautes Études. Montana, Suwedi. 1997. Nouvelles données sur les royaumes de Lamuri et Barat. Archipel 53: 85–95. Moorhead, F.J. 1965. A History of Malaya and her Neighbours. Kuala Lumpur: Longmans. Oetomo, Repelita Wahyu. 2008. Lamuri Telah Islam Sebelum Pasai. Berkala Arkeologi Sangkhakala 11–21: 84–91. Özbaran, Salih. 2009. Ottoman Expansion Toward the Indian Ocean in the 16th Century. Istanbul: Bilgi University Press. Pareja, Félix M. 1952–1954. Islamología. Vol. 2 vols. Madrid: Razón y Fe. Peacock, A.C.S., and Annabel Teh Gallop, eds. 2015. From Anatolia to Aceh. Ottomans, Turks and Southeast Asia. London: The British Academy. Polo, Marco. 1928. Il Milione. Bari: Gius, Laterza & Figli. Reid, Anthony. 1988. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680. Vol. I: The Lands Below the Winds. New Haven: Yale University Press. Ricklefs, Merle Calvin. 2006. Mystic Synthesis in Java: A History of Islamization from the Fourteenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries. Norwalk: EastBridge.

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Riddell, Peter G. 2017a. The Implanting of Islam in Southeast Asia. In More Islamic Than We Admit. Philippine Islamic Cultural History, ed. I.  Donoso, 61–90. Quezon City: Vibal Foundation. ———. 2017b. Malay Court Religion, Culture and Language: Interpreting the Qur’ān in 17th Century Aceh. Leiden & Boston: Brill. Rosenthal, Erwin I.J. 1958. Political Thought in Medieval Islam. An Introductory Outline. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Saleeby, Najeeb M. 1963. The History of Sulu, 1963. Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild. Sandhu, Kernial Singh, and Paul Wheatley, eds. 1983. Melaka: The Transformation of a Malay Capital, c. 1400–1980. Vol. 2 vols. Singapore: ISEAS & Oxford University Press. Santos Alves, Jorge Manuel dos. 1999. O domínio do norte de Samatra. A história dos sultanatos de Samudera-Pacém e de Achém e das suas relações com os Portugueses (1500–1580). Lisbon: Sociedade Histórica da Independência de Portugal. Saunders, Graham E. 2014. A History of Brunei. London: Routledge Schottenhammer, Angela. 2001. The Emporium of the World: Maritime Quanzhou, 1000–1400. Leiden: Brill. Sen, Tan Ta. 2009. Cheng Ho and Islam in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Seyed-Gohrab, Ali Asghar, et  al. 2007. Gog and Magog: The Clans of Chaos in World Literature. Amsterdam: Rozenberg. Sousa Pinto, Paulo Jorge de. 1997. Portugueses e malaios: Malaca e os Sultanatos de Johor e Achém, 1575–1619. Lisbon: Sociedade Histórica da Independência de Portugal. Syukri, Ibrahim. 2005. History of the Malay Kingdom of Patani. Bangkok: Silkworm Books. Thurgood, Graham. 1999. From Ancient Cham to Modern Dialects: Two Thousand Years of Language Contact and Change. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Tibbetts, G.R. 1979. A Study of the Arabic Texts Containing Material on South-­ East Asia. Leiden & London: Brill. Tyan, Émile. 1957. Institutions du droit public musulman, Sultanat et Califat. Paris: Sirey. Vickery, Michael. 2009. A Short History of Champa. In Champa and the Archaeology of Mỹ Sơn (Vietnam), ed. Andrew Hardy, Mauro Cucarzi, and Patrizia Zolese, 45–60. Singapore: NUS Press. Winstedt, Richard O. 1932. A History of Johore (1365–1895 A.D.). Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 10-3: 1–167. ———. 1969. A History of Classical Malay Literature. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. Yatim, Othman Mohd. 1988. Batu Aceh: Early Islamic Gravestones in Peninsular Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: Museum Association of Malaysia. Zulkifli. 2013. The Struggle of the Shi‘is in Indonesia. Canberra: ANU e-Press.

CHAPTER 3

Sultans in the Philippine Archipelago

The Sultanate of Brunei and Bornean Thalassocracy Traditionally the Sultanate of Brunei is considered one of the first Islamic states in the insular world of Southeast Asia. Nevertheless, there are no certain dates to assert its antiquity, nor the date of its foundation (Nicholl 1980). As a primary source, the official history of Brunei has used the genealogical succession of the sultans, the Silsilah / ‫( سلسلة‬chain) (first published by Low 1880). These oral traditions of genealogical nature at some point in time were put in writing to establish the succession of lineages, to legitimize political power and ownership of ancestral domains and lands. This type of source also appears in the Philippine archipelago under the name of tarsila. César Majul attended this connection to relate the constitution of the sultanate in Brunei and the expansion of its Islamic power in the region: A good example of a tarsila which has references to a pre-Islamic past, the introduction of Islam, and great neighbouring empires is the Selesilah of Brunei. It begins with a narration of how Brunei while still kafir (infidel) was a dependency of Madjapahit and how this political relation ended. The first ruler who becomes a Muslim then acquires the symbols of royalty from the kingdom of Johore. An officer of the Emperor of China marries his daughter and in time succeeds as ruler of Brunei with a Muslim title and name. His daughter, in time, marries the Sharif ‘Ali, a descendent of the Prophet through Hasan. The sovereignty of the kingdom is then given to © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 I. Donoso, Bichara, Islam in Southeast Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0821-7_3

33

34 

I. DONOSO

the Sharif who assumes the name of Sultan Berkat. From this Sharif is descendent all the sultans of Brunei. (Majul 1999: 33)

Despite the scarce number of definitive data, the most general position currently sustains that, by the first part of the fifteenth century, the local king adopted Islam as official religion and proclaimed himself as sultan of Brunei: What external evidence there is indicates that Islam became the religion of the Sultan and hence of the state in about 1414–15, and that the first six sultans must be fitted into a time span from that date to 1578, which is the first specific date for a named sultan. (Saunders 2014: 44)

However, the Muslim population must have been particularly active in Brunei, at least from the thirteenth century onwards as a middle point for traders and travelers. Since the route became dominated by Chinese ships sailed from the Islamic factories of southern China (Chaffee 2018), it is feasible that many of the first Muslims to settle in Brunei were Chinese Muslims. In fact, no other Southeast Asian sultanate has been related with Chinese origins in such a grade—in folklore or facts—than Brunei, with the legendary Ong Sum Ping at the foundation of the Silsilah (for a revision of this role see Kurz 2018). But beyond orality, archaeology and especially epigraphy are modifying our current knowledge about Islam in the region (Ambary 2011). In the last few decades more academic attention of material culture is changing the state-of-the-art. The timeline of Southeast Asian political Islam has moved from the thirteenth century Sultanate of Samudra-Pasai to the ninth century Sultanate of Perlak (in addition with perhaps Shia influence). The analysis and assessment of these materials will have in future decades an undoubtable impact to open new scenarios. For our interest, we can mention the Chinese tombstone located in Brunei and dated 1264 (Franke and T’ieh-fan 1973), which has been connected with a Muslim family of Quanzhou (though still with limited evidence according to Kurz 2016); and the estimation given by Chen Da-sheng to a diabase tombstone totally written in Arabic language (Chen Da-sheng 2000). This is a remarkable piece indeed since it mentions explicitly to be the grave of a so-called Mahārājā Burnī / ‫مهاراجا برني‬. No such name appears in the Silsilah, and the more striking is that for Da-sheng—a reputable expert in Chinese Muslim epigraphy—, this inscription has to be dated around the

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35

year 1301. The consequences of this supposition are enormous for the history of Islam in Southeast Asia: The Arabic gravestone of Sultan Mahârâjâ Brunei presented evidence that a Muslim kingdom already existed in Brunei about A.H. 700 (A.D. 1301). It sheds new light on the study of the early history of the Muslim kingdoms established in Brunei, and even in Sumatra if we take into consideration the Arabic gravestone of Sultan Malik al-Salleh of A.D. 1297 found in Pasai (Sumatra). (Chen Da-sheng 2000: 155)

The former conclusion opens again the door to consider Brunei as another source of political Islam since the fourteenth century, rather than a continuation of Malacca. Certainly, a strict position about the origins of the sultanates to ascertain polities has been conclusive in traditional historiography. Nowadays it is becoming clearer that Islamic kingdoms preluded the more extensive cultural processes of the fifteenth century and the consolidation of the sultanates (Druce 2016), in a world where Malay entrepôts were pivotal for the maritime Silk road since almost the tenth century onwards, at least until the collapse of Quanzhou: As the Quanzhou trade came to an end, followed by the Ming prohibition on trade, many of Borneo’s northwest coast trading polities appear to have failed to survive these events. Situated on one of Southeast Asia’s most infertile islands, unlike Java, South Sulawesi and other parts of Southeast Asia the Borneo polities had no agrarian bases to sustain the large populations and stability in the face of declining trade. Trade was their lifeblood and without it perhaps their demise inevitable. (Druce 2020: 7)

Interestingly, the Chinese Muslim connection is substantiated by another silsilah of Brunei reproduced in an important Philippine work, the famous Boxer Codex. Accordingly, the king Yuso of Cauin, from Malay lands near Mecca, sailed to the east and conquered Borneo to the indigenous Visayans. He introduced Islam and the newcomers, the yslanes (‘Islamers’), ruled the land. Yuso traveled to ‘Namtay’ (perhaps Nanjing) in China where he married a sangleya (Philippine word for Chinese), a princess from the ruling family (Donoso 2016: 112–114). The narrator starts here a precious account, the orally transmitted genealogy of the sultans of Brunei:

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I. DONOSO

It is believed that the old king, the father of this king, in whose hands the tablet was, either buried or threw it into the sea. And as the king died at that time and did not leave any clear information of what had been done with the tablet, it is not known who the past kings of Brunei were, except those that could still be remembered, who were the following: the great-grandfather of this king who reigns at present [Saiful Rijal] was called Sultan Sulaiman, and his grandfather was called Sultan Salán [Bolkiah], and his father, who is the one who lost the tablet, was called Sultan Aril-lula [Abdul Kahar]. And this said king, as I have said, is [also] called sultan Nula Alan, and the son who at the present time has been adjudged to succeed him is called Raja [Shah] Berunai. Those that have reigned in Brunei have assumed their post by rightful and direct inheritance without interruption, with the oldest son always succeeding, so it is always the offspring of said Sultan Yusuf and his wife who have ruled. (Donoso 2016: 116–117)1

John Carroll suggested that this Yuso was the Arabic Yūsuf and could be related with the third sultan of Brunei, Sharīf ‘Alī, traditionally considered a noble Arab from Taif (Carroll 1982: 17). Although this could be feasible, the narrator declares that: “about three hundred years ago—more or less depending on their system of counting—from the Malay-speaking areas and provinces that face toward Mecca, there arrived a lord of a city called Cauin who was named Sultan Yusuf” (Donoso 2016: 113). If we consider the ‘three hundred years ago’ from narrator’s time, the year is around 1289. This is quite an early date from the standard ruling period

1  Original Spanish: “Entiéndese que el rey viejo, padre de éste, en cuyo poder estaba, la enterró o echó a la mar. Y cuando murió dejó una tabla de oro que según dicen sería de una braza en cuadra y delgada, en la cual dejó mandado se asentasen y escribiesen los nombres de los reyes que de él descendiesen, y así se asentaban en esta dicha tabla, la cual guardaba el rey mismo, y de su mano asentaba el nombre. Esta tabla se perdió cuando el doctor Francisco de Sande, gobernador que fue de estas islas, saqueó a Borney. Entiéndese que el rey viejo, padre de éste, en cuyo poder estaba, la enterró o echó a la mar. Y como el dicho rey murió en aquel tiempo y no dejó claridad de lo que se hizo de la tabla, no se saben los reyes que en Borney ha habido sino es los que de noticia se pueden acordar, que son los siguientes: el bisabuelo de este rey que al presente reina se llamó sultán Solimán, y el abuelo se llamó sultán Salán, y el padre de éste, que es el que perdió la tabla, se llamó sultán Aril-lula. Y este dicho rey como dicho tengo se llama sultán Nulaalán, y el hijo que al presente está jurado para sucederle en el reino se llama Rajá Borney. Han ido sucediendo siempre los que han reinado en Borney por herencia legítima, sin haber habido quiebra, sino que siempre han ido heredando los hijos mayores, y así es la descendencia derechamente del dicho sultán Yuso, y de la dicha su mujer.”

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37

of sultan Sharīf ‘Alī (1426–1432), but perfectly fitted with the Mahārājā Burnī of the tombstone dated by Chen Da-sheng in 1301. It is possible as well to consider this Yuso of Cauin as new data added to the existing materials. Perhaps Yūsuf of Qazvin, in Persia, was a one of those makhdūmūn / ‫ مخدومون‬recorded by Southeast Asian sources, somebody that arrived in Borneo at the end of the thirteenth century. He could have been a makhdūm of Persian origin, like so many other Muslim missionaries, traders and adventurers in the region. Philippine tarsilas regularly mention these personae, as the famous Karimul Makdum. This was an isolated individual coming “from above the winds” that built a mosque in Sulu. It seems clear, therefore, that the intention of this sirap (or sayc) was to preach. He was a sharīf whose name was “Noble Master,” Karīm al-Makhdūm / ‫المخدوم‬..‫كريم‬: The coming of Karim ul-makhdum to Sulu is stated […] about 1380 A.D. […] Actually, the end of the 14th century and the early part of the 15th century had witnesses various makhdūmīn (pl. of makhdūm) coming to Java, Malacca, and North Borneo by way of India. (Majul 1985: 54)

The Malay Annals (Sĕjarah Mĕlayu) recorded how the makhdūm Sayyid ‘Abd al-‘Azīz was instrumental in the conversion of Raja Tengah as sultan of Malacca, later to be known as Muḥammad Shāh (second sultan of Malacca after Iskandar Shāh, ruling from 1424 to 1444). Similarly, in the twilight of Malacca, the makhdūm Sadar Jahan taught lessons of Sufism to sultan Aḥmad while the Portugese besieged the city. This is to say, from the beginning to the end of the Sultanate of Malacca (1403–1511) it is possible to find references about the presence of these preachers and missionaries in the region. They came “from above the winds” to change the spiritual and political life of the Malay world: “In the written records (Malay, Javanese, Sulu, etc. written records) the makdumin are pious and learned Muslims who have originated from the West, from «above the winds»” (Majul Unpublished: 1). To summarize, the Boxer Codex offers a partial silsilah that in some points conflicts with the standard periodization. For the narrator, Sayf al-Riyāl was fifty-eight in 1589, and the traditional genealogy states his ruling time from 1535 to 1581 (Saunders 2014: 62). It is problematic as well the episode of ‘Abd al-Qahār hiding or throwing to the sea the famous golden table with the genealogy after Francisco de Sande’s attack in 1578, when his reigning time usually is 1524–1535. In any case, we can

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I. DONOSO

reconstruct the genealogy of the sultans provided by this ‘Társila bornea’ from the Boxer Codex, including in square brackets the position, official name and years of office of the sultans as currently considered: Sultán Yuso, y de la dicha su mujer […] Habrá trescientos años poco más o menos. El bisabuelo de este rey que al presente reina se llamó sultán Solimán. [4.° Sultan Sulaymān. 1432–1485] El abuelo se llamó sultán Salán. [5.° Sultan Bulqiyah. 1485–1524] El padre de éste, que es el que perdió la tabla, se llamó sultán Aril-lula. [6.° Sultan ‘Abd al-Qahār. 1524–1530] Y este dicho rey como dicho tengo se llama sultán Nulaalán. [7.° Sultan Sayf al-Rijāl. 1533–1591] El hijo que al presente está jurado para sucederle en el reino se llama Rajá Borney. [8.° Sultan Shāh Berūnāy. 1592–1593]

Regardless of when exactly took place the assumption of the title of sultan, there is no doubt of the Islamic and Islamizing capacity of the trading port of Brunei by the fifteenth century. It is at this juncture that one of the key figures in old maritime Southeast Asia emerged—the Sultan Bulqiyah / ‫السلطان البلقية‬. Indeed, his rule is known as the expansion of the “Bruneian Empire.” Although the limits would certainly be exaggerated using the concept of empire by land, with the rules of the sea Brunei was able to net pre-eminence between north Borneo and the Philippine archipelago in the early sixteenth century: The fifth sultan, Bolkiah, has entered Brunei legend as Nakhuda Ragam, the Singing Admiral […], whose reign saw the expansion of Brunei to its greatest extend: the re-establishment for the third time of that thalassocracy which embraced the trading ports of Borneo, Sulu, and the Philippines. (Saunders 2014: 40)

It is at this time that the Silsilah of the Sultans of Brunei mentions the expansion into the Philippine archipelago, with the conquest of Sulu and Selurong (which for traditional Brunei historiography would correspond to Manila):

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The Sultan Bĕrkat had a son—the Sultan Suleiman—who was the father of the Sultan Bulkeiah, who was the Raja who conquered the kingdom of Soolook and made a dependency of the country of Sĕlurong, the Raja of which was called Datoh Gamban. (Low 1880: 3)

Sultan Bulqiyah developed an action of thalassocracy, based on military supremacy, economic prosperity and cultural influence. While there may have been military action, the result was, by force or diplomacy, the creation of a sphere of power through the attraction of the elites of the neighboring entrepôts, including Luzon (called Lesong) and Sulu. Tellingly, the sultan adopted the prestigious title of the dominions of the sea— nākhudā / ‫( انخذا‬admiral). Through merchants, the distribution of Chinese products, and the increasing cooperation of local elites, Brunei gradually established monarchical marriages and a network of clients. This is revealed for instance by an episode after Magellan’s death in Mactan. The story begins with the arrival to Brunei, where the Spaniards found treasures never seen before in the region: This city is entirely built on foundations in the saltwater, except the houses of the king and some of the princes: it contains twenty-five thousand fires or families. The houses are all of wood, placed on great piles to raise them high up. When the tide rises the women go in boats through the city spilling provisions and necessaries. In front of the king’s house there is a wall made of great bricks, with barbicans like forts, upon which were fifty-six bombards of metal, and six of iron. They fired many shots from them during the two days that we passed in the city. The king to whom we presented ourselves is a Moor, and is named Raja Siripada: he is about forty years of age, and is rather corpulent. No one serves him except ladies who are the daughters of the chiefs. No one speaks to him except by means of the blow-pipe as has been described above. He has ten scribes, who write down his affairs on thin bark of trees, and are called chiritoles. He never goes out of his house except to go hunting. (Stanley 1874: 114)

It is valuable to recall attention to these “ten scribes who write down his affairs on thin bark of trees” named cerita tulis, “writers of history.” This is a direct fact about the existence of written history in Brunei, unfortunately using perishable materials like barks and reeds. If the ruler was a Muslim, most probably these documents were already written using Jawi script. In any case, Antonio de Pigafetta witnessed the function of a real Islamized Southeast Asian chancery that day, July 17, 1521.

40 

I. DONOSO

The account describes a city of nipa and wooden houses on the sea, while on the land is the cota (fortress) of the sultan. Traditionally it has been considered that the Rajah Siripada was perhaps the Sultan Bulqiyah. In any case, Pigafetta named him with the two common Hindu-Buddhist titles associated with the sultanates, as Siripada (Sri Pad[uk]a), the same titles that would be held by the Sulu sultans. Undoubtedly most of the population was Muslim: The Moors of Burne go naked like the other islanders. They esteem quicksilver very much, and swallow it. They pretend that it preserves the health of those who are well, and that it cures the sick. They venerate Mahomed and follow his law. They do not eat pig’s flesh […] They are circumcised like the Jews. They never kill goats or fowls without first speaking to the sun. They cut off the ends of the wings of fowls and the skin under their feet, and then split them in two. They do not eat any animal which has not been killed by themselves. (Stanley 1874: 116)

Brunei was practically an Islamic city in 1521. It cannot be said that Islam was in its infancy according to Pigafetta’s description. The account covers all the details of Islamic rituals, from diet to hygienic practices. Thus, while the people would acquire the habits and practices of an Islamic community, in the palace the scribes introduced the literate and legal culture of the state, training future sultans in the tradition of Islamic chanceries. The religious message together with the administrative, literary and cultural traditions that traveled along the maritime Silk Route had finally rooted in Southeast Asia. Beyond the ancient commercial dependency to Quanzhou, Brunei emerged to develop its own thalassocracy towards the whole island and the Philippine archipelago. In order to achieve this, the Bruneian elite established links with the rulers of the main entrepôts, the main free trade ports, including Manila: On Monday, the 29th of July, we saw coming towards us more than a hundred prahus, divided into three squadrons, and as many tungulis, which are their smaller kind of boats. At this sight, and fearing treachery, we hurriedly set sail, and left behind an anchor in the sea. Our suspicions increased when we observed that behind us were certain junks which had come the day before. Our first operation was to free ourselves from the junks, against which we fired, capturing four and killing many people: three or four other junks went aground in escaping. In one of those which we captured was a son of the king of the isle of Luzon, who was captain-general of the King of

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41

Burné, and who was coming with the junks from the conquest of a great city named Laoe, situated on a headland of this island opposite Java Major. He had made this expedition and sacked that city because its inhabitants wished rather to obey the King of Java than the Moorish King of Burné. The Moorish king having heard of the ill-treatment by us of his junks, hastened to send to say, by means of one of our men who was on shore to traffic, that those vessels had not come to do any harm to us, but were going to make war against the Gentiles, in proof of which they showed us some of the heads of those they had slain. (Stanley 1874: 114–115)

This is one of the most bizarre episodes in the odyssey of the first circumnavigation of the globe. The Spaniards anchored in the port of Brunei thought that the maritime display was an ambush, fired madly and left, taking everything with them, including the ship carrying the son of the King of Luzon. In truth, what happened was that the maritime demonstration was about to welcome the monarch who was to marry the daughter of the Sultan of Brunei, but the Spaniards were so frightened (with the experience of Magellan’s death) that it came to a shocking end. Beyond the conquest of western Borneo, the intention of the parade was to celebrate a royal marriage and cement the union between Brunei and Manila. We can read in Relación de Ginés de Mafra: “It was later learned that the three junks belonged to the King of Luzon, and in them was a son of the king of that land, who was to marry a daughter of the King of Borneo” (our translation from DD.  AA. 1989: 177–178; see also Stanley 1874: 243). This “son of the King of Luzon” is traditionally considered the future Raja Matanda (“old Raja”) of Manila in the Pasig delta. The Spaniards held the prince and, unaware of the political episode taking place, subsequently let him go for a paltry ransom. Pigafetta tells us even more, for when the expedition arrives in Sulu, he points out the link with the sovereigns of Brunei: Having left Cipit to the east, we saw to the west two islands called Zolo and Taghima, near which islands pearls are found. The two pearls of the King of Burné, of which I have spoken, were found there, and this is the manner in which he obtained them, according to the account which was given me of it. The King of Burné married a daughter of the King of Zolo, who told him that her father had these two big pearls. He desired to have them, and decided on getting them by any means, and one night he set out with five hundred prahus full of armed men, and went to Zolo, and took the king

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I. DONOSO

with his two sons, and brought them to Burné, and did not restore them to liberty until they gave him the two pearls. (Stanley 1874: 120)

Pigafetta’s text highlights Bruneian political action. On the one hand, the prince of Manila was to marry a daughter of the Sultan of Brunei in 1521; on the other, Brunei exerted pressure and power over Sulu. In fact, the rulers of Brunei and Sulu were already related through a previous marriage, at least the one between Sultan Bulqiyah and the Sulu Princess Putri Laila Men Chanei (Majul 1999: 429–432). Lela Mencanai is a famous character in Bruneian folk culture, with a legend and a song after her, and with her grave inside the mausoleum of Sultan Bulqiyah. Low described the site in the following terms: Two stones only remained in 1873 of the similar tomb of Lela Men Chanei, the wife of this Sultan, who was the daughter of the Batâra of Soolook. I saw two other stones which had formed part of this lady’s tomb in the burial ground at the ‘Kiangi’ above the ‘Upas’ under a large waringing tree. Sentences from the Koran are exquisitely carved on both tombs, but they have no names or dates which I could distinguish. (Low 1880: 7–8)

Certainly by 1521, the so-called Rajah Siripada was laying the foundations of an imperial expansion, linking western Borneo with the Pasig river and Sulu archipelago. The main reason to justify this political expansion was trade indeed, but Islam too. Accordingly, Pigafetta informs us of a permanent war in Brunei bay between Raja Siripada and another gentile king, who ruled over a larger population than the Muslims: It is well to know and understand that in that same port where we were, beyond the city of the Moors of which I have spoken, there is another inhabited by Gentiles, larger than this one, and also built in the salt water. So great is the enmity between the two nations that every day there occurs strife. The king of the Gentiles is as powerful as the king of the Moors, but he is not so proud; and it seems that it would not be so difficult to introduce the Christian religion into his country. (Stanley 1874: 115–116)

Thus, at the time the Spanish Nao Victoria anchored in Brunei before circumnavigating for the first time the globe, the sultanate was a consolidated institution in north Borneo, Islam was a driving force for political solidarities, and a mercantile Bruneian elite was controlling regional entrepôts. One of the causes of external expansion was to remove internal

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43

opposition, and Islam gave the tools to access globality. The brilliant words of Majul are quite illuminating of the human process that took place: “Having adopted values that transcended their race and particular culture, they began to consider themselves as an historical people” (Majul 1999: 84).

The Incipient Islamic Kingdoms of Luzon The Pasig delta is a remarkable geographic artery in the island of Luzon that connects with the Laguna de Bay. A common topic of historiographical discussion has been to relate the ancient Chinese Ma-i or the Arabic Māyṭ / ‫ مايط‬with Manila, or Mindoro. Namely, the location of these names in the Philippine archipelago allowed Otley Beyer to state a problematic theory—the existence of an Arab commercial route from Borneo to the Philippine archipelago and China in the tenth century. It is improbable that many Chinese ships or merchant were engaged in this trade during the early period […], and it is unlikely that there were many Chinese residents in the Islands at that time. Gradually, however, the Chinese themselves began to follow back along the Arab trade-route and to take their own ships into the island world […] They ultimately increased their competition until they finally eliminated the Arab merchants and trading-­vessels almost completely (by about the thirteenth century) […] From the late tenth century onward the Arab ships pursued both routes and the first actual recorded mention of the Philippines, in Chinese written history, is the arrival of an Arab ship at Canton with a load of native goods from Mindoro (Ma-i), in the year 982 A.D. (Otley Beyer introduction to Manuel 1948: xi–xii)

Although the first part of this quotation seems feasible, the consideration of an Arab ship with Philippine products travelling a regular route from the archipelago to China goes beyond evidence and data. As discussed in another place, the disturbed Arabic geographic knowledge about the Philippine archipelago does not allow—between other aspects—, to consider a regular Arabic route towards the islands (see the appendix of Donoso 2013a: 226–270). William H.  Scott denounced the historiographical consequences of Beyer’s suppositions, and refuted, with sarcastic tone, the existence of an Arabic route towards a fictitious Philippine Māyṭ:

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I. DONOSO

These references are hearsay evidence or tales about lands at the end of the world, not descriptions of Arab trade routes. Their negative testimony is especially disappointing in view of H. Otley Beyer’s oft-quoted statement that Arabs opened a new trade route via Borneo, the Philippines and Japan to Korea in the eight century […]. By the time of the Spanish advent, Filipino merchants and mercenaries were spread all over Southeast Asia […]. If one wishes to speculate about the advent of Arabs and Arab influences in the prehispanic Philippines, therefore, a ready explanation is available— namely, that they were in vessels built, owned and manned by islanders born within that triangle [Manila-Timor-Malaca] […]. It is perhaps surprising that nobody has yet looked for Sindbad-the-Sailor’s lands of cannibals, peppers, coconuts, and pearl-fisheries in the Philippines. (Scott 1984a: 80–83)

In fact, Scott was not mistaken, since legends and “tales about lands at the end of the world” composed this Arab geographic literature—‘ajā’ib / ‫( ﻋﺟﺎﺌﺐ‬mirabilia); and certainly Sindbad-the-Sailor forms part of this literature about the maritime route towards China. This aspect of historical (and literary) sources has been quite mystified and neglected by Philippine historiography. Accordingly, we tried to delimit the specific traditional Arabic ‘ajā’ib that could be related to the archipelago: Dhū l-Qarnayn, Wāqwāq, Women’s Island and Urduja (Donoso 2013a: 118–128). Māyṭ was a geographical place located between Malaya and Borneo, and it is problematic to accommodate it within the Philippines (unless we consider an ulterior confusion in times of al-Idrīsī and Ibn Sa‘īd al-Maghribī. See Donoso 2017a). A different matter is the Chinese Ma-i, though Majul did not clearly consider it: Hence it is highly probable that Maqbalu’s tomb in Bud Dato was commissioned and carved in Quanzhou. Contemporaries of the deceased and, indeed, friends or associates of the deceased might have plied the route: Borneo—Sulu—Mait (the Mayyid of the Arabs, either Mindoro or Luzon)— Quanzhou. (Majul 1999: 437)

Although in this quotation Majul identified one of the keys to relate Chinese Muslim influence in the Islamization of the Philippines (after studying Tuan Maqbalu’s tombstone in Bud Dato. See also Majul 2010), “the Mayyid of the Arabs” does not seem to be located in the archipelago. It was the Ma-i of the Chinese, and the route was the other side, this is to say: Quanzhou—Ma-i—Sulu—Brunei. Not only was the route not Arab, but in the fourteenth century the Arabs did not know where Māyṭ was

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45

located (in a long puzzling process from Ibn Khurradādhbih to Ibn Sa‘īd, from an island near Singapore to a neighboring kingdom in southern China). In sum, the Philippine archipelago was not recognized in Arab sources until Ṣūluk / ‫ صولك‬was singularly mentioned in 1462 by Ibn Mājid’s Ḥāwiyat al-ikhtiṣār fī uṣūl ‘ilm al-biḥār / ‫حاوية االختصار في أصول علم البحار‬ (“Digest of navigational science’s sources”): After going through Al-Wāqi‘[NE] to Mulūk [Moluccas]. and the bar of Burnī [Borneo] without hesitation. straight is achieved by Al-Nāqa [NNE] Ṣūluk [Sulu]. being 4° the position of Al-Jāh [N]. (Donoso 2013a: 258)

This is the description of a late Arab route around Moluccas, Borneo and Sulu, but we do not find extension towards Luzon and China. Even the famous Ibn Baṭṭūṭah (1304–c.1369) confessed that embarked in India and traveled all the way to Quanzhou in Chinese ships in his Tuḥfah al-nuẓẓār fī gharā’ib al-amṣār wa-l-‘ajā’ib al-asfār / ‫حتفة النظار يف غرائب ا ألمصار وجعائب‬ ‫“( أالسفار‬Gift to those who observe the beauty of the cities and marvels of the travels”) (Donoso 2013a: 252). It is feasible to think that, after the so-­ called Persian rebellion in the fourteenth century, the direct Arab and Persian commerce with China collapsed (Hsieng-lang 1938). The trade route across Borneo and the Philippines towards China was not dominated by Arabs, and there was no regular Arab maritime route from Borneo to Canton through Māyṭ (whether Manila or Mindoro). It is more likely that Chinese and Malays exploited this area for local commerce. Within this context, the Islamization of Luzon must be placed. Indeed, the Brunei-Manila-Sulu triangle has been fully consolidated since the time Pigafetta described Brunei in 1521. Fifty years later, when Miguel López de Legazpi arrives to the Pasig delta with intentions to create a Spanish dominion, the elite is Bruneian in politic, economic and cultural terms. Furthermore, it must be understood that the conquest of Manila was in fact a territorial occupation of a part of the Sultanate of Brunei, the province of Lesong. The conquest was initiated by Martín de Goyti in 1570. He encountered three rulers at the Pasig delta: Raja Lacandula in the town of Tondo (north of the Pasig river), and Raja Matanda and Raja Soliman in the present-day area of Intramuros (south of the Pasig river). Martín de Goyti tried to encompass the local rajas and discovered discrepancies between

46 

I. DONOSO

the parties. To this end, he sent the Muslim called Mahomate as ambassador, and a diplomatic encounter took place in front of the uncle Raja Matanda and the nephew Raja Soliman: The Maese de Campo jumped ashore with the Spaniards ready for anything that might be offered, and then came an uncle of the King of Manila who also called himself king. This one came so accompanied that it was understood to be Suleiman, embraced the Maese de Campo, and seemed a man of good will; and then after him, a little way off, came the other nephew, called Suleiman, who was more Moro than the one who came first. This one was more serious and spoke with great arrogance, saying that he was glad to have friendship with the Spaniards, but that he should understand that they were not painted Indians and would not suffer what the others suffered, but for the least thing that touched their honor they were ready to die. (Our translation from Relación circunstanciada del subceso del viage y jornada que hizo el Maese de Campo Martín de Goyti al descubrimiento y conquista de la Ysla de Luzón, desde el 8 de mayo de 1570, in Hidalgo 1995: 274)

The account could not be more explicit about the political and cultural peculiarities of Raja Soliman: “who was more Moro than the one who came first.” The Spanish observer was able to qualify the degree of ‘Islamicity’ of both rulers. The account explicitly describes Raja Soliman as more Muslim than Raja Matanda. And Raja Soliman explicitly distinguished themselves from “indios pintados,” this is to say, Visayans or other pagan communities. In other words, Raja Soliman has the cultural and historical consciousness that they, Muslims, are ahead of other local tribes and belong to a global civilization. He has an emblematic Islamic name, Sulaymān / ‫سليمان‬, the malik and nabī of the Israelites, the wiseman who speaks with animals, the ḥakīm, the conqueror of Saba. Sulaymān represents a foundational figure in Islam (for instance, the “Table of Solomon” is one of the most important ‘ajā’ib about the Islamic conquest of Spain). The fact that the more Islamized ruler of Manila holds the name of Sulaymān is iconic, and in such a way has been treated in Philippine folk culture and literature, making the name of “Soliman” an iconic symbol. Raja Matanda was the old ruler, who seems to have ceded the power to Soliman. Traditionally Raja Matanda is considered the “son of the King of Luzon” that was captured by the Spaniards in Brunei in 1521. Half a century has passed since then, enough time to strengthen Bruneian presence in Luzon, to consolidate intermarriages and mestizos, to Islamize coastal regions around Manila and made the Pasig delta a gate of Tagalog cultural

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47

transformation. We already know about the role of the so-called Luções in Brunei and Malacca after Portuguese sources: Os luções são além de Burney obra de dez dias de navegação. São quase todos gentios; não têm rei, somente regem-se polos mais velhos em cabilas; é gente robusta de pouca valia. Em Malaca não têm juncos. Até dous, três trazem as mercadorias a Burney e dali vêm a Malaca. (Cortesão 1978: 376–377)2

People from Luzon—the Luções—are ten days of navigation away from Brunei; they do not have a king and are organized by tribes; almost all are pagans, which means that some are Muslims. They do not have ships in Malacca, which means that the people from Luzon arrive there in Bornean boats. Everything points towards a natural integration of Tagalogs within the world of Malay sultanates, and their eventual Islamization. If an alien and exotic intervention such as the Spanish advent had not altered the process, the natural course of history would have been the creation of a sultanate in Manila, initially linked to the sultanate of Brunei. The alteration of this order was obviously not peaceful. While the ruler of Tondo, Lakan Dula (or Lacandula in Spanish sources) agreed to accept the new establishment, and Raja Matanda had no greater capacity to oppose it, the young Raja Sulaymān defended the interests of the Bornean community in Manila. The Spanish founding was in direct opposition to the thalassocracy of Brunei, and so started the confrontation. After a preliminary agreement, Raja Sulaymān informed that to celebrate the next day he would fire the cannons in a show of boast. However, he waited for the rain to ruin the Spanish gunpowder, and directed the cannons towards the Spanish ships. The latter, forewarned, saved the artillery and landed to set fire to the cota (Wadi 2008). 2  English Translation: “The Luções are about 10 days’ sail beyond Burney (Borneo). They are nearly all heathen; they have no king, but are ruled by group of elders. They are a robust people, of little worth. They have no junks in Malacca. Perhaps two or three bring merchandise to Borneo and from there they come to Malacca” (Garcia 2003: 81). Similarly, not only the Luções were engaged in commercial activities, but also in the military actions as mercenaries and soldiers: “In 1539 Filipinos formed part of a Batak-Menagkabau army which besieged Atjeh […] under command of Turkish Heredim Mafamede sent out form Suez by his uncle Suleiman, Baxa-viceroy of Cairo. When this fleet later took Aru on the Strait of Malacca, it contained 4000 Muslims from Turkey, Abyssinia, Malabar, Gujarat and Luzon” (Scott 1992: 30).

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Martín de Goyti finished his work, which was to prepare the ground for the arrival of Miguel López de Legazpi, the adelantado of the Western Islands with the mission of founding the first European enterprise of territorial conquest in East Asia, beyond the entrepôt. Almost a year later, the whole Spanish expedition left the Visayan islands to enter Manila bay. Once again, local rulers were summoned, and the three presented themselves, with Raja Sulaymān’s attitude being hesitant, fearing reprisals. In this regard, Legazpi offered a general amnesty for the takeover of Manila, which would take place on 18 May 1571: In the river and town of Manila, of the island of Luzon, of the Western Philippines, of His Majesty, on the eighteenth day of the month of May 1571, before the Most Illustrious Lord Miguel López de Legazpi, governor and captain general of the people and navy of the discovery of the West, in the presence of me, Fernando Riquel, chief scribe and governor […] some Indians appeared present, who, through Benito Díaz Bustos and Juan Mahomat, Christian Indian interpreter […] declared their names to be Rajá Ache the old and Rajá Solimano the young, lords and princes of the town of Manilla, and Sibanao Lacandola, prince of the town of Tondo. (Hidalgo 1995: 284)

Juan Mahomat (with the very Islamic name Muḥammad) played an important role in the Spanish conquest of Manila. He served as interpreter to inform Manila’s rulers of the new political situation. As in any changing political scenario, it was the moment for social mobility. The Spanish advent, like similar advents in the history of the archipelago, presented an opportunity for certain disadvantaged groups (Scott 1997: 11–12). Namely, Juan Mahomat is one of those who embraced the new culture coming from the East: It was agreed that day to send for peace and friendship to the Raja Suleiman, lord of Manila, for this purpose the brother of Mehomete, the Moro who became a Christian, and the Moro prisoner, together with the pagan interpreter [cafre ladino] to spy on the town and see his seat and check the mouth of the river. (Hidalgo 1995: 273)

These people embody a preliminary Islamized Filipino related with diplomatic affairs, as the political negotiation that represents the bichara, or tasks related with espionage and intelligence. In sum, people involved in

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49

Islamic practices and civilization intervened in the political game of Southeast Asia, including the Philippine archipelago. Certainly, what was taking place in Manila had a global dimension. It was the blocking of the Islamic eastern expansion. Furthermore, this Islamic abortion was being undertaken by the same polity that eradicated the Islamic West. Accordingly, Spain grown as al-Andalus disappeared, and now with the Philippines became as the sultanate never was. Majul noticed the epic dimension of this global turn, and fittingly quoted the forgotten words of Víctor Concas y Palau (Majul 1999: 83). This nineteenth century Spanish author, prolific writer in matters concerning Muslims in the Philippines wrote an interesting analysis about the history of Islam in the islands, articulating this global perspective as a remarkable aspect of the first encounter: The reason for the fame that was given to the conquest of the Philippines, its rapidity and universality, is due to the Mohammedan peoples. […] Under the walls of that fort [Santiago] a historical event took place which in my opinion was little appreciated and which necessarily had to influence our conquest. Indeed, it was there that for the first time after the conquest of Granada, the Spaniards met again the flag of the Prophet: the two religious enemies, embracing the world in opposite directions, met under the walls of Manila, celebrating the encounter with cannon fire, as it could not be other way to celebrate it, continuing to this day in Jolo the historic struggle that began on the banks of the Guadalete. And so that nothing would be lacking in the resemblance, Legazpi called them ‘Moros,’ a name that we retain to this day, though they do not have nothing of Mauritanians, but the community of religion with the Spanish Arabs. (Our translation from Concas y Palau 1884: 155–156)

Certainly, some individuals took advantage of the opportunity for political and social change, meanwhile the previous oligarchy was in a difficult situation to adjust to the new regime. The sources mention some baptisms and the adoption of Spanish godfathers, as in the case of Agustín Lacandula de Legazpi, ruler of Tondo, nephew of Lacandula and son-in-law of Pengiran Salalila, uncle of Sayf al-Rijal, Sultan of Brunei (Majul 1999: 79). If the Lacandulas seemed to balance the aristocratic links with Brunei and the demands of the new rulers, in the case of Rajah Sulaymān’s descendants the archival sources recognized privileges and exceptions of taxes for them, which means that they accepted the establishment (Santiago 1990).

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Certainly, the documents preserved in “Archivo General de Indias” in Seville are valuable and awaiting further research.3 The Sultanate of Brunei had nevertheless lost the main trump card in its imperial expansion. The investment made to create an adept elite in Manila was fading away as Manila’s rajas and lakans became nominally vassals of the King of Spain. At the expense of an eventual direct campaign from Brunei, the Bornean families and merchants in the archipelago, alongside the increasing Muslim missionary action, would seek to gain adherents through the spread of Islam in the provinces of Balayan (present-­ day Batangas), Bonbon (present-day Taal), and the islands of Mindoro and Palawan. Malacca had fallen into Portuguese hands in 1511, and since the Spanish visit to Borneo in 1521, Brunei had been preparing for the Christian return. Francisco de Sande was appointed General Governor of the Philippines in 1574. During his six years in Manila, he developed a most ambitious political program, including between other targets the Sultanate of Brunei. Relación de la isla de Burney is a compilation of different interviews, stating the direct action of Brunei towards the Islamization of the Philippines. It is affirmed an eventual coalition between the former rulers of Manila against the Spaniards, with the support of Brunei. Since Islam was in the process of penetrating the Tagalog region, and Manila has close links with Brunei, Francisco de Sande predicted an imminent uprising unless a direct attack against the Bornean sultanate took place. Therefore, the Spanish government of Manila, without waiting on the King’s permit, launched the conquest of Brunei in 1578 (Donoso 2017b).

3  We can mention at least two references: (1) Carta de José Joaquín Merino sobre exenciones a descendientes de rajás: [FILIPINAS,183,N.41]: “Carta de José Joaquín Merino de Ribera, fiscal de la Audiencia de Manila, dando cuenta de haber presentado en la Audiencia el despacho de 30 de agosto de 1751 sobre que se declare la extensión de las reservas de los régulos rajá Solimán y Lacandola y sus descendientes, notificando las diligencias practicadas y las pendientes. Manila, 20 de junio de 1754;” and (2) Orden sobre reservas de los régulos Lacandola y Rajasolimán: [FILIPINAS,335,L.16,F.176R-178  V]: “Real Cédula al presidente y oidores de la Audiencia de Manila, ordenándoles que previa citación de los descendientes del régulo Lacandola del pueblo de Tondo y del régulo rajá Solimán, y tras la presentación de sus privilegios e instrumentos justificativos, les oigan en justicia y declaren a cuanto se deben extender las reservas de tributos y servicios personales que les están concedidas y si éstas son comunicables a los maridos de las mujeres descendientes de los mismos, como también si siendo una misma la causa, se deberá guardar una propia regla con dichos descendientes, asuntos sobre los que deben dar cuenta con testimonios.”

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This was more a private venture than a metropolitan mandate. The Spanish monarch was not aware of the campaign, and the Synod of Manila condemned the consequences of the attack (Salazar 1988: 232–233). However, an important section of the Spanish community in Manila supported aggressive campaigns against Muslim and Bornean interests, and certainly against preaching Islam in the islands. This is where we must locate the two apologetic letters against Tagalog Muslims written to the Spanish King by Melchor de Ávalos in 1585 (Donoso 2015a). Eventually Manila’s elite became involved in the transformation of Tagalog culture. Regardless of the extension of Islamic civilization, it was confronted with the new process of Christianization. However, lords and principals (the so-called principalía) were still strongly connected with Brunei at least until the end of the sixteenth century. The point of no return was certainly the 1587 incident known as the ‘Tondo Conspiracy’: The Brunei response was a last effort by the old Brunei aristocracy in Manila and Tondo to overthrow the Spanish with assistance from Brunei, Jolo, and Sulu, and also from Japan. This latter development was the work of De Legazpi, the Tagalog Christian nephew of Raja Lakan Dulu and son-in-law of Pengiran Seri Lela of Brunei. (Saunders 2014: 59)

Agustin Lacandula de Legazpi, together with a considerable group of notables from Tondo, Manila and surrounding provinces, tried to plan a revolt that would eventually exterminate the Spanish population in the archipelago. Agustin Lacandula had married the daughter of Pengiran Seri Lela, so he had decisive interests in Brunei. To carry out the plan, the support of the sultanate was essential, so a letter of conspiracy had to be carried. On the journey to Borneo, information about the conspiracy was revealed, reached Manila, and the suspects were arrested, executed or exiled. With Brunei’s imperial enterprise over, and the discontent of the Bornean aristocracy in Manila under control, the Tagalog population’s ties with Islam were severed. Politically, the Brunei Sultanate lost the expansion in the Philippine archipelago and, religiously, Islam was aborted in its northeastern penetration. From then on, a process of Hispanicization and Christianization began, with Islam secluded to the southernmost regions where two sultanates had already been formed: Sulu and Mindanao.

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Sultans of Sulu The Sulu Sultanate was founded as a political institution approximately during the mid-fifteenth century around the settlement of Jolo, populated by local communities and exiles from Butuan carrying a Hindu-Buddhist tradition. The exploitation of the pearl trade was the main prosperity behind it. In fact, the Philippine entrepôt attracted Southeast Asians, Chinese from Quanzhou and other Muslim merchants (Arabs, Persians, and Indians) at least from the fourteenth century, as proven by Tuan Maqbalu’s tombstone dated 1310 (Majul 1999: 435–438). Ibn Mājid mentions the port of Ṣūluk in 1462, so prosperity would certainly have been well established by that time. After the arrival of several makhdūmūn, it was the Sayyid Abū Bakr who adopted the title of Sultan around 1450 as Sharīf al-Hāshim / ‫شريف الهاشم‬.4 Despite the rapid and autonomous formation of the Sultanate of Sulu, Brunei expanded its influence in the region through monarchical marriages, so that the beginnings of the Sulu polity were under the shadow of Brunei: Sulu was ruled by Brunei viceroys or adipati and the old P’o-ni thalassocracy had been revived. The Malaccan mid-fifteenth-century epic, the Hikayat Hang Tuah said that the adipati of Sulu was a son of the ruler of Brunei, and it is probably that the post was generally held by Brunei royalty. (Saunders 2014: 31)

Once the Spanish colony was consolidated and the power of the Sultanate of Brunei eliminated or limited, the objective was the conquest of Sulu and Mindanao. For this purpose, Estéban Rodríguez de Figueroa received the title of “Governor of Mindanao” in 1596, to do the conquest from his expenses (Montero y Vidal 1888: I,138). Figueroa’s hasty death left the company in the hands of Juan de la Jara, who established the first Spanish settlement on the Pulangi river, the fort of Murcia. Juan Ronquillo, for his part, founded the presidio of La Caldera at the tip of the Zamboanga peninsula. Due to the limited forces to undertake the conquest of Sulu and Buayan (the main sultanate on the Pulangi river in the late sixteenth century), Spanish forces withdrew in 1598. Thus, Spain had succeeded in conquering the Sultanate of Brunei in 1578, had settled on the Pulangi 4  For details on the standard history of the Islamization, following Majul, see Donoso (2013b: 136–148). A revision of the process in Al-Attas 2011: 96–105.

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53

river (to undertake the conquest of the Mindanao sultanates), had created La Caldera (to undertake the conquest of the Sulu Sultanate), but abandoned the three positions, including the already conquered city of Brunei. The immediate consequence was the reorganization of Muslims and Islamic polities. During the early part of the seventeenth century, Raja Bongsu, a Sulu Sultan of Bornean aristocracy, led the opposition against the political ambitions of the newcomers (Nicholl 1991). The preliminary period of Spanish incertitude towards the regional sultanates, after incorporating the Islamized kingdoms of Luzon in 1571 and Brunei in 1578, witnessed anarchy with numerous reports of piratical attacks, the ruin of coastal villages and the capture of entire populations to be sold into slavery. Consequently, the presidio of Zamboanga was founded in 1635 to control de seas. In fact, the policy was akin to that developed in North Africa, with the establishment of strategic points to avoid Barbary corsairs (García Arenal and de Bunes 1992; Llorente 2005). After the abandonment of La Caldera in 1598, there had been a spectacular growth in privateering, and with it the wealth of the Sultanate of Sulu, where the pearl trade would undoubtedly be surpassed to become Sulu one of the main suppliers of slaves in the region (Warren 1981, 2000, 2002). The Spanish administration in Manila therefore decided to return to the region, and the presidio of Zamboanga was enforced. However, this was not enough without a general action, and the campaigns of Governor General Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera, who launched two military campaigns against Mindanao (1637) and Joló (1638), took place. These two actions were counterproductive, however, as they were actions of punishment and destruction just to abandon the conquered places immediately, akin to the old conquest of Brunei. From this time until the eighteenth century, Sulu increased its power developing goods and the slave trade, setting multiple diplomatic relations and surpassing the dependency from Brunei: Whether Sulu took part in the fighting or not [Brunei civil war, c. 1661–1673], it laid claim to part of northern Borneo, acting as an independent power with its ruler no longer an adipati of Brunei but claiming the title of Sultan of Sulu. Brunei’s one-time dependency had become a serious rival. (Saunders 2014: 64)

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The independent Sultanate of Sulu had to deal equally with several civil wars throughout the modern era and the diplomatic game of European powers in Southeast Asia. Attention has been focused on military conflict, proto-nationalist struggle and religious confrontation, until William Henry Scott questioned the narrative (Scott 1984b). The concept of “Moro Wars” has been recurrent in understanding historical events in a specific way, and the bibliography on this aspect has been copious (between others Delor Ángeles 1974; Demetrio 1976; Felix 1991). In a certain way, the narrative has been unaltered from the Spanish historiography, continuing the same concept of permanent conflict between Manila and the southern sultanates (Donoso 2015a). A remarkable political phenomenon in the relationship between the Muslim polities and the Spanish administration took place during the mid-­ eighteenth century. Sultan ‘Aẓīm al-Dīn I / ‫( عظمي ادلين ا ألول‬Alimudín) of Sulu traveled to Manila and converted to Christianity as King Fernando I of Jolo. Certainly, the new Bourbon policy conducted by Spain towards the Islamic world substantially changed from the Habsburg period. The eighteenth century will see peace agreements with the northern African Ottoman regencies of Tripoli (1784), Alger (1786) and Tunis (1791), and a clear foreign policy designed to overcome rivalries between Madrid and Istanbul materialized (Epalza 1982). On the other side of the world, bishop Juan de Arrechederra O. P. became acting General Governor of the Spanish Philippines in 1745. He developed an enthusiastic policy of indulgent attraction, following direct instructions of Philip V. The King of Spain sent personal letters to the Sultans of Sulu and Maguindanao in July 12, 1744, asking for vassalage and allowance for the Jesuits to preach in Muslim areas. This was the first direct communication between the Spanish Monarchy and the Philippine sultanates. The singularity of the event was celebrated with grandeur: They informed about the arrival of the letter to the Sultan, and on the first day of September he determined the reception, in which a boat with rather lucid hangings was arranged, in which Prince Asin, brother of the Sultan, and other of the Principals would go. He arrived to the galley, for the delivery of the royal letter, and at its reception a competent gun salute was made in the galley and in two junks in the same bay. After the letter was landed the artillery of the Fort began the salute, which continued for a long time. Our infantry was formed in two wings with the Royal Standard, in whose center

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55

the letter was on a large silver tray; the Sultan came to meet the committee with many people, the most illustrious of the kingdom. He drove to his well decorated house with the ambassadors and he received father Arcada in his arms, giving him the right, and thus leading him to the main piece of the house, with the customary protocol. The father handed over the Royal Letter in the hands of his Highness, and taking it he put it in his pocket. (Our translation from Concepción 1788–1792: XII, 91–92)

Philip V’s letter marks the first time a Spanish king had directly addressed a sultan in the archipelago. It implied a sign of equality, although Philip’s underlying aim was to seek vassalage or protectorate. The Spanish letter was brought to Jolo by Tomás de Arrivillaga and Father Sebastián Ignacio de Arcada on 29 August 1747. They were well received, and ‘Aẓīm al-Dīn agreed to missionary activities. He himself traveled to Zamboanga on 5 May 1748 to welcome the group of Jesuits arriving from Manila. He also attended the burial of his friend, father José Villelmi, an expert in Arabic and possibly the scribe of the answer sent to the Spanish king in 1747. Philip V provided specific instructions to the provincial of the Jesuits in the islands in a letter signed August 19, 1745. In addition, Father Francisco Sasi was appointed ambassador for the sultanates. The purpose of this political action was the attraction. Sultan ‘Aẓīm al-Dīn I answered with enthusiasm. He offered a piece of land to erect a church for the Jesuits. However, his answer to the Spanish monarch was sent September 12, 1747, in fact more than three years after the original, and when Philip V had already been dead since July 9, 1746. The royal answer by ‘Aẓīm al-Dīn I is well-known in the historiography thanks to a Spanish version reproduced in several books (starting in Concepción 1788–1792: XII, 97–100). However, nowhere has been indicated that the original version of the document was not in Malay, Tausug or Spanish, but in Arabic, and that the manuscript is still preserved in Archivo General de Indias in Seville (Donoso 2018a). Certainly, this is in fact the first and, as of now, unique Arabic language official document that we have found from the historical Sultanate of Sulu, proving, between other things, that Arabic was once the diplomatic language of a Philippine polity (Donoso and Kacimi 2019). The five-page letter, written in Arabic and dated 12 September 1747, begins with ‘You deserve to be king and great sultan’, and ends with a reference to the year 1747, with the unusual Arabic term ‘Īsawiyya for Christian era. The letter is sealed with one small black ink seal marked

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al-Sulṭān Muḥammad ‘Aẓīm al-Dīn and a larger seal in similar ink saying al-mutamassik bi-ḥabl Allāh al-Matīn (‘he who holds fast to the cord of God the ever-constant’). A sentence is written across the seals, in different handwriting, and probably by another hand, which reads ‘Now I kiss your hand.’ The script is clear and organized, written with black ink in the ruq‘a style. The style of handwriting suggests that the scribe was of Ottoman or Mediterranean origin, perhaps father Villelmi himself. Distance and bureaucratic requirements resulted in a more than three-year lapse in time between receipt of that letter and the sultan’s response, which was accompanied by a gift of an enormous pearl (Fig. 3.1). Bantilan ruled the Sultanate of Sulu after ‘Aẓīm al-Dīn I accepted Jesuit missionaries in his land. Bantilan allegedly revolted, tried to kill his elder brother and was proclaimed sultan in 1748 under the name of Mu‘izz al-Dīn / ‫معز ادلين‬. ّ Alimudín (as known by the Spanish sources) escaped or moved to Manila, triumphally entering the city on January 20, 1749 (Arechederra 1749; Crailsheim 2013). After several months living he and his two hundred persons court and service, everything under the expenses of the Spanish government, he decided to convert to Christianity. The sultan Alimudín became Fernando I King of Jolo in April 28, 1750 (Montero y Vidal 1888: I, 288). The people of Jolo were obviously affected upon learning the news from Manila, and the reaction was general attacks and ravages to Christian towns. In this context we have the first positive datum of a Moro formal request to the Caliph of Constantinople. Namely, Bantilan sent a letter asking for intervention and protection to the Ottomans, as guardians of Islam and seat of the Caliph (Donoso 2018b): I have already dispatched an ambassador to Dicatra, with letters to be forwarded from there to the King of Constantinople, and by that route released for Spain to deliver the capitulations, for, as I understand it, the Governor has been more than the King, who has broken the capitulations since he started to hurt the people of Jolo, and in this the King is the one who has lost, because more than 2,000 persons have been captured by people from Tirong and Jolo. This is the truth, I say in my letter to the King and to the King of Constantinople. And I also ask for help to beg my Prophet Muhammad, because the Spanish wants to end the law. And for you to know what I say in my letter and know the mismatch, sooner or later you have to experience some damage, since your real intention has been exposed, and from now on I have to tell you this because I am the principal that have to die for the law of Muhammad. (Our translation from Montero y Vidal 1888: II, 25–26)

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Fig. 3.1  MS Seville. Carta del Sultán de Joló, Alimudín, escrita en árabe 1747: 1v

A civil war was openly declared. While Bantilan asked for help to the Ottomans, Alimudín embarked in the Spanish navy to retake Jolo as Fernando I.  Indeed, the situation became abnormal, and everything exploded when a letter sent to the Sultan of Maguindanao by Alimudín

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was translated July 25, 1751. The Spaniards reacted suspiciously and vehemently, and Alimudín was seized and sent back to Manila. Theological debates and controversies agitated the capital during the next months to clarify if Alimudín was sincerely converted or not (Santísima Trinidad 1751; Costa 1965). Alimudín remained in jail in Fort Santiago until the British conquered Manila in 1762 (Fish 2003). He was then freed and restored as sultan in 1764, signing a new treaty of alliance with the East India Company in September that year: Treaty of Friendship & Commerce, in Tausug and English, signed and sealed by Alexander Dalrymple for the East India Company and Sultan Muhammad Azimuddin anak Sang Sultan Muhammad Badaruddin, 3 Rabiulakhir 1178 / 28 September 1764. He was returned to Jolo, where he remained until his final abdication in favor of his Spanish-educated son Muḥammad Isrā’īl in 1774. Notwithstanding the prevailing lawlessness in Philippine waters, as the century progressed the further development of European nautical technology would begin to bring privateering by the sultanates under control. By the mid-nineteenth century, France, Great Britain and Germany had turned their attention to the diffuse southern frontier of the Philippine archipelago. The Sultanate of Sulu, as an independent state, engaged in direct talks with European ambassadors to cede land and rights. In this scenario in which Spain was not able to justify internationally its sovereignty over Sulu, another military campaign took place under Governor General Antonio de Urbiztondo. Spanish policy in the middle of the nineteenth century was to conquer the Muslim sultanates, especially that of Sulu, and place them securely under Spanish sovereignty. A primary reason for this policy was that the British and Dutch were extending their influence over the Malaysian world so that the Spaniards had to secure the southern frontiers of their Philippine Colony. (Majul 1999: 337)

The island of Balanguingui was destroyed in 1848 and the city of Jolo in 1851. The southern sultanates entered a period of political tutelage. Accordingly, the treaty signed in 1851 recognized the Spanish sovereignty over the sultanate of Sulu (Fig. 3.2): However, until the creation of the Political-Military Government of Jolo on November 15, 1877, under the direction of Juan Arolas, there was no direct administrative and political presence of Spain over Sulu. This

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Fig. 3.2  Sultanía de Joló. Acta de incorporación a la Monarquía Española. Joló, 30 de abril de 1851 MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9274 [1836–1897] Expediente 7, S.118–125

new administrative network was followed by garrisons in Siasi, Tataan and Bongao, together with offices, forts and other administrative and military personnel.5 This was the time when the Sultanate of Sulu was practically absorbed under the government of the Philippine Islands. The city of Jolo had become a Spanish city, with school, hospital, telegraph, and 5  The most relevant archival documents concerning this matter are: Creación de la estación naval de Joló. Toma de Joló por Cervera. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9285 [1839–1898], S. 547–548; Establecimiento militar de Joló. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, Rare 1 [1869–1894], S. 350–351; Real Orden n.° 839 de 15 de noviembre de 1877, aprobando la creación del Gobierno Político Militar de Joló, que será desempeñado por un Jefe de la categoría de Coronel. Philippine National Archives— Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9289 [1842–1896]. Expediente 36. S. 57–60; Relación detallada de los intérpretes que prestan sus servicios en este Gobierno y en las Comandancias Político Militares de Siasi, Tataán y Bongao. Joló, 9 de julio de 1892. Philippine National Archives— Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9286 [1839–1898] Expediente 28. S. 336–338.

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government offices. Jolo was a walled town with straight streets, usually called the Tiangue (market), meanwhile the Sultan’s palace in Maimbung remained the seat of the sultanate. The election of the sultan was not decided by the Ruma Bichara, but by political decisions taken in Manila. When Hārūn al-Rashīd was proclaimed sultan with all the ceremony organized by the Philippine government in 1886, a civil war immediately emerged (Fig. 3.3). Nonetheless a monthly salary was paid to a sultan that used the caliphal title of Amīr al-Mu’minīn / ‫ٲميرالمؤمنين‬: In this sense, symbols are important to follow the process of dismantling the sultanate, and the seals increasingly show the transition, first with the Spanish motto “Sultán de Joló,” and then directly with the Spanish coat of arms for the Government of Joló (Fig. 3.4): Certainly, two institutions existed at the turn of the century in Sulu: the old sultanate with its capital in the royal palace of Maimbung, and the new Spanish government with its capital in the walled city of Jolo. It was a protectorate recognized by a part of Sulu aristocracy which received regular salaries and pensions, but confronted internally by other parties and factions. However, the final goal was the complete incorporation of the sultanate within the Philippine administration, and some Moro seals in Mindanao directly depicted the Spanish coat of arms (Donoso 2017c). Finally, as a result of the submission rendered, the Sultan of Mindanao, as well as that of Jolo, has since long ago received an allowance of 1,500 pesos annually, as a subject of Spain, with the obligations that he accepted in the contracts, and at present, as proof of the dependence he has on our government, he uses an Arabic seal in the center of which is the coat of arms of Spain, and which you can see in the present private letter that the said Sultan addressed to me announcing a forthcoming visit. (Our translation from Rajal 1885: 180)

When the United States took over the administration of the Philippine archipelago, the policy was the complete annihilation of the sultanates as political institutions. Several punitive campaigns were conducted, including the massacre of Bud Datu, till the final abolition in the Carpenter Agreement, March 22, 1915 (Gowing 1983; Fulton 2007; Arnold 2011). One of the longest-lived Islamic states in history—from the fifteenth century to the early twentieth century—ended, more than four uninterrupted centuries of a Philippine way of conducting affairs under Islamic regulations. The following is the list of Sultans of Sulu:

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Fig. 3.3  Nómina del sultán Harun Narrasid: Joló, 30 de noviembre de 1887. MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9246. [1774–1887] Expediente 35, S-561

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Fig. 3.4  Muhamad Harun Narrasid’s seals and seal of the Government of Jolo

Sultans of Sulu N.° Official name

Common name

Period

1

Sayyid Abū Bakr

c.1450–c.1480

—

c.1480–c.1505

Maharaja-di-Raja

c.1505–c.1527

Maharaja Upo

c.1527–c.1548

Digunung

c.1548–c.1568

Pangiran Buddiman

c.1568–c.1596

Pangiran Tengah

c.1596–c.1608

Raja Bongsu

c.1610–c.1650

—

c.1645–c.1648

Pangiran Bactial

c-1650–c.1680

—

c.1685–c.1710

Juhan Pahalawan

c.1710–c.1718

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Sharīf al-Hāshim ‫شريف الهاشم‬ Kamāl al-Dīn ‫كمال الدين‬ Amīr al-Umarā’ ‫أمير األمراء‬ Mu‘izz al-Muṭawwa‘iyyn ّ ‫المطوعين‬ ‫معز‬ ّ Naṣīr al-Dīn I ‫نصير الدين األول‬ Muḥammad al-Ḥalīm ‫مح ّمد الحليم‬ Batara Shāh Tengah ‫شاه تنكاه‬ Mawwal al-Wasīṭ ‫مول الوسيط‬ ّ Naṣīr al-Dīn II ‫نصير الدين الثاني‬ Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn Bakhtiyār ‫صالح الدين بخطيار‬ Shihāb al-Dīn ‫شهاب الدين‬ Muṣṭafà Ṣafī al-Dīn ‫مصطفى صفی‌الدین‬

(continued)

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63

(continued) Sultans of Sulu N.° Official name

Common name

13

Marhum Dungun / Bigotillos 1718–1732

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

Badr al-Dīn I ‫بدرالدين األول‬ Naṣr al-Dīn ‫نصر الدين‬ ‘Aẓīm al-Dīn I ‫عظيم الدين األول‬ Mu‘izz al-Dīn ّ ‫معز الدين‬ Muḥammad Isrā’īl ‫مح ّمد إسرائيل‬ ‘Aẓīm al-Dīn II ‫عظيم الدين الثاني‬ Sharaf al-Dīn ‫شرف الدين‬ ‘Aẓīm al-Dīn III ‫عظيم الدين الثالث‬ ‘Alī al-Dīn ‫علي الدين‬ Shakīr Allāh ‫شكير اﷲ‬ Jamāl al-Kirām I ‫َج َمال الكِرام األول‬ Muḥammad Faḍl ‫مح ّمد فضل‬ Jamāl al-A‘ẓam ‫جمال األعظم‬ Badr al-Dīn II ‫بدرالدين الثاني‬ Hārūn al-Rashīd ‫هارون الرشيد‬ Jamāl al-Kirām II ‫َج َمال الكِرام الثاني‬

Period

Datu Sabdula

1732–1735

Alimudín

1735–17481764–1774

Pangiran Bantilan

1748–1763

—

1774–1778

Alimudín II

1763–17641778–1791

—

1791–1808

—

1808

—

1808–1821

Datu Sakilan

1821–1823

—

1823–1842

Pulalun

1842–1862

―

1862–1881

―

1881–1884

―

1886–1894

―

1884–1915

Sultans of Maguindanao The origin of Islamization in the island of Mindanao occurs after the arrival of different Islamic messengers and makhdūmūn. Sharīf Awliyā’ / ‫( رشيف أ�ولياء‬a Muslim holy man as revealed by his name), was the first to teach Islam on the island, according to the tarsilas of Maguindanao (Saleeby

64 

I. DONOSO

1976: 52). The date of his arrival, and the identity behind this name, are still problematic. Majul stated that the event took place in 1460 (Majul 1999: 70), meanwhile for al-Attas the event occurred in 1365 (Al-Attas 2011: 106). In addition, al-Attas supported the idea about Sharīf Awliyā’ being in fact the legendary Karīm al-Makhdūm who landed in Sulu around 1380 (1360 for al-Attas). The difference of one century caused Majul to reduce drastically the ruling time of the first sultans (as we will see later). In any case, Sharīf Awliyā’ traveled till the end of the world in search of the garden of the Paradise—Jannah al-Firdaws / ‫—جنـّة الفردوس‬, finding it in the island of Mindanao: The land of paradise was brought by the angels from the west (Arabia) to Mindanao. Later the angels moved paradise to Madinat, but the earth did not balance and tipped on the side of Mindanao. Then they measured the earth to find its center, but it had none. Then the angels took paradise and carried it to Mecca, but a part of it remained in Mindanao. Sharif Awliya knew that and came to Mindanao to search for it. (Saleeby 1976: 24)

The narrative could not be clearer. It assumes the same Semitic tradition about the location of Paradise in the confines of the eastern world, in the confines of the world of Alexander: The Judeo-Christian Paradise, where Man and Woman were created and from which they were banished after the original Sin, was believed by most medieval commentators to have been in easternmost Asia. The Biblical account of Genesis alludes to this position, starting that ‘the Lord planted a garden in Eden, to the east, and there He put the man whom He had formed […] Dissenting opinions on Paradise’s location in easternmost Asia were generally based on the premise that Alexander the Great […] had conquered India fully to the end of the earth. (Suárez 1999: 69)

Sharīf Awliyā’ begot the beautiful Paramisuli and returned to the west (i.e. Sumatra). The daughter of the holy missionary married another makhdūm, Sharīf Marāja, a union with two sons: Tabunaway and Mamalu. They became lords of the Pulangi river when a Malay Muslim campaign arrived at the shores of Mindanao under Sharīf Muḥammad Kabungsuwan. He belonged to the aristocracy established in Johore, son of Sharīf ‘Alī Zayn al-‘Abidīn / ‫ عيل زين العبدين‬of Hadramaut and a local princess. He would later march to the eastern islands along with his entire retinue, arriving on the shores of Mindanao around 1515 according to Majul (1999: 25):

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65

Sarip Zayna-l-Abidin came to Juhur and heart that the sultan of Juhur, Sultan Sulkarnayn, had a daughter called Putri Jusul Asikin. The Sarip married Putri Jusul Asikin and begot Sarip Kabungsuwan. As Sarip Kabungsuwan grew up and reached maturity he obtained his father’s permission and set out on a sea voyage with a large number of followers from Juhur. As they got out to open sea they unfurled their sails to make speed, but a very strong wind blew and scattered them in all directions, so that they lost track of one another. As a result Sarip Kabungsuwan arrived to Magindanao. (Saleeby 1976: 16–17)

For Majul, this event connected with the Portuguese conquest of Malacca in 1511, when a large Muslim population exiled. The problem occurs when trying to trace a sultan of Johore having by name Sultan Sulkarnayn / Dū l-Qarnayn. The founder of the Johore sultanate was ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Riayāt Shāh II / 1564–1528( ‫)عالء ادلين رايت شاه‬, and no sultan is named Dū l-Qarnayn. This name should therefore refer to the first sultan of Malacca, Parameswara (1403–1424), who proclaimed himself by adopting the name Iskandar Shāh (Moorhead 1965: 116–124). Therefore, the link must transcend Johore and 1511 to go back to the royal family of the Sultanate of Malacca: Clearly, what it meant here is that the Sharif married a princess of the royal family of Johore that was descendent from the dynasty founded by Iskandar Julkarnain, the first Malaccan sultan. In the list of the Malaccan sultans, only one, the first, bears this name; while in the list of the early Johore sultans, none bears it. For good chronological reasons, Muhammad Kabungsuwan could not have been a grandson of the first sultan of Malacca whose rule began around 1400. Consequently it would have been more accurate to have stated that the Sharif ‘Ali Zein ul-‘Abidin married into Johore family that descended from Sultan Iskandar Julkarnain. (Majul 1999: 23)

This contradiction—recognized by Majul—was noted by al-Attas, together with the problematic year of 1515 as the founding time of the Sultanate of Maguindanao. Al-Attas supported the direct connection with Malacca, and the arrival of Kabungsuwan to Mindanao around the year 1440: I estimate that he must have arrived in Magindanao when Tabunaway was about 34 years of age in 1440. Kubungsuan would then have been 36 years of age. Let us then assume that he spent about 25 years to accomplish his

66 

I. DONOSO

conquest of Magindanao and to make the necessary preparations for the administration and government of the land in accordance with the tenets of Islam. My estimate about about Maka-alang’s date of birth would be about 1465 as chronologically within reason. (Al-Attas 2011: 111–112)

Al-Attas provides a new chronology for the periodization of the first Maguindanao sultans, attending to the problems of accommodating five sultans in less than a century, and the necessary connection before Johore revealed by the tarsilas. At the same time, he delimits a period of twenty-­ five years—until now invisible—for the conquest and consolidation of an Islamic state in Mindanao after the expedition from peninsular Malaya. Unlike other regions in Southeast Asia that embraced Islam freely and related with trade and missionary activities, al-Attas (following the tarsilas) clearly describes a premeditated campaign of conquest that took around twenty-five years. The Malay people conquered an island in the Philippine archipelago with the purpose of establishing a royal court under Islamic rules. This is a phenomenon that perhaps has not been properly emphasized. As seen in the thalassocratic actions of Brunei, Islamized Malays started to develop military campaigns to conquest and subdue other neighboring tribes, at least from Ibn Baṭṭūṭah’s times, as revealed in his chapter “About the sultan of Java”: This is Sultan al-Malik al-Ẓāhir, one of the most illustrious and generous kings. He follows the sāfi‘ī school and is a lover of the alfaquis, who attend his meetings to read the Qur’ān and engage in theological discussions. He makes many razzias and entries against the infidels, and as a humble man, he walks to pray the Friday. The Sumatran people are all sāfi‘īs and like jihad, for which they volunteer. They have thus succeeded in subduing the infidels bordering on their territory, who, according to the peace treaty, pay capitation tribute. (Our translation from Ibn Baṭṭuṭah 1985: 618)6

The model of the sultanate was not only a political establishment, but an institution of higher governance among Malay communities in Southeast Asia, introducing refined regulations in the court, the law and the diplomatic affairs, in addition to local practices (the kadatuan, the kerajaan and the customary law, the adat. See Milner 1982). Following 6  Original Arabic: ‫ شافعي المذهب محب في الفقهاء يحضرون مجلسه للقراءة‬،‫وهو السلطان الملك الظاهر من فضالء الملوك وكرمائهم‬ ‫والمذاكرة وهو كثير الجهاد والغزو ومتواضع يأتي إلى صالة الجمعة ماشيا ً على قدميه وأهل بالده شافعية محبون في‬ .‫على من يليهم من الكفار والكفار يعطونهم الجزية على الصلح‬. ‫الجهاد يخرجون معه تطوعا ً وهم غالبون‬

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67

Ibn Baṭṭūṭah, at least Malay showed enthusiasm for reading the Qur’ān, praying on the Friday, performing Jihad, discussing theological matters and applying the shāfi‘ī school of Islamic law. These aspects furnished the activities of the incipient chanceries towards a written tradition of Qur’ānic exegesis, theology, diplomacy and law (Riddell 2017). Trade, mission and conquest were the forces to Islamize coastal areas of maritime Southeast Asia, but interracial marriages were also important, between foreign Muslims and local aristocracies. Afterwards, a political institution was organized under the power of a sultan, yet not so much as a central power but as a coalition of parties. Accordingly, at least two main lineages emerged along the Pulangi river after Kabungsuwan: Maguindanao at the mouth of the river; and Buayan at the upper levels (Hayase 2007: 40). Alliances and pacts became necessary to establish the balance of power in the region, especially after the appearance of another foreign element in Mindanao—the arrival of European actors. The panorama became more complex, with Tamontaca, Sibuguey and Buayan as seats of power, and the balance of power alternating along the centuries. During the sixteenth century Buayan led the coalition of datus, and thus the sultanate. From then on Tamontaca became the real center of the Maguindanao sultanate, with Iranun alliances. The Spanish intromission was increasingly permanent, until the complete penetration in the nineteenth century, withdrawing the sultanate power towards the interior, with the figure of Datu Utto of Buayan (Ileto 2007). During the seventeenth century Maguindanao power was located in Tamontaca after the role of, perhaps, the most known Philippine sultan: Naṣīr al-Dīn Qudarat Allāh /‫( نصير الدين قدرت ہللا‬c.1619–1671), the famous ‘Cachil Corralat.’ Hurtado de Corcuera’s campaigns against the sultanates in 1635–1637 made him well-known in Spanish accounts as a legendary figure. For the Manila of 1637, a Spanish city under construction, thousands of kilometers away from Spain and New Spain, the confrontation “Corcuera versus Corralat” had epic dimensions. Comedies and romances depicted battles of moros y cristianos. Buayan and Maguindanao (Tamantoca and Sibuguey) fought for the political hegemony of the region, but several non-Islamized tribes made the scenario a continuous war, so complex that succession wars and party conflicts were common among the sultanates. What Cachil Corralat achieved was remarkable for the survival of the sultanate: internally, the unification of all the interests of the Pulangi River, the overcoming of tribal division, and alliances between clans; externally, the concourse of foreign powers, such as Holland, to oppose the interests of Spain in the region (Laarhoven 1989).

68 

I. DONOSO

However, soon after Corralat’s death the first succession tensions began to occur, leading to a civil war at the beginning of the eighteenth century: In 1701 [actually 1702] there occurred in southern Philippines an event as tragic as it was curious. The sultan of Jolo went to visit the sultan of Mindanao, being escorted, for greater ostentation, by a squadron composed of 67 ships. Seeing such an entourage, the sultan of Mindanao, Cutay [Kahar al-Dīn Kuda], successor of the distinguished Corralat, feared that he did not have peaceful intentions and ordered the mouth of the river closed, whereupon, offended, the sultan of Jolo challenged the former to a personal combat. Accepted the challenge, both sultans fought hand to hand, with such rage, that they gave death to each other. The new sovereign of Mindanao asked for help from the governor of Manila, Domingo Zubalburu, but he advised them to put aside their differences, sending for this purpose the Jesuit priest Antonio de Borja, who was able to achieve his goal. (Our translation from Montero y Vidal 1888: I, 251–252)

The two sons of Barahaman (Bayān al-Anwar and Jā‘far Ṣādiq Manamir) contested the power of their brother and sultan, Kahar al-Dīn Kuda (Cutay in the text). In order to sustain his rule, the latter called to bichara none other than the sultan of Sulu. The concerns of both sovereigns led—in what seemed the beginning of an alliance—to a personal confrontation, which ended with the death of the sultan of Maguindanao. The internecine war for the succession was further unleashed, there being two parallel sultans: Bayān al-Anwar on the coast with a capital in Sibuguey; and Jā‘far Ṣādiq Manamir in the interior with a capital in Tamontaca. It was this second who requested help to Spain, given that his brother had the support of the Dutch: “Hard pressed by his nephew [Malinog] who was close to the Dutch, Ja‘far Sadiq appealed for help to the Spaniards” (Majul 1999: 238). Certainly, the civil war persisted with the actions of Malinog, son of Bayān al-Anwar: The sultan of Tamontaca, Maulana Diafar [Jā‘far], requested the aid of the Spaniards to fight Prince Malinog, who had revolted with the support of the dattos of thirty villages of Río Grande de Mindanao, proclaiming himself sultan of Salangan […] In November of that year 1731, Commander Villarreal left Manila with two galleys and two champanes […] With the same purpose of helping the sultan of Tamontaca, another expedition left in January 1733 […] While the Spaniards were fighting, together with the allied forces, against the defenders of Malinog’s court, the latter invaded the

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69

capital of Tamontaca with 300 piraguas, killing the sultan. The Spanish expedition returned to Manila. Amuril Mahomonin Campsa [Pakir Maulana Kamsa], son of sultan Maulana Diafar, wrote on March 30, 1733 to the Governor General of the Philippines, exposing the sad situation to which Malinog had reduced him since he had killed his father, and demanded once again the help of the Spaniards, as an ally and subject of the Catholic monarch. The sultan of Tamontaca […] offered to fortify and maintain his dominions in obedience to the king of Spain, and the Spaniards could raise forts in his territory and assign missionaries to instruct those who voluntarily wanted to convert to Christianity. (Our translation from Montero y Vidal 1888: I, 263–266)

It was precisely Malinog who assassinated his uncle, Mawlānā Jā‘far, who used the title of mawlānā / ‫ موالان‬to expose his Islamic authority. Given the desperate situation of the Tamontaca line, his heir, Pakir Maulana Kamsa, requested assistance to Manila again to claim the sultanate of Maguindanao: Amir ud-Din Hamza, a son of Ja‘far Sadiq, succeeded as ruler of Tamontaka and continued his father’s friendly policy towards the Spaniards in the hope that they would help him defeat his uncle Bayan ul-Anwar and cousin Malinug. Hanza even volunteered some form of vassalage to the Spaniards, and he offered to accept missionaries in his realm […] The next year [1734], he was formally invested with the duties of a sultan in the presence of Spanish officials from Zamboanga. With some Spanish aid, he was able to consolidate his position in Tamontaka and contest the rule of his uncle Bayan ul-­ Anwar and later of his cousin Malinog. But upon the latter’s death around 1748, the struggle for the sultanate ceased. Pakir Maulana Kamsa emerged as paramount chief of Maguindanao. (Majul 1999: 238; 28)

From a desperate situation, Pakir Maulana Kamsa surprisingly turned out to be the consolidated authority of the Sultanate of Maguindanao, included in Buayan (Saleeby 1976: 15). It seems to be that the Spanish help was determinant to impulse the political actions of Pakir Maulana Kamsa, who through a brilliant diplomatic and matrimonial strategy unified the institution, including a self-proclamation as caliph: Pakir Mawlana Mohammed Amiru-d-Din Kamza begot the following: By Dang, Raja Muda Amiru-l-Umara Mohammed Alimu-d-Din Kibad Sahriyal; by Dawung the daughter of Dipatwan Anwar [Bayān al-Anwar], Lidang and Paywa; by Dawa-dawa, Kuda, and Lalanu; by Bay Linaw, Burhanud-Din; by Sapar, Basing and Hajar; by Kanul, Paku; by Sinayan, Mohammed Sahru-d-­

70 

I. DONOSO

Don, Asim, and Tawung; by Dalikayin, Jamalu-d-Din, Gindu, Amina, and Ampay; by Talangami, Jamalya, Ami, Zamzam, and Ismayl; by Muna, Sara, Yasin, Malinug, and Abdu-l-Lah; by Mida, Idu, and Sad; by Untay, Isra’il, Angkaya, and Tambi; by Palambi, Ndaw; by Jalya, Dudawa; by Anggun, Payak; by Kalima, Badaru-d-Din; by Janim, Maryam; by Limbay, Isa; by Linuyaman, Sinal; by Milagandi, Bilangkul. (Saleeby 1976: 37)

As can be understood, thirty-seven children from twenty different women enable the establishment of alliances (Mastura 1984: 10–11). On the other hand, and as consequence of the Maguindanao civil war and the Spanish intervention, a new world emerged around the people, culture and life of Zamboanga. The re-establishment of the presidio in 1718, now as a true military and civilian establishment, changed radically the relationship of the Moro sultanates with the Spanish administration. Manila was no longer the distant and remote interlocutor, but Zamboanga, an establishment with a population as heterogeneous as the supra-tribal sultanates. Maguindanao was facing along the nineteenth century the same conundrum as Sulu. Spanish interests were closing the southern frontier. A fundamental fact was the creation of numerous Spanish establishments in the western part of Mindanao: Taviran, Pollok and, above all, Cotabato. Cotabato became for several years the capital of Mindanao (González Parrado 1893). Along with the traditional Spanish presence in Misamis, Agusan and Caraga, and the modern settlements in the western and Islamized part of the island, the southern part of Mindanao began to be colonized. Thus, José de Oyanguren explored Davao bay in 1848, and Joaquín Rajal found the passage between the Pulangi and the plains of Davao (MS Manila. Expedición de exploración). All the flanks of the historical sultanate were secured by 1885, and only in the innermost parts of the Pulangi allowed Datu Utto to keep the power in Buayan. The relation between Manila and Buayan is very rich in diplomatic correspondence, and there are numerous letters from Datu Utto in the Philippine National Archives, including the act of submission (for instance Acta de sumisión). The Sultanate of Maguindanao, like that of Sulu, continued to exist nominally. In practice, sovereignty and local administration had practically disappeared, replaced by an increasing administration, provincialization and organization into a common Philippine government. We reproduce the chronological picture of the succession of sultans of Maguindanao, taking notice of the considerations of al-Attas about the first rulers, and then following the standard chronology after Majul:

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71

Sultans of Maguindanao N.° Official name

Common name

Period

1

—

c.1440–c.1480

Saripada — — Gugu Salikula — Katchil Qudarat / Cachil Corralat Dundang Tidulay

c.1480–c.1544 c.1544–c.1578 c.1578–c.1585 c.1585–c.1597 c.1597–c.1619 c.1619–1671

Barahaman / Almo al-Lasab Brahaman Kahar al-Dīn Kuda

c.1675–1699

Bayān al-Anwar

1702–1736

Jā‘far Ṣādiq Manamir

c.1710–1733

Dipatuan Malinog

c.1736–c.1748

Pakir Maulana Kamsa Amiril Mamini Camsa Datu Panglu Mupat Hidayat Kibad Sahriyal / Sultan Tuilab Kawasa Anwar al-Dīn / Escandar Serri Chucarnain Sultan Untong / Iskandar Qudarat Pahar al-Dīn — Sultan Wata

c.1733–c.1755

Datu Utto

1888–1896

—

1896–1926

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

19 20 — 21

Sharīf Muḥammad Kabungsuwan ‫شريف مح ّمد كبغسوان‬ Sharīf Maka-alang Datu Bangkaya Datu Dimansankay Datu Salikula Kapitan Laut Buisan Naṣīr al-Dīn Qudrat Allāh ‫نصير الدين قدرت ﷲ‬ Sayf al-Dīn ‫سيف الدين‬ Muḥammad Shāh ‘Abd al-Raḥmān ‫مح ّمد شاه عبد الرحمان‬ Jamāl al-A‘ẓam ‫جمال األعظم‬ Jalāl al-Dīn ‫جالل الدين‬ Amīr al-Dīn ‫أميرالدين‬ Ṭāhir al-Dīn ‫طاهرالدين‬ Khayr al-Dīn ‫خير الدين‬ Fakhr al-Dīn ‫فخر الدين‬ ‘Aẓīm al-Dīn ‫عظيم الدين‬ Iskandar Dhū l-Qarnayn ‫إسكندر ذوالقرنين‬ Iskandar Qudarat Allāh Muḥammad Jamāl al-A’ẓam ‫�إسكندر قدرت ﷲ مح ّمد جمال األعظم‬ Muḥammad Makakwa Jalāl al-Dīn Pablo ‫جالل الدين ڤبلو‬ Anwar al-Dīn of Buayan ‫أنور الدين‬ Mangigin

1671–c.1675

1699–1702

c.1755–c.1780 c.1780–c.1805 c.1805–c.1830 c.1830–c.1854

c.1854–c.1884 c.1884–1888

72 

I. DONOSO

The Title of Caliph in the Philippines Sultan Khayr al-Dīn of Tamontaca, Pakir Maulana Kamsa, obtained the support of Manila and the control of the Pulangi river after the death of Malinog in 1748. In this context he requested to marry his niece Dominga Estrada de Montal, from the royal family of Zamboanga, with the clear purpose to retain within the sultanate the land of Zamboanga. Accordingly and due to the civil war, his father Jā‘far Ṣādiq Manamir requested for the first time assistance to Manila in 1719, signing a treaty of cession of Zamboanga, one year after the reestablishment of the fort: Thus, with the M.P.S. Sultan of Mindanao, Muhamad Aunanodin [Kawasa Anwar al-Dīn], the Ladiatuca Prince [Radia Mura] and other dignitaries of the top two echelons assembled, His Highness sent his Secretary of State [Gaspar María], to interpret and explain the capitulations, made by their beloved predecessors, which they were about to ratify […] It has to be noted that, for these capitulations, the templates used were those of 1794, which themselves had been based the 1645 ones […] The fourth [chapter], restitution of the towns of Siocon, Sibuco and Coroan. To this the Sultan gave the same response as his father had, that is, that he was signing the terms of the territory of Zamboanga covered in the 1719 peace treaty’. (Our translation from Barrantes 1878: 280–81)

With the death of Manamir in 1733, his son Pakir Maulana Kamsa faced a desperate situation. He found in the letter of Philip V, King of Spain, a good chance to explore new alliances, as Alimudín of Sulu did. This is how he answered the letter of the Spanish monarch, Carta del Rey de España Felipe V al Rey de Tamontaca, dated in the palace of Buen Retiro, July 12, 1744: I received [the letter] with utmost gratitude, it having come from so great a monarch, whose power radiates to the four corners of the Earth, under your vast dominions. I value, with very refined acknowledgement, the kindness with which you have treated me, and because you are the one who can support me in all my afflictions […] In the circumstances, I declare that, even if all my neighbours and entourage ally themselves against me, I shall always maintain your friendship for life, and I shall bequeath this stance to my son as my last will, and to my brother, the Prince, who will succeed me in the kingdom […] The present letter was written in the High House of this kingdom, on the island of Mindanao, on Tuesday, the 23rd of Sama, in the year 1160 [1747]. (Our translation from Barrantes 1878: 332–333)

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Thomas Forrest saw the letter of the Spanish king in 1775, and described it with the following terms: I have seen a letter from the King of Spain, directed to Fakymolano [Pakir Maulana Kamsa], King of Tamantakka, desiring him, amongst other things, to permit the preaching of the Christian Faith. His Catholic Majesty avoids giving the title of Sultan of Mindano. (Forrest 1779: 217)

In fact, the title used was Rey, King of Tamontaca, since there was a civil war and both parties declared themselves as sultan. But the issue was that neither king nor sultan was used by Pakir Maulana Kamsa, who signed as Amiril Mamini, this is to say, Amīr al-Mu’minīn / ‫“( �أمري املؤمنني‬Commander of the Faithful”), the caliphal title per excellence. Going beyond the Naṣīr al-Dīn Qudarat, he was crowned as Amīr al-Mu’minīn Hanza (Amiril Mamini Camsa) at least before 1733. Hence, several letters reveal his political strategy during these years. As we have mentioned, he wanted to marry his niece Dominga Estrada de Montal in order to recover Zamboanga. For this reason, he sent a letter to the mother Felipa Estrada de Montal in 1733, signing already as Amiril Mamini Camsa: Do not crown before marrying the granddaughter of our great-grandfather, Salip Saligaya Bunsu, and with my bones you will erect a stockade in defense of the Spaniard […] Your brother-in-law, Radia Mura Amiril Mamini Camsa. (Our translation from Donoso 2013b: 228–229)

This letter is part of the correspondence related with the Tarsila zamboangueña, the tarsila of the rulers of Zamboanga written in a Spanish that shows already Chabacano elements. To marry within the Zamboanga’s royal family could be a brilliant political strategy, seizing the lands of those who helped him, the Spaniards. Yet, Dominga preferred to marry a Spaniard, Inocencio Atilano, Captain of the Navy. The reaction of the sultan was severe. He even revealed the letter sent to him by Bantilan blaming the infidelity of the people of Zamboanga and requesting help to the Caliph of Constantinople. Moreover, he ordered the killing of the interpreter to secure diplomatic secrets: Doña Felipa Estrada de Montal, Maestre de Campo and Generala of Zamboanga. Sulagan 6 March, 1746: My dear Sister-in-law, with my attention focused on restoring the backlog of, and repairing the damage to, my kingdom, I have not been able to

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send you the copy of the letter that the Sultan of Jolo sent me, for the attention of Governor Pulgar, which deals with the connivance between Lutaos, Samal Nauan and the company of Tercio Pampango, together with the people of Jolo and Tirong, to kill, violating the treaties of their king; and for that he tells me: I have already prepared my Embassy for Diacatra, carrying letters and treaties with transportation to Constantinople for delivery to the great Lord and, then, to the king of Spain. He also commissioned supplications to be made to the Great Prophet, that the Spaniards want to end and destroy the Muhammadan law, and that an alliance should be formed in the name of the prince against the satanic people of Zamboanga, who are perjurers of Islam, to win or to die in the fight against the king of Spain and not to pay tribute. And so, sister-in-law, if you have promised to marry Dominga with the Spaniard, send me the treaties and titles of our great-grandfather and great-uncles and of cousin Bad-de, because the rector, Father Francisco Isasi, has already given me that of my niece, Doña Dominga Estrada de Montal, read to me by my interpreter secretary, who explained to me that such a surname as Montal is an honourable one amongst the ancestral nobility. It is by his grandfather and father and Lutaos, as well as Samal Nauan, who do not respect mountains or hills and who, when Manila, Camarines, Cebu, Bohol and Palapag were conquered, emerged triumphant on the king’s side; but it is useless, after I was already aware, as an interpreter secretary, that the Fathers of the Company had proposed not to give the surname of the natural families of Zamboanga to their sons. I do not intend to elaborate; my ambassador will inform you. I let you know that, in accordance with your order, I have killed my poor interpreter, since you told me that he might disclose royal secrets. That is all that I have got to say. Your brother-in-law—Sultan Aramil. (Our translation from Donoso 2013b: 231)

The Sultanante of Sulu, facing the civil war between the Christian converted Fernando I of Jolo (Alimudín) and Bantilan, solved the conundrum sending a letter to request assistance to the protector of the Dār al-Islām, the Caliph of Constantinople. On the other hand, Kamsa adopted the title of Amīr al-Mu’minīn earlier and developed a policy of attraction to claim Tamontaca, Sibuguey, Buayan and even Zamboanga. Having the Spanish support his self-proclamed title as Amīr al-Mu’minīn consolidated his strategy in the region. As far as we know, he was one of the first Malay rulers to adopt the main caliphal title, and in doing so he exposed the distance of Istanbul in Southeast Asian affairs. Amiril Mamini Camsa used the support of Manila to create a sphere of influence in the region, without waiting for Ottoman help. Similarly to Morocco, independent from Istanbul in the westernmost edge of the Islamic world, sultan Khayr

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al-Dīn adopted the title lying outside Ottoman protection. In the end, he was grateful for the Spanish help and he vowed to king Philip V in 1747: “I shall keep your friendship up until the end of my life, and this I will bequeath, as my last will, to my son, and to my brother, the Prince, who will succeed me in the kingdom” (our translation from Barrantes 1878: 333), which actually happened, and Zamboanga was respected. Every century the distance with Istanbul became further, from the appeal of protection to the auto-proclamation of caliph. During the nineteenth century the sultan of Sulu adopted as well the title of Amīr al-Mu’minīn, again under the protection of Manila and receiving a monthly pension. This is what actually happened during the career of Amīr al-Mu’minīn Hārūn al-Rashīd of Sulu 1894–1886( / ‫)�أمري املؤمنني هارون الر�شيد‬. His Abbasid name and caliphal title were sanctioned in a coronation performed in 1886, yet the old institution of the Caliphate adapted abruptly a Southeast Asian nineteenth century context. This was the second time that in the Philippine archipelago a sultan is proclaimed Amīr al-Mu’minīn, again in a context of inner conflict in the institution of the sultanate. To overcome inner division, one of the parties adopted a higher title than sultan to obtain higher recognition. In both cases Manila was supporting the self-proclaimed Amīr al-Mu’minīn. In this case it all started on April 30, 1851 when, after a huge naval battle and military landing, the sultan of Sulu signed the “Act of Incorporation into the Spanish Monarchy” (MS Manila. Sultanía de Joló). However, a Spanish settlement was not permanent after another battle in 1876 (Giraudier 1876). The “Political and Military Government of Jolo” under Juan Arolas’ command was created in November 15, 1877 (MS Manila. Real Orden n.° 839). The presence of the government of Manila was steadfast in the southern frontier, and the sultanates of the archipelago were definitively under a form of protectorate. Furthermore, the sultan, datus and widows received a monthly salary from the Spanish political administrations (MS Manila. Nómina del sultán Harun Narrasid). Hārūn al-Rashīd was proclaimed Amīr al-Mu’minīn with the personal purpose to survive under the protectorate of Spain. The consequence was again a civil war, similar to the one between Alimudín and Bantilan. In this case we do not have the confirmation that Jamāl al-Kirām II / 1936–1884( ‫)جامل الكرام الثاين‬ requested the intervention of the Ottomans. In any case, through the centuries it became clear to the Muslims in the Philippine archipelago that the Ottomans would not arrive. When civil wars occurred, we have the historical confirmation that letters were sent to

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Constantinople. Qudarat somehow respected the authority of the Ottoman caliph, but eventually the Maguindanao sultan adopted the title of Amīr al-Mu’minīn. However, the title was not passed to the next sultans. Although temporarily used, there was not a resolute action to proclaim a permanent Muslim caliphate in the Philippines separate to the Ottomans (Donoso 2015c). The Turk caliph was respected during the Modern Era, despite specific attempts to adopt religious authority, due mainly to civil wars. However, it was clear for the twentieth century that the rule of the sultans was over, and Moros needed some hope from Istanbul, as proof the petition of Zamboanga Muslim leaders to the Ottoman empire in 1912 (Kawashima 2014).

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CHAPTER 4

Political and Social Structures of the Philippine Sultanates

The Kadatuan System of Government In a context of tribal political-social norms, based on leadership and interclan struggles, the establishment of a superior structure required the formalization of an administrative apparatus, even in an elementary form. An Islamic state is based—at least in an ideal model—on the equality of the community of believers (Umma) under the protection of the caliph. Faced with the disarticulation of the khilāfah, the sultan imposes protection (and authority) by force, deploying in himself the functions of protector of that community and guardian of the (Islamic) law. In this scenario, different societies employed the model of the Islamic sultanate to organize a state beyond the tribe. Indeed, internationalization and the development of coastal entrepôts in Southeast Asia shaped important changes in local communities: The Malayu were associated with Sumatra until the rise of Melaka on the Malay Peninsula in the fifteenth century. Melaka’s stunning success as an international entrepot and center of Islamic scholarship raised the regional status of the Malayu considerably. Melaka became synonymous with Malayu and began to be regarded as the standard-bearer of Malayu culture […] During the sixteenth and for much of the seventeenth century, Aceh established new standards on Malayness based on Islam and on many court practices that mirrored the foremost Muslim kingdoms at the time. (Andaya 2010: 15)

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Certainly, the Melayu community became paramount in the straits. Islam, and the refined customs associated with Arab civilization and trade, shaped new fashions and relations towards a Malay model. Eventually, to be Malay was an aspiration of many Southeast Asian coastal areas beyond the Melayu (Milner 2008). Superior structures required consensus over new loyalties. Accordingly, different Southeast Asian ethno-linguistic communities recognized in the authority of a sultan the power over traditional rulers. Beyond the clan and the tribe, the internationalization of the entrepôt produced mestizaje with Muslims from all over the world. This mix and international new society was the laboratory to expand political boundaries, and a main requirement for stability was administrative sophistication. The tribe does not require written records, but the State does. Orality could be enough for tribal hierarchies, but the State needed a history to praise. Ethno-linguistic communities in the Philippine archipelago were exposed to foreign intervention. As explained, both sultanates, Sulu as well as Maguindanao, have foreign and Malay origins. Without being properly Melayu, or speaking a Malay language, coastal areas in southern Philippines were controlled by Islamized people from Malaya and Sumatra. On the one hand, Raja Baguinda from Minangkabau and his court of orangkayas seized the old capital of Bwansa in Sulu: The coming of Muslim Malays from Sumatra at the beginning of the fifteenth century with political implications. This is the stage represented by the coming of Rajah Baguinda with a veritable group of courtiers, some of whom were believed to have been learned, possibly, in religious matters. (Majul 1999: 63)

On the other, we have already discussed the role of Raja Kabungsuwan from Johore’s times—or earlier, but without doubts from the royal family of Malacca—, together with his court and army that took, according to al-Attas, twenty-five years to conquer and shape the sultanate of Maguindanao. In other words, the institution of sultanates in the Philippine archipelago was mainly a foreign campaign, not exempted of armed clashes as well as local alliances. Malacca was certainly the model to follow, and the way to establish new loyalties and hierarchies within the Islamic institution of the sultanate, the new Malay aristocracy, the local rulers and the different ethnic groups.

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Accordingly, while the feudal hierarchies of the datu system (kadatuan) were maintained, the sultanate developed more comprehensive structures to operate in a State vision. To illustrate it, Víctor María Concas y Palau wrote in 1882 a vivid description about the Sulu Sultanate: The Sultanate of Jolo is a complete organized nation. Its customs differ from ours a few centuries, but under no circumstances can they be described as savages, as frequently we hear. Jolo lives in the Middle Age, like in a cartoon; it is true, but in perfect harmony as a whole. The Sultan rules in Jolo, but he is just the President of the Ruma-bichara, this is to say, the council of Dattos without which nothing can be decided, without more authority than one more vote in certain cases, and some religious prestige. He has signed our treaties with whose Dattos and those of all nations, and on whose circumstance we will not get tired of drawing attention, because we have taken the word ‘Sultan’ too seriously, causing more than few contradictions in our policy towards Jolo. (Our translation from Concas y Palau 1882: 21–22)

Traditional historiography has tended to describe the sultanates in the Philippines as pyramidal structures rather than primus inter pares as Concas y Palau remarks. Certainly, sultans had greater capacity for action, at least until the middle of the nineteenth century, when their authority fractured after several internal and external conflicts. Within the multiple realities of races, languages and peoples that the sultanates represented, the sultan had a symbolic charisma as head of the State indeed. Nevertheless, Majul fittingly delimited the capacity of the sultan and pointed out the power of the council—the Ruma Bichara: Theoretically, no piratical or raiding expedition was allowed to a datu without the previous permission of the Ruma Bichara, who took a percentage of the spoils. Large-scale raiding expeditions were sometimes sponsored by the council. In certain cases, when the council disapproved of a proposed raiding expedition by the sultan, he could, on his own responsibility and with the help of the royal datus and their followers and their slaves, organize one. (Majul 1965: 236)

The model fashioned by Malacca and the sense of Malayness determined the process of Islamization in Southeast Asia. This kind of thalassocracy was confronted by a more sophisticated and formidable campaign. Namely, Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch and English navies found ways to overtake the Oriental trade from the conquest of Malacca in 1511 onwards.

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The strait of Singapore and the waters of maritime Southeast Asia were the battlefield of formal and informal commerce including privateering, piracy and raiding (Warren 1981, 2002, 2017). Certainly, the borders of Islam on both sides of the globe experienced permanent instability: Malay sultanates opposing European colonialism in the east, and the Ottoman expansion defending the vanishing Arab world (including al-Andalus) in the west (Braudel 2017). The sultanates in Southeast Asia developed an important political body to deal with ethnic complexity first and colonial aggression later. For instance, the Boxer Codex describes the hierarchy of the Sultanate of Brunei with the following posts: The titles among them are sultan, which means king, while raja means prince, pengiran means titled gentleman, orang kaya means noble personage, mantiri means captain, orang baik means gentleman, merdeheka means free man, lashkar means slave, and orang berkelahi means warrior people […] The king of Brunei administers justice in the manner of audiencia through four judges who conduct hearings and whose titles are bendahara, temenggung, pengiran degaron, and shahbandar. They are all pengiranes. (Donoso 2016: 118–132)

Using these data, we can provide a list of political roles in the structure of the Sultanate of Brunei at the end of the sixteenth century, adding the Spanish form given by the Boxer Codex between parentheses: • sultan: king • raja: prince • pengiran (panguilan): gentleman • orang kaya (orancaya): noble • mantiri: captain • orang baik (oranbayc): gentleman • merdeheka (manlica): free man • lashkar (lascar): slave • orang berkelahi (oran barcalai): warrior people • bendahara (bandahara): governor • temenggung (tamangon): partner of the governor • degaron: treasurer • shahbandar (sabandar): commander of the sea • orang kaya di-gedong (urancaya degaron): agent of the treasurer

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• khatib (catif): alfaqui • khatib besar (catif besar) or bendahara ulal (bandaharaulal): ulama • shaikh (siac): missionary Nothing is said about the existence of a council in Brunei where the sultan and the pengirans discuss on equal terms. Perhaps a consultative structure existed above the members of the aristocracy, a “council of wise men” or religious leaders. Nevertheless, a distinct government of local and regional affairs, justice, trade and taxation was perfectly delimited. It is clear as well a social stratification, where offices are enacted according to rank and nobility (Brown 1970: 11). Taking into account advisers, posts, officers, ruling class, provincial governors and religious leaders, one can consider the difficulties of the sultan to rule by himself. Certainly, the sultan can have power and charisma, can be the head of the state (negara / ‫ )نڬارا‬and “the one who is made lord” (Yang di-pertuan), but he is no more than one piece among the rest forming the puzzle of the sultanate: Hence there was an acceptance of the Sultanate, if nor of the Sultan, as the formal head of the State. Chiefs fought and intrigued to put one claimant on the throne instead of another but never to destroy the Sultanate itself. Government was kerajaan, the state of having a ruler, and they visualized no other system. (Gullick 1958: 44)

Although the sultan was the visible head of the sultanate, internal affairs and local management were in the hands of nobles, rajas or datus. Therefore, a space could be suited for councils and embassies, within or outside the royal household, palace or istana, which is mainly the personal residence of the sultan and his family. Certainly the council has been one of the first Islamic institutions, perhaps inheriting the ancient Arab council formed by wise and notable men (shuyūkh / ‫)شيوخ‬. The shūrà / ‫ شورى‬functioned as forum to consult during the time of the first caliphs. Consequently, consultive assemblies and harmonized decisions are well-known practices among Islamic political institutions. The Malay kerajaan or Philippine kadatuan systems of government accommodated pre-Islamic practices within the sultanate, certainly sanctioning social hierarchies, but at the same time pluralizing the decision-making. Within this context, one must place the nature of the Ruma Bichara in the Sultanate of Sulu. The sultan was a primus inter pares, one more in the decisions taken by the council of datus:

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The datu system is a proto-Malay political organization. It does not relate to religious affiliation; in fact, there were datus before Islam was established or non-Muslim datus during the Islamic regime, especially as supports of the structure of the sultanate. Indeed, there are datus who are not necessarily Muslim but indigenous Malay in the Philippines, then and now. (Rasul 1997: 55)

Rasul fittingly describes the kadatuan as a pre-Islamic social and political system. However, the establishment of the sultanate as a Malay institution would not have been possible without this previous structure, the regime that sustained the process of Islamization and the maritime trade. Rather than an absolute monarchy where the sultan arrogated universal power, he was the guarantor of the State among the coalition of datus. The success to maintain the sultanate as a supra-tribal structure lay with the strict nobiliary regime, as well as the recognition of succession. Indeed, the sultan belonged to the royal family genealogically sanctioned by the silsilah or tarsila. This was the key to recognize political and religious authority, projecting the ancestors to the first Qur’ānic prophet in the East—Iskandar Dhū l-Qarnayn. In accordance, the crown prince was perfectly identified within the royal family during the sultan’s lifetime as “Raja Muda.” On the other hand, being born into a noble family did not guarantee the maintenance of the title of datu, just as being born a slave did not preclude the possibility of acquiring the category of datu. The merits of individuals were considered by the sultan and the Ruma Bichara, at least in Sulu. Hence a slight social mobility based on courage and prestige was possible: Being born into the datu class gave an individual a good start toward a place into the political hierarchy, but it did not automatically assure him of one. High bird assured only social honour, and if an individual had no wealth or followers with which to gain political power, his line might, after a generation or so, sink into the rank of freeman. Thus the status of datu included persons who had little or no power authority, and persons who might have more of both than the sultan. (Mednick 1974: 20)

Given the role of the Ruma Bichara and the pre-eminence of the datu system, the traditional Islamic pyramid of sovereignty was sanctioned by the sultan, as protector of the community of believers and guarantor of the Islamic law. In fact, many non-Islamic elements still pre-existed in the

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functioning of the sultanates in the Philippine archipelago, including the consuetudinary or Adat law. Along with these elements, other political figures completed the administration of the sultanate: The most basic of Muslim structures is the clan, led by a chief known as a datu. Long before the Christian Filipinos organized their politico-legal systems, complex administrative units known as sultanates had been formed in Mindanao and Sulu. The most important of the chiefs in this leadership was known by the name of sultan or rajah. He was assisted by a panglima who looked after administrative affairs and supervised the various reports in the sultanate. A group of nobles known as the Ruma Bechara acted as advisors to the sultan while a religious official called a kadi advised him on spiritual matters. Courts called Agama adjudicated legal disputes. (Our translation from Zamora 1992: 111–112)

After the datu, the panglima was the highest officer in the State, a position held primarily for political rather than nobility reasons. The panglima was the governor of an administrative district, meanwhile the orangkaya was the warden or bailiff. The common population was composed of free men and slaves. In fact, the value of a person was calculated by the number of his slaves, rather than ownership over land or commodities. Therefore, the structure of the Philippine sultanates followed the same patterns as other Malay-oriented Southeast Asian sultanates. The pyramid of power was composed of a royal family, nobles and aristocrats, free men and slaves, with a council and many posts and officers to administer the State: Formal Moro political structure may best be characterized as a pyramidally arranged hierarchy of authority and sanction which serves to join almost any number of villages or settlements into a single political unit. At the top of the hierarchy was the sultan or rajah, the nominal ruler of the unit as a whole is whose name all authority was exercised. Under him was the panglima, the leading official for a particular combination of villages […] lesser official bore the title of marajah and there were several grades […] The lowest grade of chief was the orangkaya who was the local leader or village headman. (Mednick 1974: 18)

We can design a basic table to locate the diverse elements forming the polity:

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Moro social and political system

Sultan Ruma Bichara Royal datus Datus Panglimas Orangkayas Freemen Slaves

Head of the State Council Principalía

Population

Mobility within this pyramid is difficult but possible, especially in the lower levels. In spite of the strict hierarchy, a Moro can have aspirations to obtain a reputable post, to be recognized within the community with prestige. Thus, while a Moro could aspire to occupy a high position in the sultanate, a Tagalog or a Visaya could only aspire to a position in the local principalía. The general administration of the state was in the hands of Spaniards or mestizos. The Spanish administration therefore maintained the previous social structure at the local level, taking political development in the archipelago to a further stage by establishing a more diversified state, albeit a colonial one. Consequently, while the colonial state meant an advance in the political administration of the archipelago, it meant at the same time the nullification of the autonomous exercise of supra-tribal decision-making for the local principalía. That is to say, to annul the process of local political construction that the sultanate itself was allowing. Hence the antagonism between the sultanates and the Spanish colonial system was also about safeguarding privileges: Experience is showing that not only in the difference of religion is founded the antipathy that exists between Moros and Christians. It is also founded, and perhaps more principally, on the fact that under the regime of the latter the aristocracy of the former could not exist, in that the Sultan and the Dattos and their families would lose all their preponderance the very day they really and truly submitted to the Spanish government. (Santayana 1862: 110–111)

Given that the power of the sultan was assisted by a copious court, the number of posts, offices and roles accommodated the datus and nobles (Frake 2006). The list of positions that a Moro could hold in the administration of the sultanate could range from being the commissioner of

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customs to directing the maritime actions as the ancient nākhudā / ‫ناخدا‬ (Bruno 1973: 142; Kiefer 1972): Datu Raja Muda: Crown prince Datu Maharaja Adenduk: Director of the sultan’s palace Datu Ladja Laut: Admiral Datu Maharaja Layla: Customs Commissioner Datu Amir Bahar: Secretary of the Ruma Bichara Datu Tumangong: General Secretary Datu Juhan: Responsible for the military forts Therefore, rather than a sultanate governed by the despotic power of the sultan, the model seems closer to an oligarchy. Some Malay-oriented sultanates were and are governed by a sultan with complete power, but the council and the court always exist. Perhaps in some historical moments the charisma and actions of the sultan converged more support around his decisions. But in general, Sulu as well as Maguindanao represented oligarchic polities with strong social hierarchy. Unlike most of the Malay states where the sultan was despotic, in Mindanao, and especially in Sulu, the sultanate was an oligarchy where the powers of government were vested in the sultan and in the Rhuma Bechara, or assembly. (Rasul 1979: 41)

The system is based on the capacity of leadership, even opposing the incumbent sultan and the Ruma Bichara. As an oligarchic clientelist system, the importance lies in acquiring the greatest number of followers, what used to be ensured by obtaining a greater number of slaves. The possession of slaves was therefore the added value. There was no land, and material wealth was easily acquired and exchanged. The added value represented manpower and, consequently: workers, farmers, followers, concubines, soldiers and servants. For the Tausug society in particular, the legitimacy (pag-nakura) that a person could attain allowed access to nobility, and thus to be part of an oligarchy that was ultimately the authority of the sultanate. Thus, the choice of the sultan was not only based on lineage, but also on the worthiness that the person offered to the sultanate. After the teachings of professor Jundam, we reproduce the following table (Jundam 2005: 33):

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Pag-nakura

Bangsawan Kamagulangan Ilmawan Altawan Rupawan

Nobility Venerability Knowledge Wealth Charisma

Royal family Old age Expert in laws Number of followers Leadership

These principles in the election of the sultan went beyond traditional despotism, to delegate the final decision in the Ruma Bichara, as said, the oligarchic organ that exercised power in Sulu. This led to greater awareness in the Law, influencing at the same time two decisive activities in the daily life of the court: (1) Islamic legal and judicial structures; and (2) a diplomatic chancery and writing desk.

Islamic Law and Customary Adat For a state to function, there must be an executive body that articulates and enforces a legal and juridical system binding on all members under political authority. The sultan embodies in himself not only the political leadership of the community of believers, but also the mandate to enforce and protect the law, this is to say, the sharī‘a / ‫شريعة‬. However, customary practices formed a systematic legal code in the Malay world, as can be seen for the case of Brunei in the Boxer Codex (Donoso 2016: 120–127). Usages and customs of the Hindu-Buddhist and vernacular traditions were well rooted in many coastal areas touched by the Islamization (Hooker 1984). Indeed, Malay customs and traditions, orally transmitted, constituted legal usages known under the sultanates as Adat (‘ādah / ‫عادة‬, “custom”). Thus, a series of codes were established in Southeast Asia entangling the sharia and the adat, and shaping the nature of the Malay legal systems: The sharī‘a, canon law of Islam, has not succeeded in replacing the ‘ādat, old Indo-Javanese customary laws, but it has been combined with them, especially in the part that most directly touches on religious practices. (Our translation from Pareja 1952–1954: 1, 314–315)

The Islamic legal school applied in the region was the madhhab shāfi‘ī /‫ مذهب شافعي‬at least from the fourteenth century. Ibn Baṭṭūṭah already noted that sultan Malik al-Ẓāhir of Samudra-Pasai “follows the shāfi‘ī school” and “those of Sumatra are all shāfi‘īs [‫ ]وأهل بالده شافعيـّة‬and like holy

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war.” Thus, by the time the first sultanate is formed in Southeast Asia, the shāfi‘ī school is explicitly and undoubtedly mentioned as the legal regime for the application of Islamic law. The feasible reason of the spread of the shāfi‘ī school in Southeast Asia has to deal with the maritime trade, Gujerat, Malabar and Coromandel connections with Chinese ports, and the flexibility of this code to be accommodated to different nations. This was the school that during the Abbasid era traveled the seas from Siraf, Baghdad and Oman throughout the Indian Ocean. But Islam reached China before the Abbasid rule, with the result that the school prior to al-Shāfi‘ī (A.D. 767–820), the Iraqi school of Abū Ḥanīfah (A.D. 699–767), is likely to have arrived earlier in the colonies of Muslims in China. It is certain however, that in the process of Islamization the makhdūmūn played a pivotal role in the development of Islamic law, and many of these makhdūmūn were undoubtedly Sufis and pious men open to transcend the literal interpretation of other codes. What is certain is that the Shāfi‘ī school, whose voluminous elaboration and open criteria, relegated it from the centers of Islamic power, found eventual refuge throughout the Indian basin, having an indisputable presence in Southeast Asia (Coulson 1994: 53–61; Melchert 1997: 68–86). But together with the Shāfi‘ī school, Sumatran and Malaccan customary practices contributed to the legal model for the sultanates in Southeast Asia: In Acehnese society, adat is seen as a way to understand and to implement shariah. Before the coming of Islam, the Acehnese were influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism. After Islam arrived in the region, it replaced these traditions with Islamic teachings. (Bustaman-Ahmad 2009: 33)

When other sultanates began to take shape in the region, the experience of Samudra-Pasai as well as the syncretism of Malacca provided the legal answer to the juridical establishment. While different makhdūmūn attained immediate social position as ulamas and alfaquis among sultans and datus, it was necessary to respect local customs too. In our case, the laws of the Sultanate of Sulu seem to give priority to adat over certain aspects of Islamic law: The natives have their own indigenous ways of doing things even before the advent of Islam in the Philippines. The “oughts” and “ought not” to be observed by a society are governed by a set of legal rules known as Customary Law or Adat law. (Jundam 2005: 29)

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On the laws historically applied in the sultanates, Saleeby compiled and translated into English the Luwaran of Maguindanao and the codes of Sulu in his Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion (1976 [1905]). The Lebanese author described the functioning of the legal apparatus in Mindanao with the following words: Each Mindanao datu is assisted in the administration of justice by a judge and vizier. The judge is called Datu Kali. The work kali is derived from the Arabic word meaning “judge.” The Datu Kali is the chief pandita of the district and is supposed to be the best-informed man of the community. The pandita is the scholar who can read and write and perform the functions of a priest. (Saleeby 1976: 68)

The Datu Kali (Qāḍī / ‫ )قاضي‬represented the role of the supreme judge of the sultanate, while in each locality the religious authority was in the hands of the pandita, a key figure in the Islamization of the population: It is certain that the vulgo of these Muslim Indians is not in great part but with some light degree of the sect of Mohammed, although it is already too widespread and even the most brutes make point of honor of being fine Muslims, although they know very little of their Sect, because they have imposed on him in that their degree of nobility, and those who are not they hold as more vile, depriving them of burial when they die among them and hang them from a tree, and they do the same with the Christians and Gentiles. But the Datus, Orancayas, Panditas and the others who govern them are advanced in Islamic matters, and are too much instructed in the Sect, and this is with their power and example a model to the mass. (Our translation from Santísima Trinidad 1753: 9)

The figure of the pandita had capital importance in the relationship of the Spanish administration in the Philippines with the sultanates of the archipelago. In any diplomatic negotiation, notarial agreement, or embassy, the pandita was always present as witness and legal guarantor. Thus, the word ‘pandita’ was constantly repeated in the Spanish historiography till the grade that Retana defined it to be incorporated in the Spanish normative dictionary: Pandita. m. Among the Malay Mohammedans, Priest: “Next, the Most Excellent Sultan [of Jolo] Harun, placing his hands on the Alcoran, officiating his Pandita Tuan Mustafa, the Hon. Governor General swore him

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in…”—Minutes of the oath taken in Manila, September 24, 1886. (Retana 1921: 143–144)

If the political system of the Philippine sultanates can be described in many aspects as an oligarchy, the legal system is a mixture of Islamic law and customary adat. Practical functioning was carried out by a supreme qāḍī (normally exercised by a foreign Muslim, Turkish, Indian or Arab) and panditas scattered throughout the territory. A general idea of how the administration functioned in the sultanates at the end of the nineteenth century can be seen in the following text: There are sultans and dattos, the former exercise authority over large districts, and rule with the advice of several dattos but are obeyed by the latter only in matters of common interest. The sultan and the dattos have satraps or subjects and slaves, who constitute their chief wealth, for they look after their estates, supply them with pearls, by the fishing of which many of them perish prematurely, and fight at their command in wars, their lives and the honor of their wives and children being at the mercy of their master’s whim. Polygamy does indeed exist, but only among the rich or well-to-do who can support several wives. The sultans and dattos have harems, although they are not very jealous of their concubines, neither these are great portents of beauty. In each ranchería there is a pandita or priest. His costume and turban is white. The occupation of the pandita is reduced to reading the Qur’ān, copies of which they hold in high esteem. Some of them date from the 16th century, constituting true bibliographical jewels. Almost all panditas make the pilgrimage to Mecca. The pandita has voice and vote when the council discusses matters of interest or importance, and also takes an active part in campaigns. Among the sultans and dattos, there are quite intelligent ones, most of them replacing lack of solid instruction with their extraordinary sagacity and sharpness. They are enthusiastic admirers of personal courage. (Our translation from Salcedo 1891: 28–29)

The text of Juan Salcedo explicitly mentioned polygamy as part of the customs among wealthy Moros. Islamic law allows a maximum of four legal wives, plus a number of concubines. These social practices, legally sanctioned, were common in diverse Southeast Asian ethnic communities previous to the implanting of Islam. We can observe a nineteenth century sample in an old photograph reproduced in La ilustración artística (Fig. 4.1):

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Fig. 4.1  Mujeres del datto Pian (Women of Datu Pian). La ilustración artística XVI (796), 5. Barcelona, 29 de marzo, 1897

Ethnic Moro Communities The establishment of Islamic political structures in the Philippine archipelago represented a step further towards overreaching the tribal divide. As we have seen, Melayu communities around the strait embraced Arab culture and Islamic faith to develop an international Malay culture for entrepôts in Southeast Asia. Malay became a lingua franca and the sultanate a model to regulate the kerajaan or the kadatuan. European intervention reinforced communal ties and Islamic consciousness. Faced with the arrival of an external element, the sultans of Sulu and Maguindanao were in a position to arrogate authority against the foreigner, imposing their law and taxation on neighboring areas and activating jihad. Though the sultanates had a very limited geographical expansion, local loyalties in a patron-client relation secured extensive lands. On the one hand, the Sultanate of Sulu dominated the archipelagos of Sulu and Tawi-Tawi, Basilan, southern Palawan and northern Borneo. On the other, the Sultanate of Maguindanao controlled the Pulangi river and the Lanao lake, and extended from the Zamboanga peninsula, Sibuguey and Tamontaca, to the cape of Sarangani.

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Historically, all Islamized ethno-linguistic communities in the Philippine archipelago had been comprised under the common concept of “Moro” (including the Tagalogs of the sixteenth century, as seen in the Boxer Codex). It is a generic name for “Muslim” used in old Spanish which referred, at the first time, to people from al-Andalus (Donoso 2013: 190–197). Therefore, there is nothing strange in the historical use of this concept, since it was common in practice to identify Muslims. Importantly, the immediate use of this concept by Spaniards in the sixteenth century proves the effective Islamicity of the communities under Spanish eyes. Spanish sources were immediately aware of the tribal division in Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao (Torrubia 1736), properly reflected again in the Boxer Codex. From the seventeenth century, numerous Moro tribes are clearly distinguished in the sources: joloanos, mindanaos, ilanos, lutaos, jacanes and samales, including camucones and tirones from Borneo (Retana 1921; Blumentritt 1890). It is therefore wrong to make naïve interpretations between two irreconcilable sides confronted as “Moros versus Christians” in a permanent holy war (Tawagon 1988), or to consider that in more than three centuries of history between Manila and the sultanates the relations did not evolve, as was already denounced by Scott (1984). Majul clarified also the extra-Islamic sense of the juramentado, beyond the mujāhid / ‫مجاهد‬: There is no doubt that non-Islamic elements might have entered in the institution of the original juramentado. The use of certain kinds of amulets as well as the shaving of the eyebrows do not appear to have similarities to those warriors of Islam in Spain who were charged with the protection of the frontiers. Although the mujahid’s action was sanctioned in Islam, the manner the system evolved in the Philippines reveals that it was partly associated with a code of honor that might have been pre-Islamic in character. Its emphasis was on some of these non-Islamic elements that made a few Muslim visitors deny that juramentado system had an Islamic basis. The fact was that the system of the original juramentado had degenerated to purely criminal acts. (Majul 1999: 426)

The Malay amok and the Acehnese Perang sabil are obviously related with the ritual of the Moro juramentado or parang sabil. Tribes in southern Philippines were driven to join Islamized Malay settlers in Sulu and Mindanao. Together with Islamic political and religious practices, other specific Melayu rituals were certainly implanted. In any case, it is a

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phenomenon beyond Islam, recorded historically also in other Christian localities of the Philippines. The Spanish intervention involved a conflict of interests between Islamic sultanates and the new world economy of the Atlantic and the Pacific. What was the great trade of the world, the Islamic maritime route with China, had been first usurped by the Portuguese and, from the sixteenth century onwards, surpassed by the establishment of European colonies in Asia. With the creation of the Philippines in 1571, the incipient sultanates of the archipelago found themselves in a scenario of absolute competition. The trade was usurped, the territory controlled, and the political structures attacked, in order to make the sultanates inoperative. The natural expansion of Islam was at the same time aborted: Had the Spaniards not arrived, the rest of the islands would surely have been Islamized and thoroughly exposed to the great Asian traditions. The scattered communities in Luzon and the Visayas would certainly have come under the control of the Muslims of Mindanao and Sulu and eventually a Muslim nation would have been established. But Spanish conquest aborted this indigenous development, and more, it reversed the historic trend […] The Muslims in Mindanao and Sulu then became a target for punitive action; the wars of the reconquista were fought all over again. (Constantino 1991: 3)

Certainly, Islam had the potential to constitute in the Philippine islands a premise to unify the mosaic of a polyglot and heterogeneous archipelago. However, we cannot predict what could have happened, and it is difficult to imagine a unique political body for the whole archipelago under a common sultanate. The fact is that the process of Islamization in Luzon and the development of Islamic kingdoms in Manila bay were stopped in the sixteenth century, and northern, central and some southern Philippine tribes undertook Hispanicization and Christianization in the next centuries. By the end of the nineteenth century, as can be seen in the first ethnographic map of the Philippine islands made by the Czech Ferdinand Blumentritt, the Muslim population (in colour green) was concentrated in southwest territories (Fig. 4.2): Above a Hindu-Buddhist tradition from Butuan, a social and political model from Malacca, and an Islamic conception of the world, different Philippine tribes colligated to sustain autonomous polities in the islands during several centuries. Certainly they were inhabitants of areas under the

4  POLITICAL AND SOCIAL STRUCTURES OF THE PHILIPPINE SULTANATES 

Fig. 4.2  Blumentritt (1890: 42)

99

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I. DONOSO

Fig. 4.3  Detail of Philippine Islamized tribes from Donoso (2013: 157)

rule of the sultans, but conformed cosmopolitan societies. Arabs, Chinese, Persians, Turks and Indians, mixed and related with Tausug, Maguindanao, Maranao, Iranun, Yakan, Badjao, Sama, Kalibugan, Sangil, Palawani, Molbog and Jama Mapun. The sultanates, and Islam, gave unity and strength to a heterogeneous set of human communities, and emerged a new supra-tribal identity—the Moros (Fig. 4.3): Moros: The name usually given by the Spaniards to the Mohammedan Malays of Mindanao, Jolo, Paragua, Balabac and Borneo. The centres of Muslim population of the Philippines are the Sulu archipelago, the Iranun territory and the lower part of the Río Grande de Mindanao. In other points they populate only the coasts, and do not live continuously (as in Misamis and Davao). (Our translation from Blumentritt 1890: 34)

Bichara and Moro Diplomacy As polities to govern land and people, the Philippine sultanates organized structures to administer internal and foreign affairs, taxation, justice and religious practices and education. An important variety of positions and offices accommodated the nobility and datus for social prestige. Together with the royal residence and palace, done with bamboo, nipa and details of carved wood, a court attended the important matters of daily life. Originated in a scenario of political vacuity beyond the tribe, the sultanates were suddenly surrounded by European powers with aggressive

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imperial campaigns. Embassies, and written diplomacy, were mandatory to survive in a context of multiple international subjects and polarized by interests. Accordingly, the sultanates maintained diplomatic contacts with the Spanish administration established in Manila, and with the many international and regional nations and subjects that arrived at Sulu and Mindanao. Throughout more than three centuries of relationship, diplomatic processes evolved until they reached a point where missives and dispatches reached a degree of true routine. For this to happen, a protocol had to be formalized first, displayed in the court and transmitted in written documents and letters. Certainly, Maimbung for Sulu, and Sibuguey and Tamontaca for Maguindanao, are names repeatedly mentioned in the Spanish sources. They represented the seat of the sultans, among other locations across the centuries. A protocol of relations was developed, not only in the letter to be dispatched, but also in the complete ceremonial attached to the embassy. Both parties assumed and gave substance to the political relation, in a rich but usually neglected part of the history of the sultanates. Precisely, diplomacy settled equality between the subjects, recognition of the other and eventually, under internal or external troubles, assistance. Malacca was certainly the model to establish an Islamic polity in Southeast Asia, assuming religious legitimacy as well as cultural leadership. The sense of Malayness was amply accomplished by the Sultanate of Aceh during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Aceh was capable of creating a network of international support to lead the Southeast Asian sultanate vis-à-vis European competitors. The successful model of Acehnese chancellery was exported to other sultanates. It was a matter of creating instruments to empower the state, to defend the autonomy and to formalize relations with other Islamic polities, in particular the Ottoman Caliphate. As far as court protocol is concerned, the court of the Malay sultanates can be associated with the sumptuous idea of an Islamic court—scribes, advisers and wazirs—, naturally at a local level and within the local context. Regardless of the despotic or oligarchic system of government, the sultan was always surrounded by royal members of the family, advisers and servants. In the case of Sulu, the sultan was in constant meeting with the council of datus, a scenario that was repeated whenever an embassy took place. Thus, when a foreign ambassador was presented, the sultan’s palace was usually the site of the reception. This diplomatic meeting, carried out

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with greater or lesser formality, but with all the consequences of a political act, was called Bichara, a Malay word for “talking”: Bichara. Among the Mohammedans of the Far East, conversation held in official or simply informal meetings. ║ Friendly conversation of long duration. ║ Talk. Word of positive historical value and essential to describe the vicissitudes of Spanish diplomacy with the Moros of Mindanao and Jolo. I found it for the first time, from the texts I have in my records, in a letter from the Governor of Malucas D. Jerónimo de Silva, dated in Ternate, July 31, 1612: “…he has already solved it [the king of Tidore] and so he does not want to entertain more bicharas in his kingdom” […] Later, in a missive of Father Juan Barrios S. J., dated in Jolo, 1638 […]: “After the King [of Jolo] had rested … they began the talks, or bichara, speaking in the manner of these people.” Blumentritt, in one of his monographs, writes: “The conflicts between two datus or rancherías, are not solved at once by arms: the representatives or ambassadors of one side and the other celebrate long bicharas or conferences.” It can, therefore, be stated that bichara is ‘diplomatic conversation.’ But the definition should not remain that way, because the conversations do not always reach that character: most of the times they do not go beyond informal. Almost all those held by the Spanish military with the magnates of Mindanao and Jolo should be described in no other way. Bichara must have its origin in Malacca. It is curious the following text of the illustrious traveler Pedro Cubero Sebastian, he was in Malacca the year 1677. He was arrested and says: “He arrived on Friday, day of Bichara, which is the same as day of Council and, since I was called, I attended it.” (Retana 1921: 53–54)

Apart therefore from the Ruma Bichara as an institution which meets regularly as council of datus, the bichara is also the ‘diplomatic conversation,’ formal or not, in which a position is expressed and negotiated. Retana is right to consider bichara as a practice from Malacca. The references that he quotes are enough to understand the antiquity of the practice and its extension in Southeast Asia, from Malacca to Ternate. Above all, the bichara, as diplomatic rendezvous, seems to be about the means, the process, the talks, the forms of interacting and the familiarity between the parts. The raison d’être of the bichara is the display of the sultanate; the goal of the negotiation is a second matter. A singular image of a bichara was reproduced by the French traveler Montano in 1886 (Fig. 4.4):

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Fig. 4.4  Bichara between French travelers and Jamāl al-A‘ẓam, Sultan of Sulu. (Montano 1886: 157)

Montano wrote a vivid description of Maimbung, the palace and the reception, plus all minor details. He mentions the good and elegant Malay verb of sultan Jamāl al-A‘ẓam, the presence of the Raja Muda Badr al-Dīn, the arrogant Afghan pandita, and the court of datus. He also reveals a curious detail: the sultan cannot read the Malay letter that Montano addressed to him. The problem is that Montano, following the Malay custom, does not reproduce vowels and symbols, a matter that caused trouble in the court to understand the Jawi script. We can appreciate the details surrounding the bichara in the following text: The immense hut which bears this pompous name is like all the dwellings of the archipelago carried on stilts to which are attached buffaloes and horses which trample in a plain quagmire. One climbs into the palace by means of a ladder after crossing a vestibule, then you enter the courtroom; it occupies the entire length of the building and half of its width on the left. This room is separated from the harem only by light curtains and a large bamboo ­platform on the right. Along the wall there is a bench in front of which the slaves and all the Sulu people are crowded together, who are attracted by

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curiosity because at this time the doors of the palace are always open and each free man or slave can speak to the sultan and attend the audiences as long as he likes. The floor is open and without furnishings. Few gongs are hung on the wall, and few candles illuminate the assembly. At the bottom under a canopy of showy cotton is erected the throne or rather the royal platform. The sultan sits in the Turkish style and leans on richly embroidered cushions. The heir takes place next to him. In the back squats a hadji pandita of Afghanistan stranded in Maimbung after many adventures. This unbearable character, as conceited as he is ignorant, is the personal advisor and butler of the palace. The datus stand near the throne with their right hand resting on the hilt of their kriss. (Our translation from Montano 1886: 156–159)

Spanish sources describe numerous bicharas. One of the most singular is perhaps the one celebrated in December 30, 1850. But before discussing it, we must know the context in which this singular meeting took place, going back to 1848, when under Clavería’s command a military action destroyed the island of Balanguingui. A “Literal translation of a letter written to the Sultan of Jolo by one of the Moras who were badly wounded in the fort of Sipac, in Balanguingui” was preserved and reproduced by Emilio Bernáldez in his Reseña histórica de la guerra al sur de Filipinas. The document illustrates the consequences of this encounter from the point of view of a moribund couple (Fig. 4.5): I begin to make the clearest account of what has happened, and I thank God with all my heart, charging Him with a thousand greetings, and praying God Himself to fill you with all happiness. A sacope of yours sends you this letter together with Dayda on account of the six persons among men and women who are now here in the power of the Christians. I and Dayda went on to communicate to Datto Nasadolin and his son Inguinguin. The black steamer discharged many cannon shots until noon, and we could no longer hold out. They remained six days until they had finished destroying our fortress. We feel the greatest affliction, and so we prefer the grave. Listen to us Sultan’s sacopes and be assured that since our forefathers no such occurrence and such a fatality had been seen. Captain Olancaya then spoke; we shall die martyrs all at the same time, for it is already the last end of our devotions. And he said to Oto his son, that there was no longer any remedy. ¡Oh Iman Baidola, we shall die together!; Said Dima, my uncle, there is no need to flinch, we shall all die martyrs and leave this world, replied Donato; we must not stop, for the lives of our grandfathers, he replied; my father,

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Fig. 4.5  Ataque a la isla y fuerte de Balanguingui (19 de febrero de 1848) [Antonio Brugada. Museo Naval. Madrid] there is no need to stop, we shall die fighting and we shall not be separated any more. To the Sultan of Jolo, from sacope Camarang. (Our translation from Bernáldez 1857: 238)

The sacope (servant) Camarang, together with Dayda, sent a letter to the sultan of Sulu describing the desperate situation of the fort of Sipac, before dying. Bernáldez points out that: “In their despair, we saw some Moros nailing their campilanes in the bosom of their women and innocent children and seek death with our bayonets” (Bernáldez 1857: 162). In the other hand, three hundred slaves were rescued: “sick naked and full of misery, they cried with joy blessing their brothers who defeated those who caused their saddest situation (163).” In this scenario of enormous tension, after a military action of unprecedented consequences for both the Moro sultanates and the public opinion in Manila, an embassy led by Emilio Bernáldez, Manuel Sierra, and Alejo Álvarez was sent to the sultan of Sulu. Pío de Pazos described the difficult bichara:

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Captain General of the Archipelago, D.  Antonio Urbiztondo y Erguía, Marquis de la Solana, made vigorous complaints to the Sultan of Jolo about these outrages, but His Excellency from Jolo contented himself with assembling his Council, Ram-Bechara […] On the following day 30 [December 1850] the Captain General sent ashore as ambassadors, conducting folders for the Sultan Mahamad-Pulalon, commander Emilio Bernáldez and lieutenant Manuel Sierra, with the interpreter Alejo Álvarez. At eleven o’clock in the morning they disembarked among a numerous and mutinous people who surrounded them threateningly, but the arrival of the Datto Mollok and other principals were able to defend them from any attack, making their way laboriously to the palace of the Sultan, which, although not far away, took them more than two hours to reach. There in its vicinity were crowded the most fanatical and determined and the remnants of the Balanguinguis and other chastened islands, which excited the spirits predicting the ruin of Jolo, whereupon the mutiny reached the greatest disorder, and pretending to assassinate the ambassadors, They fortunately threw themselves against them when they arrived at the stairs of the Sultan’s house, getting rid of the fury of the mob without any other mishap than having knocked off the hat of the commander with a blow, without wounding him, the lieutenant being slightly wounded in the shoulder, which blow tore off his epaulette, and the interpreter was also slightly stabbed in the back […] Our ambassadors seeing their dangerous mission finished, determined to return on board, and the council intimately persuaded that they would be killed by the mob if they returned to cross the masses, they led them stealthily through a false door to the beach, where they embarked in a vinta manned by six slaves who transferred them to the boat that had brought them ashore and which was held on the oars in expectation. The Moros, seeing their desires frustrated, ran to the beach and entered the water in droves, possessed by the greatest fury, and shot their weapons against the ambassadors who, having escaped this danger, returned on board. (Our translation from Pazos 1879: 111–114)

The text shows with vivid dramatism the circumstances of the meeting. It was not to be expected that, after the destructive campaign of Balanguingui, the sultan together with the council of datus, were ready to entertain a bichara. However, the meeting took place, and the Moro rulers were precisely who saved the lives of the members of the Spanish embassy from a deadly lynching. The protocol of the sultanate was at work, although the loyalties after 1848 were seriously affected. The open declaration of war ended with the whole city of Jolo bombarded in 1851. As for the other instrument of diplomatic action, the adoption of a scriptorium for the drafting of dispatches and treaties, the experience of

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other Malay sultanates determined the models. In both Malacca and Aceh, Arabic script had begun to be used for the writing of Malay-language texts. Historic, religious and literary works of both sultanates were written using an adapted Arabic script, called Jāwī ‫ﺟﺎﻮﻱ‬. This system accompanied the expansion of Islam throughout Southeast Asia. The manufacture and form of the paper was also important, and the display of symbols of power, seals and signatures (Gallop 2017). Reasonably Jawi script entered the Philippine archipelago from the court of Brunei since a Bornean aristocracy ruled in both Luzon and Sulu. In the case of Maguindanao, the tarsilas indicated an organized military campaign from Johore (and therefore from Malaccan tradition) in establishing the sultanate. Further research could focus on theses aspects to determine the different details in court practices. Just as a bottom, we can notice the use of different inks for the seals (usually black in Maguindanao and red in Sulu), calligraphy and formatting. As known, one of the oldest Jawi documents is the “Carta del rey de Borneo a Tello escrita en árabe,” dated July 27, 1599, and preserved in Archivo General de Indias in Seville. Accordingly, it is feasible to think that during the seventeenth century the Philippine sultanates had fully developed the essential elements of an Islamic court and chancery. The next centuries saw countless contacts between the administrations in Manila and Zamboanga and the sultanates. However, the history of the sultanates changed definitively from the events of 1851. The Spanish military campaigns caused social and economic ruptures in the population and a weak position to negotiate on the side of the sultans. Forced to pact, the political situation became nominal protectorates at the end of the nineteenth century. In practice, this could only be achieved by establishing an effective presence in the territory. Consequently, several politico-military commanderies were erected from Jolo to Cotabato and, the sultans and datus received regular salaries and, importantly, a Spanish secretary (usually a zamboangueño) was appointed in the court of the sultans. Thus, the archival documentation on Sulu and Mindanao preserved from the nineteenth century is enormous, with many letters from the sultans’ offices directly written in Spanish language. In these documents we must locate the evolution from which the chancelleries arrived, converted into mixed instruments for relations between the General Government of the Philippines and the sultanates. A singular cultural phenomenon changed the practices, with the position of the sikritaryū / ‫( سكرتاريو‬secretary), and the Spanish caption introducing the

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letters: “Excelentísimo Señor,” ‫ ﺳﹻﭽﹹﻮﺭ ﻴﺌﻛﺴﹻﺭﻨﺘﻳﺴﹻﻢﹸ‬/ Ī’ksirintīsimu Siñūr (Very Honourable Sir). Spanish secretaries in the sultanates, usually from the region of Zamboanga, with knowledge in Spanish, Tausug, Maguindanao and other Philippine language, were in the position to act between the parts and orient sometimes the matters towards personal interest. Zamboangueños also introduced their variety of Spanish language, reproducing some Chabacano trends in official documents. Names like Cipriano Enrile, Pedro Ortuoste, Plácido Alberto de Saavedra, Vicente Narciso and, above all, Alejo Álvarez, appeared constantly in official documents from both, the Philippine government and the sultanates. The Spanish government translators lived between two worlds, between the rigor demanded by Spanish official documents and the fidelity to the message written in Jawi. The result could not be satisfactory with either one or the other, and the output is a mestizo reality, a new world emerging from Zamboanga. As a sample of this nineteenth century Spanish-Moro diplomacy we can add below a transcription of the “Letter from Pangiyan Ynchi Chamila to Governor Rafael González de Rivera and Capitán Panoy on the death of the Sultan [April 7, 1881]. It is written in a very local variety of Spanish, that we have tried to accommodate into English: [Giving an account of the death of the Sultan] Attentive letter from the white, pure and clean heart of your sister, the Paduca Pangiyan Ynchi Chamila and your son, the Paduca Rachidiamuna, Datto Mujamad Badarudin will reach his parents and brothers, Governor Don Rafael González de Rivera and Capitán Panoy, as well as all our brothers there in the Tiangue. We inform you that at eleven hours and seventy-five seconds of the night God has taken your brother the Sultan out of this life. Brother Sultan, and Heaven has welcomed him into its Holy Bosom. After all we want you all here, brother, my brother, or at least Panoy. Receive our saddest sentiments. Written on Friday at dawn at 3 hours and seven days of the Moon of the Month Chdia Kaida of the year 1298. Translated by the Interpreter Cipriano Enrile. (Carta escrita en lenguaje Muslim, 1750–1898)

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References Andaya, Leonard Y. 2010. Leaves of the Same Tree: Trade and Ethnicity in the Straits of Melaka. Singapore: NUS Press. Bernáldez y Fernández de Folgueras, Emilio. 1857. Reseña histórica de la guerra al sur de Filipinas, sostenida por las armas españolas contra los piratas de aquel archipiélago, desde la conquista hasta nuestros días. Madrid: Imprenta del memorial de ingenieros. Blumentritt, Fernando. 1890. Las razas indígenas de Filipinas. Sociedad Geográfica de Madrid XXVIII: 6–43. Braudel, Fernand. 2017. La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen au temps de Philippe II. Vol. 3 vols. Paris: Armand Colin. Brown, D.E. 1970. Brunei: The Structure and History of a Bornean Malay Sultanate. Brunei: Brunei Museum. Bruno, Juanito A. 1973. The Social World of the Tausug: A Study in Philippine Culture and Education. Manila: Centro Escolar University. Bustaman-Ahmad, Kamaruzzaman. 2009. Islamic Law in Southeast Asia. A Study of its Application in Kelantan and Aceh. Bangkok: Silkworm Books. Concas y Palau, Víctor María. 1882. Informe al gobierno de S.M. acerca de las costas de Joló, Borneo y Mindanao. Manuscript: Filipiniana Section, General Library of the University of the Philippines-Diliman: [DS 688 M2 C65 1882]. Constantino, Renato. 1991. Identity and Consciousness. The Philippine Experience. Quezon City: s.n. Coulson, Noël J. 1994. A History of Islamic Law. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Donoso, Isaac. 2013. Islamic Far East: Ethnogenesis of Philippine Islam. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. ———. 2016. Boxer Codex: A Modern Spanish Transcription and English Translation of 16th-Century Exploration Accounts of East and Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Transcription and Edition by Isaac Donoso, Translation and Annotations by María Luisa García, Carlos Quirino and Mauro García. Quezon City: Vibal Foundation. Frake, Charles O. 2006. The Cultural Construction of Rank, Identity and Ethnic Origins in the Sulu Archipelago. In Origins, Ancestry and Alliance. Explorations in Austronesian Ethnography, ed. Clifford Sather and James J. Fox, 319–328. Canberra: Australian National University Press. Gallop, Annabel Teh. 2017. Islamic Seals of the Philippines. In More Islamic than We Admit. Philippine Islamic Cultural History, ed. I.  Donoso, 234–249. Quezon City: Vibal Foundation. Gullick, J.M. 1958. Indigenous Political Systems of Western Malaya. London: University of London.

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Hooker, M.B. 1984. Islamic Law in South-East Asia. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jundam, Hadji Mashur, and Bin-Ghalib. 2005. Tunggal hulah-duwa sarah: Adat and Sharee’ah Laws in the Life of the Tausug. Quezon City: Vibal Publishing House. Kiefer, Thomas M. 1972. The Tausug: Violence and Law in a Philippine Moslem Society. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Majul, César Adib. 1965. Political and Historical Notes of the Old Sulu Sultanate. Philippine Historical Review 1 (1): 229–251. Majul, César Adib. 1999. Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Mednick, Melvin. 1974. Some Problems of Moro History and Political Organization. In The Muslim Filipinos, ed. Peter G.  Gowing and Robert D. McAmis, 15–21. Manila: Solidaridad Publishing House. Melchert, Christopher. 1997. The Formation of the Sunni Schools of Law, 9th–10th Centuries C.E. Leiden: Brill. Milner, Anthony. 2008. The Malays. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. Montano, Joseph. 1886. Voyage aux Philippines et en Malaisie. Paris: Librairie Hachette. MS Manila. Carta escrita en lenguaje Muslim dando cuenta del fallecimiento del Sultán. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9241 [1750–1898], Exp. 211, S. 845. MS Seville. Carta del rey de Borneo a Tello escrita en árabe (1599). Archivo General de Indias—MP Escritura y Cifra, 32, 2 pp. Pareja, Félix María. 1952–1954. Islamología. Madrid. Razón y Fé, 2 vols. Pazos y Vela-Hidalgo, Pío A. de. 1879. Joló. Relato histórico-militar desde su descubrimiento por los españoles en 1578 a nuestros días. Burgos: s.n. Rasul, Jainal D. 1979. Muslim-Christian Land: Ours to Share. Manila: Alemar-Phoenix. ———. 1997. The Datuship and the Sulu Sultanate. In Conference Proceeding, ed. I. Kadatuan, 50–60. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Retana, Wenceslao Emilio. 1921. Diccionario de Filipinismos. Revue Hispanique LI: 1–174. Salcedo y Mantilla de los Ríos, Juan. 1891. Proyectos de dominación y colonización de Mindanao y Joló. Gerona: Manuel Llach, pp. 28–29. Saleeby, Najeeb M. 1976 [1905]. Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion by Najeeb M. Saleeby and The Island of Mindanao by Antonio Martel de Gayangos. Edited by César Adib Majul. Manila: The Filipiniana Book Guild. Santayana, Agustín. 1862. La isla de Mindanao, su historia y su estado presente, con algunas reflexiones acerca de su porvenir. Madrid: Imprenta de Alhambra y Comp. Santísima Trinidad y Martínez de Arizala, Pedro de la. 1753. Breve Resumen y Discurso en que se prueba ser el único medio y el menos costoso y el más útil para

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librar las islas Philipinas de la Piratería y gravísimos males que cada año hacen los Moros convecinos en ellas en lo Sagrado y Profano la Guerra continua en sus casas y tierras sin oír jamás tratado alguno de Paz, Alianza, ni Tregua con una Armada de quatro Galeras y ocho o diez Pancos, que comandase un General práctico con independencia del Gobernador del Presidio de Samboangan. Manila [Manuscript]. Scott, William Henry. 1984. Crusade or Commerce? Spanish-Moro Relations in the 16th Century. Kinaadman, A Journal of the Southern Philippines VI (1): 111–115. Tawagon, Manuel. 1988. Spanish Perceptions of the Moros: A Historiographical Study. Dansalan Quarterly X (1–2): 20–117. Torrubia, José. 1736. Disertación histórico-política en que se trata de la extensión de el Mahometismo en las Islas Philipinas: grandes estragos que han hecho los Mindanaos, Joloes, Camucones. y Confederados de esta Secta en nuestros Pueblos Cristianos, medio con que se han contenido, y vno congruente para su perfecto establecimiento. Madrid: Alonso Balvás. Warren, James Francis. 1981. The Sulu Zone, 1768–1898: The Dynamics of External Trade, Slavery, and Ethnicity in the Transformation of a Southeast Asian Maritime State. Singapore: Singapore University Press. ———. 2002. Iranun and Balangingi. Globalization, Maritime Raiding and the Birth of Ethnicity. Singapore: Singapore University Press. ———. 2017. The Sulu Zone: the world Capitalist Economy and the Historical Imagination: Problematizing Global-Local Interconnections and Interdependences. In More Islamic than We Admit. Philippine Islamic Cultural History, ed. Isaac Donoso, 139–195. Quezon City: Vibal Foundation. Zamora, Mario D. 1992. Los indígenas de las Islas Filipinas. Madrid: Mapfre.

CHAPTER 5

Development of the Philippine Islamic Courts

The Imagined Court: Urduja of Tawalisi The famous Moroccan traveler Ibn Baṭṭūṭah in his Tuḥfah al-nuẓẓār fī gharā’ib al-amṣār wa-l-‘ajā’ib al-asfār, better known as Riḥlah (“Travel”), described a strange land full of marvels on the route to China in the fourteenth century: We arrived to the country of Ṭawālisī, named after its king. It is a huge nation whose lord is comparable to the Chinese king. […] His daughter Urdujā was appointed as regent. […] There were women around her holding records. Others, elder, were her advisers and remained seated on the throne, seats of sandalwood. Ahead were men. […] This princess had women among their troops, free, servants and prisoners who fight like men. She goes to the head of the army—both men and women—raids against the enemy, looks at the battles and fights with the champions. […] A lot of princes ask her in marriage and she responds: «I will marry but just the one that defeats me». Thus, many pretenders abandon to confront her for fear of the shame in case of being defeated. (Our translation from Ibn Baṭṭūṭah 1985: 564) ‫وهي بالد عريضة […] وملكها يضاهي ملك الصين‬٬ ‫وملكها هو المس ّمي بطـَوالسي‬٬ ‫إلى البالد طـَوالسي‬ ‫ وقد َجلـَسنَ تحت‬٬‫وهن ّوزيراتها‬٬ ‫ وحولها النساء القواعد‬٠‫أردُجا‬ ْ ‫] وولـّى بنته بتلك المدينة واسمها‬...[ ‫ وبين يديها الرجا ُل ومجلسها مفروش بالحرير […]هذه الملكة لها في‬٬‫السرير على كراسي الصندل‬ ‫فتغيرعلى‬٬ ‫وأنـّها تخر ُج في العساكر من رجال ونساء‬٬ ‫عسكرها نسوة وخدم وجوار يقاتيلن كالرجال‬ ‫كثير‬ ‫عدوها وتشاهد القتال وتبارز األبطال‬ ٌ ‫وقـُت َل‬٬ ‫وأخبرني أنـّها وقع بينها وبين بعض أعدائها قتا ٌل شديد‬٬ ّ َ © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 I. Donoso, Bichara, Islam in Southeast Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0821-7_5

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‫ وأخبرني أن أبناء الملوك‬.‫من عسكرها […] فلمـّا عادت إلى أبيها ملـّكها تلك المدينة التي كانت بيد أخيها‬ ‫المعرة إن غلبتهم‬ ‫خوف‬ ‫ فيتحامون مبارزتها‬,‫ ال أتزَ ّوج ّإال من يبارزني فيغلبني‬,‫يخطبونها فتقول‬. ّ َ

No other author mentions this story but Ibn Baṭṭūṭah. Only his Riḥlah described the surprising kingdom of Ṭawālisī / ‫طـَوالسي‬ together with the fanciful story of its Amazon ruler, princess Urdujā / ‫أردُجا‬. ْ According to his testimony, Ibn Baṭṭūṭah was welcomed in an Asian kingdom somewhere between Sumatra and China by a court of women. Urduja spoke in Turkish, wrote the Islamic basmala in Arabic and confessed her willingness to conquer India. With such credentials, speculations proliferated to locate a suitable place for the astonishing realm of Urduja: This country [Ṭawālisī] has been very variously, but not satisfactorily, identified. Candidates include Cambodia, Cochin, China, Champa, Tongking, Celebes (Sulawesi), Tawal island in the Moluccas, Brunei and Sulu. Yule, who suggested the last, admitted to ‘a faint suspicion that Tawalisi is really to be looked for in that part of the atlas which contains the Marine Surveys of the late Captain Gulliver’. Professor Yamamoto would connect the name with the princely title taval in use in Champa. (Gibb and Beckingham 1958–1971: IV, 884)

As a matter of fact, a crucial statement about the location of this rare place came from José Rizal, the most eminent Filipino writer and national hero. He located—after a peculiar calculation—Tawalisi over the map of the province of Pangasinan, north-western Luzon: Drawing two arcs, one from Canton with a radius of 180 miles or geographical leagues—assuming a favorable wind and 12 miles a day—; and another from Kakula (between Java and Sumatra) of 430 radius—assuming an average speed by paddling—we have the intersection of both arcs falling precisely in the northern region of the Philippines. (Our translation from Rizal 1961: 50)1

This identification caused a major shift in Philippine history, assuming the appearance of the archipelago in a major Arabic historical source (Apóstol 1958). Accordingly, an indigenous prosperous kingdom in  Original Spanish: “Trazando dos arcos, uno desde Cantón con un radio de 180 millas o leguas geográficas suponiendo que con un viento favorable recorriese 12 leguas diarias; y otro desde Kakula (entre Java y Sumatra) de 430 de radio, calculando que remando sólo consiguiesen una velocidad media, tendremos que la intersección de ambos arcos cae precisamente en la región norte de Filipinas.” 1

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Pangasinan under the name of Tawalisi was ruled by the princess Urduja long time before the entrance of the Spaniards in the region. A rich Amazon court in the process of Islamization which was a center of international commerce, and a sophisticated chancellery managing to speak in Turkish and write in Arabic, using ink and paper: This woman knew Arabic writing very well and speaking to a servant she said: “Dawat wa-batak gātūr” meaning “Bring ink and paper.” When they brought it she started writing: “In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate,” and asked me, “What is this?.” I said: “Tanḍrī,” this is “The name of God.” She said: “Khush” meaning “Right”. (Donoso 2013: 254)

Paintings with the face of an imagined Urduja appeared everywhere in Pangasinan and the whole Philippines. City halls were renamed, and monuments under the glory of this modern princess immortalized by an Arab traveler were erected, together with movies, statues, murals and all kinds of memorabilia. No questions were raised about the credibility of Ibn Baṭṭūṭah’s account, and about the real scope of Arabic sources for knowing the ancient Philippines. The goal was ready: to proclaim a pre-Hispanic splendorous and Edenic past. During the fifties of the last century Jaime C. de Vera exposed the historical limitations of Ibn Baṭṭūṭah’s tale, and the fanciful quality of princess Urduja of Pangasinan. Furthermore, he remarked on the power of imagination in constructing facts, if not part of history, at least, part of the cultural construction: But, if the historical personality of Urduja seemed implausible, almost incredible, what would happen taking it as a type of legend? Thus it would be a sea without shores, without offense to the truth. Imagination has wings, to which nobody dares to cut them off. In this sense, even the Rizal hypothesis would gain more vitality […] Be Urduja the target of our ambitions! (Our translations from Veyra 1951: 14–15)

Indeed, the travel beyond Sumatra described by Ibn Baṭṭūṭah is questionable, as are the options to answer the shortage of this part in his Tuḥfah al-nuẓẓār: whether he traveled in Chinese ships to Quanzhou without going out of the port, or whether he listened to marvelous stories in the Indian ports and then he incorporated this material into his narrative, since the Riḥlah belongs also to the mirabilia genre, as the ‘ajā’ib of the book title remembers. Certainly, realism is not a mandate in classical Arabic literature, and ‘ajā’ib is a favorite genre of the Jughrāfiyā / ‫جغرافيا‬,

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Fig. 5.1  Carlos “Botong” Francisco: Princess Urduja (1957) [López Memorial Museum. Manila]

“Geography” (Maqbul and Taeschner 1986). In any case, all the splendor of an Islamized court was articulated for generations of Filipinos that believed Urduja as a fascinating real character in central Luzon (Fig. 5.1).

The Shrine as a Site of ribat In the current Camp Bud Datu, on a summit above the city of Jolo, one of the most valuable Philippine Islamic historical sites can be found. The landmark is announced as the tomb of Raja Baguinda, but nothing supports this assumption beyond folklore. In fact, the shrine is composed of a modern enclosure with green curtains covering the most precious Islamic epigraphy in the country—the tombstone of Tuan Maqbalu dated 1310. “Tuan Maqbalu” appears clearly written in the epigraphic work probably carved following the style of Quanzhou. “Maqbalu” has a very difficult interpretation beyond being a proper name, and the reading of the Malay title “Tuan” is well-defined. Therefore, the main problem is the identification of this Tuan Maqbalu within the process of the Islamization of Sulu. The answer is undeniable for al-Attas, and he considers that Tuan Maqbalu and Tuan Masha’ika were the same person:

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Muqbal in the inscription refers to the person called the Tuhan there. He was someone whose coming preceded the coming of another. […] Knowing what the Sulu tarsila says about Tuan Masha’ika, it is clear that the Tuhan of the stone inscription refers to none other than Tuan Masha’ika. He was the pioneer who arrived in Sulu to teach and spread Islam. (Al-Attas 2011: 104)

For al-Attas there is a problem in the rendering of the epigraphy, with a final and additional wāw which is not necessary. Therefore, the reading of the word is muqbāl(ū) / ‫مقبال‬, “the one who precedes,” this is to say, “the Tuan who come first.” This statement assumes an orthographical error in the Arabic wording, which is certainly feasible considering that the inscription was carved in Quanzhou, far away from Arabic speaking lands. Moreover, an error seems to appear in line two of the inscription, writing ghuriman / ‫“( غرما‬with debts”) when the traditional hadith reads gharīban / ‫“( غريبا‬strange land”). We have transcribed it as ghariban / ‫غربا‬. In short, certainly orthographical errors can occur, but the assumption, despite the rational considerations of Al-Attas, is one more theory. Maqbālū can perfectly be a proper name, beyond conjectures. Thus, since the first tuan recorded by the tarsilas is Tuan Masha’ika, for Al-Attas there is not doubt that both are the same person. But if one assumes this premise, Raja Baguinda can be considered at the same time, as it actually does for the people visiting nowadays Camp Bud Datu. Certainly, although numerous attempts have been made to identify the person buried, the only certitudes are the inscription of the tombstone and the spiritual value of the shrine. Consequently, the existence of Tuan Maqbalu, whoever he is, tells us several unquestionable facts. In the first place, Muslims and Islamized individuals (probably from Malay and Chinese origins) settled in Sulu since at least the fourteenth century. The development of the pearl trade and local commerce can explain the connection of Sulu with the Islamic world. We have already seen the makhdūmūn and the different names mentioned in the tarsilas. But now we have a material source, a tomb dated to the year 1310. However, what can be established from the existence of the tomb is that there must have existed in Sulu a Muslim community or settlement as early as the last quarter of the thirteenth century. And if this settlement was composed mostly of foreign Muslims, the existence of the tomb in the interior suggests that non-Muslims natives, if not receptive to Islam were at least not

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hostile to the foreigners. The Bud Datu Tombstones, therefore, presents the first datum that can be utilized for a periodization of the Islamization of Sulu. (Majul 1999: 67)

Obviously, and within the suitable context, it is expected that proper archaeological excavations in Sulu and Mindanao will uncover further material data to complete a better picture of Islam in the region. More resources are unquestionably waiting for professional archaeologists to be unearthed and validated. Secondly, the tomb of Tuan Maqbalu in Bud Datu is the first material manifestation of Islamic expansion in the archipelago. Indeed, the erection of tombs, mausoleums, shrines and holy places on the borders of the Dār al-Islām is proof of the murābuṭ / ‫مرابط‬, the presence of that who performs ribāṭ / ‫رباط‬. In other words, the constitution of Tuan Maqbalu’s shrine as an Islamic revered tomb certainly makes it a place for ribāṭ, one of the easternmost of the Islamic world. Thus, Bud Datu is the oldest tampat in the Philippine archipelago, and the testimony of the ribāṭ, the protection of the Islamic border, which must be obviously conducted by the Islamic state. In consequence, the shrine is part of the court; the ribāṭ, as the jihad, are obligations to be safeguarded by the Islamic ruler. Such is the relevance for Islamic legitimacy, that the shrine is the place to grant the power: His shrine has been very significant because many Sulu sultans were crowned near this site. Thus the name Bud Datu, “the hill of rulers” was given. In times of emergency when Lupa Sug was endangered, sultans fled to this hill. (Absari 2017: 126)

Finally, and beyond the activation of the site as ribāṭ, the shrine is above all the tomb of a holy man, a pious Muslim, a pilgrimage in the path of God, an awliyā’ Allāh / ‫أولياء هللا‬. Practically all Islamic territories possessed revered Sufis, saints or ulamas that provided Islamic charisma or barakah / ‫بركة‬. Whether considered as a site to visit performing ziyārah / ‫زيارة‬, or just as a cemetery (maqbara / ‫)مقبرة‬, the tomb has undoubtedly Islamic value as a sign of respect to the ancients. The existing tombstone in Bud Datu was destroyed in the 1970s and is now restored. Majul was able to study the enclosure beforehand and obtain photographs of the tombstone reproduced in its original state. He did a preliminary English translation, and this is our reading and edition (Fig. 5.2):

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Fig. 5.2  Tuan Maqbalu before (left) and after its destruction (right). (Majul 1999: 204)

(1) The Prophet said, upon him be the peace: (2) Whoever dies in the distance dies as martyr (3) In memory of the blessed martyr (4) Tuhān Maqbālū in the month of God (5) Sacred of Rajab, God Almighty (6) blesses him the year 710.

‫( قال النبي عليه السالم‬۱) ‫( من مات غربا فقد مات شهيدا‬٢) ‫( وفي المرحوم السعيد الشهيد‬٣) ‫( تهان مقبالو في التاريخ شهراﷲ‬٤) ‫( الرمضان رجب عظيم ﷲ‬٥) ‫( رحمته سنة عشرة وسبعة مئة‬٦)

Accordingly, those who died far away. Therefore, it must be inferred that the buried was a Muslim far from his home. A date is indicated in the last line, Rajab 710 A.H. corresponding to November–December 1310 A.D. Majul noticed the great similarities between the facture of this tombstone and others from Quanzhou. Comparing Tuan Maqbalu’s tomb with many of the extant tombs in Quanzhou, especially figures 32, 33, 37 and 48, as well as with lotus designs in figures 129, 130 and 131 in Dasheng’s text, striking similarities emerge. To be mentioned further is that whereas the date of Bud Dato headstone is 1310 C.E. (710 A.H.), figure 32 is 1290 C.E. (689 A.H.), figure 33 is 1299 C.E. (698 A.H.), figure 37 is 1302 C.E. (702 A.H.), and figure 48 is 1325

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C.E. (725 A.H.). All five headstones are contemporaneous. (Majul 1999: 437)

Certainly, the catalogue of Chen Dasheng enriched the scope of Islamic material heritage in eastern Asia and allowed the answering of questions regarding the history of the region (Dasheng 1984). The present stone was probably carved in Quanzhou, but was undoubtedly located on an emblematic hill near the city of Jolo. It represents the site for Islamic recognition. The burial of the pioneer awliyā’, makhdūmūn or tuan represents a landmark, the place of ribāṭ, the border of the Dār al-Islām, a symbol to erect the Islamic state.

Langgal, Cota and Astana The permanent settlement is one of the most important achievements of Islamic civilization. The traditional nomad or Bedouin (badawī / ‫)بدوي‬ lived in sporadic camps and douars in the desert, under a tribal organization. Shaped after Yathib / ‫يرثب‬, the Medina / ‫ مدينة‬of the Prophet represented the model of Islamic urban space to be exported into the Dār al-Islām. Accordingly, the city was for Islam the seat of the power, the site of the mosque, the core of learning and the commercial market (Jayyusi et al. 2008). Many important cities emerged and consolidated in the Islamic course from west to east: Cordoba, Fes, Tlemcen, Kairwan, Timbuktu, Cairo, Damascus, Baghdad, Isfahan, Balkh, Samarkand and Delhi. Quanzhou was certainly an Islamic entrepôt in China, and Malacca, Aceh and Brunei developed a specific Malay model of Islamic settlement. The Islamic medina was an urban space delimited by a wall with a congregational mosque. Thus, the wall and the mosque were the main elements to differentiate a qarya / ‫( قرية‬town) from a medina (city). However, the Malay kampung differs from the idea of a walled city embracing streets and squares. The architecture used bamboo and nipa more than stone and tiles, space was open and irregular and the main buildings were quite similar to common houses. As with everywhere in the Islamic world, the mosques followed vernacular styles: The early mosque architecture in the region that can be traced are those mosques with atap tumpang, or the full-panel roof, with an arrangement of successive roof layers in an ascending series, and the Indonesian mountain or meru shaped roof. (Nasir 2004: 35)

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A thorough study in Malay literature, as well as Portuguese and Spanish sources, could provide clues to determine Islamic urbanism in Southeast Asia. Malacca and Aceh had in some sections wooden walls, bulwarks and barricades, and the great mosque of Brunei—destroyed during the Spanish attack in 1578—was famous. As mentioned, shrines were very important for Islamic polities as sites of ribāṭ and for common Muslims to obtain barakah. These small temples are repeatedly mentioned in João Ribeiro Gaio’s Roteiro das cousas do Achem (dos Santos and Manguin 1997). The same text can be found in Spanish in the Boxer Codex, where we can read: Four leagues from the point of Loboc, to the east, is another point called Bato Pute, and along the entire beach there are paths, albeit difficult, and there is no disembarkation spot, and the point only has a langar below, which is a Moorish pilgrimage site. There is another one above it, and next to [120v] the one below is a village of ten to twelve houses of syekhs [ciacas], which are their priests, and a few fishermen, where men can disembark at high and low tide on small vessels. There is no landing spot because of the many rocks. (Donoso 2016: 187)

Together with the logistic details for the military action, the document reveals the Islamic landscape already established in the space. The Spanish form ciacas—and similarly the original Portuguese (dos Santos and Manguin 1997: 87)—designs obviously the plural of shaykh / ‫�شيخ‬. Religious leaders (whether ulama, alfaqui, sufi, makhdūm, imam, holy man or sharif) were living around the langar, “a Muslim pilgrimage site.” In addition, this word (probably from the Sanskrit) became the most important congregational site for Muslims at the local level. The langgal can be described, generally, as a local mosque without minaret, a place for Friday worship in small communities, meanwhile the masjid uses to have minaret and dome (Lico 2014: 30). Therefore, the langgar or langgal is the local mosque in the many areas or the archipelago: The center of religious life is the langgal (mosque), a simple structure without minaret. A small bamboo drum is used for calling to prayer. An imam officiates at prayers and religious celebrations in the langgal, as well as at family ceremonies, such as weddings and funerals. (Weekes 1978: 864)

This note refers to the Yakan community. Certainly, we can find in the classical book of Weekes a resume of the huge historiography on Moro ethnic groups: Bajau (75–79), Kalagan (367), Kalibugan (368),

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Maguindanao (462–467), Maranao (495–499), Molbog (531–535), Palawanon (599–600), Sangil (659–660), Tausug (764–770) and Yakan (863–866). After reviewing the vast anthropological bibliography, one can say that three main elements determine the Islamic nature of the Moro court: the cota (walled fortress), the masjid (mosque with minaret) and the astana (royal palace). Accordingly, Spanish sources always describe the city of Jolo surrounded by many cotas, rather than having a general palisade or wall. In fact, “large portions of Jolo town, and entire barrios are built on pilings over reefs and tidal flats” (Szanton 2001: 84). This is a similar image when describing Brunei. Jolo was a city over water, with cotas rather than walls, and having the historical palace located in Bwansa, Patikul or Maimbung. Therefore, the house of the sultan was the astana as site of the court, which changed with every sultan. The features of the astana are only ascertained by historical sources and other references, as pictures of the last royal palaces. Following pictures of the Astana Darul Jambangan, a replica has been nowadays built in Talipao. However, the traditional palace did not largely differ from other constructions with the same materials but in space and decoration: The houses of political leaders of the other Philippine Muslim groups, particularly the astanah of the Sultan of Sulu and the royal house of the Maguindanao Sultanate, are known today only in terms of general descriptions such as the big size of the structure and the use of ukkil carving and cloth decorations. (Sakili 2003: 139)

It is not clear if the astana served at the same time as residence of the sultan, royal palace, reception to ambassadors and site of the Ruma Bichara. Most probably during many periods no other building was suited to accommodate different tasks, and the sultan’s building housed all political events. Nevertheless, Thomas Kiefer doubted the nature of what he called duma bichara. Unlike César Majul, Kiefer did not believe in a real council with assigned votes and shared gains after corsair campaigns: The various wajil, as well as other influential datus and appointed headmen, especially in the vicinity of the capital, comprised a very loose advisory assembly called duma bichara […] Majul maintained that this body was a constituent council with a fixed membership […] As far as I can tell, the idea of voting was wholly absent among the Tausug prior to the American con-

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quest. Thirdly, ownership of property or rights to property always resided in individuals, never in groups. (Kiefer 2001: 16)

Whatever the fact was, no specific place was assigned for the council, and the meeting of the Ruma Bichara probably occurred in the same residence of the sultan. Capitals were more diverse for the case of Maguindanao. Spanish sources always mention two capitals of the sultanate: the branches of Sibuguey and Tamontaca, plus Buayan. Very little is known about the political and material nature of these branches, and comprehensive work has to be done to determine the functioning of these courts. Within this area and in some moment in time appeared one of the most recognizable Moro political structures—the torogan. According to Sultan Cosain Umpa, “there are three principal functions of a torogan, namely, langon a rido ago kapiyaan, where all problems and benefits that concern the community are discussed; it is also the place where the taritib, customary laws, are deliberated upon and developed; and it serves as the permanent office of the sultan and other titled datus and ladies”. (Madale 1996: 9)

Certainly, the torogan is a singular building developed specifically by the Maranao community. It is not clear its extension in other areas of the old Sultanate of Maguindanao, and a similar space located in the old capitals of Sibuguey and Tamontaca. Indeed, the torogan deals with the same political actions articulated in a royal palace or astana. Probably, and after the disestablishment of the Sultanate of Maguindanao, local leaders around Lanao Lake established political structures for local communities, what is called agama: Agama is defined as community, a religion (referring to Islam), a group of people sharing common ancestry, or a group of people living in a specific geographic area as distinct from other communities. Usually, members of this agama share one common ancestor or apo. Endogamous marriages are the usual practice to strengthen this community. (Madale 2002: 8)

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New Urbanism and Moro Institutions The human space in southern Philippines drastically changed in the last quarter of the nineteenth century (Donoso 2017). New administrative structures were created to divide and regionalize Mindanao and Sulu. Undoubtedly, the landscape inhabited by Moros began to alter the existing traditional architecture by concrete constructions. Civil and military architecture transcended the city of Zamboanga to reshape the region. Military establishments were built along the Río Grande de Mindanao, and strategic points emerged in Iligan, Malabang, Pollok, Cotabato, Taviran and Reina Regente. The same can be said in the archipelago, with settlements in Cagayan de Sulu, Bongao, Tataan, Siasi, Jolo and Isabela. Beyond Zamboanga, the new towns of Cotabato and Davao expanded at the same time as the Spanish urbanism in southern Philippines. Finally, a complete modern city was erected in Jolo: According to the history of Sulu, the Spaniards reconstructed the town of Jolo. They raised it above sea level by extensive fillings and surrounded it with eight feet high and one and a half feet thick walls. Constructed within the walled city were business places, storehouses, a large market place, a church, a theater, school houses, a hospital and public water facility. A stone pier was built extending 120 meters into the sea. The town wall had five gates. (Sakili 2003: 140)

The wooden buildings of Jolo, the numerous cotas that defended the town, the great mosque, and the typical houses on the sea, disappeared after the campaigns of Urbiztondo in 1851 and Malcampo in 1876. The fort Alfonso XII was built over the cota Daniel, and fort Princess of Asturias over the Sultan’s cota. A whole new city emerged, with straight streets, squares, administrative buildings, residences and stores, in the style of any other Philippine city. The vice-inspection of engineers of the Philippines, through the commander of engineers José Díaz y Sola, and the general inspector of public works, Manuel Ramírez, approved the project of the new city of Jolo in 1878 (Fig. 5.3): A reticular grid was built having Serantes and Comercio streets as the axis. However, the truth is that the southwest part of the initial project was not carried out until several years later, when part of the coast was reclaimed by the sea. Paseo de Magallanes was occupied by Badjao traditional huts. In addition, Jolo became finally a walled city, with small towers and walls

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Fig. 5.3  Plaza de Joló, 1878

surrounding the perimeter. The description of Ladislao Nieto provides a good sample of the new urban landscape: The bahay of nipa disappears, completely the district over the water, and on newly cemented ground board houses are built, and in them there is no batalan, a kind of warehouse where the servants bathe, clean the kitchen utensils, live the monkey and the rooster, and from which they fall to a pestilent floor. Discreetly scattered trees, squares, gardens, ornamental and usable fountains, lighting, all together with regular houses and lineal streets that are constantly sanded and polished, the Jolo of today does not have the appearance of a Spanish town. It is sad to confess it, for its ornament seems foreign, sister that would not disdain Colombo, Surabaya, Nemours. The change has been radical, the joy is reborn with health; from being all victims of malaria before, today the sick person is rare, and if it were not for the constant threat of an artful enemy, Jolo would be, as city, one of the best in the Philippines. (Our translation from Nieto 1890: 20–22)

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After the establishment of the Military Hospital of Jolo (Gabarda 1892), steps were taken for the implementation of educational institutions in the city (Oficios sobre escuela pública, 1879). A school for boys and another for girls were created March 15, 1895 (Expediente que contiene, 1895). Indeed, the new colonial city altered the social reality of the traditional sultanate. A large part of the Tausug aristocracy remained in Maimbung, and Jolo was called the Tiangui, the “market.” After the Spanish proclamation of Hārūn al-Rashīd / ‫ هارون الر�شيد‬as Sultan of Jolo in 1886, Jamāl al-Kīrām II / ‫ َجَال ال ِكرام الثاي‬claimed the title of sultan from Maimbung. The social repercussion was extremely serious for the normal life of the Tiangui: Before Harun’s election the Jolo market was visited daily by more than 500 Moros, who flocked there for their purchases and sales; the moral influence of Spain was visibly increasing and the daily relation was exerting its natural influence. The appointment of the Sultan in favour of the datto Harun stirred up among the Joloans their old hatreds towards Spain; they withdrew from attending the market, and opinion among them was unanimous against the intruding sultan and his patrons. (Our translation from Montero y Vidal 1888: II, 696)

On December 12, 1888, a sumptuous masonry house was donated as a palace to sultan Hārūn al-Rashīd. A unique building without parallel in the local habitat indeed, it was handed over by the Spanish Government. The act of delivery was not attended by the sultan himself, but by his secretary Jachi Umar, who signs as ‫ سكراتريو‬/ sikritāryū (secretary in Spanish) (Diversos documentos, 1888) (Figs. 5.4 and 5.5): The handover of the new astana was a way to reinforce the legitimacy of Hārūn al-Rashīd as sultan of Sulu under the protection of the government in Manila. However, Jamāl al-Kīrām (Amirol Quiran) was elected and proclaimed sultan in Maimbung on March 10, 1884. Finally, Muḥammad ‘Alī al-Dīn (Muhamad Aliudín) was elected and proclaimed in Patikul on March 13, 1884 (González Parrado 1898: 34). As we have mentioned earlier, Harun Narrasid received a regular Spanish salary for his duties as sultan. Muhamad Aliudín also received a regular payment, at least from 1886 (Nómina de haberes, 1886). But the party of Jamāl al-Kīrām secured Maimbung and did not recognize Harun Narrasid as sultan. A punitive expedition led by Juan Arolas entered Maimbung and surrounded the complex on April 17, 1887:

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Fig. 5.4  Historical picture of the palace of Harun Narrasid in Mubu

Fig. 5.5  Letter of property of a residence in Mubu built and donated by the Spanish government to the sultan Harun Narrasid, December 12, 1888

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Maibung, the holy city of the Malay Muslims of Jolo, residence of the widowed sultana, of the crown prince and of his relatives and principal dattos, was considered among them as impregnable. Thanks to this security, they had accumulated in its enclosure all their wealth, fortifying it on a large scale. (Our translation from Montero y Vidal 1888: II, 717)

The destruction of Maimbung as holy city and royal palace had important consequences. The old astana disappeared, and a new one was constructed in Mubu. The adoption of the title of “Amiril Mumunin” was another consequence of the Harun Narrasid policy supported by the Spanish government. He is the first sultan in Sulu to adopt a title of higher status. By being nominated Amīr al-Mu’minīn / ‫�أمري املؤمنني‬, he forced the members of the sultanate to recognize him as Caliph. In Islamic terms, this was certainly a very ambitious assumption, considering the protected status under the government of Manila, a Christian State. Consequently, many Moros protested the inappropriate use of the title of Amīr al-Mu’minīn. Datu ‘Alī al-Dīn sent a letter to the General Governor of the Philippines explaining the legal and Islamic problematic. Surprisingly, he recognized Harun Narrasid as sultan, but claimed for himself the title of Amiril Muminin (Fig. 5.6): Faithful and literal translation taken by the undersigned interpreter from the letter written in Arabic characters of the Datto Aliutdin addressed to H. E. Sr. Governor General of this Archipelago, and it is as follows:

Fig. 5.6  “Maimbung” (Miralles 1887)

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There is a seal = Letter that our brother in union of the Dattos, Principals and the entire people, addresses to the Geral. Captain, participating that with respect to the mission that Captain Alejo Álvarez, brought us in your name, he has already informed us of everything. And in reply we address you this = With respect to the fact that your brother the Captain General had made Sultan to the Datto Harun, we are satisfied with it, since we have him in much our friendship; and about the title of Amiril Muminin that he has offered me to make, we are also satisfied, especially that by right it already corresponded to me before now; but the people earnestly beg you to grant them the right to be able to commend me to God in their prayers in the religious acts they are accustomed to, and I also beg you not to prevent the people who live near the sea, as well as those in the mountains, from coming to see me whenever they wish, as well as the inhabitants of the islands in my dominions. Manila, May 21, 1887 Alejo Álvarez (Traducción fiel, 1887)

The Spanish administration seemed less interested in this Islamic concern, and probably granted ‘Alī al-Dīn “the right for his name to be mentioned in the official prayers.” It was precisely this recognition in the Friday prayer remarks that gave the legitimacy of a leader. The civil war caused by the proclamation of Harun Narrasid in 1886 had important Islamic implications indeed. Exhausted, Hārūn al-Rashīd resigned in 1894. At the end, with the proclamation and recognition by Spain of Jamāl al-Kīrām II as legitimate sultan of Sulu in 1894, the Islamic tensions ended.

Musical Landscape of the Sultanates Music forms one of the most important aspects of any activity in royal courts and palaces. It is well known the fashions of the Indonesian kraton and the music of gamelan, composed by metallophones, gongs, drums and other instruments. Among Moros the kulintang ensemble provides the more representative sound in southern Philippines (Donoso 2008). Its origin is not clear, although it must relate to other sets of gongs-in-a-row in Southeast Asia. Through commerce and interchange of goods and following the process of Islamization which took place in insular areas of the region, musical instruments were introduced in the archipelago. The musical influence was not necessarily Islamic, but Islam acted as a medium for the sharing of goods, including musical instruments:

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All the musical influences are not necessarily Islamic, but Islam acted as a medium for a more intense or revived relationship with the cultures of the southern islands. Thus, the kulintang ensemble, which is found in different parts of Borneo as well as in Celebes, may have reached certain areas of Mindanao and Sulu through exchanges enhanced by Islamic trade and other cultural activities. It is noteworthy that in the Philippines the kulintang is generally played only in the areas when the Islam has set a foothold. (Maceda 1963: 216–217)

In fact, Pigafetta’s account already described the use of a metal orchestra of gongs and drums in the court of the Visayan ruler Humabon: The prince, his son-in-law, led us to his own house, where we found four girls playing in their own way a strange music: one beat a drum similar to ours, but placed on the floor; another alternately beat on two timpani, her hands grasping pegs or clumps with a point trimmed with palm cloth; the third did the same on a larger timpani, and the fourth deftly handled two little cymbals that produced sweet chords. They kept the compass so well that it was evident that they were very intelligent in music. The timpani, which are made of bronze or other metal, are made in the country of Signio Magnus [China] and also serve as bells; they are called agon. (Our translation from Pigafetta 1987: 91)

Thus, the instruments of the kulintang ensemble, which can be found in different parts of Borneo and Celebes, may have reached certain areas of the Philippine archipelago through exchange enhanced by pre-Islamic and Islamic trade. Montero y Vidal described the kulintang and other amusements in the following terms: Their other ordinary diversions are: card games, fights among themselves, warrior dances or sayan […], the voluptuous dances of the women, and the sound of the culintanga, an instrument made up of ten small agons, arranged in different tones, in which not only the one who best handles the cymbals shines with her ability, but the dancer with her lascivious movements and feverish agitation. (Our translation from Montero y Vidal 1888: I, 91)

The kulintang was an instrument traditionally played by women (“la que mejor maneja los platillos”) (Donoso 2015: 20). Dance and music were performed together, in similar fashion to other traditional performances in Southeast Asia. Certainly, it had a ritualistic meaning, but it was

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Fig. 5.7  Tipos de Mindanao. (V. 1877: 6)

a way to expose social hierarchy too, as we can see in the interesting image reproduced in La Ilustración del Oriente in 1877 (Fig. 5.7): The drawing has an object the dance called moro-moro, by a young slave, before a Datto or chief. Other slaves play the agun, a kind of metal drum open on one side, and the culintangang, similar to the glockenspiel. (Our translation from V. 1877: 4)

“Tipos de Mindanao” was signed by the pseudonym V. and illustrated by Espínola in what the first graphic representation of a kulintang ensemble is perhaps. We can see in the image the royal aristocracy presided by a gigantic shell attending the performance in an open space. The drawing suggests music as prominent activity of leisure and entertainment for datus and sultans. Beautifully carved instruments, like the one exposed in the National Museum of the Philippines, indicates the high value given to the kulintang. It was not only the source of music and pleasure, but also a sophisticated treasure worthy of a royal court (Fig. 5.8):

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Fig. 5.8  Kulintang in the National Museum of the Philippines. (Our photography) The property of the Moro is valued by his slaves, ships, lands, weapons and gongs. The agong is a cylindrical bronze box, with a prominence in the center, where it is struck with a light stick, lined at one end with rags and gutta-­ percha resin, producing a metallic, grave and sonorous sound, which is prolonged over long distances. With it, they play to retreat; it is the voice of the cacique that, going into the jungles, alarms and puts in war footing to the rancherías, if the touch is fast, nervous and impatient; but if the touch is slow and monotonous it means celebration and commemorates some event. The batintines are smaller boxes corresponding to the tones of the scale and accompanied by the agong make a pleasant harmony: that is the culintangang, the national instrument. (Our translation from Espina 1888: 53)

The text described musical instruments are part of the richness of a Moro. By using the agong the cacique (the datu) commands the people living in different towns (rancherías), whether for battle or fiesta (Kalanduyan 1996). Furthermore, batintines are a set of scaled gongs-in-­ a-row, the “national instrument” that together with the agong (in other words, the ensemble) produces “pleasant harmony” (una armonía grata). The Spanish word batintines was used sometimes to refer to the culintangang, as indicated in the text.

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In addition to the vernacular Southeast Asian music preserved and developed in the sultanates, slaves from the Visayan islands and other regions introduced Western instruments and music. Accordingly, a sound of string and plectrum instruments modified the musical landscape and represented an exotic entertainment for the Islamized Philippine regions: Both sexes are very fond of music and dance, with which skills the Visayans have learned from the Spaniards. The people from Jolo amuse themselves with these infidel captives that they have taken in our islands to condemn them to slavery. (Our translation from García de Arboleya 1851: 18)

Hispanicized Visayan music, rondallas, string music, fandangos and jotas, would begin to be heard in the sultanates, altering the musical landscape. Moros, used to one musical system of metallophones, gongs and bamboo instruments, were now exposed to new aesthetics and sounds. Significantly, the musical enjoyment occurs voluntarily, this is to say, the Moro sultan enjoys the music of the Visayan slave. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the Visayans had completely altered their musical world. The gong music with which they received Magellan and Pigafetta in 1521 was already alien to them. They became exporters of the new tonal music, and agents of a musical landscape composed by the bandurria, the laud, the octavina and the guitar.

References Absari, Darwin. 2017. ‘Tampat’: A Worthy Remembrance. In More Islamic Than We Admit. Philippine Islamic Cultural History, ed. I.  Donoso, 118–137. Quezon City: Vibal Foundation. Al-Attas, Muhammad Naquib. 2011. Historical Fact and Fiction. Kuala Lumpur: Universiti Teknologi Malaysia Press. Apóstol, José P. 1958. Rizal on Tawalisi. The Journal of History 6 (2–3): 120–130. Baṭṭūṭah, Ibn. 1985. Riḥlah. Beirut: Dār Bayrūt li-l-ṭabā‘a wa-l-nashr. Dasheng, Chen. 1984. Quanzhou Yisilanjiao shike (Islamic Inscriptions of Quanzhou). Yinchuan: Ningxia Renmin Chubanshe. English Translation: Islamic Inscriptions in Quanzhou (Zaitun). Yinchuan: Ningxia Peoples’ Publishing Society. French Version: Chen, Dasheng and Ludwing Kalus. 1991. Corpus d’inscriptions arabes et persanes en Chine. Province de Fu-jian (Quan-­ zhou, Fu-zhou, Xia-men). Paris: Geuthner. Donoso, Isaac. 2008. Historiography of the Moro Kulintang. Trans: Transcultural Music Review 12. http://www.sibetrans.com/trans/trans12/art17.htm.

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———. 2013. Islamic Far East: Ethnogenesis of Philippine Islam. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. ———. 2015. Sociología del kulintang. Cuadernos de Música Iberoamericana 28: 7–36. ———. 2016. Boxer Codex: A Modern Spanish Transcription and English Translation of 16th-Century Exploration Accounts of East and Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Transcription and Edition by Isaac Donoso, Translation and Annotations by María Luisa García, Carlos Quirino and Mauro García. Quezon City: Vibal Foundation. ———. 2017. El desarrollo del mundo meridional filipino en el siglo XIX: el difícil encaje de la población musulmana. In Comunidades en un imperio: coexistencia e interacción en las filipinas del siglo XIX, ed. Xavier Huetz de Lemps and María Dolores Elizalde, 427–456. Madrid: CSIC and Polifemo. Dos Santos, A.J.M., and Pierre-Yves Manguin. 1997. O Roteiro das Cousas do Achem de João Ribeiro Gaio. Um olhar português sobre o Norte de Samatra em finais do século XVI. Lisboa: Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses. Espina, Miguel A. 1888. Apuntes para hacer un libro sobre Joló. Manila: Imprenta y Litografía de M. Pérez, hijo. Gabarda, Joaquín. 1892. Memoria reglamentaria del Hospital Militar de Joló: correspondiente al año de 1891. Manila: Estab. tipo-litográfico de Ramírez y comp. García de Arboleya, J. 1851. Historia del archipiélago y sultanía de Joló. Havana: Imprenta de M. Soler y Gelada. Gibb, H.  A. R., and C.  F. Beckingham. 1958–1971. The Travels of Baṭṭūṭa A. D. 1325–1354. London: The Hakluyk Society, IV vols. González Parrado, Julián. 1898. En paz y en guerra. Colección de artículos. La Habana: Imp. de la S. de Infantería. Jayyusi, Salma Khadra, Renata Holod, Antillio Petruccioli, and André Raymond. 2008. The City in the Islamic World. Leiden: Brill, 2 vols. Kalanduyan, Danongan S. 1996. Maguindanaon Kulintang Music: Instruments, Repertoire, Performance Contexts, and Social Functions. Asian Music. Journal of the Society for Asian Music XXVII (2): 17–18. Kiefer, Thomas M. 2001. The Tausug Polity and the Sultanate of Sulu: A Segmentary State in the Southern Philippines. In People of the Current. Sulu Studies Revisited, 1–38. Manila: NCCA. Lico, Gerard. 2014. Masjid / Mosque Architecture. Jewels of Philippine Islamic Faith. Manila: NCCA. Maceda, José. 1963. The Music of the Maguindanao in the Philippines. Los Angeles: University of California. PhD. Dissert. Madale, Abdullah T. 1996. The Maranaw Torogan. Manila: Rex. Madale, Nagasura T. 2002. Maranao. Manila: NCCA.

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Majul, César Adib. 1999. Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Maqbul Ahmad S., and Fr. Taeschner. 1986. Djughrāfiyā. Encyclopaedia of Islam, II, 575–592. Leiden: Brill. Miralles, Antonio. 1887. Maimbung. La Ilustración Española y Americana II. Montero y Vidal, José. 1888. Historia de la piratería malayo-mahometana en Mindanao, Joló y Borneo. Comprende desde el descubrimiento de dichas islas hasta junio de 1888. Madrid: Imprenta y Fundición de Manuel Tello, II vols. MS Manila. 1878. Plaza de Joló. Philippine National Archives—Terrenos. SDS 849. B#1. MS Manila. Acta levantada para el reconocimiento y entrega de una casa para residencia del M. E. Sultán de Joló construida en Mubú. Joló. 12 de diciembre de 1888. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9305 [1848–1898], pp. 491–491b. MS Manila. Diversos documentos sobre el G. P. M. de Joló. Joló. 12 de diciembre de 1888. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9305 [1848–1898)], pp. 480–490. MS Manila. Expediente que contiene documentos relativos a la elección de un nuevo sultán y los incidentes que tienen relación con ella. Manila, 15 de marzo de 1895. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9253 [1790–1898], Exp. 23, pp. 120–140. MS Manila. Nómina de los haberes que han correspondido a Muhamad Aliudín. Joló. 20 de noviembre de 1886. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9305 [1848–1898], p. 266. MS Manila. Oficios sobre escuela pública de niños en Joló y fondos y personal de la dicha; demás asuntos. 8 de noviembre de 1879. Philippine National Archives— Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9258 [1803–1898], Exp. 58, pp. 792–819. MS Manila. Traducción fiel sacada por el intérprete Alejo Álvarez de la carta escrita en caracteres árabes del Datto Aliutdin. Manila, 21 de mayo de 1887. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9241 [1750–1898], p. 876. Nasir, Abdul Halim. 2004. Mosque Architecture in the Malay World. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Nieto, Ladislao. 1890. Joló. Un triunfo de la higiene. Comunicación leída en la Sociedad Española de Higiene. Madrid: Imp. de E. Jaramillo y Cª. Pigafetta, Antonio. 1987. Viaggio attorno al mondo di Antonio Pigafetta. Edited by Mariarosa Masoero. Rovereto: Longo. Rizal, José. 1961. Acerca del Tawalisi de Ybn Batuta. In Escritos políticos e históricos. Manila: Comisión Nacional del Centenario de José Rizal. Sakili, Abraham P. 2003. Space and Identity: Expressions in the Culture, Arts and Society of the Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines.

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Szanton, David L. 2001. Art in Sulu: A Survey. In People of the Current. Sulu Studies Revisited, 67–125. Manila: NCCA. V. 1877. Tipos de Mindanao. La Ilustración del Oriente 10: 4–6. Veyra, Jaime C. de. 1951. ¿Quién fue Urduja? Urduja: un ser mitológico. Estudio histórico. Manila: Nueva Era. Weekes, Richard V., Ed. 1978. Muslim Peoples: A World Ethnographic Survey. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2 vols.

CHAPTER 6

Jawi Tradition in the Philippines

Ancient Philippine Writing India drastically influenced the development of writing in Southeast Asia. Malay people shaped a Brahmic script called Kawi from the eighth century (Casparis 1975). Sri Vijaya (seventh-thirteenth century) and Majapahit (thirteenth–sixteenth century) empires used Kawi in their cultural manifestations, and the script arrived at different Southeast Asian entrepôts where Indo-Buddhist influence took place, including historical samples in the Philippine archipelago such as the so-called Laguna Copperplate (Postma 1992). A syllabic system of three vowels and several consonants (between twelve and fifteen) evolved among people in the archipelago (Landa Jocano 1975: 195). There were natural differences between the scripts of the different ethno-linguistic groups, but all represent in general a common system. It was known as Baybayin, which according to T. H. Pardo de Tavera (1884: 15) means: “viene a significar sucesion de cosas como en fila” (it comes to mean succession of things like in a row). Besides the three vowels, each symbol represented a syllable formed by a consonant and the vowel [a]; with an upper mark it was [e] or [i]; and with a lower mark it was [o] or [u]. In general, the standard picture of the Philippine alphabet used in the Tagalog region could be the following (Fig. 6.1):

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 I. Donoso, Bichara, Islam in Southeast Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0821-7_6

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Fig. 6.1  Baybayin, Philippine pre-Hispanic script

Spanish sources provide interesting insights into the use of writing in the islands during the sixteenth century. The most quoted citation is without doubt the text of father Chirino: All of these islanders are so good at writing and reading that there is hardly a man, much less a woman, who does not read and write in letters proper to the island of Manila, very different from those of China, Japan and India. (Chirino 1969: 59)

The affirmation seems exaggerated, and Chirino immediately delimited the scope of his words afterwards: “Para ninguna [cosa], ni de las de gobierno y policía, no les servían sus letras, porque jamás han usado dellas, más que para cartearse (60).” In other words, writing was never used for government or politics, but for sending letters. Thus, writing was applied to make annotations in trunks, leaves and ceramics, but the production of literature and politics was exerted by oral form. Nevertheless, the activity of sending letters is corroborated by Chirino as one important social pursuit, obviously with a political and diplomatic extent. The incipient sultanates in Malacca and Aceh during the early modern period established political chancelleries and a bureaucracy based on Islamic culture. Although the Arabization of Islamic communities in the periphery was limited, Persians, Indians, Turks and Iberians successfully adopted the Arabic script to write Persian, Urdu, Turkish and Spanish, among others. Interestingly, Delhi was perhaps the model to follow since it created an eastern Islamic splendor and a model for political courts. The Arabic language was therefore limited to the liturgical aspect (as Latin in the West). However, new Islamic polities adopted the script to fashion the institutions, the cultural milieu, and the religious legitimacy. As other Islamized communities did before them, Malays employed Arabian letters in the development of the political states—court, chancery and justice. Zābaj/ ‫ زابج‬was the historical name given to Sri Vijaya (G. R. Tibbetts and Shawkat M. Toorawa 2002: 367). Jāwa / ‫ جاوة‬was first used for Sumatra (Java Minor) (Donoso 2013: 250) and then for the

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island of Java (Java Maior). From this toponym comes Jāwī/‫جاوي‬, the designation of the derived Arabic script used in the Malay world. Muslim scholars, preachers, traders and adventurers introduced Islamic teaching and culture in the Malay world, strongly from the thirteenth century onwards. Together with a religion, a legal and a political system, a writing protocol was introduced as well. The first place where Arabic script was used in a Southeast Asian court was perhaps the Sultanate of Samudra-­ Pasai. Accordingly, local people learnt the shāfi‘ī school of law as referred by Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, and it is probable that in the process of teaching, annotations and commentaries were done in Malay for better understanding. However, the first factual datum of Jawi script is the Terengganu inscription (dated February 22, 1303 according to al-Attas 1984. New discussions in Adam 2017). During the fifteenth century, Jawi replaced Kawi and other scripts in the Malay western world. The Hindu-Buddhist systems were replaced following the Islamization, and the major entrepôts in the region adopted Islam at the same time as Jawi: “The script that was employed by the Malays of Sumatra […] disappeared when those seafarers adopted Islam and the Arabic alphabet” (Scott 1984: 61). For the Philippine archipelago, this process took place along three major regions: the Sulu archipelago, the western coast of Mindanao and the bay of Manila and coastal Batangas on the island of Luzon.

Jawi Script in the Philippines at the Spanish Advent Sulu and Maguindanao were adopting Islamic polities as a consequence of military campaigns, political marriages, and religious missions. At the same time, people from Luzon participated in the activities of the region from Malacca to Brunei but also consolidated a local Bornean aristocracy in the entrepôt of Manila. As a consequence of this international trade, Tagalog society suffered a major cultural transformation during the last part of the fifteenth century: Manila was a bilingual community at the time of the Spanish advent, its bourgeoisie speaking Malay as a second language even as their descendants were later to speak Spanish and English […] Malay was the lingua franca of Southeast Asia commerce at the time and had been for many years […] Indeed, it was probably the language which Sulu royalty spoke with a community of Chinese Muslims in a trading station on the Grand Canal in

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Shantung province in 1417 […] and it is significant that the majority of them [foreign words] were already Malay borrowings from civilizations farther to the west at the time of their introduction into Tagalog. (Scott 1984: 42–43)

Indeed, we can affirm that a transitional process from vernacular culture (with a preliminary Hindu-Buddhist influence) towards Islamization started. This process must have affected all cultural aspects, including writing. Sources talk of a people able to read the Arabic Qur’ān upon the arrival of the Spaniards: It is true that some people that have been in Brunei understand somehow Islam and they are capable to read some words of the Qur’ān, but these are very few. They consider between themselves that if a person has not been in Brunei can freely eat pork. I heart this from many of them. (Our translation from Retana 1898: IV, 29)

Like other entrepôts in Southeast Asia, Manila started to embrace the Islamized Malay culture coming from the west. The Tagalog society from Manila joined the mercantile world and embraced Islamic culture. Some of them were able to read Arabic, and reasonably the ability to write it. Islam was in fact the culture of a commercial and aristocratic elite. This period towards Islamization might have affected the transition from Baybayin to Jawi: The link between Islam and writing […] is repeatedly documented […] The chiefs of Manila were in written communication with the Sultan of Borneo. Writing, presumably, in the Arabic script, was linked to Islamic conversion in Manila and Batangas […] The native scripts were superseded by the Castilian alphabet in colonized Filipinas. In the Tagalog area the Arabic script, which might have displaced the native script at least among the chiefs, was also superseded by the Castilian. (Corpuz 2005: I, 39–42)

The route of the Luções has been described by Portuguese sources, from Brunei to Malacca, and going back to Luzon. Tagalog traders were travelling regularly in the fifteenth century from Manila to Malacca via Brunei. The economy is one of the keys of cultural transformation and it is understandable that the vibrant Islamized Malay culture of these entrepôts was imported (together with goods) into Manila. In terms of languages, Arabic words (some time through Persian) were adopted into

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Malay. From this linguistic koine, a kind of lingua franca for commercial purposes, Tagalog merchants adopted also Arabic words (Potet 2013). In parallel with the acculturation coming from the commercial ties, Muslim preachers may have taught in Manila bay and other areas of the archipelago altering the literacy of the people. In this sense writing was no more an earthly activity for personal purposes, but a way to connect the believer with God, through the written word—the Qur’ān (Reid 1990: 221–222). Hence the link between writing and Islam was strong even to the point to consider afterwards literacy in terms of Islamicity: In Alcina’s day [17th century], it was assumed that Philippine literacy was ultimately derived from non-Filipino Muslims because the first literate Filipinos the Spaniards encountered were the Muslim rulers of Manila. Thus, the Visayans referred to the Philippine script as “Moro writing”. (Scott 1992: 105)

On another front, Brunei was successful in controlling important areas of the Tagalog region. Muslims from Brunei dominated not only the Pasig river in Manila bay but also coastal areas in southern Luzon: Balayan (now called Batangas), Bonbon (now called Taal) and Mindoro. Regional rulers foresaw the inevitable conflict with Christian nations after the fall of Malacca in 1511 and the Spanish explorations in Brunei in 1521. Political expansion was mainly based on economy. In the new order religion had upmost importance. Throughout the sixteenth century Muslims missionaries and preachers traveled from Brunei to the Philippine shores: The inhabitants [of Manila] are Moros, instructed in the Islamic faith by people from Brunei […] The Moros only live in this district of Manila bay along fifteen coastal leagues, being the most fertile land of the island. (Loarca 1582: V, 82–85)

Brunei ruled important commercial parts of the Philippine archipelago at the Magellan advent. The Spanish threat caused a rapid activity from 1521 to 1571 to control a region menaced by the new actors. After the Spanish conquest of Manila, the sources clearly state the discontent of an important part of the elite. In fact, the merchant elite still had crucial links with Brunei and Muslim preachers traveled continuously to the Philippines. Within this context Governor Francisco de Sande (1575–1580) mediated a plan to invade the core of the Brunei Sultanate. To legally justify the

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invasion, he commanded to interrogate Tagalog and Bruneian Muslims around Manila to create a Casus Belli. This was found in the confession of a Moro from Balayan who referred to Muslim activities in the Philippines with the following words: When he was inquired about where he learnt the religion of Muhammad and who his master was he answered that he became a Muslim in his town of Balayan through the teachings of missionaries from Brunei whose ancestors were from Mecca. Hence, the people from Balayan, Bombon, Manila and Mindoro have learnt that religion from the Bruneians because they were not Muslims before. And consequently, they are all Muslims now since their ancestors learnt the religion from Bruneians. Thus, the script and language that they listen up and talk are from Mecca. People from Siam and Patani have also Qur’āns of the Mohammedan sect. He has seen and heard preaching with the use of this book in which Christians are enemies of the Muslims. Other books used by the catip, their best preacher, say that Christians are bad and Muslims are good. During the last year of seventy four the king of Brunei tried to come to Manila in order to combat the Spaniards. He prepared a navy of one hundred galleys and one hundred small boats with fifty and thirty persons respectively in each one […] He knows, since it is public and notorious, that the king of Brunei had sent many Muslims to preach Islam to Mindanao, Manila, Bombon, Balayan, Mindoro and other places. (Our translation from MS Seville. Jornadas a Borneo, 1578: 3v–4v)

This confession was a decisive reason under Sande’s eyes to declare open war against Brunei. Besides sending Muslim preachers, Brunei encouraged Manila’s rulers to revolt against the Spaniards. Importantly this information was confessed by a Moro from Balayan, a Muslim from southern Luzon whose ancestors were Islamized by people from Brunei. Furthermore, the southern Tagalog Muslim declares that his writing and language (letra y lengua) is from Mecca and that they have also Qur’āns. In other words, the Tagalog Muslim from Balayan represents at least the second or third generation of Muslims in southern Luzon since he clearly says that “his ancestors were Islamized by Bruneians” (al presente son moros por haber sus antepasados deprendido la dixa secta de los borneyes). Consequently, we can presume that the first Islamization took place a short time before the Magellan expedition. The Tagalog confessed, without hesitation, the introduction of Letra de Meca (“Meccan script”) in Batangas. Accordingly, it is feasible to think that the Tagalog language was written using Jawi script within specific coastal Islamized communities at

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some moment in time. Unfortunately, we can hardly find a sample of Tagalog language in Jawi script. Yet, historical sources give some testimony of letters that probably materialized this fact. We can read in the same account on the conquest of Brunei in 1578 that Francisco de Sande sent a mission led by two Muslims: Francisco Magat and Martín Magachina (the latter being the Muslim from Balayan). The goal of the mission was to deliver two letters that they themselves composed as interpreters of the Spanish Governor (Fig. 6.2): He sent two Muslims from Balayan, vassals of his Majesty, from the island of Luzon, with two letters, one written in the language of Borneo and the other in the language of Manila, to reach the navy and deliver the two letters informing them about the reasons for their presence. (Our translation from MS Seville. Jornadas a Borneo, 1578: 10v)1

The manuscript from Archivo de Indias says that the embassy secured two letters: “one written in the language of Borneo and the other in the language of Manila” (con dos cartas la una escrita en lengua de Borney y la otra en lengua de Manila). Certainly, the letter in the language of Borneo might be written in Jawi script. But it is not clear in what script the letter in the language of Manila was written, understandably Tagalog. Magachina and Magat confessed that they were forced to remain for several years in Brunei when they were young. It is strange that afterwards they addressed the almighty sultan of Brunei with a letter in Baybayin. In addition, Fr. Martín de Rada was aboard the Spanish navy and revised the

Fig. 6.2  Detail from Jornadas a Borneo, 1578: 10v 1  Original text: “Mandó a dos moros de Balayan, vasallos de su Majestad, de la isla de Luzón, que con dos cartas, la una escrita en lengua de Borney y la otra en lengua de Manila, fuesen a donde estaba la dixa armada y les diesen las dixas cartas para que le contase a lo que venía.”

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original Spanish letter written by Sande. Providentially he explained the details of this embassy in a personal letter sent to Fr. Alonso de la Veracruz and dated in Brunei, April 25, 1578: From there the Governor sent two principal locals from Balayan as messengers, with six Indian pullers in a boat. They brought a letter to the King [of Brunei], written in his language [Malay] and two translations: the one in Arabic script, and the other in the script of Luzon, since they both know and understand. (Rodríguez 1978: XIV, 503)2

Martín de Rada clarifies unmistakably the versions of the letter: “one for the Sultan in his language,” that is to say, Malay (una carta para el Rey, escripta en su lengua), and “two translations” (e dos treslados) in Tagalog, “one in Arabic script” (vno, en letra aráuiga) and “the other in the script of Luzon” (y otro en letra de Lussón). Hence, we do have two letters, but three versions: one letter in Malay language and Jawi script, and other letter in Tagalog language and two versions, one in Jawi and the other in Baybayin: This is reflected in a letter of 1578, written in Spanish with accompanying translations in the Arabic and Tagalog scripts and presented by Magat Sina and another Balayan noble named Magat, in which Governor Sande told to the Brunei sultan. (Sitoy 1985: 220)

The story continues until the diplomatic mission was seized when approaching the capital. The chief Salalila read the letter, imprisoned Magat and killed Magachina. After the conquest of Brunei, the Spaniards rescued Magat and inquired about the fortune of the mission: When Salalila and other Bruneians saw the letters they seized them grumbling what kind of sorcery was that. This informant [Magat] answered that the letters came from the Spaniards to the King of Brunei. Salalila understood that matter observing the letter written in the language of Manila. After reading it, he said: “this letter is from the Portuguese” and petulantly destroyed it. The other one, written in the language of Brunei, was sent

2  Original text: “Desde allí enbió el governador dos indios prinçipales, naturales de Balayan por mensajeros con seys indios remeros en un batel con una carta para el Rey, escripta en su lengua e dos treslados: vno, en letra aráuiga, y otro en letra de Lussón, que entrambas las saben y entienden.”

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altogether with this informant in a boat with some Muslims to the King of Brunei. (Our translation from MS Seville. Jornadas a Borneo, 1578: 13v-13r)

At first sight Salalila thought that the letter might be some kind of amulet: “it was a trick or sorcery to fight against them” (qué bellaquería era esta que traía aquí, era alguna hechicería para pelear con nosotros). This reaction might be caused by the letter written in Baybayin. Bruneians were clearly not familiar with the Philippine indigenous script. Then he observed once more the letter in the Manila tongue and read it, feasibly the Jawi version. After all, Salalila said that the letter was from the Portuguese and destroyed it. The second letter in the language of Brunei was forwarded to the sultan. The episode manifests Salalila’s disregard towards Tagalog language and script (Collins 1998: 23). The datum substantiates the existence of Tagalog writings in Jawi script. Yet, the majority of Moros from Luzon must have been illiterate in writing Jawi and reading Arabic. Nevertheless, the Islamic acculturation transformed not only the writing system but also the social practice of writing. It was a quotidian female activity for personal and profane purposes, as Chirino mentioned. Islamization changed the role towards a religious and male activity. Foreign Muslims and members of the religious and political elite were now the keepers of the treasure. Accordingly, we can read in the Boxer Codex: When their ancestors had news of this god which that have as their highest, it was through some male prophets whose names they no longer know, because as they have neither writings nor those to teach them, they have forgotten the very names of these prophets, aside from what they know of them who in their tongue are called tagapagbasa, nansulatana dios—which means readers of the writings of god—from whom they have learned about this god. (Donoso 2016: 65)

The Tagalog Moros have “characters that they use to write whatever they want, different to any script known by the Spaniards” (Tienen ciertos caracteres que les sirven de letras, con los cuales escriben lo que quieren. Son de muy diferente hechura de los demás que sabemos). Although in matters concerning religion “they do not have a text to read” (porque como no tienen escritura que se lo enseñe), but “those who read the word of God,” called tagapagbasa nansulatana dios, or in Spanish declaradores de los escritos de dios. This notion appears revealing since it states that religious

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preachers—makhdūmūn and shurafā’, or other names used in the sources: catip, gazi, pandita, etc.—read, taught and spread the Qur’ānic message to the mass. We must remember again what Magachina said: “they have the Qur’ān and other books which they read through their catip, their best preacher” (tienen escrito del alcorán […] y también lo delatan en otros libros en que leen por su catip que es su mejor predicador). The reader of the Qur’ān was the khaṭīb /‫خطيب‬, the preacher. As a matter of fact, Jawi script was certainly in its beginnings within Tagalog culture during the sixteenth century. Yet it was already transforming social, political and religious practices. The contact with Brunei was altering coastal Tagalog society and in southern Luzon the local lore moved towards a more international Islamized culture controlled by men. Europeans entered Asia with a feverish activity already tested in America. They printed books on history, culture and geography of new regions and involved Asia in the Renaissance revolution. The first books printed in the Philippines as a Dominican project developed in the Chinese Parian of Manila used Roman, Baybayin and Chinese characters to write in Spanish, Tagalog and Chinese languages. If Jawi was on option, it was certainly excluded. It is likely that the extensive use of Baybayin by the Spanish priests was an attempt to regain the pre-Islamic tradition (Fig. 6.3). Eventually Manila’s elite became involved in the transformation of Tagalog culture. Regardless of the extension of Islamic civilization, it was confronted with the new process of Christianization. However, lords and principals were still strongly connected with Brunei at least until the end of the sixteenth century. The point of no return was certainly the 1587 incident known as ‘Tondo Conspiracy.’ There was a necessary collaboration with the new establishment after 1587. The old rajas and datus became the new principalía. But Brunei was still a key protagonist in the development of Spanish Manila and the diplomatic relation produced more samples of Jawi script. When the Sultan of Brunei sent a letter in 1599 to the Governor, the Spanish administrators (in this case the major of Tondo, Esteban de Marquina) requested the assistance of two translators. One of them was Constantino Xuárez, most probably a Tagalog capable of understanding Malay. The other was Miguel Yaat “from Brunei” (natural de Burney) who captivatingly signed the letter in Jawi (Fig. 6.4): The contents of this letter, written this year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine, by the king of Burney to his Highness Don Francisco Tello,

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147

Fig. 6.3  Hail Mary in Tagalog and Spanish in Doctrina cristiana, en lengua española y tagala (1593) knight of the Order of Santiago, governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Islands for the king our sovereign, and president of the royal Audiencia and Chancilleria resident therein, and translated by a good and exact interpreter, are as follows. […] The above translation was made by Constantino Xuarez and Miguel Yaat, a native of Brunei. They declared it to have been thoroughly and exactly made, without any change of sense. They signed the same before me, Estevan de Marquina, alcalde-mayor of Tondo and its district, for the King

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Fig. 6.4  Detail of the translation done by Miguel Yaat and Constantino Xuárez of MS Seville. Carta del rey de Borneo, 1599: 1v our sovereign. July twenty-seven of the said year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine. Estevan de Marquina ‫[ ميلك هجت‬Mīkel Jahat] Constantino Xuárez. (Blair and Robertson 1903–1919: XI, 120–122)3

To sum up, the Spaniards were compelled to be accustomed to Jawi script in Manila and southern Luzon. In a setting surrounded by Muslim traders, an Islamized Tagalog elite and the Sultanate of Brunei as regional power, Islam and Jawi were without any doubt still part of the Manila cultural landscape during the last part of the sixteenth century.

3  Original text: “Carta original del Rey de Burney escrita a Don Francisco Tello Gobernador de las Filipinas traducida de lengua burney en castellana. Lo que contiene esta carta del Rey de Burney escrita este año de mil y quinientos y noventa y nueve al Ilustrísimo Señor Don Francisco Tello caballero de la orden de Santiago Gobernador y Capitán General de las Islas Filipinas por el Rey nuestro y presidente de la audiencia y cancillería real que en ella reside es lo siguiente traducida por lengua fiel y verdadera […] El cual trasunto se hizo y sacó por lengua e interpretación de Constantino Xuárez y Miguel Yaat, natural de Burney, que dijeron y juran, y fielmente sacado sin mudar sustancia y lo firman ante mí Esteban de Marquina Alcalde mayor de Tondo y su partido por el Rey Nuestro Señor y siete de julio del año de mil quinientos noventa y nueve: Esteban de Marquina [Mīkel Ŷahat] Constantino Xuárez (MS Seville. Carta del rey de Borneo a Tello, 1599: 1v).

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149

The Consolidation of a Written Tradition With the introduction of the Latin alphabet in the new Christianized zones, the Bornean influence eventually disappeared in southern Luzon and Tagalogs adopted Spanish fashions and culture. The two established Islamic polities in Sulu and Maguindanao empowered the sense of disparity after the fall of Bornean Manila in Christian hands. The Spanish conquest of Brunei in 1578 allowed a more independent action by the Philippine sultanates, especially Sulu (Nicholl 1996: 5). Esteban Rodríguez de Figueroa, under instructions of general governor Francisco de Sande, conquered Jolo in 1578 and made Raja Iro tributary to Spain (Manchado 2014: 1084). Raja Iro probably was the sultan of Sulu known as Pangiran Buddiman (Majul 1999: 14): I, Gonzalo de Santiago, notary elect, certify to all who may see this present, that, on the fourteenth day of the month of June, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, Rahayro, panguilan of Borney, who calls himself king of Xolo, surrendered himself as a vassal to his Majesty, King Don Phelipe, king of Castilla and Leon, for himself and his descendants. In token of recognition and vassalage, he gave twelve pearls and thirty-five taes of gold for himself and his vassals, which are the islands of Xolo, Treguima, Camboanga, Cavite, and Tavitavi, his subjects and vassals. (Blair and Robertson 1903–1919: IV, 218)

Raja Iro swore loyalty to the King of Spain as vassal and paid him tribute instead of to the sultan of Brunei. Under these circumstances, Sulu became in practical terms free from the previous linkage to Borneo, and eventually acquired autonomy to develop an independent polity. A new actor entered and altered completely the natural development of the region. New policies and forms of diplomacy were needed and a written protocol, after the model of Brunei, was essential to negotiate and survive. From this moment, Philippine sultanates initiated a long period of several centuries enforcing political institutions and territorial autonomy. Beyond the sword, the word was the most important weapon to strengthen the sultanates. Malay was the lingua franca and the language of Southern Asia Islamic sultanates, but Tausug and Maguindanao, as probably happened to Tagalog too, were eventually written in Jawi script in the Philippines. The Malay diplomatic letter was naturally the model to follow in form and word (Gallop and Ulrich Kratz 1994). But in addition, the rendering

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of the Qur’ān (Kawashima 2012) and the Qur’ānic exegesis after the activities in Aceh (Riddell 2017) fashioned the Moro written tradition. This created a huge heritage that is just starting to be unearthed nowadays, rescuing manuscripts neglected in public archives and private collections (Fathurahman et al. 2019). It was perhaps thanks to the efforts of Samuel Tan that a new focus on indigenous sources and Jawi materials revealed the fascinating world of Moro intellectual life (Tan 2003). Due to the diplomatic relations between the Spanish administration and the Muslim sultanates, the Jawi documents preserved in Spanish and Philippine public archives is enormous. It will take several decades and generations of research to have a complete picture of preserved materials, and to offer to the historians edited and translated sources. In addition, these documents are not only preserved in official and public repositories, but in private collections as well. This is for instance the case of the only manuscript that we have located written in the Chinese language: Carta que el Sultán de Joló, Muhammad Dianarol Ahlam, y el datto Merwahal Daniel, dirijen a su hermano el Sro. Governador de Zamboanga […] además del escrito Árabe, en Caracteres Chinos por si no entendían el primero / Letter from Jamāl al-A‘ẓām, Sultan of Sulu, and Datu Daniel to the Governor of Zamboanga, in Arabic script, and supplemented in Chinese in case that cannot be understood, dated January 10, 1865. This priceless manuscript belongs to a private collection and it was located by Carlos Martínez Shaw & Marina Alfonso Mola (Fig. 6.5): As we can notice, the documents usually are bilingual and, in this instance, trilingual, since the Spanish version appears too. Spanish versions are done by official translators of the office of “Interpretación del idioma moro de Mindanao”, a section of the government established to interpret and translate documents written in Moro languages (MS Manila. Dos informes, 1875). For the general government in Manila, and the specific local districts, it was important to have a proper understanding of the different Moro communities, and several translators worked regularly: Cipriano Enrile, Pedro Ortuoste, Plácido Alberto de Saavedra, Vicente Narciso and, above all, Alejo Álvarez. Some worked at the same time for the Philippine government and the sultanates, as official translators and secretaries of the sultan. A similar office was created in Jolo in 1876 (MS Manila. Expediente sobre la creación, 1876). In political terms, the need to delimit the southern borders of the Philippines against British, German, and French ambitions led the Spanish administration to undertake a constant campaign of diplomatic and

6  JAWI TRADITION IN THE PHILIPPINES 

151

Fig. 6.5  Carta que el Sultán de Joló, Muhammad Dianarol Ahlam (Shaw and Mola 2007: 14)

cultural attraction of the sultanates. The mestizo Spanish-Filipino population of the Zamboanga region would end up being the most suitable mediators. Knowledgeable in several languages, familiar with the land and the customs and habits of the southern Philippines, and accustomed to dealing with Moros, the Zamboangueño became the true architect of nineteenth century Spanish-Moro diplomacy. The government translators lived between two worlds, between the rigor required of the official Spanish documents and the fidelity to the message written in Moro languages. The result was a fascinating volume of hundreds of documents exposing the daily life, thoughts, and words. The world of Zamboanga epitomized the mixture of cultures, polities, and languages. We have seen already a Chinese official letter by the Sultanate of Sulu, exposing the use of Chinese language for diplomatic purposes. In some specific cases, Malay and Arabic have been used for the chanceries too.

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However, most of the documents preserved are in Tausug or Maguindanao, using always Jawi script, and usually with the correspondent Spanish version. Sometimes the document in Spanish language is the only version issued by the Moro chanceries, with the document sealed and signed. The particularities of the Spanish from Zamboanga produce that the documents at the end of the nineteenth century manifested creole features in the standard language towards Chabacano. In summary, official diplomatic letters issued by the sultanates have employed several languages: Malay, Arabic, Spanish, Chinese, Tausug, Maguindanao, and an incipient Chabacano. Altogether Philippine Jawi documents form a major cultural legacy, not only for the archipelago, but for the Islamic civilization in Southeast Asia. The development of a writing office, chancellery and secretariat in the sultanates allowed a regular diplomacy between peers in a context of mutual dialogue. It has been traditionally stated as a discourse of piratical actions, retaliations, military struggle and endless war between Manila and the sultanates. On the contrary, the reality seems to be quite different and far more complex, also in terms of cultural and economic relations. Across the centuries, the ability of the sultanates to incorporate Southeast Asian political practices, ceremonies and protocols along indigenous mores and expressions, created a rich legacy under the label of Moros.

Spanish Influence in Philippine Jawi The Spanish language became part of the Philippine cultural landscape over the centuries. The social, cultural and political relations with the southern sultanates produced a cultural transformation for Muslims in the Philippines too. Unlike other Southeast Asian colonized regions, the Philippines suffered a huge cultural transformation which substantially altered the pre-Hispanic society: The Spanish period if often dismissed today as ‘the colonial period.’ In fact is more than that. During this period, civil culture, in this case the Western, finally plunged deep roots in the lowland, coastal settlements of Luzon and Visayas. The Spanish period thus plays a role in Filipino culture far different from that of the Dutch period in Java or the French period in Vietnam. In the latter two, pre-Western civil cultures were already large, ancient trees at Western contact in the sixteenth century […] Questions can be raised about how urban pre-1571 Manila and Tondo were, but not about Intramuros de

6  JAWI TRADITION IN THE PHILIPPINES 

153

Manila […] Under Spain, an all-inclusive moral system, Catholic Christianity, spread. This was accompanied by an abstract, speculative system of thought, Scholasticism that was transmitted via an exact script, stored in libraries, and taught by professional thinkers. Starting in the nineteenth century, a skeptical Rationalism deriving from the Enlightenment gained ground. (Zialcita 2005: 168)

In the Philippines we have a process of acculturation far deeper than in any other colonized region of Southeast Asia, except perhaps Portuguese colonies. Christianization and Hispanicization made Filipinos part of a global network connecting the archipelago with Europe and America. These cultural processes were not limited to Luzon and Visayas but affected Mindanao too. Zamboanga was created as soon as 1635 (Retana 1897: 222–224). From the nineteenth century, a distinctive Hispanic creole evolved in the region. This is clear in what we have called Tarsila zamboangueña, the genealogical account of Zamboanga’s rulers, written down in a creolized Spanish by Escandar Serri Chucarnain / Kawasa Anwar al-Dīn Dhū l-Qarnayn (1805–1830), sultan of Mindanao (Donoso 2012). Hispanicization affected Moros as well, patently during the last part of the nineteenth century. The Spanish Zamboangueño (and Chabacano) became a dominant koine from Zamboanga to Davao during this turn of the century, cities like Jolo and Cotabato were erected, and sultans signed their regular salary in Spanish documents. Unlike other Southern Asian regions, Hispanicization was remarkable for the history of Philippine culture, including Islamized areas. And unlike other European powers, Spain experienced a long and rich Islamic history. This Islamic connection in the borders of the Hispanic empire is what makes unique the relation between the old Aljamiado of Spanish Moriscos and the new Jawi of Philippine Moros. In other Southern Asian chanceries Dutch, English or French words were perhaps written down in Jawi, but without any relation with a former tradition. Yet, Moros wrote Spanish words concepts and sentences recapturing unconsciously an Islamic tradition, the tradition used by the last Spanish Moros expelled from Spain in 1609. In other words, the presence of Spanish language in Philippine Jawi is not a mere transcription similar to other neighboring areas, but the link connecting Moros from Granada to Jolo (Donoso 2015). Accordingly, the last Iberian Muslims—called Mudéjares, Moriscos and Moros in general—lost the Arabic language and spoke Spanish from the thirteenth to the seventeenth centuries but using the Arabic script (Chejne

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I. DONOSO

Fig. 6.6  Spanish words in Jawi in MS Seville. Carta del rey de Borneo, 1599: 2v

1983). This phenomenon is called Aljamiado from al-‘ajamiyya / ‫العجمية‬ (foreign language), in opposition to al-‘arabiyya / ‫( العربية‬Arabic language). Surprisingly, on the other side of the Islamic world, another Muslim community would use Arabic script to write in Spanish. Through the Arabization of the Spanish language, Iberian and Philippine Moros gave similar linguistic answers to a fascinating process of cultural transformation. The first sample appears in the 1599 “Carta del rey de Borneo a Tello escrita en árabe,” a letter from the sultan of Brunei (Fig. 6.6): Jawi text

Transcription

Spanish

‫دڠ ڤرنسسكو تيلو‬ ‫كڤنت جرنار‬ ‫كوهرندر د كوت‬ ‫نكري مينيل‬ ‫�سنڽر كڤنت‬ ‫در مينيل‬

Dung Pransiskū Tīllū Kapitan Jinirār Kūhirnadur di Kūta Nigarī Maynīla

Don Francisco Tello Capitán General Gobernador en la Cota Ciudad Manila Señor Capitán en Manila

Sinñur Kapitan dir Maynīla

The Jawi version transcribed the Spanish /p/ and /ñ/, as ‫ ڤ‬and ‫ڽ‬. It can be seen also a readjustment into familiar phonetics of /p/ in and ‫[ ڠ‬ŋ] in . The first Philippine sample and the oldest secured in the National Archives is the “Letter of Mu‘izz al-Dīn Sultan of Sulu” dated 3 Dhū-l-­ Ḥijjah 1166/ October 1, 1753 (Fig. 6.7): Jawi text

Transcription

Spanish

‫�سڽور كوبرندور كفني هرنال د منيل‬

Siñūr Kūbirnadūr Kapin Hinirāl di Manīla Siñūr Kūbirnadūr Kapītan Hinirāl

Señor Gobernador Capitán General de Manila Señor Gobernador Capitán General

‫�سڽور كوبرندور‬ ‫كفينت هرنال‬

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155

Fig. 6.7  Spanish words in Jawi in MS Manila. Carta de Mu‘izz al-Dīn, Sultán de Joló, 1753: 1r

The irregular transcription remarks an oral transmission, with confusion of consonants (‫ كوبرندور‬/ ‫ ;كوهرندر‬kūhirnadur / kūbirnadūr), doubts in the diacritical points and vowels (‫ كفيـن‬/ ‫ كڤنت‬and ‫ ; كفينت‬kapitan / kapin and kapītan) and phonetic transformations (‫ جرنار‬/ jinirār but ‫ هرنال‬/ hinirāl). During the nineteenth century, the culture of Zamboanga certainly transformed southern Philippines with the mixture of Subanon, Sama, Visayan, Tausug, Spanish, Mexican, Mestizos, and other ethnic groups. Zamboanga was the remotest frontier of the Spanish empire, destiny of soldiers, missionaries, deserters, renegades, adventurers, opportunists, trailblazers and, in any case, a good refuge for starting a new life. This is perhaps the character of the Guachinango, a Nahuatl word used to describe a person of suspicious credibility and origin. Being the farthest garrison in the empire, Zamboanga received a diverse population, most of them illiterate (Fernández 1996). The most intriguing aspect is that many of these individuals were involved in diplomatic relations in both, the Spanish administration of Zamboanga and the Muslim sultanates. In fact, the authorities signing the treaty between the Spanish government and the Maguindanao Sultanate in 1805 were two Mexicans: Enríquez (Spanish ambassador and crook) and Gaspar María (secretary of the sultan and renegade): Soon afterwards, in November [1805], D. Ponciano was back in Zamboanga with the ratification of peace, a letter from the sultan of Mindanao, another from a datu named Nasin, and a certification explaining why he was delayed longer than necessary. This document was authorized by the secretary of State of HM, who was a Mexican deserter, called Gaspar María, former corporal of the squadron of the regiment of the King. As for Ambassador Enríquez, he was also Mexican, a convict in Manila and a relative of Bayot [Zamboanga’s Governor]. Such characters handled the diplomatic negotia-

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I. DONOSO

tion, and of course they had to do their role of impostors well in this comedy of chimerical princes. (Our translation from Barrantes 1878: 279)

Having these bizarre dignitaries dealing and signing the official documents and protocols could not assure the linguistic correction required in solemn diplomacy: Fue puesto [a prisoner] en la galera de Cavite y de allí conducido a Zamboanga con su grillete; en el presidio encontró gobernadores de los que dicen dempués, estogamo, y, como él era muy avilucho, llego a ser el todo hasta que murió el que le protegía. (Our translation from García Valdés 1998: 127)

Zamboanga created an original culture since many languages and cultures were spoken in its area. Similarly, the influence of this southern Philippine Hispanic world caused hybridization in the protocols, the scriptoria and the chanceries. As a result, Spanish increasingly entered the Jawi documents. This is what we can see in Capitulaciones de Paz, Protección y Comercio otorgadas al Muy Excelente Sultán y Dattos de Joló, por el Yllmō Sōr Capitán General, Gobernador de las Yslas Filipinas en nombre de las Alta y Poderosa Soberana de S. M. C. siendo tratadas y convenidas por ambas partes á saber: en representación del Gobierno Español, como Plenipotenciario del M. Y. Sōr Capitán General D. Pedro Antonio Salazar Gobernador de Filipinas, el Capitán de Fragata de la Real Armada D. José María Halcón, Comandante Jefe de las Fuerzas Navales que hay en la Rada de Joló; de la otra parte el Sultán Mogamad-Diamalul-Quiram Raxa de Joló y los Dattos que firman, cuyas partes otorgaron signed September 23, 1836 (MS Manila. Capitulaciones de Paz): Edition: |‫سلطان‬ ُ ‫شري‬ َ ‫َكڤ‬ ِ َ‫ِتورسيُون دِڤاس ِهت َڠ َهكِية تِبؤكَن سِڠ َچك ت َي َم ْڠ ُهد َهفَگ د ُڮاڠ َمندَڮَڠ ِﮐﯿَﭬ۔ُت َن سِڠ فَادُك‬ | ‫َؤر دين سِڠ ه َِريء‬ ُ ‫إبَ ْن سِڠ كَدتـُؤن٭ دَين َهسِن ُچر َك ِڤت َن ِهن َِرل گـ ُ ِب ْرنَدُر سِڠ كـَفؤ فؤأن فَسيسير نِله٭ دَئڠ ه‬ ‫هَاءِ ْسفَن َچة٭ دُؤن َهكِية ﻓﮓ ت َي َمڠ ُهد٭ سِڠ سوؼ إبَ ْن َك ْستِالء٭ َهكِية ﻓؼ ت ُ ِبؤكَن سِڠ د َُوع ِسفَك | ِهفَكِيتأ‬ ‫أر َمدَه دُون ُهسِي َم ْرية‬ ْ ‫سر ﮔـُبِ ْرنَدُر ِدفِ ِل ِفنَس٭ إبَ ْن َه َك ِفت َن فَ ْرڮَـات َة‬ َ َ ‫سلـ‬ َ ‫َﮪ ُگبِرنُة َك ْستِالء دُون فِد ُْران تُن ُچو‬ ‫سڮ‬ ‫سگ َمكه‬ ُ ‫نوي نِيلة٭ إبَ ْن يڠ سلطان مح ّمد َج َمال الكِرام٭ َمكو‬ ُ ‫اركـُن كـ ُ َم ْندَنـْتِ٭ َمكو‬ ْ ْ َ َ‫ﮔؤس َهكَتـَان| ب‬ ‫سبُنل َم َكت َان| فـ ُ ِر ْنتة٭‬ ْ ‫نوت َة٭ إبَ ْن سِڠ كدَتوآن٭ مٶتڠ َچ‬ َ ‫ڤ٭ ٸڠ َكت َان هگ‬ َ َ‫َمكه ڮؤس | َهكَتان ب‬ Transcription: Kapitūrasyūn di pās hitang hakīa tibu’kan sing ñak taymanghud hapang duguān mandagang kiputan sing Pāduka Srī Sulṭān | iban sing kadatu’an * daīn ha-Sinñur Kapitan Hiniral Gubirnadur sing kapu’pu’a’n pasīsīr nila * da’ing ha’ur din sing hari’ ha-Ispanña * du’un hakīa pag taymanhud * sing

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157

Sug iban Kastilā’ * hakīa pag tubi’ukan sing dūa‘sipak | hipakita’ ha-­ Gubirnua Kastilā’ Dūn Pidru Antunñū Salasar Gubirnadur di Filipinas * iban ka-Kapitan Fargāta Armada dūn Husī Marīa Arkun Kumandanti * makūsug makah gu’s ha-katān | banūay nīla * iban ing Sulṭān Muḥammad Jamāl al-Kirām * makūsung makah gu’s | ha-katān banūata * iban sing kadatū’an * mu’tang ñap * ’ing katān hag sabunal makatān | purinta * Translation: Capitulations of Peace and Brotherhood granted by Paduka Sri Sultan and the members of the council of Datus, to General Captain and Governor in representation of the King of Spain. For the agreement of Brotherhood between Sulu and Spain are present the Spanish Governor of the Philippines don Pedro Antonio Salazar and the Navy Captain don José María Halcón, Commandant of the Spanish army in Jolo, and Sultan Muhammad Jamal al-Kiram and the Datus who signed and granted the agreement.

The original document is a diplomatic treaty of capitulation between the Sultanate of Sulu and the General Governor of the Philippine Islands, signed September 23, 1836, which is reproduced alternatively in Spanish and Tausug. Interestingly, as remarked, many aljamiado Spanish sections can be read in the Jawi version (Fig. 6.8): Jawi text

Transcription

Spanish

‫تور�س ُيون ِدڤاس‬ َ ‫َك ِڤ‬ ‫َه�سِن ُچر َك ِڤ َت ِه ِ َنل گ ُـ ِ ْ نب َدُ ر‬

Kapitūrasyūn di pās ha-Sinñur Kapitan Hiniral Gubirnadur Kastilā’ ha-Gubirnua Kastilā’ dūn Pidru Antunñū Salasar Gubirnadur di Filipinas

Capitulación de paz Muy Señor Capitán General Gobernador Castila (Español) (del) Gobierno Castila (Español) don Pedro Antonio Salazar Gobernador de Filipinas (y el) Capitán de Fragata de Armada don José María Halcón Comandante

‫َك� ْس ِتالء‬ ‫ﮪَ ُگ ِ نبُة َك� ْس ِتالء دُون ِفدْ ُران تُن ُچو َسلـَ َس ﮔ ُـ ِ ْ نب َدُ ر ِد ِف ِل ِفن َس‬

‫�إبَ ْن َه َك ِف َت ف َْرڮَاـ َتة � ْأر َمدَ ه دُون ه ُِس َم ْرية ْارك ُـن ك ُـ َم ْندَ ن ْـ ِت‬

iban ka-Kapitan Fargāta Armada dūn Husī Marīa Arkun Kumandanti

The southern world developed around Zamboanga and the sultanates along three centuries materialized in a vernacular creole variety of Spanish and an altered Philippine Jawi from the rest of the Malay world. The official documents should have been written in Spanish and Tausug or Maguindanao in Jawi. However, most of the documents reflect the

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I. DONOSO

Fig. 6.8  Details of Spanish aljamiado encapsuled in yellow in MS Manila. Capitulaciones de Paz, 1836: 2r

mixture of this culture: letters written in creolized Spanish and Moro languages with important sections in what we have called Aljamiado hispanofilipino. It is noteworthy the transformation of the formulae and headings of the letters, towards the Spanish “Excelentísimo Señor,” (Very Honourable Sir): ‫ ﻴﺌ ْﻛ �سِ ْن ُچ ْور ﺴﹻﺭ ْﻨﺘﻳﺴﹻﻢﹸ‬/ Ī’ksirintīsimu Sinñūr in a Tausug letter; and‫ ِأ� ِس ِل ْن ِت ِس ُم ِس ُچ ْر‬/ Isilintisimu Siñur in a Maguindanao one (Figs. 6.9 and 6.10): Certainly, this is a remarkable linguistic, philologic and cultural phenomenon—the Arabization of the Spanish language from the old Iberian Moriscos to the new Philippine Moros. Spanish was an imposed language, but Muslim communities from the former al-Andalus to the sultanates, made it an Islamic code. Many samples can be found in Jawi manuscripts, from simple transliterations of words and titles to loanwords, sentences, headings, and the adoption of Spanish for the royal seals as in “Sultán de Joló” (Figs. 6.11 and 6.12):

6  JAWI TRADITION IN THE PHILIPPINES 

159

Fig. 6.9  Detail of “Excelentísimo Señor” in a Tausug Letter: MS Manila Petición del Sultán de Joló, 1855: S. 414

Fig. 6.10  Detail of “Excelentísimo Señor” in a Maguindanao Letter: MS Manila Ascenso del Datu Harak, 1895: S. 344

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I. DONOSO

Fig. 6.11  Detail of MS Manila Expediente promovido por el ex-Sultán

Fig. 6.12  Detail of MS Manila. Expediente promovido por el Sultán

Jawi text

Transcription

‫ دسفهول �إيلويه دون كسفي د كندي هرنل‬Iksilintisimū Sinnyur ‫كفنت كربندر �سنچر مسو �إكسلنيت‬ Kubirnadur Kapitan Hiniral Kundī di Kaspi Dūn Iyulūhyu Dispuhūl

Spanish Excelentísimo Señor Gobernador Capitán General Conde de Caspe Don Eulogio Despujol

Jawi text

Transcription

Spanish

‫سكراتريو‬ ‫سربن دسفوس�سیون س مسهس تد رینة‬

Sikritaryū Subirana dispūsisyūn sing Su Mahistad Rayna Istanghīrūs

Secretario Soberana disposición de Su Majestad la Reina Extranjeros

‫ٳ�ستڠهريوس‬

6  JAWI TRADITION IN THE PHILIPPINES 

161

Spanish loanwords were incorporated completely such as sikritāryū / ‫( سكراتريو‬secretario, secretary) or istanghīrūs / ‫( ٳ�ستڠهريوس‬extranjeros, foreigners). As noted, Spanish was accommodated within the Tausug grammar, using particles as sing / ‫“( سڠ‬of”), such as: Subirana dispūsisyūn sing Su Mahistad Rayna (Soberana disposición de Su Majestad la Reina, Sovereign Disposition of Her Majesty the Queen) (Bangahan 2015: 484).

Origins of Moro Philology At the end of the nineteenth century, the cultural construction of new modern identities affected even the Spaniards. Accordingly, the Moros were not the only agents in writing in Jawi, but also Spanish people in Mindanao started to use the script. At this moment in time, the writing culture was at the center of modern education, and the key factor of development was ‘to be literate.’ Cartillas, catones and silabarios emerged to answer the necessities of literacy, and in Muslim areas this could not be but in Jawi (Donoso and Macahilig-Barceló 2012). This is how the Aljamiado hispanofilipino was completely materialized in the astonishing Cartilla Moro-Castellana para los Maguindanaos, Manila, Imprenta y Litografía de M. Pérez hijo, 1887. Although its author is not mentioned, it was surely the Catalan Jesuit Jacinto Juanmartí. Indeed, the Jesuit Jacinto Juanmartí y Espot (1833–1897) played a dramatic role in the development of Mindanao society and culture, a role that remains quite neglected until today (Aguilera 2018a, 2018b). Born in the Catalan town of Llarvent (Lleida), Juanmartí entered the Company in 1857. After his arrival in the Philippines in 1864, he played important roles in the Normal School and the Ateneo Municipal, in the implementation of public education in the islands. Then he moved in 1867 to the Jesuit mission in Mindanao, in a moment when the Spanish project was to firmly develop the region. The Jesuits initiated a second missionary period in the archipelago, after the general expulsion of 1767 (Lorenzo 1999: 651–654). Juanmartí started working with the Tiruray tribe, learning the language and rescuing slaves. Tamontaca became the center point in the region, and eventually Cotabato the capital of the entire Mindanao. In this strategic town, Juanmartí created schools for girls and boys from 1874 until he died, more than twenty years later, together with residences for rescued children (Arcilla 2001: 2160–2161). Using new missionary methods, Jacinto Juanmartí devoted himself to the study of the Maguindanao language and Moro culture. He wanted to provide a way to preach Christianity without altering the vernacular cosmos. The process was to learn, teach

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and preach in the vernacular idiom. Accordingly, he became the pioneer of Moro Philology through the study of the language, writing, grammar and lexicography of Maguindanao, in many works: Catecismo de la doctrina cristiana en castellano y en moro de Maguindanao por un P. Misionero de la Compañía de Jesús. Con las licencias necesarias, Manila, Imprenta de C.  Valdezco, impresor de la Real Casa de S. M., 1885. Cartilla moro-castellana para los maguindanaos, Manila, Imprenta y Litografía de M. Pérez hijo, 1887. Catecismo de la doctrina cristiana en castellano y en moro de Maguindanao por un P. Misionero de la Compañía de Jesús, Manila Imp. de M. Pérez, Hijo, 1888. Appendix ad Rituale Romanum. Admonitiones faciendae in sacramentornm administratione lingua vernacula Moro-maguindanao et Tirnray, Manila, Imprenta y Litografia de M. Pérez Hijo, 1888. Compendio de historia universal desde la creación del mundo hasta la venida de Jesucristo, y un breve vocabulario en castellano y en moro-maguindanao por un padre misionero de la Compañía de Jesús, Singapur, Impr. de Koy Yew Hean, 1888 [attributed] (English translation: A grammar of the Maguindanao tongue according to the manner of speaking it in the interior and on the south coast of the island of Mindanao, translated from the Spanish of Rev. Father J.  Juanmartí, Order of Jesuits, by C.C.  Smith, Captain Fourteenth U.S Cavalry, Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1906). Gramática de la lengua de maguindanao según se habla en el centro y en la costa sur de la isla de Mindanao, Manila, Amigos del País, 1892. Diccionario moro-maguindanao-español, Manila, Amigos del País, 1892. Cartilla moro-castellana is an extraordinary document which begins with the Islamic Basmala and the Fātiḥah. Maguindanao is displayed in Jawi, but the Jesuit goes further. Astonishing, he writes Spanish language in Jawi, in Arabic script, a system that Spaniards had not used for centuries. Learning from the Moros and the Zamboangueños who had been transliterating Spanish into Jawi, the Jesuit father went further with the process culminating in the acculturation of Spanish language in the Philippines with the forging of a real Aljamiado hispanofilipino. After the Aljamiado of Iberian Moros, we can say that on the other side of the Islamic world Philippine Moros—and Jesuits missionaries—recovered the process of Arabizing Spanish, reviving at the same time the legacy of al-­ Andalus (Figs. 6.13 and 6.14).

6  JAWI TRADITION IN THE PHILIPPINES 

163

Fig. 6.13  Maguindanao words and their equivalents in Spanish, in Roman and Jawi scripts from Cartilla moro-castellana, 1887: 15–16 JAWI TEXT ‫ﷲ ﺗﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫دﯾﺶ‬ ْ ُِ ‫ﺳﻮ ﻟ َ ْـﻨ ِ ﺖ‬ ُْ ُ ِ ِ ‫ِال‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻞ‬

TRANSCRIPTION Allāh ta‘alà Diyush Sū langit Il sīelu

َ‫ﺳﻮ دُِﭘﻲ‬ ُ ْ ُ ‫ال‬ ِْ ُ‫ﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴﻲ‬ ُ َ ِ ُ َ ‫ﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻨﺖ‬ ِ ْ ِ ‫َل‬ ْ َ ‫ﺳﻨ‬ ُ ‫ﺳﻮ‬ ُْ ْ ُ ‫ال‬ ِْ ‫ﺳﻞ‬ ْ َ ُ ْ ْ ُ ‫ﺳﻮ‬ ‫وﻟﻨﻮﻟﻦ‬ ُْ ‫ﻟﻮن‬ َ ْ ُ ‫َل‬

Sū duñīa Il mundu Sū manusīa La ḥinti Sū sunang Il sul Sū ulan ūlan La lūna

MAGUINDANAO

SPANISH

ENGLISH

Allajutahala ʺ

Alá todopoderoso Dios

Almighty God God

Su lanğuit

El cielo

The sky

Su duñia

El mundo

The world

Su manusia

La gente

The people

Su senang

El sol

The sun

Su ulan-ulan

La luna

The moon

Fig. 6.14  Jawi texts in fig. 30 with corresponding transcription and translation in Maguindanao, Spanish, and English

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I. DONOSO

After this pioneering and certainly cross-cultural work, British and American texts followed at the beginning of the twentieth century the study of Philippine southern languages: Andson Cowie, English-Sulu-­ Malay Vocabulary, with useful sentences, tables, &c. London: The British North Borneo Company, 1893; R.S. Porter—1st Lieut. Assistant Surgeon, U.S. Army, A Primer and Vocabulary of the Moro Dialect (Magindanau). Washington: Government Printing Office, 1903; Katharine G.  Buffum and Lieut. Col. Charles Lynch, Joloano Moro. [s.l.]: [s.n.], 1913; C.R. Cameron, Sulu Writing. An Explanation of the Sulu-Arabic Script as Employed in Writing the Sulu Language of the Southern Philippines. Zamboanga: The Sulu Press, 1917.

References Adam, Ahmat. 2017. The New & Correct Date of the Terengganu Inscription. Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Centre. Aguilera Fernández, María. 2018a. Literatura misional y hagiografía en el siglo XIX: Jacinto Juanmartí, un misionero jesuita en Filipinas (1833–1897). Hispania sacra, ISSN 70–141: 321–338. ———. 2018b. La reimplantación de la Compañía de Jesús en Filipinas: de la restauración a la Revolución filipina (1815–1898). Barcelona: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, PhD. dissert. Arcilla, José. 2001. Jacinto Juanmartí. In Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús: Infante de Santiago-Piatkiewicz, ed. Charles E.  O’Neill and Joaquín María Domínguez, vol. III, 2160–2161. Madrid: Universidad Pontificia Comillas. Attas, Syed Muhammad Naquib al-. 1984. The Correct Date of the Terengganu Inscription: Friday, 4th Rejab, 702 A.H./Friday, 22nd February, 1303 [A.C.]. Kuala Lumpur: Muzium Negara. Bangahan, Benj S. 2015. English–Bahasa Sūg. Anggalis–Bahasa Sūg. Dictionary. Kitab-Maana. Quezon City: Vibal Foundation. Barrantes, Vicente. 1878. Guerras piráticas de Filipinas contra mindanaos y joloanos, corregidas é ilustradas por don Vicente Barrantes. Madrid: Imprenta de Manuel G. Hernández. Blair, Emma Helen, and James Alexander Robertson, eds. 1903–1919. The Philippine Islands. 1493–1898. Cleveland: A. H. Clark, LV vols. Buffum, Katharine G., and Lieut. Col. Charles Lynch. 1913. Joloano Moro. [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Cameron, C.R. 1917. Sulu Writing. An Explanation of the Sulu-Arabic Script as Employed in Writing the Sulu Language of the Southern Philippines. Zamboanga: The Sulu Press.

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165

de Casparis, J.G. 1975. Indonesian Palaeography: A History of Writing in Indonesia from the beginnings to c. AD 1500. Leiden: Brill. Chejne, Anwar G. 1983. Islam and the West: The Moriscos. A Cultural and Social History. Albany: State University of New York Press. Chirino, P. 1969 [1600]. Relación de las Islas Filipinas. Historical Conservation Society. Collins, James T. 1998. Malay, World language: A Short History. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Corpuz, Onofre D. 2005. The Roots of the Filipino Nation. Quezon City: University of the Philippines, II vols. Cowie, Andson. 1893. English-Sulu-Malay Vocabulary, with Useful Sentences, Tables, &c. London: The British North Borneo Company. Doctrina Christiana, en lengua española y tagala, corregida por los Religiosos de las órdenes. Impressa con licencia en S. Gabriel de la orden de S. Domingo, en Manila. 1593. (2008). National Historical Institute. Donoso, Isaac. 2012. Orígenes del chabacano: la Társila zamboangueña. In Historia cultural de la lengua española en Filipinas: ayer y hoy, ed. I. Donoso, 199–233. Madrid: Verbum. ———. 2013. Islamic Far East: Ethnogenesis of Philippine Islam. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. ———. 2015. The Philippines and al-Andalus: Linking the Edges of the Classical Islamic World. Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints 63 (2): 247–273. ———. 2016. Boxer Codex: A Modern Spanish Transcription and English Translation of 16th-Century Exploration Accounts of East and Southeast Asia and the Pacific, Transcription and Edition by Isaac Donoso, Translation and Annotations by María Luisa García, Carlos Quirino and Mauro García. Quezon City: Vibal Foundation. Donoso, Isaac, and Heidi Macahilig-Barceló. 2012. El español y la historia de la lectura en Filipinas. In Historia cultural de la lengua española en Filipinas: ayer y hoy, ed. I. Donoso, 385–427. Madrid: Verbum. Fathurahman, Oman, Midori Kawashima, and Labi Sarip Riwarung. 2019. The Library of an Islamic Scholar of Mindanao. The Collection of Sheik Muhammad Said bin Imam sa Bayang at the Al-Imam As-Sadiq (A.S.) Library, Marawi City, Philippines: An Annotated Catalogue with Essays. Tokyo: Sophia University. Fernández García de los Arcos, María Fernanda. 1996. Forzados y reclutas: Los criollos novohispanos en Asia (1756–1808). Mexico: Potrerillos. Gallop, Annabel Teh, and Ernst Ulrich Kratz. 1994. The Legacy of the Malay Letter. London: British Library. García Valdés, Celsa Carmen. 1998. Andanzas del Buscón don Pablos por México y Filipinas: Estudio y edición de la Tercera parte de La vida del gran tacaño de Vicente Alemany. Pamplona: Ediciones Universidad de Navarra.

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[Juanmartí, J.]. 1885. Catecismo de la doctrina cristiana en castellano y en Moro de Maguindanao por un P.  Misionero de la Compania de Jesus. Con las licencias necesarias. Imprenta de C. Valdezco, impresor de la Real Casa de S. M. Juanmartí, Jacinto. 1887. Cartilla moro-castellana para los Maguindanaos. Manila: Imprenta y Litografía de M. Pérez, Hijo. ———. 1888a. Appendix ad Rituale Romanum: Admonitiones faciendae in sacramentorum administratione lingua vernacula Moro-Maguindanao et Tiruray. Manila: Imprenta y Litografía de M. Pérez, Hijo. ———. 1888b. Catecismo de la doctrina cristiana en castellano y en moro de Maguindanao por un P. Misionero de la Compañía de Jesús. Manila: Imprenta de M. Pérez, Hijo. ———. 1888c. Compendio de historia universal desde la creación del mundo hasta la venida de Jesucristo, y un breve vocabulario en castellano y en Moro-­ Maguindanao por un padre misionero de la Compañía de Jesús. Singapore: Impr. de Koh Yew Hean. ———. 1892a. Diccionario Moro–Maguindanao–Espanol. Manila: Amigos del País. ———. 1892b. Gramática de la lengua de Maguindanao según se habla en el centro y en la costa sur de la isla de Mindanao. Manila: Tipografía Amigos del País. ———. 1906. A Grammar of the Maguindanao Tongue: According to the Manner of Speaking It in the Interior and on the South Coast of the Island of Mindanao, Translated from the Spanish of Rev. Father J.  Juanmartí, Order of Jesuits, by C.C. Smith, Captain Fourteenth U.S. Cavalry. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office. Kawashima, Midori, ed. 2012. The Qur’an and Islamic Manuscripts of Mindanao. Tokyo: Sophia University. Landa Jocano, F. 1975. Philippine Prehistory. An Anthropological Overview of the Beginnings of the Filipino Society and Culture. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Loarca, M. de. 1582. Relación de las Yslas Filipinas. In The Philippine Islands. 1493–1898, Eds. Emma Helen Blair & James Alexander Robertson, V 34-187. Cleveland: A. H. Clark, 1903–1919, LV vols. Lorenzo García, Santiago. 1999. La expulsión de los jesuitas de Filipinas. Alicante: Universidad de Alicante. Majul, César Adib. 1999. Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Manchado López, Marta María. 2014. Familia y linaje en un contexto imperial: los Rodríguez de Figueroa. Historia Mexicana 63 (3): 1077–1119. MS Manila. Carta de Mu‘izz al-Dīn, Sultán de Joló (1753). Philippine National Archives – Mindanao y Sulú, Rare 3 [1749–1754], fol. 59. ———. Capitulaciones de Paz, Protección y Comercio (September 23, 1836). Philippine National Archives  – Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9276 [1836–1898], Exp. 2, 7 pp. 2.

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———. Petición del Sultán de Joló para tener el monopolio del anfión (December 22, 1855). Philippine National Archives  – Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9330 (1860–1896), Exp. 34, S. 414. ———. Dos informes de la sección de la interpretación del idioma moro de Mindanao, firmado por Alejo Álvarez, al Gobernador General de Filipinas, poniendo en su conocimiento noticias importantes sobre la situación del comercio en Joló, etc. (1875). Philippine National Archives  – Mindanao y Sulú. SDS 9259 [1803–1899], Exp. 58, fol. 598–615. ———. Expediente sobre la creación del Gobierno Político Militar de Joló y de los intérpretes del mismo (1876). Philippine National Archives – Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9273 (1836–1896), Exp. 11, S. 57–68b. ———. Ascenso del Datu Harak (June, 1895). Philippine National Archives  – Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9330 (1860–1896), Exp. 33, S. 344. MS Manila. Expediente promovido por el Sultán de Joló en solicitud de que se establezca el estanco de opio y tabaco de China en aquella Ysla. Philippine National Archives – Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9251 (1780–1898), Exp. 26, S. 107. MS Manila. Expediente promovido por el ex-Sultán de Joló, datto de la Paragua Harum Nasarrid. Philippine National Archives – Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9341 (1750–1898), Exp. 313, S. 1120. MS Seville. Jornadas a Borneo, Joló, Mindanao, en Filipinas (1578). Archivo General de Indias – Patronato, 24, R.48, 164 pp. ———. Carta del rey de Borneo a Tello escrita en árabe (1599). Archivo General de Indias – MP Escritura y Cifra, 32, 2 pp. Nicholl, Robert. 1996. Raja Bongsu of Sulu. A Brunei Hero in His Times. Kuala Lumpur: Malaysian Branch of Royal Asiatic Society. Pardo de Tavera, T.H. 1884. Contribución para el estudio de los antiguos alfabetos filipinos. Losana: Imprenta de Jaunin Hermanos. Porter, R.S. 1903. A Primer and Vocabulary of the Moro Dialect (Magindanau). Washington: Government Printing Office. Postma, Antoon. 1992. The Laguna Copper-Plate Inscription: Text and Commentary. Philippine Studies 40-2: 183–203. Potet, Jean-Paul. 2013. Arabic and Persian Loanwords in Tagalog. Raleigh: Lulu. Reid, Anthony. 1990. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680: The Lands Below the Winds. New Haven: Yale University Press. Retana, Wenceslao E. 1897. Historia de Mindanao y Joló por el P. Francisco Combes de la Compañía de Jesús, obra publicada en Madrid en 1667, y que ahora, con la colaboración del P. Pablo Pastells, de la misma Compañía, saca nuevamente a luz W. E. Retana. Madrid: Minuesa de los Ríos. ———. 1898. Archivo del Bibliófilo Filipino. Recopilación de documentos históricos, científicos, literarios y políticos y Estudios Bibliográficos. Madrid: Librería General de Victoriano Suárez.

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Riddell, Peter G. 2017. Malay Court Religion, Culture and Language: Interpreting the Qur’ān in 17th Century Aceh. Leiden & Boston: Brill. Rodríguez Rodríguez, OSA, Isacio. 1978. Historia de la Provincia Agustiniana del Santísimo Nombre de Jesús de Filipinas. Vol. XIV.  Manila: Convento de San Agustín. Scott, William Henry. 1984. Pre-Hispanic Sources for Materials the Study of the Philippine History. Quezon City: New Day. ———. 1992. Looking for the Prehispanic Filipino and Other Essays in Philippine History. Quezon City: New Day. Shaw, Carlos Martínez, and Marina Alfonso Mola. 2007. La ruta española a China. Madrid: Ediciones El Viso. Sitoy, T. Valentino, Jr. 1985. A History of Christianity in the Philippines. The Initial Encounter. Quezon City: New Day. Tan, Samuel K. 2003. Filipino Muslim Perceptions of Their History and Culture as Seen Through Indigenous Sources. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Tibbetts, G.R., and Shawkat M.  Toorawa. 2002. Zābadj, Zābidj, Zabag. In Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. XI, 367–369. Leiden: Brill. Zialcita, Fernando. 2005. Authentic Though Not Exotic. Essays on Filipino Identity. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

CHAPTER 7

Moro Literature

Classic Arabic Geographic Literature and Lore on the Easternmost Edge of the World Muslims dominated world trade from the seventh to the fifteenth centuries. From Spain and the Mediterranean Sea to China and the Indian Ocean, Arabs and Persians, together with Iberians, Berbers, Indians, Chinese, Turks and Malays, between many other ethnic communities, traveled and described the world. Arabic language and script became the common expression of the physical environment and the metaphysical cosmos. The study of references about Eastern Asia in Arabic sources was done extensively in the twentieth century, mainly with regards to two major landmarks: Gabriel Ferrand, Relations de voyages et textes géographiques arabes, persans et turks relatifs a l’Extrême-Orient du viiie au xviiie siècles. Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1913; and Gerald Randall Tibbetts, A Study of the Arabic Texts containing Material on South-East Asia. Leiden & London: R.  J. Brill, 1979. These two sources are composed of translations of selected passages, without adding the original Arabic though. Apart from pioneering trade networks in the cosmopolitan world created by Islam, Muslims produced a huge Geographic Literature describing the ecumene (from the Greek οἰκουμένη, oikouménē), the inhabited land. Thus, the sailor who embarked in Basra seeking China, if he returned, already possessed the greatest of the treasures: knowledge of the route. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 I. Donoso, Bichara, Islam in Southeast Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0821-7_7

169

170 

I. DONOSO

The route was therefore the most valuable merchandise, mapped in the mind and for the power (Jughrāfiyā / ‫جغرافيا‬, Geography) and imbued with fantasy and imagination for the masses (‘Ajā’ib / ‫عجائب‬, Mirabilia) (Maqbul and Taeschner 1986). Muslim geographers and historians from the ninth century were eager to know the secrets of the route. Through informants and sailors who sailed the waters and the lands, Muslim scholars began to create a written corpus describing, among other things, the maritime journey to China. This is revealed primarily in the works of Ibn Khurradādhbih (c. 820–911), al-Mas‘ūdī (c. 896–956), and al-Muqaddasī (c. 945–1000). Belonging to the first generation of Muslim geographers along with the Persian Ibn Khurradādhbih we also find al-Ya‘qūbī (d. 897) who, for this matter, wrote one of the most revealing texts about learning the route to China. In his Kitāb al-Tārīkh, al-Ya‘qūbī devoted a chapter to the “Kings of China / ‫ملوك الصين‬,” where he detailed the journey to the Far East on the seven seas: China is a huge country. Anyone coming to China by boat must travel seven seas. Each sea has its own color, wind, fish, and breeze, different from the following sea. The first is the Sea of Persia, which starts from Sīrāf, and ends at the cape of al-Jumḥa. It is narrow and has pearl fisheries. The second sea which begins at the same cape is called the Laccadive Sea. It is a great sea, where the islands of Waqwaq and others belonging to al-Zanj are found. These islands have kings. Certainly, this sea must be navigated with the guidance of the stars. There are big fishes, and many unspeakable wonders. The third sea is called Harkand, where the island of Sirandīb is located. It has rubies and other gemstones. In this sea there are islands with kings and a king who ruled over them all. It is possible to find in these islands bamboo and rattan. The fourth sea is called the Sea of Kalāh-Bār. It is a sea with little water and contains large snakes. Sometimes the wind is very strong, smashing boats. There are also islands with camphor trees. The fifth sea is called Sea of Salāhiṭ. It is a big sea with many wonders. The sixth sea is called Sea of Kardanj, which has heavy rains. The seventh sea is called al-Ṣanyī, also known as Kanjalī, or the South China Sea. It is possible to reach it only by sailing with the wind from the south, up to a river estuary where there are walls and cities, to the city of Canton. (Our translation from al-Ya‘qūbī 1969: I, 204–205)

Ibn Khurradādhbih’s work represents one of the main narratives about the roads and kingdoms, in the volume Kitāb al-masālik wa-l-mamālik /

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‫كتاب املساكل واملامكل‬. He described the ecumene through direct testimonies. The enumeration of the seven seas is enriched with empirical data on China, human and natural history, only obtained after direct observation (from informants). Thus, his description of Southeast Asia is of the utmost importance, since it uncovers a world in the eyes of Islam: From here [Bālūs Island] to the island of Jāba, Shalāhit and Harlanḥ there are two parasangs. Jāba is a great island whose king wears vestments and a crown of gold and worships Buddha. Their products are coconuts, bananas and sugar cane. In Shalāhit there are sandalwood, tuberose and clove. There is a small mountain with fire at its top; it has a hundred cubits in width but no more than a spear in height. During the day you can only see smoke, at night, fire. After traveling for two weeks you get to the land of spices. The distance between Jāba and Māyṭ is short. (Our translation from Ibn Khurradādhbih 1889: 77)

But the adventures and events that were narrated in the ports of the Persian Gulf sometimes gave rise to the creation of other types of narratives, not so scrupulous with the erudite validity. If Muslim intellectuals tried to collect the stories of sailors and navigators to complete the image of the ecumenical world, the China route was undoubtedly an enormous source of stories that enlivened fantasy and imagination in a future of adventure, treasures, and fortune. This is how an oral tradition of sea stories was generated, tales from beyond the seas that sailors, adventurers, navigators, and traders transmitted from a world in the antipodes, which could only be reached after a very long voyage full of dangers among typhoons, islands, pirates, and cannibals. This oral tradition would immediately generate a topic, a list of common themes (τόποι, tópoi). The stories of the Indian ocean route produced a whole popular literature on the wonders of the sea. The shatranj (old chess) champion al-Ṣūlī (c.880–946) transmitted one of the most revealing texts remarking on the extent of this popular literature. The scene represents the recrimination given by the future caliph al-Rāḍī to his eunuchs: Accordingly, al-Rāḍī said to his eunuchs the following words: entertain yourselves in these books of Prophetic traditions, jurisprudence, linguistics, writings and books of the ulema, completed by Allah with the Islamic doctrine, their examples and usefulness, and not in those books with which you

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delight such as the Wonders of the Sea, the History of Sinbad and The Weasel and the Mouse. (Our translation from al-Sūlī 1935: 3)

As nādim (tutor) of the future caliph, al-Ṣūlī knew day to day all the details of court life. In this passage which appears in the preamble of the relation Akhbār al-Rāḍī bi-l-Llah wa-l-Muttaqī li-l-Llah, many questions are confirmed: (1) a popular literature about the oceanic route circulated; (2) the narratives can be called akhbār and ḥadīth, but were mainly ‘ajā’ib / ‫( عجائب‬wonders); (3) the literature was so popularly accepted that it even reached the caliphal court; (4) several classics already existed, among them ‘Ajā’ib al-Baḥr / ‫( عجائب البحر‬Wonders of the Sea), and Ḥadīth Sindibād / ‫( حديث سندباد‬History of Sinbad). We can include here other collections like Akhbār al-Ṣīn wa-l-Hind / ‫( أخبارالصين والهند‬Accounts of China and India) (Mackintosh-Smith and Montgomery 2014), Kitāb ‘ajā’ib al-Hind / ‫( كتاب عجائب الهند‬Book of the marvels of India) (Van der Lith and Devic 1883; Al-Sharouni 1989), and Mukhtaṣar al-‘ajā’ib / ‫( مختصر العجائب‬Collection of marvels) (Carra de Vaux 1898; Mukhtaṣar 2001). Stories related to the easternmost edge of the world can be found in these books, legendary places that somehow can be located around the Philippine archipelago, as the island of Wāqwāq (‫ )الواقواق‬or the island of Women (Jazīrat al-Nisā’ / ‫)النساء جزيرة‬. In the second tale, the specific name of the sea of Malānū or Malānaw / ‫مالنو‬ refers clearly to “Malanao,” located between the Philippine archipelago and North Borneo. This is how the story of Women’s Island starts included in the tenth century Kitāb ‘ajā’ib al-Hind: A man told me that he traveled on a large ship together with a multitude of merchants from all countries. They traveled across the Malānaw Sea to the land of China. (Our translation from Van der Lith and Devic 1883: chapter XV) ‫انّه سافر رجل في مركب له عظيم ومعه فيه خلق من اخالط التجار من ك ّل بلد وهم يسيرون في بحر‬ ‫مالنو وقد قربوا من اطراف ارض صين‬

We have therefore a ship full of sailors from all nations that is shipwrecked due to a storm on its journey to China. The place of the shipwreck occurred off the Baḥr Malānaw / ‫بحر مالنو‬, a sea that does not appear in the traditional route to China. In other words, the ship was off course, a detour that took it eastward to China. Significantly, Malānaw corresponds perfectly with the Ma-lo-nu that appears in Chinese sources:

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Again in the south-easterly direction [from eastern Sumatra] there are certain islands inhabited by savage robbers called Ma-la-nu. When traders are driven to this country, these savages assemble in large crowds and, having caught the shipwrecked, roast them over a fire with large bamboo pinchers and eat them. The chiefs of these robbers bore their teeth and plate them with yellow gold. They use human skulls as vessels for drinking and eating. The farther one penetrates among these islands, the worse the robbers are. (Hirth and Rockhill 1911: 150)

The Arabic name Malānaw can also perfectly correspond to the Bornean Melanau, an ethnic community that inhabited northern Sarawak and whose ancestral practices could describe this Chinese description. The Sultanate of Brunei was able to expand its territories towards the land inhabited by this community: With the defeat of Igan, Sarawak falls to Brunei, implying that the whole of the northwest coast of Borneo south of Brunei Bay was then under the overlordship of Melanau Igan. Other evidence supports the existence of a very early center of trade and political power, somewhere near the modern center of Menalau territory […] Thus, by conquering only Igan, Brunei became heir to the rest of the modern-day Sarawak territories. (Maxwell 1996: 104–105)

But beyond the geographical location, the account narrates a surprising tale, the adventures of an Andalusian from Cadiz (shaykh Muslim min ahl Qādis min al-Andalus / ‫ )شيخ مسلم من اهل قادس من األندلس‬in the Far East. After the shipwreck near the Malanaw Sea, the Andalusian was one of the survivors on an island. Once there, however, hundreds of women raped the sailors to exhaustion. Only one escaped after being protected by a woman who had fallen in love. They prepared a boat and escaped towards alAndalus, where they begot many children. We have here, in fiction or reality, the first testimony of Malay-Iberian mestizos, five centuries before Magellan (Donoso 2013: 125–129). A drastic change in the knowledge of Southeast Asia occurred in the fifteenth century with the works of Aḥmad ibn Mājid and Sulaymān al-Mahrī (Sezgin 1992). Indeed, after eight centuries of navigation in the Indian ocean, the regions around Sumatra, Java and Malaya were clearly located (Tibbetts 1979: fig. 7), unlike other regions beyond this centrality. There are reports of direct routes to northern China (as far as Formosa) and to eastern Java (as far as Timor), but the indications are vague and

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ambiguous. The routes seem to be known from oral transmission rather than experience. This is evident in the sixth section of Ibn Mājid’s urjūzah Ḥāwiyat al-ikhtiṣār fī uṣūl ‘ilm al-biḥār (our translation from Ferrand (1921–1928: I, 104): South of here there is only enormity and al-Ghur [Formosa] said the Qadi al-Waraj. And beyond this region there are  things out of proportion for not worth traveling. They are at the end of the world  and are a disgrace to the intellect and beauty. No other thing we have heard  about them from who has traveled. ‫والغور قال القاضي الورخ‬ ‫وال جنوبيهن اال وسخ‬ ‫سوية الخلقه تغني للسفر‬ ‫وبعد ذا اإلقليم لم تلق بشر‬ ‫مذ لهون العقل بالبهاء‬ ‫النهم في طرف الدنياء‬ ‫لها أسانيد سوي هدى‬ ‫والسمعنا غير هذا معرفه‬

Nevertheless, the first feasible reference to the Philippine archipelago can be found from this author. As mentioned, Ṣūluk / ‫ صوكل‬was singularly mentioned in the same urjūzah dated 1462 (Donoso 2013: 258).

Moro Adab: Oral and Traditional Literature of the Ethnic Communities The oral and traditional literature of the Muslim ethnic communities in the Philippines represents an invaluable treasure partially recorded during the twentieth century, and still in process of conservation and study. Orally transmitted, a remarkable task of compilation and translation has been undertaken in the last decades. However, the limitations of the linguistic analysis of original versions and a complete literary narrative of the diverse components make still partial the knowledge in the literatures of Philippine Muslim communities. The focus of attention centers usually on the use of literary materials for ethnic descriptions (which in some cases can conduct towards plain folklore). A holistic analysis of categories, aesthetics and literary forms is still preliminary, leaving the impression of heterogeneous materials in a fragmented tribal world. Overall, three general statements have been made by Juan R. Francisco (“Islamic Literature in the Philippines”, 1976), Samuel K.  Tan (The Development of Muslim Literature, 1978), and Nagasura T.  Madale (“A

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Preliminary Classification of Muslim Literature”, 2001: 39–70). Tan discussed, from an aprioristic point of view, the reasons behind the limited evidences of a Moro intellectual tradition, written heritage and Islamic erudition. He considered the excessive historical focus on armed struggle and the necessity to attend and unearth the Moro intellectual and cultural activity over the centuries: The serious drawback, however, of Muslim scholarship lies in three areas of research which are vital to any “validative” effort of Muslim studies. The first is folklore studies. […] The second area is archaeology. […] The third area the theoretical framework of Muslim studies. (Tan 1978: 8)

Arsenio Manuel pioneered the academic study of Philippine epics (1963), and Nagasura T. Madale identified some preliminary Moro ones: Darangen, Dimakaling, Radia Indarapatra, Diwata Kasaripan and Diwata Kasinebangan for the Maranao and Maguindanao, Kudaman for the Palawani and Parang Sabil for the Tausug (2001: 40). Certainly, the work of the French researcher Nicole Revel has been important, with the study in particular of Palawan and Tawi-Tawi. She recovered the Sama Silungan Baltapa, comparing the journey of the hero with the Islamic Mi‘rāj (Revel et al. 2005). As a consequence of Revel’s efforts, the Archives of Ateneo de Manila University currently holds the largest collection on “Philippine Oral Epics.” Sama literature, between other traditions, is also studied in the volume edited by Revel Literature of Voice (2005). The process of oral transmission, with interviews and collections of materials, was brilliantly analyzed by Grace Nono in the book The Shared Voice (2008). Finally, Damiana Eugenio (2001) included studies and partial translations into English of Moro epics in volume VIII of the monumental Philippine Folk Literature Series. In the other volumes can be found interesting material as well: An Anthology (I); The Myths (II); The Legends (III); The Folktales (IV); The Riddles (V); The Proverbs (VI); The Folk Songs (VII); The Epics (VIII). Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1981–2001. As far as specific works are concerned, the edition, translation and analysis of some pivotal landmarks has already been undertaken: Maharadia Lawana (Francisco 1994), Raja Indarapatra (Madale 1984; Aliman 1986), Darangen (DD.  AA. 1986–1992), Abdullah and Putli Isara (Ventura Castro et al. 1985: 291–322) and Raja of Madaya (Wein 1984). The great Indologist Juan Francisco related the Panji tales and Rama cycle with the narrative Maharadia Lawana and the monumental poem in

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72,000 verses Darangen (Francisco 1994: 110–112). These two Maranao pieces reveal the pre-Islamic nature of many Moro traditions, and the complexity of oral transmission among ethnic communities in the archipelago. Very few written records are preserved, the oldest versions in Kirim script (the name given to Jawi script in some areas of Mindanao) and recently in Madrasa script (the name given to Roman transliteration) (Madale 2001: 79–80). It is understood that these traditions were chanted on special occasions, together with music and dance, but also formed part of the entertainment for datus and sultans. The refined and archaic language of the Darangen, together with the sophisticated manners and customs described, represent the best model for leadership, a real “mirror of princess” to learn the Islamic Adab (the good manners of governance). As a sample, we reproduce verses 1709–1720 from Episode 8: Na da’ ta tanto bolonga na melaginding sa mareg so Ayonan sa Gadongan na aya kandaging iyan na ari bati’ a dato’ a Somiyalalaw Solog na aya ki’ a lalag ko na laboyoon ko rinaw na laboon ako niyo ko pamakolodan ko ig ka ba aken den lalaga so tenday o pagilidan.

And after a stretch of silence Now began to talk at length, the King of Gadongan, And opening his mouth, he said: “My brother-in-law, the King, Somiyalalaw Solog, Please listen to my wish, Brother, Which I beg of you to favor, That you will let me go and drop Me on land, on the shore we see, So that I will travel on foot Thorough the whole length of the shore. (Coronel et al. 1985: 40–41)

Indeed, this literature has the traditional value of docere et delectare, to teach and delight. Besides entertaining the community with the chant, the recitation and many times with the performance of dances and musical instruments, the message targets a way of conduct, a code of honor. In addition, the background of the story locates the listener within the two contexts of the community: the indigenous and the Islamic. This can be seen in short narratives such as the kissa and kata-kata of the Tausug and other groups. The first is oriented towards the Islamic Qiṣaṣ al-‘Anbiyā’ / ‫( قصص ا ألنبياء‬stories of prophets), teaching the Islamic conception of the cosmos (kissa sin kaawn, tales of creation) and legal precepts as if it were ḥadīth (kissa sin hadis) (Rixhon 2010: 411). Stories like Sitti Maryam prove the rich value and originality of this literature, projecting the Islamic nature of Maryam towards Zamboanga:

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Some time after this, Hadjid was able to get Isa’s mother, Sitti Maryam, and put her under the care of the government. When the time came for her to face God’s judgement […] Sitti Maryam was brought to Zamboanga City. There the people from the islands, including Sulu, go to fulfill the promise they made when they needed help. (Rixhon 2010: 125)

On the other hand, kata-kata is a genre present in many Moro communities. They are short stories about a picaresque character: Pusung and Abu Nuwas in Sulu, and Pilandok in Mindanao. It is interesting to note that the parody is used as a critique of the social and political system, the limited space where sarcastically the hierarchy can be contested (Rixhon 2001: 222). Accordingly, it is interesting to note that the local voice is fittingly projected towards the rest of the Islamic world, as in the case of Pangkat sin Sultan ha Istanbul iban Di, “The Relation between the Sultan of Istanbul and Our Sultan.” The tale places the irreverence of the prince of Istanbul within the morality and command of Moro mores, projecting the high Islamic values of the local sultanates: One day, when the son of the sultan of Istanbul grew up to be a man, he had become a tough character who behaved like a bully. He was not afraid to act this way because he was of royal blood and he felt certain that no one would bother him. […] Whenever he met a woman, he would rape her, whether of not she was the daughter of a big family, of a salip, of an imam, or of a hatib. (Rixhon 2010: 127)

The story ends with the expulsion of wild animals from Sulu and the wedding between the Tausug Daya-raya and the prince of Istanbul, as allegory of the power of Sulu. Suitably the stories project indigenous and Islamic values and moral lessons for the community, a space to be connected with the Dār al-Islām and a respect for their own institutions. It is, overall, the Moro Adab, the refinement, good manners, morals, decorum, decency and conduct of the Muslim communities preserved through the traditional literature. As Arabs preserved through poetry and orality their way of life (adab / ‫ )أدب‬from pre-Islamic times, forming at the end the core of Arabic literature (al-adab al-‘arabī / ‫األدب العربي‬, similarly Moro ethnic communities shaped principles and ethics after indigenous and Islamic oral transmissions.

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Islamic Literature A different aspect can be said about other literary productions that go beyond fiction, morality and aesthetics. The existence of the Islamic court, the legal application of the sharia, the Qur’ānic exegesis, and the written protocols of the chancery, are elements that necessarily help to develop an intellectual tradition. We still have nowadays little data to construct a feasible narrative of the history of Islamic thought in the Philippines. Meanwhile as manuscripts are unearthed and public and private documents are studied, we can use a tentative model to classify the existing records in the construction of this Philippine Islamic literature, with three main categories: Silsilah, Kitāb and Khuṭbah. Silsilah / ‫سلسلة‬ Oral traditions of genealogical accounts on aristocratic families (tuan, timuay, orangkaya, datu, raja, sultan) are the most recognizable Philippine Islamic sources. They can fully or partially be written down in some moment in time. Probably the original transmissions were codified in Malay, but certainly the local tongue predominated in the end. They are called tarsilas from the Arabic silsilah / ‫(ﺳﻟﺴﻟﺔ‬chain). Their main function is to establish the ancestry, especially to prove a legal lineage and succession to provide political power and, eventually, sovereignty over ancestral domains. These sources are historical documents produced largely by leading rulers of indigenous communities, not only Muslims (Hayase 2007), and not only in the Philippines (we have already mentioned the silsilah of Brunei). The tarsila is therefore a typical phenomenon inside the region, though Islamic elements intervene undoubtedly in its conformation. Hence, we can compare its validation as a chain of authorities, as the isnād / ‫ﺇﺴﻨﺎﺩ‬, a key mechanism in Islamic prophetic traditions. Certainly, this is how the sharīf obtains the charisma. It is interesting to remember the numerous Muslim preacher and missionaries that traveled the region under the charisma of being related to the Prophet: Writing from Malacca in 1556, Jesuit Baltasar Diaz labels the passage of Muslim teachers ‘under the pretence of their being merchants’ in Portuguese ships ‘one of the gravest offences that could be offered God our Lord’, and recounts a personal experience. In the ship in which he came from India,

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one of his fellow passengers was a Moro, ‘proclaiming himself a relative of Muhammad’, who was on his way to Borneo to join a companion who ‘has already made Moros of the major part of that paganism. (Scott 1992: 29)

After obtaining the legal Islamic sanction through the sharīf, the other essential element to validate the local isnād is the indigenous ancestry. Indeed, Malay sultanates began through interracial marriages to obtain both indigenous and Islamic legitimacies. Besides, we have already mentioned the necessity to recognize Iskandar Dhū l-Qarnayn as ancestry in the genealogical account, as the first Qur’anic prophet in the East. The Philippine tarsila is a concise genealogical list (similar to the isnad) plus short narrative descriptions and accounts (following the same comparison with the hadith, we can call it matn / ‫)ﻤﻦﺘ‬. Old samples appeared in Montero y Vidal (1888: I 64–65), who concluded his narration with: “así cuenta el Talasida que tuvo origen la dominación de la raza mahometana en Mindanao.” Benito Francia (1898: 193–195) reproduced the very interesting tarsila of Zamboanga, transmitted in an already creolized Spanish (Donoso 2012). Najeeb Mitry Saleeby, Lebanese at the service of the American administration, compiled and translated the main tarsilas from both Mindanao (1905) and Sulu (1908). However, he did not reproduce the original sources, the vernacular versions being missed in the present, with its many implications. Thus, English translations have been used as main references to reconstruct the genealogy of the sultanates. Nevertheless, César Adib Majul did an extraordinary task analyzing the data throughout his many works, and formalizing the standard line of succession and chronology generally accepted until today (1965, 1979). From here different tarsilas have been published from different ethnic groups and different purposes, as in Tan (2003: 9–39) and Ututalum and Hedjazi (2003). Beyond the lineage, perhaps the attention must be placed now on the political role of each sultan, to have a better narrative of the sultanates. Kitāb / ‫ﻜﺘﺎﺐ‬ Within this specific literature, that has Islam as the main concern, we can find as the main form the Kitāb /‫ﻜﺗﺎﺏ‬. Moro Kutub (plural of Kitāb) are book-type documents written in Jawi script and deal with Islamic philosophy, theology or mysticism. Nevertheless, book-type documents are the

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basis from which Islamic civilization emerged. Hence, by compiling, translating and analyzing Roman-Greek classicism, as well as Persian and Indian traditions, the Islamic Civilization created specific conditions for massive book production and circulation. In a borderless dominion from the Iberian peninsula to Southeast Asia and China, knowledge, books and students circulated across cultural capitals: Baghdad, Damascus, Cairo, Qayrawan, Cordoba, Fez, Samarqand, Istanbul, Delhi, Timbuktu, Malacca, Brunei and, finally, Jolo. Although in distant places and times, periods and dynasties, Islamic lands were able to create urban centers that produced masters, knowledge, and books. Consequently, education was a permanent aspect of the Islamic cities, and with education, writing. The State did not interfere in a system based in the ijāza / ‫ﺇﺠﺎﺰﺓ‬, the recognition given by a master to his disciple. That ijāza was perfectly certified and included in indexes (fihrist / ‫ )ﻔﻬﺮﺴﺖ‬and biographical books (kutub al-tarājim / ‫)كتب التراجم‬. This system was complemented with the development of the madrasa / ‫ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ‬since the eleventh century, the source of the modern university. Wherever there is education and transmission of knowledge, there are books. The existence of Islamic books in the Philippine archipelago is a fact from the sixteenth century. Spanish sources mention that some people from Manila were able to read some words in Qur’āns brought from Brunei. This is the testimony given in the 1572 account Relación del descubrimiento y conquista de la isla de Luzón y Mindoro: It is true that some who have been in Burney understand something, and know how to read some words of the Qur’ān; but these are very few and they have among them the opinion that he who has not been in Burney can eat pork, and this I have heard many of them say. (Our translation from Anonymous 1572: 29)

It is interesting to note, and remark, that the Qur’ān, in the form of a book, was already physically present in the archipelago before the arrival of the Spaniards. Accordingly, these Qur’āns were imported from Brunei. It is not clear however if they were manufactured in Brunei or imported from other regions. Testimonies of Islamic books appear again in the eighteenth century. José Torrubia, in his Disertacion historico-politica en que se trata de la extensión de el Mahometismo en las Islas Philipinas (Torrubia 1736) included a dialogue between a Spaniard from the peninsula and a Spaniard

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born in the Philippines. The text states that shurafā’ (plural of sharīf ) from Mecca introduced Qur’āns into the islands, and many samples were seized in the Fort of Sabanilla (near present Malabang) and carried to Manila in 1724: CORTESANO. I have seen two reports coming from Manila; the one printed in the said city, and the other in Mexico, from where I have learned that there are many Muslims in the Philippine islands: I would like to know if it is true? PHILIPINO. There are, and so ancient, that we do not know their origin. When the Spaniards entered the islands, they were already there; and the mercy of God prevented this conquest at the proper time; for if it was delayed six, or eight years, the whole land would have been governed with their dogmas, whose followers were already trading in the land, when ours arrived there; and a morabito named Mahomat, was the guide, who guided Martín de Goiti, and led him to Manila; and this famous Basc was the one who conquered it. Since our entrance into this land the number of Muslims has increased much, by the regular traffic with the Macassars, and because holy men from Mecca, leaving the strait come as far as Sumatra, and from there by its strait pass to our islanders with sectarian spirit; they bring Qur’āns in Arabic to instruct them: a great portion of these books were taken in the Sabanilla, and I saw them in Manila in the hands of Sergeant Major Ponce, the year of 1724. (Our translation from Torrubia 1736: 1–2) Again, a century later, we can find another datum about the way the panditas teach and the high value of the manuscripts. Juan Salcedo, in his Proyectos de dominación y colonización de Mindanao y Joló (1891), mentions old Qur’āns from the sixteenth century as genuine bibliographic treasures: In each ranchería there is a PANDITA or priest. His costume and turban are white. The pandita’s occupation is reduced to reading the Qur’ān, copies of which they hold in high esteem. Some of them date from the 16th century,

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constituting true bibliographical jewels. Almost all the panditas make the pilgrimage to Mecca. (Salcedo 1891: 28–29)

Indeed, the Qur’ān is the most important treasure for any individual Muslim and any Islamic community. There is no doubt that it was copied, manufactured and cherished in Southeast Asia since old times. However, only recently are we starting to have systematic studies on manuscripts (Gallop 2015; Daneshgar et al. 2016) and exegesis (Johns 1998; Riddell 2017). For the Philippines, it was also recently when significant samples were unearthed from private and public collections, starting the recovery of a neglected bibliographical heritage (Kawashima 2012; Gallop 2021). Besides the Qur’ān, other Islamic books proliferated in the archipelago, enhancing Muslim education from Sulu to Manila since the sixteenth century. Spanish sources mentioned the existence of those, and some items were catalogued by Retana in his Bibliografía de Mindanao: “Número 167: Alcorán.—En moro de Mindanao—Ms. Fue de un pandita. Está escrito en papel muy ordinario. Parece ser copia de la segunda mitad del presente siglo” (Retana 1894: 59). At present, some of the Islamic materials saved from the destruction caused by World War Two to the largest Filipiniana collection—Colección de la Compañía General de Tabacos de Filipinas— are kept in the National Library of the Philippines (numbers 1643, 1645a and 1645b in Medina 1971: 199). But beyond these documents kept in public institutions, private collections are the main source for Moro kutub. Private owners have books written in Jawi script and local languages about Islamic principles, education and mysticism. It is valuable to rescue these materials and develop the philology of Moro languages and at the same time the history of Islamic intellectual production in the Philippines, in order to have a clear narrative to be included in the rest of Southeast Asia (Riddell 2003). Through different projects, Samuel Tan (in some cases with the collaboration of Munap H.  Hairulla) started the recovery of letters and kutub materials compiling a prized collection of “Jawi Documentary Series” published by UP-Center for Integrative and Development Studies: n.° 1, Annotated Bibliography of Jawi Materials of the Muslim South (1996a); n.° 2, Surat Maguindanaon (1996b); n.° 3, An Annotation of the Marsada Kitabs (2002); n.° 4, Basilan Kitabs (2007a); n.° 5, Tawi-Tawi Kitabs (2007b). Similarly, the direct study of Moro libraries and collections is enlightening the bibliographic production and the Arabic and Jawi traditions in the Philippines (Fathurahman et al. 2019).

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Indeed, by editing and analyzing Philippine Islamic books a broader understanding of Muslim intellectual and written production can be obtained, and a better image of Moro thought within the Southeast Asian context and Islamic civilization. Khuṭbah / ‫ﺧﻁﺑﺔ‬ Finally, it is possible to find other typologies of Islamic sources that provide valuable data to understand the political and cultural world of Philippine Islam. Accordingly, Friday sermon and orations for special occasions followed a standard formula that made them eventually to be fossilized and written down. Hence, the khuṭbah / ‫ ﺧﻂﺑﺔ‬is a sermon that has to follow a pyramidal order within the Islamic tradition. In the particular case of the Philippine sultanates, after God (Allāh), Muhammad, and the caliphs, the sultans are mentioned until the one in active. Given the list, it is possible to compare and extract details in the validation of tarsilas and track down Islamic traditions. Saleeby featured some khuṭbahs of the Sulu Sultanate (1905: 112–120). Nowadays the research on these sources presents the same conundrum as the tarsilas—the lack of original documents (Majul 1999: 8–10). It is not well researched the way panditas, ulamas and foreign Muslim missionaries (Afghans, Persianas, Turks, Indians…) taught Islamic dogmas and theology in the court or in the towns. Similarly, it is not clear the function and role of the pilgrims (ḥājj / ‫ ) َحا ّج‬within the different ethnic groups. Finally, modern khuṭbahs and the study of current Islamic theology in the country can also illuminate Moro understandings of the Islamic faith.

References Aliman, Ali. 1986. Lagia Indarapatra, a Magindanaon Folk Narrative: Some Notes on Islamic Influence. Quezon City: University of the Philippines, Master Dissert. Anonymous. 1572 [1898]. Relación del descubrimiento y conquista de la isla de Luzón y Mindoro. In Archivo del Bibliófilo Filipino. Recopilación de documentos históricos, científicos, literarios y políticos y Estudios Bibliográficos, Ed. Wenceslao E. Retana, IV 1–38. Madrid: Librería General de Victoriano Suárez. Carra de Vaux, Bernard. 1898. L’abrégé des merveilles: traduit de l’arabe d’aprés les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris. Paris: Actes de la Société Philologique.

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Coronel, M.  Delia, et  al. 1985. The Kapmabaning (Darangen Episode 8). Mindanao Art & Culture 6: 1–104. Daneshgar, Majid, Peter G. Riddell, and Andrew Rippin. 2016. The Qurʼān in the Malay-Indonesian World. New York: Routledge. DD.  AA 1986–1992. Darangen: In Original Maranao Verse with English Translation. Marawi City: Mindanao State University, 5 vols. Donoso, I. 2012. Orígenes del chabacano: la Társila zamboangueña. In Historia cultural de la lengua española en Filipinas: ayer y hoy, ed. I. Donoso, 199–233. Madrid: Verbum. ———. 2013. Islamic Far East: Ethnogenesis of Philippine Islam. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Eugenio, L. Damiana. 2001. The Epics. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Fathurahman, Oman, Midori Kawashima, and Labi Sarip Riwarung. 2019. The Library of an Islamic Scholar of Mindanao. The Collection of Sheik Muhammad Said bin Imam sa Bayang at the Al-Imam As-Sadiq (A.S.) Library, Marawi City, Philippines: An Annotated Catalogue with Essays. Tokyo: Sophia University. Ferrand, Gabriel. 1913. Relations de voyages et textes géographiques arabes, persans et turks relatifs a l’Extrême-Orient du viiie au xviiie siècles. Paris: Ernest Leroux. ———. 1921–1928. Instructions nautiques et routiers arabes et portugais des XVe et XVIe siècles, reproduits, traduits et annotés. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, III vols. Francia y Ponce de León, Benito. 1898. Las Islas Filipinas. Mindanao. Havana: Subinspección de Infantería. Francisco, Juan R. 1976. Islamic Literature in the Philippines. Solidarity 10: 18–39. ———. 1994. From Ayodhya to Pulu Agamaniog: Rama’s Journey to the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Gallop, Annabel Teh. 2015. The Appreciation and Study of Qur’an Manuscripts from Southeast Asia: Past, Present, and Future. Heritage of Nusantara: International Journal of Religious Literature and Heritage 2 (2): 195–212. ———. 2021. Qur’an Manuscripts from Mindanao: Collecting Histories, Art and Materiality. South East Asia Research 30 (1): 1–41. https://doi.org/10.108 0/0967828X.2021.1895674. Hayase, Shinzo. 2007. Mindanao Ethnohistory Beyond Nations. Maguindanao, Sangir, and Bagobo Societies in East Maritime Southeast Asia. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. Hirth, Friedrich, and W.W. Rockhill. 1911. Chau Ju-kua. His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, Entitled Chu-fan-chï, Translated from the Chinese and Annotated. Sant Petersburg: Printing Office of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. Johns, Anthony H. 1998. The Qur’ān in the Malay World: Reflections on ‘Abd al-Ra’ūf of Singkel (1615–1693). Journal of Islamic Studies 9 (2): 120–145.

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Kawashima, Midori, ed. 2012. The Qur’an and Islamic Manuscripts of Mindanao. Tokyo: Sophia University. Khurradādhbih, Abū-l-Qāsim ‘Ubayd Allāh ibn ‘Abd Allāh Ibn. 1889. Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum edidit M. J. de Goeje. Pars Sexta. Kitāb al-Masālik wa-l-Mamālik, auctore Abū’l-Ķāsim ‘Obaidallah ibn ‘Abdallah ibn Khordādhbeh. Leiden: Brill. Mackintosh-Smith, Tim, and James E.  Montgomery. 2014. Two Arabic Travel Books. Accounts of China and India and Mission to the Volga by Abū Zayd al-Sīrāfī and Aḥmad ibn Faḍlān. New York: NYU Press. Madale, Nagasura T. 1984. Raja Indarapatra: A Socio-Cultural Analysis. Quezon City: University of the Philippines, PhD. Dissert. ———. 2001. Tales from Lake Lanao and Other Essays. Manila: NCCA. Majul, César Adib. 1965. Political and Historical Notes on the Old Sulu Sultanate. Philippine Historical Review 1 (1): 229–251. ———. 1979. An Analysis of the Genealogy of Sulu. Asian Studies XVII: 1–17. ———. 1999. Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Manuel, Arsenio. 1963. A Survey of Philippine Epics. Asian Folklore Studies 22: 1–76. Maqbul Ahmad, S. & Fr. Taeschner. 1986. Djughrāfiyā. In Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. II, 575–592. Leiden: Brill. Maxwell, Allen R. 1996. Headtaking and the Consolidation of Political Power in the Early Brunei State. In Headhunting and the Social Imagination in Southeast Asia, ed. Janet Hoskins, 90–126. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Medina, Isagani R. 1971. Filipiniana Materials in the National Library. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Montero y Vidal, José. 1888. Historia de la piratería malayo-mahometana en Mindanao, Joló y Borneo. Comprende desde el descubrimiento de dichas islas hasta junio de 1888. Madrid: Imprenta y Fundición de Manuel Tello, II vols. Mukhtaṣar al-‘ajā’ib al-dunyā. 2001. Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya. Nono, Grace. 2008. The Shared Voice Chanted and Spoken Narratives from the Philippines. Manila: Anvil & Fundación Santiago. Retana, W.E. 1894. Bibliografía de Mindanao (Epítome). Madrid: Minuesa de los Ríos. Revel, Nicole, ed. 2005. Literature of Voice. Epics in the Philippines. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. Revel, Nicole et al. 2005. Silungan Baltapa: Le Voyage au ciel d’un hero Sama/ The Voyage to Heaven of a Sama Hero. Paris: Geuthner. Riddell, Peter G. 2003. Islam and the Malay-Indonesian World. Transmission and Responses. Singapore: Horizon Books. ———. 2017. Malay Court Religion, Culture and Language: Interpreting the Qur’ān in 17th Century Aceh. Leiden and Boston: Brill.

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Rixhon, Gerard. 2001. Tausug Literature: An Overview. In People of the Current. Sulu Studies Revisited, 197–266. Manila: NCCA. ———, ed. 2010. Voices from Sulu. A Collection of Tausug Oral Traditions. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. Salcedo y Mantilla de los Ríos, Juan. 1891. Proyectos de dominación y colonización de Mindanao y Joló. Gerona, [s.n.]. Saleeby, Najeeb Mitry. 1905. Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion. Manila: Bureau of Print. ———. 1908. The History of Sulu. Manila: Bureau of Print. Scott, William Henry. 1992. Looking for the Prehispanic Filipino and Other Essays in Philippine History. Quezon City: New Day. Sezgin, Fuat. 1992. Arabic Texts on Navigation by Aḥmad ibn Mājid (d. Early 16th c.) and Sulaymān al-Mahrī (First Half 16th c.). Frankfurt am Main: Johann Wolfgang Goethe University. Sharouni, Yousef Al. 1989. Kitāb ‘ajā’ib al-Hind. London: Riad el-Rayyis. Ṣūlī, Abū Bakr Muḥammad ibn Yaḥyā ibn al-‘Abbās al. 1935. Akhbār al-Rāḍī bi-l-­ Llah wa-l-Muttaqī li-l-Llah, Ed. James Heyworth-Dunne. London: Luzac. Tan, Samuel K. 1978. The Development of Muslim Literature. [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Tan, Samuel K. 1996a. Jawi Documentary Series No. I, Annotated Bibliography of Jawi Materials of the Muslim South. Quezon City: UP-Center for Integrative and Development Studies. Tan, Samuel K. 1996b. Jawi Documentary Series No. 2 Surat Maguindanaon. Quezon City: UP-Center for Integrative and Development Studies. ———. 2003. Filipino Muslim Perceptions of Their History and Culture as Seen Through Indigenous Sources. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Tan, Samuel K., and Munap H. Hairulla. 2002. Jawi Documentary Series No. 3: An Annotation of the Marsada Kitabs. Quezon City: UP-Center for Integrative & Development Studies. ———. 2007a. Jawi Documentary Series No. 4: Basilan Kitabs. Quezon City: UP-Center for Integrative & Development Studies. ———. 2007b. Jawi Documentary Series No. 5: Tawi-Tawi Kitabs. Quezon City: UP-Center for Integrative & Development Studies. Tibbetts, Gerald Randall. 1979. A Study of the Arabic Texts Containing Material on South-East Asia. Leiden and London: Brill. Torrubia, José. 1736. Disertación histórico-política en que se trata de la extensión del Mahometismo en las Islas Philipinas: grandes estragos que han hecho los Mindanaos, Joloes, Camucones, y Confederados de esta Secta en nuestros Pueblos Cristianos, medio con que se han contenido, y uno congruente para su perfecto establecimiento. Madrid: Alonso Balvás. Ututalum, Sururul-Ain, and Abdul-Karim Hedjazi. 2003. The Genealogy of the Sulu Royal Families. Chapel Hill: Professional Press.

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Van der Lith, P. A. and L. Marcel Devic. 1883. Livre des Merveilles de l’Inde par le capitaine Bozorg fils de Chahriyâr de Râmhormoz. Texte arabe publié d’après le manuscript de M. Schefer, collationné sur le manuscript de Constantinople, par P. A. Van der Lith. Traduction française par L. Marcel Devic. Leiden: Brill. Ventura Castro, Jovita et  al. 1985. Anthology of Asean Literature. Philippine Metrical Romances. Manila: Nalandangan. Wein, Clement. 1984. Raja of Madaya. A Philippine Folk-Epic. Cebu: University of San Carlos. al-Ya‘qūbī, Abū-l-‘Abbās Aḥmad. 1969 [1883]. Ibn-Wādhih qui dicitur al-Ja‘qūbī Historiae, pars prior Historiam ante-islamicam continens. Ed. M. Th. Houtsma. Leiden: Brill.

CHAPTER 8

Moro Letters

The Heritage of the Moro Letter The letter is the most important product of the Islamic chanceries. It is a political and diplomatic tool to manifest an official statement. It is issued respecting the formal protocols and validations, including seals, signatures, paper, and script. The Malay letter developed over the centuries a sophisticated style that makes quite consistent the format from Patani to Ternate. The kitab tarasul (from the Arabic ‫تـراسـل‬, “correspondence”) served as manuals and handbooks for scribes in the chanceries, and the instructions differ according to whether the recipient was Muslim or not, Malay or Western: The vast majority of pre-1900 Malay letters found today in library and archive collections are from Malay rulers and dignitaries to European officials, with relatively few letters sent between Malays. […] It is in the terasul too that we find that complimentary phrases such as ‘This sincere and frank letter’ or ‘This sincere epistle, these varied gifts’—long generally accepted as typica opening phrases of the traditional Malay letter—are actually characterised as forms of address suitable for correspondence with non-Muslims, whilst letters between Muslims generally opened with the bismillah and other Koranic quotations or Islamic phrases. (Gallop 1994: 17) Electronic Supplementary Material: The online version contains supplementary material available at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0821-7_8. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 I. Donoso, Bichara, Islam in Southeast Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0821-7_8

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Epistolography is a highly developed tradition in the Malay world. Together with the art of Qur’ānic illumination and reproduction, letter-­ writing is perhaps the most significant activity for professional scribes. For the Philippine case, it has been traditional to describe a collection of letters using the term surat (sūrah/‫سورة‬, “letter”), and in extension the same art of writing. Hence, for Jawi tradition among the Tausug, the concept Surat Sug has been employed (Tan 2002; Abubakar 2013). This highlights the importance of the letter among the Moros, perhaps over a longer manuscript or document. It also shows the importance of bichara, dealing with the matters directly and by word. Such is the conclusion in the following terms: “For the moment at least, the final arbiter of identity for the Tausug in terms of language remains to be the oral rather than the script form” (Abubakar 2013: 36). Yet, a wide number of manuscripts testify to the rich letter-writing tradition among the Muslim ethnic communities in the Philippines and the extensive documentation produced by the sultanates. At least since the eighteenth century, Moro letters preserved in archives from London to Seville give extraordinary information about the level of political development of the Islamic chanceries in the archipelago, altogether exposing the heritage of Moro intellectual activity and written tradition.

The Collection at the National Archives of the Philippines César Adib Majul was the pioneering scholar that placed the focus on the culture, identity, and way of life of Muslims in the Philippines. This goal would only be achieved through the recovery of the vernacular heritage and perspective. He was the first to undertake modern research of Islamic sources from the old ‘Bureau of Records Management’ of Manila, current National Archives of the Philippines. He described the difficult conditions of an archive still uncatalogued: At the time of the author’s research a few years ago, there were about two hundred bundles entitled as “Mindanao and Sulu,” containing documents, original treaties, military reports, etc. and etc., on the sultanates. A few other documents were scattered in metal cases. The great majority of them belong to the nineteenth century. Most, if not all, of the thousands of documents studied, were still unclassified. (Majul 1999: 460)

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For his landmark Muslims in the Philippines (1973), he used a huge number of Spanish written sources, from Juan de la Concepción or Francisco Combés to José Montero y Vidal, sources that already provided the narrative. Likewise, he was a pioneer in using archival materials and, furthermore, in exposing the existence of a large number of Philippine Jawi manuscripts. Eventually Samuel Tan resumed the task. He preliminary studied the Maguindanao letter-writing tradition in the second number of the Jawi Documentary Series (Tan 1996). Significantly, he has edited and translated two volumes of many of the Tausug letters preserved in the American archives, in Surat Sug: Letters of the Sultanate of Sulu (Tan 2005). Indeed, this is a treasure that will need decades to be completely analyzed and studied in full detail, since there is a complete review and display in many aspects of the activity undertaken by the sultanate, following the sections employed by Tan: kasultanan, kadatuan, kahadjian, kabanuwahan, and kaginisan. In addition, Tan started the recuperation of materials preserved in the National Archives of the Philippines, compiling the first bundles of the section “Mindanao y Joló.” Some of the documents are included in his volumes published in 2005. He described the task needed to unearth the scattered Jawi letters among hundreds of documents: In addition to the collected materials from the field, there remain in the National Archives in Manila an undetermined amount of Jawi and Kirim materials waiting to be retrieved from thousands of Spanish colonial records, reports, and other forms of literature. These are literally hidden in between reports or stored in inconspicuous places. (Tan 2002: 200)

In 2009 a one-year scholarship granted by the “Spanish Program of Cultural Cooperation” allowed Julkipli Wadi and me to initially survey the materials preserved in the National Archives of the Philippines. After the end of the grant, I followed the research, compilation, classification, and description of the materials during several years. The Appendix included in the present volume is the complete catalogue of Jawi materials and manuscripts that are available and can be retrieved at the National Archives of the Philippines. Only the materials that can be located are included, since there are some that were replicated and pictured in books—like Majul’s—and brochures which cannot be located at present. The documents are divided into four sections: Malay

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letters, Tausug letters, Maguindanao letters, and Spanish letters. Every entry has ten descriptors: Reference, Section, Bundle, Folder, Pages, Title, Date, Description, Language, and Abstract. The documents studied by Samuel Tan are indicated with the reference [SUG] or [Series 2], referring to his publications in 2005 and 1996, respectively. The next few paragraphs are a description of the Moro letters, according to the collection preserved at the National Archives of the Philippines. Sections Jawi manuscripts are mainly preserved scattered along the section “Mindanao y Joló,” composed of 108 bundles. Therefore, there is not a specific bundle or section that includes the sum of the documents in Jawi script. This makes it possible for the appearance of neglected documents between the thousands of pages of other sections. The possibilities to find other materials are higher in related sections, such as “Borneo” or “Piratas.” The section “Intérpretes” is also relevant, where we can find data regarding the interpreters and translators, a capital question in understanding the scope of Jawi production, mainly composed of diplomatic letters. In the section “Memorias” one can find singular insights on Mindanao and Sulu, but not Jawi materials. Contents The manuscripts preserved at the National Archives were recorded precisely for their diplomatic value. As political documents, the Spanish administrators were concerned about the necessity of preserving the originals. In specific cases, copies were sent to Manila or Madrid, safeguarding the originals in Spanish archives, until today. Consequently, practically all the documents deal with the relation between the Spanish administration and the sultanates. Since the Spanish administration moved little by little southward, from the General Governor in Manila to the Governor of Zamboanga, the addressee of the letters can be different. At the end of the nineteenth century, a complete local administration was developed in the southern provinces. By Royal Decree signed on July 30, 1860, the Gobierno Político-Militar de Mindanao (divided in six distritos: Zamboanga, Misamis, Surigao, Davao, Cotabato, and Basilan) was created. Major settlements were established in Cotabato (Mindanao’s capital in 1871), Taviran, and Pollok

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(González Parrado 1893). The creation of the Gobierno Político-Militar de Joló occurred on November 15, 1877, with comandancias in Siasi, Tataan y Bongao. Therefore, it is possible to find letters addressed to the highest level, from Sultan to Governor (or in extension to the King), and others with ordinary matters of daily life. Categories Three main categories of documents in the National Archives can be found: letters, treaties, and licenses, plus other minor typologies. Letter: Sūrah/‫سورة‬ It is the common kind of Jawi document found: a diplomatic letter which often appears in both Jawi version and Spanish translation in different pages or on the same. However, it is usual to find a single version too, whether in Jawi or Spanish only. At the end of the nineteenth century, it was very frequent to find not a Spanish translation, but the letter directly written in this language. Hence, working in the offices of the sultans as secretaries, Zamboangueños were pivotal in dealing with the southern world. Consequently, these documents are not only significant for Tausug and Maguindanao languages, but for the history of Spanish in the Philippines and Chabacano too. Together with the language, the seal is relevant, since it is mandatory to open (and usually close) the letter with the official stamp. In addition, Sulu and Maguindanao seals are aesthetically different; what makes it possible to identify it at first glance is the source (Gallop 2017, 2019). It is usual as well to have an introductory caption with the name of the sultan, and more frequently the final signature of the person. The Spanish version used to be signed and accredited by the translator. Finally, some of the letters are found with their envelope, with the sender and the recipient written in Jawi. As samples, we can display two of the more representative letters: the first by Datu Dacula of Mindanao and the second by Sultan Jamāl al-Kīrām II, both about leaving office: the former for a wedding and the latter for performing the pilgrimage to Mecca (Figs. 8.1 and 8.2).

Fig. 8.1  Details of the envelope, seal, and letter in MS Manila. Cartas del Dato Benito, 1898

Fig. 8.2  Details of the envelope of MS. Expediente sobre el viaje a La Meca del Sultán de Joló, 1897

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195

Treaty: Kapitūrasyūn/‫ِتورسيون‬ َ ‫َكڤ‬ A very important part of the diplomatic relations was sanctioned by final treaties. The Spanish historiography reproduced practically all the agreements in the Spanish version (for instance see Appendix in volume II of Montero y Vidal 1888). Yet, it is difficult to find the originals, and even more the Jawi versions. In this sense, the National Archives of the Philippines holds an invaluable document, the Peace Capitulations, signed on September 23, 1836, and written in both Spanish and Tausug (MS Manila. Capitulaciones de Paz, Protección y Comercio). The treaty is a specific document with definitive political relevance. Both versions are written in an elegant script. As a document that has to be preserved for further consultations in case of conflict, the treaty has a folder with the label ‫تور�س ُيون ِد ڤاس‬ َ ‫ َك ِڤ‬/Capitulaciones. It is important therefore to note the name under which the document is presented—the Spanish word capitulación written in Jawi: kapitūrasyūn/‫تور�سيون‬ َ ‫ َك ِڤ‬. Other documents have the same concept, as “Capitulaciones que arreglan los derechos que han de pagar las embarcaciones joloanas en Manila y Zamboanga y las españolas en Joló cuyo arancel no puede variar sino por nueva convención,” signed the same day and written in Jawi as kapitūrasyūnis/‫تور�سيونس‬ َ ‫ َك ِڤ‬, capitulaciones (Fig. 8.3). Treaties are organized by articles, after the general description and scope of the agreement. When all points are established, the document ends with the place and time of the accord in both Gregorian and Hegira calendars, and the signatures and seals of both parties, including all the datus (Fig. 8.4). License In addition to letters and treaties, it is possible to find licenses and passports issued by the sultans. Licencia en ydioma del país is a well-known document, the license in the language of the country reproduced in page 211 of Muslims in the Philippines, one of the manuscripts exposed by Majul. It is a warrant given by ‘Aẓīm al-Dīn II to protect a tuan (written ‫ )توؘن‬that travels to Manila, signed on September 12, 1791. It is certainly one of the oldest Jawi documents preserved at the repository. The Jawi version is entitled with the Spanish label already mentioned, and the Spanish version is signed in Jawi by the Sultan, with both having the official seal.

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Fig. 8.3  Envelope of MS Manila. Capitulaciones de Paz, Protección y Comercio 1836

As we can notice, the license is a specific document that must clearly expose the authority of the granter and the data of the grantee. In a more recent document, a column separated from the body of the license details the names of the beneficiaries (MS Manila. Oficios sobre escuela pública de niños en Joló, 1879). Interestingly, we can find royal licenses granted by the sultan of Sulu in a Spanish template as soon as 1836, perfectly disposed for the matter. This is the case of the document entitled “Mahamad Diamalul Quiram, Sultán de Joló por la gracia de Dios y la protección de S[u]. M[ajestad]. C[atólica].” According to this label, Jamāl al-Kīrām I is a theocratic Muslim sultan thanks to God and the protection of the Catholic King (MS Manila. Nota de los encargos, 1836) (Figs. 8.5 and 8.6).

8  MORO LETTERS 

Fig. 8.4  MS Manila. Capitulaciones que arreglan los derechos, 1836: S-85

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Fig. 8.5  Jawi version of MS Manila. Licencia en ydioma del país 1791: S-68–69

Others Finally, the use of Jawi appears in other documents, as invoices and bills, to annotate the reception of a good or amount. Likewise, we must remember that a considerable number of documents have some kind of Jawi

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Fig. 8.6  License in Spanish by Jamāl al-Kīrām I of Sulu, in MS Manila. Nota de los encargos, 1836: S. 6

annotation, mainly as a signature. In this sense, it is possible to find some nóminas paid by the Spanish administration to the sultans as a regular salary at the end of the nineteenth century. The nómina is a printed template in Spanish with the signature and seal of the receiver (Fig. 8.7). Astonishingly, in the final stage of this secular relation, some Spanish official letters were directly written in vernacular languages with Jawi script. Within this rich linguistic scenario, we can find official letters of the sultans written exclusively in Spanish, and at the same time the Spanish administrators writing Jawi letters. Obviously, and as noted in previous chapters, the presence of Spanish language in Philippine Jawi was important, even more if the letter came from a Spanish office. As a sample we have MS. Carta de Luis Huertas Urrutia (1888), which includes a heading completely written in what we have called aljamiado hispanofilipino (Fig. 8.8):

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Fig. 8.7  MS Manila. Nómina de los haberes que han correspondido, 1887: S. 561

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201

Fig. 8.8  MS Manila. Carta de Luis Huertas Urrutia, Gobernador Político-­ Militar de Joló, 1888: S. 1330 Jawi Text

Transcription

Spanish

‫أرتية ﻫﹻﻨﹻﺭﹶﻞ‬ ‫دون لويس ؚويرتس ؙ‬ ‫ؚد عا برﻜﹷﺩﹶ ﻜﹹﻮﺒﹻﺭﻨﺪﹸﺭﻓﹹﻠﹻﺗﹻﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻤﹻﻟﹻﺘﹷﺭﻫﺴﻭﻚ‬

Dūn Lūys Ūyrtas Urrutya Hiniral di ‘a Brikada Kūbirnadur Pulitikū Militar ha-Sūk

Don Luis Huertas Urrutia, General de Brigada, Gobernador Político-Militar de Joló

Other interesting documents are transactions that certify the operation, with the corresponding seal of the political or legal authority. For instance the bilingual document after selling a carabao can be seen in Fig. 8.9.

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Fig. 8.9  MS Manila. Documento bilingüe de la venta de un carabao 1873: S. 161

Dates The documents extend over a period from the mid-eighteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century. Some Jawi documents from the American period are preserved as well, but the vast majority of the total belongs to the Spanish period. The oldest bundle that we have found containing Jawi documents is the Rare 3 (1749–1754) of “Mindanao y Sulú,” consecrated to Alimudín’s controversy. A letter by Mu‘izz al-Dīn (Bantilan) appears in Fig. 8.10 (MS

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203

Fig. 8.10  MS Manila. Carta de Mu‘izz al-Dīn, Sultan de Joló. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, Rare 3 (1749–1754), Fol. 59

Manila. Carta de Mu‘izz al-Dīn, Sultán de Joló). This could be the famous letter sent by Bantilan to the Zamboanga Governor, revealing the petition of help to the Caliph of Constantinople (Montero y Vidal 1888: II 25–26). Majul specifically pointed out the existence of an Arabic version of the letter in the National Archives (Majul 1999: 294, note 81) and displayed it

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on page 210. However, this letter is at present missing. It is also lost the manuscript reproduced in page 209 with the caption “Document executed by ‘Azim ud-Din in 1754 in favor of the Spanish Government.” Language Although the linguistic relevance of Jawi materials seems evident, few works have focused on this aspect. A comprehensive study of Tausug and Maguindanao languages as employed in old manuscripts should be welcomed, not only for the use of Jawi script but also for the use of linguistic and grammar history. For instance, we must note the use of Bahwa īni sūrah/‫“( ﺑﻬﻭ إين سورة ﹶ‬This is the kind letter …”), introducing many letters. Surely this formula is properly explained in an existing Moro kitab tarasul, and it is the expression used for the more formal letters. It has artistic interest too (Figs. 8.11, 8.12, and 8.13). Material Description The number of documents with Jawi writings reaches the figure 236. Since we have already noted the existence of missed documents, the total number of Jawi holdings at the National Archives could approximately reach 250. The documents have been written over a period of two centuries, in two major languages (Tausug and Maguindanao), by plenty of writers, and with different purposes. Therefore, we find quite a lot of physical differences. However, there are common trends: they are written on paper (frequently Spanish, Chinese, or British paper), in regular lines, with

Fig. 8.11  MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9246 (1774–1887), Exp. 3, S. 68

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Fig. 8.12  MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9241 (1750–1898), Exp. 322, S. 1202

Fig. 8.13  MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9326 (1858–1898), S. 12

vowels, with black ink, and usually red for the seal (especially for Sulu). The sizes vary depending on the paper and purpose of the text. Most of them are currently yellowed, generally with scratched and dented borders, and animal erosions. However, the conservation is quite satisfactory considering the damage of tropical weather.

References Abubakar, Carmen A. 2013. Surat Sug: Jawi Tradition in Southern Philippines. Cuaderno Internacional de Estudios Hispánicos y Lingüística-CIEHL 19: 31–37. Gallop, Annabel Teh. 1994. The Legacy of the Malay Letter / Warisan Warkah Melayu. London: British Library & Arkib Negara Malaysia. ———. 2017. Islamic Seals of the Philippines. In More Islamic than We Admit. Philippine Islamic Cultural History, ed. I.  Donoso, 234–249. Quezon City: Vibal Foundation. ———. 2019. Malay Seals from the Islamic World of Southeast Asia. Singapore: NUS Press.

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González Parrado, Julián. 1893. Memoria acerca de Mindanao. Manila: Estab. Tipo-litográfico de Ramírez y Comp. Majul, César Adib. 1999. Muslims in the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines. Montero y Vidal, José. 1888. Historia de la piratería malayo-mahometana en Mindanao, Joló y Borneo. Comprende desde el descubrimiento de dichas islas hasta junio de 1888. Madrid: Imprenta y Fundición de Manuel Tello, II vols. MS Manila. Capitulaciones de Paz, Protección y Comercio. September 23, 1836. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9276 [1836–1898], Exp. 2, 7 pp. MS Manila. Capitulaciones que arreglan los derechos que han de pagar las embarcaciones joloanas en Manila y Zamboanga y las españolas en Joló cuyo arancel no puede variar sino por nueva convención. September 23, 1836. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9274 (1836–1897), Exp. 6, S. 83–95. MS Manila. Carta de Luis Huertas Urrutia, Gobernador Político Militar de Joló, 1888. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9287 (1839–1899), S. 1330. MS Manila. Carta de Mu‘izz al-Dīn, Sultán de Joló. Philippine National Archives— Mindanao y Sulú, Rare 3 (1749–1754), Fol. 59. MS Manila. Cartas del Dato Benito y del Dato Dacula, Zamboanga, 10 de abril de 1898. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9325 (1858–1898), S-730/738. MS Manila. Documento bilingüe de la venta de un carabao. November 28, 1873. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9293 (1844–1895), S. 161. MS Manila. Expediente sobre el viaje a La Meca del Sultán de Joló (1897). Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9313 (1855–1897), Exp. 37, S-241/245. MS Manila. Licencia en ydioma del país. September 12, 1791. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9246 (1774–1887), Exp. 3, S. 68-69. MS Manila. Nómina de los haberes que han correspondido en los meses que a continuación se expresan en el individuo que se relaciona, con sujeción a lo prevenido en el Superior Decreto del Gobierno General. Joló, 30 de noviembre de 1887. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9246 (1774–1887), Exp. 35, S. 561. MS Manila. Nota de los encargos que suplico a mi hermano el Sor. Gobernador General de Filipinas. September 29, 1836. Philippine National Archives— Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9275 (1836–1898), S. 6. MS Manila. Oficios sobre escuela pública de niños en Joló y fondos y personal de la dicha; demás asuntos. November 8, 1879. Philippine National Archives— Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9258 (1803–1898), Exp. 58, S. 808.

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MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9241 (1750–1898), Exp. 322, S. 1202. MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9246 (1774–1887), Exp. 3, S. 68. MS Manila. Philippine National Archives—Mindanao y Sulú, SDS 9326 (1858–1898), S. 12. Tan, Samuel K. 1996. Jawi Documentary Series No. 2 Surat Maguindanaon. Quezon City: UP-Center for Integrative and Development Studies. ———. 2002. The Surat Sug: The Jawi Tradition in the Philippines. Journal of Sophia Asian Studies 20: 197–210. ———. 2005. Surat Sug. Letters of the Sultanate of Sulu. Manila: National Historical Institute.

Conclusion

We have surveyed centuries of Islamic cultural history in the Philippines. Sultanates were developed in the South after foreign landing and intertribal marriages, when Islam was the passport to join the international commerce, profitable in goods and ideas. Islamic civilization led human contacts across the planet from the seventh century onwards. Transcontinental routes travelled through Africa, Central Asia, and the Indian Ocean to connect the Earth, and many nations of the world embraced the new global civilization: Persians, Turks, Egyptians, Berbers, Iberians, Italians, Sudanese, Bantus, Indians, Malays, Chinese, and, among many others, Filipinos too. This was a history of connection, a connected history, when the lives of many individuals shaped the world with the word—the Arabic script. Arabic literature is one of the most gigantic written heritages of humanity. Thousands of books, and monumental encyclopedias, secured and projected human knowledge during the European Middle Age. Arabic Adab and fashion were exported and adopted to build new political institutions, legal systems, social structures, religious creeds, and intellectual activities. It was the Word which allowed the building of the Islamic cosmopolis. Similarly, it was the Bichara which allowed Muslims in the Philippines to evoke their Islamic sense of being, to form their personal ethos, and to understand Arabic and Islamic civilization in the Far East. After the

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 I. Donoso, Bichara, Islam in Southeast Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0821-7

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decisive fluctuations that altered the global order during the early Modern Era, these Islamic institutions exposed a firm sense of endurance stemming from centuries of history. Beyond the diverse conundrums, it was the sense of belonging to a privileged civilization that made Moros project and extend the ancient Islamic cosmopolis up to modern times. The development of Islamic chanceries in the Philippine sultanates allowed deals in a formal and diplomatic way within the new geopolitical scenario across several centuries. Manila and, especially, Zamboanga were important centers to interchange diplomatic correspondence and to explore the possibilities of Jawi script for Philippine languages. Tausug and Maguindanao obtained a precious treasure of manuscripts and letters, a massive heritage for the nation that still must be fully recovered and studied. At the same time, Spanish became part of the written records too, and was also surprisingly written in Jawi script, even by the Jesuit Jacinto Juanmartí. Chanceries, diplomacy, and letters enforced a sense of cultural prestige for Philippine sultanates connected with the world of Islam. However, the sultanates were not disconnected from other areas of the archipelago but articulated strategies to preserve autonomy. Overall, it was the Bichara, the capacity of the word to convince and enlighten, also to delight, as evoking the Arabic Adab, the Bedouin vein, the Islamic wise. Through the practice of the Bichara, Moros acquired a patrimonial sense of their Islamic living and shaped a cultural legacy preserved orally and in manuscripts. In the end, the many Jawi letters secured at the National Archives of the Philippines testify to the pivotal role of Islamic civilization in the construction of the modern nation. We have tried to catalog in the appendix to this volume the complete collection of these materials from the national repository, to provide resources for building a feasible narrative for future generations, beyond the irresolvable dichotomy. The Philippines cannot be historically understood without the role of Islamic civilization, and this is certainly a heritage that belongs to the whole Filipino people. This is a reality and a privileged cultural treasure located far away from the historical centers of Islam. It is a remote, peripheral, and perhaps narrowed space in the whole history of Islam. But it is not unnatural; it has all the elements linked and rooted with a decisive phenomenon in Human history—the Islamic civilization. Hence, the goal of this volume has been to answer how people from the Philippine archipelago adopted Islamic civilization to shape their way of living and deal with the world, using the Word.

Index1

A Abd al-Qahār, 37, 38 Aceh, 23–25, 83, 101, 107, 120, 121, 138, 150 Ajā’ib, 8, 18, 44, 46, 115, 170, 172 Akhbār al-Ṣı ̄n wa-l-Hind, 172 Alā’ al-Dı ̄n al-Qahhār, 24 Alā’ al-Dı ̄n Riayāt Shāh II, 23, 65 Alexander (Iskandar), 3, 17–20, 64 Alı ̄ al-Dı ̄n (Aliudín), 128, 129 Alı ̄ Mugāyāt Shāh, 24 Alı ̄ Zayn al-‘Abidı ̄n, 64, 65 Aljamiado, 7, 154, 157, 158, 162, 199 Álvarez, Alejo, 105, 106, 108, 129, 150 Andalus, al-, 4, 7, 14, 25, 49, 86, 97, 158, 162, 173 Arabic, 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 16, 22, 34, 35, 43, 44, 55, 60, 94, 107, 114, 115, 117, 128, 138–141, 144, 145, 150–154, 162, 169–174, 177, 178, 181, 182, 189, 203, 209, 210

‘Arabı ̄, Ibn, 24 Arcada, Sebastián Ignacio de, 55 Arolas, Juan, 58, 75, 126 Arrechederra O. P., Juan de, 54 Arrivillaga, Tomás de, 55 Astana, 120–123, 126, 128 Atilano, Inocencio, 73 Attas, Muhammad Naquib al-, 16, 24, 52n4, 64–66, 70, 84, 116, 117, 139 Ávalos, Melchor de, 6, 27, 51 Aẓı ̄m al-Dı ̄n I (Alimudín; Fernando I), 54–58, 74, 75, 202 B Balanguingui, 58, 104–106 Balayan, 50, 141–144 Banten, 26 Barahaman, 68 Baṭt ̣ūtạ , Ibn, 7, 16, 27, 45, 66, 67, 92, 113–115, 139 Bayān al-Anwar, 68, 69

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 I. Donoso, Bichara, Islam in Southeast Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0821-7

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INDEX

Baybayin, 137, 138, 140, 143–146 Bernáldez, Emilio, 104–106 Bichara, 6, 8, 48, 68, 100–108, 190, 209, 210 Blumentritt, Ferdinand, 97–100, 102 Bongao, 59, 124 Borneo, 2, 26, 27, 35, 37, 38, 41–45, 47n2, 50, 51, 53, 96, 97, 100, 130, 143, 149, 173, 179, 192 Boxer Codex, 6, 7, 35, 37, 38, 86, 92, 97, 121, 145 Brunei, 2, 6, 27, 28, 33–43, 45–47, 49–53, 66, 86, 87, 92, 107, 114, 120–122, 139–147, 149, 154, 173, 178, 180 Buayan, 52, 67, 69, 70, 74, 123 Bud Datu, 60, 118 Bulqiyah, Sultan, 38–40, 42 Burnı ̄, Mahārājā, 34, 37, 45 Bustān al-Salāṭı ̄n, 24 Butuan, 27, 52, 98 C Caliph, 11–13, 14n6, 24, 56, 69, 72–76, 83, 87, 128, 171, 172, 183 Canton, 43, 45, 114, 170 Carroll, John, 36 Cartilla moro-castellana, 161–163 Chabacano, 73, 108, 152, 153, 193 Champa, 24, 114 China, 1, 5, 7, 14, 15, 18, 21, 22, 24, 34, 35, 43–45, 93, 98, 113, 114, 120, 130, 138, 169–173, 180 Chirino, Pedro, 138, 145 Combés, Francisco, 27 Concas y Palau, Víctor, 49, 85 Cotabato, 70, 107, 124, 153, 161, 192 Coutre, Jacques de, 23

D Darul Jambangan, 122 Datu, 6, 67, 75, 85, 87–90, 93, 94, 100–104, 106, 107, 122, 123, 131, 132, 146, 155, 157, 176, 178, 195 Datu Utto, 67, 70 Dhū l-Qarnayn, 17–19, 44, 65, 88 E Enrile, Cipriano, 108, 150 Estrada de Montal, Dominga, 72–74 F Fanṣūrı ̄, Ḥ amzah, 24 Ferrand, Gabriel, 169, 174 Forrest, Thomas, 73 G Goyti, Martín de, 45, 48 Granada, 14, 49, 153 H Hārūn al-Rashı ̄d, 60, 75, 94, 126, 129 Ḥ aw ̄ iyat al-ikhtiṣar̄ fı ̄ uṣūl ‘ilm al-biḥar̄ , 45 Hikayat Iskandar Zulkarnain, 17 Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasai, 16, 17 Humabon, 130 Hurtado de Corcuera, Sebastián, 53, 67 I Ibn Mājid, Ahmad, 2, 45, 52, 173, 174 Idrı ̄sı ̄, al-, 44

 INDEX 

India, 5, 15, 19, 22, 37, 45, 114, 137, 138, 172, 178 Indian Ocean, 5, 15, 22, 24, 27, 93, 169, 171, 173, 209 Iskandar Mūdā, 25 Iskandar Shāh, 20, 21, 37, 65 J Jā‘far Ṣādiq Manamir, 68, 69, 72 Jamāl al-A‘ẓam, 103, 150 Jamāl al-Kirām II, 75, 126, 129, 193 Jara, Juan de la, 52 Java, 21, 22, 26, 35, 37, 66, 114, 139, 152, 173 Jawi, 7, 8, 16, 25, 39, 103, 107, 108, 137–164, 176, 179, 182, 190–193, 195, 198, 199, 202, 204, 210 Jihad, 12, 14, 16, 25, 26, 66, 67, 96, 118 Johore, 23, 24, 27, 28, 33, 64–66, 84, 107 Jolo, 20, 49, 51–53, 55–60, 68, 74, 85, 100, 102, 106, 107, 116, 120, 122, 124–126, 133, 149, 150, 153, 157, 180 Juanmartí y Espot, Jacinto, 161, 210 Juramentado, 97 K Kabungsuwan, Muḥammad, 64, 65, 67, 84 Kadatuan, 66, 83–92, 96, 191 Kahar al-Dı ̄n Kuda, 68 Kamsa, Pakir Maulana, 69, 72–74 Karı ̄m al-Makhdūm, 37, 64 Kawasa Anwar al-Dı ̄n Dhū l-Qarnayn (Escandar Serri Chucarnain), 153 Kerajaan, 23, 66, 87, 96

213

Khurradādhbih, Ibn, 45, 170, 171 Kitāb ‘ajā’ib al-Hind, 172 Kitab tarasul, 189, 204 Kulintang, 129–132 Kurtoğlu Hızır Reis, 24 L La Caldera, 52, 53 Lacandula de Legazpi, Agustín, 49, 51 Lacandula, Raja, 45, 47, 49 Legazpi, Miguel López de, 6, 45, 48, 49 Luções, 47, 47n2, 140 Luzon, 2, 6, 7, 39, 40, 43–51, 53, 97, 98, 107, 114, 116, 139–146, 148, 149, 152, 153 M Magachina, Martín, 143, 144, 146 Magat, Francisco, 143, 144 Magellan, Ferdinand, 1, 39, 41, 133, 141, 142, 173 Maḥmūd Shāh, 23 Mahomat, Juan, 48, 181 Maimbung, 60, 101, 103, 104, 122, 126, 128 Majapahit, 20, 21, 26, 137 Majul, César Adib, 8, 19, 20, 27, 33, 34, 37, 42–44, 49, 52, 52n4, 58, 64, 65, 68–70, 84, 85, 97, 118–120, 122, 149, 179, 183, 190, 191, 195, 203 Makhdūm, 23, 37, 52, 63, 64, 93, 117, 120, 121, 146 Malabang, 124, 181 Malacca, 14, 19–27, 35, 37, 47, 47n2, 50, 65, 84, 85, 93, 98, 101, 102, 107, 120, 121, 138–141, 178, 180

214 

INDEX

Malay, 1, 5, 7, 11–28, 35, 37, 45, 47, 55, 66, 67, 74, 84, 86–88, 91, 92, 96, 97, 101–103, 107, 116, 117, 120, 121, 137–141, 144, 146, 149, 151, 152, 157, 169, 178, 179, 189–191, 209 Malik al-Ṣāliḥ, 16 Malik al-Ẓ āhir, 16, 66, 92 Malinog, 68, 69, 72 Manila, 2, 3, 6, 8, 27, 28, 38, 40–43, 45–51, 53–56, 58, 60, 67–70, 72, 74, 75, 95, 97, 98, 101, 105, 107, 116, 126, 128, 129, 138–146, 148, 150, 152, 155, 180–182, 190–192, 195, 210 Masʻūdı ̄, al-, 18 Matanda, Raja, 41, 45–47 Mataram, 26 Māyṭ, 44, 45, 171 Minangkabau, 84 Mindanao, 3, 6, 51–53, 60, 63–66, 68, 70, 72, 89, 91, 94, 97, 98, 101, 102, 107, 118, 124, 130, 139, 142, 153, 155, 161, 162, 176, 177, 179, 192 Mindoro, 43–45, 50, 141, 142 Muḥammad, 11, 16, 48, 56, 142, 179, 183 Mu‘izz al-Dı ̄n (Bantilan), 56, 202 Mujāhid, 97 N Nākhudā, 39, 91 Nanjing, 35 Nao Victoria, 42 Narciso, Vicente, 108, 150 O Ong Sum Ping, 34 Orangkaya, 84, 89, 178

Ortuoste, Pedro, 108, 150 Oyanguren, José de, 70 P Palawan, 50, 175 Pandita, 94, 95, 103, 104, 146, 181–183 Panglima, 89 Parameswara, Paduka Sri Maharaja, 20, 21, 65 Pasig, 41–43, 45, 46, 141 Pazos, Pío de, 105, 106 Perlak, 15 Persian Gulf, 22, 171 Philip V, 54, 55, 72, 75 Pigafetta, Antonio de, 39–42, 45, 130, 133 Pollok, 70, 124, 192 Polo, Marco, 15, 16 Portugal, 23 Portuguese, 2, 4, 23, 26, 47, 50, 65, 85, 98, 121, 140, 144, 145, 153, 178 Principalía, 51, 90, 146 Pulangi (Río Grande de Mindanao), 52, 64, 67, 70, 72, 96 Putri Laila Men Chanei (Lela Mencanai), 42 Q Qudarat Allāh, Naṣı ̄r al-Dı ̄n (Cachil Corralat), 67 Qur’an, 66, 67, 95, 140–142, 146, 150, 180–182 R Rada, Martín de, 143, 144 Rāḍı ̄, al-, 171 Raja Baguinda, 84, 116, 117

 INDEX 

Raja Bongsu, 53 Raja Iro, 149 Ranı ̄rı ̄, Nūr al-Dı ̄n al-, 24 Relación de Ginés de Mafra, 41 Relación de la isla de Burney, 50 Retana, Wenceslao Emilio, 94, 95, 97, 102, 140, 153, 182 Ribāt ̣, 7, 116–121 Ribeiro Gaio, João (Juan Ribero Gayo), 121 Rizal, José, 7, 114, 115 Rodríguez de Figueroa, Estéban, 6, 52, 149 Rondalla, 133 Ronquillo, Juan, 52 Ruma Bichara, 60, 85, 87, 88, 91, 92, 102, 122, 123 S Saavedra, Plácido Alberto de, 108, 150 Sadar Jahan, 37 Sa‘ı ̄d al-Maghribı ̄, Ibn, 44 Salcedo, Juan, 95, 181, 182 Saleeby, Najeeb M., 20, 63–65, 69, 70, 94, 179, 183 Samudra-Pasai, 25, 93 Sande, Francisco de, 37, 50, 141–144, 149 Sasi, Francisco, 55 Sayf al-Riyāl, 37 Sayyid ‘Abd al-‘Azı ̄z, 37 Sejarah Melayu, 19, 20, 22, 37 Selim II, 24 Selurong, 38, 39 Shāfi‘ı ̄, 67, 92, 93, 139 Shāh Berūnāy, 38 Shariah, 6, 93 Sharı ̄f al-Hāshim (Sayyid Abū Bakr), 52 Sharı ̄f ‘Alı ̄, 33, 36, 37 Sharı ̄f Awliyā, 63, 64 Sharı ̄f Marāja, 64

215

Siasi, 59, 124, 193 Sibuguey, 67, 68, 74, 96, 101, 123 Silk road, 35 Silsilah (tarsila), 3, 19, 20, 23, 27, 33–35, 37, 38, 63, 66, 73, 88, 107, 117, 178–179, 183 Siripada, Raja, 39, 40, 42 Soliman, Raja, 45, 46 Suleiman the Magnificent, 24 Ṣūlı ̄, al-, 171, 172 Sulu, 2, 3, 19, 20, 27, 37–42, 45, 51–60, 64, 68, 70, 75, 84, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 96–98, 100, 101, 103, 105, 107, 114, 117, 118, 122, 124, 126, 128–130, 139, 149, 157, 177, 179, 182, 192, 193, 196, 199, 205 Sumatra, 5, 15, 20, 25, 26, 35, 64, 83, 84, 92, 114, 115, 138, 173, 181 Sūmaṭrānı ̄, Shams al-Dı ̄n al-, 24 T Tamontaca, 67–69, 74, 96, 101, 123, 161 Tan, Samuel K., 150, 174, 175, 179, 182, 190–192 Tataan, 59, 124 Ṭ awālisı ̄, 7, 113–116 Tawi-Tawi, 96, 175 Terengganu inscription, 16, 139 Tiangue, 60, 108 Tibbetts Gerald, Randall, 169 Tondo, 2, 6, 45, 47–49, 51, 146, 147, 152 Torogan, 123 Torrubia, José, 97, 180, 181 Tripoli, 54 Tuan Maqbalu, 44, 52, 116–119 Tuḥfah al-nuẓẓar̄ fı ̄ gharā’ib al-amṣar̄ wa-l-‘ajā’ib al-asfār, 45 Tunis, 54

216 

INDEX

U Urbiztondo, Antonio de, 58, 124 Urduja, 7, 44, 113–116 V Vera, Jaime C. de, 115 Vijaya, Sri, 19–21, 24, 26, 137, 138 Villelmi, José, 55, 56 W Wāqwāq, 44, 170, 172 Wujūdiyyah, 24

Y Yaat, Miguel, 146–148 Ya‘qūbı ̄, al-, 170 Yuso of Cauin, 35, 37 Z Zamboanga, 7, 52, 53, 55, 69, 70, 72–75, 96, 107, 108, 124, 151–153, 155–157, 164, 176, 179, 192, 210 Zaytun (Quanzhou, Citong), 26, 27 Zheng He, 21