Between Temple and Tomb: The Demotic Ritual Texts of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) 3447113316, 9783447113311

Table of contents :
Cover
Title pages
Contents
List of Plates
Acknowledgements
Abbreviations used in this volume
Introduction
1.1 The history of the manuscript, its acquisition and present location
1.2 Description of the papyrus roll
1.3 The layout of the writing on the papyrus
1.4 Description of the columns of ritual texts on the front of the papyrus
1.5 The date when the texts were inscribed
1.6 The provenience of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P)
1.7 Description of the contents of the ritual texts inscribed on thepapyrus
1.8 The purpose for which the ritual texts of the Bodleian manuscriptwere compiled
1.9 The context of usage of the ritual texts on the Bodleian papyrus
1.10 The ultimate destination of the Bodleian papyrus
1.11 The relationship of the ritual texts on the Bodleian papyrus to oneanother
1.12 Common themes
1.13 The sequence of the offering spells inscribed in Columns 8–10
1.14 The source(s) from which the ritual texts were copied
1.15 The language of the ritual texts
1.16 The orthography of the ritual texts: unetymological writings
1.17 Previous publications dealing with the Bodleian papyrus
1.18 The plan of the present edition
2. Transliteration and Translation
Column 8
Column 9
Column 10
3. Commentary
Column 8
Column 9
Column 10
4. Bibliography of works cited
5. Glossary
A. General Vocabulary
B. Divine Names
C. Toponyms
D. Traces of Unidentifiable Words (listed in order of occurrence)
Plates
Plate 1
Plate 2
Plate 3
Plate 4
Plate 5
Plate 6
Plate 7
Plate 8
Plate 9
Plate 10
Plate 11
Plate 12
Plate 13
Plate 14

Citation preview

Studien zur spätägyptischen Religion  30

Mark Smith

Between Temple and Tomb The Demotic Ritual Texts of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P)

Harrassowitz Verlag

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

Studien zur spätägyptischen Religion Herausgegeben von Christian Leitz Band 30

2019

Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

Mark Smith

Between Temple and Tomb The Demotic Ritual Texts of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P)

2019

Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de .

For further information about our publishing program consult our website http://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de © Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2019 This work, including all of its parts, is protected by copyright. Any use beyond the limits of copyright law without the permission of the publisher is forbidden and subject to penalty. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. Printed on permanent/durable paper. Printing and binding: Memminger MedienCentrum AG Printed in Germany ISSN 2190-3646

ISBN 978-3-447-11331-1 e-ISBN 978-3-447-19947-6

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

Contents List of Plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

7

Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

9

Abbreviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

13

Transliteration and Translation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73

Commentary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

81

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

List of Plates

Plate 1 (upper): Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) (front) (current mounting) Plate 1 (lower): Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) (front) (digital reconstruction) Plate 2 (upper): Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) (back) (current mounting) Plate 2 (lower): Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) (back) (digital reconstruction) Plate 3: Column 8 (current mounting) Plate 4: Column 9 (current mounting) Plate 5: Column 10 (current mounting) Plate 6: Column 11 (current mounting) Plate 7: Column 8 (facsimile) (current mounting) Plate 8: Column 9 (facsimile) (current mounting) Plate 9: Column 10 (facsimile) (current mounting) Plate 10: Column 11 (facsimile) (current mounting) Plate 11: Columns 8–10 (digital reconstruction) Plate 12: Column 8 (digital reconstruction) Plate 13: Column 9 (digital reconstruction) Plate 14: Column 10 (digital reconstruction) NB: No digital reconstruction was required for Column 11. The plates can also be consulted in digital form online using the link: https://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de/Between_Temple_and_Tomb/titel_6452.ahtml.

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

Acknowledgements At the outset, I would like to thank the Bodleian Library for permission to publish the manuscript edited in this volume. In particular, I am grateful to Dr Gillian Evison, Head of the Library’s Oriental Section, and her predecessors, Mr Colin Wakefield and Mr Robert May, for giving me access to the papyrus and facilitating my study of it over a period of many years. I should also like to thank Professor Christian Leitz for his willingness to publish this book in the series Studien zur spätägyptischen Religion, and the Management Committee of the Griffith Egyptological Fund for a generous subvention towards the costs of its production. A number of colleagues have provided advice or assistance during the course of my work on the Bodleian papyrus. I am very grateful to François-René Herbin, Richard Jasnow, Alexandra von Lieven, Luigi Prada, Joachim Quack, and Karl-Theodor Zauzich for their help. My thanks also go to Jens Fetkenheuer of Harrassowitz Verlag for his expert guidance and his patience during the production of this book. Finally, I owe a special debt of gratitude to Ann-Katrin Gill. Her careful study of the material aspects of the papyrus has resulted in a number of new and important insights, not least the fact that what is currently mounted as the initial column of the manuscript is actually its final column. Moreover, her observation that there are stains from bitumen or resin on what would have been the outside of the papyrus roll has led me to reconsider and revise my previous ideas about the ritual contexts in which the papyrus was used. Ann provided valuable assistance in measuring the text and identifying joins and their positions. She also made the facsimiles of the text reproduced in plates 7–10 using the DStretch digital enhancement programme (resulting in not a few new readings), and inserted all the facsimiles of individual words which appear in the commentary and glossary. In addition, she is responsible for the digital reconstructions of the entire manuscript reproduced in plates 1 and 2, as well as those of Columns 8–10 reproduced in plates 11–14. Furthermore, she read through a draft of the entire book and made several useful suggestions for improving it, while saving me from a number of errors. Her work has enhanced this volume immensely, and I am profoundly grateful to her for her invaluable contribution.

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

Abbreviations used in this volume ASAE BIFAO BiOr BSFE CdE CDD CGC ENiM Glossar JEA JEOL JNES MDAIK O. P. RdE Wb. ZÄS

Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte (Cairo, 1900– ) Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale (Cairo, 1901– ) Bibliotheca Orientalis (Leiden, 1943– ) Bulletin de la Société Français d’Égyptologie (Paris, 1949– ) Chronique d’Égypte (Brussels, 1926– ) Chicago Demotic Dictionary (Chicago, 2001) Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire (Cairo, 1901– ) Égypte Nilotique et Méditerranéenne (Montpellier, 2008– ) W. Erichsen, Demotisches Glossar (Copenhagen, 1954) Journal of Egyptian Archaeology (London, 1914– ) Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschaap ‘Ex Oriente Lux’ (Leiden, 1938– ) Journal of Near Eastern Studies (Chicago, 1942– ) Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo (Berlin, Wiesbaden, Mainz, 1930– ) Ostracon Papyrus Revue d’Égyptologie (Cairo and Paris, 1930– ) A. Erman and H. Grapow (eds.), Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache, 7 vols. plus 5 vols. Belegstellen (Leipzig and Berlin, 1926–63) Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde (Leipzig and Berlin, 1863– )

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

1. Introduction ‘If one ignores any of the rites of Osiris at their due times in this district, or any of his annual festivals, this land will be devoid of its laws, and the rabble will forsake their masters, with no order among the crowd. Anubis, Horus Hekenu son of Bastet, the slaughtering demons, and the wandering demons with their knives will go to and fro at his (scil. Osiris’s) command. If one fails to perform any of the rites of Osiris at their proper times, a year of pestilence will commence in Upper and Lower Egypt, and the slaughtering demons will go forth, seizing what exists in its entirety, while the Ennead of Osiris sets snares in Egypt’ (P. Jumilhac, 18/5–9).1 This dire prophecy is recorded in Papyrus Jumilhac, a cultic handbook of early Ptolemaic date which focuses upon the gods and myths of the eighteenth Upper Egyptian nome.2 It emphasises the critical role of rites performed for the god Osiris in maintaining Egypt’s wellbeing and prosperity. Should they ever cease, the text warns, not only will the social order collapse, but plague will ravage the entire land, and multitudes will perish at the hands of fierce deities and demons who roam throughout the country, killing at the behest of the angry god whose rites have been neglected.3 The most important Osirian rites were those conducted annually during the month of Khoiak. Each year during the Khoiak festival, two figures were fabricated, one of Osiris Foremost in the West and one of Sokar, who by the time Papyrus Jumilhac was written had been totally assimilated to Osiris. The first figure was supposed to be formed of sand and barley, the second made from a mixture of clay, date paste, aromatic substances, and crushed minerals and stones. The first figure was sprinkled with water until the barley germinated. This symbolised, but also reified, the resurrection of Osiris. The assembly of the various ingredients of the second figure, on the other hand, symbolised and reified the reconstitution of the deity’s dismembered corpse.4 Egypt, geographically as well as politically, was actually identified with the body of Osiris. Consequently, the germination of the grain which sprouted from the first figure was also thought to ensure the renewed fertility of the country’s arable land, while combining the various ingredients comprising the second figure together also guaranteed the political and social cohesion of the Egyptian state.5 Given this wider significance of the rites performed for 1 J. Vandier, Le papyrus Jumilhac (Paris, 1961), p. 130 and tenth unnumbered plate (upper). 2 For the date of the text, see J. Quack, ‘Corpus oder membra disiecta? Zur Sprach- und Redaktionskritik des Papyrus Jumilhac’, in W. Waitkus (ed.), Diener des Horus: Festschrift für Dieter Kurth zum 65. Geburtstag (Gladbeck, 2008), pp. 204–6. 3 For these bloodthirsty emissaries of Osiris, see M. Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7) (Oxford, 2005), p. 153. For what may be an episode in a fictional narrative where the god sends demons to stir up strife and arouse enmity as punishment for failure to perform his rites at the due time (the text is too poorly preserved to be completely certain), see F. Hoffmann, Der Kampf um den Panzer des Inaros (Vienna, 1996), pp. 44–5; K. Ryholt, ‘A Parallel to the Inaros Story of Papyrus Krall (P. Carlsberg 456 + P. CtYBR 4513): Demotic Narratives from the Tebtunis Temple Library (I)’, JEA 84 (1988), pp. 153 and 164–7; idem, Narrative Literature from the Tebtunis Library (Copenhagen, 2012), pp. 79–80. 4 See A.-K. Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1 (Wiesbaden, 2019), pp. 92–4. 5 See M. Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia (Oxford, 2017), p.

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

14

1. Introduction

Osiris during the Khoiak festival, it is not surprising that P. Jumilhac should threaten political and social chaos, along with other disasters, if they ever ceased to be performed in Egypt’s temples, and in fact the Khoiak rites continued to be observed in at least one temple, that dedicated to the goddess Isis at Philae, right up until the time of the disappearance of traditional Egyptian religion.6 It was not only at the national level, but at the individual level as well, that the Egyptians hoped to benefit from the rites performed for Osiris. Papyrus Jumilhac goes on to say ‘Osiris lives through the bas of Re (= ritual texts). These are beneficial to Osiris, beneficial to those who recite them, beneficial to those who perform them on earth, and beneficial for them in the god’s domain’ (P. Jumilhac, 18/20–21).7 Ritual texts like those read out during the Khoiak festival were thought to benefit those who recited or performed them in two ways. First, evidence of having served faithfully in the cult of Osiris ‘on earth’, i.e. while alive, counted in one’s favour in the afterlife, since one’s pious actions in this life would be rewarded in the next. Such evidence would include knowledge of cultic matters of the sort preserved in the texts recited for Osiris.8 Second, ritual texts intended to restore Osiris to life, suitably adapted, could also be recited for the deceased. Thus they could benefit from them in the same way that Osiris did. Priests who were actively involved in the performance of that god’s cult had greater access to such texts and more opportunity to acquire or make copies of them for their own use, so it is not surprising that most extant papyri which preserve Osirian ritual texts adapted for the benefit of specific deceased individuals were the property of priests attached to temples.9 In the Graeco-Roman Period, adapted ritual texts of this sort were employed alongside ritual texts originally composed for use in the funerary cult of ordinary deceased people. The latter were thought to confer many of the same benefits as those originally composed for use in the temple cult of Osiris. In fact, a number of ritual texts which are first attested in the private sphere subsequently appear in the temple sphere as well.10 Needless to say, the fact that a text is attested in one sphere first is not absolute proof that it originated there. Priority of attestation does not constitute proof of how a text was originally used. Some ritual texts may have moved back and forth from one sphere to another. As far as their practical use is concerned, the boundaries between the Osirian temple cult and the private funerary cult may have been more fluid than we usually imagine, raising the question of how valid the categories of ‘Osirian texts’ and ‘private texts’ really are as applied to them.11

6 7 8

9

10 11

450; A. Egberts, In Quest of Meaning: A Study of the Ancient Egyptian Rites of Consecrating the Meret-Chests and Driving the Calves 1 (Leiden, 1995), pp. 173–202, especially 199–202. Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, pp. 456–8. Vandier, Le papyrus Jumilhac, p. 131 and tenth unnumbered plate (upper). Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, pp. 259–60 and 301; idem, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt (Oxford, 2009), p. 63; S. Cauville, Dendara 10/1 (Cairo, 1997), pp. 299, lines 7–11; Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1, p. 56. Ibid., pp. 55–61; Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 62– 3; idem, ‘Whose Ritual? Osirian Texts and Texts Written for the Deceased in P. BM EA 10209: A Case Study’, in B. Backes and J. Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and GrecoRoman Egypt (Wiesbaden, 2015), pp. 162–3. See, for example, spells from the ‘private’ Book of the Dead preserved in temple contexts discussed in A. von Lieven, ‘Book of the Dead, Book of the Living: BD Spells as Temple Texts’, JEA 98 (2012), pp. 249–67. Smith in Backes and Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and GrecoRoman Egypt, pp. 176–7. See further section 1.14 below.

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1.1 The history of the manuscript, its acquisition and present location

15

The demotic ritual texts preserved in the manuscript edited in this volume offer an excellent opportunity to explore these and related issues. Some of them comprise more than one column of writing, others occupy only a few lines. Some are attested in numerous other versions with a lengthy history of transmission, others occur nowhere else. Most of the texts are known to have been employed both for the benefit of ordinary deceased people and for the god Osiris, in certain cases, during one and the same period of Egypt’s history. This is one of their most interesting and striking features. They stand at the interface between temple cult and cult of the dead and allow us to trace the transmission of beliefs and practices from one sphere to the other.

1.1 The history of the manuscript, its acquisition and present location The texts edited in the present volume are inscribed on a papyrus roll in the collection of the Bodleian Library, Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). According to Library records, this was purchased from the Rev. G.J. Chester in 1890. Chester (1830–1892) was a noted collector of antiquities who made frequent visits to Egypt, in the course of which he acquired a number of Egyptian, Coptic, and Greek manuscripts, most of which were bought by the British Museum and the Bodleian Library.12 No information about where or when he acquired this particular papyrus has been preserved. For many years, the texts edited here remained something of an enigma. They were known to exist somewhere in the Bodleian Library but they could not be located. The story of how they were rediscovered will be recounted in the following paragraphs. More than forty years ago, as a graduate student at the University of Chicago, I had occasion to examine a photostatic copy of the manuscript demotic dictionary notes of the late Sir Herbert Thompson. Thompson (1859−1944) was a distinguished Egyptologist who specialised in the study of texts written in that cursive script.13 In his day, there were no dictionaries of demotic texts. Consequently, specialists in this area had to compile their own lists of demotic words and their meanings. Thompson’s lists, the original copy of which is now in Cambridge, were based chiefly upon published sources. Occasionally, however, they record words taken from unpublished sources known to him as well. One of my main research interests is the editing and interpretation of Egyptian religious texts written in demotic. The vocabulary of such works is highly distinctive. In the course of my examination of Thompson’s notes, I was intrigued to find a number of references to words in an unpublished text which he designated, somewhat cryptically, as ‘Bodl. D.’. The nature of the words cited from this manuscript made it clear that they came from a religious work of some sort, which I resolved to try to locate. This proved to be no easy task. The abbreviation ‘Bodl.’ obviously stood for ‘Bodleian’, but ‘D.’ on its own corresponded to none of the Library’s shelf marks.14 The card index giving brief descriptions of the Bodleian Egyptian papyri contained no entry for anything resembling a demotic religious text. An item by item search through the papyri themselves, undertaken in December 1980 with the kind permission and assistance of Mr R.A. May, then Senior 12 See M. Bierbrier, Who Was Who in Egyptology (fourth edition) (London, 2012), pp. 119–20. 13 For an account of his career, see ibid., p. 540. 14 Bodleian shelf marks use letters of the alphabet from ‘a’ to ‘g’ to distinguish different sizes of manuscript, with ‘a’ being the largest and ‘g’ the smallest, but these are always lower case (e.g. a., b., c., d.) and are followed by a number (cf. the shelf mark of our text). Presumably, the ‘D.’ in Thompson’s designation stands for ‘Demotic’.

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16

1. Introduction

Assistant Librarian in the Department of Oriental Books, likewise failed to reveal the elusive manuscript. After an interval of several years, I made a new search through the entire papyrus collection in January 1991 together with Mr C. Wakefield, the successor to Mr May as Senior Assistant Librarian. Once again, each item was checked but to no avail. After several hours’ work, only one manuscript remained to be examined, which turned out to be Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). This was mounted between sheets of glass in a heavy wooden frame measuring 227 x 41.4 cm, and was gathering dust on top of a tall cabinet. We did not hold out much hope, since the entry for this manuscript in the Bodleian catalogue described its contents as ‘demotic fragments of lists of names and payments’. Nevertheless, we fetched it down for a closer look. To our surprise, there was the religious text that we had been seeking for so long. This was inscribed on the front of a substantial papyrus roll, the back of which was covered with demotic accounts and lists of payments made to various individuals.15 The concise description in the Bodleian catalogue was accurate enough as a description of the back of the papyrus, but it ignored what was written on the front. Of the religious material inscribed on that side of the papyrus, there was no mention whatsoever in the Library’s records. It is fortunate that Herbert Thompson happened to cite some of the vocabulary drawn from this material in his manuscript demotic dictionary. Otherwise, knowledge of its existence would effectively have been lost. What is preserved on the front of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) is, in fact, not a single continuous work, but a collection of different ritual texts. Nor are these written exclusively in demotic. One, the longest of the ritual texts inscribed on the papyrus, is written in the hieratic script. Before describing these in more detail, I provide a description of the papyrus roll itself, its state of preservation, its current mounting, the disposition of the texts written upon it, and what this tells us about the sequence in which they were inscribed and the various purposes for which the roll was employed over time.

1.2 Description of the papyrus roll Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) has suffered a considerable amount of damage. In its present state, it is made up of a number of separate pieces of varying sizes, which have been attached to one another with pieces of tape. Substantial parts of the roll are missing. As one might expect, the most serious losses occur near the beginning and the end, but smaller pieces are missing from the middle section of the papyrus as well, although in no case are these large enough to hinder our reconstruction of the whole. A few words need to be said about the mounting of the papyrus. In its present state, Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) is divided into two sections, which are mounted between sheets of glass in separate compartments of the larger wooden frame which encloses the entire roll.16 Roughly half of the papyrus is mounted in the right-hand compartment, and half in the left-hand compartment. Unfortunately, the text has been divided in such a way that the fifth column of ritual texts on the front of the roll is now split vertically down the middle, with the right half of that column in one compartment of the frame and the left half in the other. It is not known when the papyrus roll was divided in this manner, although it seems improbable that the 15 ‘Front’ here refers to the side of the papyrus on which the horizontal fibres lie uppermost, and ‘back’ to the side where the vertical fibres lie uppermost. 16 See section 1.1 above.

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1.2 Description of the papyrus roll

17

authorities at the Bodleian Library would have deliberately separated the two halves of a column of writing in such a way. Therefore, the division is likely to have taken place prior to the manuscript’s acquisition by the Library. Another serious problem is that, as Ann-Katrin Gill was the first to recognise, a substantial section of the papyrus which is currently mounted at the extreme right of the right-hand compartment of the frame, as if it were the beginning of the papyrus roll, actually belongs at the end. Thus what appears to be the first column of ritual texts on the front of the papyrus is in fact the final column. This is clear not only from the fibres and the colour and texture of the papyrus, but from the pattern of damage at the top of the roll and in those areas where it has been attacked by insects as well. Further confirmation is provided by the end of a line of demotic writing visible in the upper right-hand corner of the back of the papyrus which, as currently mounted, appears to stand on its own. In fact, when this part of the papyrus roll is repositioned correctly, it is simply the continuation of the initial line of the thirteenth column of accounts on that side.17 There are also a number of smaller problems with the current mounting of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). The piece of papyrus which preserves the initial words of the first eight lines of the eighth column of ritual texts on the front is misaligned. The beginnings of these lines are slightly lower than they should be in relation to the rest of the lines, so the piece needs to be raised slightly to restore the correct alignment. In addition, the gap between this piece and the larger one to the left of it is wider than it should be. As a result, where the initial signs of the lines on this piece of papyrus are preserved, they extend further to the right than the initial signs of the subsequent lines of the column. The problems are evident if one considers the sign that looks like a seated child determinative in the writing of Ipw, ‘Akhmim’, in 8/6, or the h of nhy, ‘sycamore’, in 8/8. In each case, the two halves of the sign should be much closer together, so that they are nearly touching. The tenth column of ritual texts on the front of the papyrus is composed of a number of thin vertical strips of papyrus. In the present mounting, some of these have slipped out of position so that they overlap with adjacent pieces, thus obscuring parts of signs. Compare the writings of the preposition m in 10/4, iuy, ‘offerings’, in 10/5, and ir.t, ‘eye’, in 10/9. In each case, a strip to the left covers up part of the writing on the adjacent strip to the right of it. Likewise, in 10/15, the stroke of the initial consonant of the second occurrence of kA, ‘ka’, is covered by an overlapping strip of papyrus. Apart from these cases, there are also a number of other smaller fragments of papyrus which are misaligned, as well as a few areas of the writing surface of the manuscript where a sign is obscured, either by a folded over bit of papyrus or by a piece of old tape. Finally, some uninscribed fragments currently mounted at the end of the roll do not actually belong there. Originally, it had been my hope to have Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) conserved and reframed, repositioning all the misplaced pieces and misaligned fragments and correcting the other problems noted above in the process. Regrettably, it has not proved possible to do this. Fortunately, however, Ann-Katrin Gill has been able to make a digital reconstruction of the entire papyrus roll, in which everything which is currently incorrectly mounted has been restored to its correct position. The plates at the back of this volume show the current state of 17 The preserved signs in the current upper right hand corner of the back of the papyrus represent the final element of the personal name 1r-a(A)-pHv. For better preserved examples of the same name, cf. the references to 4mAtA.wy son of 1r-a(A)-pHv in the line immediately following (13/2), as well as in 5/6 and 10/17 of the accounts on the back.

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the papyrus and her digital reconstruction of it side by side, from which the reader will be able to gauge the remarkable extent to which her work has enabled us to restore the manuscript to its original appearance. It should be emphasised that, in this book, all descriptions of or references to the papyrus, in particular citations of individual passages by column and line number, are based on the digital reconstruction, i.e. how the papyrus should look, and originally did look, and not the current mounting. The colour of the Bodleian papyrus varies from a light straw hue to a darker shade of brown, although the latter is more prevalent on the front than on the back. There are also patches of greyish discolouration on the front, which will be considered in the next section. In its present state, the maximum length of the papyrus is 208 cm, thus slightly more than 2 metres. Its maximum height is 29 cm. The makeup of the roll is normal. 16 joins are visible along its surface. The disposition of these, measured across the front of the papyrus, is recorded in Table 1. Table 1

Join Number 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Position on Roll 12.5 cm from right-hand edge 12.3 cm left of Join 1 12.7 cm left of Join 2 12.3 cm left of Join 3 12.3 cm left of Join 4 12.3 cm left of Join 5 11.8 cm left of Join 6 12 cm left of Join 7 12.7 cm left of Join 8 12 cm left of Join 9 12.4 cm left of Join 10 12.7 cm left of Join 11 12.7 cm left of Join 12 12.4 cm left of Join 13 12 cm left of Join 14 12.5 cm left of Join 15

The left-hand edge of the papyrus roll is 13 cm to the left of the final join (Join 16). However, this includes a thin protective strip of papyrus which has been added to the end of the roll. Without this strip, the distance between the final join and the left-hand edge of the papyrus would be 12.5 cm. The overlap of the joins is right upon left in all cases. The average width of the overlap is 1.5 cm. It will be evident from Table 1 that the distance between joins is fairly consistent. The difference between the longest distance (12.7 cm) and shortest distance (11.8 cm) is less than a centimetre, with the average distance being 12.34 cm. Likewise, the distances between the right-hand edge of the papyrus roll and the first join (12.5 cm), and the last join and the left-hand edge of the papyrus (13 cm including the protective strip described above) are approximately the same, suggesting that, despite the damage that the roll has

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1.3 The layout of the writing on the papyrus

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suffered, little if anything has been lost at either end, and its current measurements are probably not greatly dissimilar to the manuscript’s original dimensions.

1.3 The layout of the writing on the papyrus As noted in section 1.1 above, Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) is inscribed with ritual texts on the front and accounts and lists of payments on the back.18 The texts on each side are upside down in relation to those on the other. Although it was normal practice in ancient Egypt to write on the front of a papyrus roll before utilising the back, in this instance we can be confident that the accounts and lists were inscribed before the ritual texts. Careful examination of the surface of the front shows that originally it bore texts of a similar character to those written on the back, some of them in hands very like if not identical to those of the latter. Most of these were later erased to make room for the ritual texts. Traces of the erased texts are still visible above and below the first column of ritual texts, below the second column, between the third and fourth columns, below the fourth and possibly the fifth columns, between the seventh and eighth columns, above, below, and in between some lines of the eighth column,19 below the ninth column, and to the left of the tenth column. Further evidence of erased writing is provided by the greyish discolouration of some areas of the surface of the front of the papyrus roll to which reference has been made in the preceding section, for example, those now occupied by the first and eighth columns of ritual texts. This is the residue of ink which has been washed away. But evidently the earlier writing did not cover the entire surface of this side of the papyrus, since there are some areas of it, for example, that now occupied by the eleventh column of ritual texts, where there is no evidence of erasure. Likewise, on the back of the papyrus, the accounts and lists do not cover the entire surface. There are significant areas of blank space, especially between the twelfth and thirteenth columns. Exceptionally, two columns of the original text on the front of the papyrus were left untouched. These stand at the very beginning of the roll, preceding the initial column of the ritual texts which were added later. Why these were not effaced is unclear. Perhaps the scribe felt that he had sufficient space to write his new texts without deleting them. It is noteworthy that he left a sizable blank space between the seventh and eighth columns of ritual texts, and another between the tenth and eleventh columns of ritual texts, so evidently he felt free to lay these out in fairly expansive way.20 As the above shows, we can distinguish two stages of use for Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). It was originally inscribed with accounts and lists of payments on both sides. At some point, when preserving these was no longer deemed to be a necessity, most, but not all, of those on the front of the papyrus were erased to make room for ritual texts. As a result, the object moved from the economic to the cultic sphere. In this book, we will be concerned with the ritual texts

18 There are, in fact, two lines of the former on the back. These occupy the other side of the blank space above the first column of ritual texts on the front and are written the same way up. For more information on these, see section 1.7(a) below. 19 See, for example, between 8/1 and 8/2, 8/5 and 8/6, 8/6 and 8/7, 8/7 and 8/8, and 8/8 and 8/9. 20 For further discussion of the space between the seventh and eighth columns of the ritual texts, see section 1.11 below.

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1. Introduction

on the front of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). The other texts will be left out of consideration, except in so far as they can inform us about the date and provenience of the manuscript.21

1.4 Description of the columns of ritual texts on the front of the papyrus The ritual texts on this side of the papyrus are disposed in eleven columns. Columns 1–7 are inscribed in hieratic, Columns 8–11 in demotic. A description of the individual columns is provided in Table 2. Table 2

Column 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Height (cm) 19 23 24 24 21 23 24 22 23 24 14

Maximum width (cm) 13 11 13 12 12 12 12 18 13 12 9.5

Number of lines 24 (19 + 5)22 23 24 26 22 23 36 (17 + 19)23 21 21 20 13

The state of preservation of the individual columns of writing varies considerably. Some, e.g. Columns 3, 6, 7, and 11, are missing only a few words. Others, e.g. Columns 1, 9, and 10, are missing substantial portions of some of their constituent lines. In most cases, the loss of text is due to a break, crack, or hole in the papyrus. But in some instances, for example, the lower parts of columns 2 and 5, the papyrus surface, while still extant, has been abraded or rubbed away so that the text is no longer legible. The columns of ritual texts are written in between the joins in nearly every case. The lone exception is Column 8 which, at 18 cm, is the widest column by a considerable margin. The eleventh join occurs at a point roughly one third of the way through this column. Otherwise, the joins occur between columns of writing, although there are a few instances where the end of an individual line which is longer than average extends across a join. The distance between the first column of ritual texts and the right-hand edge of the papyrus roll is 25 cm. The blank space between Columns 7 and 8 measures 18.5 cm, the blank space between Columns 10 and 11 is likewise 18.5 cm. The distance between Column 11 and the left-hand edge of the papyrus roll is 9 cm.

21 See sections 1.5 and 1.6 below. 22 Lines 20–24 are written to the left of lines 8–12. 23 Below the first 17 lines of Column 7, 19 further lines are arranged in one vertical and three short horizontal columns. From right to left, these comprise lines 18, 19–25, 26–32, and 33–36 respectively.

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1.5 The date when the texts were inscribed

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The ritual texts were written in a careful hand with black ink and a masticated rush stem. Although some of them are in demotic and some in hieratic, there is ample evidence that all were the work of the same scribe. The columns of demotic incorporate occasional words written in the hieratic script. Where these words occur in the hieratic columns as well, their writing is invariably identical with that in the demotic columns. Compare, for instance, the hieratic writings of Hr, ‘upon’, in 11/2 and 11/10 (demotic text) and 7/10 (hieratic text), knHw, ‘darkness’, in 11/2 (demotic text) and 7/6 (hieratic text), iw, ‘come’, in 11/10 (demotic text) and 7/10 (hieratic text), n=k, ‘to you’, in 11/10 (demotic text) and 7/6 (hieratic text), Ra, ‘Re’, in 8/12 (demotic text) and 1/5 and 2/15 (hieratic text), At, ‘moment’, in 8/14 (demotic text) and 7/33 (hieratic text), aA.t, ‘great’, in 8/14 (demotic text) and 4/15, 6/3, 6/15, and 6/19 (hieratic text), itn, ‘sun disk’, in 9/4 (demotic text) and 2/4, 2/11, and 3/13 (hieratic text), mAA, ‘see’, in 9/10 (demotic text) and 2/11, 3/12, and 3/13 (hieratic text), Nw.t, ‘Nut’, in 9/15 (demotic text) and 4/18 (hieratic text), 5w, ‘Shu’, in 9/15 (demotic text) and 5/15 (hieratic text), 9dw, ‘Busiris’, in 10/8 (demotic text) and 4/14 (hieratic text), and Dd, ‘djed-pillar’, in 10/13 (demotic text) and 6/15 and 6/21 (hieratic text). Moreover, some words in the demotic columns, while not attested in the hieratic ones, nevertheless share hieratic signs with words which do occur in those columns. Compare, for example, the seated man above plural strokes determinative of Hm.w, ‘servants’, employed as an unetymological writing of Hmt, ‘copper’, in 11/7 with that of rmT.w, ‘people’, in 1/3; Xr in the compound preposition Xr-tp, ‘in the presence of’, in 11/7 with the initial element of Xr-nTr, ‘god’s domain’, in 2/8, 2/19, and 2/23; the initial s of saSA, ‘enrich’, in 8/3 with those of stp, ‘choose’, in 6/1, sgr, ‘silence’, in 7/5, and sSt, ‘secret form’, in 7/7; and the combination of t above egg sign + seated goddess determinative in the divine name 1sy.t, ‘Hesat’, in 9/21 with the same combination in nTr.t, ‘goddess’, in 7/6 and 7/14. In each case, the writing of the sign in the demotic columns is identical with the writing in the hieratic ones. More rarely, a demotic sign is used in the writing of a word otherwise written in hieratic. See, for example, the s of Sps, ‘noble’, in 2/5, and syf, ‘child’, in 3/3, which looks exactly like examples of that consonant in demotic words elsewhere in the manuscript. From all this it is clear that the ritual texts on our papyrus are the product of a single scribe who was equally skilled in writing hieratic and demotic. Likewise, the scribe of the well-known P. Rhind 1 and P. Rhind 2 wrote extensive texts in both scripts on the same papyrus, only in those two cases the hieratic and demotic preserve the same text.24

1.5 The date when the texts were inscribed The ritual texts on the front of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) are undated, so the only means we have of ascertaining when they were inscribed is their palaeography. The hand of the demotic ritual texts can be assigned with a fair degree of certainty to the second half of the first century BC. Hieratic hands of the Graeco-Roman Period are often more difficult to date precisely than demotic ones, but there are no features of the hieratic writing on the front of our papyrus that would contradict the dating proposed here. The same is true of the demotic accounts and lists on the front and back of the papyrus, which were inscribed before the ritual texts. Although they are written in more than one hand, 24 See Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 304 and 337.

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1. Introduction

none displays any features that would suggest a date later than the second half of the first century BC. Unlike the ritual texts, some of the accounts and lists are dated. As might be expected, the dates occur in the initial lines of columns and indicate when the transactions recorded below them took place. In some instances, e.g. the initial line of the fourth column on the back of the papyrus, the date consists of a month and day but no year. However, two columns on the back, the tenth and thirteenth, preserve a regnal year date. In both cases this is year 15. Three rulers of the period to which our papyrus can be assigned on the basis of the palaeography of its ritual texts reigned for fifteen years or longer. These are Ptolemy XII Auletes (80–51 BC), Cleopatra VII (51–30 BC), and Augustus (30 BC–AD 14). The fifteenth regnal year of the first extended from 9 September 67 BC to 8 September 66 BC, that of the second from 2 September 38 BC to 31 August 37 BC, and that of the third from 29 August 16 BC to 28 August 15 BC).25 So at the very least, Columns 10 and 13 of the accounts were inscribed in one of those three years. But there is a further pair of regnal years, which occurs in the initial line of the first column of accounts on the front of the papyrus. These allow us to date the ritual texts with even greater precision. Because of its interest, I reproduce the line in question here.

The line can be read: H.t-sp 23 r H.t-sp [24] Kysr @br pA mr ntr pA ntr aA, ‘Year 23 to year [24] of Caesar: @br, the overseer of the god(s), the great god’.26 The title ‘Caesar’ is written without a final s and determined with a damaged sign which is probably the one normally used at the end of foreign names.27 This must refer to Augustus, who reigned for 43 years, from 30 BC until AD 14. His twenty-third regnal year began on 29 August 8 BC, and his twenty-fourth regnal year ended on 28 August 6 BC.28 The reference to the god @br here is noteworthy. As far as I am aware, this is the first attestation of him as a deity in his own right. Hitherto, his name has only been found as an element in theophorous personal names and toponyms.29 The god’s name is written with a short diagonal stroke and a divine determinative (partly damaged) after the phonetic signs.30 His epithet, ‘the overseer of the god(s), the great god’, is also of 25 P. Pestman, Chronologie égyptienne d’après les textes démotiques (332 av. J.-C. – 453 ap. J.-C.) (Leiden, 1967), pp. 79, 83, and 85. 26 I owe the reading r H.t-sp [24] Kysr to Karl-Theodor Zauzich. I had originally read the y of Kysr as an h, but further inspection of the papyrus reveals that what I interpreted as a horizontal stroke connecting the two diagonal strokes before s was actually the shadow of a papyrus fibre. With the trace of the number 4 here, compare better-preserved writings of that number in 8/17, 10/10, and 11/13 of the demotic ritual texts. 27 For this orthography, see CDD, letter g (25/5/2004), p. 90. 28 Pestman, Chronologie égyptienne d’après les textes démotiques (332 av. J.-C. – 453 ap. J.-C.), pp. 84 and 87. 29 See CDD, letter A (23/8/2002), pp. 20–1, and references cited there. 30 One might be tempted to interpret @br as a defective writing of the name of Tiberius, the successor of Augustus, but he did not have a twenty-fourth regnal year. Moreover, the sequence ‘Caesar Tiberius’ (instead of ‘Tiberius Caesar’), while occasionally attested elsewhere (see J.-C. Grenier, Les titulatures des empereurs romains dans les documents en langue égyptien [Brussels, 1989], p. 18), would be unusual and, in any case, one would not

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1.5 The date when the texts were inscribed

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interest.31 This recurs, although without the divine name before it, in the thirteenth line of the second column of the accounts written on the back of the papyrus. The only difference is that, in that instance, mr ntr is replaced by mr followed by a short vertical stroke and a divine determinative, although the two latter signs could be a defective writing of ntr. The reason for the reference to the god in the heading of the column which I have reproduced here is obscure to me. Perhaps the accounts below it relate to expenditure for his cult.32 Be that as it may, this last pair of regnal year dates shows that the ritual texts of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) must have been inscribed sometime late in or shortly after 6 BC. (Traces of an erased column of accounts displaying the same demotic hand as the one dated in the reign of Augustus are visible at the bottom of the first column of ritual texts.) This fits neatly with the date proposed for the ritual texts on the basis of palaeography above, viz. second half of the first century BC, but it is now evident that we must assign the texts to the latter part of that period rather than the earlier or middle parts. To be on the safe side, we might even allow for the possibility that they were inscribed very early in the first century AD. It seems logical to assume that the regnal year 15 which occurs in two of the other columns of accounts is that of Augustus as well, so that they were written between 29 August 16 BC and 28 August 15 BC. With respect to the undated columns of accounts, these are likely to be roughly contemporary with the dated ones, since there is no compelling reason to think that they were inscribed over an extended period of time. As will be seen below, a small group of personal names recurs throughout the accounts, perhaps even referring to the same individuals. One thing we cannot judge with any certainty is how long an interval elapsed between the time when the last of the accounts was written and that when the ritual texts which are the focus of our interest were inscribed on the papyrus. Accounts by their nature are fairly ephemeral documents, useful for a limited span of time, so the interval need not have been a very long one. As we have seen, the initial line of the first column of accounts on the front of the papyrus makes reference to the divinity @br, who is described as ‘the overseer of the god(s), the great god’, while a variant of this pair of epithets occurs in the thirteenth line of the second column of accounts on the back. At various points, the accounts also refer to ‘priests’ (fifteenth line of second column on the back), ‘reversions’ (initial line of second column on the front, fourteenth line of first column on the back, ninth line of tenth column on the back),33 and a payment made to a singer (eleventh line of tenth column on the back), so it is not inconceivable that they relate to a temple, perhaps the same institution where the ritual texts were subsequently inscribed.

expect to find this emperor’s name written with an A before the b and with r as the final consonant. (Cf. examples cited in CDD, letter t (14/7/2002), pp. 90–7.) 31 There is no possibility to read pA ntr pA Sr pA ntr aA, ‘the god, the son of the great god’, an epithet attested for both Augustus and Tiberius, for which see Grenier, Les titulatures des empereurs romains dans les documents en langue égyptien, pp. 14–15, 20, and 23; Pestman, Chronologie égyptienne d’après les textes démotiques (332 av. J.-C. – 453 ap. J.-C.), p. 90. 32 For another instance in which a regnal year date is followed by additional words which are not part of the actual dating formula in the heading of a column, see the initial line of the thirteenth column of accounts on the back of the papyrus. 33 For the use of the noun wtb in accounts, see M. Schentuleit, Aus der Buchhaltung des Weinmagazins im EdfuTempel: Der demotische P. Carlsberg 409 (Copenhagen, 2006), pp. 196–7 (reference courtesy of Karl-Theodor Zauzich).

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1.6 The provenience of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) As noted above, Bodleian Library records supply no information about the provenience of our papyrus. Accordingly, this must be ascertained on the basis of internal evidence. Two main types of evidence are available for consideration: that provided by toponyms, and that provided by personal names. The former can be a useful guide to the provenience of the texts in which they occur. It was the practice of some scribes, when copying ritual texts, to interpolate references to the cults or sanctuaries of their own region in certain passages, thus reflecting their importance in the local tradition. A good example is provided by a ritual text known as the Book of Protecting the Bark of the God. In one passage where all other versions refer to Seth simply as a rebel (sbi), the version inscribed in the first western Osiris chapel on the roof of the temple of Hathor at Dendera describes him more fully as a rebel and xfty n Wsir xnt Imntt nTr aA Hr-ib Iwn.t, ‘enemy of Osiris foremost in the West, the great god who dwells in Dendera’.34 What may be such a ‘local’ interpolation occurs in 9/3 of our ritual texts. Parallels say that the dead person will see Horus in the bark of the sun god as he turns his (variant: the deceased’s) face to the nome (variant: the city) of Abydos. Our text expands this by adding the toponym BHt, ‘Behdet’, after Ibt, ‘Abydos’. Elsewhere in the manuscript, this toponym occurs twice in the sequence BHt Ipw H.(t)-bwbw Imnv, ‘Behdet, Ipu, the mansion of brightness(?), and the West’.35 Unfortunately, 9/3 breaks off after BHt, but there is space to restore Ipw H.(t)-bwbw Imnv after it in that line, and there is a trace of ink visible just before the break which is likely to be the lower part of the initial sign of Ipw.36 This sequence does not appear in any of the parallels; therefore it is likely to be a ‘local’ interpolation of the sort described above. If so, then Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) must have been inscribed in the vicinity of one or more places in that list. ‘Behdet’ in the above sequence probably refers to ‘Eastern Behdet’ (BHd.t iAb.t), modern day Nag al-Mashayikh. ‘Ipu’ is an alternative name for Akhmim. The ‘mansion of brightness(?)’ is likely to have been situated in or near the latter city.37 This suggests that our manuscript originated either in Nag al-Mashayikh, Akhmim, or somewhere in between those two places. We can narrow it down a bit further, however. What appears to be another ‘local’ interpolation occurs in 11/12 of our ritual texts. A parallel refers simply to Wsir xnv Imnt, ‘Osiris foremost in the West’, at this point, but our text adds the words 4kr Wsir Hr Ipw, ‘Sokar Osiris in Ipu’, after Wsir xnv Imnt.38 If this is another ‘local’ interpolation, then the Bodleian manuscript must have been written in Akhmim, or at least somewhere in the Akhmim region. That city is actually mentioned in one of the accounts on the back of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P), under its alternative name 2n-Mn, which is the origin of the modern designation Akhmim, although it is by no means the only toponym that appears in those texts.39 34 See A.-K. Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 2 (Wiesbaden, 2019), p. 988. For other examples of such ‘local’ interpolations, see M. Smith, ‘The Provenience of Papyrus Harkness’, in A. Leahy and J. Tait (eds.), Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honour of H.S. Smith (London, 1999), p. 292. 35 See 8/5–6 and 8/8–9. 36 See Commentary, note on 9/3. 37 For these three identifications, see Commentary, notes (a)–(c) on 8/6. 38 See Commentary, notes (c) and (d) on 11/12. 39 For 2n-Mn, see the initial line of the fourth column on the back. The fourth line of the thirteenth column on that side of the papyrus refers to a man called PAy-5y, who is described as a rmt 4ywv, ‘man of Siut’, although this

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1.6 The provenience of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P)

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Personal names can be a useful guide to the provenience of the texts in which they occur as well, provided that the names in question are restricted to or characteristic of a particular place or region. Only two personal names are found in the ritual texts on the front of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). The first, PA-hb, ‘Phibis’, occurs in 7/15. The second, which occurs in 7/16, is damaged. The first part of the name is illegible. It ends with y and the ‘tired man’ determinative (Gardiner Sign-List A7) used elsewhere in the text with words like Hms, ‘sit’ (1/2), gAH, ‘be tired’ (1/20), and wrD, ‘be weary’ (1/22), followed by the seated man determinative with a short vertical stroke above it. Neither name is sufficiently diagnostic to allow us to use it to ascertain where the papyrus originated.40 The accounts and lists on the front and back of the papyrus contain many more personal names, as one might expect. On the front these include PA-ti-2ns and 6wtw, which occur in the second and third lines respectively of the second of the two columns of accounts on that side of the papyrus. Personal names occurring in the fifteen columns of accounts and lists on the back include Iy-m-Htp (1/17, 3/1, 15/5), Wn-nfr (13/14), P&-Mn (4/20), P&-nA-wrSe.w (10/19, 13/5, 13/8), PA-wr-Inp (5/16, 10/3), PA-wr-9Hwty (7/1, 10/15, 10/20, 14/3), PA-Sr-@st (5/19, 10/5), PA-Sr-6wtw (11/4), PA-ti-@st (5/4), PA-ti-Mn (1/16, 4/6, 4/23, 5/3, 8/13, 14/19), PAy-5y (3/2, 11/3, 12/1, 12/4, 13/4, 14/5), 0rbs (4/11), 1r-a(A)-pHv (5/6, 10/17, 13/1, 13/2), 1vr (5/9), 2a=f (4/11, 10/19), 4mA-tA.wy (5/6, 10/17, 13/2), 4nn (14/7), KlnD (10/12), 6wtw (5/4, 14/6), 9-Hr (4/18), 9Hwty-iw (7/10), and 9Hwty-rs (9/4, 10/4). Several of these names occur in other texts which are known to have come from Akhmim or its vicinity, although, with one exception, none is found exclusively in written sources from that region. Most of the theophoric names refer to major deities who were worshipped throughout Egypt, so the fact that several of these had cults in Akhmim as well is probably not significant. The exception is KlnD, ‘Kolanthes’, which relates the bearer to a deity whose cult was unique to the Akhmim region.41 Apart from this, one is also struck by the number of references to individuals with names incorporating that of Min, the chief deity of Akhmim, in the texts on the back of the papyrus. In one instance (13/8), reference is made to a PA-ti-Mn who is the son of a man called P&-nA-wrSe.w. Personal names incorporating the element wrSe, ‘guardian’, are well-attested in texts from Akhmim, but this is not conclusive evidence, since such names occur in texts from other places as well.42 Perhaps the most that one can say is that, of the personal names mentioned in these accounts and lists, one (KlnD) definitely supports the attribution of an Akhmimic provenience to the Bodleian manuscript, while the rest do not rule out or exclude it. In addition to the evidence provided by toponyms and personal names, some details of orthography can be taken into account as well. It is worth noting that one of the accounts on the front of the Bodleian papyrus employs a writing of the epithet um, ‘young’, which is characteristic of demotic texts from the Akhmim region.43 This occurs in the second line of

40 41 42 43

may be indicative of his origin rather than that of the papyrus. A ‘man of Siut’ is mentioned in the fifth line of the initial column of accounts on the front of the roll as well (his name is lost). The Trismegistos database records 1,097 attestations of the name PA-hb and its Greek counterparts but, on chronological grounds, none of the individuals listed there is likely to be identical with the man of that name mentioned in our papyrus. See C. Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 7 (Leuven, Paris, Dudley, 2002), p. 222; J. Quaegebeur, ‘Kolanthes’, in W. Helck and W. Westendorf (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 (1980), pp. 671–2. See Smith in Leahy and Tait (eds.), Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honour of H.S. Smith, p. 287. M. Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507 (London, 1987), pp. 19 and 60; S. Vleeming, Demotic

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the second of the two columns of accounts on that side of the papyrus, where reference is made to a man called PA-ti-2ns pA um, ‘Patikhons the younger’. The fifth line of that column preserves another example of the epithet written in the same way. This provides further support for the view that our papyrus originates from Akhmim or its vicinity. One final point which bears mentioning is that Akhmim was a vibrant centre of traditional Egyptian religion throughout the Ptolemaic and Roman Periods. It was noted for the production of ritual and other religious texts, both on papyrus and other media, in particular, texts for the afterlife written in demotic. Among the best known of the latter are the mortuary liturgies preserved on P. BM 10507 and one, possibly more, copies of the work known as the Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing.44 Thus it would not be surprising if a manuscript like ours which contains extensive texts of this nature written in demotic had an Akhmimic provenience as well. So on the basis of the evidence considered above, there is good reason to regard the ritual texts preserved on the front of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) as further testimony to the expertise of the priestly scribes and scholars of the Akhmim region.

1.7 Description of the contents of the ritual texts inscribed on the papyrus As noted in section 1.1, the front of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) preserves a collection of different ritual texts. There are seven of these in all. Most are written in the demotic script, but one, the longest, is in hieratic. The texts are disposed in eleven columns. In this section, I will describe the individual texts in the sequence in which they occur. (a) The first ritual text inscribed on the front of the papyrus occupies Columns 1−7. It is written in the hieratic script. This is a version of the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine, a work known from several other copies, both hieroglyphic and hieratic. In addition to complete copies, extracts from the work are attested as well, varying in extent from connected passages of considerable length to isolated sentences. These range in date from the New Kingdom to the Roman Period.45 As Gill has noted, this work falls into three main sections: an initial litany addressed to Sokar, a hymn proclaiming the arrival of the goddess Hathor, and a short address to the nine companions of Sokar which introduces further invocations and exhortations to the god.46 The version in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) is structured rather differently to the others. For one thing, the initial litany to Sokar is much longer and incorporates numerous additional invocations not found in any other version. These additional invocations extend from Column 3/1 to Column 7/6, more than half of the entire text. There are 142 invocations in total, more and Greek-Demotic Mummy Labels and Other Short Texts Gathered from Many Publications (Leuven, Paris, Walpole, 2011), pp. 882–3. 44 Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, pp. 424−9. 45 For bibliography on the different versions of this text, see Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1, pp. 324–5; S. Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10 (Wiesbaden, 2016), pp. 145–50; B. Backes, Der “Papyrus Schmitt” (Berlin P. 3057) 1 (Berlin, 2016), pp. 814–17. New versions of the text have recently been identified in the Turin Museum, CGT 54057 (reference courtesy of Ann-Katrin Gill), and the British Museum, BM EA 10973 (reference courtesy of François-René Herbin). 46 See Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1, p. 85.

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than three times the number found in any of the parallels. Moreover, appended to the litany is a series of further sentences addressed to the god (7/6–14). Apart from the initial one, these are unparalleled elsewhere as well. The hymn to Hathor, by contrast, is drastically abbreviated, being reduced to a series of epithets which identify the goddess as mistress of various cities (7/18–36). The final part of the text is omitted entirely.47 The work was intended to awaken and revivify the god Sokar, although in our text, as in some other versions, the deity addressed is regularly referred to as Osiris. This reflects the fact that by the time it was written the two deities had effectively become one. The god is invoked by a speaker who identifies himself as Horus, the beloved son of Osiris (1/4 and 7/11−12). The only priest mentioned is a sem-priest who is said to sit before the god and pour out a libation (1/2). It is not clear whether he is the recitant as well.48 The act of awakening the deity itself is said to be performed by rmT.w nb.t, ‘all the people’ (1/2–3). The Bodleian version is the only one to supply this information. Just before the series of epithets addressed to the goddess Hathor which concludes our text, the scribe has inserted a short passage which reads: i nTr.w nb nTr.t nb.w iw-ir mk.t Wsir xnty Imnty.w Wsir PA-hb Wsir […]y ntf wa saH Sps mnx nn thA sw xfty.w=f nb Dt, ‘O all gods and all goddesses who exercise protection over Osiris foremost of the Westerners, the Osiris of Phibis, and the Osiris of […]y, he is a noble and efficacious mummy. No enemies of his shall ever attack him’ (7/14−17).49 By this means, the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine has been adapted to benefit, not just Osiris, but two named deceased individuals as well.50 One might think at first of translating the sequence of personal names here as ‘the Osiris of Phibis son of the Osiris of […]y’, but the marker of filiation is missing and one would not normally expect to find ‘Osiris of’ before the name of both the deceased and his father. There are exceptions to the latter rule, so we cannot rule out the possibility entirely.51 On balance, however, especially given the absence of any marker of filiation, it seems preferable to interpret the two names as being in apposition. Thus our text provides another example of a composition which has been adapted for the benefit of two individuals rather than one.52 It is noteworthy that even though their names have been added after that of Osiris, the third person singular pronouns referring to the 47 As noted ibid., p. 86, this last section may have been performed separately on some occasions. If it was seen, to some extent, as a discrete text, this could account for its omission here. 48 In the version of the rite preserved in P. Louvre N. 3135, the recitant is said to be the ‘scribe of the god’s book’ (sX mDA.t-nTr). See J. Dieleman, ‘The Artemis Liturgical Papyrus’, in J. Quack (ed.), Ägyptische Rituale der griechisch-römischen Zeit (Tübingen, 2014), p. 177. This version ends at a point corresponding to 7/6 of our text, omitting not only the final section but the preceding one as well. 49 For the damaged personal name in this passage, ending in y, see section 1.6 above. 50 For inserting the name of a dead person after that of Osiris as a way of adapting an Osirian ritual text for that person’s benefit, see Smith in Backes and Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and Greco-Roman Egypt, p. 162. On such adaptation more generally, see Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1, pp. 55−67. 51 In lines 7–8 of the text inscribed on BM Stela Inv. 671, for example, the deceased is called Wsir NN sA Wsir NN. See S. Vleeming, ‘A Hieroglyphic-Demotic Stela from Akhmim’, in F. Hoffmann and H. Thissen (eds.), Res Severa Verum Gaudium: Festschrift für Karl-Theodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8 Juni 2004 (Leuven, Paris, Dudley, 2004), p. 628 and plate 58. 52 For further examples of this practice, see Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1, pp. 54 and 67−70. For a text adapted for the benefit of three individuals, a deceased person and his parents, see Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 62−3; idem, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, p. 336.

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god have been left unchanged.53 This is the only place in the text where the two names have been added. Other parallels have simply nTr.w Hr mk.t=f, ‘the gods protect him’, at this point, referring to the god.54 But ours is not the only version of the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine which incorporates references to a secondary beneficiary. The version preserved in P. Louvre I. 3079 inserts the name of the deceased individual for whom it was adapted in five places. The first two correspond to 2/21 and 2/23 of our text. The other three have no parallel in the Bodleian manuscript. In two passages, the words ‘Osiris of NN’ have been added after the name of Osiris. In a third, the words ‘and Osiris of NN likewise’ are inserted after ‘Sokar Osiris’. In all these cases, the parallels simply refer to the god.55 In two other passages, ‘Osiris of NN’ is inserted where the parallels have Pr-aA, ‘Pharaoh’. The king is said to do what the god loves and praises.56 Thus, the Louvre papyrus treats the deceased person for whom it was adapted as both beneficiary and officiant of the ritual. The title and opening words of the version of the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine in our manuscript (1/1−5) are written in scriptio continua. The remaining lines of Column 1 are written in stichic form. Each consists of one or more epithets or a short exhortation introduced by the vocative i, ‘O’. As noted in section 1.4, lines 20−24 have been inserted to the left of lines 8−12. The arrangement of Columns 2−6 is likewise stichic. Each constituent line of these columns is introduced by i, followed by an epithet or epithets, with the occasional short exhortation mixed in. This pattern continues for the first four lines of Column 7, after which the text reverts to scriptio continua until the end of line 17. As noted in section 1.4, the concluding epithets addressed to Hathor (7/19−36) are written stichically in three short columns positioned below the main part of that column. The invocation which introduces them, inD-Hr=t 1.t-1r, ‘Hail to you, Hathor’ (7/18), is written in a vertical line to the right of these. Of interest is the fact that two further lines of hieratic, apparently belonging to this composition, are inscribed on the back of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). These are found on the other side of the surface occupied by the blank space above Column 1 on the front, and are written the same way up as that text, in other words, they are upside down in relation to the accounts on the back. The first line reads: i nb snD aA Sfy.t, ‘O lord of fear, greatly respected’. The second reads: i bA n Ra m wiA n HH.w, ‘O ba of Re in the bark of millions’. All of these epithets are addressed to Osiris elsewhere in the text on the front, although not in this precise sequence. The words i nb snD aA Sfy.t occur in 1/15, while i bA n Ra m wiA n HH.w occurs in 1/19. Furthermore, i aA Sfy.t appears on its own in 2/13, as does i nb snD in 1/21 and 4/12. It is not clear why these lines were written on the back of the papyrus, although it is probably significant that they are on the ‘reverse’ of the column where they appear on the front. Since when the papyrus was rolled up, the back would have been on the outside of the roll and the front on the inside, perhaps these lines functioned as a marker which allowed users to identify

53 For the use of a third person singular suffix pronoun to refer to more than one antecedent, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 203 and 205. 54 See Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1, p. 20 note 10; Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 2, p. 973. 55 See ibid., pp. 969 and 975. 56 Ibid., p. 979.

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the point where the first ritual text began without actually unrolling it. Although they are not an incipit as such, the lines may also have served to identify the text in question. (b) The second ritual text inscribed on the front of the papyrus occupies the first nine lines of Column 8. Written in demotic, it is a recitation intended to accompany the presentation of offerings to the god Osiris foremost in the West. I have not succeeded in identifying a parallel for this, although it has affinities with other offering texts addressed to deities. References to trees and other plants, and to the Nile inundation and the primeval ocean, suggest that the offerings presented in this particular instance are either vegetal or libations of water. The speaker, who refers to himself in the first person, is not identified. He addressed Osiris directly, saying that he has come into the god’s presence. Osiris is the sole beneficiary of the text, and there is no evidence of adaptation for a deceased person. This and all the other texts in Columns 8−10 are written in scriptio continua. (c) The third text is very short. Written in demotic, it begins in 8/9 and ends in 8/11. A short blank space separates its initial word from the final one of the preceding text. Three other versions of this text are attested, two in hieratic and one in hieroglyphs, all dating to the Ptolemaic or Roman Periods.57 It affirms that the deceased will be purified under and receive sustenance from a sycamore tree, join the crew of the sun god’s bark, and call out to and be heard by the doorkeepers of the underworld. The Bodleian version is addressed to Wsir mn, ‘Osiris of so and so’, therefore to an anonymous dead person. The parallels are all addressed to specific named deceased individuals. (d) The fourth text begins in the middle of 8/11 and occupies the remainder of Column 8 and the whole of Column 9. There is no blank space between it and the preceding text, which may function as an introduction or preamble to it.58 One has here a demotic version of a composition attested in many different copies, dating from the Second Intermediate Period or the beginning of the New Kingdom to the Roman Period, which was used in both the cult of the dead and the temple cult of Osiris.59 Most versions are inscribed in hieratic or hieroglyphs. Ours is the only one in demotic. This text, or extracts from it, can be found on papyri, the walls of tombs, temples, and shrines, sarcophagi and coffins, statues, stelae, offering tables, funerary beds, and mummy bandages, as well as miscellaneous smaller objects like pots, necklaces, and mummy labels. The earliest version of this composition is inscribed on two pottery vessels from Harageh near the entrance to the Fayum, dating to the Second Intermediate Period or early New Kingdom.60 There it is introduced with the words ‘Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits’ (rA n wAH x.wt n Ax.w). A slightly later version, that of P. BM EA 10819 (eighteenth dynasty), gives it the more concise label ‘Spell for Presenting Offerings’ (rA n wAH x.wt).61 In P. BM EA 10209 (late fourth century BC), it is simply referred to as ‘Another spell’ (ky rA).62 Most versions of the spell begin without any sort of introductory label. ‘Spell for Presenting Offerings’, with or without an additional datival phrase like ‘to spirits’ indicating the 57 58 59 60 61

For details, see Commentary, note (a) on 8/9. See Commentary, note (d) on 8/11. For the different witnesses, see Commentary, note (d) on 8/11. See R. Engelbach and B. Gunn, Harageh (London, 1923), plates 78–9. See J. Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2 (Heidelberg, 2005), pp. 147 and 205; F. Herbin, ‘La stèle Caire JE 72300’, in R. Jasnow and G. Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith (Atlanta, 2017), p. 100. 62 P. BM EA 10209, 1/29. See F. Haikal, Two Hieratic Funerary Papyri of Nesmin 1 (Brussels, 1970), p. 28, line 13.

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recipient(s), is attested as a designation for other texts as well, in addition to ours.63 This shows that the words in question are not so much a title as they are a generic descriptor, which identifies the category of text to which a composition like ours belongs and characterises its function. As the label ‘Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits’ makes clear, our text is an utterance designed to accompany the presentation of offerings (wAH x.wt).64 It begins with a series of statements affirming that the three spheres of the cosmos, sky, earth, and underworld, will be open for the beneficiary and that he will be able to enter and leave the underworld freely (8/11– 12). Such freedom of movement is an essential prerequisite for partaking of offerings.65 The ensuing text enumerates the various gifts which the beneficiary will receive, including bread, beer, wine, water, milk, and linen garments, the deities who will present them, and the cities where they will be presented, the most important of these being Heliopolis, Memphis, and Abydos (8/13–20). The remainder of the spell focuses upon the beneficiary’s integration within the hierarchy of gods and blessed spirits in the afterlife (8/20–9/21). Special emphasis is placed on his assumption of a place in the bark of the sun god and his interaction with that deity, but a number of other divinities figure prominently as well. The benefits conferred by integration within the divine hierarchy include justification, protection, and seeing and being illuminated by the sun’s rays. The major themes of the preceding section, the beneficiary’s enjoyment of offerings and freedom of movement throughout the cosmos, are reprised here as well, only now set within the wider context of social reintegration. New Kingdom and earlier versions of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits tend to be relatively brief. Even the longest conclude at a point roughly corresponding to 8/20 of our text, and the majority end well before that. Occasionally these early versions incorporate material not found in our text.66 From the twenty-first dynasty onward, longer versions of the spell begin to be attested, and it is with these that the version in our papyrus has the closest affinity.67 Even among the later versions, our text stands out as the longest. It incorporates a number of interpolations which do not occur in any other witness, especially near the end of the spell.68 Some of these make specific reference to the parents and son of the beneficiary and what they do for him.69 In terms of length, the only other versions which approximate to ours are those inscribed on a coffin from Thebes dating to the twenty-first dynasty, Lyon H 2320; a papyrus of the late fourth century BC, also from Thebes, BM EA 10209; and a stela from Giza dating to the Ptolemaic Period, Cairo JE 72300. The first two end at a point corresponding

63 See Smith in Backes and Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and Greco-Roman Egypt, pp. 168–9; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 338; S. Schott, Bücher und Bibliotheken im alten Ägypten (Wiesbaden, 1990), p. 152, nos. 412–414b. 64 For this ritual practice, which is attested as early as the Old Kingdom, see C. Favard-Meeks, Le temple de Behbeit el-Hagara: Essai de reconstitution et d’interprétation (Hamburg, 1991), pp. 401–33; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 100 note 14. 65 See Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 395–6, 614, and 619. 66 See Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 147–71 and 205–24. 67 For the later and longer versions, see Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 105. 68 See 8/16, 9/3, 9/7, 9/11–12, 9/14–17, and 9/18–21. 69 8/16 and 9/20.

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to 9/18 of our text. The ending of the third is lost; it breaks off at a point corresponding to 9/10.70 In passages where the readings of these three versions of the spell diverge from one another, our text agrees with the version of Stela Cairo JE 73200 more often than it does with the other two, in fact nearly twice as often. Since the Cairo version is incomplete, the level of agreement between it and our text may originally have been even higher. On the other hand, it is of considerable interest that, in some passages, our text preserves a reading which is otherwise only attested in much earlier versions of the spell dating to the New Kingdom.71 This indicates that the history of the spell’s transmission must have been a complex one, and we are still lacking important pieces of evidence which would permit us to trace the various stages in the process which gave rise to our text in its present form. The existence of both longer and shorter versions of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits raises the question of how the two are related. The fact that the longer versions do not begin to appear until the twenty-first dynasty suggests that they are a later development and expansion of what was originally a less extensive text. This could certainly be the case. However, another possibility merits consideration as well. It is noteworthy that a high proportion of the earlier and more concise versions are inscribed on the walls of tombs or on objects like small stelae and statues, where space will have been at a premium and it may have been deemed necessary to curtail the length of the spell, retaining the opening lines and a selection of other key sentences and omitting the rest. Perhaps a longer version of the spell was already in existence in the New Kingdom, but the visual contexts in which the spell was displayed prohibited or discouraged its use. Even after the longer version of the spell makes its initial appearance during the twenty-first dynasty, shorter versions continue to be used as well. It is interesting to note their distribution: nearly all of the longer versions are inscribed either on papyri or inside coffins, where there was ample space for a lengthy text, whereas in monumental contexts a shorter version is invariably used. If both longer and shorter versions of the spell already existed in the New Kingdom, what factors might have determined which material from the former was retained and which omitted in the latter? As we have seen, the longer versions of the spell combine an initial section foregrounding the beneficiary’s freedom of movement throughout the cosmos and enjoyment of offerings with another section which focuses upon the beneficiary’s integration within the hierarchy of gods and blessed spirits in the afterlife. The shorter versions incorporate all or part of the first section and omit the second altogether. The second section may have been felt to be optional to some extent, because its theme is already treated implicitly in the preceding section devoted to the presentation of offerings. Participation in the offering meal is itself a social act and, in sacramental terms, a symbol of the process of social integration which the beneficiary is supposed to undergo.72 Three other intriguing questions remain to be answered about the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits. The first concerns its place of composition. As we have seen above, the spell names Heliopolis, Memphis, and Abydos as places where the beneficiary is supposed to receive offerings. This might be interpreted as evidence that it originated in one of those cities. Some earlier versions of the spell refer specifically to food and clothing which will be provided 70 For a synoptic treatment of the later versions, see Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 106–33. 71 For examples, see Commentary, note (e) on 8/14 and note (a) on 9/11. 72 M. Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing (Oxford, 1993), pp. 8 and 10.

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by the god Ptah.73 This could be viewed as further grounds for assigning the spell a Memphite origin. The difficulty with this is that Heliopolis, Memphis, and Abydos are all frequently mentioned as places where the deceased will receive sustenance in Egyptian texts for the afterlife, irrespective of their place of origin, since they were important religious centres, famed for their cults and temples throughout Egypt.74 So a reference in a text to the deceased’s reception of offerings in one of those cities is insufficient evidence to show it must have originated there. Another factor to consider is that by far the largest number of early witnesses of the spell occur in Theban tombs. The preponderance of these could be taken as evidence for a Theban origin. But as we have seen above, the earliest version of all is written on two pottery vessels found at Harageh, near the entrance to the Fayum.75 The second question concerns the spell’s date of composition. The earliest known version, inscribed on the Harageh vessels just mentioned, dates to the Second Intermediate Period or early New Kingdom. Assmann has argued that the spell was already in existence in the First Intermediate Period, based on what he thinks are quotations from or allusions to it in texts of that time.76 However, such isolated phrases are not, in themselves, sufficient evidence to prove that this was the case.77 They could have formed part of a common stock from which authors of texts of various genres, including ours, drew freely. So there is no compelling reason to think that the spell was composed much before the earliest extant copy of it was written, although the possibility that it is older than this cannot be ruled out. The third question concerns the ritual context in which the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits originated. As noted above, it was used in both the cult of the dead and the temple cult of Osiris. The earliest versions were all intended to benefit deceased individuals.78 Only in the Graeco-Roman Period do we begin to find versions of the spell designed for use in the cult of Osiris. At present, two are known. The version of the spell inscribed on the pronaos of the temple of Isis at Philae dates to the reign of Ptolemy VIII (145–116 BC).79 That in the first eastern Osiris chapel on the roof of the temple of Dendera dates to the mid-first century BC. Both are relatively brief. The former consists of a few sentences corresponding to 8/11–13 of our text. The latter combines extracts from 8/12–14, 8/21, 9/8, and 9/17–18 of our text with other material. Unusually, it refers to the beneficiary in the third person.80 But this is not the only evidence we have for ‘Osirian’ versions of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits. The much longer version preserved in P. BM EA 10209, dating to the late fourth century BC, although written specifically for a named deceased individual, begins and ends with invocations to Osiris. In the opening invocation, the name of the dead person follows immediately after that of the god. The closing invocation is to Osiris alone. The addition of a dead person’s name after that of Osiris in a ritual text is often interpreted as a sign that it has been adapted from the divine cult for private use.81 Since the version of the spell in P. BM EA 73 74 75 76 77 78

See Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 147–52, 184–5, and 193. See Commentary, note (d) on 8/13 and note (b) on 8/17. See Engelbach and Gunn, Harageh, plates 78–9. J. Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 1 (Heidelberg, 2002), p. 31 note 46. For discussion of these, see Commentary, note (g) on 8/12 and note (b) on 8/18. The version on the Harageh vessels does not actually identify its beneficiary, but the fact that it contains a sentence stating Osiris will give him what pertains to offerings shows that it cannot have been intended for recitation to that god. See Engelbach and Gunn, Harageh, plate 78, line 2. 79 See G. Bénédite, Le temple de Philae 1 (Paris, 1893), p. 151, lines 2–4. 80 Cauville, Dendara 10/1, p. 67, lines 9–15. 81 See Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 246; idem in Backes

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1.7 Description of the contents of the ritual texts inscribed on the papyrus

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10209 predates the Philae and Dendera versions, does this mean that there was an earlier Osirian version, now lost, from which the one in the British Museum papyrus was adapted? Conceivably so, but another possible explanation is that this version of the spell was originally intended for use in the cult of the dead and the name of Osiris was inserted secondarily as a gesture of piety, a practice attested in some other texts.82 In support of the latter explanation, it may be noted that this version incorporates some sentences, for example, ‘You will be given offerings at the side of Osiris’, which would be anomalous in a text originally addressed to that god.83 On balance, then, the evidence indicates that the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits was initially composed for use in the cult of the dead and only later adapted for use in the temple cult of Osiris, perhaps not until the Graeco-Roman Period. The version of the spell in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) never actually names the beneficiary. However, the interpolations referring to the beneficiary’s parents and son and the rituals they perform for him, to which reference has already been made above, clearly mark it as a text designed for use in the private funerary cult. This being the case, it is curious that in one instance our version of the spell has a reading which is otherwise only attested in the Philae version employed in the temple cult of Osiris.84 It would appear from this that the boundary between temple version and private version was not an impermeable one, and that there was scope for mutual influence between the two, even if the precise details of how this occurred are irrecoverable. (e) The fifth ritual text inscribed on the front of the papyrus in occupies lines 1–6 of Column 10. All of these lines are damaged to a greater or lesser extent. The degree of the damage varies from line 1, where only a few traces of ink are preserved, to line 6, where no more than a word or two at the beginning has been lost. The demotic text which occupies these lines is an invocation addressed jointly to Osiris foremost in the West and Wsir mn, ‘Osiris of so and so’, that is to say, an anonymous dead person, exhorting them to come and partake of offerings. No recitant is specified. Although no precise parallel to this text is known to me, a number of other offering liturgies have close affinities with it. These include a spell which is attested, in different versions, from the Middle Kingdom to the Graeco-Roman Period, and which was used in both temple and private funerary cults. Some versions of this exhort the addressee to come to his bread, beer, and so on, just as in our papyrus.85 (f) The sixth ritual text inscribed on the front of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) occupies lines 7– 19 of Column 10. This is a composite of Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25, the only examples of utterances from that corpus attested in demotic. Although the spells are written in the demotic script, their language is Old Egyptian, like that of the originals on which they are based. Spell 32 comes first, in 10/7–10, followed by Spell 25 in 10/11–19. The former is supposed to accompany a libation of water to refresh and revivify the beneficiary. The latter is supposed to accompany an act of fumigation with incense. The identity of the speaker, who refers to himself in the first person, is not specified.

82 83 84 85

and Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and Greco-Roman Egypt, pp. 162 and 172. See ibid., p. 176; Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 247– 8; section 1.7(f) below. Smith in Backes and Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and GrecoRoman Egypt, p. 172. See Commentary, note (e) on 8/11. For details, see Commentary, note (a) on 10/1.

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1. Introduction

The earliest attested versions of Spells 32 and 25 are inscribed in the burial chamber of the pyramid of the fifth dynasty ruler Unis (2375–2345 BC) at Saqqara. Following their introduction in the Old Kingdom, these two spells remained in use into the Roman Period, often occurring in conjunction as they do here, and sometimes in the same sequence.86 The spells were employed mainly in the cult of the dead. The only direct evidence we have for their use in the cult of Osiris is provided by the versions of them inscribed in the second chamber of Sokar in the temple of Edfu, which date to the reign of Ptolemy IV (221–205 BC). In the Bodleian manuscript, this composite text concludes with a bipartite lustration formula: wab sp-2 Wsir xnv Imnv wab sp-2 Wsir mn Hwn nfr bny mr, ‘Pure, pure, Osiris foremost in the West, pure, pure, Osiris of so and so, fair youth, whose attraction is sweet’ (10/19–20).87 The versions of Spells 32 and 25 in the Bodleian manuscript, like the version of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits in that papyrus, contain interpolations which are not found in any of the parallels. These occur in 10/9 (Spell 32) and 10/16–17 (Spell 25). The first interpolation alludes to the parents and son of the beneficiary and the pious services which they perform for his benefit, like those in 8/16 and 9/20.88 Conversely, the version of Spell 32 in our papyrus omits three of its constituent sentences. The scribe may have abbreviated the text to ensure that he could fit the two Pyramid Text spells, and the concluding lustration formula, into Column 10. In view of the blank space which he left between Columns 10 and 11, there would have been ample room to include the rest of Spell 32, but this would have resulted in the final lines of the text running over into a new column, and perhaps he wished to avoid having a column with only a few lines.89 If so, then the scribe must have regarded the interpolations as being of sufficient importance to justify the omission of material belonging to the original text of that spell to make space for them. It is of considerable interest to note that the versions of Spells 32 and 25 with which our text agrees most frequently are those inscribed in the second chamber of Sokar in the temple of Edfu, which were used in the cult of Osiris.90 A number of readings are attested only in the Edfu and Bodleian versions.91 Moreover, Spell 32 precedes Spell 25 at Edfu, just as in our text. Another point to note is that, in our text, Spell 32 begins with a joint invocation to Osiris and Wsir mn, ‘Osiris of so and so’ (10/7–8). Furthermore, the composite of Spells 32 and 25 in the Bodleian papyrus concludes with a bipartite lustration formula addressed to both divine and human beneficiaries. As we have seen, when a dead person’s name is inserted after that of Osiris, or when a ritual text invokes first Osiris and then a deceased person in successive parallel clauses, this is generally taken as evidence that the text in question was originally composed for use in the cult of the god and subsequently adapted for use in the cult of the dead, the references to the deceased having been added secondarily. Could this mean that the versions of Spells 32 and 25 in our text are based on models originally used in the temple cult of Osiris? This may have been the case, but on the other hand, in 10/14, only ‘Osiris of so and so’ is invoked, where the Edfu text has hA Wsir xnv Imnt, ‘Hail, Osiris foremost in the West’. So in 86 87 88 89 90

See Commentary, note (a) on 10/7. For comparable lustration formulas in other demotic texts for the afterlife, see Commentary, note (c) on 10/19. Cf. section 1.7(d) above. See Commentary, note (b) on 10/10. For examples, see Commentary, note (b) on 10/8, note (b) on 10/9, note (b) on 10/11, note (a) on 10/12, notes (a) and (b) on 10/13, note (b) on 10/14, and note (b) on 10/15. 91 See Commentary, note (b) on 10/8, note (a) on 10/12, note (b) on 10/14, and note (b) on 10/15.

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1.8 The purpose for which the ritual texts of the Bodleian manuscript were compiled

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that passage, the invocation to the god has been replaced by one to a human beneficiary. We must also bear in mind the interpolated references to the services performed for the beneficiary by his parents and son in 10/9, which would be unexpected in a text intended for recitation to Osiris. As noted in section 1.7(d), not every text which invokes Osiris and a deceased person in parallel was originally composed for use in the cult of the god and subsequently adapted for use in the cult of the dead. Some, including compositions which incorporate bipartite lustration formulas very similar to the one in our papyrus, were clearly composed specifically for use in the mortuary proceedings of ordinary deceased individuals, and never saw service in the temple cult. In such cases, the insertion of the god’s name, not the deceased’s, is secondary, its inclusion probably being due to motives of piety. This could be true of the lustration formula in the Bodleian papyrus as well, so we cannot determine with certainty in which sphere, private or temple, the versions of Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25 in our manuscript originated. (g) The seventh and final ritual text inscribed on the front of the papyrus occupies the whole of the last column. This is a demotic version of Spell 171 of the Book of the Dead (according to Pleyte’s numbering). Three other versions of this spell are known, two in hieratic and a third, like our text, in demotic.92 The title of the spell, which is only preserved in the hieratic versions, is rA n sx Hmt, ‘Spell for Striking the Copper’. This refers to the rhythmic clashing of copper cymbals or gongs which is supposed to accompany the chanting of glorifications on behalf of the spell’s beneficiary. In addition to marking the rhythm of the chants, the clashing of cymbals or gongs helped to awaken the beneficiary, and may also have protected him.93 As the words of the spell make clear, it was supposed to be recited in conjunction with the lighting of a torch.94 No recitant is specified. The beneficiary is named as ‘Osiris foremost in the West, Sokar Osiris in Ipu’ in our text (11/12). The other demotic version is addressed jointly to Osiris foremost in the West and ‘Osiris of so and so’, i.e. an anonymous deceased person. The two hieratic parallels are addressed solely to the deceased.95 In our manuscript, the spell is written stichically for the most part, with one sentence or clause to a line. Exceptionally, 11/9 and 11/10 each contain two or more short sentences, while the sentences in 11/1 and 11/7 and the clause which starts in 11/12 run over into the next line.96

1.8 The purpose for which the ritual texts of the Bodleian manuscript were compiled As the preceding section shows, the ritual texts inscribed on the Bodleian papyrus are addressed to a range of different beneficiaries. Those of the first ritual text, the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine, are said to be the god Osiris and two deceased individuals (7/15–16). One is called Phibis. The other’s name is imperfectly preserved and the reading is uncertain.97 The beneficiary of the second text is identified as Osiris foremost in the West (8/1), that of the third text, as ‘Osiris of so and so’, thus an anonymous deceased person (8/9). 92 93 94 95 96

For details of these, see Commentary, note (a) on 11/1. See Commentary, notes (a) and (b) on 11/7. Commentary, note (b) on 11/1 and note (b) on 11/13. Commentary, note (d) on 11/12. For the possibility that the second sentence in 11/10 is a later addition, which should have occupied the next line on its own but was inadvertently omitted by the scribe and had to be inserted in the blank space at the end of the previous line, see Commentary, note (b) on 11/10. 97 See section 1.6 above.

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1. Introduction

The fourth ritual text in our papyrus, the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits, never actually names the beneficiary. However, the interpolations in it referring to the beneficiary’s parents and son and the rituals they perform for him (8/16 and 9/20) clearly mark it as a text intended for use in the private funerary cult. If the short text immediately preceding this one was intended as an introduction or preamble to it, as suggested in section 1.7(d) above, perhaps the fact that it invokes ‘Osiris of so and so’ was deemed to be sufficient indication of the beneficiary of the ensuing spell. The fifth ritual text in our papyrus is addressed jointly to Osiris foremost in the West and ‘Osiris of so and so’ (10/3–4), as is the sixth text, a composite of Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25 (10/7–8, 10/14, 10/19–20). The beneficiary of the seventh and final ritual text inscribed in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P), the Spell for Striking the Copper, is identified as ‘Osiris foremost in the West, Sokar Osiris in Ipu’ (11/12). How can we account for the range of different beneficiaries in the ritual compositions inscribed on the papyrus? For what purpose were these disparate texts collected together? In my view, the most likely explanation is the following. The scribe set out to create a compilation of texts for the afterlife to be recited for the benefit of the two individuals named in Column 7/15–16. Having acquired a used papyrus roll suitable for the purpose, he erased a sufficient number of the accounts on the front of it to provide space for the texts which he wished to write. He left the two columns of accounts at the extreme right-hand edge of the front of the papyrus, and all those on the back, as they were because he felt he already had enough space at his disposal without them. He inscribed the first ritual text, the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine, in hieratic immediately to the left of the two columns of accounts on the front, personalising it by inserting the names of the intended beneficiaries after that of Osiris near the end. To this work, he appended a series of other ritual texts in demotic, some addressed to Osiris, some to an anonymous deceased person, and some to both. These would have been intended to benefit the individuals named in the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine as well. The scribe did not feel it necessary to personalise them because this had already been done at the end of the initial (and longest) text he had inscribed.98 The simplest way to account for the range of beneficiaries to whom these other texts are addressed is to assume that the beneficiary (or beneficiaries) invoked in each of them reflects the one(s) invoked in the immediate source from which that composition was copied by the scribe of our papyrus. If the immediate source of a given composition was addressed to Osiris, then the composition is addressed to that god in our papyrus as well. If that source was addressed to ‘Osiris of so and so’, then the same is true of its counterpart in our papyrus, and so on. A good parallel for such a procedure is provided by P. Strasbourg 3 verso. The greater part of this is taken up with a version of the Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing inscribed for a specific named individual, a certain Hor son of Somtus. But that text is followed immediately by a version of the Spell for Striking the Copper which is addressed jointly to Osiris and an anonymous deceased person, ‘Osiris of so and so’. Here too, it was deemed unnecessary to alter the second text to refer to the intended beneficiary, since the references to him in the first text were sufficient to personalise the entire manuscript.99 Other papyri in which ritual texts addressed to a named deceased individual are inscribed alongside texts addressed

98 Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 62. 99 See ibid., pp. 377–94.

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1.9 The context of usage of the ritual texts on the Bodleian papyrus

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to Osiris include P. BM EA 10209 and P. BM EA 10507.100 The only difference is that, in those two cases, the unpersonalised texts precede rather than follow the personalised ones.101

1.9 The context of usage of the ritual texts on the Bodleian papyrus So the ritual texts on our papyrus were inscribed for the benefit of two specific individuals, even if they are only mentioned by name in one of them. When and how were the texts employed? One feature which all of them have in common is that they address their beneficiary or beneficiaries in the second person. Thus they were meant to be recited to them. Given the nature of the texts, this recitation must have taken place during the rites of mummification and burial. In the case of those texts which do not actually mention the beneficiaries by name, it would have been a simple matter for the recitant to insert them wherever appropriate at the point when they were read out. One other version of the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine, preserved on a papyrus inscribed for a woman called Artemis the daughter of Herais, specifies that the recitation of this text should begin in the place of embalming (wab.t).102 In view of this parallel, the embalming place is the most likely venue for the start of the recitation of the version of the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine in our papyrus as well. It is significant that in the papyrus of Artemis, as in ours, the Rite is the first text to be recited in the series of rituals to which it belongs. As noted in section 1.7(g) above, the final text in the Bodleian papyrus, the Spell for Striking the Copper, is attested in three other versions, two hieratic and one demotic. The latter, like the Bodleian version, is the final text in the manuscript where it occurs.103 Both hieratic versions occur as part of a group of spells (= Pleyte’s Book of the Dead Spells 170–4) with the overall title in-r n smA-tA, ‘Extract from a Burial Ritual’. The first spell in this group, immediately before the Spell for Striking the Copper, has the individual title ‘Spell for Causing the Mummy to Go to the Coffin’. The one immediately after the Spell for Striking the Copper has the title ‘Spell for Causing this God to Go to the Underworld’. So the Spell for Striking the Copper relates to the period between the time when the mummy was put in the coffin and when the dead person actually went to the underworld, thus the burial itself. This suggests that the performance venue for the Spell was the tomb and that it was recited to accompany the lighting of a torch there to provide protection and illumination after the deceased had been laid to rest, the final ritual performed before the sepulchre was sealed up.104

100 For discussion of the former, see Smith in Backes and Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and Greco-Roman Egypt, pp. 161–77; idem, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 178–84. For the latter, see ibid., pp. 245–52; Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, pp. 19–28. 101 See Smith in Backes and Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and Greco-Roman Egypt, pp. 162 and 164–5. 102 See Dieleman in Quack (ed.), Ägyptische Rituale der griechisch-römischen Zeit, p. 177; idem, ‘Scribal Bricolage in the Artemis Liturgical Papyrus’, in Backes and Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and Greco-Roman Egypt, pp. 220 and 226. 103 See section 1.8 above. 104 M. Smith, ‘‘New Extracts from the Book of the Dead in Demotic’, in G. Widmer and D. Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques (Cairo, 2009), p. 355.

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1. Introduction

Where and when would the offering liturgies which intervene between the first and the last ritual texts inscribed in the Bodleian papyrus have been recited? The normal venue for the recitation of such texts was the open courtyard in front of a tomb or the offering chapel inside it. We have no way of knowing what the sepulchre of the beneficiaries of the Bodleian manuscript looked like, or even whether it had such features, but it is probable that their offering liturgies were recited somewhere in the vicinity of their tomb as well. One ceremony which was regularly performed at the entrance to the tomb just prior to the burial was the Rite of Opening of the Mouth.105 Herbin has noted that the longest of the offering liturgies preserved in Columns 8–10 of our papyrus, the Spell for Presenting Offerings, is frequently attested in conjunction with the Rite of Opening the Mouth. The initial words of the earliest version of that spell are ‘Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits: opening the mouth at the beginning of reciting [glorifications]’.106 A version of the spell in TT 255 (eighteenth or nineteenth dynasty) begins with the words ‘The sky will be open for you. The earth will be open for you. Your mouth will be open for you in the god’s domain.’107 The version in TT 159 (nineteenth or twentieth dynasty) is actually entitled ‘Spell for Opening the Mouth’.108 In TT 78 (eighteenth dynasty), the opening words of the Spell for Presenting Offerings are incorporated in the texts which accompany a scene depicting the Rite of Opening of the Mouth.109 In TT 178 (nineteenth dynasty), these words are contiguous with a scene showing the Opening of the Mouth being performed on the tomb owner and his wife.110 On a stela from TT 360 (nineteenth dynasty), an extract from the Spell is appended to one from the Rite of Opening the Mouth.111 In a scene from the tomb of the nineteenth dynasty ruler Seti I, Anubis is depicted reciting the initial words of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits as he opens the king’s mouth with an adze.112 Given its close links with the Rite of Opening of the Mouth, it would not be surprising if the Spell for Presenting Offerings was recited in the same venue as it was. It would appear, then, that the initial text in our papyrus, the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine, was the only one whose recitation began in the embalming place rather than in or near the tomb. According to the opening lines of the version of the Rite inscribed in the Bodleian papyrus, it was originally recited during the Khoiak festival, specifically on the twenty-fifth day of Khoiak (1/1). The day in question was one of the most important in the festival conducted annually in honour of Osiris, which lasted from the twelfth until the thirtieth day of that month. As described in the opening paragraphs of this Introduction, two figures were fabricated during the course of the Khoiak festival each year, one of Osiris Foremost in the West and one of Sokar, who by the time our text was written had been totally assimilated to Osiris.113 The process of fabricating these two figures extended over several days. On 24 105 Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 353–5 and 358, and literature cited there. 106 Engelbach and Gunn, Harageh, plate 79, line 1. 107 M. Baud and É. Drioton, Tombes thébaines. Nécropole de Dirâa Abû’n-Nága. Le tombeau de Roy (Cairo, 1928), p. 21, fig. 14 (this and the next five references courtesy of François-René Herbin). 108 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 167. 109 A. Brack and A. Brack, Das Grab des Haremheb. Theben Nr. 78 (Mainz am Rhein, 1980), p. 56, Abb. 39. 110 K. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions Historical and Biographical 3 (Oxford, 1980), p. 328. 111 B. Bruyère, Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir El Médineh (1930) (Cairo, 1933), plate 37. 112 G. Lefébure, Le tombeau de Séti Iᵉʳ, quatrième partie (Cairo, 1886), plate 27. 113 As noted in section 1.7(a) above, the latter god is regularly mentioned as the beneficiary in the version of the Rite in our manuscript.

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1.10 The ultimate destination of the Bodleian papyrus

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Khoiak (or 25 Khoiak according to another tradition), both were taken to a place called ‘the upper shrine’ (Sty.t Hry.t), where they were deposited until the following year. The two figures from the previous year were removed from that shrine and transferred to a temporary resting place until receiving final burial on 30 Khoiak.114 The removal of the previous year’s figure of Sokar from the upper shrine and its transfer to a temporary resting place were accompanied by a festive procession. Gill has demonstrated conclusively that it was on this occasion that the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine was performed.115 Since the version of the Rite in our papyrus specifies 25 Khoiak as the day when it was recited, rather than 24 Khoiak, evidently it follows the variant tradition referred to above. If we think of the embalming place as the analogue of the ‘upper shrine’ from which the figure of Sokar emerged in triumph on 25 Khoiak, then we could envisage the version of the Rite in our text being recited at the end of the mummification process, to mark the deceased’s triumphant emergence from the place of embalming and the start of the journey to the tomb, perhaps likewise accompanied by a procession. In this case, the recitation will have begun at the entrance of the embalming place and concluded at some point on the route to the place of burial. If the above reconstruction is correct, then the times when the ritual texts inscribed in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) were recited and the places where they were read out may be set out as in Table 3 below. Table 3

Text The Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine (Columns 1–7) Offering liturgies (Columns 8– 10) Spell for Striking the Copper (Column 11)

Time of Recitation Conclusion of embalming process Immediately before burial

Place of Recitation Embalming place and procession to tomb Vicinity of tomb

Immediately after burial

Tomb

1.10 The ultimate destination of the Bodleian papyrus What was done with the Bodleian papyrus after the recitation of the final text inscribed on it? We can answer this question with some certainty, thanks to an observation made by AnnKatrin Gill. She has noticed that there are bitumen or resin stains below and immediately before the fifteenth column of accounts on the back of the papyrus. The only conceivable way the papyrus roll could have been stained in this way is through direct contact with a mummy which had been treated with one of those substances. Therefore, it must have been deposited in a tomb in close proximity to a mummy, presumably that of one of the beneficiaries named in it. 114 For details of the Khoiak festival and the fabrication of the figures of Osiris and Sokar, see Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1, pp. 86– 7 and 92–4, with references to earlier literature. 115 Ibid., p 87.

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When the papyrus was rolled up, the accounts would have been on the outside. Therefore, it is understandable that we find evidence of staining on them and not the ritual texts on the inside of the manuscript. It is of particular interest that the stains occur below and just before the fifteenth and final column of the accounts, thus at the end of the roll, on the other side of the final column of ritual texts. Normally, a papyrus roll would have been stored with the righthand edge uppermost so that, when opened, the first column of text inscribed on the inside of it would be visible. To read subsequent columns, one would need to continue unrolling the manuscript to the left, while simultaneously rolling up those columns of text which had already been read on the right. As a result, when one reached the end of the manuscript, it would be completely rolled up again, only this time with the left-hand edge uppermost rather than the right-hand edge. For the convenience of the next user, it would be necessary to reroll the papyrus so that he or she could start at the beginning of the manuscript again. Since it is the left-hand edge of the outside of the Bodleian papyrus which bears traces of bitumen or resin stains, this edge must have been uppermost when the roll was deposited with the mummy. Therefore, it was never rerolled after being used for the final time. Presumably, once the ritual texts inscribed on the Bodleian papyrus had been recited during the course of the mummification and burial ceremonies, it was placed in the tomb next to the occupant’s mummy exactly as it was. Rerolling it would have been deemed unnecessary, since the expectation would have been that it would never again be read out by a living person.

1.11 The relationship of the ritual texts on the Bodleian papyrus to one another How did the compiler of the ritual texts inscribed in our manuscript select the compositions which he chose to include? Was this selection made at random? If not, what principles governed his choice of texts? When one is confronted with a series of discrete ritual compositions preserved on the same papyrus roll, an obvious question which arises is that of whether their presence there is purely fortuitous, or whether they have been inscribed together because they constitute an ensemble, a coherent ritual whole. One way of attempting to answer this question is to see whether any of the compositions in question are found together in other written sources, since this would show that others, in addition to the individual who inscribed the papyrus roll, thought that there was a connection between them. This approach provides a useful starting point for investigating whether or not the individual compositions preserved in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) were conceived of as a ritual unity by their compiler.116 By this criterion, most of the five texts inscribed in Columns 8–10 of our manuscript are clearly related, since they occur in conjunction in other sources as well. Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25, for instance, jointly constitute one of a group of nine spells which make up an offering ritual in the tomb of the eighteenth dynasty vizier Rekhmire at Thebes (TT 100).117 Another spell in this ritual is a variant of the one which I have cited in section 1.7(e) above for its resemblance to the formula in 10/1–6 of our text, where Osiris and the deceased are exhorted to come to their bread, beer, cattle, fowl, and other offerings.118 This is entitled ‘Spell 116 For what follows, see also M. Smith, ‘Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) and the Interface Between Temple Cult and Cult of the Dead’, in Quack (ed.), Ägyptische Rituale der griechisch-römischen Zeit, pp. 148–9. 117 See Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 87–95. 118 Ibid., pp. 59–86.

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for Bringing a Spirit’ in some versions, and invites the addressee to come from wherever he or she might be to partake of the offering meal.119 Rekhmire’s tomb also preserves extracts from the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits, which occupies the last thirteen lines of the eighth column and the whole of the ninth column of our text.120 Another eighteenth dynasty source, the offering table of a man called Sarenenutet, also known as Tjawi, combines a version of Pyramid Text Spell 32 with extracts from the Spell for Bringing a Spirit and the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits.121 Other sources preserve the Spell for Bringing a Spirit and the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits in conjunction but omit the two Pyramid Text spells. A version of the Spell for Bringing a Spirit is the second in a collection of eleven offering formulas preserved in P. BM EA 10209, a manuscript dating to the late fourth century BC.122 The fourth formula in that papyrus is the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits. It is of interest that in the manuscript in question, the Spell for Bringing a Spirit has the alternative title ‘Spell for Presenting Offerings’, highlighting its relationship with the companion formula. Nor is this the only source in which extracts from these two spells occur in association without Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25.123 Conversely, the unpublished P. BM EA 10819 (eighteenth dynasty) combines the two Pyramid Text utterances with the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits, while the decoration of the contemporary tomb of Qenamun at Thebes incorporates Pyramid Text Spell 25 and an extract from the Spell for Presenting Offerings, both omitting the Spell for Bringing a Spirit.124 As noted in sections 1.7(c) and (d), the version of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits in our text is preceded by a short formula (8/9–11) which may serve as an introduction to it. This describes how the deceased will be purified under and receive bread from a sycamore tree, sit with those in the solar bark, and be recognised by the doorkeepers of the underworld. The formula in question is found in conjunction with the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits in two other sources as well, a set of mummy bandages dating to the Ptolemaic Period (Louvre AF 11957) and a funerary bed of the Roman Period (Berlin 12442).125 On first consideration, one might wonder how close a relationship there is between the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine in Columns 1–7 and the other texts inscribed on the front of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). It is written in hieratic and they are all in demotic. This text is also physically separate from the demotic texts, since the scribe deliberately left a space between its final column (Column 7) and the initial column of demotic to the left of it (Column 8), as if he wanted to create a sort of boundary between them. As we have seen above, the space between Columns 7 and 8 is 18.5 cm. But the scribe also left a space of precisely the 119 Ibid., pp. 60 and 72–3. 120 Ibid., p. 154. 121 See J. Clère, ‘La table d’offrandes de l’échanson royal Sa-Rénénoutet surnommé Tchaouy’, BIFAO 81 (1981), Supplément, Bulletin de Centenaire, pp. 216–19 and 226; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 62–3, 87, and 161–2. 122 See Haikal, Two Hieratic Funerary Papyri of Nesmin 1, pp. 25–45; idem, Two Hieratic Funerary Papyri of Nesmin 2 (Brussels, 1972), pp. 7–48. For an improved translation and additional bibliography, see Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 178–92. 123 For others, see P. Montet, La nécropole royale de Tanis 2 (Paris, 1951), p. 174; F. Jamen, Le cercueil de Padikhonsu au musée des Beaux-Arts de Lyon (XXIᵉ dynastie) (Wiesbaden, 2016), pp. 55–76; É. Chassinat, Le temple d’Edfou 5 (Cairo, 1930), pp. 65–6. 124 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 87, 89, 152–3, and 157; N. de Garis Davies, The Tomb of QenAmūn at Thebes 1 (New York, 1930), plates 38 and 66. 125 See Commentary, note (d) on 8/11.

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same dimensions between Columns 10 and 11, both of which are written in demotic. So it is unlikely that his intention was to separate texts by script. There are, in fact, links between the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine and at least two of the demotic offering liturgies preserved in Columns 8–10. One is the spell in 10/1–6, in which Osiris and the deceased are exhorted to come to their bread, beer, cattle, fowl, and other offerings. As we have seen above, there is a close resemblance between this spell and the one attested elsewhere under the title ‘Spell for Bringing a Spirit’. However, an even closer parallel to our spell occurs in two other sources, P. Cairo JdE 97249 and P. Vindob. Aeg. 12001, both dating to the thirtieth dynasty.126 The former is addressed jointly to Osiris and the deceased, just as in our text. More significantly, it is preceded by a version of the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine.127 The other link is with the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits. Extracts from this are incorporated in the horizontal band of text above the frieze that runs along the top of the east and south walls of the first eastern Osiris chapel on the roof of the temple of Dendera.128 Extracts from the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine are presented as speeches uttered by priests representing the nomes of Upper Egypt who are depicted in procession at the base of the walls of that chapel.129 There is also a connection between the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine and Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25, inasmuch as they were all recited during the Khoiak festival of Osiris. As we have seen in section 1.9 above, the Rite was performed on 24 or 25 Khoiak. The versions of Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25 in the temple of Edfu are inscribed in the second chamber of Sokar, where they were recited during the first nocturnal hour of the Stundenwachen ritual performed for Osiris.130 This hourly vigil, with its accompanying recitations, was an important component of the Khoiak festival.131 As noted previously, short extracts from both the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits and the Spell for Bringing a Spirit are incorporated in a text inscribed in the second register of the west wall of the forecourt of the temple of Edfu which accompanies a scene of the king pouring out a libation before the seated deities Sokar Osiris and Isis.132 According to Goyon, this text was recited during the procession of the bark of Sokar on the morning of 26 Khoiak.133 Since our text specifies that the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine was originally recited on the preceding day, 25 Khoiak,134 if Goyon is correct, one could have here further evidence for a connection between the Rite and one of the demotic texts inscribed on our papyrus. 126 See Commentary, note (a) on 10/1. 127 See Smith in Quack (ed.), Ägyptische Rituale der griechisch-römischen Zeit, p. 148, and references cited there. 128 Cauville, Dendara 10/1, p. 67; idem, Dendara 10/2, plates 4–5 and 33–4; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 176–7. 129 Cauville, Dendara 10/1, pp. 9–18; idem, Dendara 10/2, plates 9–11 and 19–21. Cf. Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1, p. 325 note 15, and literature cited there. For further extracts from the rite in the first and second western Osiris chapels at Dendera, see ibid., p. 325 notes 16 and 17. 130 See Commentary, note (a) on 10/7. 131 See A. Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1 (Wiesbaden, 2011), pp. 17–26. 132 Chassinat, Le temple d’Edfou 5, pp. 65, line 8–67, line 7; idem, Le temple d’Edfou 10/2 (Cairo, 1960), plate 114. Cf. Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 70–1. 133 J.-C. Goyon, ‘La fête de Sokaris à Edfou à la lumière d’un texte liturgique remontant au Nouvel Empire’, BIFAO 78 (1978), pp. 415 and 426–7. 134 See section 1.9 above.

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1.12 Common themes

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However, neither the date of the Edfu text’s recitation nor the occasion when the rite it accompanied was supposed to be performed are actually mentioned in the text, so this must be regarded as conjecture. Finally, none of the three known parallel versions of the Spell for Striking the Copper, the last of the ritual texts inscribed on the front of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P), occurs in conjunction with any of the other texts on our papyrus. But that spell was recited in association with a ritual for lighting a torch. This is one of a number of torch rituals known from ancient Egypt. Torches were frequently employed in mortuary and offering contexts, both for apotropaic purposes and as a means of purification.135 They also provided illumination, representing the sun’s rays, which in turn imparted life-giving energy and permitted freedom of movement.136 One particular torch spell, attested in a number of versions from the twelfth dynasty onwards, is entitled ‘Spell for Lighting a Torch’ (rA n ir.t tkA). Its function was very similar to that of our text.137 In the nineteenth dynasty tomb of Tjay at Thebes (TT 23), this spell precedes a short extract from the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits.138 Another source which preserves versions of both spells is P. BM EA 10819 (eighteenth dynasty).139 The decoration of the eighteenth dynasty tomb of Mery at Thebes (TT 95) incorporates the Spell for Lighting a Torch along with versions of Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25.140 Thus, we see that the only ritual text preserved in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) which does not occur elsewhere in conjunction with at least one other text from that manuscript, or a text very like it, is the recitation intended to accompany the presentation of offerings to the god Osiris in 8/1–9, for which there is no known parallel.141 In a number of cases, the relationships between one or more of the individual ritual texts in our manuscript can be traced as far back as the eighteenth dynasty. This indicates that their preservation together on the same roll of papyrus is unlikely to have been purely fortuitous. Rather, their compiler consciously assembled a group of texts which already had well-established links with one another, or at least with texts of a similar nature to and with the same function as those selected for inclusion.

1.12 Common themes Another way of investigating whether a group of discrete ritual compositions preserved on the same papyrus roll constitutes an ensemble, a coherent ritual whole, is to see whether they share motifs or themes in common. This is certainly the case with some of the compositions inscribed on Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). For instance, a number of themes in the Spell for Striking the Copper, the last ritual text in our manuscript, recur in the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits. These include the contrast between light and darkness (11/1–4 and 7–8,

135 See Commentary, note (b) on 11/1 and note (c) on 11/2. 136 See Commentary, note (b) on 11/2. 137 See Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 491, and references cited there. 138 See F. Haikal, ‘Preliminary Studies on the Tomb of Thay in Thebes: The Hymn to the Light’, in P. PosenerKriéger (ed.), Mélanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar 1 (Cairo, 1985), pp. 366–7 with plate 2; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 165–6 and 412. 139 See ibid., pp. 152–3 and 412–14. 140 Ibid., pp. 87, 89, and 412. 141 See section 1.7(b) above.

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compare 8/14–15); glorification by the two sisters, Isis and Nephthys (11/5, compare 9/5–6); and the light of the sun shining on the spell’s beneficiary (11/10, compare 9/8–9). The Spell for Striking the Copper also has thematic similarities with the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine. Both foreground the role played by Horus in awakening his father Osiris (11/9, compare 1/4–5). The djed-pillar, an Osirian symbol of stability, triumph and resurrection, features in the Spell for Striking the Copper as a source of illumination and protection for the beneficiary (11/4). It also appears in Pyramid Text Spell 25 (10/13). That pillar is mentioned twice more in the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine, where it is identified with Osiris (6/15 and 6/21). In the latter passage, the deity is described as ‘living djed-pillar of gold, great god who causes fields to flourish’. Osiris is credited with making plants grow by virtue of his identification with the Nile flood which fructifies the land of Egypt each year. This aspect features prominently in the offering liturgy addressed to Osiris in 8/1–9, which says that the inundation will come to him (9/3) and that all plants will be made to flourish for him (8/7). The theme is resumed in other passages in the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine as well, where Osiris is said to ‘make the lands verdant’ (3/10), and ‘raise the flood so that the fields live’ (6/5). In the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits, it is said that the beneficiary’s ba will live forever like Orion in the womb of his mother the sky goddess (9/17–18). Similarly, in the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine, Osiris is called ‘the noble ba of Orion in the sky’ (3/15) and ‘he who appears in the womb of his mother’ (3/2). The Spell for Presenting Offerings enumerates various important religious centres to which the beneficiary will travel, for example, Abydos (8/17, 9/1, and 9/3), Memphis (8/17, 8/19), and Heliopolis (8/13, 8/19). The same religious centres feature prominently in the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine (cf. 2/22, 3/10, 4/15, 5/6, 6/1, 6/3–4, 6/15, and 7/27). Finally, the formula in 10/1–6 which urges Osiris and the deceased to come to their offerings has a counterpart in the Rite, where Osiris is urged to come to his offerings as well (2/2). This store of common themes and motifs shared by the ritual texts inscribed in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) lends further credence to the idea that their preservation together on the same roll of papyrus was the result of careful planning and thought.

1.13 The sequence of the offering spells inscribed in Columns 8–10 As we saw in section 1.9 above, the basic sequence in which the ritual texts inscribed on Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) were recited can be established through parallels and the information these provide about the venues where they were read out. The Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine came first, and the Spell for Striking the Copper last, with the offering spells in Columns 8–10 in between them. So it is chiefly the internal order of the last group that requires scrutiny here. Does the order in which these spells are inscribed in the manuscript reflect the order in which they were actually recited? In some other manuscripts, we have direct evidence bearing upon the question of sequence, for instance, an explicit statement that one of the compositions in it should be recited before or after another composition in the same manuscript. A good example is the note in P. Louvre N. 3176 (S), 3/19–23, indicating that the offering litany to Ptah-Sokar-Osiris which ensues in

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1.13 The sequence of the offering spells inscribed in Columns 8–10

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3/24–4/26 of that papyrus is to be recited after the preceding address to Osiris in 1/1–3/18.142 But such instructions are relatively rare, and none occurs in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). Another approach, given that a number of the offering spells preserved in Columns 8–10 of our papyrus (or close analogues of them) occur together in other sources as well, is to look at their sequence in those other sources and see how closely it corresponds to their sequence in our manuscript. The evidence here is equivocal. There are certainly cases where an offering spell which precedes another offering spell in the Bodleian papyrus precedes it (or a close analogue) elsewhere. In our papyrus, for example, the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits precedes the formula in 10/1–6 where Osiris and the deceased are exhorted to come to their bread, beer, cattle, fowl, and other offerings. Similarly, in the text from the forecourt of the temple of Edfu cited in section 1.11 above, the Spell for Presenting Offerings precedes the Spell for Bringing a Spirit, which bears a close resemblance to that formula. The short formula in 8/9–11 which describes how the deceased will be purified under and receive bread from a sycamore tree, as well as enjoying other benefits in the afterlife, comes immediately before the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits in our papyrus. Likewise, it is inscribed immediately before that spell on Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957. Finally, the sequence of the two Pyramid Text spells in our text, Spell 32 followed by 25, is paralleled in a number of other sources.143 But there are also cases where the sequence of two offering spells in our papyrus is reversed in another source or sources. In P. BM EA 10209, for instance, the Spell for Bringing a Spirit precedes the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits, unlike our text where the formula in 10/1–6, which the Spell for Bringing a Spirit closely resembles, follows that spell. Similarly, on Coffin Lyon H 2320 and the sarcophagus of king Amenemopet from Tanis, extracts from the former spell precede extracts from the latter.144 Although the short formula in 8/9–11 which introduces the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits in our papyrus precedes it on Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957 as well, it does not come immediately before that spell on Berlin mummy bed 12442.145 Finally, even though the order of the Pyramid Text Spells in our text, Spell 32 followed by Spell 25, is paralleled in a number of other sources, the reverse of this sequence is by no means rare.146 So clearly there was no canonical order for the individual offering spells inscribed in Columns 8–10 of our papyrus relative to one another. The explanation for this is that the texts concerned were employed in a wide range of different ritual contexts, both in the temple cult and the cult of the dead, and their sequence of recitation probably varied from one context to another.147 As a result, we cannot prove that the offering spells preserved in Columns 8–10 were recited in the precise order in which they appear there, although it is certainly plausible 142 P. Barguet, Le papyrus Louvre N. 3176 (S) du Musée du Louvre (Cairo, 1962), pp. 9–11 and plate 2. 143 See section 1.7(f) above; Commentary, note (a) on 10/7. 144 See Montet, La nécropole royale de Tanis 2, p. 174; Jamen, Le cercueil de Padikhonsu au musée des BeauxArts de Lyon (XXIᵉ dynastie), pp. 55–76. 145 See Commentary, note (d) on 8/11. 146 See, for example, A. Barsanti and G. Maspero, ‘Fouilles autour de la pyramide d’Ounas (1899−1900)’, ASAE 1 (1900), p. 173; idem, ‘Fouilles autour de la pyramide d’Ounas, 1899−1900 (suite)’, ASAE 1 (1900), p. 239; idem, ‘Fouilles autour de la pyramide d’Ounas (1900−1901)’, ASAE 2 (1901), p. 107; E. Bresciani, S. Pernigotti, and M. Giangeri Silvis, La tomba di Ciennehebu, capo della flotta del re (Pisa, 1977), plate 12; G. Daressy, ‘Inscriptions du tombeau de Psamtik à Saqqarah’, Recueil de Travaux 17 (1895), p. 18; K. Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1 (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 10–12 and 14–16. 147 See sections 1.7(b) –(f) above.

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that they were. As the parallels show, the sequence in which they are inscribed reflects one possible arrangement of the spells, but this is by no means the only one.

1.14 The source(s) from which the ritual texts were copied From what source or sources did the compiler of the ritual texts in the Bodleian papyrus make his selection? Those texts which name Osiris as their beneficiary, the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine, the offering spell in 8/1–9, and the Spell for Striking the Copper, may have been copied from versions belonging to a temple archive or library, perhaps kept there for reference, or for educational or training purposes.148 If so, then the compiler is likely to have been a priest or someone else with access to such an institution. As noted in section 1.5, the accounts with which both sides of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) were originally inscribed may document the economic activities of a temple. Thus the roll itself may have been temple property before it was repurposed for ritual use. What about those texts addressed jointly to the god and to ‘Osiris of so and so’, or to the latter alone? Normally the presence of a generic form of reference like ‘Osiris of so and so’ in a text is interpreted to mean that it was employed as a model or template for the production of personalised copies of that work, so these could have been copied from such a template. Perhaps this was kept in the temple library as well. We know little about the internal organisation of such libraries, or how manuscripts were arranged in them, but there is no reason to think that copies of ritual texts intended for use in the divine cult and those employed for other purposes would necessarily have been kept in different places. In studying texts for the afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, we are accustomed to make a distinction between those originally composed for ordinary deceased people and those originally composed for use in the cult of Osiris and subsequently adapted for use by private individuals. This is a useful distinction to make, since knowing the purpose for which a particular text was originally composed helps us to understand many of its characteristic features. But we should be careful to distinguish between origin and usage. Concern with origins should not blind us to the fact that, by the time with which we are dealing, there were many texts which passed freely back and forth from the temple to the private sphere, and had been doing so for quite some time. As we have seen, the compositions inscribed on Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) include several which fall into this category. Once composed, for whatever purpose, texts may have been employed in a wide range of ritual contexts and in a variety of different ways irrespective of their origin, becoming in effect ‘context-free’, and for the Egyptian ritualist reciting them at any given moment the question of their origin may have been irrelevant. It is probably best to view such works, not as ‘temple rituals’ or ‘private rituals’, but simply as texts which could be recited either for a divine or a human beneficiary as circumstances required.

148 For the use of ritual manuscripts for such purposes, see Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1, pp. 48–51.

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1.15 The language of the ritual texts

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1.15 The language of the ritual texts The ritual texts preserved in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) were composed at different times, some probably thousands of years before others. Thus it is not surprising that their language is not uniform. That of the two Pyramid Text spells, as one would expect, is Old Egyptian. The recitation intended to accompany the presentation of offerings to the god Osiris foremost in the West in 8/1–9 could be Old Egyptian or Middle Egyptian. All of the remaining ritual texts in the papyrus are written in Middle Egyptian. This is not the Middle Egyptian of the twelfth dynasty, however, but the sort of Middle Egyptian which characterises religious texts written in the Late and Graeco-Roman Periods, sometimes known as ‘traditional’ or ‘late’ Middle Egyptian. Texts written in this form of Middle Egyptian display the influence of later phases of the Egyptian language like Late Egyptian and demotic.149 But ‘traditional’ or ‘late’ Middle Egyptian is not a linguistic unity. Some texts which fall into this category are closer to the Middle Egyptian of earlier periods than others. They reflect differing levels of skill in utilising the classical language of ancient Egypt to compose new religious works, depending on where, when, and by whom these were written. Accordingly, using a term like ‘traditional’ or ‘late’ Middle Egyptian as a generic descriptor of the language of our papyrus would be insufficiently nuanced. For this reason, after some remarks on the language of the manuscript as a whole, the grammatical features of each of the ritual texts preserved in it will be analysed individually in the paragraphs that follow. The grammatical forms employed in the ritual texts of the Bodleian manuscript can be divided into three broad categories: (1) those which are specific to earlier phases of the language like Old and Middle Egyptian, (2) those which are specific to later phases of the language, and (3) those which appear in both. For our purposes, the first two categories are the most important, since noting the number of forms in each of these categories which appear in a given text will allow us to assess, not only the extent to which its language conforms to classical models, but also how much this has been influenced by more contemporary idioms. Accordingly, we will focus on these two categories in our analyses of the individual ritual texts preserved in our papyrus, leaving aside grammatical forms of the third category. Among the forms in this last category, however, there is one which merits some attention here: the future active sDm=f. In the demotic columns of the papyrus, this is by far the most common verbal construction. Sentences employing this form, typically addressed to the beneficiary of a text, do not express wishes or requests, since their efficacy was deemed to be independent of any external agent like a deity, stemming as it did from the transcendent force generated by their recitation in the correct cultic context. Such sentences have the performative function of actually reifying what they assert. Thus, the most appropriate way to translate them is ‘X will happen’ rather than ‘May X happen.’ This is not a simple objective statement that something will occur, however, but a ritually empowered assertion that it will, coloured pragmatically by the recitant’s personal involvement and interest in ensuring that it does.150 149 For studies of the grammar of such texts, see K. Jansen-Winkeln, Spätmittelägyptische Grammatik der Texte der 3. Zwischenzeit (Wiesbaden, 1996); P. Vernus, ‘Traditional Egyptian I: Dynamics’, in W. Wendrich (ed.), UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0bg342rh; Å. Engsheden, ‘Traditional Egyptian II (Ptolemaic, Roman)’, ibid., https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8g73w3gp; idem, La reconstitution du verbe en égyptien de tradition 400–30 avant J.-C. (Uppsala, 2003); J. Lustman, Étude grammaticale du Papyrus Bremner-Rhind (Paris, 1999); D. Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 2 (Hützel, 2008). 150 For this belief in the ‘performative’ power of ritual utterances, see Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the

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Another form in the third category is the imperative. This occurs several times in the Bodleian papyrus. A few verbs have distinct imperative forms in earlier and later phases of Egyptian. The only one of these in our manuscript is the verb iy, ‘come’, the imperative form of which is mi in Middle Egyptian and im or r-im in demotic. I have noted where each of these is used below, but have not done so for verbs which have the same imperative form in both stages of the language. More problematic are what might be called ‘noun-initial’ clauses. These consist of a noun followed by a predicate, which could be an adverb, a prepositional phrase, a stative, or an infinitive introduced by a preposition. Such clauses occur in both earlier and later phases of Egyptian. However, one important difference between Middle Egyptian on the one hand, and Late Egyptian and demotic on the other, is that in the former noun-initial main clauses are normally marked with iw while noun-initial subordinate clauses are left unmarked, whereas in the latter the opposite is true. Many ‘traditional’ or ‘late’ Middle Egyptian texts follow the model of Late Egyptian and demotic in terms of how they distinguish noun-initial main and subordinate clauses, but others do not, or do not do so consistently.151 It is difficult to determine which model the ritual texts in our papyrus follow. As will be seen below, in those few cases where one can be certain, the unmarked noun-initial clause is always main, which suggests that noun-initial clauses marked with iw should be subordinate, and so I have translated them. The problem of distinguishing between the two is exacerbated by the paucity of examples of noun-initial clauses in some of the texts in our manuscript, since it is hard to draw firm conclusions based on such a small sample of evidence. A final point to note is that all the ritual texts in our papyrus agree in eschewing the use of the possessive articles. Suffix pronouns are used throughout to indicate the possessor after a noun. The demonstrative articles pAy, tAy, and nAy are avoided as well. The use of the definite articles is more variable. The demotic sections of the papyrus largely avoid pA, tA, and nA, with the exception of one particular noun, twA.t, ‘underworld’, before which the use of the feminine singular definite article tA seems to be obligatory. It is noteworthy that the sole hieratic ritual text in our manuscript, the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine, actually employs definite articles more extensively than do all the demotic ritual texts preserved in it combined. Following these general remarks, we can now turn to the analysis of the grammatical features of each of the individual ritual texts preserved in the Bodleian papyrus. (a) The Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine is the first ritual text preserved in the manuscript. Since the greater part of this composition is devoted to a long litany, mostly consisting of epithets addressed to Osiris, it does not employ a wide range of grammatical constructions. As one would expect in a hieratic text, the imperative of the verb ‘come’ is written mi throughout.152 One striking feature of the text is the frequency with which the definite articles are employed in it, in particular, the masculine singular definite article pA. This article occurs a total of 56 times. The feminine singular article tA occurs twice (3/8 and 3/16), as does the plural definite article nA (2/8 and 6/1). Noteworthy is the distribution of these articles within the text. As noted in section 1.7(a) above, the initial litany to Sokar in the Bodleian version of the Rite is much longer than those in other versions and incorporates numerous additional invocations, more than three times the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 11–12 and 53–5. 151 Compare the examples cited in Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 2, pp. 928, 931, 936–7, 950, 954, 956, and 967–8. 152 See 1/20, 1/22, 1/23, 2/1, 2/2, 2/3, and 7/9.

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number found in any of the parallels. Moreover, appended to the litany is a series of further sentences addressed to the god. Apart from the initial sentence, these are unparalleled elsewhere as well. Only a small minority of the examples of pA, 6 out of 56, occur in those sections of the Bodleian version of the Rite which are paralleled in other sources, effectively its first two columns (1/24, 2/7, 2/10, 2/11, 2/12, and 2/19). The other 50 occur in the ‘new’ sections, for which there are no known parallels, as do both of the examples of tA and one example of nA. If we compare the other versions of the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine with ours, we find that in four of the six passages where our text employs pA for which there are parallels in other sources (1/24, 2/10, 2/11, and 2/19), all the parallels use it as well. In the other two passages (2/7 and 2/12), some, but not all, of the parallels agree with our text in using pA. In the sole passage where our text employs nA for which there are parallels in other sources (2/8), these use nA as well without exception.153 There is a tendency to attribute the appearance of definite articles in ostensibly Middle Egyptian texts of the Graeco-Roman Period to carelessness on the part of their scribes, who inadvertently introduced forms characteristic of the contemporary idiom which they were accustomed to use in everyday life into what they were writing. But the charge of carelessness cannot be laid against our scribe, at least as far as the first two columns of the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine are concerned. Where definite articles occur in his version of those two columns, they are clearly a part of the manuscript tradition. Similarly, in the subsequent sections of the Bodleian version of the Rite for which there are no known parallels, the definite articles occur with such frequency that one can hardly attribute their presence there to scribal carelessness. Whoever was responsible for composing these ‘new’ sections, whether our scribe or someone else whose work he copied, evidently had no compunction about employing them. Another form used in the Bodleian version of the Rite which is characteristic of the later phases of the Egyptian language is the periphrastic participle of the verb ir, ‘make, do’. This occurs six times, invariably written iw-ir (4/12, 4/24, 5/13, 6/11, 6/22, and 7/14). Contrast the non-periphrastic participle ir in 3/19, 3/20, 7/8, and 7/13, although pA ir in the first two of those lines could be a contraction of pA iw-ir.154 As one might expect, all examples of iw-ir occur in the ‘new’ sections of the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine for which there are no known parallels. Like many hieratic religious texts of the Graeco-Roman Period, the Bodleian version of the Rite mixes the various forms of the genitival adjective indiscriminately, using the masculine plural form nw where we would expect the singular form n, and employing n where we would expect the feminine form nt. It also frequently adds an otiose t ending to words like nb, ‘lord’, and the adjective nb, ‘every’, even when the noun it modifies is not feminine. Examples are not restricted to any one section of the composition, but occur throughout. A speech of Isis in 7/6 consists entirely of the words xrw=i hy m itrw, ‘My cry of “hail” is on the river.’ This is clearly an unmarked noun-initial main clause, since there is nothing to which it could be attached as a subordinate clause, from which we might deduce that two other unmarked noun-initial clauses which occur in the text are main as well. These are stm Hms rxft-Hr Hr ir obH, ‘The sem-priest sits before (the god) making libation’ (1/2), and nTr.w Hr ir n=k iAw, ‘The gods make adoration for you’ (7/10). So if our version of the Rite follows the 153 See the synoptic presentation of the various versions of the Rite in Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 2, pp. 960–83. 154 Cf. R. Parker, ‘The Orthography of Article Plus Prothetic r in Demotic’, JNES 33 (1974), pp. 371–6.

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practice of some other ‘traditional’ or ‘late’ Middle Egyptian texts in leaving noun-initial main clauses unmarked while using iw to mark noun-initial subordinate clauses, the noun-initial clause marked by iw in 6/2 should be subordinate: i sS rnp.wt tkn HH.w iw nb wA r=sn, ‘O one who passes years and approaches millions, the lord being distant from them.’ A further nouninitial clause marked by iw occurs in 6/13, but the context is insufficiently clear to allow us to decide whether this is main or subordinate. (b) The second ritual text in the Bodleian papyrus, an untitled recitation intended to accompany the presentation of offerings to Osiris foremost in the West, incorporates the following verbal forms characteristic of earlier stages of Egyptian: the passive sDm=f (srv in 8/7);155 the passive sDm.tw=f (obH.y.v in 8/5 and sty.y.v in 8/8);156 and the nominal sDm=f (wnn=k in 8/4).157 The text also preserves two examples of the sDm.n=f form of the verb iy, ‘come’, with omitted first person singular suffix pronoun (iy.y.n in 8/1).158 The preposition m is written as such in 8/5 and 8/6, rather than n as would be the case in ordinary demotic. The text also employs the pre-pronominal form of that preposition once (see im=k in 8/5).159 Another preposition characteristic of the earlier phases of Egyptian which it uses is xr, written urA (twice in 8/1).160 The second person singular masculine dependent pronoun tw, written v=y, occurs in 8/2,161 and the third person plural dependent pronoun sn in 8/5.162 Finally, the text employs the masculine singular demonstrative adjective pn, written iypn, in 8/4,163 and the feminine singular genitival adjective nt in 8/8.164 How should we characterise the language of this text? The sDm.n=f form iy.y.n with omitted first person singular suffix pronoun recurs in 10/9 and 10/17. We can be confident that the texts in which these two examples occur are Old Egyptian, since they are Pyramid Text spells, which actually date back to the Old Kingdom. Because the omission of the first person singular suffix pronoun is characteristic of Old Egyptian texts, one might argue that the occurrence of iy.y.n in the text now under consideration shows that it is Old Egyptian as well. But some caution is in order, since the omission of the first person singular suffix pronoun is attested in Middle Egyptian texts as well, although admittedly infrequently.165 The masculine singular demonstrative adjective iypn in 8/4 might be cited as a further reason to classify the text as Old Egyptian. Compare the demonstrative adjective ipn which occurs in 10/7 and 10/8, in our manuscript’s version of Pyramid Text Spell 32 (there written r-pnn). But iypn also occurs in demotic decrees and ritual texts which are not written in Old Egyptian, most frequently as a modifier of the noun hrw, ‘day’, as it is in our papyrus.166 So this cannot be used as a diagnostic feature either. Nor can any of the other forms and constructions listed above, since these are found in both Old and Middle Egyptian texts as well. 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166

See Commentary, note (c) on 8/7. Commentary, note (c) on 8/5 and note (e) on 8/8. Commentary, note (e) on 8/4. Commentary, note (b) on 8/1. The second example is partially damaged. Commentary, note (b) on 8/5. Commentary, note (c) on 8/1. Commentary, note (f) on 8/2. Commentary, note (a) on 8/5. Commentary, note (a) on 8/4. Commentary, note (b) on 8/8. See A. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar³ (Oxford, 1957), p. 39, §34. See references cited in Commentary, note (a) on 8/4.

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Whichever early phase of the Egyptian language the text in 8/1–9 is meant to exemplify, this is leavened with a sprinkling of grammatical forms characteristic of subsequent phases. It employs v=k rather than tw for the second person singular masculine dependent pronoun in 8/2, while in 8/6, the feminine stative form mne.v is used after a masculine singular subject. In later phases of Egyptian, it is not uncommon for stative verbs to be written with endings which do not agree with their subjects. In such cases, the ending simply identifies the verb as a stative.167 The stative form mne.v discussed in the preceding paragraph occurs in an unmarked nouninitial clause, Htp mne.v m s.t=k, which I have translated as a main clause, ‘Oblations exist permanently in your place’, for reasons given in the opening paragraphs of this section. I have treated the unmarked noun-initial clause ib=k saSA, ‘Your heart is enriched’, in 8/3 in the same way. A further clause of this type may occur in 8/3–4, but there the initial noun might actually be a verb.168 Conversely, I have translated the words iw wn m nn=k in 8/2 as a noun-initial subordinate clause marked with iw, ‘some being in your primeval ocean’. But there are other ways of interpreting iw there as well, for example, as a writing of the preposition r. An example of a special type of noun-initial clause, the so-called ‘emotive’ sentence, occurs in 8/6–7. I leave this out of consideration here, since such sentences are invariably unmarked in all phases of Egyptian.169 (c) The third ritual text in the Bodleian papyrus is less than three full lines in length, and so does not offer a very large inventory of grammatical forms. It includes only one form which would be out of place in an ordinary demotic text. This is Amw, a writing of the plural nisbe adjective imy.w, ‘those who are in’.170 More characteristic of post-Middle Egyptian is the use of the feminine singular definite article tA before twA.t, ‘underworld’, in 8/11. This is not a slip, as the scribe puts tA before twA.t wherever that noun occurs in the demotic sections of the manuscript. It is the only noun to be consistently so treated.171 In the same line, the third person plural suffix pronoun subject of the verb sDm, ‘hear’, is expressed with w, rather than sn as one would expect in Middle Egyptian. Again, this seems to reflect a fixed practice. In the demotic sections of our papyrus, the earlier suffix pronoun sn is only used to indicate the possessor after a noun, while the later form w, with one exception, is used exclusively to mark the subject of a sDm=f form.172 In 8/11, the genitival adjective following the plural iry.w-aA, ‘doorkeepers’, is written n instead of nw, but this substitution is already attested in the Middle Kingdom, so it would be incorrect to identify it as a neologism.173 (d) The fourth ritual text, the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits, employs the following Middle Egyptian verb forms: the passive sDm=f (saHa in 9/5, sxnv in 9/14); the passive sDm.tw=f (atX.y.v in 9/12);174 the nominal sDm=f (wnn in 9/17);175 the non-periphrastic participle pr (8/13, 9/20, and 9/21); and the relative form mr=k (8/21). The predicative negative nn is used to negate a future sDm=f form in 9/19.176 The spell also employs a number of Middle Egyptian prepositions, for example, mi, ‘like’ (8/12 [twice], 8/13, 8/14, and 9/18, written 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176

Commentary, note (d) on 8/6. Commentary, note (d) on 8/3. Commentary, note (b) on 8/7. Commentary, note (d) on 8/10. Commentary, note (a) on 8/11. Commentary, note (a) on 8/5. See Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar³, p. 66, §86. Commentary, note (a) on 9/12. Commentary, note (c) on 9/17. Commentary, note (b) on 9/19.

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mw);177 m-rwty, ‘outside’ (8/14, written m-rwv);178 and m-aoA, ‘before’ (9/5, written m ao).179 The preposition Hr, ‘on, over’, is written ih in 8/17, 8/18, 8/19, 8/20, 9/13, and 9/19. This is not a Middle Egyptian orthography as such, but it appears frequently in archaising demotic religious texts, including some which are written entirely in that phase of the Egyptian language.180 The preposition m is written as such throughout the spell. There is only one possible instance where it may be written n. See ir=k Xrb=k n by anx, ‘You will assume your form of a living ba’, in 8/21. The n before by there, which I have translated as a genitive, could be written for m, but it is striking that the hieroglyphic parallels, where one would expect m to be written if that preposition were actually intended, have n bA anx like our text.181 A ‘double’ writing of the preposition as n-m occurs in 9/14, before mAa-xrw, where n would have been assimilated to the following m of mAa in any case.182 The preposition m may be written mw in 8/13, but this could also be a further instance of mi, ‘like’.183 The pre-pronominal form of the preposition, im, occurs in 9/8.184 The Middle Egyptian third person plural suffix pronoun sn is employed in 9/6, 9/11, and 9/19, invariably to indicate the possessor of a noun. By contrast, w is used to indicate the third person plural suffix pronoun subject of a sDm=f form in 8/16, 9/10, and 9/20.185 Other noteworthy archaisms in the text are the adverbs m-bAH, ‘in the presence’, written m-bAH=y, in 8/13,186 and ra nb, ‘every day, daily’, written ir any, in 8/16, 9/4, and 9/9.187 The feminine genitival adjective nt occurs in 8/13, 8/18 (twice), and 9/14,188 and the masculine plural genitival adjective nw in 8/18.189 The former is used correctly to modify feminine nouns in all four passages where it appears. The latter follows the noun mHr, ‘milk jug’. As the latter is written without a plural stroke, this would seem to be a further instance where a plural genitival adjective has been used incorrectly to modify a singular noun, as it is frequently in the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine.190 Alternatively, one could argue that mHr in this passage is actually plural, and the plural marker has been omitted because the following nw on its own was deemed to be sufficient indication that more than one milk jug was involved. Like the other Middle Egyptian texts in the Bodleian papyrus, the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits contains its share of forms characteristic of later phases of the Egyptian language. It writes the second person singular masculine dependent pronoun as v=k (8/18, 9/13, 9/14). In three instances, it employs the plural definite article nA (9/7 and 9/10 [twice]). The feminine singular definite article tA appears once, in 8/11, before the noun twA.t, ‘underworld’. 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190

Commentary, note (d) on 9/18. Commentary, note (b) on 8/14. Commentary, note (a) on 9/5. Commentary, note (c) on 8/17. See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 120–1. Commentary, note (b) on 9/14. Commentary, note (b) on 8/13. Commentary, note (b) on 8/5. See section 1.15(d) above; Commentary, note (a) on 8/5. Commentary, note (c) on 8/13. Commentary, note (b) on 8/16. Commentary, note (b) on 8/8, note (d) on 8/13, and note (b) on 8/18. Commentary, note (d) on 8/18. See section 1.15(a) above.

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As we have seen, the use of the definite article with this noun appears to be obligatory in the demotic sections of our papyrus.191 A curious case is that of pAy in 9/18. This is written identically with the demotic demonstrative which normally precedes the noun it modifies, but here it follows its noun as if it were the Middle Egyptian demonstrative adjective pn. This appears to be an instance where a current grammatical form has been used in preference to an older counterpart, but is treated syntactically as if it were the latter.192 The masculine singular genitival adjective n is used after the plural nouns sbA.w, ‘doors’ (8/12), and mi.wt, ‘roads’ (8/11), and the feminine singular noun mt.t, ‘speech’ (8/20), where one might have expected nw (in the first instance) or nt (in the second and third). In 9/7, n is used after a noun which is determined by the plural definite article nA, (wDH.w, ‘altar’, written unetymologically as if it were wAD tH, ‘greenness of straw’), where again we would expect nw. As noted in section 1.15(c), however, the substitution of n for nw is already attested in texts from the Middle Kingdom. The same is true of the substitution of n for nt,193 so neither practice is specific to the later forms of the Egyptian language. Seven unambiguous instances of noun-initial clauses are preserved in the version of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits in the Bodleian papyrus.194 Six, Hbs.w=k ih awy 6yy.t in 8/19, [H]twt=f bHA m ir.v=k in 9/8–9, awy 6ny grg r Sp=k ir any in 9/9, nA mAnw m iAw [sp]2 in 9/10, sA=s 1r awy=f Xr mH in 9/13, and spy.w obH n=k m 6A-nb-anx in 9/15, are unmarked. The first, second, fourth, and fifth of these are unmarked in the parallels as well. The third is unmarked in one parallel but marked with iw in two others. The sixth is not paralleled in any other version of the spell. I have interpreted all these as main clauses, translating the first as ‘Your garments are from the arms of Tayit’, the second as ‘His [illu]mination floods into your eyes’, the third as ‘The arms of (Ta)tenen are ready to receive you daily’, the fourth as ‘The western mountains are in praise ([twi]ce)’, the fifth as ‘Her son Horus, his arms bear the wreath’, and the sixth as ‘The nomes pour out libations for you in the Land of the Lord of Life.’ The seventh noun-initial clause in the Bodleian version of the Spell, SybA=k wab mw psD.t aA.t in 8/13, is marked with iw, as it is in the parallels as well. I have interpreted this as a subordinate clause, ‘your food being pure like that of the great Ennead’. For justification of the translation choices adopted here, see the opening paragraphs of this section. In 9/15–16, the verbal clause anx Nn m gs=k rs, ‘Nun will live at your southern side’, is followed by the words Nw.t m gs mHv 5w m gs=k imnt 6fny m gs Ab, which could be interpreted as a series of noun-initial clauses meaning ‘Nut is at the northern side, Shu is at your western side, and Tefnut is at the eastern side’. However, it is equally possible that the names of the three deities here stand in apposition to that of Nun as subjects of the verb anx. An example of a special type of noun-initial clause, the so-called ‘emotive’ sentence, occurs in 8/21. I leave this out of consideration here since, as noted in section 1.15(b), such sentences are invariably unmarked in all phases of Egyptian. (e) The fifth ritual text preserved in the Bodleian manuscript is relatively short and highly formulaic, consisting almost exclusively of sentences addressed to Osiris and the deceased enjoining them to come and receive offerings. Thus it does not employ a wide repertoire of 191 192 193 194

See section 1.15(c) above; Commentary, note (a) on 8/11. Commentary, note (f) on 9/18. See Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar³, p. 66, §86. An eighth can probably be restored in 9/2, based on the parallels, but since nothing is preserved of this clause except the initial awy=f, ‘his hands’, I have omitted it from consideration here. See Commentary, note (c) on 9/2.

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grammatical forms. The preposition m is written as such throughout. The text displays only two features which are not characteristic of Middle Egyptian. The imperative of the verb iy, ‘come’, which occurs five times, is invariably im or r-im, as it would be in normal demotic, rather than mi as one would expect in a Middle Egyptian text.195 In 10/6, the noun twA.t, ‘underworld’, is preceded by the definite article tA, the only instance in the spell where an article is used. As we have seen, the use of the article with this noun seems to be obligatory in the demotic sections of our papyrus.196 The genitival adjective following the feminine singular noun twA.t is n rather than nt, but this substitution is already attested in texts of the Middle Kingdom.197 (f) The sixth ritual text in our papyrus, a composite of Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25, is written in Old Egyptian like the earlier models on which it is based. Its most distinctive grammatical archaisms are: the sDm.n=f form of the verb iy, ‘come’, with omitted first person singular suffix pronoun (iy.y.n), which occurs in 10/9 and 10/17;198 the circumstantial sDm=f (in=y in 10/9 and 10/17); the passive sDm=f (srwv in 10/16 [twice]);199 the non-periphrastic participle pr (10/10);200 the masculine singular demonstrative adjective ipn (10/7 [twice] and 10/8, written r-pnn);201 the prepositions xr, ‘through the agency of’ (10/9),202 and m-x.t, ‘behind’ (10/15 [twice], 10/16, and 10/17, written m-ue);203 and the enclitic particle my (10/18, written mw).204 The preposition m is written as such throughout the spell, whether on its own or in a compound like m-ue. There is one instance of im, the pre-pronominal form of the preposition.205 Alongside these forms, the text employs a few which are characteristic of the later phases of the Egyptian language. In 10/10, the imperative of the verb iy, ‘come’, is expressed with im rather than the mi found in the parallels.206 In 10/18, as elsewhere in the demotic sections of the papyrus, the third person plural suffix pronoun w is used in preference to sn to mark the subject of a sDm=f form. Exceptionally, w is employed to indicate the possessor after the noun xrw, ‘voice’, in 10/10, where we would expect sn.207 Compare xrw=sn, ‘their voices’, in 9/6. In this connection, it may be worthwhile noting that àrooy, the Coptic descendant of xrw, is one of a small number of Coptic nouns to which a suffix pronoun can be attached to indicate the possessor. If the latter is third person plural, the form used is the descendant of w, which may have influenced its use in the passage under consideration.208 The text begins with a rather lengthy unmarked noun-initial clause, which extends from 10/7 to 10/9. Because of its position, with nothing preceding it, we can be certain that this is a main clause. There is a shorter clause of this type, pr n=k r xrw=w sp-2 sp 4, ‘What goes forth 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208

Commentary, note (b) on 10/3. See section 1.15(c) above, Commentary, note (a) on 8/11. See Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar³, p. 66, §86. Commentary, note (b) on 8/1 and note (b) on 10/9. In 10/17, iy.y.n is written erroneously as in.y.n. Cf. Commentary, note (b) on 10/17. Commentary, note (a) on 10/16. Commentary, note (b) on 10/10. Commentary, note (b) on 10/7. Commentary, note (a) on 10/9. Commentary, note (a) on 10/15. Commentary, note (d) on 10/18. Commentary, note (b) on 10/18. Commentary, note (b) on 10/10. Commentary, note (b) on 10/10. See W.E. Crum, A Coptic Dictionary (Oxford, 1939), p. 704b.

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at their voices is yours (twice), (four times)’, in 10/10. This is unmarked in the parallels as well. Because the clause follows immediately after the imperative im, ‘come’, it seems appropriate to translate it as main. A further series of unmarked noun-initial clauses occurs in 10/14–15, where the deceased is told: awy kA=k m-bAH=k awy kA=k m-ue=k rwv kA=k m-bAH=k rwv kA=k m-ue=k, ‘The arms of your ka are in front of you. The arms of your ka are behind you. The feet of your ka are in front of you. The feet of your ka are behind you.’ Because this series begins immediately after a vocative, the initial clause, ‘The arms of your ka are in front of you’, is clearly main. Since the ensuing clauses exhibit the same structure and are clearly parallel to the initial one, they should be main clauses as well. There are no noun-initial clauses marked with iw in the text for us to contrast with these. (g) The seventh and final ritual text preserved in the Bodleian manuscript, the Spell for Striking the Copper, incorporates the following verbal constructions which are characteristic of Middle Egyptian: the passive sDm=f (sr in 11/1, sAvA in 11/4);209 the passive sDm.tw=f (aS.y.v in 11/6, wsu.y.v in 11/7);210 and the non-periphrastic participle (sTA in 11/10, pr in 11/13).211 The spell also employs some characteristically Middle Egyptian vocabulary, which would not normally be found in a demotic text: r-Tnw-n, ‘each’, in 11/8 (written unetymologically as iw tA nb),212 and rA-wA.t, ‘road’, in 11/11 (written partly in demotic and partly in hieratic).213 Alongside these, the spell employs a number of grammatical forms characteristic of the later phases of the Egyptian language. In 11/5, 11/9, and 11/10, it uses v=k for the second person singular masculine dependent pronoun, rather than tw.214 In 11/13, the preposition m is written n, as is normal in demotic. It is of interest that the preposition stands before a word beginning with m (mAa) in that line, where it would have been assimilated to m in any case. In 11/1 and 11/11, where no assimilation with the initial consonant of the following noun would have taken place, the preposition is written m. Two noun-initial clauses occur in the Spell for Striking the Copper (11/11 and 11/12). Both are marked with iw. The parallels omit this particle.215 For reasons mentioned in the opening paragraphs of the present section, these are rendered as subordinate clauses in the translation, but the possibility that they are main clauses cannot be ruled out. As noted in the opening paragraphs, it is difficult to draw firm conclusions about the use of iw in this utterance based on such a small number of examples.

1.16 The orthography of the ritual texts: unetymological writings Reference was made in section 1.4 to the fact that the demotic columns of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) contain a number of words written entirely in hieratic, or with a mixture of hieratic and demotic signs. The fact that the writing of these is exactly the same as in the hieratic columns demonstrates that both demotic and hieratic were written by the same person. In this section

209 210 211 212 213 214 215

See Commentary, note (c) on 8/7. Commentary, note (a) on 11/6 and note (a) on 11/7. Commentary, note (b) on 11/10. Commentary, note on 11/8. Commentary, note (a) on 11/11. Commentary, note (a) on 11/5 and note (b) on 11/9. Commentary, notes (b) and (d) on 11/11.

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we will look at another distinctive orthographic feature of the ritual compositions in our papyrus, their use of unetymological writings. Egyptian orthography is highly regulated by tradition. Words from certain roots are normally written in the same way. An unetymological writing is any orthography of a word which differs in some manner from the traditional one. Although such writings occur in all ancient Egyptian scripts, they are particularly abundant in demotic ritual texts.216 The demotic script was originally used to write a limited range of material, contracts and other documents, all composed in a single stage of the Egyptian language, the one known (like the script) as demotic. As time went on, however, the script’s use expanded so that it was employed to write every conceivable type of text, including literary, technical, and religious works, as well as other stages of the Egyptian language like Middle Egyptian and even other languages like Aramaic. The demotic ritual texts in our papyrus are written in Middle or Old Egyptian. A number of other manuscripts are known in which the script is demotic and the language Middle Egyptian, but ours seems to preserve the only known examples of demotic Old Egyptian. A scribe who embarked upon the task of transcribing a religious text composed in one of these earlier phases of Egyptian into demotic was inevitably faced with a number of serious problems. Many of the words he needed to transcribe would have been archaic ones for which no standard demotic orthography existed. Likewise, a high proportion of the grammatical forms involved did not occur in demotic. One way of solving these problems was by using unetymological writings for the words and forms in question. Such writings could be purely alphabetic. Alternatively, words which had no standard orthographies in demotic could be written with those of other words which sounded similar to them or had the same consonants. The orthographies of two or more words could be combined to write a single word, or the orthography of one word used to write two. It should be emphasised that employing unetymological writings was only one of a number of strategies available to scribes faced with the task of transcribing archaic or obsolete words from texts composed in earlier forms of Egyptian into demotic. If the source they were transcribing was in hieratic, they could simply reproduce such words in that script, without making any attempt at transcription. Another option was to replace an archaic word with a more contemporary synonym. The demotic ritual texts in our papyrus provide evidence of both practices. Compare, for example, 11/11, where the second element of the noun rA-wA.t, ‘road’, has been written in hieratic, with 8/11 and 8/14, where mi.t, ‘road’, has been substituted for the wA.t which appears in the parallels.217 Another important point to note is that, while unetymological writings were employed most frequently when scribes were faced with words which had no standard orthography in demotic, their use was by no means restricted to words of this type. One also finds instances where a word with a well-established demotic orthography was written unetymologically. In our papyrus, for example, the noun rd.wy, ‘feet’, is written as if it were rwv, ‘flourish’, in 10/15.218 216 For unetymological writings outside of the corpus of demotic ritual texts, see G. Widmer, ‘Une invocation à la déesse (tablette démotique Louvre E 10382)’, in Hoffmann and Thissen (eds.), Res Severa Verum Gaudium: Festschrift für Karl-Theodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8 Juni 2004, pp. 673–5; J. Quack, ‘Old Wine in New Wineskins? How to Write Classical Egyptian Rituals in More Modern Writing Systems’, in A. de Voogt and J. Quack (eds.), The Idea of Writing: Writing Across Borders (Leiden and Boston, 2012), pp. 220 and 222–4. 217 See Commentary, note (f) on 8/11 and note (f) on 8/14. 218 Commentary, note (b) on 10/15.

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Compare 8/17, where this noun is written in the ordinary way. Likewise, in 8/19, the words obH Htp, ‘libations and offerings’, are written as if they were obH tp, ‘finest/first-class offerings’.219 Yet obH recurs in 8/16, three lines above this one, and Htp in 8/20, the line immediately following, both written in the ordinary way. As we will see, any attempt to explain the purpose of unetymological writings of this sort must take such evidence into account. Although, the vast majority of the unetymological writings in Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) occur in the demotic ritual texts which it preserves, there are a few in the lone hieratic text, the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of the Shrine, as well.220 Before looking in more detail at the former, I will briefly describe the latter. There are three of these in total. In 2/4, the noun sSp, ‘light’, is written as if it were the verb Ssp, ‘receive’. In 2/16, the noun mn.w, ‘offerings’, is written as if it were mn.w, ‘cult images’. In 4/25, Osiris is addressed as pA na, which could mean ‘the merciful one’221 or ‘the traveller’.222 But the determinative is the overturned boat (Gardiner Sign-List P(1)), which suggests that pA na here is an unetymological writing of pna, ‘turn over, overturn’.223 There is a further hieratic unetymological writing in one of the demotic columns. In 11/7, the noun Hmt, ‘copper’, is written in hieratic as if it were Hm.w, ‘servants’.224 The remaining unetymological writings in the demotic columns of the Bodleian papyrus can be divided into four categories. 1) Alphabetic writings of words and grammatical forms with no standard demotic orthography. 8/1: The sDm.n=f form of the verb iy, ‘come’, with first person singular suffix pronoun subject is written iy.y.n (also 10/9 and 10/17).225 Ibid.: The preposition xr, ‘before, into the presence of’, is written twice as urA with man with hand to mouth determinative.226 8/4: The masculine singular demonstrative adjective pn, ‘this’, is written iypn with man with hand to mouth determinative.227 Ibid.: The nominal sDm=f form of the verb wn, ‘be, exist’, is written wnn with man with hand to mouth determinative.228 Compare the writing of this form as wn + n in 9/17.229 8/5: The element tw in the passive sDm.tw=f form is written yv (also 8/8, 9/12, 11/6, and 11/7).230 8/10: The plural nisbe adjective imy.w, ‘who are in’, is written Amw with man with hand to mouth determinative.231 219 Commentary, note (e) on 8/19. 220 For unetymological writings in other non-demotic texts, including those of earlier periods, see Widmer in Hoffmann and Thissen (eds.), Res Severa Verum Gaudium: Festschrift für Karl-Theodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8 Juni 2004, p. 675. 221 Wb. 2, 206, 4–6. 222 Wb. 2, 206, 7–16. 223 Wb. 2, 508–9. For ‘turning over’ (pna) on his bier as an act which Osiris is enjoined to perform, see Commentary, note (a) on 11/10. 224 Commentary, note (a) on 11/7. 225 Commentary, note (b) on 8/1 and note (b) on 10/9. 226 Commentary, note (c) on 8/1. 227 Commentary, note (a) on 8/4. 228 Commentary, note (e) on 8/4. 229 Commentary, note (c) on 9/17. 230 See reference cited in Commentary, note (c) on 8/5. 231 Commentary, note (d) on 8/10.

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8/11: The noun nis, ‘summons’, is written nswA with man with hand to mouth determinative.232 8/12: The preposition mi, ‘like’, is twice written mw (also 8/13, 8/14, and 9/18).233 A further example of mw in 8/13 could represent either mi or the preposition m.234 8/16: The adverb ra nb, ‘every day’, is written ir any (also 9/4 and 9/9).235 8/17: The second and third elements of the toponym 1w.t-kA-PtH, ‘Memphis’, are written obvH with no determinative.236 8/18: The masculine plural genitival adjective is written nw (n + w).237 Ibid.: The initial element of the divine name 4xA.t-1r is written 4X with man with hand to mouth determinative.238 8/19: The second and third elements of the toponym 1w.t-kA-PtH, ‘Memphis’, are written obHv with no determinative.239 9/14: The verb mDH, ‘crown’, is written mtH with man with hand to mouth determinative.240 9/19: The predicative negation nn is written n + n with man with hand to mouth determinative.241 10/7: The masculine singular demonstrative adjective ipn, ‘this’, is twice written r-pnn with man with hand to mouth determinative (also 10/8).242 10/15: The preposition m-x.t, ‘behind’, is twice written m-ue with man with hand to mouth determinative (also 10/16 and 10/17).243 10/18: The verb Htm, ‘be provided’, is written htm with man with hand to mouth determinative.244 11/5: The verb sAx is written sX with man with hand to mouth determinative.245 11/6: The noun sAx.w, ‘glorifications’, is written sX.w with man with hand to mouth determinative.246 2) Alphabetic writings of words which do have a standard demotic orthography. 8/17: The preposition Hr, ‘upon’, is written ih (also 8/18, 8/19, 8/20, 9/13, 9/19).247 9/16: The adjective iAby, ‘eastern’, is written Ab with man with hand to mouth determinative.248 11/8: The noun wxA, ‘night’, is written wu with man with hand to mouth determinative.249

232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249

Commentary, note (b) on 8/11. Commentary, note (d) on 8/12. Commentary, note (b) on 8/13. Commentary, note (b) on 8/16. Commentary, note (b) on 8/17. Commentary, note (d) on 8/18. Commentary, note (e) on 8/18. Commentary, note (d) on 8/19. Commentary, note (a) on 9/14. Commentary, note (b) on 9/19. Commentary, note (b) on 10/7. Commentary, note (a) on 10/15. Commentary, note (a) on 10/18. Commentary, note (a) on 11/5. Commentary, note (b) on 11/6. Commentary, note (c) on 8/17. Commentary, note on 9/15. Commentary, note on 11/8.

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3) Writings of words and grammatical forms with no standard orthography in demotic which employ the orthographies of other words which sounded similar to them or had the same consonants. 8/2: The second person singular masculine dependent pronoun tw is written as if it were the first person singular dependent pronoun v=y.250 8/5: The third person plural dependent pronoun sn is written as if it were the third person singular feminine suffix pronoun s + the first person plural suffix pronoun n. The same writing is used for the third person plural suffix pronoun sn in 9/6, 9/11, and 9/19.251 8/8: The genitival adjective nt is written as if it were the relative converter nt (also 8/13, 8/18 [twice], and 9/14).252 8/13: The noun Sb.w. ‘food’, is written SybA with house determinative. The word which provides the basis for this unetymological writing, presumably a term denoting a building or part of one, is otherwise unattested.253 8/15: The initial part of the divine name 1sy.t, ‘Hesat’, is written as if it were Hs, ‘praise’ (also 9/21).254 8/19: The initial part of the divine name 6Ay.t, ‘Tayit’, is written as if it were the noun tny.t, ‘share, portion’.255 8/20: The noun wdHw, ‘altar’, is written as if it were wtH, ‘cup, vessel’.256 9/5: The preposition m-aoA, ‘before’, is written as if it were the preposition m + the verb ao, ‘enter’.257 9/6: The initial part of the noun DADA.t, ‘tribunal’, is written as if it were D, ‘sing, say’.258 9/7: The noun wDH, ‘altar’, is written as if it were wAD tH, ‘greenness of straw’.259 9/9: The verb baH, ‘flood’, is written bHA with brazier determinative. This is possibly a variant of bX, ‘shine, illuminate’.260 9/10: The noun sAb.w, ‘jackals’, and the preposition Hr are written as if they were 4phA, a variant form of the name of the god Seth.261 9/18: Nn.t, the name of the lower sky and the goddess who personifies it, is written as if it were Nwn, ‘primeval ocean’.262 9/21: The noun bw, ‘place’, is written as if it were by, ‘ba’ (also 11/11 and 11/12).263 10/9: The preposition xr, ‘through the agency of’, is written as if it were the aorist marker 264 xr.

250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264

Commentary, note (f) on 8/2. Commentary, note (a) on 8/5. Commentary, note (b) on 8/8. Commentary, note (e) on 8/13. Commentary, note (a) on 8/15 and note (b) on 9/21. Commentary, note (b) on 8/19. Commentary, note (a) on 8/20. Commentary, note (a) on 9/5. Commentary, note (b) on 9/6. Commentary, note (b) on 9/7. Commentary, note (a) on 9/9. Commentary, note (a) on 9/10. Commentary, note (b) on 9/18. Commentary, note (d) on 8/21. For a possible further example, see below. Commentary, note (a) on 10/9. Compare the alphabetic writings of xr as urA in 8/1.

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10/11: The verb sby, ‘go’, is twice written as if it were sby, ‘laugh’ (also 10/12 [twice] and 10/13 [twice]).265 10/18: The particle my is written as if it were the preposition mw, ‘like’.266 11/1: The verb siar, ‘elevate’, is written as if it were sr, ‘arrange, dispose’.267 11/4: The words saHa Dd, ‘the djed-pillar will be raised’, are written as if sAv(A), a word conjectured to mean ‘ransom’ or ‘nobility, rank’.268 11/8: r-Tnw-n, ‘each’, is written as if it were iw tA nb, ‘when every time’.269 4) Writings of words and grammatical forms which have a standard orthography in demotic but employ the orthographies of other words which sounded similar to them or had the same consonants. 8/9: The phrase Sp n=k, ‘take for yourself’, is written as if it were Sp=n n=k, ‘we will take for you’.270 8/19: The noun awy, ‘arms’, is written as if it were awy, ‘limbs’ (also 9/2, 9/9, 9/11, 9/13, and 10/14 [twice]).271 Ibid.: The words obH Htp, ‘libations and offerings’, are written as if they were obH tp, ‘finest/first-class libations’.272 9/4: The noun aHaw, ‘time’, is written as if it were iw H.t, ‘at the front’.273 9/18: The divine name 4AH, ‘Orion’, is written as if it were sH, ‘booth, pavilion’.274 10/15: The noun rd.wy, ‘feet’, is twice written as if it were rwv, ‘flourish’.275 11/3: The noun Dr.t, ‘hand’, is written as if it were ntr.t, ‘goddess’.276 11/7: The verb sx, strike’, is written as if it were wsu, ‘make wide, extensive’.277 As a supplement to the above list, we can note some less certain examples of unetymological writings in the demotic columns of our manuscript. These occur almost exclusively in passages for which there are no parallels, so we cannot make a comparison with other versions to verify whether they should be interpreted as such or not. In 8/2, for instance, what looks like twA.t, ‘underworld’, could be an unetymological writing of D.t, ‘body’.278 In 8/3, what looks like pay, ‘loaves’, could be an unetymological writing of pay, ‘rise, fly up’.279 In 8/14, what looks like wab, ‘be pure’, could be an unetymological writing of wbA, ‘be opened’.280 In 9/12, what looks like by, ‘ba’, could be a further unetymological writing of bw, ‘place’.281 In 10/4 (twice) and 10/5, what looks like iuy, ‘offerings’, could be an 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281

Commentary, note (a) on 10/11. Commentary, note (d) on 10/18. Commentary, note (b) on 11/1. Commentary, note (a) on 11/4. Commentary, note on 11/8. Commentary, note (c) on 8/9. Commentary, note (a) on 8/19. The example of awy in 9/11 could also represent aA.w, ‘doors’. See Commentary, note (b) ad loc. Commentary, note (e) on 8/19. Commentary, note (a) on 9/4. Commentary, note (a) on 9/18. Commentary, note (b) on 10/15. Compare the ordinary demotic writing of this noun as rv in 8/17. Commentary, notes (a) and (b) on 11/3. Commentary, note (a) on 11/7. For the transitive use of the latter verb see Wb. 1, 365, 3. Commentary, note (c) on 8/2. Commentary, note (b) on 8/3. Commentary, note (f) on 8/14. Commentary, note (a) on 9/12.

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unetymological writing of xA, ‘thousand’.282 In 10/16 and 10/17, what looks like a verb written tbtb or tbtbv, which I have conjectured might mean ‘proceed’, could be an unetymological writing of Tbw.ty, ‘soles of the feet’.283 But in none of these passages does the context require us to adopt such an interpretation. There are also cases where the orthography of a word employs the determinative of another word with the same consonants or from the same root, either instead of or in addition to its normal determinative. It is not clear whether we should classify these as unetymological writings, or simply abusive borrowings. In this category, we could include the writings of the verb wd, ‘present’, with walking legs determinative in 8/2,284 the noun nn, ‘primeval ocean’, with house determinative in 8/2 and 8/3,285 the divine name Nn, ‘Nun’, with house determinative in 9/15,286 the noun ipt.w, ‘fowl’, with house determinative in 10/5,287 the noun kA, ‘ka’, with house and man with hand to mouth determinatives in 10/11,288 and the verb wab, ‘be pure’, with house determinative in 8/13, 8/14, and 10/20.289 Some of these are attested in other demotic texts as well. One final orthography to be noted, although perhaps not strictly unetymological in the sense used above, is the portmanteau writing of the toponyms 8p, ‘Dep’, and P, ‘Pe’, as if they were a single word in 9/18. Dep and Pe together formed the ancient city of Buto, which explains why they are treated as a unit and share the same determinative in our text.290 Similar writings of the two toponyms with a single shared determinative occur in non-demotic sources.291 What was the function of unetymological writings like those used in our papyrus? When used to write words for which no standard demotic orthography existed, they clearly had one very important function. Without them there was no other way to reproduce the words in question in the demotic script. But beyond this, there has been considerable debate as to what the purpose of unetymological writings actually was. Broadly speaking, there are two schools of thought. One holds that such writings served as guides to pronunciation.292 The other maintains that, in those cases where one word was written with the orthography of another one which sounded similar to it or had the same consonants, it allowed the word to be interpreted in more than one way: the way it was written and the way it was pronounced. Thus scribes could use such writings to create an additional layer or layers of meaning, thereby giving a text a greater depth or added texture. They could also employ them as if they were glosses, to elucidate aspects of particular words or draw attention to additional meanings they may have which might otherwise not be apparent.293 Evidently, not all unetymological writings need to 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291

Commentary, note (b) on 10/4. Commentary, note (b) on 10/16. Commentary, note (a) on 8/2. Commentary, note (e) on 8/2. Commentary, note on 9/15. Commentary, note (b) on 10/5. Commentary, note (c) on 10/11. Commentary, note (f) on 8/13. Commentary, note (e) on 9/18. See H. Gauthier, Dictionnaire des noms géographiques contenus dans les textes hiéroglyphiques 2 (Cairo, 1925), p. 35. 292 See, for example, Quack in de Voogt and Quack (eds.), The Idea of Writing: Writing Across Borders, pp. 232–5; F. Hoffmann, ‘Der demotische Papyrus Wien D 6951’, in Quack (ed.), Ägyptische Rituale der griechisch-römischen Zeit, pp. 122–4. 293 See Smith, ibid., pp. 152–4; G. Widmer, ‘Words and Writing in Demotic Ritual Texts from Soknopaiu Nesos’, ibid., pp. 135–43; idem in Hoffmann and Thissen (eds.), Res Severa Verum Gaudium: Festschrift für

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have the same function, so it is important to consider each of the categories identified above separately. In the first category, there are twenty alphabetic writings of words and grammatical forms with no standard demotic orthography in the demotic columns of our papyrus. Thirteen of the twenty are written with the man with hand to mouth determinative. This is not surprising, since the man with hand to mouth was the default determinative for words that had no fixed or regular orthography in demotic.294 Ten of the twenty items in this category are prepositions, demonstratives, genitives, or other grammatical elements. Most of the rest are nouns or verbs. Undoubtedly, the unetymological writings in this category could have served as guides to the approximate pronunciation of the words they represent, subject to the limitations of a script like demotic which only indicated consonants. In the second category, there are three alphabetic writings of words which have a standard demotic orthography. One is a preposition, one an adjective, and the other a noun. The second and the third are written with the man with hand to mouth determinative. Here the view that the writings function as guides to pronunciation is harder to maintain. Although the noun wxA, ‘night’, is not common in demotic texts (Glossar and CDD between them only cite one example), demotic orthographies of it do nevertheless exist, and it survives into Coptic as oyéh, so it was hardly obscure. One might argue that the scribe of our papyrus wrote the word alphabetically because he was unfamiliar with the orthographies of wxA used by other demotic scribes, but this would be special pleading. The writing of the preposition Hr as ih is equally problematic. The scribe of our manuscript wrote this word using its normal demotic orthography in 11/12. He also wrote Hr in the normal way in hieratic in 11/2 and 11/10. So why did he employ ih elsewhere in the demotic columns of the manuscript? The writing of Hr as ih or Ah is actually quite common, not only in demotic ritual texts, but in non-demotic ones as well. I have suggested that this may have originated in double writings of the preposition as r-Ah used in the construction Hr + infinitive. The resulting form ih may have been restricted to this construction initially, but subsequently its use was extended to write Hr in other contexts as well.295 Obviously this is only conjecture, and there may be another explanation which I have overlooked. If the writing of Hr as ih in our text was intended as a guide to the pronunciation of that preposition, then it can only have been to the sort of rather artificial pronunciation which was employed in some ritual texts, since normally Hr was pronounced as in Coptic ài, without any other sound preceding its initial consonant. Finally, there is the writing of the adjective ‘eastern’ as Ab with man with hand to mouth determinative. This occurs in a passage which enumerates the deities who take up protective positions at the deceased’s southern, northern, western, and eastern sides. The words ‘southern’, ‘northern’, and ‘western’ are all written with their normal demotic orthographies, so it is hardly credible that the scribe did not know how to write the word for ‘eastern’ in the normal way as well. Writing it as Ab was clearly a deliberate choice, but I doubt whether this was made with the aim of providing a guide to the word’s pronunciation. The simplest way of doing that would have been to write the word in the ordinary way. This applies to the noun wxA, ‘night’, and the preposition Hr as well. If the aim had been to ensure that they were

Karl-Theodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8 Juni 2004, pp. 672–83. 294 See Commentary, note (a) on 9/14. 295 M. Smith, ‘Remarks on the Orthography of Some Archaisms in Demotic Religious Texts’, Enchoria 8 (1978), part 2, pp. 23–5.

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pronounced correctly by readers who were literate in demotic script, by far the best way of doing this would have been to use their standard demotic orthographies. In the third category, the demotic columns of our papyrus preserve twenty writings of words and grammatical forms with no standard orthography in demotic which employ the orthographies of other words which sounded similar to them or had the same consonants. Seven of the words thus written are pronouns, genitives, prepositions, or other grammatical elements. The rest are nouns or verbs. Of the twenty unetymological orthographies used to write them, thirteen can plausibly be interpreted as giving a second layer of meaning to the sentence in which they occur, or commenting in some way on the word they have been used to write. These include not only nouns and verbs, but prepositions as well.296 In the fourth and final category, our papyrus preserves eight writings of words which do have a standard orthography in demotic but which nevertheless employ orthographies of other words which sounded similar to them or had the same consonants in preference to the normal ones.297 One of the words thus written is a preposition, one is a verb, and the rest are nouns. All eight of the unetymological orthographies used to write them can plausibly be interpreted as giving a second layer of meaning to the sentence in which they occur, or commenting in some way on the word they have been used to write. Thus we have a total of twenty-eight unetymological writings of words in the demotic columns of our papyrus which utilise the orthographies of other words which sounded similar to them or had the same consonants. I use the words ‘which sounded similar to them or had the same consonants’, in preference to ‘which sounded like them’, advisedly, since in a number of cases the word whose orthography was selected to write a particular word probably did not bear much phonetic resemblance to it. To cite just two examples, the word for ‘feet’ (rat in Coptic) did not sound much like the verb ‘flourish’ (oyrot in Coptic), yet in our manuscript rd.wy, ‘feet’, is written as if it were rwv, ‘flourish’. Nor did the verb ‘make wide, extensive’ (oyvés in Coptic) sound much like the verb ‘strike’ (své in Coptic), yet in our papyrus sx, ‘strike’, is written as if it were wsu, ‘make wide, extensive’. This is a serious problem for those who maintain that unetymological writings of this type were employed as guides to pronunciation. Whatever information of this nature such writings provided would have been too approximate to be of any real value. And if one wished to convey such information, why not employ alphabetic writings instead? An even bigger problem for proponents of this thesis is that unetymological writings which utilise the orthography of one word to write another are not restricted to words which had no standard orthography in demotic, but are employed to write those that did as well. If ensuring correct pronunciation was the desired aim, what would be the point of writing obH Htp, ‘libations and offerings’, as if it were obH tp, ‘first class libations’, in 8/19 when the word for ‘offerings’ is written with its normal demotic orthography in the line immediately following, and the word ‘libations’ with its normal demotic orthography three lines above? What information would this provide which the ordinary demotic orthographies did not?

296 See references to the discussions of these passages in the Commentary provided above. The writing of Sb.w, ‘food’, as SybA with house determinative in 8/13 is difficult to classify in this respect since the presumed noun whose orthography has been employed to write Sb.w is otherwise unattested. 297 I omit from consideration here a possible further writing of this type, where the verb w(y)n, ‘neglect, ignore’, might be written as if it were wnn, ‘be, exist’, but it is not certain whether this is the correct interpretation. See Commentary, note (c) on 9/19 for discussion.

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In my view, the evidence presented above makes it difficult to accept the view that unetymological writings which utilise the orthography of one word to write another were employed as guides to ensure correct pronunciation. Rather it supports the opposing view, viz. that such writings allowed demotic scribes the potential to create an additional layer or layers of meaning, thereby giving a text a greater depth or added texture, or to comment on aspects of particular words or draw attention to additional meanings they may have which might otherwise not be apparent. It is notable that, of the twenty-nine orthographies of this type in the demotic columns of our papyrus, including one which is actually in hieratic script, twenty-two can plausibly be interpreted as giving a second layer of meaning to the sentence in which they occur, or commenting in some way on the word they have been used to write. The same is true of all three unetymological writings of this type which occur in the hieratic columns of the papyrus. The writing of sSp, ‘light’, as if it were Ssp, ‘receive’, in 2/4 allows an alternative interpretation of the sentence i rwD=k n knm r sSp itn, ‘O, you will be more enduring for the decan Knoumis than the light of the sun disk’, as ‘O, you will be enduring for the decan Knoumis in order to receive the sun disk.’298 The writing of mn.w, ‘offerings’, as if it were mn.w, ‘ cult images’, in 2/16 permits an alternative understanding of the words i [oAb] mn.w Htp.w m rA-sTAw, ‘O [one who doubles] offerings and oblations in Rosetau’, as ‘O [one who doubles] cult images and oblations in Rosetau’. The writing of pna as if it were pA na in 4/25 allows an alternative understanding of the epithet ‘one who turns over’ as ‘merciful one’ or ‘traveller’. The overturned boat determinative after pA na provides a clue to the original sense of the epithet, while anticipating the exhortation for Osiris to turn over (pna) with which the line concludes. As noted above, there are also five less certain examples of unetymological writings which utilise the orthography of one word to write another in the demotic columns of our manuscript, chiefly in passages for which there is no parallel. All five of these could plausibly be interpreted as giving a second layer of meaning to the sentence in which they occur as well. So one could potentially have as many as thirty-seven unetymological writings which utilise the orthography of one word to write another in our papyrus, of which thirty can plausibly be interpreted as fulfilling the function proposed above. (The remaining seven are mainly writings of pronouns and other grammatical elements.) In my view, this is too many to be a mere coincidence. But we can go further than this. As noted above, a pair of sentences from Pyramid Text Spell 25, rd.wy kA=k m-bAH=k rd.wy kA=k m-x.t=k, ‘The arms of your ka are in front of you. The arms of your ka are behind you’, appears as rwv kA=k m-bAH=k rwv kA=k m-ue=k in 10/15. The noun rd.wy, ‘feet’, is written unetymologically there as rwv, ‘flourish’, thus creating a second layer of meaning: ‘Your ka will flourish in front of you. Your ka will flourish behind you.’ More significantly, in the following line (10/16), our text introduces an additional sentence which is not found in any of the parallels: srwv kA=k m-bAH=k srwv kA=k m-ue=k, ‘Your ka will be made to flourish in front of you. Your ka will be made to flourish behind you’, which is an obvious development of the preceding pair. What is of particular interest is the fact that this development is based, not on the original meaning of the preceding pair of sentences, which refer to the feet of the ka, but rather on the alternative interpretation of them made possible by the unetymological writing of rd.wy, ‘feet’, as if it were the verb rwv, 298 For the decan Knoumis, sometimes identified with Isis, see Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 189 and 675. For another celestial body receiving (Ssp) the light of the sun disk, see M. Smith, On the Primaeval Ocean (Copenhagen, 2002), p. 123 and literature cited there.

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‘flourish’. According to that interpretation, the ka of the deceased will flourish in front of and behind him. Now the text adds that the ka will be made to flourish in those positions as well. Here we have clear evidence of a scribe not only using unetymological writings to endow a sentence with a second level of meaning, but actually going on to create additional sentences which build upon and further extend that meaning as well. So the second layer has a reality of its own, which can in turn generate new creative developments in the composition of a text. This is objective proof that unetymological writings which utilise the orthography of one word to write another could have the function I have attributed to them above. Moreover, if my proposal to interpret tbtb and tbtbv in 10/16–17 as unetymological writings of the noun Tbw.ty, ‘soles of the feet’, is correct,299 we would have a further pair of sentences in these lines, tbtb kA=k m=bAH=k tbtbv kA=k m=ue=k, ‘The soles of your ka are in front of you. The soles of your ka are behind you.’ This would be an obvious development of the sentence pair in 10/15 which affirms that the feet of the deceased’s ka are in front of and behind him, like the words srwv kA=k m-bAH=k srwv kA=k m-ue=k in 10/16, only in this instance based on the original meaning of the sentences in question rather than the alternative interpretation of them permitted by the unetymological writing of the word for ‘feet’ as if it were rwv, ‘flourish’. This would imply that a scribe could develop his text even more extensively by moving back and forth freely from one layer of meaning to another. One of those who has opposed the idea that unetymological writings which utilise the orthography of one word to write another can be used to create new layers of meaning in a text is Joachim Quack who, as we have seen, adheres instead to the view that such writings serve as guides to correct pronunciation.300 He proposes a different analysis of the passage in 10/15 of our papyrus where the noun rd.wy, ‘feet’, is written as if it were the verb rwv, ‘flourish’. According to him, this is not an unetymological writing at all, but rather a textual variant in which the original sense of the passage has been altered to mean something completely different. For him the passage preserved in the Bodleian papyrus has only one sense, which is ‘Your ka will flourish in front of you. Your ka will flourish behind you.’301 In my view, there are several problems with this interpretation. One obvious one is that the argument Quack advances in support of it is entirely circular. He maintains that rwv, ‘flourish’, cannot be an unetymological writing of rd.wy, ‘feet’, because the two words were pronounced differently. But this argument is based on the assumption that the purpose of unetymological writings which utilise the orthography of one word to write another was invariably to indicate the correct pronunciation of the word thus written. In other words, rwv cannot be an unetymological writing of rd.wy because it does not conform to Quack’s definition of one. What we see here is an unproven assumption being used to dismiss the evidence which actually refutes that assumption. Pyramid Text Spell 25, in which the contentious passage occurs, is attested by a very large number of witnesses in addition to our papyrus, ranging in date over a period of more than two thousand years.302 Yet not a single one of these other witnesses provides corroborative evidence for a textual variant in which the verb ‘flourish’ replaces the noun ‘feet’. All, without exception, retain the original reading. For Quack, this is not a problem, since he says that

299 300 301 302

See Commentary, note (b) on 10/16. See Quack in de Voogt and Quack (eds.), The Idea of Writing: Writing Across Borders, pp. 219–43. Ibid., pp. 221–2. See Commentary, note (a) on 10/7.

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‘many variants are products of a single scribe and attested only once’.303 But which scribe produced the alleged variant identified by him? It is unlikely to have been the scribe of our papyrus. As we have seen, he was equally skilled in writing hieratic and demotic, and would not have failed to recognise the noun rd.wy in a source written in either script. Moreover, he had no difficulty in writing the noun ‘feet’ or the verb ‘flourish’, whether in standard hieratic or standard demotic orthography, so he would hardly have confused the two.304 The implication must be, therefore, that the textual variant was introduced in an earlier manuscript from which our scribe copied unthinkingly. Needless to say, the supposed earlier manuscript recording this variant is not extant, so the only way that Quack’s interpretation of rwv as a textual variant rather than an unetymological writing can be salvaged is by postulating the existence of a text for which there is no evidence whatsoever. In support of his view that the purpose of unetymological writings which utilise the orthography of one word to write another was invariably to indicate the correct pronunciation of the word thus written, Quack makes various statistical claims which it will be useful to evaluate in the light of the evidence presented above. According to him, demotic scribes ‘had no other choice’ but to write rare or obscure words in this way.305 This is incorrect. As we have seen, there were a number of other options available to scribes apart from this one, including writing such words in hieratic or replacing them with a more current synonym. Quack goes on to say that ‘If a normal demotic writing for a word was available, normally no demotic scribe bothered to make up an unetymological writing for it.’306 Again, this is contradicted by the evidence of our papyrus, in which not only words for which there was no standard demotic orthography, but those for which there was such an orthography as well, are written with the orthographies of other words. Quack also states: ‘For words which did not have any traditional orthography in demotic (and did not actually exist any longer in ordinary speech), the far more common solution was to employ purely alphabetic writings which did not allude to anything else at all.’307 This is not the case in the demotic columns of our papyrus, where only twenty-three unetymological writings employ alphabetic orthographies while twenty-nine borrow the orthography of another word. So the latter outnumber the former. If we add in the three examples of unetymological writings from the hieratic columns of the papyrus, and the five uncertain ones from the demotic columns, where one may suspect the presence of an unetymological writing but cannot verify this through lack of a parallel, then the second figure rises even higher, to thirty-seven. According to Quack, ‘Writings employing groups for completely unrelated other words were most frequent with semantically rather “empty” prepositions and grammatical elements.’308 Again, this is not the case in our papyrus. There, as we have seen, only eight out of a total of twenty-eight demotic writings of this type are used for such words. One can also question the accuracy of Quack’s use of the term ‘semantically empty’ as a blanket description of prepositions and grammatical elements. In our papyrus, and in other ritual texts as well, 303 Quack in de Voogt and Quack (eds.), The Idea of Writing: Writing Across Borders, p. 222. 304 For our scribe’s writings of the noun ‘feet’, see 4/11 (hieratic) and 8/17 (demotic). For his writings of the verb ‘flourish’, see 2/4 (hieratic) and 8/14 (demotic). 305 Quack in de Voogt and Quack (eds.), The Idea of Writing: Writing Across Borders, p. 225. 306 Ibid., p. 232. 307 Ibid., p. 232. 308 Ibid., p. 232.

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both demotic and non-demotic, unetymological writings of prepositions are capable of conveying semantic information. A prime example is the compound preposition m-aoA, ‘before’, which is written as if it were the preposition m followed by the verb ao, ‘enter’, so that m-aoA=k, ‘before you’, can be interpreted secondarily as m ao=k, ‘when you enter’.309 Quack also claims that when nouns and verbs were written with the orthography of another word, ‘in most cases, there was no really convincing additional meaning which could be produced by the process’.310 On the contrary, in the demotic columns of our papyrus, twentytwo out of twenty-nine unetymological writings of this type can plausibly be interpreted as giving a second layer of meaning to the sentence in which they occur, or commenting in some way on the word they have been used to write. This is also true of the five uncertain examples of writings of this type from the demotic columns, and the three unetymological writings in the hieratic columns. Quack goes on to say, with respect to cases where one word has been written with the orthography of another, ‘Whenever we have sufficient external evidence for the pronunciation of the words in question, we can conclude that the word used in writing really had the very same sound-sequence or a close approximation of it.’311 That is, of course, if one first takes care to eliminate from the category of words which have been written with the orthography of another word all those examples of which this is not true, as Quack has tried to do in the case of the noun rd.wy, ‘feet’, written as if it were the verb rwv, ‘flourish’, already discussed above. Other unetymological writings in our papyrus which clearly contradict Quack’s claim are those of the verb sx, ‘strike’, as if it were wsu, ‘make wide, extensive’, and the noun Hmt, ‘copper’ (Coptic àomnt), as if it were Hm.w, ‘servants’. Finally, Quack wonders why unetymological writings of this type occur more frequently in demotic ritual texts than they do in ritual texts written in other ancient Egyptian scripts.312 The answer is that there is greater continuity, in terms of orthography, the lexicon used, and the inventory of grammatical forms, between the latter and similar texts from earlier periods, than there is between demotic ritual texts and their earlier counterparts. In connection with Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P), he states that only the demotic columns employ unetymological writings and asks why the scribe did not employ them in the hieratic columns as well. The answer to this question is that there are unetymological writings in the hieratic columns as well, and a further hieratic unetymological writing in one of the demotic columns, although in fairness to Quack he could not have known this since these columns were unpublished at the time he was writing. As the preceding paragraphs show, none of the statistical claims made by Quack to buttress his view that unetymological writings which utilise the orthography of one word to write another were intended as guides to pronunciation is supported by the evidence of our papyrus. His claims are based upon data from two relatively short demotic ritual texts.313 From this we can conclude two things. The first is that it is probably unwise to make generalisations about unetymological writings of this type on the basis of such a small body of evidence. The second is that, when seeking to understand the Egyptian practice of writing one word with the 309 See Commentary, note (a) on 9/5 and note (b) on 11/2. As noted in the former, this unetymological writing is attested in hieroglyphic and hieratic texts as well. 310 Quack in de Voogt and Quack (eds.), The Idea of Writing: Writing Across Borders, pp. 232–3. 311 Ibid., p. 233. 312 Ibid., p. 233. 313 Ibid., pp. 228–31.

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orthography of another, we should not think in terms of a single universally and consistently applied system, as Quack seems to do. More likely, whether to use such unetymological writings at all and, if so, how frequently, in which texts, using which scripts, with which kinds of words, and in what contexts, were all decisions made by individual scribes based on various factors including knowledge, skill, their predilection for such writings, and innate creativity as well. This is why conclusions about the purpose of unetymological writings based on their frequency and usage in one ritual text may not be valid for others. There is one further thing to note about Quack’s treatment of unetymological writings which utilise the orthography of one word to write another. He seems to be attacking a straw man, that is arguing against a point of view which, as far as I am aware, no one has ever enunciated and which no one actually holds. This point of view is that all such unetymological writings, without exception, were used to create a second layer of meaning in a text, or comment in some way on the words thus written. But to the best of my knowledge, no one has ever advocated such a view. Who actually believes that the purpose of writing the genitival adjective nt as if it were the relative converter nt, or the third person plural suffix pronoun sn as if it were third person singular suffix pronoun s + first person plural suffix pronoun n, was to create a second layer of meaning? The point of view which Quack has conspicuously failed to address is this: the practice of utilising the orthography of one word to write another made it possible for scribes to create a second layer of meaning in a text, or comment in some way on words thus written. It did not oblige or compel them to do so. Rather, it provided an opportunity, which some scribes took up and exploited fully and others did not, or not to the same extent. As a result, the number of unetymological writings which utilise the orthography of one word to write a different word will vary from one text to another, as will the proportion of such writings which are actually used to create a second layer of meaning in a sentence or to comment on a word. In every text where they occur, there will be some writings of this type which are employed for the sole reason that the word whose orthography they have borrowed sounded similar to or had the same consonants as the one it was intended to represent. With these, there was no intention, and in some cases no possible way, to create a second layer of meaning. As we have seen, the evidence of our papyrus speaks clearly in favour of this point of view. Before leaving this topic, there is one final question which we should consider. What was the purpose of creating more than one layer of meaning in a ritual text by using the orthography of one word to write another? Some explain it as a sort of intellectual game in which learned priests tried to impress one another with their cleverness, others as a purely aesthetic exercise. There may be an element of truth in both of these explanations, but they ignore the fact that the compositions preserved in the Bodleian papyrus and other works like them were not designed for the reading pleasure or amusement of any individual or group. Rather, they were employed in specific rituals which were intended to achieve very specific goals. For this reason, the unetymological writings used in them to create more than one layer of meaning should have had a practical purpose. What might this have been? For the Egyptians, as Jan Assmann has put it, the written word had the capacity to abolish the temporal limitations of the spoken word and extend it to infinity.314 Thus ritual texts, when deposited in a tomb or inscribed on the wall of a temple, could eternalise the rites in which they were employed, constituting not simply a record of them but a performance as well, one 314 J. Assmann, Images et rites de la mort dans l’Égypte ancienne (Paris, 2000), p. 53.

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which would go on being repeated perpetually at each appropriate moment without reference to or involvement on the part of any human agency. In such texts we find a unique sort of interface between the spoken word and the written word, in which the boundary between the two is blurred and assumes a somewhat indistinct or ambiguous aspect. This ambiguity could be exploited by the practice of writing one word with the orthography of another to add a new layer of meaning to a text. As we have seen, orthographies of this type could also be used to explain or elucidate particular aspects of the word they have been used to write, thus effectively turning the text in which they are employed into a commentary on itself. But ancient Egyptian sources preserve more than one type of commentary. On the one hand, there is the ordinary commentary, rather like the ones modern scholars write, which simply explains difficult passages in a text – what we find in some of the medical papyri, for example. But there is also the Kultkommentar, or cultic commentary, which is slightly different. In this, the commentary is not subsidiary or secondary to what is commented upon. Rather, the two are equal and complementary. The interpretation elucidates the rite, which in turn actualises the interpretation.315 Unetymological writings are capable of endowing a text with multiple levels of meaning. Moreover, they can evoke beliefs and concepts recorded in other texts and allow these to be brought into relation with it. I suggest that their particular contribution to ritual texts where the aim is to actualise both what is said and what is written, is to enhance their reifying power and extend the range of what they can actualise by bringing these other things into play. Since Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) was ultimately buried alongside a mummy in a tomb with the aim of eternalising the rites in which the texts inscribed on it were initially recited, it too belongs to this category of texts where the manner in which a word is written is potentially just as important as the manner in which it is pronounced. Thus, it is not difficult to see why unetymological writings appear in such profusion in it. To summarise, unetymological writings occur in both the hieratic and demotic columns of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P), although they are far more frequent in the latter. These can be divided into two categories; those which are purely alphabetic, and those which utilise the orthography of one word to write another. The latter are more numerous than the former, although not by a very wide margin. In the demotic columns of the papyrus, both types of unetymological writing are employed primarily for words which had no standard demotic orthography, for example, lexical or grammatical archaisms. But both are used for words which did have a standard demotic orthography as well. The primary purpose of alphabetic writings of words and grammatical forms which had no standard demotic orthography was to allow the words in question to be reproduced in the demotic script. In addition, they provided some information about the pronunciation of these words, although this would have been limited to their consonantal skeletons. In the case of alphabetic writings of words for which there was a standard demotic orthography, which would have been familiar to those able to read demotic, the need for a guide to pronunciation is less obvious, so these may have had a different purpose. Unetymological writings which employed the orthography of one word to write another functioned on various levels. Like alphabetic writings, they allowed words with no standard demotic orthography to be reproduced in the demotic script. As guides to pronunciation, however, they would have been less helpful than alphabetic writings, since in a number of 315 J. Assmann, Tod und Jenseits im alten Ägypten (Munich, 2001), pp. 453–8; idem, ‘Altägyptische Kultkommentare’, in J. Assmann and B. Gladigow (eds.), Text und Kommentar (Munich, 1995), pp. 94–9.

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cases, the word whose orthography was selected to write a particular word did not bear much phonetic resemblance to it, apart from having the same consonants. That unetymological writings which employ the orthography of one word to write another did not function primarily as guides to pronunciation in our papyrus is shown by the fact that they were used, not only for words with no standard demotic orthography, but for those which had a standard demotic orthography as well. With words in the latter category, for anyone literate in demotic, there could have been no better guide to the correct pronunciation than the standard demotic orthography itself. But unetymological writings of this type could be used in another way as well. The practice of utilising the orthography of one word to write another made it possible for scribes to create a second layer of meaning in a text in addition to the original one, that conveyed by the word whose orthography had been borrowed. It also permitted them to comment on particular aspects of the words thus written or draw attention to additional meanings they could have which might otherwise not be apparent. Not all scribes availed themselves of these opportunities, nor did every word written with the orthography of another word lend itself to treatment in this way. The texts in our papyrus are notable for the number of unetymological writings they preserve which are employed in this manner. It should be emphasised that, although this practice is particularly prevalent in demotic ritual texts of the Graeco-Roman Period, it is attested in Egyptian ritual texts written in other scripts and of earlier date as well. It was not an intellectual game or aesthetic exercise but had a practical aim and was designed to achieve a specific purpose. It is part of a long-established tradition in ancient Egypt, that of mobilising the power of paronomasia in ritual contexts, which we can trace back as far as the Pyramid Texts of the Old Kingdom.316

1.17 Previous publications dealing with the Bodleian papyrus As noted in section 1.1, Sir Herbert Thompson cited a number of words from Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) in his manuscript demotic dictionary. Although never actually published, this did have a limited circulation in the form of photostatic copies, which is how the papyrus came to my attention initially. Following the text’s rediscovery in the Bodleian Library in January 1991, I published two descriptions of it and its contents, the first in 1992,317 the second in 1993.318 I published an annotated translation of the demotic columns of the manuscript in 2009,319 and a study of how, by whom, and in what contexts the papyrus was actually used in 2014.320

316 See Widmer in Hoffmann and Thissen (eds.), Res Severa Verum Gaudium: Festschrift für Karl-Theodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8 Juni 2004, pp. 680–1. 317 M. Smith, ‘New Egyptian Religious Texts in the Bodleian Library’, Bodleian Library Record 14 (1992), pp. 242–6. 318 M. Smith, ‘New Middle Egyptian Texts in the Demotic Script’, in Sesto Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia: Atti 2 (Turin, 1993), pp. 491–5. This was based on a plenary lecture delivered to the Sixth International Congress of Egyptology in Turin in September 1991. 319 Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 650–62. 320 Smith in Quack (ed.), Ägyptische Rituale der griechisch-römischen Zeit, pp. 145–55. As will be evident from sections 1.8–10 of this Introduction, I have now modified the ideas expressed in that article as a result of the new information that has come to light about the papyrus since it was published.

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1.18 The plan of the present edition

71

I have also referred to the manuscript in passing, or cited individual words or passages from it, in publications mainly concerned with other texts,321 as have others on the basis of information published or supplied informally by me.322 While this volume was in press, François-René Herbin published a general account of the Spell for Presenting Offering to Spirits, a substantial part of which is devoted to a comparison of the version preserved in the Bodleian papyrus with other versions.323 This covers some of the same ground as my Commentary on Columns 8–9, a copy of which I gave him in January 2018, a year and eight months before his article appeared. This is not the place to give a full list of published references to the Bodleian papyrus, but all relevant ones have been mentioned where appropriate, either elsewhere in this Introduction or in the Commentary. It should be noted that all these earlier publications were written prior to the discovery that the first column of ritual texts on the papyrus as currently mounted is actually the last column. Accordingly, the citations of the Bodleian manuscript by column and line number in them need to be adjusted. As explained in section 1.2, what is called Column 1 in the earlier publications is now Column 11, while those previously cited as Columns 2–11 are now Columns 1–10.

1.18 The plan of the present edition This study comprises, in addition to the Introduction, a transliteration and translation of the four columns of demotic ritual texts preserved on the front of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P), a line by line commentary on them, a full glossary comprising all the words which occur in the texts, and a bibliography of works cited. The volume concludes with a section of plates showing photographs of the front and back of the papyrus, as well as of the individual demotic columns. A facsimile of each demotic column is provided as well. As noted in the Acknowledgements, the facsimiles are the work of Ann-Katrin Gill, to whom I am very grateful. They were made using the DStretch digital imaging technique, which has enabled her to identify and record even very faint traces of ink. She is also responsible for the digital reconstructions of the papyrus roll which appear in the plates. These are included alongside the photographs which show the roll as currently mounted, to illustrate how it should look. The plates can also be consulted in digital form online using the following link: https://www.harrassowitzverlag.de/Between_Temple_and_Tomb/titel_6452.ahtml. The demotic ritual texts occupy Columns 8–11 of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). The sole hieratic ritual text preserved in the papyrus, the version of the Rite of Bringing Sokar out of 321 See, for example, Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 347–59; idem in Backes and Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and Greco-Roman Egypt, p. 173; idem, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 118, 170, 173– 4, 180, and 189; idem, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, pp. 49, 64–5, and 79; idem in Leahy and Tait (eds.), Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honour of H.S. Smith, pp. 285–6. 322 See, for example, Quack in in de Voogt and Quack (eds.), The Idea of Writing: Writing Across Borders, pp. 221–2; G. Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765 (Berlin, 2015), p. 45; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 107–33 (utilising a transliteration and translation of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P), 8/11– 9/21, supplied by me). 323 F.-R. Herbin, ‘Une introduction à la “formule pour présenter les offrandes” (en marge d’une publication prochaine, 1)’, ENiM 12 (2019), pp. 181–200.

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1. Introduction

the Shrine which occupies Columns 1–7, is not edited here. François-René Herbin has announced his intention to publish an edition of this separately. Nevertheless, I have cited that text frequently in the Introduction, particularly those sections of it dealing with the relationship of the various compositions in the papyrus to one another and the ritual coherence of the whole. There are good grounds for doing so. The demotic and hieratic ritual texts in the Bodleian manuscript are all the work of the same scribe. The demotic columns of the papyrus can help to elucidate the hieratic columns and vice versa. The demotic and hieratic texts share a number of motifs and themes in common.324 They are found together in other sources, sometimes in the same sequence as in our papyrus, and some were recited in conjunction in other ritual contexts, even if this did not preclude their being read out separately on certain occasions.325 So it makes sense to treat them together, and this is why the demotic and hieratic columns have been numbered consecutively, in the order in which they are inscribed on the papyrus, in the present edition. Another reason for discussing all the ritual texts preserved in the Bodleian papyrus as a group, irrespective of their script, is that it helps us better to appreciate the papyrus for what it is: not simply a writing surface to which ink has been applied, but a concrete material object, an artefact in its own right, as well. In studying such an object, it is important to ask how, where, in what circumstances, and by whom it was employed.326 Our attempts to answer such questions would be seriously hindered if we only looked at some of the ritual texts inscribed on the papyrus and ignored others. Anyone wishing to verify any of the information I have supplied about the hieratic columns of the papyrus may do so by consulting the digital version of Plate 1 available at the link provided on the previous page. Nor are the demotic accounts and lists of payments inscribed on the Bodleian papyrus edited here. My primary interest in the manuscript is for what it reveals about religious and intellectual life in Egypt at the time when it was written, and the accounts do not contribute materially to our understanding of these facets. The fact that several columns of the accounts were erased to make room for the ritual texts which were subsequently inscribed on the papyrus makes it clear that they were no longer deemed to be important once the context of the manuscript’s material use had shifted from the economic to the cultic sphere. Nevertheless, I have drawn upon the accounts for the useful information they provide about the date and provenience of the Bodleian papyrus, and hope that someone else will publish them more fully at a later date and give them the attention that they undoubtedly deserve. For the present, anyone who wishes to study them can do so with the help of the digital versions of Plates 1 and 2 available at the link provided on the previous page. For the bibliographical and other abbreviations used in this volume, see p. 11. Titles of books and articles are normally cited in their full form on their first occurrence in each section of the book, and thereafter in a form which resembles it closely enough to permit ready identification. Details of all publications cited are provided in the Bibliography.

324 See section 1.12 above. 325 See sections 1.11 and 1.13. 326 See sections 1.8–10 above.

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2. Transliteration and Translation

Column 8 (1)

iy.y.n urA= nb [iy.y.n] urA=k (1) Wsir xnv Imnv Ho psD.t nb mAa.t […]

(I) have come into presence, lord. [(I) have come] into your presence, Osiris foremost in the West, ruler of the Ennead, lord of Maat […],

(2)

wv iuy nb an[x …] twA.t=k iw wn (2) m nn=k twA v=k Hr nb twA=y v=y Hay …

presenting offerings (to) the lord of li[fe …] your underworld, some being in your primeval ocean. Everyone will adore you. I will adore you. Jubilation …

(3)

m nfr=k grg=k tA p.t m […]=k nn (3) iw n=k 1apy m tpH=f ib=k saSA pay=k

through your perfection. You have established the sky with your […] primeval ocean. Hapi will come to you from his cavern. Your heart is enriched. Your loaves are

(4)

m tA iypn HwA … H.t(?) bk n=k (4) sXA.t wnn=k m tmmwA ftft n=k Sn nb

in this land. Rain/flood … front(?). The sekhat-building will shine brightly for you. You will be in a state of sexual bliss. Every tree will wave its branches for you.

(5)

wr n=k Hr nb […] wr=y sn im=k (5) obH.y.v n=k iuy m 6n

Everyone will sing for you. […]. I will sing them with you. Offerings will be presented to you in This,

(6)

BHt Ipw H.(t)-bwbw Imnv Htp (6) mne.v m s.t=k thn

Behdet, Ipu, the mansion of brightness(?), and the West. Oblations exist permanently in your place. Tehenplants

(7)

ax r xfv-H.v=k srt n=k x.t n anx anx (7) by=k rpy sH=k m

and a brazier are destined for your forecourt. The tree of life will be made

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2. Transliteration and Translation

to flourish for you. Your ba will live and your mummy will be renewed in (8)

XybA.t(?) nt nhy 5w sty.y.v n=k iuy (8) m 6n BHt Ipw H.(t)-

the shade(?) of the sycamore tree of Shu. Offerings will be poured out for you in This, Behdet, Ipu, the mansion of

(9)

bwbw [Imnv] [space] ihy Wsir mn (9) Sp=n n=k mw yay=k Hr=k Xr nhy

brightness(?), and [the West]. [space] Hail, Osiris of so and so. Take water for yourself. You will wash your face beneath the sycamore tree.

(10)

tntn=k s ir=k snmy=k m tAy nhy (10) Hms=k Xr-H.t Amw w(iA) aS=k r iry.w-aA

You will arrange(?) it that you might partake of the bread of the sycamore tree. You will sit before those who are in the bark. You will call out to the doorkeepers

(11)

n tA twA.t sDm=w nswA=k wn n=k (11) p.t wn n=k tA wn n=k tA twA.t wn n=k mi.wt n

of the underworld and they will hear your summons. The sky will be open for you. The earth will be open for you. The underworld will be open for you. Open for you will be the roads of

(12)

Xr-ntr wn [n=k] iry.w-aA m sbA.w (12) n tA twA.t ao=k pr=k mw Ra wsn.v=k mw nb nHH

the god’s domain. The doorkeepers in the portals of the underworld will open [for you]. You will enter and go forth like Re. You will travel freely like the lord of eternity.

(13)

Sp=k tAy mw(?) pr m-bAH=y m uwA (13) nt by.w Iwnw iw SybA=k wab mw psD.t

You will receive bread offerings from what comes forth in the presence, from the altar of the bas of Heliopolis, your food being pure like that of the great Ennead

(14)

aA.t nt m-rwv i[s=k] anx by=k rwv (14) mty=k wab Hr=k mw wab mi.wt m At

which is outside [your] to[mb]. Your ba will live, your vessels will flourish. Your visage will be pure like a pure one (on) the roads in the moment of

(15)

kky 1apy [t]w=f n=k mw NpA tw=s (15) n=k tAy 1.t-1r tw=s n=k Hno 1sy.t

darkness. Hapi, he will [gi]ve you water. Nepit, she will give you bread. Hathor, she will give you beer. Hesat,

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Column 9

(16)

tw=s n=k irt Rnn.t tw=s n=k irp iv=k (16) mw.t=k sA=k ir=w n=k obH sntr mmny nt ir any

she will give you milk. Renenutet, she will give you wine. Your father, your mother, and your son will perform libations and censings for you daily, every day.

(17)

tw=k (sic) n=k tAy 4 m 1.t-obvH tAy (17) 8 m Ibt yay=k rv=k ih iny Hv

You will be given four loaves of bread in Hutkaptah and eight loaves of bread in Abydos. You will wash your feet on a block of silver

(18)

ih nphA.t nt m[fk]y swr=k m mHr (18) nw irt m irt nt 4X-1r sfx v=k At.t sp-2 Sp=k

over a basin of tur[quoi]se. You will drink from the milk jugs of the milk of Sekhat-Hor. Divest yourself (of what is on) the back (twice). You will receive

(19)

mnx Hbs.w=k ih awy 6yy.t tw=w (19) n=k tAy mw m 1.t-obHv obH tp m Iwnw

linen. Your garments are from the arms of Tayit. You will be given bread and water in Hutkaptah, libations and offerings in Heliopolis.

(20)

swr=k ih wtH n Ra tw n=k @st Htp (20) tfwA sDm=k mt.t n ntr aA ir=k s.t=k m w(iA)=f Dt

You will drink at the altar of Re. Isis will give you offerings and provisions. You will hear the speech of the great god. You will take your place in his bark for ever.

(21)

Hms=k r-gs ntr aA ir=k Xrb=k n by (21) anx sxne=k r by nb mr=k by=k r p.t

You will sit beside the great god. You will assume your form of a living ba. You will alight at every place you desire. Your ba is destined for the sky,

Column 9 (1)

[Xe.v=k r tA twA.t] mAa xrw=k m 6A- (1) wr [fy=k Hr=k r p.t n Ra]

[your corpse for the underworld]. You will be justified in the nome of Abydos. [You will raise your face to Re’s heaven.]

(2)

[mAA=k] 1r m Hny=f awy=f [mH m (2) nfry.t tw=f Hr=f r]

[You will see] Horus as his steersman, his hands [grasping the tiller as he turns his face to]

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2. Transliteration and Translation

(3)

6A-wr r Ibt BHt I[pw H.(t)-bwbw (3) Imnv]

the nome of Abydos, to Abydos, Behdet, I[pu, the mansion of brightness(?), and the West].

(4)

ir n=k itn iw-H.t ir any [……..]

(4)

The sun disk will delimit time for you every day [……..].

(5)

saHa w(iA) m ao=k pke [n=k 9Hwty (5) Xr.t-a=f sX v=k sn.ty]

The solar bark will be halted before you. [Thoth] will open up [his writing materials for you. The two sisters will glorify you]

(6)

m xrw=sn mAa xrw=k r-gs D[ADA.t (6) nt m 9dw sSm=w Hr=k r H].t(?) aA.t

with their voices. You will be justified beside the tri[bunal which is in Busiris. They will direct your face to the] great [man]sion(?)

(7)

m s.t Ra nA wAD tH n I[tm …. sSm=f (7) n=k] sbuA

in the place of Re, the altars of A[tum …. He will guide you to] the portal

(8)

Sty ao=k [i]m=s Dt i[w n=k Ra tw=f (8) n=k st.w]=f [H]twt=f

which is secret. You will enter [thr]ough it eternally. [Re will] c[ome to you and give you] his [rays]. His [illu]mination

(9)

bHA m ir.v=k awy 6ny grg r Sp=k ir (9) any 4phA

floods into your eyes. The arms of (Ta)tenen are ready to receive you daily. Seth,

(10)

sv=k nA mAnw m iAw [sp]-2 nA nt (10) m AmHA.t nhs=w r mAA=k

retreat! The western mountains are in praise ([twi]ce). Those who are in the underworld will rise up to see you.

(11)

wn n=k sbA m AmHA.t smne=k (sic) (11) n=k iry.w-aA awy=sn

The door in the underworld will open for you. The doorkeepers will fortify their arms for you.

(12)

atX.y.v wtH m by=k m rn=k n mAa.t (12) ir @st Xrb=s

A cup will be brewed with your ba in your true name. Isis will transform herself

(13)

m nnmA.t Sp=s v=k ih mnbi.t sA=s (13) 1r awy=f Xr mH

into a bier. She will receive you on a bed. Her son Horus, his hands bear the wreath.

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Column 10

(14)

mtH=f v=k n-m mAa-xrw sxnv=k r (14) s.wt svr nt ntr.w

He will crown you in justification. You will be promoted at the sleeping places of the gods.

(15)

anx Nn m gs=k rs Nw.t m gs mHv (15) 5w m gs=k imnt

Nun will live at your southern side, Nut at the northern side, Shu at your western side, and

(16)

6fny m gs Ab Sp by=k Aw Htp.w m (16) gs=k

Tefnut at the eastern side. Your ba will receive gifts and offerings at your side.

(17)

spy.w obH n=k m 6A-nb-anx wnn (17) by=k anx r nHH

The nomes pour out libations for you in the Land of the Lord of Life. Your ba will live for ever

(18)

mw 4H m Xe.(t) Nwn Sm=k r s.t=k (18) m 6pp hrw pAy

like Orion in the womb of Nenet. You will approach your place in Dep and Pe (on) that day

(19)

pr by.w r s.t=sn pr=k ih tA nn (19) wnn=k

when the bas go forth to their places. You will appear on the earth. You will not neglect(?)

(20)

nt-a=k gm=k iv= mw.t=k sA=k (20) obH=w n=k mw pr m

your habit. You will find father, your mother, and your son. They will pour out water for you which has issued from

(21)

krvy irt pr m 1sy.t

(21)

the twin caverns and milk which has issued from Hesat.

Column 10 (1)

[…]=f(?) […] gm(?) [……]

(1)

[…] him(?) […] find(?) […...]

(2)

[…] by p.t [... Wsir]

(2)

[…] ba the sky [... Osiris]

(3)

[xn]v Imnv r-im sp-2 Wsir mn r- (3) [im sp-2 im r iuy=k m]

[foremo]st in the West, come (twice). Osiris of so and so, co[me (twice). Come to your offering consisting of]

(4)

[tA]y im r iuy=k m Hno im r iuy=k (4) [m iH im r]

[bre]ad. Come to your offering consisting of beer. Come to your offering [consisting of cattle. Come to]

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2. Transliteration and Translation

(5)

[iuy=k] m ipt.w r-im r iuy=k m iuy (5) [nb ….]

[your offering] consisting of fowl. Come to your offering consisting of [every] thing [….]

(6)

[…].. r tA twA.t n Itm Dt [space]

(6)

[…].. to the underworld of Atum for ever. [space]

(7)

[o]bH=k r-pnn Wsir obH=k r-pnn (7) Wsir xnv Imnt

This [li]bation of yours, Osiris, this libation of yours, Osiris foremost in the West,

(8)

nb 9dw Ho Ibt obH=k r-pnn Wsir (8) mn

lord of Busiris and ruler of Abydos, this libation of yours, Osiris of so and so,

(9)

pr xr iv=k mw.t=k sA=k iy.y.n in=y (9) n=k ir.t 1r

has come forth through the agency of your father, your mother, and your son. (I) have come, bringing you the eye of Horus,

(10)

ob ib=k Xr-r-r=s im pr n=k r xrw=w (10) sp-2 sp 4

that your heart might be refreshed through it. Come, what goes forth at their voices is yours (twice), (four times).

(11)

sby sp-2 Hna kA=f sby 1r Hna kA=f

(11)

The one who goes will go with his ka. Horus will go with his ka.

(12)

sby Gbk Hna k[A]=f sby 9Hwty Hna (12) kA=f

Geb will go with his k[a]. Thoth will go with his ka.

(13)

sby Dd Hna kA=f sby 2nv-ir.v

(13)

The djed-pillar will go with his ka. Khentirti will go

(14)

Hna kA=f i Wsir mn awy kA=k m- (14) bAH=k awy

with his ka. O Osiris of so and so, the arms of your ka are in front of you. The arms of

(15)

kA=k m-ue=k rwv kA=k m-bAH=k rwv (15) kA=k m-ue=k

your ka are behind you. The feet of your ka are in front of you. The feet of your ka are behind you.

(16)

srwv kA=k m-bAH=k srwv kA=k m- (16) ue=k tbtb

Your ka will be made to flourish in front of you. Your ka will be made to flourish behind you. Your ka will proceed(?)

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Column 11

(17)

kA=k m-bAH=k tbtbv kA=k m-ue=k (17) in.y.n (sic) in=y n=k ir.t 1r

in front of you. Your ka will proceed(?) behind you. (I) have come, bringing you the eye of Horus,

(18)

htm Hr=k im=s ptpt=w mw n=k ir.t (18) 1r iw sty=s r-r=k

that your face might be provided with it. May the eye of Horus be diffused for you. Its fragrance will come to you.

(19)

iw sty ir.t 1r r-r=k wab sp-2 Wsir (19) xnv Imnv

The fragrance of the eye of Horus will come to you. Pure, pure, Osiris foremost in the West,

(20)

wab sp-2 Wsir mn Hwn nfr bny mr (20)

pure, pure, Osiris of so and so, fair youth, whose attraction is sweet.

Column 11 (1)

sr tk m [StA.t]

(1)

A torch will be elevated in [the tomb]

(2)

Hr knHw Xn […]

(2)

on account of the darkness in […].

(3)

ntr.t …[…]

(3)

The hand …[…].

(4)

sAvA tA H.t

(4)

The djed-pillar will be raised at the front.

(5)

sX v=k sn.ty ..[…]

(5)

The two sisters will glorify you ..[…].

(6)

aS.y.v n=k sX.w

(6)

Glorifications will be recited to you.

(7)

wsu.y.v n=k Hm.w Xr-[tp=k]

(7)

The copper will be struck in your [presence] for you

(8)

iw tA nb wu

(8)

each night.

(9)

nhs v=k 1r twA=f v=k tw=f n=k HD.t

(9)

Horus will awaken you, praise you, and give you the brightness.

(10)

Ts v=k Hr nmi.t=k [space] iw n=k sTA (10) wrH

Raise yourself upon your bier. [space] The one who brings unguent will come to you,

(11)

iw by nb wab m rA-wA.t=k nb

while every place is pure in all your roads,

(11)

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2. Transliteration and Translation

(12)

iw by nb n Wsir xnv Imnt 4kr Wsir (12) Hr Ipw

every place of Osiris foremost in the West, Sokar Osiris in Ipu,

(13)

pr n mAa- D-mt.t sp 4

who comes forth in tri. Words for recitation four times.

(13)

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3. Commentary Column 8 Line 1 (a) The first text preserved in Column 8 occupies lines 1−9. It is intended to accompany the presentation of offerings to the god Osiris. I have not succeeded in identifying a parallel for this, although it has affinities with other offering texts addressed to deities. References to trees and other plants, and to the Nile inundation and the primeval ocean, suggest that the offerings presented to Osiris are either vegetal or libations of water. (b) iy.y.n is a demotic writing of the Old Egyptian sDm.n=f form ii.n=(i) (with omitted first person singular suffix pronoun). The form recurs in 10/9 and 10/17. (In the latter, the verb in, ‘bring’, is written erroneously for iy.) For discussion, see M. Smith, ‘Orthographies of Middle Egyptian Verbal Forms in Demotic, with Particular Reference to the sDm.n=f’, in S. Vleeming (ed.), Aspects of Demotic Orthography (Leuven, Paris, Walpole, 2013), pp. 117–26. It is suggested there that, in this and other cases where the first person singular suffix pronoun is not written out in Egyptian texts, the omission is not merely graphic but a feature of pronunciation as well. Thus iy.y.n reflects a verb form which actually ended with n. (c) urA, with man with hand to mouth determinative, is a demotic writing of the preposition xr. For other demotic writings of this preposition, see M. Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507 (London, 1987), p. 84 note 340; idem, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt (Oxford, 2009), pp. 663–4 note 5; CDD, letter x (14/6/2006), pp. 128–9. It is not clear to me what the object of the preposition is meant to be. The word that follows looks like nb, ‘lord’ (compare nb in the epithet nb mAa.t, ‘lord of Maat’, further on in the line). However, it would be strange for this section of the text to start with a sentence ‘I have come into the presence of the lord’, referring to Osiris in the third person, since the remainder of it is addressed to that god in the second person. Nor is there any evidence, as far as I am aware, for an adverb xr meaning ‘into the presence’. This leads me to suspect that the suffix pronoun k has been omitted after urA here, and I have supplied it in my transliteration. ‘Coming into the presence of’ a god is a common way of describing the entrance of a worshipper before a deity, either the officiant in a temple ritual, or the deceased approaching a divinity in the afterlife. Cf. the beginning of Book of the Dead Spell 125 where the dead person addresses Osiris with the words: ii.n=i xr=k nb=i, ‘I have come into your presence, my lord.’1 In a hymn to Osiris in the nineteenth dynasty tomb of Ramose at Dra Abu el-Naga North (TT 166), the deceased addresses the god with the words ii.n=i xr=k nb tA Dsr, ‘I have come into your presence, lord of the sacred land.’2 Precisely the same words are said to Osiris by the dead person in Book of the Dead Spell 182.3 But he is not the only deity whom the 1 E.A.W. Budge, The Chapters of Coming Forth by Day 2 (London, 1910), p. 121, line 7. 2 E. Hofmann and K.-J. Seyfried, ‘Bemerkungen zum Grab des Bauleiters Ramose (TT 166) in Dra Abu el Naga Nord’, MDAIK 51 (1995), pp. 38–9. 3 W. Golénischeff, CGC: Papyrus hiératiques 1 (Cairo, 1927), pp. 106–7.

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deceased address in this manner. In a text inscribed on the thirtieth dynasty or early Ptolemaic sarcophagus of Ankhhapi in Cairo (CG 29301), for example, he says to the solar deity ii.n=i xr=k Ra-6m, ‘I have come into your presence, Re-Atum.’4 Likewise, the words ii.n=i xr=k can be addressed to one deity by another in ritual contexts. Cf. the long series of utterances containing these words addressed to Osiris by various divinities in the first western Osiris chapel on the roof of the temple of Dendera.5 (d) The right tip of iy, ‘come’, is visible before the break. The available space is just right for iy.y.n, as in the previous sentence. Following the break, the preposition urA has the expected suffix pronoun k after it. (e) The noun Ho, ‘ruler’, is determined by what looks like the group for nswt, ‘king’, followed by a divine determinative and the signs for anx wDA snb, ‘life, prosperity, and health’. The same writing occurs in 10/8. Compare the orthography of the related verb Ho, ‘rule, govern’, in P. BM 10507, 1/5. This is determined in the same way, only without the anx wDA snb signs.6 (f) The end of the line is damaged. There are no traces of ink after mAa.t. However, if that was the final word, then the first line is considerably shorter than all the other lines in the column. Perhaps one should restore something like the circumstantial iw=y. This could provide the subject for the verb wv in the phrase wv iuy nb an[x], ‘presenting offerings (to) the lord of li[fe]’, which begins the next line. Line 2 (a) wv, with walking legs determinative, is a demotic writing of the wd, ‘legen, setzen’, of Wb. 1, 384–7. See especially Wb. 1, 385, 21–2, where the verb is used in the context of presenting offerings with the sense of ‘geben, darbringen’. For other demotic examples of this word, see CDD, letter w (7/8/2009), p. 186. As noted there, the walking legs determinative has probably been borrowed from wv, ‘send’ (ibid., p. 183). (b) Most of the x of anx has been lost in the break. For Osiris as nb anx, ‘lord of life’, see C. Leitz, Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 3 (Leuven, Paris, Dudley, 2002), pp. 596–9. I am unable to propose a restoration for the rest of the lacuna. (c) The noun twA.t, ‘underworld’, is written mainly in hieratic, but with a demotic divine determinative. In 8/11, 8/12, and 10/6, it is written entirely in hieratic. The precise sense of twA.t=k, ‘your underworld’, here is difficult to grasp, owing to the lack of context. Osiris could be said to possess the underworld inasmuch as he is its ruler. See P. BM 10507, 7/13–14, where it is said pA nfr mne n tA twA.(t)=f ir any xnv Imnt mky n tA twA.(t)=f, ‘The good one (scil. Osiris) endures in his underworld every day. The foremost in the West is protective in his underworld.’7 Compare other texts where the underworld is described as the house of Osiris.8 But ordinary dead people can be said to possess an underworld as well. See, for example, P. BM 10507, 5/16–17, where the deceased is told py iv=k m rSy n-tAy mne=f Ah Hr=k uy pAy=f by n-tAy pH=k r tA twA.(t)=f, ‘Your father will leap up in joy when he has looked upon your face.

4 G. Maspero, CGC: Sarcophages des époques persane et ptolémaïque 1 (Cairo, 1914), p. 24. I am grateful to François-René Herbin for this and the references in the two preceding notes. 5 S. Cauville, Dendara 10/1 (Cairo, 1997), pp. 272–81. 6 Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, plate 1. 7 Ibid., pp. 44 and 100–101 with plate 6. A parallel to the second sentence in P. Harkness, 2/28, omits the suffix pronoun after the word for ‘underworld’. 8 Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 124, especially note 116.

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His ba will be elevated when you have arrived at his underworld.’9 In such cases, perhaps reference is made to that particular part of the underworld which a dead person inhabits. Furthermore, the noun ‘underworld’, especially when followed by a possessive suffix pronoun, can also denote the tomb or burial place of a deceased individual or a deity.10 Compare P. BM 10507, 12/14, where the dead person is assured Abu sSr bn-iw gm=f tA twA.(t)=k, ‘The demon will forget. He will not find your underworld.’11 Any of these three meanings could apply in our passage. Nor can one exclude the possibility that twA.t here is an unetymological writing of another word like Dt, ‘body’. For the latter noun written with the same orthography as the word for ‘underworld’, see M. Smith, ‘A New Version of a Well-Known Egyptian Hymn’, Enchoria 7 (1977), p. 135; G. Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765 (Berlin, 2015), pp. 129–30. (d) If one interprets wn after iw as the existential verb ‘to be’, then there is no subject in this clause. Hence in my translation I have rendered wn as the word meaning ‘some, something’. For other demotic examples of this word, see M. Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7) (Oxford, 2005), p. 242. Alternatively, iw wn could be a writing of the imperfect participle. This normally appears in demotic as r-wn.nA.w,12 but can be written i-wn or even wn in earlier forms of the language.13 This would result in an alternative translation of the middle of the line as ‘your underworld which was in your primeval ocean’. Yet another possibility is to interpret iw as a writing of the preposition r and translate iw wn m nn=k as ‘in order to be in your primeval ocean’. (e) nn with house and divine determinatives is a demotic writing of nwn, ‘primeval ocean’. This noun recurs in the line immediately below. Compare 9/15 where the name of the god Nun, who forms part of a group with Nut, Shu, and Tefnut, is written in precisely the same way. The house determinative may be an abusive borrowing from the orthography of PA-xnvnn (variants: Pr-xnv-nn, 2nt-nn), the name of a shrine devoted to Isis and Ptah which was situated to the north of the dromos of Osorapis in the Memphite Sarapeum, the final element of which is sometimes written with the house determinative.14 Nun is occasionally used as a designation for the Nile inundation, reflecting the fact that the primeval ocean was the flood’s ultimate source.15 Osiris is credited with causing the inundation. In some sources it is described as the efflux from his body.16 Thus it is not surprising that our text should speak of ‘your primeval ocean’ when addressing Osiris. (f) Of interest in the sentence pair twA v=k Hr nb twA=y v=y is the variation in the form of the second person singular masculine dependent pronoun: v=k in the first sentence and v=y in the second. For v=y as a writing of Old and Middle Egyptian tw, see M. Smith, ‘New Extracts from 9 Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, pp. 41 and 88 with plate 5. 10 Wb. 5, 416, 5. 11 Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, pp. 52 and 127 with plate 9. For other demotic examples of twA.t, ‘underworld’, used with the sense of ‘tomb, burial place’, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 166 and 200. 12 J. Johnson, The Demotic Verbal System (Chicago, 1976), pp. 41 and 48. 13 See e.g. F. Junge, Late Egyptian Grammar: An Introduction (Oxford, 2001), p. 161. 14 See M. Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing (Oxford, 1993), pp. 64−5; idem, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 131; CDD, letter n (19/7/2004), pp. 39−41; J. Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 3 (Heidelberg, 2008), pp. 180−2. 15 M. Smith, On the Primaeval Ocean (Copenhagen, 2002), pp. 116−18 and 203. 16 M. Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia (Oxford, 2017), p. 450; P. Koemoth, Osiris et les arbres: Contribution à l’étude des arbres sacrés de l’Égypte ancienne (Liège, 1994), pp. 5−10.

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the Book the Dead in Demotic’, in G. Widmer and D. Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques (Cairo, 2009), p. 351. Everywhere else in the demotic columns of our manuscript the second person singular masculine dependent pronoun is written v=k, so the use of v=y here is anomalous, but there seems to be no better way of understanding the passage. What I have read as twA=y v=y could also be interpreted as twA.y.v=y, a sDm.tw=f form meaning ‘I will be adored’,17 but this would make little sense in the present context. The same is true of the rendering ‘I will adore myself’, understanding v=y as the first person singular dependent pronoun used reflexively. (g) I am unable to suggest a reading for after Hay at the end of the line. The preserved traces suggest either the fraction ¼ (Glossar, p. 704) or a suffix pronoun f with a short diagonal stroke above it (cf. the writing of this pronoun with a short vertical stroke above it in, e.g., 7/1, 7/2, 7/3, and 7/17), but it is hard to see to what antecedent such a suffix could refer. The traces also look a bit like a hieratic preposition m. For this preposition written in hieratic in the demotic columns of our papyrus, see 9/15 and 10/15. However, there is already a preposition m at the beginning of the following line, so a second one would be unexpected here. My translation assumes that Hay is the noun ‘jubilation’. If so, then in view of m nfr=k at the start of the next line, one might expect Hay to be followed by a verb meaning ‘exist, occur’, yielding the sentence ‘Jubilation occurs through your perfection’, but none comes to mind which would match the traces here. If the reading ¼ mooted above is correct, could this be a remnant of the erased accounts which once occupied this area of the surface of the front of the papyrus? Line 3 (a) The lower part of the divine determinative and the feminine t ending of p.t are damaged. Compare the better preserved examples of that noun in lines 11 and 21 below and in 10/2. This is the only occurrence of p.t in our text which is preceded by the definite article. Osiris is addressed as a creator god and credited with having established the sky (grg tA p.t). Cf. the expression grg p.t cited in Wb. 5, 186, 4. In other sources, he is described as ir p.t, ‘he who made the sky’, sometimes with additional qualifications like ir p.t n bA=f, ‘he who made the sky for his ba’.18 In an inscription from the temple of Seti I at Kanais, Osiris is part of a group of deities including Amun, Re, Ptah, Horus, and Isis, who are described as nTr.w wr.w grg.w p.t tA n ib=sn, ‘the great gods who established the sky and earth for their desire’.19 (b) I am unable to read the traces between m and nn, apart from the final one which appears to be the left tip of the suffix pronoun k. The damaged word must link up somehow with the following nn. Noteworthy is the reference to the primeval ocean here, immediately before a sentence which says that the inundation god Hapi will come to Osiris from his cavern. For the ocean as the source of the Nile flood, and for the connection between Osiris and the latter, see note (e) on the preceding line. According to Egyptian tradition, there were distinct Upper and Lower Egyptian floods. The former emerged from twin caverns at Egypt’s southern border near Elephantine, the latter from a cavern at Kheraha near present-day Old Cairo on the border between Upper and Lower Egypt.20 17 For such writings of the sDm.tw=f form, see note (c) on 8/5. 18 C. Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 1 (Leuven, Paris, Dudley, 2002), pp. 453–4. 19 K. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions 1 (Oxford, 1975), p. 67, line 5. 20 See Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, p. 450; idem,

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(c) saSA could also be translated ‘esteemed, honoured’. For these senses of the verb, see Glossar, p. 492; CDD, letter S (24/3/2010), pp. 45−6. Compare also the nuances of saSA discussed in A. Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der GriechischRömischen Zeit (Heidelberg, 2010), pp. 91−4. The initial s is normally assimilated to S in demotic writings of saSA. In our text, the appearance of the s is more hieratic than demotic. Compare hieratic writings of stp in 6/1, Sps in 6/6, sgr in 7/5, and sSt in 7/7. (d) pay at the end of the line has the same determinative as tAy, ‘bread’, in lines 10, 13, 15, 17, and 19 below, hence my translation ‘loaves’. For the noun in question, see Glossar, p. 131; CDD, letter p (26/7/2010), pp. 36−7. However, we cannot exclude the possibility that this is an unetymological writing of the verb pay, ‘rise, fly up’ (Glossar, p. 130; CDD, letter p (26/7/2010), p. 46), in which case one should translate pay=k as ‘you will rise up’. Line 4 (a) iypn after tA is a demotic writing of the earlier Egyptian masculine singular demonstrative adjective pn. For similar demotic writings of this adjective, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 174; Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, pp. 37–8 and 142. (b) The word after iypn begins with Hw. What follows the w looks a bit like ir, but is actually the abbreviated form of A followed by the horizontal stroke of the water determinative. Compare the writing of the latter sign in the divine name 1apy in the line above. HwA thus determined is presumably a variant of the Hw, ‘Regen’, of Glossar, p. 295, or the Hwj, ‘fliessen, fluten’, of Wb. 3, 48, 16–20. (c) The traces immediately before bk could represent H.t, ‘front’. Compare the examples of that word in line 10 below and in 11/4. bk, with man with hand to mouth determinative, is a demotic writing of the bAo, ‘hell sein, klar sein’, of Wb. 1, 424−5. See CDD, letter b (23/8/2002), p. 88. Apart from the literal sense of ‘be bright, shine brightly’, this verb can also signify ‘be safe and sound, in good condition’, meanings which would also be applicable here. (d) After bk n=k there is a tall vertical sign which could be s. (Alternatives like w and H seem less likely.) This is followed by X + A + house determinative + feminine t ending. I have not been able to find a word sXA.t denoting a type of building. Compare, however, sxy.t, a variant writing of xAs.t, ‘necropolis’, cited in Glossar, p. 453. (e) wnn with man with hand to mouth determinative is a demotic writing of the Middle Egyptian nominal sDm=f form of the verb wn, ‘be, exist’, which also occurs in Old Egyptian. For examples of this writing in other demotic texts, see Smith, Enchoria 7 (1977), p. 137; idem, ‘New Middle Egyptian Texts in the Demotic Script’, in Sesto Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia: Atti 2 (Turin, 1993), p. 494. In 9/17 this form is written slightly differently, with the biliteral sign wn + n. (f) With tmmwA, written with phallus determinative, compare the similarly determined verb tmmy which occurs in PSI Inv. D. 103a + PSI Inv. 3056 verso, x + 3/4.21 In the latter, tmmy is

Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 149 note 50; S. Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10 (Wiesbaden, 2016), p. 400; D. Klotz, ‘The Cuboid Statue of Ser-Djehuty, Master Sculptor in Karnak’, RdE 66 (2015), p. 67 note 82. 21 R. Jasnow and M. Smith, ‘“As for Those Who Have Called me Evil, Mut will Call them Evil”: Orgiastic Cultic Behaviour and its Critics in Ancient Egypt (PSI Inv. [provv.] D 114a + PSI Inv. 3056 verso)’, Enchoria 32 (2010/2011), pp. 17–18 and plates 2–3.

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used as an imperative in a passage enjoining a devotee of the goddess Mut to engage in orgiastic cultic behaviour, and must mean ‘enjoy sexual bliss’ or similar.22 tmmwA in our text, since it follows the preposition m, is likely to be a noun derived from the same root, or perhaps the infinitive form of the verb, hence my translation ‘state of sexual bliss’. (g) For the reduplicated verb ftft, often used with the specific sense of ‘spring, leap up’, but also more generally to denote any sort of swift, rapidly repeated movement, see Wb. 5, 581, 3–6. No other demotic example of this verb is known to me. Since it is predicated of trees in this passage, the most appropriate translation would seem to be ‘wave, rustle’ (scil. branches). Compare a text on a pillar in the eighteenth dynasty tomb of Tjanuni (TT 76) which describes the sycamore trees of the tomb owner waving (wnwn) before him while in the act of presenting loaves of bread to him.23 The trees move their branches as a sign of homage and adoration.24 In a hymn addressed to the sun disk in the tomb of Tutu at Amarna, the tomb owner says sm.w Sn.w Hr wnwn n Hr=k, ‘Grasses and trees wave before you.’25 The hymn to Amun preserved in P. Leiden I 350 says of that god Sn.w nb Hr wnwn n Hr=f msnH.n=sn n wa.t=f gAb.w=sn pxr, ‘All trees wave before him, having turned to his uniqueness, with their leaves unfolding.’26 The image of trees waving or rustling their branches in homage to deities is only attested from the New Kingdom onward. However, in earlier sources like the Pyramid Texts and Coffin Texts, trees are said to bend their heads in homage to Osiris or the deceased and serve them.27 A relief of Ptolemaic date from the temple of Karnak actually depicts a tree in the act of worshipping Amun-Re. An accompanying label describes this action as dwA, ‘adoration’.28 Typically such statements and representations occur in contexts where a deity’s lordship over nature is foregrounded, as is the case with the present passage of our text as well, with its references to the inundation, trees and plants. That Osiris in particular should receive the homage of trees is not surprising, inasmuch as a number of Egyptian sources credit him with causing all trees to grow.29 Line 5 (a) For the verb wr, ‘sing’, written with man with hand to mouth determinative, see Glossar, p. 96; CDD, letter w (7/8/2009), pp. 131−2. I interpret the sign immediately before that determinative as a ligature of the pair of signs which precedes the man with hand to mouth in writings of Sty, ‘secret’, in 9/8, and sby, ‘go’, in 10/11–13. Reading it as u would also be possible, but to the best of my knowledge there is no verb wru which would fit in the present context. The verb wr recurs after the break in this line, followed by y and the third person plural pronoun sn. My transliteration and translation assume that y is the suffix pronoun subject of wr and sn its dependent pronoun object. The latter is written with a combination of the third person singular feminine suffix pronoun s and the first person plural suffix pronoun n. In 9/6, 22 See discussion in Jasnow and Smith, Enchoria 32 (2010/2011), p. 22. 23 J. Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2 (Heidelberg, 2005), p. 354. 24 For wnwn, ‘waver’, as the name of a type of tree that bows before the deceased, see N. Billing, Nut: The Goddess of Life in Text and Iconography (Uppsala, 2002), pp. 215–16. 25 N. de Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of El Amarna 6 (London, 1908), plate 15, line 4. 26 P. Leiden I 350, 2/6–7. See J. Zandee, De hymnen aan Amon van Papyrus Leiden I 350 (Leiden, 1947), p. 22 and plate 2. 27 Koemoth, Osiris et les arbres: Contribution à l’étude des arbres sacrés de l’Égypte ancienne, pp. 123−5. 28 See S. Aufrère, L’univers minéral dans la pensée égyptienne 1 (Cairo, 1991), pp. 307–9. 29 Koemoth, Osiris et les arbres: Contribution à l’étude des arbres sacrés de l’Égypte ancienne, p. 212; Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit, pp. 105, 138−9, and 525.

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9/11, and 9/19, the same writing is used for the third person plural suffix pronoun. This writing is attested in other demotic texts as well.30 sn varies with w as a writing of the third person plural suffix pronoun in the Bodleian manuscript. There is a clear pattern of distribution between the two. The former is used exclusively to indicate the possessor after a noun. The latter, with one exception (xrw=w, ‘their voices’, in 10/10), is only used to mark the subject after a sDm=f form. In some demotic texts, the third person plural suffix pronoun has a special form ysn, which can vary with sn.31 Thus we cannot rule out the possibility that ysn after wr in our text is a suffix pronoun as well, in which case we should have to translate ‘they will sing’ or similar.32 But the fact that everywhere else in our manuscript the third person plural suffix pronoun is written either sn or w, while the former is never used to mark the subject after a sDm=f, should make us cautious about adopting such an interpretation in the present passage. (b) The writing of the prepronominal form of the preposition m as im with man with hand to mouht determinative recurs in 9/8 and 10/18. For examples of this writing in other demotic texts, see Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, p. 43; idem, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 196; CDD, letter m (13/7/2010), p. 5. (c) For obH.y.v as a writing of the sDm.tw=f form obH.tw, see M. Smith, ‘Orthographies of Middle Egyptian Verbal Forms in Demotic, with Particular Reference to the sDm.n=f’, in S. Vleeming (ed.), Aspects of Demotic Orthography (Leuven, Paris, Walpole, 2013), pp. 118−20. (d) 6n is a demotic writing of the toponym 7nj, ‘This’, the name of the capital of the eighth Upper Egyptian nome. See Wb. 5, 372, 11−12. It recurs in line 8 below. For other demotic occurrences of this toponym, see the Trismegistos online database of places mentioned in inscriptions and papyri (http://www.trismegistos.org/geo/georef_list.php?tm=2400); CDD, letter t (14/7/2012), p. 237. Line 6 (a) BHt, ‘Behdet’, recurs in line 8 below and in 9/3. For other demotic examples of this toponym, see Glossar, p. 316; CDD, letter b (23/8/2002), pp. 76–7. It is tempting to assume that the Behdet in question here is Edfu in the second Upper Egyptian nome, since that is the most prominent Egyptian locality which can bear that name. Apart from being used as an alternative designation for Edfu, Behdet is also used to denote the necropolis of that city. However, in our text, Behdet is twice mentioned immediately after This. Where this sequence occurs in other sources, the Behdet in question is usually ‘Eastern Behdet’ (BHd.t iAb.t), modern day Nag al-Mashayikh, which was adjacent to This, rather than Edfu, so we should probably identify it with that locality here as well.33 But the fact that Behdet is so widely attested as a name for the chief religious centre of the second Upper Egyptian nome means that we cannot rule out the possibility that the more famous city is meant. (b) Ipw, ‘Ipu’, is an alternative name for Akhmim, the capital of the ninth Upper Egyptian nome. This toponym recurs in line 8 below and 11/12. It can be restored in 9/3 where a trace of the initial sign is visible. In the present line, Ipw is written with a toponym determinative. This is omitted in 8/8 and 11/12. For discussion and other demotic examples of Ipw, see Smith, 30 31 32 33

See Smith in Vleeming (ed.), Aspects of Demotic Orthography, p. 118. See reference cited in the preceding note. Ibid., p. 120. A. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica 2 (Oxford, 1947), pp. 36*−37*; K. Jansen-Winkeln, ‘Eine Familie im Totenkult’, ZÄS 128 (2001), pp. 134 and 137–8.

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Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 224; idem, ‘The Provenience of Papyrus Harkness’, in A. Leahy and J. Tait (eds.), Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honour of H.S. Smith (London, 1999), pp. 285–6; CDD, letter i (18/4/2011), pp. 102−3. Some of these have what appears to be a seated child sign between the second group and the divine determinative, as do those in our text. It is tempting to explain these as an abusive borrowing from the orthography of the noun Hwn, ‘youth’, resulting from the fact that the wn-biliteral of that word bears a close resemblance to the second group in writings of Ipw.34 (c) H.(t)-bwbw, ‘mansion of brightness(?)’, occurs only here and in lines 8–9 below, where the form of the b used differs from this one. Context indicates that the sanctuary in question was in or near Akhmim. My suggested translation assumes that the second element bwbw is identical with the noun meaning ‘brightness’ cited in Glossar, p. 115, and CDD, letter b (23/8/2002), p. 41.35 This is evidently related to the Coptic verb boyboy, ‘shine, glitter’ (Crum, A Coptic Dictionary, p. 29a), which Meeks has derived from earlier baba.36 The second element in 6&-bwbw (variant: 6&-bwbwe), the name of the female protagonist of the first Setna story, which is written identically to the instance of bwbw in 8/9 of our text, is likely to represent the same word, with the name signifying ‘She of brightness’ or similar.37 (d) For the sign after the p of Htp, ‘oblations’, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 333. In demotic texts it is not unusual for stative verbs to be written with endings which do not agree with their subjects. In such cases, the ending simply identifies the verb as a stative.38 The same is true in many hieroglyphic inscriptions in temples of the Graeco-Roman Period.39 The sentence Htp mne.v m s.t=k, ‘Oblations exist permanently in your place’, in this line provides a further example of such non-agreement, since the masculine subject Htp is followed by a verb with the third person singular feminine ending v. Compare a similar sentence in a text inscribed on the twenty-second dynasty coffin of Djedmontiufankh in Leiden, where Isis tells the deceased Htp.w=k mn m pr=k, ‘Your oblations exist permanently in your house.’40 34 For our scribe’s writing of Hwn, see 10/20. 35 A connection with H.t-bnbn, ‘mansion of the benben-stone’, the name of the sun god’s sanctuary in Heliopolis, seems less likely. For that sanctuary, see D. Meeks, Mythes et légendes du Delta d’après le papyrus Brooklyn 47.218.84 (Cairo, 2006), pp. 184–5. 36 See D. Meeks, ‘Étymologies coptes. Notes et remarques’, in S. Giversen, M. Krause, and P. Nagel (eds.), Coptology: Past, Present, and Future. Studies in Honour of Rodolphe Kasser (Leuven, 1994), pp. 197–8. 37 See M. Depauw and M. Smith, ‘Visions of Ecstasy: Cultic Revelry before the Goddess Ai/Nehemanit. Ostraca Faculteit Letteren (K.U. Leuven) dem. 1–2’, in F. Hoffmann and H. Thissen (eds.), Res Severa Verum Gaudium: Festschrift für Karl-Theodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8. Juni 2004 (Leuven, Paris, Dudley, 2004), p. 76; S. Goldbrunner, Der verblendete Gelehrte: Der Erste Setna-Roman (P. Kairo 30346) (Sommerhausen, 2006), p. 92; E. Lüddeckens (ed.), Demotisches Namenbuch 1 (Wiesbaden, 1999), p. 1175; S. Vinson, ‘Go Figure: Metaphor, Metonymy and the Practice of Translation in the “First Tale of Setne Khaemwas”’, in A. Dodson, J. Johnston, and W. Monkhouse (eds.), A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man: Studies in Honour of W.J. Tait (London, 2014), p. 318; idem, The Craft of a Good Scribe: History, Narrative and Meaning in the First Tale of Setne Khaemwas (Leiden and Boston, 2018), pp. 160, 201, and 262–3. For an alternative interpretation of 6&-bwbw as meaning ‘She of the god Babi/Bebon’, see R. Jasnow, ‘“And Pharaoh Laughed …”: Reflections on Humor in Setne I and Late Period Egyptian Literature’, Enchoria 27 (2001), pp. 80–1. 38 See Johnson, The Demotic Verbal System, pp. 21–3. 39 D. Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 2 (Hützel, 2008), pp. 724–8. 40 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 567 note 336; P. Boeser, Beschrijving van der Egyptische Verzameling in het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden 10 (’s-Gravenhage, 1918), p. 5, figure 14. For the date of the object, see R. van Walsem, The Coffin of Djedmonthuiufankh in the National Museum of Antiquities at Leiden 1 (Leiden, 1997), pp. 357–8.

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(e) The writing of the noun s.t, ‘place’, is distinctive in our text, since the left side of the initial sign has a small hook at the top. For additional examples of s.t so written, see line 20 below and 9/7, 9/14, 9/18, and 9/19. The reading is assured by the first of these examples, since this occurs in a passage which is paralleled in a number of hieratic sources, all of which write s.t unambiguously. See note (b) on line 20 below. (f) The scribe appears to have written the t and h of thn twice. Realising his error, he then wrote the n of that word over the second h, but did not delete the t above it. For the obscure botanical term thn, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 196; idem, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, p. 48; CDD, letter t (14/7/2012), p. 271. Elsewhere in demotic, tehen-plants are attested as an offering for the deceased and a material of which boats are made. In the present passage, in view of the preceding sentence which refers to lasting oblations, they are more likely to be the former. Line 7 (a) The traces at the beginning of the line are of ax, ‘brazier’ (Glossar, p. 69). For the form of the brazier sign, compare the writing of uwA, ‘altar’, in line 13 below. CDD, letter a (23/7/2001), pp. 125–6, cites orthographies of ax in which the brazier sign is followed by the metal determinative, which is also used as an ideogram in writings of Hmt, ‘copper’ (Glossar, p. 309). The sign after the brazier determinative in our papyrus, which looks a bit like the first person plural suffix pronoun n, is probably the same as the one used to determine some writings of Hmt, i.e. the ligature of pellet above plural strokes. (b) With the writing of xfv-H, ‘forecourt’, here, compare those cited in Glossar, p. 359, and CDD, letter x (14/6/2006), pp. 78−82. For the form of the v in the initial element, compare the writing of m-rwv, ‘outside’, in line 14 below. I am at a loss to explain what appears to be another v after the divine determinative. Perhaps this has been added because of the following suffix pronoun k, but its presence is unexpected. Compare the writing of xfv in the combination xfv=f, ‘his enemies’, as , with an added v following the determinative, in P. BM 10507, 9/21.41 Or could what looks like v in our papyrus be the ‘silver’ determinative which appears at the end of some writings of xfv-H cited in CDD, letter x (14/6/2006), pp. 78−9? On the meaning of the noun, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 188. For this type of verbless ‘emotive’ sentence, see idem, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, p. 55, and references cited there. Another such sentence occurs at the end of line 21 below. For tehen-plants associated with a forecourt, as they are here, compare P. Harkness, 4/6, where a dead woman is told that a palm branch will be cut off for her iw mDy bny thn xft-H mbAH=t, ‘while a medja-receptacle of dates, tehen-plants, and a forecourt are before you’.42 The brazier mentioned in conjunction with these plants in our papyrus would have been employed for burnt offerings. For the association of these with a forecourt, see P. Harkness, 3/33−4, where the deceased is told iw n=t 9Hwty r smne ib=t tw=f xpr Htp.t tba.t xft-H m-bAH=t iw swu.t mne iw=w sr n=t tyk m Xr hrw, ‘Thoth will come to you to fortify your heart. He will cause an offering table, platform, and forecourt to be before you, with burnt offerings enduring as they elevate a torch for you every day.’43

41 Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, p. 48 and plate 7. 42 Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 73 and plate 6. 43 Ibid., p. 71 and plate 5.

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(c) srt in this syntactic context must be a future passive sDm=f. This form occurs infrequently in demotic texts. For examples elsewhere in the demotic columns of the Bodleian manuscript, see 9/5, 9/14, 10/16, 11/1 and 11/4. For examples in other demotic texts, see Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, pp. 88−9; idem, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 185. (d) x.t n anx, ‘tree of life’, determined with the plant sign, is a figurative expression which originally signified fruit-bearing trees. In the course of time, however, its field of reference came to encompass all plants which provide human nourishment, especially cereals. See Wb. 3, 342, 2−4; Koemoth, Osiris et les arbres: Contribution à l’étude des arbres sacrés de l’Égypte ancienne, pp. 207−8; Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit, pp. 176 and 209−10. Osiris is closely associated with the tree of life. Some Egyptian sources say that it is subject to his control (Xr sxr.w=f), or that it sprouts up from his body. According to others, Osiris in his aspect as the Nile inundation creates the tree of life for gods and men.44 All of these associations are relevant in the initial text preserved in Column 8 of our papyrus. The link between Osiris and the Nile flood is prominent in lines 2−3. His dominion over trees is proclaimed in line 4. Tehen-plants are mentioned in connection with him in line 6, as is the sycamore tree in line 8 below. The statement in line 7 that the tree of life is caused to flourish for Osiris further highlights his role as a recipient of vegetal offerings, while at the same time evoking his image as both the land of Egypt itself from which crops are produced and the mummiform figure from which grain is made to sprout during the mysteries celebrated for him during the month of Khoiak.45 (e) The verb rpy, ‘be renewed’, originally rnp, is written with a house determinative, as if it were rpy, ‘temple’. This is further evidence that the n in this word was no longer pronounced. See S. Vleeming, Demotic and Greek-Demotic Mummy Labels and Other Short Texts Gathered from Many Publications 2 (Leuven, Paris, Walpole, 2011), pp. 828–31. Line 8 (a) The traces of the partially preserved word at the beginning of the present line are . The initial sign could be X. Compare the writings of Xrb, ‘form’, in line 21 below and in 9/12. The traces just before the hole which follows resemble b and the abbreviated form of A, while those after the hole, immediately before nt, appear to be the sail determinative used in words like ob, ‘be refreshed’, in 10/10, and sty, ‘fragrance’, in 10/18 and 10/19. Accordingly, I have restored XybA.t, ‘shade, shadow’, with a query. For this noun, which is regularly written with the sail determinative, see Glossar, p. 377. If the proposed restoration is correct, one can translate the sentence which begins in the previous line and extends into this one as ‘Your ba will live and your mummy will be renewed in the shade of the sycamore tree of Shu.’ Demotic XybA.t is derived from earlier Egyptian xAyb.t. The latter word can denote the shade provided by trees (Wb. 3, 225, 2). Not surprisingly, the Egyptians valued the protection which this offered from the heat of the sun’s rays, and more than one text describes someone resting ‘in’ (m) the shade (Wb. 3, 225, 4). The shade of trees, the sycamore in particular, was 44 Koemoth, Osiris et les arbres: Contribution à l’étude des arbres sacrés de l’Égypte ancienne, pp. 209−12. 45 See Introduction; Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, pp. 449−50, and references cited there; Koemoth, Osiris et les arbres: Contribution à l’étude des arbres sacrés de l’Égypte ancienne, pp. 10−18.

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also important for the deceased. In texts for the afterlife, however, the word used for ‘shade’ is normally Sw.t (Wb. 4, 432, 8–9). A hymn to Osiris preserved in a number of nineteenth and twentieth dynasty tombs at Thebes requests that the tomb owner’s ba refresh itself in the shade (Sw.t) of a sycamore tree.46 Other texts in eighteenth dynasty Theban tombs ask that the deceased receive (Ssp) the shade of the sycamore.47 An inscription in the nineteenth dynasty tomb of Amenemope at Thebes (TT 41) requests the goddess Nut, who is identified with the sycamore tree, to allow the tomb owner’s ba to alight upon her branches and sit in her shade.48 Like the deceased, Osiris benefited from the sycamore’s shade. Thus, in Book of the Dead Spell 152, the sycamore of Nut is described as ‘the one who refreshes the foremost in the West’.49 The statement in the Bodleian papyrus that the mummy of Osiris will be renewed in the shade of the sycamore (if this restoration is correct), could be linked with the fact that, in the Khoiak mysteries of Osiris, the material of which the mummiform figure of Sokar was fabricated was formed into the shape of an egg and placed beneath sycamore branches, symbolising the womb of his mother Nut in which he was reborn.50 (b) nt is a writing of the Middle Egyptian feminine singular genitival adjective, which also occurs in Old Egyptian. This form recurs in lines 13 and 18 below (twice in the latter) and in 9/14. For other demotic examples, see M. Smith, ‘Remarks on the Orthography of Some Archaisms in Demotic Religious Texts’, Enchoria 8 (1978), part 2, pp. 19–21; Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, p. 38; CDD, letter n (19/7/2004), p. 1. What some have interpreted as examples of genitival nt in P. Bibliothèque Nationale 149, 1/24 and 3/7,51 are actually instances of the relative converter.52 (c) The final consonant of nhy, ‘sycamore tree’, was omitted by the scribe but then added above the line, directly over the plant determinative. Compare the writings of this noun in lines 9 and 10 below. (d) For the writing of the divine name 5w, ‘Shu’, here, see Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, p. 46; idem, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, p. 121; CDD, letter S (24/3/2010), pp. 57–8. It is not clear to me what the words ‘sycamore tree of Shu’ actually signify. As noted above, the sky goddess Nut is frequently identified with the sycamore.53 Shu is associated with her in the sense that he lifts her up to form the celestial expanse. In some sources he is said to create a group of eight other deities to perform or assist in this task.54 Could the ‘sycamore tree of Shu’ be a figurative expression for the sky? Compare 46 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 513. For the theme of the deceased’s refreshment beneath the sycamore and its branches, see further ibid., pp. 49 and 352; Billing, Nut: The Goddess of Life in Text and Iconography, pp. 247–8. 47 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 49 and 352–3. 48 J. Assmann, Das Grab des Amenemope (TT 41) (Mainz am Rhein, 1991), pp. 37–8. 49 Billing, Nut: The Goddess of Life in Text and Iconography, pp. 196–7. 50 Cauville, Dendara 10/1, p. 44, line 13. At a later stage of the ritual, the figure of the god is supposed to rest on (Hr) sycamore branches, which likewise represent the womb of Nut (ibid., p. 41, lines 10–12, and p. 46, line 3). Cf. É. Chassinat, Le mystère d’Osiris au mois de Khoiak 2 (Cairo, 1968), pp. 772 and 774; Koemoth, Osiris et les arbres: Contribution à l’étude des arbres sacrés de l’Égypte ancienne, pp. 17 and 203–6. 51 E.g. M. Stadler, Der Totenpapyrus des Pa-Month (P. Bibl. Nat. 149) (Wiesbaden, 2003), pp. 59 and 96. 52 See Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 447 and 452. 53 C. Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 4 (Leuven, Paris, Dudley, 2002), pp. 260–1; Billing, Nut: The Goddess of Life in Text and Iconography, pp. 185–309. 54 See E. Hornung, Der ägyptische Mythos von der Himmelskuh: Eine Ätiologie des Unvollkommenen (Freiburg and Göttingen, 1982), pp. 13–15, 42–3, and 61–3, with illustrations of Shu and the eight deities supporting Nut

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Pyramid Text Spell 574, which addresses the tree goddess with the words inD-Hr=T nh.t Xnm.t nTr aHa.t nTr.w niw.ty.w Xr=s, ‘Hail to you, sycamore tree which encloses the god, beneath which the deities of the lower sky stand.’55 The ‘deities of the lower sky’ there could be the eight gods created by Shu to lift it up.56 Compare also Coffin Text Spell 159, which refers to two sycamore trees of turquoise from between which Re emerges, which ‘go upon those begotten of Shu’ (Sm.ty Hr sT.t 5w).57 One version (B1L) substitutes sTs.w 5w, ‘the supports of Shu’, for sT.t 5w. Later variants of this passage in Book of the Dead Spells 109 and 149 have ‘the supports of Shu’ as well.58 Another possibility would be to interpret nhy and 5w as two nouns in apposition, ‘the sycamore tree and Shu’, with the former being used as a figurative expression for sustenance and the latter personifying breath or air.59 Compare Book of the Dead Spell 152, in which the sycamore is asked to give refreshment to the deceased under its branches which grant the north wind to the weary of heart (= Osiris).60 A number of Egyptian sources explicitly identify the north wind with Shu.61 In this connection, it can be noted that, owing to the break at the beginning of this line, it is uncertain how the preposition m at the end of the previous one should be translated. My translation ‘in’ assumes that the sense is spatial, but it would also be possible to translate m as ‘through’, in which case a reference to the means by which the ba of Osiris is supposed to live and his mummy be renewed would not be out of place. (e) For sty.y.v as a writing of the sDm.tw=f form sty.tw, see the reference cited in note (c) on 8/5. (f) For the sequence 6n BHt Ipw h.(t)-bwbw [Imnv], ‘This, Behdet, Ipu, the mansion of brightness(?), and [the West]’, in this and the following line, see lines 5−6 above and notes thereon. These toponyms occur in the same order there, with slightly varying orthographies. Ipw here lacks the toponym determinative which it has in the earlier passage, while the second element in h.(t)-bwbw has a different form of b. A faint trace of part of the determinative of Imnv is visible after bwbw. The clearly preserved example in the parallel above makes its restoration here secure. The amount of space between the determinative of the preceding word and that of the word for ‘West’ here indicates that the latter was written with a v, as in 8/1, 8/6, 10/3, and 10/19. An alternative writing without the v occurs in 10/7 and 11/12. Cf. note (c) on the former. A variant of this sequence occurs in 9/3, q.v. Line 9 (a) After writing the words bwbw and Imnv, which conclude the initial text in Column 9, the scribe left a short blank space before beginning the next one. This short spell (lines 9–11) is paralleled in three other sources. The first is a hieratic text inscribed on a set of mummy bandages in the Louvre (AF 11957). The bandages, which are unpublished, date to the in Abb. 1–4. 55 K. Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 2 (Leipzig, 1910), p. 313, §1485a. 56 For the Egyptian conception of the ‘lower sky’, see Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10, pp. 398−9, and literature cited there. 57 A. de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 2 (Chicago, 1938), p. 367a−c. 58 Budge, The Chapters of Coming Forth by Day 2, pp. 91, line 14, and 271, line 13. Cf. discussion in Billing, Nut: The Goddess of Life in Text and Iconography, pp. 206–7. 59 For the sycamore as a provider of sustenance, see note (c) on line 10 below. For the god Shu as the personification of breath or wind, see Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, pp. 46−7. 60 Billing, Nut: The Goddess of Life in Text and Iconography, p. 197. 61 Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, p. 47.

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Ptolemaic Period.62 The second source is a hieratic manuscript of the Roman Period, P. Louvre E 5353. There, the text is inscribed above a scene depicting the deceased’s judgement before Osiris.63 The third source is a hieroglyphic text inscribed on a funerary bed, also of the Roman Period (Berlin 12442). This appears in a horizontal band above the scenes on the left half of the left side of the bed.64 (b) mn, ‘so and so’, recurs in 10/3, 10/8, 10/14, and 10/20. The first two instances have a line underneath, like the present one. The last two do not. For other demotic writings of this word, see Glossar, p. 158; CDD, letter m (13/7/2010), pp. 84–6. The former cites orthographies of mn which are identical with those in 10/14 and 10/20. In our text, mn invariably occurs in the locution Wsir mn, ‘Osiris of so and so’. For the translation of this as a direct genitival construction, rather than as ‘Osiris so and so’, see Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, pp. 221–2 and 372–84. A further item can be added to the evidence presented there. This is an instance in a hieroglyphic Book of the Dead papyrus of Ptolemaic date now in the Emory University Museum in Atlanta where the initial element in the locution Wsir NN, ‘Osiris of NN’, is written with a seated man determinative.65 The writing with the seated man sign offers further proof that Wsir in that locution is a common noun, a signifier of the particular class of beings to which the deceased person belongs, and not the name of the god.66 (c) Sp=n n=k mw in our text corresponds to Ssp=k mw, ‘You will receive water’, in the Louvre mummy bandages, and Ssp n=k mw, ‘Take water for yourself’, in the text on the Berlin mummy bed. Accordingly, it is likely that Sp=n n=k is an unetymological writing of Sp n=k. Compare demotic orthographies of the Middle Egyptian sDm.n=f form in which the element n followed by a suffix pronoun subject is written with the first person plural suffix pronoun + the appropriate prepronominal form of the dative n (e.g. Htp=n-n=f for Htp.n=f).67 The literal meaning of Sp=n n=k mw is ‘We will take water for you.’ The unetymological writing permits the scribe simultaneously to evoke the roles of both performers and beneficiary in the act of libation. P. Louvre E 5353 lacks a sentence corresponding to this one, although a similar sentence, Ssp=i n=k mw, ‘I will take water for you’, occurs at a slightly later point in that text, there attributed to the god Thoth.68 This forms part of an extract from Scene 72 of the Rite of Opening the Mouth.69 (d) The sentence yay=k Hr=k Xr nhy is only partially preserved in the Louvre mummy bandages. Their text breaks off after the words ia=k Hr=k. P. Louvre E 5353 reads ia=i Hr=k Ts tw Hr nhi.t, ‘I will wash your face. Raise yourself upon the sycamore tree.’ The speaker is not identified.70 The Berlin mummy bed parallel has

(?)

62 Cf. F.-R. Herbin, ‘La stèle Caire JE 72300’, in R. Jasnow and G. Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith (Atlanta, 2017), p.105. I am grateful to him for bringing this text to my attention and providing me with photographs of the bandages. 63 F.-R. Herbin, ‘Le papyrus magico-funéraire Louve E 5353’, ENiM 6 (2013), pp. 264, 280–1, 284, and plates 2– 3. 64 See D. Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten (Hützel, 2010), pp. 138 and 152–3. 65 C. Keller, ‘A Late Book of the Dead in the Emory University Museum’, Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar 6 (1985), pp. 64 and 67, line x + 12. 66 Cf. Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, p. 377. 67 Smith in Vleeming (ed.), Aspects of Demotic Orthography, pp. 122–3. 68 Herbin, ENiM 6 (2013), p. 284 and plates 2–3. 69 Ibid., p. 281. 70 Ibid., p. 284 and plates 2−3.

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here, which Kurth reads as 1apj Rnnt Hr wAD Tt=k Hr nht twj nt mfkAt. He connects the putative instance of 1apj with the preceding sentence, reading Ssp n=k mw n 1apj and translating ‘Nimm dir das Wasser des Hapi.’71 However, what he interprets as a genitival n after mw is simply a horizontal line, and not to be read. In any event, it is clear that the signs do not represent 1apj Rnnt at all, but rather correspond to the yay=k of the Bodleian text and thus begin a new sentence. The spitting mouth (Gardiner Sign-List D26) is not otherwise attested with the value ia, but this is an obvious extension of its use.72 The cobra (Gardiner Sign-List I12), by contrast, is frequently found with the value k.73 The cobra after Hr has to be read as k as well, and not wAD as Kurth reads it, as is shown by the three parallels. Although the Bodleian and Louvre papyri and the Berlin mummy bed all refer to a sycamore tree at this point, they diverge from each other considerably. Whereas the first says that the deceased will wash his face beneath the sycamore, the other two begin a new sentence after Hr=k. In the case of P. Louvre E 5353, as we have seen, this takes the form of an imperative, Ts tw Hr nhi.t, ‘Raise yourself upon the sycamore tree.’74 The corresponding sentence in the Berlin parallel starts with a verb, the reading of which is uncertain: . The initial sign is T with two short vertical strokes added slightly above and to the left of it. Below this is a blank space, followed by an indistinct sign or signs which Kurth transcribes as a table with food on it, reading the whole as Tt. I wonder, however, whether the last signs are not a bolt s above a bookroll determinative. The signs are particularly clear of one looks at the traces using the DStretch digital enhancement technique, as the following photograph shows.

If my reading is correct, then we have the same verb here as in P. Louvre E 5353, only in this instance determined with the bookroll. For Ts, ‘aufrichten, hochheben, hinaufstiegen’, so determined, see Wb. 5, 405. If one adopts this reading, then the resulting sentence Ts=k Hr nh.(t) in the Berlin parallel can be translated ‘You will arise upon the sycamore tree.’ The future sDm=f replaces the imperative of the Louvre papyrus. In the text on the Berlin mummy bed, the tree is qualified as nh.(t) twy nt mfkA.t, ‘this sycamore of turquoise’. The specification of the material of which it is made allows us to connect it with the two sycamores of turquoise mentioned in Spell 159 of the Coffin Texts and Spells 109 and 149 of the Book of the Dead, which have already been discussed in note (d) on line 8 above. As Billing notes, the colour turquoise has solar connotations in those spells. The 71 Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 152. 72 Compare writings of ia, ‘wash’, with the hieroglyphic sign depicting an arm pouring out water cited in Wb. 1, 39; D. Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 1 (Hützel, 2007), p. 173. 73 Ibid., p. 284. 74 For this sense of Ts Hr, see Wb. 5, 407, 1−3.

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two trees of that material stand in the eastern horizon of the sky where Re emerges reborn each day. The eastern horizon is also a place of purification, for both the sun god and the deceased.75 This could explain why our text states that the deceased will wash his face beneath the sycamore. But the dead person is also said to be born under the sycamore, just like the solar deity.76 Being beneath the tree means one is divine.77 Accordingly, washing the face could be a ritual associated with birth, the deceased following the example of the newly born solar deity. As explained in note (a) on 8/8, in the Khoiak mysteries of Osiris, the material of which the mummiform figure of Sokar was fabricated was placed beneath sycamore branches, symbolising the womb of Nut in which the god was reborn. Here one should note that in some sources washing the face is a prelude to the act of opening the mouth, which confers new life upon those for whom it is performed.78 Nor should we overlook the fact that our text goes on to say that the dead person will eat the bread of the sycamore. Washing the face, along with the hands, was part of the normal preparation for eating a meal.79 In an inscription from the eighteenth dynasty tomb of Qenamun at Thebes (TT 93), the goddess Nut in the form of a sycamore invites the deceased to come and refresh himself beneath her branches, eating her bread and drinking her beer. She promises him ia=i Hr=k tp dwAy.t m bw nb nfr, ‘I will wash your face each dawn with every good thing.’80 This could be a further reason why the deceased is said to wash his face here. In fact, the text from the tomb of Qenamun combines the motifs of birth and eating, since the goddess also tells the tomb owner that his mother will endue him with life and place him within her womb, adding for good measure that she will nourish him with her milk. Line 10 (a) For tntn, written with man with hand to mouth determinative, see Glossar, p. 641; CDD, letter t (14/7/2012), p. 249. The signs immediately before the determinative are the same as those that precede the v in the verb sxnv, ‘advance’, in 9/14 and the initial element of the divine name 2nv-ir.v, ‘Khentirti’, in 10/13. The noun tntn means ‘agreement, arrangement’, so the verb here should signify ‘agree, arrange’. tntn=k s in our text corresponds to , dndn=k sw, in the Berlin parallel.81 dndn there is written with the sign depicting the head of a bubalis antelope (Gardiner Sign-List F5).82 The suffix pronoun k is written with the cobra sign, 75 Billing, Nut: The Goddess of Life in Text and Iconography, p. 207. For the connection between turquoise and the rising of the sun, see also J. Assmann, Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott (Berlin, 1969), p. 127; S. Aufrère, L’univers minéral dans la pensée égyptienne 2 (Cairo, 1991), pp. 497–8; Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit, pp. 343−4. 76 A. de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 4 (Chicago, 1951), p. 182n–q (Spell 334). Cf. Koemoth, Osiris et les arbres: Contribution à l’étude des arbres sacrés de l’Égypte ancienne, p. 257. 77 Cf. A. de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 3 (Chicago, 1947), p. 131b (Spell 203), where it says of the sycamore: ir wnn Xr=s iw=f m nTr, ‘As for the one who is beneath it, he is a god.’ 78 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 3, pp. 107, 116, and 430; N. Tacke, Das Opferritual des ägyptischen Neuen Reiches 1 (Leuven, Paris, Walpole, 2013), p. 297; Herbin, ENiM 6 (2013), p. 280. 79 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 21; H.-W. Fischer-Elfert, Die satirische Streitschrift des Papyrus Anastasi 1: Übersetzung und Kommentar (Wiesbaden, 1986), pp. 37 and 45 note (ak). 80 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 536; N. de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Qen-Amūn at Thebes 1 (New York, 1930), p. 46 and plate 45B. 81 Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 152. 82 For this value, see Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 1, p. 222.

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as elsewhere in that text.83 Kurth misinterprets the antelope head as a diagonally slanting horned viper with a pair of ka-arms balanced on its nose, and the suffix pronoun k as a determinative, reading the whole as NHb-kAw. The corresponding verb in P. Louvre E 5353 is partially effaced. All that can be made out are a bookroll determinative with two short diagonal strokes above it at the end. This is followed by n=k and sw.84 The latter is clearly the direct object of the verb, as in the parallels. The former could be the marker of the sDm.n=f with suffix pronoun subject k, but a past tense verb in this context would be unexpected. Alternatively, n=k could be a reflexive dative or, if the damaged verb was dndn, a suffix pronoun preceded by the n which sometimes doubles the final consonant of verbs that end with n in texts of the Late and Graeco-Roman Periods.85 (b) ir=k in our text is damaged, but the preserved traces are sufficient to assure the reading. Compare the better preserved example of ir=k in line 20 below. The following noun snmy, written with the loaf determinative like tAy, ‘bread’, later on in the line, is the demotic counterpart of the snm.w, ‘Speisung’, of Wb. 4, 164, 17–18.86 This is not recorded in Glossar or the CDD. The literal meaning of ir=k snmy=k is ‘you will make your meal’, hence ‘partake’. This is written ir=k snm=k in the version of the text on the Louvre mummy bandages. The latter has nothing corresponding to the tntn=k s of our text. The Berlin version diverges here. Where our text reads tntn=k s ir=k snmy=k, it has dndn=k sw r ir n=k Hsmn, ‘You will arrange it to make a meal for yourself’, substituting r ir n=k for ir=k and the noun Hsmn, ‘eine Mahlzeit’, of Wb. 3, 163, 12, for snmy=k.87 P. Louvre E 5353 substitutes ir n=k Hsmn, ‘make a meal for yourself’, for the r ir n=k Hsmn of the Berlin text.88 (c) m tAy nhy in our text corresponds to m tA n nh.t, ‘of the bread of the sycamore tree’, in the version of the Louvre mummy bandages. The Berlin version reads m tA Hr nh.t, ‘of the bread on the sycamore tree’.89 The word for sycamore tree there is written with a sign depicting a tree with spreading branches: .90 Although this is not otherwise attested with the value nh.t, the reading would seem to be assured by the parallels. In P. Louvre E 5353, the words tA Hno.t, ‘bread and beer’, simply stand in apposition to the preceding Hsmn. These are followed by a horizontal stroke which concludes the sentence of which they form a part.91 In view of the parallels, it is tempting to interpret this stroke as the genitival adjective, and assume that the noun nh.t, ‘sycamore tree’, has been inadvertently omitted after it. Another possibility is that the stroke is a space filler, in which case nothing has been omitted. This passage evokes the common motif of the sycamore tree as provider of bread and other forms of sustenance for the dead.92 83 See note (d) on the preceding line. 84 Herbin, ENiM 6 (2013), p. 284 and plates 2−3. 85 See Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 405−6 with note 46. 86 Cf. the variant snm.t cited ibid., 165, 1. 87 Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 152. 88 Herbin, ENiM 6 (2013), p. 284 and plates 2−3. 89 Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 152. 90 Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 1, p. 301, no. 7. 91 Herbin, ENiM 6 (2013), p. 284 and plates 2−3. 92 See note (d) on line 9 above; Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 658 note 51; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 48−50, 352, 354, and 360; idem, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 3, pp. 158, 176, and 209−10; Koemoth, Osiris et les arbres: Contribution à l’étude des arbres sacrés de l’Égypte ancienne, pp. 53−6 and 206−7; Billing, Nut: The Goddess of Life in Text and

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(d) Amw with man with hand to mouth determinative in the sentence Hms=k Xr-H.t Amw w(iA) is an unetymological demotic writing of the plural nisbe adjective imy.w. For other demotic writings of this adjective, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 163; Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, p. 382; CDD, letter i (18/4/2011), pp. 112–15 and 118. The order of this and the preceding sentence is reversed in the Louvre mummy bandages. All that is preserved of the former in that text is the last two words: imy wiA, ‘who are in the bark’. The Berlin version expands the sentence slightly to read Hms=k r-HA.t n imy.w HA.t wiA n Ra, ‘You will sit before those who are at the prow of the bark of Re.’93 P. Louvre E 5353 omits it altogether. (e) For the reading of the word for ‘doorkeepers’ as iry.w-aA, see F. Hoffmann and J. Quack, ‘Pastophoros’, in Dodson, Johnston, and Monkhouse (eds.), A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man: Studies in Honour of W.J. Tait, pp. 127–55. The initial sign and the house determinative of this noun each have a horizontal stroke above them from which a short vertical stroke projects upwards. The horizontal stroke above the house determinative is ligatured to the latter’s final stroke. iry.w-aA occurs two other times in our text, in line 12 below and in 9/11. In the former instance, only the initial sign has the horizontal stroke with the projecting vertical stroke above it. In the latter, only the house determinative does. In that instance, the horizontal stroke is ligatured to the final stroke of the determinative, as it is in the example of iry.w-aA in the present line. For other demotic examples of this noun with the stroke above the initial element, see W.M.F. Petrie, Dendereh (London, 1900), plate 26B, no. 12, line 3; G. Vittmann, ‘Die Mumienschilder in Petries Dendereh’, ZÄS 112 (1985), p. 155; Hoffmann and Quack in Dodson, Johnston, and Monkhouse (eds.), A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man: Studies in Honour of W.J. Tait, pp. 143–5. Ibid., pp. 136–7, 141, and 145, the same authors cite several examples of the noun with the stroke over the house determinative. The stroke is common in demotic writings of pr, ‘house’, as well.94 Line 11 (a) For the doorkeepers of the underworld, see Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10, pp. 406 and 416. The noun twA.t, ‘underworld’, is invariably preceded by the definite article tA in our text. See other examples of that noun later on in this line, in line 12 below, and in 10/6. The only possible exception is the occurrence of twA.t in line 2 above, where there is a lacuna before the word so that it is impossible to say whether or not the article preceded it. That instance has a suffix pronoun attached to it, but this does not rule out the use of the article as well.95 Apart from those that occur before twA.t, the definite articles are rarely used in our text. The feminine singular article tA recurs in line 3 above and 11/4, while the plural article nA is found once in 9/7 and twice in 9/10. (b) nswA with man with hand to mouth determinative is a demotic writing of the njs, ‘das Rufen’, of Wb. 2, 205, 1−4. No other demotic examples of this noun are recorded in Glossar or the CDD. Iconography, pp. 189, 196–7, 212, 221, 228–30, 247–52, and 260–1. 93 Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 152. 94 See Glossar, pp. 132–4; S. Vleeming, The Gooseherds of Hou (Pap. Hou): A Dossier Relating to Various Agricultural Affairs from Provincial Egypt of the Early Fifth Century B.C. (Leuven, 1991), pp. 235–6. 95 For double determination of nouns, with both article and suffix pronoun, see Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, p. 88; idem, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 152.

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(c) The Louvre mummy bandages have no counterpart to the sentence pair aS=k r iry.w-aA n tA twA.t sDm=w nswA=k found in our text. P. Louvre E 5353 reads aS=f r iry.w-aA(?) sbA.w nw dwA.t sDm=w nis=k, ‘He (sic) will call out to the doorkeepers of the doors of the underworld and they will hear your summons.’96 The version inscribed on Berlin mummy bed 12442 has .97 Kurth reads the initial sign here (Gardiner SignList A26) as nis rather than aS, which is theoretically possible,98 but the unambiguously written aS in our text and P. Louvre E 5353 indicates that the latter is the correct reading. The word corresponding to iry.w-aA, ‘doorkeepers’, in our text is written with the ideogram of a seated man with one arm extended in front of him in the Berlin parallel.99 The same sign is used for the determinative, which is written above plural strokes. The ideographic writing makes it hard to ascertain the correct reading. In view of the parallels, one expects a noun meaning ‘doorkeepers’ or the like, but no such noun is known to me that could be written in this way. As in our text and P. Louvre E 5353, this group of beings is described as being ‘of the underworld’. The word for underworld is written with a star above a house determinative.100 Finally, the Berlin parallel substitutes sDm.tw for the sDm=w of our text and P. Louvre E 5353, and so one should translate sDm.tw nis=k there as ‘your summons will be heard’. Demotic sDm=w nswA=k could be translated with the passive as well. Had this been the intended meaning, however, one might have expected our scribe to use the sDm.tw=f form to express it, as he did elsewhere.101 (d) The next text in this column begins immediately after the preceding one, with no blank space separating them, and continues until the end of Column 9. This is a demotic version of the composition known as the ‘Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits’. The spell in question is attested in many different versions, the earliest dating back to the Second Intermediate Period or the beginning of the New Kingdom, and was used in both the cult of the dead and the temple cult of Osiris.102 One of these versions is inscribed on the unpublished Louvre mummy bandages (AF 11957) which also preserve a parallel to the series of sentences which 96 Herbin, ENiM 6 (2013), pp. 284 and plates 2–3. For the unexpected third person suffix pronoun f after aS and the problematic reading of the word for ‘doorkeepers’, see ibid., p. 282. 97 Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 152. 98 Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 1, p. 127, no. 3. 99 Not in Gardiner’s or Kurth’s lists of signs, but cf. F. Daumas (ed.), Valeurs phonétiques des signes hiéroglyphiques d’époque gréco-romaine 1 (Montpellier, 1988), p. 1. Kurth wrongly interprets this as the man with hand to mouth sign (Gardiner Sign-List A2). Compare the band of vertical text in the middle of the right side of the bed where the sign in question is used as the determinative of h(A), ‘hail’ (Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 172). 100 Kurth fails to recognise the latter and reads this word as nTr.w, ‘gods’, instead. 101 See lines 5 and 8 above, 9/12, 11/6, and 11/7. 102 For the different witnesses, see Smith in B. Backes and J. Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and Greco-Roman Egypt (Wiesbaden, 2015), pp. 172–3; idem, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 181 note 11; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 147–224; idem, Tod und Jenseits im alten Ägypten (Munich, 2001), pp. 446–52; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 100– 2 and 105; C. Arlt, Deine Seele möge leben für Immer und Ewig: Die demotischen Mumienschilder im British Museum (Leuven, Paris, Walpole, 2011), pp. 52–5 and 112; J. Osing, Das Grab des Nefersecheru in Zawyet Sulṭan (Mainz am Rhein, 1992), pp. 55 and 57. J. Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 1 (Heidelberg, 2002), p. 31 note 46, argues that the spell was already in existence in the First Intermediate Period, based on what he thinks are quotations from or allusions to it in texts of that time. For these, see note (g) on the following line and note (b) on line 18 below. However, such isolated phrases are not, in themselves, sufficient evidence to prove that this was the case.

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occupy lines 9–11 of the present column of our text.103 In the Louvre bandages, as in our text, these sentences come immediately before the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits without any break between them. This raises the question of their relationship to the spell. It would appear that they function as a sort of introduction or preamble to it in both instances. As we have seen, the same series of sentences occurs on Berlin mummy bed 12442. Extracts from the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits are inscribed on that object as well.104 However, the connection between these is not as close as it is in the texts on the Louvre bandages and the Bodleian papyrus. As explained previously, the introductory sentences occupy a horizontal band above the scenes on the left half of the left side of the bed.105 The opening lines of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits (corresponding to 8/11–13 of the Bodleian papyus) are inscribed in a pair of vertical text bands in the middle of the right side.106 The ensuing lines (corresponding to 8/14–17 of our text) occupy the horizontal band of text above the scenes on the left half of that side, breaking off in mid-sentence and resuming in the two vertical text bands in the middle of the left side of the object (= 8/17–19).107 The remaining extracts from the spell are all inscribed in various places on the right side.108 So there is a connection of sorts between the introductory sentences and the spell extracts, by virtue of the fact that they occur on the same object, but the latter do not follow directly after the former, as they do in the other two versions. It is not intended to provide a synoptic treatment of all extant versions of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits here. To do so would go beyond the limits of a text edition like this one. Nor shall I provide an exhaustive record of the textual variants preserved in the different parallels. Instead, my commentary will focus on the version of the spell in the Bodleian manuscript, noting its distinctive features, including any significant interpolations or omissions, discussing its textual affinities, and highlighting the contribution it makes to our understanding of the spell as a whole. The parallels will be used chiefly to restore damaged passages or elucidate our text in places where the meaning is obscure. (e) For the use of the feminine singular definite article tA before twA.t, see note (a) on this line. Our text expands the opening words of the spell, which state that the sky and earth will be open for the deceased, with the addition of the sentence wn n=k tA twA.t, ‘The underworld will be open for you.’ The Egyptians conventionally divided the cosmos into three spheres, sky, earth, and underworld,109 so the expansion of the initial words of the spell to incorporate the last is understandable. It is highly unusual, nevertheless. The only other parallel known to me which incorporates a version of this sentence is that inscribed in the pronaos of the temple of Isis at Philae. It dates to the reign of Ptolemy VIII and begins: wn n=k p.t wn n=k tA wn n= dwA.t m Xr-nTr, ‘The sky will be open for you, the earth will be open for you, the underworld will be open for in the god’s domain’, conflating this sentence with the one

103 See note (a) on line 9 above. 104 See Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, pp. 158, 168, and 171–4; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 105, 108– 9, 111–12, 114, 116–18, 120–1, 124–5, and 128. 105 See note (a) on line 9 above. 106 See Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 172. 107 Ibid., pp. 173–4 and 156–8. 108 See ibid., pp. 171 (= 8/20–1 and 9/5 of our text) and 168 (= 9/4–5 and 9/8–9). 109 See, for instance, the references cited in F.-R. Herbin, Le livre de parcourir l’éternité (Leuven, 1994), pp. 81−4.

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immediately following.110 The idea is developed in a more elaborate form in a text inscribed on Berlin mummy bed 12441.111 On the theme of the ‘opening’ of the various spheres of the cosmos for the deceased, see Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 178−80; idem, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 3, pp. 98−9; R. Leprohon, ‘“Opening” in the Pyramid Texts’, in Z. Hawass and J. Richards (eds.), The Art and Archaeology of Ancient Egypt: Essays in Honor of David B. O’Connor 2 (Cairo, 2007), pp. 83–94; W. Guglielmi and K. Buroh, ‘Die Eingangssprüche des Täglichen Tempelrituals nach Papyrus Berlin 3055 (I, 1 – VI, 3)’, in J. van Dijk (ed.), Essays on Ancient Egypt in Honour of Herman te Velde (Groningen, 1997), pp. 123–4. As Assmann notes, this theme combines various motifs. The different regions open to admit the dead person, so that he/she can see what is in them and mingle with their inhabitants. But they also open to permit the deceased to move freely from one sphere to another and enjoy the benefits of the offerings which are presented in each. (f) mi.wt, ‘roads’, recurs in line 14 below. The writing of it in our text lacks the initial m found in most demotic orthographies of that noun, beginning instead with the biliteral sign mi (the demotic equivalent of Gardiner Sign-List W19), which is normally the second sign. Compare Glossar, p. 152; CDD, letter m (13/7/2010), pp. 45–9.112 Our text is unique in reading wn n=k mi.wt, ‘The roads will be open for you’, at this point. Nearly all other versions agree in using a form of the noun wA.t, ‘road’, whether singular or plural.113 The explanation is probably that the latter is relatively rare in demotic and had no fixed demotic orthography. When faced with such a word, demotic scribes usually substituted a more common word with the same meaning, as ours has done. Those demotic scribes who did choose to employ wA.t either wrote it in hieratic, or else borrowed the orthography of a homophone like wiA, ‘bark’, to write it. Compare our scribe’s writing of rA-wA.wt, ‘roads’, in 11/11. The initial element rA is in demotic, but the following wA.wt is in hieratic. The parallel to this in P. Strasbourg 3 verso, on the other hand, writes wA.t in demotic, but unetymologically as if it were wiA, ‘bark’.114 Line 12 (a) Xr-ntr is a demotic writing of Xr-nTr, ‘god’s domain’ (Wb. 3, 394, 10−13). For other demotic writings of this term see Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, p. 40; CDD, letter X (29/6/2001), pp. 58−9. (b) For the writing of iry.w-aA, ‘doorkeepers’, here, see note (e) on line 10 above. On the use of the definite article tA before the noun twA.t, see note (a) on the previous line. The words wn [n=k] iry.w-aA m sbA.w n tA twA.t could also be translated: ‘The doorkeepers will open the portals of the underworld [for you]’, with the preposition m before sbA.w, ‘doors’, introducing the direct object rather than specifying the location where the action is to take place.115 As far 110 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 109; G. Bénédite, Le temple de Philae 1 (Paris, 1893), p. 151, line 2. 111 For this, see Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 115. 112 The former cites only two examples of mi.t without the initial m, both early; the latter cites none. 113 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 107–9; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 208–9. One version substitutes Ss, ‘road’, for wA.t. Another reads wn n=k rA=k m Xr.t-nTr, ‘Your mouth will be open for you in the god’s domain.’ 114 See note (b) on 11/11. 115 For this use of the preposition m, see D. Silverman, ‘An Emphasized Direct Object of a Nominal Verb in Middle Egyptian’, Orientalia 49 (1980), pp. 199−203. For other examples of m introducing the direct object of the verb wn, ‘open’, see Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-

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as I have been able to determine, this sentence does not occur in any other version of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits. In their passages to and from the underworld, the deceased were thought to confront doorkeepers, potentially harmful beings who might seek to bar their way. These doorkeepers are often portrayed as voracious demons who threaten to kill and eat those who encounter them, so it was deemed essential for the dead to win their favour so as to be able to pass through the gates they guarded.116 (c) The sequence of verbs at the beginning of the second complete sentence in this line, ao, ‘enter’, followed by pr, ‘go forth’, is reversed in nearly all the other versions of the spell. Exceptions include those inscribed in three Theban tombs dating to the reign of Ramesses II (TT 32, 189, and 194), those in the pronaos of the temple of Isis at Philae (reign of Ptolemy VIII) and the first room of the eastern Osiris chapel on the roof of the temple of Dendera (second half of the first century B.C.), and the versions of Sarcophagus Cairo CG 29301 and Berlin mummy bed 12442 (Ptolemaic and Roman Periods respectively), where the order is the same as in our text.117 One version, inscribed on the Ptolemaic sarcophagus of Dibastet, now in Cairo, begins with ao=k and omits the verb pr altogether.118 (d) mw is a demotic writing of the Middle Egyptian preposition mi. It recurs later on in this line, in lines 13 and 14 below, and in 9/18. For other occurrences of this preposition in demotic, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 143–4 and 312, and Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, p. 39. Most versions of the spell have Hna Ra rather than mw Ra at this point, affirming that the deceased will go forth and enter ‘with Re’. The only other version that agrees with our text both in starting this sentence with the sequence ao=k pr=k and using the preposition mi before Ra is that preserved on Berlin mummy bed 12442. This version rather strangely inserts the verb pr between the ao-biliteral and phonetic complement o of ao.119 (e) The scribe of our text wrote the verb wsTn (Wb. 1, 367–8) as wsn.v, inverting the order of the third and fourth consonants and writing the v after the walking legs determinative. The metathesis of n and v is unexpected, since it does not occur in any of the demotic writings of this verb cited in Glossar, p. 101, or CDD, letter w (7/8/2009), p. 168, and the verb survives into Coptic as oyostn without any evidence of undergoing such a change.120 (f) For the preposition mw, ‘like’, see note (d) on this line. Some other versions agree with our text in reading nb nHH after the preposition, while others substitute the plural nb.w nHH. The singular form becomes more common in the later versions.121 Assmann discusses the question of who these epithets designate. According to him, the prototypical ‘lord of eternity’ is either Osiris or Re, but the locution is also used, by extension, to denote the justified and transfigured dead.122 I have translated the singular nb nHH in our text as ‘the lord of eternity’, assuming that the deceased is being likened to one of the aforementioned gods. But in view of the variation between singular and plural in the different versions of this sentence, perhaps the Römischen Zeit, p. 352. 116 See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 172. 117 See Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 164–5 and 176; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 108–9. 118 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 174. 119 See Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 172. 120 Crum, A Coptic Dictionary, p. 492b. 121 See Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 211−13; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 107–9. 122 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 183.

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translation ‘a lord of eternity’, likening the deceased to one of the justified and transfigured dead, is preferable. (g) The sentence pair ao=k pr=k mw Ra wsn.v=k mw nb nHH further illustrates the theme of the deceased’s freedom of movement in the afterlife. The first sentence, and possibly the second as well, liken his freedom of movement to that of the sun god himself. This theme is well attested in other Egyptian sources. In fact, these sentences, or variations of them, frequently occur in other texts with no connection to the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits.123 These include works of literature, for example, the Instruction for Merikare, which says of the afterlife and its tribunal: ‘Existence yonder is eternal. He who does what they (scil. the members of the tribunal) censure is a fool. As for the one who reaches it without transgression, he will be as a god there, travelling freely like the lords of eternity.’124 Line 13 (a) All other parallels read sn.w, ‘offering bread’, instead of tAy. The reason for the substitution of the latter in our text could be that sn.w is not as common as tAy in demotic texts. Compare note (f) on line 11 above for a similar case involving the substitution of mi.t for wA.t as a term for ‘road’. Nevertheless, demotic orthographies of sn.w are known (see e.g. Glossar, p. 437), so perhaps there is another explanation which I have overlooked. (b) The surface of the papyrus is damaged following tAy, ‘bread’. The sign immediately after that noun is clearly an m. The ensuing traces are the top of a tall vertical sign followed by the top of a shorter one. The latter is clearly the initial sign of the verb pr, ‘come forth’. Compare the undamaged examples of that verb in the line above and in 9/19−21. The taller damaged sign preceding that could be w, in which case we have to read mw before pr. Only one other version of the spell has anything analogous to this. The version in question is preserved in P. BM EA 10209 and dates to the late fourth century B.C. This says that the deceased will receive bread m pr, ‘from what comes forth’.125 Accordingly, mw in our text could be a writing of the preposition m as well.126 A number of texts state that the deceased will receive loaves m pr, ‘from what comes forth’, whether upon an altar, at a feast, or every day.127 An alternative would be to interpret mw in the usual way, as a writing of the preposition mi, and translate ‘like what comes forth’ in our text. (c) m-bAH=y here corresponds to the adverb m-bAH, ‘in the presence’, in the parallel versions.128 Conceivably one could interpret the y as a first person singular suffix pronoun attached to m-bAH, but since no other version has this and there is no obvious referent for the pronoun in our text, I am inclined to interpret m-bAH=y as our scribe’s writing of the adverb, with the y perhaps added to distinguish it from the preposition m-bAH. The latter occurs in 123 Ibid., pp. 180−4. 124 Ibid., p. 183; J. Quack, Studien zur Lehre für Merikare (Wiesbaden, 1992), pp. 36–7 and 175. 125 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 109. 126 For this writing, normally found before the consonants H or X, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 211; Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, pp. 38–9; M. Smith, ‘Remarks on the Orthography of Some Archaisms in Demotic Religious Texts’, Enchoria 8 (1978), part 2, pp. 22–3. 127 See, for example, K. Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie (Leipzig, 1909), p. 1225, lines 3–4; W. Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie (Berlin, 1955), p. 1518, lines 1–4; A. Piankoff, Mythological Papyri (New York, 1957), p. 111, no. 10, scene 3, lines 9–10 (references courtesy of François-René Herbin). 128 For this nuance of m-bAH, see Wb. 1, 421, 1–4. As François-René Herbin has pointed out to me, the adverb could also have a temporal meaning here, ‘beforehand, previously’ (Wb. 1, 421, 5–6).

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10/14, 10/15, 10/16, and 10/17, invariably written without a final y. Another possibility is that the model on which our text is based wrote bAH as an ideogram accompanied by a short vertical stroke (cf. Wb. 1, p. 420) and our scribe misinterpreted the latter as a first person singular suffix pronoun. No further demotic examples of the adverb m-bAH are recorded in Glossar or the CDD. To my knowledge the instance in the present passage is the only one attested. (d) For the Middle Egyptian feminine singular genitival adjective nt qualifying uwA, ‘altar’, see note (b) on line 8 above. On the bas of Heliopolis, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 195. The statement that the deceased will receive bread ‘from what comes forth in the presence, from the altar of the bas of Heliopolis’, highlights the importance of Heliopolis, its cults, and its temples as sources of sustenance for the deceased in Egyptian texts for the afterlife. This topos persisted even after the cults and temples in question had ceased to function.129 No other version of the spell agrees precisely with our text at this point. The closest agreement is with a group of witnesses, mostly late or Graeco-Roman in date, which affirm that the deceased will receive bread from what comes forth in the presence on (Hr) the altar of the bas of Heliopolis.130 Other versions ascribe ownership of these altars to Hathor or to ‘Him whose name is hidden’.131 A substantial group of witnesses diverges even more significantly, stating that the deceased will receive loaves from what Ptah has given, and pure bread on the altar of Horus.132 (e) As the parallels demonstrate, SybA with house determinative is an unetymological writing of the Sb.w, ‘die Nahrung’, of Wb. 4, 437, 6−9. This implies that there must have been a noun written Sb.w or similar denoting an edifice or part of one whose orthography could be used for this purpose, but I have not been able to identify the noun in question. (f) Here, in the line immediately below, and in 10/20, wab, ‘pure’, is written with water and house determinatives. Writings of wab in 10/19 and 11/11 omit the latter. The house determinative is borrowed from the orthography of the noun wab, ‘sanctuary’. See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 168. For other demotic examples of wab, ‘pure’, written with the house determinative, see Glossar, p. 82; CDD, letter w (7/8/2009), p. 43. (g) For mw as a demotic writing of the preposition mi, ‘like’, see note (d) on the preceding line. Line 14 (a) The adjective aA.t, ‘great’, at the beginning of the line is written in hieratic with a bookroll determinative. Precisely the same writing is used in the hieratic columns of our manuscript. Compare 4/15, 6/3, 6/15, and 6/19. (b) The scribe of our text writes v in more than one way. For the particular form of the consonant in m-rwv here, compare the writings of rwv and srwv in 10/15−16. The former is an unetymological writing of rv, ‘feet’, borrowing the orthography of the verb rwv, ‘flourish’. The latter is the verb meaning ‘make to flourish’. m-rwv is a demotic writing of the preposition mrw.ty, ‘ausserhalb von’ (Wb. 2, 404, 12−14). This can also have the sense ‘around’, which

129 See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 151, and literature cited there; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 3, pp. 90−1. 130 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 109−11; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 176−7 and 215. 131 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 110. 132 See, for example, Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 184−5 and 213−15.

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would be equally appropriate in our text.133 No examples of this preposition are recorded in Glossar or the CDD. (c) The traces after m-rwv are

, which is evidently the beginning of the noun is,

‘tomb’, found in the parallels. Compare the initial sign in some orthographies of the adjective is, ‘alt’, cited in Glossar, p. 43. CDD, letter i (18/4/2011), p. 221, and Glossar, p. 43, both cite additional examples of this noun from the two Rhind papyri. However, the word written ise or isw there (once in the compound pr-isw) is not the word for ‘tomb’, but rather a demotic form of the noun is which denotes a place where unguents are prepared (Wb. 1, 127, 5), since the Rhind papyri explicitly identify this as the source of unguent and oil used in the mummification process.134 (d) No other version of the spell agrees precisely with our text at this point. As one might expect, the closest parallels occur in late or Graeco-Roman Period witnesses. P. BM EA 10209 has iw Sbw=k mi psD.t aA.t m-rw.ty is=k, ‘your food being like that of the great Ennead outside your tomb’, omitting the verb wab and the relative converter nt of the Bodleian version. The twenty-first dynasty Coffin Lyon H 2320 has the same, only without the suffix pronoun after is. The contemporary coffin Voronezh 1 omits the k after is as well. The Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957 read iw Sb.w=k wab Hr xAw.t Ra, ‘your food being pure on the altar of Re’, inserting the verb wab found in our text but altering the end of the clause considerably.135 Although I have restored i[s=k] at this point in our text, following the British Musem version of the spell, it has to be admitted that no trace of the suffix pronoun k is visible where one would expect to see it, so perhaps the Bodleian version followed those of the Lyon and Voronezh coffins in omitting it. (e) Some parallels substitute iwf, ‘flesh’, for the by, ‘ba’, of our text. Others use the noun ‘ba’ but substitute wAD, ‘flourish’, for the rwv which follows. Only three versions agree in using both bA and rwD like our text: those of Cairo statue CG 42126, Stela Florence Nr. 1617, and Theban Tomb 40. All three date to the eighteenth dynasty.136 The version in the first room of the eastern Osiris chapel on the roof of the temple of Dendera reads anx bA=f rwD mt.w=f, ‘His ba will live, his vessels will flourish’, replacing the second person suffix pronouns with third person pronouns.137 Phrases of this sort, which affirm the vitality of the deceased’s ba and their corporeal integrity, are extremely common in texts for the afterlife, including several which have no connection with the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits.138 (f) Nearly all parallels agree in reading wbA Hr=k, ‘Your visage will be opened’ (scil. to enable sight), instead of our text’s wab Hr=k. The one exception is the version of Berlin mummy bed 12442.139 In all other versions, apart from ours, these words are followed by the phrase m wA.t (or wA.wt) kkw, ‘on the road (or roads) of darkness’. Our text is unique in reading wab Hr=k mw wab mi.wt m At kky, ‘Your visage will be pure like a pure one (on) the roads in the

133 Cf. H. de Meulenaere, ‘Un sense particulier des prépositions “m-rw.tj” et “m-itr.tj”’, BIFAO 53 (1953), pp. 93–9. 134 G. Moller, Die beiden Totenpapyrus Rhind des Museums zu Edinburg (Leipzig, 1913), p. 8*, no. 45. 135 For all three parallel versions, see Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 109−10. 136 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 154 and 158−9. 137 Ibid., pp. 177 and 216. 138 For a selection of examples, see ibid., pp. 186−8; Herbin, Le livre de parcourir l’éternité, pp. 81–3. 139 Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, pp. 173−4.

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moment of darkness.’140 For the writing of wab with a house determinative here, see note (f) on the preceding line. For that of the preposition mw, ‘like, as’, see note (d) on line 12 above. For our text’s use of the noun mi.t, ‘road’, instead of wA.t, see note (f) on line 11. On the ‘road of darkness’, which the sun god as well as ordinary deceased people have to traverse, see Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 187−9; Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 174 note 1115; G. Burkard, Spätzeitliche Osiris-Liturgien im Corpus der Asasif-Papyri (Wiesbaden, 1995), p. 182 note 13, G. Vittmann, Altägyptische Wegmetaphorik (Vienna, 1999), p. 2 note 8, all with references to earlier literature. The expression can be understood literally, since the deceased require illumination to pass safely along the road, but also figuratively, to denote a difficult or dangerous situation. Line 15 (a) This and the following line enumerate gifts presented to the deceased by a series of male and female deities. Five deities are mentioned in total: Hapi, Nepit, Hathor, Hesat, and Renenutet. For references to Hesat elsewhere in demotic, see 9/21 of our text and P. Berlin 6750, x + 6/6.141 The writing of her name here incorporates the verb Hs, ‘praise, sing’, followed by y, the combination of t above egg sign, and the seated goddess determinative, the last two in hieratic. The incorporation of the orthography of the verb meaning ‘praise, sing’ in the deity’s name associates her with the cultic acts in question. As far as I am aware, Nepit is not mentioned in any other demotic text except this one.142 Each deity gives a gift which is characteristically associated with them. Hapi, the god of the Nile inundation, gives water;143 Nepit, the goddess of grain, gives bread;144 Hathor, in whose cult drunkenness played a prominent role, gives beer;145 Hesat, a goddess frequently portrayed as a suckling cow, gives milk;146 and Renenutet, the goddess of harvest and prosperity, gives wine.147

140 Or: ‘as the roads are pure in the moment of darkness’. 141 Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, pp. 104, 222, and 452. 142 Glossar, p. 216, cites an occurrence of the name of Nepit in a demotic inscription from Philae but this is actually a variant writing of nb.t, ‘mistress’. See R. Jasnow, ‘Isis, the-Mistress-of-the-Road’, Enchoria 19/20 (1992/1993), p. 219. 143 Cf. C. Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 5 (Leuven, Paris, Dudley, 2002), pp. 44–7. 144 Idem (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 4, p. 204; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 171. 145 Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 5, pp. 75–9. 146 Ibid., pp. 482–3. 147 Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 4, pp. 686–9; Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, pp. 77−8; M. Guasch Jané, Wine in Ancient Egypt: A Cultural and Analytical Study (Oxford, 2008), p. 21; A. Lerstrup, ‘The Making of Wine in Egypt’, Göttinger Miszellen 129 (1992), p. 70; P. Pierret, ‘Les sarcophages D 5 et D 7 du Louvre’, Revue Égyptologique 2 (1882), p. 27. For the significance of wine offerings in ancient Egypt, see Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10, p. 360; D. Devauchelle and G. Widmer, ‘Une transcription en démotique de deux formules du Rituel des offrandes (O. dém. DelM 2−1)’, in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 77−8; N. Tacke, Das Opferritual des ägyptischen Neuen Reiches 2 (Leuven, Paris, Walpole, 2013), p. 67 note 128, with references to further literature.

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Some versions of the spell replace Nepit with her male counterpart Nepri. Most omit Renenutet altogether.148 Only two versions, those of Berlin mummy bed 12442 and the Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957, have the same five deities with the same gifts and in the same sequence as in our text.149 Noteworthy is a scene in the first room of the eastern Osiris chapel on the roof of the temple of Dendera which depicts five deities presenting water, bread, beer, milk, and wine to Osiris. The first three divinities are Hapi, Nepit, and Hathor. The last is Renenutet. The name of the fourth, the cow-headed goddess who presents milk, is lost.150 Cauville restores this as 4xA.t-1r, ‘Sekhat-Hor’, but in view of the clear parallelism with our text, one wonders whether the name of the goddess Hesat should not be restored instead.151 (b) In our text, and in most other versions of the spell as well, the identity of the deity who presents each gift to the deceased is emphasised by use of the construction Noun + sDm=f, thus ‘Hapi, he will give you water’, and so on. The verb tw, ‘give’, which occurs six times in this and the next two lines, is written without a tall vertical stroke. The stroke is present in the writings of tw in lines 19 and 20 below. Some of the New Kingdom versions further emphasise the giver’s identity by using the Late Egyptian form of the participial statement, e.g. m 1apy di=f n=k mw, ‘It is Hapi who will give you water.’152 A few versions of the Graeco-Roman Period make use of the Middle Egyptian form of this construction, in 1apy di=f n=k mw. One of these is that inscribed on Berlin mummy bed 12442, which uses the participial statement when enumerating the gifts of the first three deities, but changes to Noun + sDm=f for the last two. This means that the only version of the spell which agrees with our text, not only in terms of the deities mentioned, their gifts, and the sequence in which they are named, but in terms of the grammatical construction used to describe their benefactions as well, is that of the Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957. Line 16 (a) After the statement that Renenutet will give the deceased wine, our text interpolates an additional sentence which is not found in any other version: iv=k mw.t=k sA=k ir=w n=k obH sntr m-mny nt ir any, ‘Your father, your mother, and your son will perform libations and censings for you daily, every day.’153 This is the first of three similar interpolations mentioning the parents and son of the deceased and their activities on his behalf. The others occur in 9/20−21 and 10/9, q.v. As we have seen, the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits was used in both the cult of the deceased and the cult of Osiris. The presence of such interpolations emphasises the fact that the particular version of the spell preserved in the Bodleian manuscript was intended for use in the former. (b) For the demotic expression ir any, ‘every day’ (= ra nb), see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 143 and 161, and references cited there. This occurs either alone or in the combination m Xr hrw nt ir any, ‘in the course of every single day’. In our text, the first element 148 See Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 189−91 and 216−20. 149 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 114. 150 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 190; Cauville, Dendara 10/1, pp. 61−2; idem, Dendara 10/2 (Cairo, 1997), plates 16 and 32. 151 S. Cauville, Dendara: Les chapelles osiriennes. Transcription et traduction (Cairo, 1997), p. 34. 152 See Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 158−9, 163−4, and 166−7. 153 The word which I have read as sA, ‘son’, could also be read as sn, ‘brother’. I have opted for the former in view of the fact that the same word clearly represents sA in 9/13, while in 10/9 the parallels agree unanimously in having sA.

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of that combination, m Xr hrw, is replaced by the synonymous expression m-mny (Glossar, p. 160; cf. Wb. 2, 65, 9−11). Line 17 (a) For the writing of the verb tw, ‘give’, here, see note (a) on line 15 above. The scribe of our text mistakenly wrote tw=k n=k, ‘you will give yourself’, instead of the expected tw=w n=k, ‘you will be given’. (b) 1.t-obvH is an unetymological writing of 1w.t-kA-PtH, another name for Memphis (Wb. 3, 5, 20). Compare line 19 below where this toponym is written 1.t-obHv, with metathesis of the consonants H and v. Only one other version of the spell preserves a parallel to this particular sentence, that inscribed on a stela of the Ptolemaic Period now in Cairo (JE 72300). This variant reads: [di.tw n]=k t 4 m Iwnw t 7 m 1w.t-kA-PtH, ‘You [will be given] four loaves of bread in Heliopolis and seven loaves of bread in Hutkaptah.’ Heliopolis replaces Abydos and precedes Hutkaptah there, reversing the order of the toponyms in our text, while seven loaves are substituted for the eight loaves of the Bodleian manuscript.154 The version of the spell inscribed on the eighteenth dynasty Stela Florence Nr. 1617 says that the deceased will receive four loaves in Busiris, eight loaves in Abydos, and twelve loaves in Oupoke, although at a slightly later point than the corresponding part of our text.155 Compare inscriptions in the eighteenth dynasty tombs of Rekhmire at Thebes (TT 100) and Meryneith and Ameneminet at Saqqara where the deceased is told he will receive four loaves of bread in Heliopolis and eight in Abydos.156 Like Heliopolis,157 Memphis and Abydos, their cults, and their temples, feature prominently in Egyptian texts for the afterlife as sources of sustenance for the deceased.158 (c) ih is a demotic writing of the preposition Hr, ‘upon’, which appears in the parallels. For the range of different forms this preposition takes in demotic texts, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 87−8; idem, Enchoria 8 (1978), part 2, pp. 23−5; CDD, letter H (30/7/2009), p. 204. The preposition recurs in lines 18−20 below and in 9/13 and 9/19. (d) For

as a demotic writing of HD, ‘silver’, see Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the

Mouth for Breathing, p. 79; idem, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 187. Line 18 (a) For ih as a demotic writing of the preposition Hr, here used with the sense ‘over’, see note (c) on the preceding line. Following this, the word for ‘basin’ is written nphA.t, with house determinative. All other versions read either npr.t (Wb. 2, 249, 7−10) or some other word like spy.t (Wb. 4, 100, 10), with a majority preferring the former, especially among the later

154 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 115 and plate 8. 155 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 158−9. For parallels to these statements in other New Kingdom texts, see ibid., pp. 110 and 329. 156 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 115; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 103, 110, 288 and 440−1; H.W. Müller (ed.), Staatliche Sammlung ägyptischer Kunst (Munich, 1972), pp. 75–6 and plate 40 (no. 63). 157 See note (d) on line 13 above. 158 For Memphis, see Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 110 and 199. For Abydos, see Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, pp. 229−34.

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versions.159 To the best of my knowledge, nphA.t in our text is unique, but the sense of the word is assured by virtue of the parallels. (b) The Middle Egyptian feminine singular genitival adjective nt occurs twice in this line. For the use of this adjective elsewhere in demotic, see (b) on line 8 above. Following nt, the f and k of mfky, ‘turquoise’, have been lost in a break, but the reading is not in doubt. ‘Turquoise’ in this context could refer metaphorically to the colour of the water in the basin. The ‘block of silver over a basin of turquoise’ was portable. Coffin Text Spell 61 refers to such blocks and basins being dragged or brought in for the deceased while Osiris looks on.160 For the rite of purification involved here, see Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 186 note 31; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 115; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 191−3. As the last notes, allusions to this rite occur in other sorts of text as well, for example, the Embalming Ritual and Book of the Dead Spell 172. On the washing of feet in general, see S. Schott, Die Reinigung Pharaos in einem ägyptischen Tempel (Berlin P 13242) (Göttingen, 1957), pp. 71−5. (c) I interpret as a demotic writing of mhr, ‘Milchkrug’ (Wb. 2, 115, 5−8). The demotic word is actually to be read as mHr, but by the time our text was inscribed h and H were no longer distinguished in pronunciation. Compare writings of the verb mHr, ‘be ill’, as cited in CDD, letter m (13/7/2010), pp. 148−9. For the correct reading of that word as mHr (and not mr as in the CDD), see J. Quack, ‘Zum Lautwert von Gardiner SignList U 23’, Lingua Aegyptia 11 (2003), pp. 113–16. The normal demotic word for ‘milk jug’ is mhn (Glossar, p. 171; CDD, letter m (13/7/2010), p. 167). So far as I am aware, this is the only attestation of mhr in texts written in that script. (d) nw is the Middle Egyptian masculine plural genitival adjective. For other demotic writings of this adjective, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 146; Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, pp. 38 and 128. Its use here suggests that the preceding mHr must be plural, despite the fact that it has no plural stroke written after it. If mHr is singular, then the plural form nw has been used in error, as such forms occasionally were once the genitival adjective had been reduced to a single invariable form n in the contemporary spoken language.161 (e) 4X-1r is a demotic writing of 4xA.t-1r, ‘She who remembers Horus’, the name of a cow goddess noted for the vivifying and nurturing properties of her milk, which she provided both for other deities and the deceased.162 The initial element is written sX with man with hand to mouth determinative. As far as I am aware, this divine name is not attested elsewhere in demotic. Not all versions of the spell have a parallel to the sentence swr=k m mHr nw irt m irt 159 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 116. 160 A. de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 1 (Chicago, 1935), pp. 261e–262a. Cf. Aufrère, L’univers minéral dans la pensée égyptienne 2, pp. 497–8; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 1, pp. 319 and 326. 161 Compare Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 2, pp. 674–7. 162 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 196−7 and 469, and literature cited there; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 117; C. Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 6 (Leuven, Paris, Dudley, 2002), pp. 500–1; S. Aufrère, ‘La liste des sept oasis d’Edfou’, BIFAO 100 (2000), p. 93.

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nt 4X-1r which occurs in our text. Those that do are mostly late or Graeco-Roman in date.163 There are also two earlier versions with this sentence, although they insert several additional sentences between it and the one that precedes it in our text.164 The parallels all agree in employing mhn, ‘milk jug’, in place of the Bodleian manuscript’s mHr.165 With one exception, they substitute m Hnk.t n 4xA.t-1r, ‘from the gift of Sekhat-Hor’, for the m irt nt 4X-1r of our text. The exception is the version of the spell inscribed on Berlin mummy bed 12442, which omits the words m Hnk.t. (f) The literal meaning of sfx v=k At.t sp-2 is ‘Divest yourself of the back (twice)’, although the sense requires At.t to mean ‘(what is on) the back’. Reference is made to the old garments which the deceased must remove in order to don the new ones he is said to receive in this and the following line. Verbs signifying ‘clothe, wrap’ or the like frequently take a double object, one referring to the person clothed, the other to the garment with which he or she is vested.166 This includes the verb wnx, which is the antonym of sfx. Compare P. Harkness, 3/31: wnu=f v=t pky, ‘He (scil. the sun god) will clothe you (with) linen.’167 As our passage shows, sfx can be used in a similar way. The sentence sfx v=k At.t sp-2 forms a pair with the following one, which reads Sp=k mnx, ‘You will receive linen.’ No other version of the spell presents this pair of sentences in precisely the same form as ours. That inscribed on the two Harageh pots cited in the preceding note, for example, reads: wnx=k wab sfx=k ky, ‘You will don a pure garment and remove the other.’168 Likewise, in the version of Berlin mummy bed 12442, the clause introduced by wnx precedes the one introduced by sfx.169 But some later versions, for example, those of Stela Cairo JE 72300 and Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957, which have sfx=k wab=k wnx=k mnx.t=k, ‘You will remove your pure garment and don your linen’, are closer to the Bodleian version inasmuch as they present the actions of disrobing and clothing in the same sequence as our text does.170 The theme of divesting oneself of one garment and donning another is attested in other texts for the afterlife as well.171 Reference could be made to the mummy bandages which are cyclically transformed into clothing for the dead through the efficacy of the embalming rites and the texts recited during their performance.172

163 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 117. 164 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 223. 165 Ibid., p. 152, Assmann reads mhr in the version of the spell preserved on two pottery vessels from Harageh dating to the Second Intermediate Period or early New Kingdom, but in the published facsimile of that text mhn is clearly written. See R. Engelbach and B. Gunn, Harageh (London, 1923), plate 78. 166 See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 170 and 187. 167 Ibid., p. 71 and plate 5. 168 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 152 and 223. 169 See Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, pp. 157−8, Abb. 29−30. The verb sfx (not read by Kurth) is written with the hieroglyph representing a human head (Gardiner Sign-List D1) and phonetic complements f and x in the Berlin text. For the use of the head sign with the value sfx, see Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 1, p. 167. 170 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 117–18. 171 See ibid., p. 118; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 197–8, 344, 562, and 569. 172 Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 38–40.

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Line 19 (a) For ih as a writing of the preposition Hr, see note (c) on line 17 above. Following this, awy, ‘arms’, is written unetymologically as if it were awy, ‘limbs’. This writing recurs in 9/2, 9/9, 9/11, 9/13, and 10/14 (twice). For examples in other Egyptian texts, demotic and nondemotic, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 170. Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, p. 170; Cauville, Dendara 10/1, p. 35, line 1 (compare ibid., p. 33, line 7). (b) The name of the goddess Tayit is written 6yy.t. The orthography is a complex one, and its constituent elements do not occur in the expected order. It begins with what looks like a writing of the noun tny.t, ‘share, portion’ (Glossar, pp. 638–9). The use of this was possible due to the loss of that word’s n, which resulted in the Coptic form toe. The feminine ending t of t(n)y.t is followed by a hieratic group composed of feminine t above an egg sign, such as is regularly used as a component of the determinative in names of goddesses. This in turn is followed by demotic y. The word concludes with the hieratic sign depicting a seated goddess. The position of the y in between the t above egg sign group and the seated goddess, rather than in front of the former, is unexpected. Normally, the seated goddess would follow immediately after the t and egg. For the expected order of these elements, compare writings of the divine name 1sy.t, ‘Hesat’, in line 15 above and 9/21. The incorporation of the noun meaning ‘share, portion’ in the writing of the name of the goddess here could be an allusion to the cloth she is said to provide for the spell’s beneficiary.173 For a more straightforward demotic writing of the name of Tayit, see Glossar, p. 607. Ray, followed by CDD, letter t (14/7/2012), p. 87, thinks that her name occurs in O. Hor 18 verso, line 19.174 However, Quack has shown that what Ray reads as 6yt there is actually vyv, a writing of the second person singular independent pronoun twt, followed by Iy, a defective writing of Iy-m-Htp, ‘Imhotep’, the name of the deified vizier and chief architect of the third dynasty ruler Djoser. This is clear because the characteristic epithet of Imhotep, sA wr n PtH, ‘eldest son of Ptah’, follows immediately after.175 Tayit, the goddess associated with cloth and weaving, is frequently attested as provider of clothing for the deceased in texts for the afterlife, so it is natural that they are said to receive their garments from her in the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits.176 (c) Of the other versions of the spell, only two early ones and a handful of later ones have anything corresponding to the words Hbs.w=k ih awy 6yy.t in our text.177 Herbin translates the words sfx=k wab=k wnx=k mnx.t=k Hbs.w=k Hr awy 6Ay.t in Stela Cairo JE 72300 as ‘Tu te déferas de ton vêtement-pur, revêtiras tes tissus et habits (venant) des mains de Tayt’, interpreting both mnx.t and Hbs.w=k as direct objects of the verb wnx.178 This is certainly possible. Equally, mnx and Hbs.w=k in our text could both be objects of the preceding verb Sp. 173 For cloth given to the deceased by a deity described as that deity’s tny.t, ‘share, portion’, see Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, pp. 96−7. 174 J. Ray, The Archive of Hor (London, 1976), p. 67 and plate 20. 175 See J. Quack, ‘Ein Götterinvokation mit Fürbitte für Pharao und den Apisstier (Ostrakon Hor 18)’, in J. Quack (ed.), Ägyptische Rituale der griechisch-römischen Zeit (Tübingen, 2014), pp. 86 and 98. 176 See Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 680, and references cited there; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 197 and 566; C. Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 7 (Leuven, Paris, Dudley, 2002), pp. 359–61. 177 See Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 223; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 117−18. 178 Ibid., p. 104.

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But there are a number of reasons to think that Hbs.w=k introduces a new clause. First, in the two early versions of the spell mentioned above, Hbs is a verb rather than a noun, and stands at the beginning of a completely new sentence: Hbs tw awy 6Ay.t, ‘The arms of Tayit will clothe you.’ Second, an inscription in the temple of Opet at Karnak incorporates a passage similar to ours, this time addressed to Osiris, which reads: sfx=k drit wnx=k mnx.t iw Hbs.w=k Hr awy 6Ay.t, ‘You will remove the drit-cloth and don the linen, for your garments are from the arms of Tayit.’179 There, the words Hbs.w=k Hr awy 6Ay.t are introduced by iw, clearly marking them as a separate clause. Third, the version of the spell preserved on Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957, which is in other respects identical with that of Stela Cairo JE 72300, omits the words Hbs.w=k Hr awy 6Ay.t altogether, which shows that they were not integral to the sense of the passage. Hence, I have treated Hbs.w=k ih awy 6yy.t as a distinct clause in my translation. The versions of the spell on two coffins, Lyon 2320 and Vienna 216, which date to the twenty-first dynasty and the Late Period respectively, have an interesting variant of this clause, which Herbin reads as Hbs k(w) awy 6Ay.t and translates ‘Les mains de Tayt t’habilleront.’180 Perhaps influenced by the early versions quoted above, he interprets Hbs as a sDm=f form and k as an abbreviated writing of the dependent pronoun kw. But in both versions, the initial word is written Hbs.w rather than Hbs, which suggests that it should be the noun ‘garments’. If so, in view of the parallels in our text and elsewhere, it may be preferable to read Hbs.w=k awy 6Ay.t and translate ‘Your garments are the arms of Tayit’ in these versions. The same is true in the version of the Late Period Coffin Turin S. 5425, where Herbin misreads Hbs.w=k awy 6Ay.t as Hbs.w=k mnx.w.181 A further variant, substituting the preposition m for Hr, occurs in the version of the spell inscribed on Berlin mummy bed 12442. This reads Hbs=k m awy 6Ay.t, ‘Your garments are from the arms of Tayit.’182 (d) For 1.t-obHv as an unetymological writing of 1.t-kA-PtH, ‘Hutkaptah’, another name for Memphis, see note (b) on line 17 above. Here, the last two consonants have been transposed through metathesis. 1.t-obHv calls to mind H.t-obH, ‘mansion of purification/refreshment’, the name of a building in which the sacred Apis bull of Memphis was purified prior to mummification and burial.183 The second element, obHv, also evokes the noun obH, ‘libations’, which follows immediately after it. (e) As the parallels show, obH tp in our text is an unetymological writing of obH Htp, ‘libations and offerings’. Evidently, the H is meant to serve both as the final consonant of obH and the initial one of Htp. But the unetymological writing also permits an alternative understanding of these words as ‘finest, first-class libations’.184 Three early versions of the spell have variants of this sentence, albeit not immediately after the same sentence as in our text, since they insert some additional material in between.185 The version of the spell on Stela 179 C. de Wit, Les inscriptions du temple d’Opet, à Karnak 1 (Brussels, 1958), p. 124, lines 3–4. 180 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 118. 181 awy, ‘arms’, there is written unetymologically as if it were aA.w, ‘great ones’. The name of the goddess which follows is written with the sign depicting the markings of the wDA.t-eye (Gardiner Sign-List D17) repeated three times. 182 Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 158, misreads Hbs as Ss. For the correct reading, see Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 118 (there given with a query). 183 See R. Vos, The Apis Embalming Ritual P. Vindob. 3873 (Leuven, 1993), pp. 153–4. 184 Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 659 note 63. 185 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 149 and 152−3.

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Cairo JE 72300 is the only late one to incorporate this sentence in full. It reads: di.tw n=k mw tA m 1w.t-kA-PtH obH Htp m Iwnw, ‘You will be given water and bread in Hutkaptah and libations and offerings in Heliopolis.’ It differs from our text only in substituting the sDm.tw=f form di.tw for our text’s tw=w and reversing the order of the nouns ‘water’ and ‘bread’. The version inscribed on Berlin mummy bed 12442 reads simply di.tw n=k tA m 1w.t-kA-PtH, ‘You will be given bread in Hutkaptah.’ Interestingly, sentences like ours occur frequently, with some minor variations, in offering texts of the New Kingdom, showing that their use was not restricted to the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits.186 For the deceased’s reception of sustenance in Memphis and Heliopolis as a topos in Egyptian texts for the afterlife, see note (d) on line 13 above and note (b) on line 17. Line 20 (a) For ih as a writing of the preposition Hr, see note (c) on line 17 above. The noun wDHw, ‘altar’, is written unetymologically, as if it were wtH, ‘cup, vessel’ (Glossar, p. 107), thus permitting an alternative interpretation of the sentence as ‘You will drink from the vessel of Re.’ For another unetymological writing of this noun, see note (b) on 9/7. Two early versions of the spell, those of P. BM EA 10819 and the Harageh pots, have a sentence similar to this one, although it comes at an earlier point in those texts, corresponding to 8/18 of the Bodleian manuscript. The sentence in question reads: swr=k mw Hr xAw.t Ra (variant 1r), ‘You will drink water upon the altar of Re’ (variant ‘Horus’).187 Of the late versions, the closest to our text is that of Stela Cairo JE 72300, which reads: swr=k Hr wDHw n Ra, ‘You will drink at the altar of Re.’ The two versions are identical, apart from the form used to write the preposition ‘at’. This sentence, with its reference to drinking at the altar of Re, develops one of the themes introduced in the preceding one: the deceased’s participation in the cults of Heliopolis and enjoyment of the benefits which accrue as a result. (b) For the writing of Htp, ‘offerings’, here, see note (d) on 8/6. The versions of the spell inscribed on P. BM EA 10819 and the Harageh pots agree in reading di n=k Wsir ir.t x.t, ‘Osiris will give you what pertains to offerings’, at this point.188 Of the later versions, that inscribed on Stela Cairo JE 72300 is slightly closer to our text, reading di n=k Wsir Htp.w, ‘Osiris will give you offerings’, while P. BM EA 10209 reads di.tw n=k Htp.w r-gs Wsir, ‘You will be given offerings beside Osiris.’ Our text is unique in substituting the name of the goddess Isis for that of Osiris and adding tfwA, ‘provisions’, after the word for ‘offerings’. (c) The only other versions to insert the sentence sDm=k mt.t n ntr aA, ‘You will hear the speech of the great god’, at this point are those of Stela Cairo JE 72300 and Berlin mummy bed 12422. In the latter, the word for ‘god’ is written , which has led some to misread it as xmt and translate it as ‘engendreur’ or ‘Erdenker’.189 For the correct reading and translation, see M. Smith, ‘Thinker, God, Creator, or Earth Maker?’, in a forthcoming Festschrift volume.

186 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 119. 187 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 148, 152, and 222. The variant with ‘Horus’ instead of ‘Re’ occurs in P. BM EA 10819. 188 Ibid., pp. 148, 152, and 222. 189 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 120; Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 171.

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(d) For the writing of s.t, ‘place’, here, see note (e) on line 6 above. The only parallels to this sentence occur in later versions of the spell.190 That of Stela Cairo JE 72300 is identical with ours. The version of Berlin mummy bed 12442 reads: ir.tw n=k s.t=k m wiA=f Dt, ‘Your place will be made for you in his bark for ever.’ That of P. BM EA 10209 substitutes: ir.tw n=k ns.t m wiA=k, ‘A seat will be made for you in your bark.’ The version inscribed on Coffin Lyon H 2320 (twenty-first dynasty) is the same but omits the suffix pronoun k after wiA. That inscribed on Coffin Vienna 216 reads rdi.tw n=k ns.t m wiA, ‘You will be given a seat in the bark’, with the word for ‘bark’ written unetymologically as if it were wA.t, ‘road’.191 Line 21 (a) Only two other versions of the spell have a sentence equivalent to Hms=k r-gs ntr aA in our text, those of Stela Cairo JE 72300 and Berlin mummy bed 12442. Both agree in reading snDm=k r-gs 1r, ‘You will sit beside Horus.’192 The name of that god is written with the falcon sign (Gardiner Sign-List G5) in the former, and the falcon with flagellum sign (Gardiner SignList G6) in the latter. Thus they would appear to give the name of the deity who is described anonymously as ‘the great god’ in our text. But since both signs can also serve to write the noun nTr, ‘god’,193 one wonders whether that should not be read in the Cairo and Berlin texts at this point, instead of 1r, ‘Horus’. This would bring them into closer agreement with the Bodleian version. The verb snDm is actually attested in demotic, usually written as sntm, although not very frequently.194 It is possible, therefore, that our scribe’s choice of Hms in preference to it is a further instance where a word which is rare in demotic has been replaced by one which is more common in texts written in that script. For this sort of substitution elsewhere in our manuscript, see note (f) on line 11 above and note (a) on line 13. (b) The closest parallel to the ir=k Xrb=k n by anx of our text occurs in Stela Cairo JE 72300. This is identical, except xpr replaces Xrb, as one would expect.195 The version of Berlin mummy bed 12442 is also very similar. It reads ir n=k xpr.w n bA anx, which Kurth has translated ‘Für dich wird die Gestalt eines lebenden Ba-Vogels geschaffen.’196 ir n=k there could also be an imperative followed by ethical dative, however, which would yield the translation ‘Assume for yourself the form of a living ba.’ Herbin interprets ir n=k as a sDm.n=f form, ir.n=k, which is also theoretically possible.197 Other late versions of the spell diverge even further, for example, that of P. BM EA 10209, which reads: ir=k xpr=k m xpr n nTr, ‘You will make your form as the form of a god.’198 (c) For sxn, ‘alight’, here written sxne, see Wb. 4, 253, 12−254, 6. Most other versions of the spell substitute the synonymous verb xn. The only exception is that of Stela Cairo JE 72300 190 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 120. 191 For the opposite, wA.t written as if it were wiA, see note (b) on 11/11. 192 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 120−1. 193 See Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 1, pp. 246– 7, nos. 11 and 14. 194 See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 176 and 179. 195 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 120. 196 Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 171. 197 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 121. 198 Ibid., p. 120.

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which has . This is clearly a verb that begins with s. However, the reading of the second sign, which depicts a man walking with a staff, is uncertain. The sign in question does not seem to have the value xn elsewhere, but conceivably it could derive this value from the verb xn, ‘einen Ort durchziehen’ (Wb. 3, 288, 1), through the principle of direct representation. If so, then the Cairo stela agrees with our text in reading sxn. (d) The noun bw, ‘place’, is written unetymologically, as if it were by, ‘ba’. This writing is well-attested in both demotic and hieratic religious texts.199 Two further examples occur in 11/11 and 11/12, and there is a possible third one in 9/12. The parallels write bw in the ordinary way, apart from the version of Berlin mummy bed 12442, which substitutes s.t, ‘place’. The latter agrees with our text in reading mr=k, ‘which you desire’, thereafter.200 Other versions have n mr=k, ‘of your desire’.201 Complete freedom of movement was an essential attribute of the ba of the deceased. Consequently, sentences which affirm that it could alight wherever it wished are well-attested in Egyptian texts for the afterlife.202 (e) The sentence by=k r p.t, ‘Your ba is destined for the sky’, is usually followed by a second one affirming that the deceased’s corpse is destined for the underworld. In our text, this second sentence has been lost in the break at the beginning of the first line of the next column but it can be restored there with certainty thanks to the parallels. For this type of verbless ‘emotive’ sentence, see note (b) on line 7 above. Three other versions of the spell include this sentence. Two, those of P. BM EA 10209 and Coffin Lyon H 2320, agree with ours in using the preposition r. That of Stela Cairo JE 72300 substitutes the preposition m, ‘in’.203 As noted above, sentences assigning the ba to the sky and the corpse to the underworld are common in Egyptian texts for the afterlife of all types.204 So ubiquitous is this theme that it has even been used as the title of a modern book on ancient Egyptian conceptions of the hereafter.205

Column 9 Line 1 (a) For the restoration of Xe.v=k r tA twA.t, ‘Your corpse is destined for the underworld’, at the beginning of the line, see note (e) on the preceding line. The occurrence of the noun Xe.(t), ‘womb’, in line 18 below is probably a good guide to how the word for ‘corpse’ will have looked in this one. In line 18, Xe.(t) is followed by a noun, so lacks the v that I have restored before the suffix pronoun here. I have restored the feminine singular definite article tA before

199 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, p. 354. Note especially the use of by as an unetymological writing of bw in the toponym By-wkm. For this term, which designates Nubia or a part thereof, see K. Ryholt, Narrative Literature from the Tebtunis Temple Library (Copenhagen, 2012), pp. 93−4. 200 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 121. 201 Ibid., p. 120. 202 See F.-R. Herbin, ‘Trois papyrus hiéroglyphiques d’époque romaine’, RdE 59 (2008), p. 134. 203 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 121. 204 See examples cited ibid., pp. 121−3; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 138−41. 205 The book in question is C. Theis, Deine Seele zum Himmel, dein Leichnam zur Erde (Hamburg, 2011).

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twA.t, ‘underworld, since the use of the article seems to be obligatory with that noun in our text. See note (a) on 8/11. The bottom tip of the divine determinative of twA.t is visible immediately before the lower part of the m of the word mAa which follows. Since so little of the sign is preserved, it is impossible to say whether this was the demotic divine determinative, as in the writing of twA.t in 8/2, or the hieratic one, as in the writings of twA.t in 8/11, 8/12, and 10/6. The divine determinative is partially obscured by a dark patch which extends over mAa and the following noun xrw, ‘voice’, as well. (b) With the traces of 6A-wr, the name of the Abydene or eighth Upper Egyptian nome, compare those of that toponym two lines below. Both occurrences of the word are damaged, but fortunately in different places. In each case, there are faint traces of writing between the tA and wr signs which I am unable to read. In the current line, they bear some resemblance to nb, but that would be out of place in this toponym, so perhaps they are a determinative after tA. If the traces are of nb, this could be an abusive borrowing from the orthography of the toponym 6A-nb-anx which occurs in line 17 below, q.v. Elsewhere in demotic, 6A-wr is written 7Awwr. The former is the earlier form of the name; the latter makes its first appearance in the New Kingdom.206 The only parallel to agree with our text in having the name of the eighth Upper Egyptian nome at this point is that of Stela Cairo 72300. (There it is written 7Aw-wr.) Two other versions, those of P. BM EA 10209 and Coffin Lyon H 2320, substitute imy-wr.t, ‘west’.207 Confusion between the two terms is probably due to the fact that both incorporate the element wr and that tA-wr and imy-wr.t are linked together as terms denoting, respectively, the port and starboard sides of a vessel. See Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10, pp. 234–5. (c) My restoration of the end of the line is based on the parallels, nearly all of which agree in reading fA=k Hr=k r p.t n Ra mAA=k 1r at this point.208 Since the traces of the divine name 1r, ‘Horus’, in the line below do not stand at the beginning of the line, something, presumably mAA=k, must have preceded it there. This means that the break at the end of the present line must have been filled with a demotic counterpart to the sentence fA=k Hr=k r p.t n Ra. It is difficult to say precisely how this would have looked, particularly in view of our scribe’s propensity for unetymological writings. The verb ‘raise’ does not occur elsewhere in our text. Presumably, this would have been written fy, as it normally is in demotic.209 The constituent words of the remainder of this sentence, Hr=k r p.t n Ra, do occur at various points in the Bodleian manuscript, however, although not in conjunction. Hr=k occurs in 8/14, r p.t in 8/21, and n Ra in 8/20. If one adds up the space required to write these words and allows a bit more to accommodate a writing of fy=k, ‘you will raise’, the result would be sufficient to fill the whole of the break in the second half of the present line, thus confirming the restoration that I have proposed. Line 2 (a) With the traces of the divine name 1r, ‘Horus’, near the beginning of this line, compare the better preserved writings of 1r in 8/18, line 13 below, 10/9, 10/11, 10/17−19, and 11/9.

206 Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 224. 207 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 121. 208 The version of Coffin Vienna 216 substitutes wiA, ‘bark’, for p.t. 209 Cf. Glossar, pp. 143–4.

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For the restoration of mAA=k, ‘you will see’, immediately before that divine name, see the preceding note. (b) Of the parallels, Stela Cairo JE 72300, Coffin Vienna 216, and P. BM EA 10209 agree with our text in reading m Hm=f, ‘as his (scil. Re’s) steersman’, after 1r. Coffin Lyon H 2320 substitutes Hr Hmy=f, ‘at his steering oar’.210 For Hny as the normal demotic counterpart of Hm, see Glossar, p. 312. Allusion is made to the role of Horus as steersman of the sun god’s bark, in which the deceased hoped to voyage, and thereby see him and the other members of the solar deity’s crew performing their duties.211 (c) The traces after Hny=f are of awy=f, ‘his hands’. Here, as elsewhere in the text, awy, ‘hands’, is written unetymologically as if it were awy, ‘limbs’. For this writing, see note (a) on 8/19. The word’s initial group is repeated in error, as it is in line 11 below and in 10/14 as well. (d) My restoration of the second half of the line is somewhat conjectural. I have followed the version of P. BM EA 10209 in restoring mH m nfry.t tw=f Hr=f r, the object of the preposition being 6A-wr at the beginning of line 3. The versions of Coffin Lyon H 2320 and Coffin Vienna 216 read mH m nfry.t di=f n=k Hr r; that of Stela Cairo JE 72300 has mH m nfr(y).t di=f Hr=k r. In the last, and possibly the first two as well. Horus is said to turn the deceased’s face to the nome of Abydos for him rather than turning his own face. Our text may have said the same. The verb mH, ‘grasp’, does not occur elsewhere in the Bodleian papyrus, but some idea of the amount of space it would have occupied may be gauged by comparison with the writing of the noun mH, ‘wreath’, in line 13 below. Nor does our text preserve any example of nfry.t, ‘tiller’, for comparative purposes. For the preposition m, see lines 5, 6, and 8 below. A representative instance of tw=f occurs in 8/15. For Hr, ‘face’, see e.g. 8/2, 8/5, and 8/9, and for the preposition r, lines 3 and 6 below. Taking into account the space required to write mH, m, and the components of the clause tw=f Hr=f r elsewhere in our text, and allowing a bit more for nfry.t, ‘tiller’, however that may have been written, the restoration I have proposed would fill the lacuna adequately. Line 3 For the writing of 6A-wr, the name of the eighth Upper Egyptian nome, here, see note (b) on line 1 above. This is followed by the phrase r Ibt BHt, ‘to Abydos and Behdet’. BHt recurs in 8/6 and 8/8. See note (a) on the former where I have presented arguments for identifying this as ‘Eastern Behdet’ (BHd.t iAb.t), modern day Nag al-Mashayikh, rather than Edfu in the second Upper Egyptian nome. The version of the spell in Stela Cairo JE 72300 inserts the toponym @bDw, ‘Abydos’, after 6A-wr. This is followed immediately by the sentence which begins line 4 in our text, with nothing intervening. The versions of P. BM EA 10209 and Coffin Lyon H 2320 agree, but go further in omitting the reference to Abydos.212 Thus the Bodleian version of the spell had a lengthy interpolation at this point which does not occur in any of the parallels. This confronts us with the problem of how to restore the second half of the line. Elsewhere in our text, BHt occurs twice in lists of places where the deceased is supposed to 210 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 123. 211 See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 118−19 and 179; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 332; idem, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 3, p. 513; G. Roulin, Le Livre de la Nuit: Une composition égyptienne de l’au-delà 1 (Fribourg and Göttingen, 1996), p. 193 (reference courtesy of François-René Herbin). 212 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 123.

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receive offerings, in 8/5−6 and 8/8−9. In these lists, it is followed by three further toponyms: Ipw, ‘Ipu’, H.(t)-bwbw, ‘the mansion of brightness(?)’, and Imnv, ‘the West’.213 Accordingly, it is tempting to restore the rest of this sequence after BHt here, and in fact there is a trace of ink visible just before the break which is likely to be the lower part of the initial sign of Ipw. The amount of space occupied by Ipw, H.(t)-bwbw, and Imnv in 8/6 is longer than the break in the second half of the present line. On the other hand, the amount of space occupied by these words in 8/8−9 is shorter than the lacuna. This indicates that the writings of these three toponyms in the present line of our text occupied less space than they did in 8/6, and more than they did in 8/8−9. Line 4 (a) The noun itn, ‘sun disk’, is written in hieratic, as are the initial signs of the following combination iw-H.t. As the parallels show, this is an unetymological writing of the noun aHaw, ‘Lebenszeit, Zeit, Zeitdauer’ (Wb. 1, 222−3), consisting of hieratic iw plus the demotic noun H.t, ‘front’.214 The writing permits an alternative interpretation of the opening words of this line as ‘The sun disk will act for you at the front’, with reference being made to the prow of the solar bark which is mentioned in the next line. For the following ir any, ‘every day’, see note (b) on 8/16. After this there is a short patch where the writing has been rubbed away from the papyrus surface and then the line breaks off completely. (b) The parallels diverge considerably at this point. The one in closest agreement with the preserved portion of our text is the version of Stela Cairo JE 72300 which reads: ir n=k itn aHaw ra nb r rA StA.t=k, ‘The sun disk will delimit time for you every day at the entrance of your tomb.’215 However, the words r rA StA.t=k by themselves would be insufficient to fill up the lacuna in the second half of the present line of the Bodleian manuscript. Coffin Lyon H 2320 and P. BM EA 10209 insert two further sentences after StA.t=k, to the effect that the sun disk will illumine the darkness in the underworld for the deceased and shine as a light upon his head. The version of the spell on Berlin mummy bed 12442 only includes the second of these sentences.216 The lacuna in our text is not large enough to permit the restoration of r rA StA.t=k (or a variant thereof) and two additional sentences as well, although it could accommodate r rA StA.t=k and one sentence, as in the Berlin parallel. But it is uncertain which sentence this might have been, and what form it might have taken, given that none of the parallels agrees precisely with the others at this point, which makes any attempt at restoration hazardous. The daily progress of the sun disk across the sky permits the hours to be measured, while its disappearance in the west each evening and subsequent reappearance in the east at dawn allows one day to be distinguished from the next. Our text affirms that the deceased will enjoy the same benefits from this unending solar cycle as the living on earth. For the solar deity as delimiter of time, see also the nineteenth dynasty P. Leiden I 350, 2/16–17, where he

213 See notes (a), (b), and (c) on 8/6 and note (f) on 8/8. 214 In Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 659 note 68, I said this unetymological writing consisted of ‘iw + H + sun determinative’, but I am now inclined to interpret what follows H as the stroke and feminine t ending of H.t. Compare the writing of that noun in 8/10. 215 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 124. 216 Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 168; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 124.

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is described as ir rnp.wt Ts Abd.w hrw.w grHy.wt wnw.wt r nmt.t=f, ‘maker of years, who orders months, days, nights, and hours in accordance with his movements’.217 Line 5 (a) The version of the spell in Stela Cairo JE 72300 is the only one which agrees with our text in using the passive sDm=f form saHa here. For this form elsewhere in demotic, see note (c) on 8/7. Other versions substitute saHa.tw. m ao is an unetymological writing of the preposition m-aoA, ‘before, in front of’, This writing permits an alternative understanding of the passage as ‘The solar bark will be halted when you enter.’ For another demotic example of this orthography, see note (b) on 11/2. Graphic variation between ao and aoA is attested in nondemotic texts as well.218 In P. Carlsberg 180 + P. Berlin 10465 and 14475 + PSI I 176, fragment J, 20/1, hieratic aoA is glossed with demotic ao, while ibid., 21/10, aoA in the phrase m-aoA n Iwnw, ‘before Heliopolis’, is glossed with Old Coptic ak.219 Stela Cairo JE 72300, Coffin Lyon H 2320, and Berlin mummy bed 12442 all add ra nb, ‘every day’, after m-aoA=k. Only P. BM EA 10209 agrees with our text in omitting it.220 The sun god’s bark is halted before the deceased to permit him to board it and join its crew. Compare 8/10, where it is said that the deceased will sit before those in the bark, and 8/20, where it is said that the deceased will take his place in the bark of the great god for ever. This is a common theme in Egyptian texts for the afterlife, which is attested from the eleventh dynasty onward.221 (b) The traces before the break are of pke followed by a writing determinative. For the latter, compare the writing of nt-a in line 20 below. pke in our text clearly corresponds to the verb pgA, ‘unroll’, which appears in most of the parallels.222 Compare, for instance, P. BM EA 10209: pgA n=k I Xr.t-a=f, ‘Thoth will open up his writing materials for you’, and Coffin Lyon H 2320: pgA n=k 9Hwty Xr.t-a=, ‘Thoth will open up writing materials for you.’ Since none of the parallels agrees precisely with the others at this point, my restoration, although certainly correct in its main lines, must be regarded as conjectural in some of its minor details. It is not clear, for instance, whether the scribe of our text wrote the name of Thoth as I, as in P. BM EA 10209, or 9Hwty, as in the other versions. Nor can we be certain whether he added the suffix pronoun f after Xr.t-a, as I have restored, or omitted it, as is done in some of the other versions. I have opted to restore 9Hwty, since that is the only form of Thoth’s name used elsewhere in the demotic portion of the Bodleian manuscript, and include the suffix pronoun, since our scribe does not normally omit such pronouns after nouns. It is worth noting that Berlin mummy bed 12442 has a variant of this sentence, which appears to read ab n=k 9Hwty nt-=f. Kurth translates ‘Thot vollzieht für dich seine 217 A. Gardiner, ‘Hymns to Amon from a Leiden Papyrus’, ZÄS 42 (1905), pp. 22–3; Zandee, De hymnen aan Amon van Papyrus Leiden I 350, p. 30 and plate 2. 218 See A. Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1 (Wiesbaden, 2011), p. 172; F. Herbin, ‘La renaissance d’Osiris au temple d’Opet (P. Vatican Inv. 38608)’, RdE 54 (2003), p. 109; K. Jansen-Winkeln, Biographische und religiöse Inschriften der Spätzeit aus dem Ägyptischen Museum Kairo 1 (Wiesbaden, 2001), p. 152. 219 J. Osing, Hieratische Papyri aus Tebtunis 1 (Copenhagen, 1998), pp. 105–7. 220 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 124−5. 221 See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 142, 177, and 183−4; idem, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, pp. 249, 251, and 337. 222 For these, see Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 125−6.

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Rituale’,223 while Herbin renders ‘Thot te présentera son cérémonial.’224 I suspect, however, that ab, here written , is simply a mistake for , i.e. pgA,225 the two signs having been 226 confused owing to their similarity in hieratic. (c) The traces at the end of the line are of sn.ty, ‘two sisters’. Compare the undamaged occurrence of that noun in 11/5, discussed in note (b) ad loc. The parallels all agree in reading sAx tw sn.ty, ‘The two sisters (scil. Isis and Nephthys) will glorify you’, here, so we can safely restore the equivalent of that in our text.227 To judge from 11/5, sAx will have been written sX with man with hand to mouth determinative and v=k will have been used in preference to tw for the second person singular masculine dependent pronoun, as it almost invariably is in the Bodleian manuscript.228 If the words sX v=k sn.ty occupied the same amount of space in the present line as they do in 11/5, then the lacuna is large enough to accommodate not only that phrase but the missing part of the preceding sentence as well. As the presence of the verb pke (< pgA) just before the break in this line and the clear traces of sn.ty, ‘two sisters’, at the end of it clearly show, the sentence affirming that Thoth will open up his writing materials for the deceased preceded the one which says that the two sisters will glorify him. In all other versions of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits, this sequence is reversed. The only other source to present these sentences in the same order as our text is an inscription on the sarcophagus of the twenty-first dynasty king Amenemopet from Tanis, albeit there in a different context (a speech of the goddess Nut) which is unrelated to our spell.229 Line 6 (a) For the writing of the third person plural suffix pronoun sn after xrw, see note (a) on 8/5. As that note explains, there is a clear pattern of distribution between the third person plural suffix pronouns sn and w in our text. The former is used exclusively to indicate the possessor after a noun. The latter, with one exception (xrw=w, ‘their voices’, in 10/10), is only used to mark the subject after a sDm=f form. Apart from a few traces, the prepositional phrase m xrw=sn, ‘with their voices’, is all that survives of the sentence ‘The two sisters will glorify you with their voices’, which originally began in the preceding line. The only other version of the spell to expand that sentence in this way is that of Stela Cairo JE 72300. All other versions omit m xrw=sn.230 By reciting glorifications and lamentations for the deceased Osiris in the embalming place, Isis and Nephthys helped to restore him to life. This act served as the mythical precedent and model for the recitation of such texts during the mummification rites of ordinary deceased people.

223 Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 171. 224 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 126. 225 Not in Gardiner’s or Kurth’s lists of signs, but cf. F. Daumas (ed.), Valeurs phonétiques des signes hiéroglyphiques d’époque gréco-romaine 2 (Montpellier, 1988), p. 342, no. 57. 226 Compare G. Möller, Hieratische Paläographie 3 (Osnabrück, 1965), p. 21, no. 234, and p. 48, no. 501. 227 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 125−6. 228 For the one possible exception, see note (f) on 8/2. 229 P. Montet, La nécropole royale de Tanis 2 (Paris, 1951), p. 174; K. Jansen-Winkeln, Inschriften der Spätzeit I: Die 21. Dynastie (Wiesbaden, 2007), p. 95, no. 3; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 126. 230 Ibid., p. 125.

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(b) The only other version of the spell with a parallel to the damaged sentence which begins after m xrw=sn in our text is that of Stela Cairo JE 72300. This reads: mAa xrw=k r-gs DADA.t ntt m 9dw, ‘You will be justified beside the tribunal which is in Busiris.’231 From this it is clear that what resembles the verb D, ‘sing, say’ (Glossar, p. 691), immediately before the break in the present line is actually the first part of an unetymological writing of DADA.t, ‘tribunal’. We cannot be certain how the rest of this looked but it is a reasonable conjecture that the second part was like the first. The incorporation of D in the writing of DADA.t could allude to the tribunal’s function of pronouncing judgement. With this as our starting point, a further comparison with the examples of the relative converter nt in 8/8, 8/13, 8/18, and line 14 below, with the preposition m earlier in this line and in line 7 below, and with the toponym 9dw, ‘Busiris’, in 10/8, helps us to gauge how much of the lacuna would have been filled by the remainder of this sentence. The ‘tribunal which is in Busiris’ is presumably the same as the ‘great tribunal which is in Busiris’ (DADA.t aA.t imy.t 9dw). This is named in Book of the Dead Spell 18, the First Letter for Breathing, and other sources as one of the tribunals at which the deceased hope to be justified. According to one version of Spell 18, it consisted of Osiris, Isis, Nephthys, and Harendotes.232 (c) The start of the ensuing sentence is lost in our text. All that it is preserved of it in this line is a feminine t ending followed by the adjective aA.t, ‘great’, at the end. The only parallel, Stela Cairo JE 72300, preserves the beginning of the sentence but not what follows. This reads sSm=sn Hr=k r [...], ‘They will direct your face to […].’ Combining the two versions gives us a composite sentence meaning ‘They will direct your face to the great […].’ It is not too difficult to gauge how much space this would have required. Presumably the suffix pronoun sn would have appeared as w.233 There is no demotic example of sSm elsewhere in the Bodleian papyrus for comparison. For Hr=k, however, see 8/9 and 8/14. The preposition r occurs in lines 3 and 6 below. It is impossible to say with certainty which feminine noun preceded aA.t at the end of this line, so my suggestion to restore H.t, ‘mansion’, is only conjectural. For that noun, see 8/17 and 8/19. The only problem with the restorations I have proposed in this and the preceding note is that they may require a bit more space than the lacuna can accommodate, even if we assume a rather compressed orthography for some words. This difficulty would be obviated if the unetymological writing of DADA.t, ‘tribunal’, discussed in the preceding note was shorter than I have allowed, for example, if what we see before the break actually represented the entire word and not simply its first part. Compare note (a) on 11/4. In that line, the noun Dd, ‘djed-pillar’, is treated as if it had only a single consonant. (d) For H.t-aA.t, ‘great mansion’, as the name of the sun god’s temple in Heliopolis, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 183, and literature cited there. As I have pointed out in the preceding note, the restoration of H.t here is conjectural, but a reference to the solar deity’s temple in Heliopolis would be appropriate at this point since the context is clearly Heliopolitan, given the references to the place of Re and the altars of Atum at the beginning of the next line. Another alternative would be to restore [s].t aA.t, ‘great [pla]ce’, instead of [H].t aA.t. For this term, which denotes a cemetery or sacred precinct where divine beings are buried, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 228; Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10, p. 472.

231 Ibid., p. 126. 232 See Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 7, pp. 598–9. 233 See note (a) on 8/5.

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Line 7 (a) For the writing of s.t, ‘place’, at the beginning of the line, see note (e) on 8/6. The use of the definite articles is very restricted in our text. The plural article nA only occurs here and in line 10 below (twice). See note (a) on 8/11. With the traces of the divine name Itm, ‘Atum’, just before the break, compare the undamaged occurrence of that name in 10/6. (b) The phrase nA wAD tH n Itm is problematic. wAD is written like the verb meaning ‘grün sein’ (Glossar, pp. 104−5), tH like the noun meaning ‘Stroh’ (ibid., p. 651). But it is difficult to see what ‘the greenness of the straw of Atum’ might signify. The context leads us to expect a term denoting a sanctuary or object within a sanctuary belonging to Atum. Therefore, I propose to interpret wAD tH as an unetymological writing of wtH (< wDHw), ‘altar’. Cf. the reference to ‘the altar of Re’ (wtH n Ra) at which the deceased is supposed to drink in 8/20. The word for ‘altar’ is written unetmologically there as well. No other parallel preserves a counterpart to the first half of the present line, but the context is clearly Heliopolitan. If my restoration of the break in the second half of the preceding line is correct, then our text says that the deceased is guided to the temple of the sun god in Heliopolis and the altars of the solar deity. For a similar passage concerned with the dead individual’s arrival and welcome in that city, see P. Harkness, 5/4–5, where it is said that the beneficiary will be presented to the youths of Heliopolis, the children of Pre who are in the libation pool, and that her yard will approach the house of Shu and Tefnut, the house of the magistrate, the great place (s.t wry.t), and the four bricks of faience.234 For the importance of Heliopolis and its sanctuaries as sources of sustenance for the deceased, see note (d) on 8/13. (c) The vertical stroke of the initial sign of the noun sbuA, ‘portal’, has been lost at the end of the line, but the rest of that word is well preserved. Cf. Glossar, p. 422. sbuA is modified by the adjective Sty, ‘secret’, written with man with hand to mouth determinative, which stands at the beginning of the next line. Evidently, we have here the end of a sentence which is preserved in only two other versions of the spell, those of Coffin Lyon H 2320 and P. BM EA 10209. This sentence reads: sSm=f n=k sbx.wt StA.wt, ‘He will guide you to the secret portals.’235 For the portals in question, see Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10, pp. 406 and 416. In the Lyon and British Museum versions, the words sSm=f n=k sbx.wt StA.wt follow shortly after the sentence discussed in note (b) on line 5 above which affirms that Thoth will open up his writing materials for the deceased. Compare P. BM EA 10209, 1/43−2/1, which reads: pgA n=k I Xr.t-a=f nTr=k mi nTr.w sSm=f n=k sbx.wt StA.wt, ‘Thoth will open up his writing materials for you so that you become divine like the gods. He will guide you to the secret portals.’236 Consequently, in this and the Lyon version of the spell, it is clear that the antecedent of the suffix pronoun f after sSm is Thoth. This is not surprising since that god is well attested elsewhere as an underworld guide.237 In our text, however, it is less clear who the antecedent would have been since the sentence about Thoth and his writing materials occurs a full two lines before this one, with sentences mentioning other deities like Re and Atum intervening between them. sSm=f n=k by itself 234 See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 78 and 217–18 with plate 7. 235 Literally, ‘He will point out the secret portals to you’ (Wb. 4, 256, 12). See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 127. 236 Ibid., pp. 125−7. 237 See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 173; Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, p. 223.

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would hardly be enough to fill the lacuna after the damaged writing of Itm, ‘Atum’, in our text. Nor would sSm n=k 9Hwty or even 9Hwty sSm=f n=k. Two plausible reconstructions of the remainder of the missing text can be envisaged: either Thoth was mentioned by name at the beginning of the present sentence, perhaps in one of the phrases suggested above, and one or more epithets like ntr aA, ‘great god’, or aA aA aA, ‘thrice greatest’, were added after his name; or else the preceding sentence did not end with the damaged writing of Atum’s name but continued a bit further, without making any reference to Thoth, so that the sun god was the antecedent of sSm=f. In the first instance, Thoth will have been named as the deceased’s guide to the secret portals. In the second, Re or Atum will have been assigned this function. Line 8 (a) After Sty, our text continues with the words ao=k [i]m=s Dt, ‘You will enter [thr]ough it (scil. the secret portal) eternally.’ For the writing of the prepronominal form of the preposition m as im with man with hand to mouth determinative, see note (b) on 8/5. No other version of the spell has a sentence precisely like this one. The only versions with a parallel to the preceding sentence in our text, those of Coffin Lyon H 2320 and P. BM EA 10209, follow it with a sentence reading sS=k (variant: sS=k m) Hbs-bAg, ‘You will pass through “that which covers the weary one”.’ Hbs-bAg is a name for the underworld, the weary one being Osiris.238 Although this is not, strictly speaking, a parallel to our sentence, it clearly has some affinities with it. (b) A trace of the verb iw, ‘come’, is visible just before the break in this line. Compare undamaged examples of that verb in 8/3 and 10/18–19. After the break, at the end of the line, one has the last part of a word which ends in twt followed by the suffix pronoun f. This word must have been preceded by another one with the same suffix pronoun attached, since the lower tip of that f is visible below the break. On the basis of these traces, together with the parallels, we can be confident in restoring this sentence and the ensuing one, which continues into the next line, as i[w n=k Ra tw=f n=k st.w]=f [H]twt=f bHA m ir.v=k, ‘[Re will] c[ome to you and give you] his [rays]. His [illu]mination floods into your eyes.’ Of the parallels, P. BM EA 10209, Coffin Lyon H 2320, Coffin Vienna 216, and the extracts from the spell on the sarcophagus of the twenty-first dynasty king Amenemopet agree with our text in using iw for the verb ‘come’.239 Other versions substitute ii. Uniquely, however, our text inverts the order of st.w=f and Htwt=f, using the former as the object of the verb tw and the latter as the subject of the clause with bHA (< baH) as its verb.240 Nevertheless, we can be certain that the above restoration is correct, since st.w, ‘rays’, is never written with two t’s in demotic.241 Line 9 (a) bHA with brazier determinative is an unetymological writing of the verb baH, ‘flood’, which can be used metaphorically to describe the action of the rays of the sun (Wb. 1, 448–9). That verb is attested elsewhere in demotic, although not very frequently (see Glossar, p. 113),

238 Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 5, p. 112. 239 The version of the spell said to have been copied from the coffin of a man called Amenopetmeri from Tanis in Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 72, which likewise uses iw, is actually that of the sarcophagus of king Amenemopet (information courtesy of François-René Herbin). 240 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 127−8, for the order of these nouns in the other versions. 241 See Glossar, p. 476; CDD, letter s (15/11/2013), p. 506.

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which could explain why the scribe chose to write it in this way. But it is not clear to me which word’s orthography has been borrowed to write baH in our text. bHA with brazier determinative does not appear in any dictionary. Could this be a variant of bX, ‘leuchten, erleuchten, erhellen’ (Wb. 1, 472, 9–13)? If so, then the unetymological writing would permit an alternative understanding of the words [H]twt=f bHA m ir.v=k in the present passage as ‘His [illu]mination shines in your eyes.’ From this point onward, the number of parallels begins to increase again. Nearly all agree with our text in placing the verb baH after its subject in this clause. Contrast the version of the spell in P. BM EA 10209 which reads baH sty.w=f m ir.ty=k, ‘his rays flooding your eyes’.242 For the motif of the sun god illuminating the deceased with his rays in the underworld, see note (b) on line 4 above and note (c) on 11/10. (b) The noun awy, ‘arms’, is written unetymologically as if it were awy, ‘limbs’. For this writing elsewhere in our text and in other demotic sources, see note (a) on 8/19. The following 6ny is a demotic variant of Tnn, the second element in the divine name 6A-Tnn, ‘Tatenen’ (Wb. 5, 227–8). The name is frequently written without the initial element.243 For ir any as a demotic writing of ra nb, ‘every day’, see note (b) on 8/16. Stela Cairo JE 72300 preserves a version of this sentence which is almost identical with ours, even to the extent of writing the verb Ssp as Sp. It differs only in omitting the words ‘every day’ at the end. Other versions add the particle iw before awy, ‘arms’, or incorporate more extensive alterations.244 The chthonic deity (Ta)tenen is identified with the earth and, by extension, the underworld or West itself.245 Thus, when our text says that his arms are prepared to receive the deceased, the sense is that the underworld welcomes him and allows him to enter. This theme is found in a number of other sources as well.246 In a similar way, the West can be personified as a goddess who welcomes and admits the dead.247 Some versions of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits, although not ours, actually add a further sentence immediately after this one, which says StA.t di=s awy=s r Ssp=k, ‘The underworld will extend her arms to receive you.’248 Just as the arms of Tatenen can be said to receive the deceased and raise them up on their arrival in the underworld, as they do for the sun god, so do the arms of Nun perform this function when they leave the realm of the dead at the dawning of each new day.249 In this respect, Tatenen and Nun play complementary roles. They assist the sun god and the deceased

242 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 127–8. 243 Cf. Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 7, p. 346; Glossar, p. 636. 244 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 128–9. 245 E. Hornung, Das Buch von den Pforten des Jenseits nach den Versionen des Neuen Reiches 1 (Geneva, 1979), pp. 106, 285, and 303; idem, Das Buch von den Pforten des Jenseits nach den Versionen des Neuen Reiches 2 (Geneva, 1980), pp. 106 and 199–200, with references to earlier literature. 246 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 129−30; Assmann, Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott, pp. 60–3; H. Schlögl, Der Gott Tatenen nach Texten und Bildern des Neuen Reiches (Freiburg and Göttingen, 1980), pp. 28 and 34–6; A.-K. Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1 (Wiesbaden, 2019), pp. 398−9. 247 See ibid., p. 400; F.-R. Herbin, ‘La tablette hiéroglyphique MMA 55.144.1’, ENiM 5 (2012), p. 306. 248 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 128–9. 249 Schlögl, Der Gott Tatenen nach Texten und Bildern des Neuen Reiches, pp. 23 and 28–9; Assmann, Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott, p. 61; J. Roberson, The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Earth (Atlanta, 2012), pp. 146–9, especially figure 5.5 on p. 146.

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in entering and departing from the underworld, enabling them to move without restriction from one sphere to the other. (c) 4phA, written with divine determinative, occurs only here. However, in P. Bibliothèque Nationale 149, 2/35, the name of the god Seth has the unusual form 4pH.250 This makes it probable that we have a reference to that deity in our passage. Other versions of the spell refer to Seth at this point as well, although not until after the sentence that follows this one in our text.251 Line 10 (a) sv=k at the beginning of the line is an imperative addressed to Seth: ‘retreat!’ Herbin has commented that the insertion of a direct address to that god is problematic in a context like the present one.252 However, there are parallels. In the Rite of Introducing the Multitude on the Last Day of Tekh, for instance, Isis turns aside abruptly from addressing Osiris and says these words to Seth: ‘O evil-doer, your crime is directed against you. Our lord is in his house and shall not fear. The child is greater than you. He will live and his father will live.’253 Compare also the concluding words of the Book of the New Moon, where an address to the beneficiary of the ritual urging him to raise himself up and not be weary is followed immediately by the injunction: ‘Fall on your face, Seth, wretched one. Fell yourself! Cast yourself down!’254 No other versions of the spell agree with ours in having an imperative at this point. Instead they read imn sxr.w 4tS, ‘The plans of Seth are concealed’, although, as noted previously, they insert this sentence after the one that follows in our text.255 Why does the Bodleian version diverge so significantly from the others? A clue to the answer is provided by Coffin Lyon H 2320. In the version of the spell inscribed on that object, the sentence that says the arms of Tenen are ready to receive the deceased is followed immediately by another one which says sAb.w Hr sTA.t=f, ‘The jackals drag him.’ The reference is to the jackals which drag the bark of the sun god, but also the deceased, through the underworld at night.256 The only other version of the spell to include this sentence is that of Coffin Turin S. 5245, although this offers the variant reading sAb.w Hr Ssp=k, ‘The jackals receive you.’ There is evidence that the final consonant of the word for jackal had changed from b to p by the time our text was inscribed. For example, sAb is written sp in demotic (Glossar, p. 426) and the jackal sign is used with the phonetic value sp in hieroglyphic texts of the Graeco-Roman Period.257 Furthermore, Hr lost 250 See Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 451 note 94; M. Stadler, Der Totenpapyrus des Pa-Month (P. Bibl. Nat. 149) (Wiesbaden, 2003), p. 183 and unnumbered loose plate. 251 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 130−1. 252 Ibid., p. 131 note 184. 253 Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 156−7; J.-C. Goyon, Le papyrus d’Imouthès fils de Psintaês au Metropolitan Museum of Art de New-York (Papyrus MMA 35.9.21) (New York, 1999), plate 35 (42/1–3). 254 Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10, pp. 178, 195−6, and 198−9. 255 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 130−1. 256 F. Jamen, Le cercueil de Padikhonsu au musée des Beaux-Arts de Lyon (XXIᵉ dynastie) (Wiesbaden, 2016), p. 72; W. Barta, ‘Schakal’, in W. Helck and E. Otto (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie 5 (Wiesbaden, 1984), pp. 527–8. 257 Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 1, pp. 202–3, nos.

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its final consonant except when followed by a suffix pronoun. So 4phA before sv=k in our text could be an unetymological writing of sAb.(w) Hr. If we interpret it as such then we have the same sentence as in the Lyon version, except for the final suffix pronoun, which is k rather than f. Thus our text can be read in either of two ways: with its original meaning, in line with the parallels, or as an imprecation directed against Seth. (b) The plural definite article nA is employed twice in this line. For the use of nA elsewhere in our text, see note (a) on 8/11. For other occurrences of mAnw, ‘western mountains’, in demotic, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 169. The term is used to denote not only the mountains themselves, where the sun god sets in the western horizon, but also the inhabitants of the mountains who greet him joyfully there, as in our text.258 There is a trace of ink after iAw, ‘praise’. This is all that survives of the intensifier sp-2 which is preserved undamaged in the parallels. No other version of the spell agrees precisely with ours here. Most substitute Imnty.w, ‘the westerners’, for nA mAnw, reinforcing the idea that the latter refers to those who dwell in the mountains rather than the mountains themselves.259 (c) AmHA.t recurs in the line below. For this term as a designation of the underworld, see Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, p. 61; idem, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, p. 84; CDD, letter i (18/4/2011), pp. 140−1; Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 130 note 178. The sentence nA nt m AmHA.t nhs=w r mAA=k does not occur in any of the other versions of the spell. Two, those of Stela Cairo JE 72300 and Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957, have a sentence referring to a sun disk (itn) which is in the imH.t-underworld at this point, but apart from its use of the term imH.t this has nothing else in common with the sentence in our text. Line 11 (a) For AmHA.t, ‘underworld’, see the preceding note. This sentence does not occur in any other version of the spell. Note, however, a similar sentence which occurs in a New Kingdom (eighteenth dynasty) version, P. BM EA 10819, albeit in a very different position, after the sentences which occur in 8/19 of our text: wn n=k imH.t sbA.w=s, ‘The underworld will open its doors for you.’260 The theme of the opening of the imH.t-underworld and its doors for the deceased occurs in several other sources in addition to our spell, and is found as early as the Coffin Texts.261 (b) The suffix pronoun k has been added in error after the verb smne. The k is slightly smudged, which suggests that perhaps the scribe realised his mistake and attempted to erase it. The actual subject of smne is the following iry.w-aA, ‘doorkeepers’. For the reading of this word, see note (e) on 8/10. For the unetymological writing of awy, ‘arms’, as if it were awy, ‘limbs’, see note (a) on 8/19. Here, as in line 2 above and 10/14, the word’s initial group is repeated in error. The third person plural suffix pronoun after awy is written sn. For this writing, which our scribe only uses to indicate the possessor after a noun, see note (a) on 8/5.

79–81. 258 Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 698−9. 259 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 130−1. 260 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 149 and 224. 261 Ibid., pp. 199–202.

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The only other version of the spell to incorporate this sentence is that inscribed on Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957. This is damaged, but appears to read: smn n=k iry.w nw dwA.t m(?) sbA.w=sn, ‘The guardians of the underworld at(?) their doors will fortify for you.’262 The sign after dwA.t which I have read as m with a query is the hieroglyph depicting a pot or bowl (Gardiner Sign-List W24). This normally has the value nw or n but can be m as well through phonetic change.263 Compare the similar sentence wn [n=k] iry.w-aA m sbA.w n tA twA.t, ‘The doorkeepers in the portals of the underworld will open [for you]’, which occurs in 8/12. As observed in note (b) on that line, m before sbA.w there could also mark that noun as the direct object of the preceding verb. The same is true of m before sbA.w=sn in the text on the Louvre mummy bandages, if my reading of the sign in question is correct. The fact that awy=sn in our text seems to correspond to sbA.w=sn, ‘their doors’, in the Louvre parallel leads me to wonder whether in this instance the former might not be written unetymologically for aA.w, ‘doors’ (Wb. 1, 164–5), rather than awy, ‘arms’, as it is elsewhere. On the role of the doorkeepers of the underworld and the need for the deceased to gain their favour in order to pass safely through the portals they guarded, see note (b) on 8/12. Line 12 (a) For the verb atX, ‘strain, brew’, see CDD, letter a (23/7/2003), p. 158. The determinative has been lost in a break, but was probably the pot or vessel sign found in writings of this word attested elsewhere. Cf. the determinative of wtH, ‘cup’, later on in the line for the likely form of this. For atX.y.v as a writing of the sDm.tw=f form atX.tw, see reference cited in note (c) on 8/5. I have translated m by=k as ‘with your ba’, but one should not rule out the possibility that by here is an unetymological writing of bw, ‘place’. For this writing, see note (d) on 8/21. Understanding the text in this way would permit an alternative rendering of m by=k as ‘in your place’. The sentence atX.y.v wtH m by=k m rn=k n mAa.t does not occur in any other version of the spell except this one. Compare 8/15 of our text, where it is said that the goddess Hathor will give the deceased beer. From the earliest periods of Egyptian history, this beverage was employed as an offering in the cult of the dead. Jars containing the residue of beer have been discovered in predynastic tombs, and beer is mentioned in Egyptian texts as early as the third dynasty, featuring regularly as an item in the standard Htp di nswt offering formula. (b) Xrb in our text is used in place of the xpr.w of the parallels. For this substitution, which is regular in demotic texts, see note (b) on 8/21. Line 13 (a) nnmA.t is a demotic writing of the nnm.t, ‘Bahre’, of Wb. 2, 276, 13. For other demotic writings of this word, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 198; idem in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, p. 353. For ih as a writing of the preposition Hr, see note (c) on 8/17. mnbi.t is a demotic writing of the mn-bj.t, ‘Thron oder Ruhebett’, of Wb. 2, 63, 3−5. Cf. Leitz, Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 3, p. 280. Neither Glossar nor the CDD record any examples of this word, and to my knowledge, the example in our text is the only one preserved in demotic. Three other versions of the spell have parallels to the words ir @st Xrb=s m nnmA.t 262 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, p. 131. 263 Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: Eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken 1, p. 428, no. 37.

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Sp=s v=k ih mnbi.t, although they insert them at a slightly later point, corresponding to 9/18 in our text. The versions in question are those of Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957, P. BM EA 10209, and Coffin Lyon H 2320.264 All agree in substituting xpr.w for the Xrb of our text, as one would expect. P. BM EA 10209 employs the same word for ‘bier’ as the Bodleian version (only written nnm.t). The Louvre mummy bandages substitute nmi.t, while the Lyon coffin uses another term for bed, nn(y).w.265 The parallels agree with one another in writing the second person singular masculine dependent pronoun as tw rather than v=k and in using the preposition m, ‘as’, before mnbi.t rather than Hr. Although Isis is frequently represented standing at the head of the deceased’s bier,266 it is more unusual for her to be identified as the bier itself. The mnbi.t is sometimes personified as a goddess (cf. Wb. 2, 63, 5), but apparently not as Isis. It is noteworthy that our text says that goddess will receive the deceased ‘on’ the bed, and not ‘as’ the bed, unlike the parallels. The semantic bivalence of mnbi.t is probably relevant here. As noted above, that noun can have two meanings, ‘bed’ and ‘throne’. The first is evoked by the preceding statement that Isis will transform herself into a bier, the second by the ensuing one that Horus will crown the deceased. (b) For the unetymological writing of awy, ‘hands’, as if it were awy, ‘limbs’, see note (a) on 8/19. Of the other versions of the spell, only that of Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957 agrees with our text in reading mH, ‘wreath’, here. P. BM EA 10209 and Coffin Lyon H 2320 substitute mHn.t, a term denoting the uraeus which the king wears on his brow (Wb. 2, 129, 4– 6). Line 14 (a) mtH, determined with the man with hand to mouth sign (not in Glossar or the CDD), is a demotic writing of the verb mDH cited in Wb. 2, 190, 2−5, which means ‘crown, encircle the head with a cloth, diadem, or crown’. The man with hand to mouth is the default determinative for words that had no fixed or regular orthography in demotic, whether archaisms, new words derived from compounds, or terms of foreign origin.267 (b) For the double writing of the preposition m as n-m here, see Smith, Enchoria 8 (1978), part 2, pp. 22–3; Widmer Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, pp. 39 and 395. The writing of mAa-xrw which follows is anomalous, since xrw intervenes between the first and second signs of mAa. For another anomalous writing of mAa-xrw, see note (a) on 11/13. The present line states that the crown or garland of justification will be fastened on the deceased’s head by Horus. Such crowns or garlands were presented to the dead as a symbol of triumph; the mythical precedent is clearly the vindication of Osiris against Seth. See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 212 and 221, and references cited there, to which add Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1, pp. 453−4. The parallels, insofar as they are preserved, agree with the reading of our text, only substituting tw for v=k as a writing of the second person singular masculine dependent pronoun and avoiding the double writing

264 Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 131−2. 265 Ibid., p. 132 note 189. 266 See e.g. Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, pp. 93–4. 267 Ibid., pp. 90−1.

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of the preposition m.268 As was true of the two preceding sentences, the parallels insert this one at a slightly later point, corresponding to 9/18 of our text. (c) For the verb sxnv, ‘advance, promote’ (not in Glossar or the CDD), see Wb. 4, 255−6. sxnv=k is a future passive sDm=f. For this form elsewhere in demotic, see note (c) on 8/7. For the writing of s.t, ‘place’, here, see note (e) on 8/6. s.t svr, ‘sleeping, resting place’, is a term denoting a place of burial. See Wb. 4, 392, 6; Glossar, pp. 401 and 481; CDD, letter s (15/11/2013), pp. 538 and 540. Compare the similar designation awy n svr, ‘house of rest’, cited in Glossar, p. 481, and CDD, letter s (15/11/2013), p. 538. The genitival adjective nt after s.wt svr should be plural, although it is written identically with the singular form. In Middle Egyptian, both feminine singular and feminine plural genitival adjectives can be written nt. For nt as a demotic writing of the Middle Egyptian feminine singular genitival adjective, see note (b) on 8/8. The deities mentioned here are presumably those buried in the local necropolis, in view of the reference to their sleeping places. Such divinities are also called by.w ay.w, ‘great bas’, and by.w anx.w, ‘living bas’. See Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 2, pp. 718–20; Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 168–9, and literature cited there. Our text affirms that the deceased will be promoted, i.e. occupy a place of distinction, at the sleeping places of the gods. The sentence sxnv=k r s.wt svr nt ntr.w does not occur in any other version of the spell. Line 15 For as a writing of Nn, the name of the god Nun, see note (e) on 8/2. The remaining divine names in this line, Nw.t, ‘Nut’, and 5w, ‘Shu’, are written in hieratic, as is the preposition m after the former. The noun gs, ‘side’, near the end of the line appears as if it is determined with the sign resembling a hieratic book roll which is used as a space-filler in the hieratic columns of the manuscript. Compare examples of this sign above the suffix pronoun k in e.g. 1/5, 2/1, and 5/8. Alternatively, this could be the sign for the fraction ½, which is sometimes used to determine gs, ‘half’ (Glossar, p. 592). The text continues in the following line with the words 6fny m gs Ab, ‘Tefnut (is) at the eastern side’. Note the alphabetic writing of iAby, ‘eastern’, as Ab with man with hand to mouth determinative. This has probably been influenced by writings of the word for ‘left’ as Ab.269 Nun, Nut, Shu, and Tefnut occupy positions to the deceased’s south, north, west, and east, respectively, exercising protection over him. A parallel to our passage occurs in the version of the so-called Second Book of Glorifications preserved in P. Berlin P. 3057 (late fourth century B.C.), where the deceased is told: ‘Nun will live on your southern side, Nut on your northern side, Shu on your western side, and Tefnut on your eastern side.’270 Another version of this occurs on a sarcophagus in Cairo of 30th dynasty or early Ptolemaic date (CGC 29301).271 Both are derived from Coffin Text Spell 839 where, however, Shu is said to be on the eastern 268 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 132−3. 269 See P. Berlin 8351, 2/8 (Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, p. 45 and plate 2). 270 See B. Backes, Der “Papyrus Schmitt” (Berlin P. 3057) 1 (Berlin, 2016), p. 710; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 3, p. 403. 271 Maspero, CGC: Sarcophages des époques persane et ptolémaïque 1, p. 8. Without this and the Berlin parallel, one might be tempted to attach the anx before Nn in our text to the preceding ntr.w, as I erroneously did in Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 660. In the Berlin and Cairo texts, however, the preceding sentence is different and there is nothing to which anx could be attached.

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side of the deceased and Tefnut on the western side. (The names of the deities on the southern and northern sides have not been preserved.)272 For a very similar constellation of deities, see Pyramid Text Spell 606, where the deceased is told ‘They (scil. the gods who preside over the field of rushes) have placed Shu on your eastern side for you, Tefnut on your western side, Nun on your southern side, and Nenet on your northern side.’273 Nenet, the goddess of the lower sky, replaces Nut, the goddess of the upper sky, there, the positions of Shu and Tefnut are reversed, and the sequence of names is different, but this is nevertheless easily recognisable as the ultimate ancestor of our passage and its parallels. Yet another variant occurs in Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10 (third century B.C.), where Shu is said to be on the southern side of the deceased, Tefnut on his northern side, Geb on his western side, and Nut on his eastern side.274 A text inscribed on the outer side of the lid of the sarcophagus of the nineteenth dynasty ruler Merenptah states that Shu will be on his western side and Tefnut on his eastern side. Geb and Nut are mentioned in conjunction with those two deities, but their positions relative to the dead king are not specified.275 To secure perfect protection for the deceased, it was essential to have at least one guardian to watch over each of the four cardinal points; see note (b) on 11/13. The passage discussed here does not occur in any other version of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits. Line 16 (a) Aw, determined with the same sign as the following Htp.w, ‘offerings’, is a demotic writing of the Aw.t, ‘Darbietung, Spende von Speisen’, of Wb. 1, 5, 2–3. No examples of this word are cited in Glossar or the CDD. The writing of Htp.w inverts the order of the third and fourth signs. Cf. the writings of Htp, ‘offerings’, in 8/6 and 8/20, discussed in note (d) on the former. With the sentence here, compare a similar one from the eighteenth dynasty tomb of Amenemhet at Thebes (TT 82): Ssp=k Aw.t Htp=k Hr Sb.w Hr wDHw n nb Dt, ‘You will receive gifts and be content with the food on the altar of the lord of eternity.’276 (b) For the writing of gs, ‘side’, here, see the note on the previous line. For the traces, compare the better-preserved example of gs at the end of line 15. Line 17 (a) spy.w, with toponym determinative, is a demotic writing of spA.wt, ‘nomes’. See Wb. 4, 97, 9; Glossar, p. 427; CDD, letter s (15/11/2013), pp. 188−9. For the following verb obH, ‘pour out, offer libations’, in demotic, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 243. As noted there, this is erroneously cited in Glossar, pp. 534−5, with the meaning ‘rächen’.

272 A. de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 7 (Chicago, 1961), p. 42b–d; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 1, pp. 457–8; idem, ‘Neith spricht als Mutter und Sarg: Interpretation und metrische Analyse der Sargdeckelinschrift des Merenptah’, MDAIK 28 (1972), p. 132; idem, Tod und Jenseits im alten Ägypten, p. 165. 273 Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 2, p. 393, §1691a–b. 274 Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10, pp. 222 and 224. 275 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 54−5; idem, ‘Die Inschrift auf dem äußeren Sarkophagdeckel des Merenptah’, MDAIK 28 (1972), pp. 54–5 and Abb. 1. 276 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 356; N. de Garis Davies and A. Gardiner, The Tomb of Amenemhēt (No. 82) (London, 1915), p. 102 and plate 27.

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(b) The toponym 6A-nb-anx, ‘Land of the Lord of Life’, appears only here. nb anx, ‘lord of life’, is an epithet of various gods, but Osiris in particular,277 so 6A-nb-anx is likely to be another name for the underworld. Compare similar designations for the realm of the dead like 6A-anx and 6A-ra-anx, both meaning ‘Land of Life’.278 It is not clear whether the phrase ‘in the Land of the Lord of Life’ specifies the location of the nomes which pour out libations or that of the deceased when he receives them. If the former is the case, then the nomes in question must be those of the underworld. The land of the dead itself is sometimes called ‘the nome of the silent land’.279 If the latter is the case, then it is more likely that reference is made to the nomes of Egypt. Statements affirming that the deceased will receive offerings or benefit from cultic activities performed throughout the entire land and not just in their local districts are common in Egyptian texts for the afterlife. See, for example, the Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, where the deceased is told: wAH=w n=k mw n obH.vy nb spA.t nb, ‘Water will be poured out for you in every sanctuary (of) every nome’, and D=w rn=k n spA.t nb ir=w n=k ir n 5ma MHA, ‘Your name will be pronounced in every nome. Rites will be performed for you in Upper and Lower Egypt.’280 Compare also P. Harkness, 4/21, where it is said: nhm n=t nA spA.w m hrw n iy n=w i-ir=t, ‘The nomes will exult for you on the day when you come to them.’281 The sentence spy.w obH n=k m 6A-nb-anx does not occur in any other version of the spell. (c) The Middle Egyptian nominal sDm=f form wnn is written with the biliteral sign wn and another n, which is how it would be written in hieroglyphic and hieratic texts as well. A different orthography of this form occurs in 8/4. For examples of the form in other demotic texts, see note (e) on that line. Line 18 (a) For mw as a demotic writing of the Middle Egyptian preposition mi, ‘like’, see note (d) on 8/12. 4H, ‘Orion’, is written unetymologically, with house and divine determinatives, as if it were sH, ‘booth, pavilion’. Cf. Glossar, p. 445; CDD, letter s (15/11/2013), pp. 322–4. This writing evokes the sH ntr, ‘god’s booth’, where the deceased were mummified. In other demotic ritual texts, ‘Orion’ as an epithet of Osiris can be written unetymologically as if it were saH, ‘mummy’, emphasising that the god was both constellation in the sky and beneficary of mummification rites on earth.282 (b) Nwn, with house and divine determinatives, is an unetymological writing of Nn.t, the name of the lower sky and the goddess who personifies it (Wb. 2, 213, 7). For this goddess, cf. the note on line 15 above. Elsewhere in our text, nn, ‘primeval ocean’, and the name of the god Nun are determined in the same way. For an explanation of the house determinative in 277 See Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 3, pp. 596–9; also 8/2. 278 Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, p. 64; CDD, letter t (14/7/2012), p. 52. 279 As in the title of the ritual composition ‘The Great Decree Issued to the Nome of the Silent Land’, for which see Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 67–95. For the correct interpretation of the relevant word in the title as ‘nome’ and not ‘bank’, see M. Smith, ‘The Reign of Seth: Egyptian Perspectives from the First Millennium BCE’, in L. Bareš, F. Coppens, and K. Smoláriková (eds.), Egypt in Transition: Social and Religious Development of Egypt in the First Millennium BCE (Prague, 2010), p. 399 note 17; Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechish-Römischen Zeit, p. 313. 280 Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, pp. 26, 29, 50, and plates 2 and 4. 281 Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 76 and plate 6. 282 See Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, p. 202.

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those words, see note (e) on 8/2. It may be that the house determinative of Nwn in the present line has been influenced by theirs. The writing of Nn.t as Nwn in our text evokes the close links between the two regions in question.283 From the New Kingdom onward, and with particular frequency in the Graeco-Roman Period, Nn.t was also used to designate the upper sky and the goddess who personifies it, thus becoming little more than an alternative name for Nut (Wb. 2, 213, 9–10). It is clearly used as such in our passage. The parallels illustrate the degree to which the two names were interchangeable. P. BM EA 10209 has ‘Nenet’ like our text; Louvre mummy bandages AF 11957 and Coffin Lyon H 2320 have ‘Nut’.284 (c) From an early date, the constellation Orion was identified with Osiris.285 Hence, it is appropriate that our text makes reference to the deceased’s ba living eternally like Orion in the womb of that god’s mother Nut. In ritual texts, the deceased is said to be Orion, approach him, join his company, praise him, glorify him, travel to the sky with him, and come and go with him. In turn, Orion elevates the bark of the deceased, prepares a throne for him, extends his arm to him, provides him with a document, and gives him a sceptre. A number of sources situate Orion in the womb of Nut as ours does. Some say that the deceased, identified with Orion, will voyage before the stars of the sky in the womb of his mother Nut. Others affirm that he will shine like Orion in the womb of Nut, glitter in the sky as a unique star, being Orion in the womb of Nut, be in the sky, living with the stars beside Orion in the womb of Nut, be rejuvenated eternally like Orion in the womb of Nut, or that his corpse will be illuminated as Orion in the womb of Nut.286 One source, The Ritual of Embalming, says, precisely as our text does, that the deceased’s ba will live for ever like Orion in the womb of Nut.287 As Orion, Osiris benefited from the protection of his sister Isis, who exercised this in the form of the star Sothis. The deceased hoped to enjoy the benefits of her protection as well.288 The other versions of the spell all stop at this point. (d) For the verb Sm, determined with the man with hand to mouth sign, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 190; idem, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, pp. 91–2. The distinctive writing of s.t, ‘place’, here is discussed in note (e) on 8/6. (e) 6pp with toponym determinative is a portmanteau writing of two place names, 8p, ‘Dep’, and P, ‘Pe’. For other demotic writings of the toponyms in question, see Glossar, pp. 130 and 627. Dep and Pe together formed the ancient city of Buto, which explains why they are treated as a unit and share the same determinative in our text. Similar writings of the two toponyms with a single shared determinative occur in non-demotic sources.289 283 See Smith, On the Primaeval Ocean, pp. 40–1. 284 See Herbin in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 131–2. 285 H. Behlmer, ‘Orion’, in W. Helck and W. Westendorf (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie 4 (Wiesbaden, 1982), pp. 609–11; C. Sambin and J.-F. Carlotti, ‘Un porte de fête-sed de Ptolémée II remployée dans le temple de Montou à Médamoud’, BIFAO 95 (1995), pp. 418–25. 286 See Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 6, pp. 152–4; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 3, pp. 192−4; Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit, pp. 79−80; Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 677, and literature cited there. For the apparent paradox whereby the deceased is both identified with Orion and interacts with him, see Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, pp. 136−55. 287 See S. Töpfer, Das Balsamierungsritual (Wiesbaden, 2015), pp. 159 and 169 note (ag). 288 Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 6, p. 153. 289 See H. Gauthier, Dictionnaire des noms géographiques contenus dans les textes hiéroglyphiques 2 (Cairo, 1925), p. 35.

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, the sign after hrw at the end of the line is clearly the demonstrative pAy. However,

that word normally precedes the noun it qualifies rather than following it. The masculine singular Egyptian demonstrative adjective that follows its noun is pn. Thus it would appear that pAy is being used like pn in our text. In the Kom el-Hisn version of the Canopus Decree, hieroglyphic hrw pn, ‘this day’, corresponds to hrw

in the demotic text.290 Likewise, in P.

BM EA 10808, an Egyptian text written mainly in Greek characters dating to the second century AD, hrw pn, ‘this day’ is written ray

.291 In these two cases, the demonstrative

qualifying the word for ‘day’ looks like the possessive prefix p&, ‘he of’ (Glossar, p. 128), and one could argue that it is being used there with its original value of pA n to represent the demonstrative pn. Compare hieroglyphic writings of pA n as pn and vice versa.292 More problematic is a passage in the Raphia Decree, where the demonstrative after hrw in the expression ‘this day’ is written .293 Given the presence of the final y, it is hard to explain this as an orthography of pn. It looks rather as if pAy is being used instead of pn, only in the normal position of the latter.294 But compare an entry in a list of sacred snakes preserved in P. Carlsberg 180 + P. Berlin 10465 and 14475 + PSI I 176, fragment Y, 3/x + 5. The name of the snake in question is pn, but this is glossed with demotic , pAy.295 Here there can be no question of replacing an older grammatical construction with its more current counterpart, which one could argue is what has happened in the Raphia Decree, so the gloss is presumably phonetic. Does this mean should be read as pn or pny? Or had the final n in the snake name disappeared? Worth noting in this connection are two instances in P. Carlsberg 180 + P. Berlin 10465 and 14475 + PSI I 176, fragment W, 2/10, and fragment X, 5/12, where what appears to be the Middle Egyptian copula pw is written pny in hieratic and this is glossed both times with demotic .296 A point to bear in mind with this manuscript is that, based on palaeography, the glosses are not contemporary with the main hieratic text, but are likely to have been added by a different person a number of years after the latter was written, by which time the understanding of how certain words were pronounced may have changed.297 Whatever the case, after hrw in our text can only be read as pAy, so it is definitely not an alternative orthography of pn. For another instance in demotic where a current grammatical construction has been used in preference to an older counterpart, but is treated syntactically as 290 W. Spiegelberg, Der demotische Text der Priesterdekrete von Kanopus und Memphis (Rosettana) (Heidelberg, 1922), p. 4 (A1). 291 J. Osing, Der spätägyptische Papyrus BM 10808 (Wiesbaden, 1976), pp. 125 and 261. 292 Spiegelberg, Der demotische Text der Priesterdekrete von Kanopus und Memphis (Rosettana), pp. 14–15 and 124; Wb. 1, 492. 293 Stela Cairo 50048, line 5. See W. Spiegelberg, CGC: Demotische Inschriften und Papyri (Berlin, 1932), plate 13; H. Gauthier and H. Sottas, Un décret trilingue en l’honneur de Ptolémée IV (Cairo, 1925), plate 5. 294 Cf. R. Simpson, Demotic Grammar in the Ptolemaic Sacerdotal Decrees (Oxford, 1996), p. 30. 295 Osing, Hieratische Papyri aus Tebtunis 1, p. 184 and plate 15. 296 Ibid., pp. 159 and 177 with plates 13–14. For the writing of pw as pn in earlier texts, see A. Erman, Neuägyptische Grammatik² (Leipzig, 1933), p. 50, §15. 297 Osing, Hieratische Papyri aus Tebtunis 1, p. 42.

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if it were the latter, see Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, p. 118; idem, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 163. Line 19 (a) For the writing of s.t, ‘place’, here, see note (e) on 8/6. After s.t, the third person plural suffix pronoun sn is used to indicate the possessor. For this usage, see note (a) on 8/5. Buto, a conurbation of the originally distinct towns of Pe and Dep, was the location of the marshes of Khemmis, where Isis concealed her son Horus from Seth. It was also a venue for important festivals and rites, in which the dead hoped to participate, so it is understandable that our text says the deceased will approach his place there on that day when the bas go forth to their places.298 The most prominent bas associated with Buto are a group of falcon- or jackal-headed divine beings who perform a ritual dance for the dead which involves clapping their hands, striking their bodies and limbs with their fists, and shaking their hair.299 They could be the bas who are said to go forth to their places in our text, but we should not exclude the possibility that reference is made here to the bas of other deceased people who travel to Buto. Conceivably, reference could be made to both. Festivals were occasions when the boundary between this world and the next was temporarily abolished. They provided a locus for interaction between the living and the dead. Hence returning to earth to participate in them was of great significance for the deceased.300 In a demotic papyrus of the third century AD, a magician threatens a recalcitrant spirit, saying that if he does not obey him, ‘your ba will not rise up from the 25th to the morning of the 26th of the month of Khoiak, when the excellent spirits rise up’. 26 Khoiak was the climax of the festival of the god Sokar, and great blessings were supposed to accrue to all who took part in that event, whether living or dead. Hence, the magician’s threat was a very grave one.301 The ensuing sentences of our text affirm that the deceased will not fail to appear on earth, thereby continuing the theme introduced in this one. (b) For ih as a writing of the preposition Hr, ‘upon’, see note (c) on 8/17. There is a short vertical stroke after tA, ‘earth’, which does not appear in the writings of that noun in 8/4 and 8/11. See, however, writings of tA which incorporate a stroke cited in Glossar, pp. 598–9. If the stroke is not part of the orthography of tA in the present passage, then perhaps it should be interpreted as the plural marker w. The Middle Egyptian predicative negative nn is written n + n + man with hand to mouth determinative. For this and other writings of nn in demotic texts, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 144 and 161 and references cited there; CDD, letter n (19/7/2004), pp. 91−2. For the man with hand to mouth as the default determinative for words which had no fixed or standard orthography in demotic, see note (a) on line 14 above. (c) The traces of the damaged word after nn are . The context requires a verb. The initial sign is clearly w. The one following that looks rather like n, the one after that like f 298 A. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica 2 (Oxford, 1947), pp. 187*−93*; H. Altenmüller, ‘Buto’, in W. Helck and E. Otto (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie 1 (Wiesbaden, 1975), pp. 887–9; idem, ‘Butisches Begräbnis’, ibid., p. 887. 299 Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 2, pp. 721–2 and 732; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 3, pp. 113 and 418; L. Žabkar, A Study of the Ba Concept in Ancient Egyptian Texts (Chicago, 1968), pp. 15–22. 300 Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 395. 301 Ibid., pp. 25−6.

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or H. The determinative is the man with hand to mouth sign. Traces of ink below the verb indicate that its subject was expressed with the second person singular masculine suffix pronoun k. Given the preserved traces, one might consider reading wnf, ‘froh sein, jubeln’ (Glossar, p. 91), or wnH, ‘offenbaren’ (ibid., p. 92), both of which can be determined with the man with hand to mouth. The problem is that neither of these verbs really fits in the context of the sentence as a whole. As discussed in the next note, what follows the verb is nt-a=k, ‘your habit’, i.e. what the deceased does on a regular basis, and it is hard to see how a statement like ‘You will not rejoice (in) your habit’, or ‘You will not reveal your habit’ would be meaningful here. But the third sign could also be another n. Compare the writing of wnn, the nominal sDm=f form of the verb wn, ‘be, exist’, in 8/4, also determined with the man with hand to mouth. Note especially how the shape of the second n of wnn there differs from that of the first n, being smaller and narrower, just as it is in the present passage. On reflection, wnn seems to me like the most plausible reading, and so I have adopted it in my transliteration. Here too, however, the sense of the passage is a problem. Given the noun nt-a, ‘habit’, which follows, one expects a sentence like ‘Your habit will not cease, perish’ or similar. Compare the Hymn to the Ten Bas of Amun where it is said of that god in solar form: ‘As for his habit, it has endured and endured. It will not perish in the millions and millions of eternity.’302 By contrast, a statement like ‘You and your habit will not exist’ would be unexpected in this context. A cogent solution to this problem has been suggested to me by Ann-Katrin Gill, who proposes to interpret wnn in the present instance as an unetymological writing of the verb w(y)n, ‘pass by’ (Wb. 1, 313–14; Glossar, p. 80), which can also have the sense of ‘neglect, ignore’. Since w + n + n + man with hand to mouth determinative is itself a well-attested unetymological writing of the nominal sDm=f form of the verb wn, ‘be, exist’,303 this would be a case where what originated as an unetymological writing of one word became ‘naturalised’ in demotic to the point where it could be used as an unetymological writing of another word as well. I can cite no demotic writings of the verb w(y)n with two n’s, but perhaps the orthography here has been influenced by that of the similar sounding noun wyn, ‘light’, which is sometimes written as if it were wnyn (Glossar, p. 79). Interpreting wnn in this manner yields the plausible translation ‘You will not neglect your habit.’ Line 20 (a) For the noun nt-a, ‘habit, custom’, elsewhere in demotic, see Glossar, p. 232; CDD, letter n (19/7/2004), p. 141; Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, p. 185; Smith, Enchoria 7 (1977), p. 133; Osing, Hieratische Papyri aus Tebtunis 1, p. 96 and plate 5 (demotic gloss to P. Carlsberg 180 + P. Berlin 10465 and 14475 + PSI I 176, fragment J, 13/2); J. Dieleman, ‘The Artemis Liturgical Papyrus’, in Quack (ed.), Ägyptische Rituale der griechisch-römischen Zeit, p. 177. In our text, evidently, the habit to which reference is made is that whereby the deceased’s ba regularly travels to earth to participate in rites at Buto, in company with the other bas who are said to go to their places there. (b) The verb gm is sometimes used pregnantly, with the sense ‘find, recognise’ (to be good), a meaning which would be appropriate in the present context. See Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, p. 100. The sentence gm=k iv= mw.t=k sA=k obH=w n=k mw pr m 302 See Smith, Enchoria 7 (1977), pp. 124 and 132–3. 303 See references cited in note (e) on 8/4.

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krvy irt pr m 1sy.t, which concludes the version of the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits in our text, is the second of three interpolations in the Bodleian manuscript mentioning the parents and son of the deceased and their activities on his behalf. For the other two, see note (a) on 8/16 and note (a) on 10/9. As noted there, the presence of such interpolations marks the particular version of the spell preserved in the Bodleian manuscript as one intended for use in the cult of the dead. (c) With the damaged traces of pr m at the end of the line, compare the better preserved writing of the same combination in the line below. Line 21 (a) krty, with water determinative, is a demotic writing of the or.tj, ‘die beiden Quelllöcher’, cited in Wb. 5, 58, 2−4, a term denoting the twin caverns near Elephantine on Egypt’s southern border which were regarded as the source of the Upper Egyptian inundation. See note (b) on 8/3 and references cited there. Another demotic writing of this noun, orvy, occurs in P. Louvre E 3452, 10/6.304 In demotic texts, this term was sometimes confused with krvy, a designation for the caverns of the underworld, which resulted in the latter being written with the water determinative. See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 169 and 180. Water from the twin caverns was particularly esteemed for its revivifying and rejuvenating powers.305 (b) For the writing of the name of the goddess Hesat here, with the phonetic signs in demotic and the determinatives in hieratic, see note (b) on 8/19 and note (b) on 11/5. For Hesat as provider of milk for the deceased, see note (a) on 8/15. After the name of that goddess, the remainder of line 21 is blank.

Column 10 Line 1 (a) The first six lines of Column 10 are damaged to a greater or lesser extent. The degree of the damage varies from line 1, where only a few traces of ink are preserved, to line 6, where no more than a word or two at the beginning has been lost. The text which occupies these lines is an invocation addressed jointly to Osiris foremost in the West and the deceased, exhorting them to come and partake of offerings. Although no precise parallel to this text is known to me, a number of other offering liturgies have close affinities with it. A very similar series of exhortations concludes a hymn preserved in a papyrus of thirtieth dynasty date, P. Cairo JdE 97249, addressed jointly to Osiris and a man called Smendes: ‘Osiris foremost in the West, come (four times). Osiris of Smendes, come (four times). Come to your thousand of bread, to your thousand of beer, to your thousand of cattle, and to your thousand of fowl.’306 A fragmentary version of the same hymn, addressed solely to the god, is preserved in another papyrus of approximately the same date, P. Vindob. Aeg. 12001.307 Our text also bears some 304 G. Legrain, Le livre des transformations (Paris, 1890), plate 10. 305 See Töpfer, Das Balsamierungsritual, p. 167 note (t); D. van der Plas, L’hymne à la crue du Nil 1 (Leiden, 1986), pp. 171–9. 306 See G. Burkard, Grabung im Asasif 1963−1970, Band 3: Die Papyrusfunde (Mainz am Rhein, 1986), p. 67 and plate 46; idem, Spätzeitliche Osiris-Liturgien im Corpus der Asasif-Papyri (Wiesbaden, 1995), p. 256. 307 A. von Lieven, ‘Fragmente einer Liturgie für Sokar-Osiris (P. Vindob. Aeg. 12001)’, in K. Zibelius-Chen

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resemblance to a spell which is attested, in different versions, from the Middle Kingdom to the Graeco-Roman Period, and which was used in both temple and private funerary cults. Some versions of this exhort the addressee to come to his bread, beer, and so on, just as in our papyrus.308 With the aid of these parallels, and given the repetitive, formulaic structure of our text, most of the missing sections of the present column’s initial six lines can be restored with a fair degree of confidence. (b) A diagonal stroke, probably the tail of an f, extends from the break at the beginning of this line down to the line below, where it ends above and between the b and y of by, ‘ba’. The only other traces visible could represent the lower part of the verb gm, ‘find’. Compare the undamaged occurrence of that verb in 9/20. Another possibility would be the imperative im, ‘come’, which occurs several times in lines 3−5 below. Line 2 The writing of the noun by, ‘ba’, here is virtually complete. Only the first half of the initial sign has been lost. For the traces of the following p.t, ‘sky’, see undamaged occurrences of that word in 8/11 and 8/21. As these are the only two words preserved in the line, it is difficult to suggest a restoration. The concurrence of the words for ‘ba’ and ‘sky’ here recalls the opening sentences of some versions of the widely attested spell to which reference was made in note (a) on the preceding line, which likewise exhorts the addressee to come to his bread and beer: in iw=k m p.t mi m (variant: n) bA=k, ‘Are you in the sky? Come as (variant: to) your ba.’309 But since by precedes p.t in our text, with nothing intervening, one could hardly restore a similar pair of sentences here. Line 3 (a) The first trace visible after the break at the beginning of the line is the v of xnv, ‘foremost in’. Compare undamaged writings of xnv in 8/1 and in lines 7 and 13 below. In 11/12, xnv is written without the final v. In view of the epithet xnv Imnv at the beginning of this line, we can restore Wsir, ‘Osiris’, at the end of the preceding one with a high degree of confidence. (b) The imperative im, ‘come’, is written with an initial r, as it is in line 5 below. The r at the end of the present line is all that remains of a further example of r-im. The occurrences of this imperative in lines 4 and 10 below omit the r. For examples of im written r-im elsewhere and H.-W. Fischer-Elfert (eds.), ‘Von reichlich ägyptischem Verstande’: Festschrift für Waltraud Guglielmi zum 65. Geburtstag (Wiebaden, 2006), pp. 79–87, especially pp. 85–6. 308 See Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 31−2 and 60−86, especially pp. 64 and 69; idem, ‘Der Ort des Toten: Bemerkungen zu einem verbreiteten Totenopferspruch’, in H. Guksch and D. Polz (eds.), Stationen: Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Ägyptens Rainer Stadelmann gewidmet (Mainz am Rhein, 1998), pp. 235−45; idem, Tod und Jenseits im alten Ägypten, pp. 440–6, especially p. 446; Smith in Backes and Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and Greco-Roman Egypt, pp. 168–9; A. Kucharek. ‘A Hieratic Tablet from TT 196 Reexamined’, in Jasnow and Widmer (eds.), Illuminating Osiris: Egyptological Studies in Honor of Mark Smith, pp. 207–8; C. Favard-Meeks, Le temple de Behbeit el-Hagara: Essai de reconstitution et d’interprétation (Hamburg, 1991), pp. 413–14; Tacke, Das Opferritual des ägyptischen Neuen Reiches 2, pp. 138–47, especially p. 146. Cf. P. Chester Beatty 9, 1/2−3, 6, and 2/7, 10 (A. Gardiner, Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum 3 [London, 1935], plate 50), Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, pp. 151−2, Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10, p. 383, Tacke, Das Opferritual des ägyptischen Neuen Reiches 1, pp. 119–20, 130, and 255, and Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 3, pp. 198, 237, and 461, for further exhortations of this type. 309 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 68−72 and 121−2.

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in demotic, see Glossar, p. 30. It is striking that the composer of our text chose to use the demotic form of the imperative ‘come’ rather than its Old and Middle Egyptian counterpart mi, which is what one finds in the parallels.310 In our text, the imperative ‘come’ is followed by sp-2, ‘twice’, whereas in the parallel in P. Cairo JdE 97249, cited in note (a) on line 1 above, it is followed by sp 4, ‘four times’. (c) For the writing of mn, ‘so and so’, here, see note (b) on 8/9. As indicated in the preceding note, the diagonal stroke after this is the r of the imperative r-im. The restoration r-[im sp-2] follows the model of the preceding sentence. That of [im r iuy=k m] thereafter is based on the sentences in the ensuing lines which follow the same pattern. The words in question would fill the available space well. Line 4 (a) With the traces of tAy, ‘bread’, at the beginning of the line, compare better preserved occurrences of that noun in 8/10, 8/13, 8/15, 8/17, and 8/19. (b) The sentence im r iuy=k m Hno, ‘Come to your offering consisting of beer’, makes good sense as it stands. In view of the parallels cited in note (a) on line 1 above, however, particularly P. Cairo JdE 97249, which exhorts the deceased with the words: ‘Come to your thousand of bread, to your thousand of beer’, and so on, one wonders whether iuy here is not an unetymological writing of xA, ‘thousand’ (Glossar, p. 702). The latter only occurs sporadically in demotic religious texts. See for example, P. Harkness, 3/24−5.311 The same could be true of the other occurrences of iuy in present column, including those which I have restored in lines 3 and 5, with the exception of the example preserved at the end of line 5, where the sense is clearly ‘thing’. This unetymological writing would have the effect of allowing the recurrent formula im r iuy=k m X to be understood in two distinct ways, either as ‘Come to your thousand of X’ or (as written and as I have translated) ‘Come to your offering consisting of X’, thus creating an additional layer of meaning. (c) The scribe inadvertently omitted the initial vertical stroke of im, ‘come’, after Hno, ‘beer’, and had to insert it above the line. The restoration [m iH im r] is based on the parallels, where a sentence exhorting the addressee to come and receive cattle offerings normally follows those exhorting them to come and receive bread and beer offerings, as well as on the preceding and ensuing sentences of our text which follow the same pattern. The words I have restored would suit the available space well. No other example of iH occurs in our text for comparison, but this is the normal word for ‘cattle’ employed in demotic enumerations of offerings.312 For representative demotic writings of the word in question, see Glossar, p. 41. Line 5 (a) The restoration [iuy=k] at the beginning of this line is based on the preceding and ensuing sentences which follow the same pattern. For the possibility that iuy in this and the two previous lines is an unetymological writing of xA, ‘thousand’, see note (b) on line 4 above. (b) The noun ipt.w, ‘fowl’, has a house determinative after the expected bird determinative. This is likely to be an abusive borrowing from the orthography of another word which sounded 310 For the occasional use of im in non-demotic texts, see Kurth, Materialien zum Totenglauben im römerzeitlichen Ägypten, p. 151 note 949. 311 Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 69−70 and plate 5. 312 See ibid., p. 222; M. Smith, ‘Lexicographical Notes on Demotic Texts’, in F. Junge (ed.), Studien zu Sprache und Religion Ägyptens zu Ehren von Wolfhart Westendorf 1 (Göttingen, 1984), pp. 390–1.

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like ipt.w, but it is not clear to me which one it could be. Among the different possibilities I have considered are ibT.t, ‘Vogelfalle’ (Wb. 1, 65, 1), ipd.w, ‘Möbel’ (ibid. 70, 10), and ifd, ‘viereckiger Steinblock’ (ibid. 71, 10), but none of these is normally written with a house determinative. (d) For the writing of the imperative ‘come’ as r-im rather than im in this line, see note (b) on line 3 above. The rest of the line is lost after the words r-im r iuy=k m iuy. The second iuy is likely to have been qualified by the adjective nb, ‘every’, and perhaps additional adjectives like nfr, ‘good’, or wab, ‘pure’. Cf. the standard way of summarising the list of items to be presented in Egyptian offering formulas as x.t nb.t nfr.t wab.t, ‘every good and pure thing’.313 A restoration like iuy [nb nfr wab] would probably fill the available space at the end of the present line. For an idea of the amount of space required, compare examples of nb in 8/4−5, nfr in 8/3, and wab in 8/13−4. However, it is not clear how this phrase could be linked up with the following line, so I have refrained from inserting it in my transliteration and translation. Line 6 (a) All that survives of the damaged word at the beginning of the line is a jar or vessel determinative. For the form of this, compare writings of Hno, ‘beer’, in line 4 above, and wtH, ‘cup’, in 9/12. The phonetic signs of this word, whatever it was, were probably sufficient to fill the break here. (b) For the use of the definite article tA before twA.t, see note (a) on 8/11. Our text refers to the underworld as tA twA.t n Itm, ‘the underworld of Atum’, thus characterising it as belonging to that god.314 The solar deity is regularly acknowledged as the ruler of the underworld in Egyptian texts. In this role he takes precedence even over Osiris.315 Atum is specifically the nocturnal form of the sun god, who sets in the western horizon in the evening and enters the subterranean land of the dead. The hymn to the sun god in Book of the Dead Spell 15B, for example, describes how the divinities and blessed spirits who inhabit the underworld acclaim him when he arrives there, ‘adoring Harakhti in his form of Atum’, while proclaiming his sovereignty over that tenebrous region.316 Thus it is not surprising that our text says the underworld belongs to him. The eighth column of P. Louvre E 3452 preserves a spell designed to permit the deceased to assume the form of a serpent in order to serve Atum in his capacity as ruler of the land of the dead. The god, evoked as ‘lord of eternity and lord of life’, is enjoined to ‘Appear in the holy underworld and proclaim perfection for him.’317 The chthonic form of the serpent serves as a visible sign, an outward mark, of the deceased’s affiliation with Atum in his realm beneath the surface of the earth.318 Following the words tA twA.t n Itm, this section of our text concludes with the adverb Dt, ‘for ever’. The remainder of the line has been left blank.

313 A. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar³ (Oxford, 1957), p. 170. 314 Compare the expression p.t n Ra, ‘heaven of Re’, which can be restored in 9/1 on the basis of parallels. 315 See Smith, Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia, pp. 323−7 and 501−2. 316 Assmann, Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott, pp. 37, 42–4, and 406. 317 P. Louvre E 3452, 8/6 and 16 (Legrain, Le livre des transformations, plate 8). See Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 644−5. 318 Ibid., pp. 614−15.

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Line 7 (a) Lines 7–19 of Column 10 preserve versions of Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25, the only examples of utterances from that corpus attested in the demotic script.319 Despite being written in demotic, their language is Old Egyptian, like that of the originals on which they are based. Following their introduction in the Old Kingdom, these two spells remained in use into the Roman Period, often occurring in conjunction as they do here, and sometimes in the same sequence.320 Spell 32 accompanies a libation of water which is intended to refresh and revivify the beneficiary. Spell 25 accompanies an act of fumigation with incense.321 The two spells were employed together in both the temple cult of Osiris and the cult of the dead. In the temple of Edfu, the Osirian versions of Spells 32 and 25 are inscribed in the Hw.t-sr, ‘mansion of the magistrate’, the modern designation of which is the second chamber of Sokar.322 They were recited during the first nocturnal hour of the Stundenwachen ritual performed for that god.323 At Edfu, the recitation of Spell 32 accompanied a libation by the sm-priest, that of Spell 25 an act of censing by the wdpw-iry-iaH-priest.324 In our text, both spells are addressed jointly to the god and the deceased. As was the case with the Spell for Presenting Offerings to Spirits, I do not intend to provide an exhaustive record of the textual variants of Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25 here. Instead, my commentary will focus on the versions of these spells preserved in the Bodleian manuscript, noting their distinctive features, including any significant interpolations or omissions, and highlighting the contribution they make to our understanding of the spells as a whole. The parallels will be used chiefly to elucidate our text in places where the meaning is obscure. (b) With the damaged occurrence of obH, ‘libation’, at the beginning of line 7, compare the better preserved ones later on in the same line and in line 8 below. r-pnn occurs twice in the present line and once in the line immediately following. Determined with the man with hand to mouth sign, this is a demotic writing of the masculine singular demonstrative adjective ipn, ‘this’, which appears in the parallels.325 The doubling of the final n is of interest, since this is 319 For the utterances in question, see K. Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1 (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 10– 12 (Spell 25) and 14–16 (Spell 32). 320 For lists of examples, see T. Allen, Occurrences of Pyramid Texts with Cross Indexes of These and Other Egyptian Mortuary Texts (Chicago, 1950), pp. 63–4; J. Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8 (Chicago, 2006), pp. 5–9; A. Morales, ‘Unraveling the Thread: Transmission and Reception of Pyramid Texts in Late Period Egypt’, in S. Bickel and L. Díaz-Iglesias (eds.), Studies in Ancient Egyptian Funerary Literature (Leuven, Paris, Bristol, 2017), pp. 472–3 and 494; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 87–95 and 144–6; B. Altenmüller-Kesting, Reinigungsriten im ägyptischen Kult (Hamburg, 1968), pp. 26−46; Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, pp. 66–9, 106−7, and 118. For a synoptic edition of selected witnesses, omitting some of those I discuss below, see ibid., pp. 74–83 and A. Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 2 (Wiesbaden, 2011), pp. 8–16. 321 For the importance of these two acts, and that of purity and purification in Egyptian ritual more generally, see J. Quack, ‘Concepts of Purity in Ancient Egypt’, in C. Frevel and C. Nihan (eds.), Purity and the Formation of Religious Traditions in the Ancient Mediterranean World and Ancient Judaism (Leiden and Boston, 2013), pp. 115–58. 322 Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit, pp. 425, 454, and 456. 323 See S. Cauville and D. Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1 (Cairo, 1984), pp. 208–9; Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 2, pp. 8–16. 324 Ibid., pp. 8 and 12. 325 The plural counterpart of this demonstrative adjective occurs in demotic religious texts as well, written ipn

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paralleled in some writings of the demonstrative pn, ‘this’ (Wb. 1, 510, 1). For the man with hand to mouth as the default determinative for archaisms and other words for which there was no fixed or standard orthography in demotic, see note (a) on 9/14. Contrast the writing of pn as iypn, also determined with the man with hand to mouth, in 8/4. For the significance of the libation mentioned here, see A. Winkler, ‘The Efflux that Issued from Osiris: A Study on rDw in the Pyramid Texts’, Göttinger Miszellen 211 (2006), pp. 128–31. (c) The writing of the noun Imnt, ‘West’, at the end of the line lacks the final v present in some writings of that word. Compare 11/12 where the v is likewise omitted. For the writing with final v, see 8/1, 8/6, 10/3, and 10/19. v is also omitted in the writing of the adjective imnt, ‘western’, in 9/15. Line 8 (a) The toponym 9dw, ‘Busiris’, is written in hieratic. For the Osirian epithet nb 9dw, see Leitz, Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 3, pp. 799–800. For the writing of the noun Ho, ‘ruler’, here, see note (e) on 8/1. For the Osirian epithet Ho Ibt, see Leitz, Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 5, pp. 493–4. Busiris and Abydos are the two main cult centres associated with Osiris, so it is appropriate that he be identified as their lord or ruler here. (b) The words obH=k r-pnn Wsir xnv Imnt nb 9dw Ho Ibt are also inserted at this point in the version of Pyramid Text Spell 32 preserved in the second chamber of Sokar in the temple of Edfu.326 Versions intended for the use of the deceased, whether those inscribed in the pyramids of the fifth and sixth dynasties or later ones, normally omit them. This might be taken as evidence that the version in our text is based on a model originally used in the temple cult. However, the copy of Spell 32 inscribed on a situla of twenty-sixth dynasty date in Chicago (OIM 11394) begins with the words obH=k ipn Wsir xnt Imnt nTr aA nb @bDw, ‘This libation of yours, Osiris foremost in the West, great god and lord of Abydos’, omitting the preceding obH=k ipn Wsir.327 The copy inscribed on another situla, this one dated less precisely to the 26th−30th dynasties, begins in precisely the same way.328 The beneficiary of the former is a deceased woman, that of the latter a deceased man, so the presence of an extended series of Osirian epithets at this point in a given copy of the spell by itself is probably not diagnostic of an origin in one cultic sphere or the other. (c) For r-pnn as a writing of the demonstrative ipn, see note (b) on the preceding line. On the writing of mn, ‘so and so’, here, see note (b) on 8/9. Line 9 (a) The preposition xr, here used with the sense ‘through the agency of’, is written unetymologically as if it were the aorist marker xr (Glossar, pp. 364–5) or the verb xr, ‘sprechen’ (ibid., p. 365). This preposition only occurs infrequently in demotic texts; where it does, unetymological writings of it are the norm. In 8/1 of our text, for example, xr is written urA with man with hand to mouth determinative. For other unetymological writings of this or iypn. See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 173, for examples. 326 Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 208, line 13. 327 K. Jansen-Winkeln, Inschriften der Spätzeit IV: Die 26. Dynastie 1 (Wiesbaden, 2014), p. 1054, no. 550. 328 H. Gauthier, ‘Rapport sur une campagne de fouilles à Drah Abou’l Neggah en 1906’, BIFAO 6 (1908), p. 146 and plate 4; Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 2, p. 9.

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preposition in demotic, see note (c) on that line. According to our text, the deceased’s libation has come forth through the agency of his father, mother, and son. Most parallels say that it has pr xr sA=k pr xr 1r, ‘come forth through the agency of your son, and come forth through the agency of Horus’.329 We have here a further instance where the scribe of our text has interpolated a reference to the beneficiary’s father, mother, and son, and their activities on his behalf. For others, see note (a) on 8/16. Strictly speaking, the present interpolation only concerns the parents of the deceased, since the son is already mentioned in the original on which our text is based. (b) For iy.y.n as a demotic writing of the Old Egyptian sDm.n=f form ii.n=(i) (with omitted first person singular suffix pronoun), see note (b) on 8/1. A further example of this writing occurs in line 17 below, only with in substituted erroneously for iy.330 The copies of Spell 32 inscribed in the pyramids of the fifth and sixth dynasties have iw.n=(i), ‘(I) have come’, rather than ii.n=(i), although the sDm.n=f form of ii does occur elsewhere in the Pyramid Texts.331 Later versions of the spell, for example, the one in the twenty-sixth dynasty tomb of Tjaennahebu at Saqqara, agree with our text in preferring ii.332 Some of the latter also omit the first person singular suffix pronoun, but other parallels insert it.333 The version of the spell inscribed in the second chamber of Sokar in the temple of Edfu has in (i + n) instead of ii.n=(i).334 This supports the suggestion made in note (b) on 8/1 that, in this and other cases where the first person singular suffix pronoun is not written out in Egyptian texts, the omission is not merely graphic but a feature of pronunciation as well. Thus iy.y.n reflects a verb form which actually ended with the consonant n. It is noteworthy that, although our scribe omits the first person singular suffix pronoun when writing iy.y.n here and in line 17 below, he does insert it in the sDm=f form in=y which follows immediately afterwards in both passages.335 in=i is also written out in full in the Edfu version of the spell. Some Middle Kingdom versions write in.n=i, substituting the sDm.n=f form.336 Other versions of the spell omit the suffix pronoun. The words ii.n=i in=i n=k/T occur frequently in offering texts, where the donor addresses them to the recipient of the gift when presenting his oblation.337

329 See e.g. Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 208, lines 13−14; Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1, p. 14, §22a. For instances in which the sequence of the words ‘your son’ and ‘Horus’ is inverted, with the latter coming first, see e.g. P. Virey, ‘La tombe des vignes à Thèbes (suite et fin)’, Recueil de Travaux 22 (1900), p. 86; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 87−8; Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8, p. 9 (22a); Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, p. 107. 330 See note (b) on 10/17. 331 See J. Allen, The Inflection of the Verb in the Pyramid Texts (Malibu, 1984), pp. 86 and 718 with Table 16. 332 E. Bresciani, S. Pernigotti, and M. Giangeri Silvis, La tomba di Ciennehebu, capo della flotta del re (Pisa, 1977), plate 12. For two Middle Kingdom variants with iw.n=i, see Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8, p. 9 (22b). Likewise, the copy of the spell on a twenty-sixth dynasty offering table in Cairo (CG 23099) reads iw.n=i (Jansen-Winkeln, Inschriften der Spätzeit IV: Die 26. Dynastie 1, p. 1131, no. 683). 333 See, for example, Virey, Recueil de Travaux 22 (1900), p. 86; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 88; Jansen-Winkeln, Inschriften der Spätzeit IV: Die 26. Dynastie 1, p. 1054, no. 550. 334 Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 208, line 14. 335 Cf. Smith in Vleeming (ed.), Aspects of Demotic Orthography, pp. 124−5. 336 Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 2, p. 9. 337 See W. Guglielmi, Die Göttin Mr.t: Entstehung und Verehrung einer Personifikation (Leiden, New York, Copenhagen, Cologne, 1991), pp. 28–9; Billing, Nut: The Goddess of Life in Text and Iconography, p. 145.

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(c) The libation presented to the deceased is characterised as ‘the eye of Horus’. This is a generic term for offerings. It identifies what is presented as something which has been lost but is now restored, like the eye of the god Horus which was injured by Seth but then made whole again. Thus characterised, the offering becomes a symbol of reversibility, with the inherent power of making good the deficiencies caused by death.338 Line 10 (a) The verb ob, ‘be refreshed, cool’, is written with the sail determinative. In our text, this takes the form of the tall sail sign, a group of signs resembling the preposition irm, ‘with’, and a final short vertical stroke. Compare examples of sty, ‘fragrance’, in lines 18 and 19 below, which are determined in the same way. For the group resembling irm as a constituent of the sail determinative in other demotic texts, cf. writings of snsn, ‘atmen’ (Glossar, p. 439), and TAw, ‘Hauch, Atem’ (ibid., pp. 669−70), although none of these display the final stroke that occurs after it in our text. Nearly all parallels agree with our text in having ob at this point. Pries reads obH in the majority of these instances, but the version in our text where the verb is written out in full shows clearly that ob is the correct reading.339 Assmann reads the examples of this verb in the versions of Spell 32 inscribed in the pyramids of the fifth and sixth dynasties as b(A)o, but ob is clearly written there as well.340 (b) Following the sentence ob ib=k Xr-r-r=s, our text moves directly to the final sentence of Spell 32, im pr n=k r xrw=w sp-2 sp 4, ‘Come, what goes forth at their voices is yours (twice), (four times)’, omitting the intervening ones.341 The scribe may have abbreviated the text to ensure that he could fit the rest of what he wanted to write into this column, since he did not want it to run over into another column which would contain only a few lines. Noteworthy is our scribe’s use of demotic im to express the imperative ‘come’, rather than the mi found in the parallels. See note (b) on line 3 above for other cases where he has done the same thing. The pronoun ‘their’ here refers to the parents and son of the deceased, to whom reference was made in the preceding line. This is the only passage in the manuscript where the suffix pronoun w is used to express the possessor after a noun rather than sn.342 The words pr and xrw in this sentence evoke the phrase pr xr which occurs in the preceding line. Some late versions of Spell 32, for example, those in the temple of Edfu and the tombs of Tjaennahebu and Padineith at Saqqara, agree with our text in inserting an r before xrw, reading 338 See Assmann, Tod und Jenseits im alten Ägypten, p. 464; idem, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 91. 339 See Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, pp. 76 and 109. 340 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 90. The version of Spell 32 inscribed in the twenty-sixth dynasty tomb of Hekaemsaf at Saqqara does appear to read b(A)o. See A. Barsanti and G. Maspero, ‘Fouilles autour de la pyramide d’Ounas (1902−1903)’, ASAE 5 (1904), p. 83. However, this may be the result of confusion owing to the fact that both ob, ‘be refreshed’, and bAo, ‘be clear, bright’, can be written with the tree determinative (Gardiner Sign-List M1). 341 The form of the intervening sentences varies from one version to another. That in the temple of Edfu, for example, reads ‘I have brought it (scil. the eye of Horus) to you beneath your sandals. (I) have brought you the efflux which came forth from you. Your heart will not be weary through it’ (Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 208, line 14). The versions in the pyramids of the fifth and sixth dynasties substitute ‘Take for yourself the efflux’ for ‘(I) have brought you the efflux’ (Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1, p. 15, §23a). For other variations, see Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, pp. 109−12; idem, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 2, pp. 9−10. 342 See note (a) on 8/5.

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mi pr n=k r xrw Dd-mdw sp 4, ‘Come, what goes forth at the voice is yours. Words to be spoken four times.’343 Other late versions differ slightly from ours at this point. Those in some twenty-sixth dynasty tombs at Saqqara, for instance, read mi pr n=k xrw, ‘Come, the voice will go forth for you’, followed by a direction to recite the words in question four times, either Ddmdw sp 4 or sp 4 on its own.344 The versions in the pyramids of the fifth and sixth dynasties have Dd-mdw sp 4 m pr.ti n=k xrw, ‘Words to be spoken four times: Come (or: behold), the voice will be sent forth for you.’345 It is not clear how m there should be analysed.346 Already in some Middle Kingdom versions of the spell, this was interpreted as a writing of the imperative mi, ‘come’.347 The same could be true of the Old Kingdom versions, although the word lacks a walking legs determinative in them. Alternatively, m could be the particle meaning ‘behold’ (Wb. 2, 5, 2) or the imperative ‘take’ (ibid., 36, 1). The version of the spell inscribed in the eighteenth dynasty tomb of Sennefer at Thebes (TT 96) has mi pr.tw n=k Xry pr.tw n= Hry sp 4, ‘Come, what is below will be sent forth for you, what is above will be sent forth for (four times).’348 Further variants can be found in other versions of the spell, none differing greatly from those which I have already cited above.349 Line 11 (a) Our text’s version of Pyramid Text Spell 25 begins here. Its first six sentences all follow the same basic pattern: sby X Hna kA=f, ‘X will go with his ka.’350 In each instance, the verb sb, ‘go’, of the parallel texts is written unetymologically with man with hand to mouth determinative, as if it were sby, ‘laugh’ (Glossar, p. 421). Thus the sentences in question could also be understood to mean ‘X will laugh with his ka.’ To the Egyptians, laughter was not simply an expression of amusement or mirth, but a creative act as well. In some sources, the sun god is said to have brought the other divinities into existence with his laughter. Hence, laughing with one’s ka could be a way of renewing its energy or creative force.351

343 Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 208, lines 14−15; Bresciani, Pernigotti, and Giangeri Silvis, La tomba di Ciennehebu, capo della flotta del re, plate 12; A. Barsanti and G. Maspero, ‘Fouilles autour de la pyramide d’Ounas (1900−1901)’, ASAE 2 (1901), p. 107. Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, p. 77, translates the Edfu version as ‘Komm! Möge dir ein pr.t-xrw gemacht werden’ with a query. 344 See G. Daressy, ‘Inscriptions du tombeau de Psamtik à Saqqarah’, Recueil de Travaux 17 (1895), p. 18; A. Barsanti and G. Maspero, ‘Fouilles autour de la pyramide d’Ounas (1899−1900)’, ASAE 1 (1900), p. 173; Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 5 (1904), p. 83. 345 Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1, p. 16, §23b. For the treatment of pr as a causative verb, see Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar³, p. 172. 346 For discussion, see Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, p. 77 note 138; Altenmüller-Kesting, Reinigungsriten im ägyptischen Kult, pp. 36−7. 347 Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8, p. 9 (23b). 348 Virey, Recueil de Travaux 22 (1900), p. 87. For discussion, see Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, pp. 114−15. 349 For a survey of these, see ibid., pp. 112−15. 350 On the significance of this theme, especially as it relates to the personal reintegration of the deceased, see Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 93−5. 351 See W. Guglielmi, ‘Lachen’, in W. Helck and W. Westendorf (eds.), Lexikon der Ägyptologie 3 (Wiesbaden, 1980), pp. 907−8; S. Sauneron, Les fêtes religieuses d’Esna aux derniers siècles du paganisme (Cairo, 1962), pp. 268–9; idem, ‘La légende des sept propos de Methyer au temple d’Esna’, BSFE 32 (1961), pp. 43–8; H. Betz (ed.), The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation² (Chicago, 1992), pp. 176–8 and 184–6.

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(b) In our text, the initial sentence of Spell 25 has the form sby sp-2 Hna kA=f. By contrast, the versions in the pyramids of the fifth and sixth dynasties write out sb sb Hna kA=f.352 The substitution of sb sp-2 for sb sb is first attested in the Middle Kingdom, when it varies with the latter.353 Both sb sp-2 and sb sb occur in New Kingdom and Late Period versions as well. The Edfu version of the spell agrees with our text in reading sp-2 after sb.354 For occurrences of the noun kA, ‘ka’, in other demotic texts, see note (d) on 11/12; M. Smith, ‘A Second Dynasty King in a Demotic Papyrus of the Roman Period’, JEA 66 (1980), p. 173; G. Widmer, ‘Une invocation à la déesse (tablette démotique Louvre E 10382)’, in Hoffmann and Thissen (eds.), Res Severa Verum Gaudium: Festschrift für Karl-Theodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8. Juni 2004, pp. 654 and 679 with plate 51; CDD, letter k (29/6/2001), pp. 4–5. These are quite rare. The six examples of the noun in this and the next three lines probably constitute a high proportion of the total number attested. (c) Most other versions of Spell 25 agree with our text in naming Horus as the second deity who will go with his ka. Exceptions include those in the eighteenth dynasty tombs of Rekhmire and Qenamun at Thebes (TT 100 and 93), which put Osiris before Horus. This appears to be a local tradition.355 The writing of kA in the sentence sby 1r Hna kA=f in our text is rather anomalous. Elsewhere in the Bodleian manuscript this noun has the divine determinative. This instance, however, is determined with what looks like the house and the man with hand to mouth signs. The former may be an abusive borrowing from the orthography of a noun like oH, ‘Winkel, Seite, Ecke’ (Glossar, p. 547), or oH, ‘Bezirke’ (ibid., pp. 547−8), which can be written with the same initial sign as kA. The final H of such words sometimes looks indistinguishable from A. For the man with hand to mouth as the default determinative for words which have no fixed orthography in demotic, see note (a) on 9/14. For the noun kA so determined, see note (d) on 11/12. Line 12 (a) The writing of the divine name Geb with a final k or o is attested in hieroglyphic and (more rarely) hieratic texts as well.356 The orthography in this line is particularly noteworthy. After the b, instead of the expected divine determinative, one has the combination of falcon sign + divine determinative used to write the divine name 1r, ‘Horus’.357 Compare examples of that name in 9/13, lines 9, 11, and 17−19 of the present column, and 11/9. The explanation for this is that, apart from the initial sign, Gbk is written exactly like bik, ‘falcon’, some orthographies of which incorporate the group for 1r after the b.358 The same group is 352 353 354 355

Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1, p. 10, §17a. Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8, p. 5 (17a). Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 208, line 16. Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 89 and 144; Davies, The Tomb of Qen-Amūn at Thebes 1, plate 66; Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, p. 120. 356 See Gill, The Hieratic Ritual Books of Pawerem (P. BM EA 10252 and P. BM EA 10081) from the Late 4th Century BC 1, pp. 362–3 note 254 and references cited there. Additional hieratic examples of this writing occur in 3/18 and 4/17 of our papyrus. 357 For the combination in question, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 170. 358 See Glossar, p. 123; Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit, p. 390; Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 307; Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10, pp. 249 and 266; D. Klotz, ‘A New Edition of the “Book of Nut”’, BiOr 68 (2011), p. 481; also the writing of the word for ‘falcon’ in 4/20 of our manuscript.

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occasionally used in writings of hb, ‘ibis’, as well.359 The only other version of Spell 25 to agree with ours in naming Geb as the third deity who will go forth with his ka is that in the second Sokar chamber in the temple of Edfu.360 Compare, however, an unrelated text inscribed on a mummy case which says various deities will go to (sb xr) their kas, where Geb is the fifth god enumerated.361 In the copies of Spell 25 preserved in the pyramids of the fifth and sixth dynasties, Seth is the third deity named. Seth was included because he is one of the four deities associated with purification, along with Horus, Thoth, and Dunanwi.362 But evidently, there were already some reservations regarding his appearance in texts for the afterlife even at this early date. For example, it is interesting to note that, although the copies of Spell 25 in the fifth dynasty pyramid of Unis write the god’s name with the recumbent Seth animal as a determinative, the one in the sixth dynasty pyramid of Pepi II omits that sign.363 The determinative is omitted more often than not in Middle Kingdom versions of the spell, where Seth is also sometimes referred to euphemistically as wDa, ‘the judged one’.364 The scribes who produced subsequent versions of Spell 25 adopted various strategies in relation to the god’s name. In some New Kingdom and Late Period versions of the spell, Seth appears in the expected position after Horus.365 In those inscribed in Theban Tomb 119 (eighteenth dynasty) and on the twenty-sixth dynasty offering table Cairo CG 23099, his name was included but subsequently effaced.366 Other later versions omit Seth and name Thoth as the third deity who will go with his ka.367 In earlier versions of the spell, Thoth is the fourth deity named, so in these later ones he has simply been moved up one place. Our text and the Edfu version of Spell 25 illustrate a third strategy for dealing with Seth’s name: replacing it with that of another deity. The practice of substituting the name of Geb for that of Seth is attested in a range of Egyptian ritual texts from the New Kingdom onwards. The texts in question include other Pyramid Text spells in addition to Spell 25, but are by no means restricted to that corpus.368 Various explanations have been proposed for why Geb was deemed 359 Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 239. 360 Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 208, line 17. 361 E. Schiaparelli, Il libro dei funerali degli antichi Egiziani 2 (Rome, 1890), p. 308. For other texts in which deities are said to go to (xr) or with (Hna) their kas, see Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 420−1; idem, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 3, pp. 429−31; Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, p. 119; Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit, pp. 406, 448, and 490. 362 See Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, p. 120; Altenmüller-Kesting, Reinigungsriten im ägyptischen Kult, p. 28. 363 Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1, p. 10, §17a. 364 Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8, p. 5 (17a). For the epithet in question, see Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, p. 120 note 410. 365 See, for example, Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 89; Schiaparelli, Il libro dei funerali degli antichi Egiziani 2, pp. 153 and 308. 366 Ibid., p. 153; Jansen-Winkeln, Inschriften der Spätzeit IV: Die 26. Dynastie 1, p. 1131, no. 683. 367 See, for example, Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 1 (1900), p. 173; A. Barsanti and G. Maspero, ‘Fouilles autour de la pyramide d’Ounas, 1899−1900 (suite)’, ASAE 1 (1900), p. 239; Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 2 (1901), p. 107; Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 5 (1904), p. 79; Bresciani, Pernigotti, and Giangeri Silvis, La tomba di Ciennehebu, capo della flotta del re, plate 12; Daressy, Recueil de Travaux 17 (1895), p. 18. 368 Compare the version of the Nocturnal Hour Ritual preserved in P. Cairo 58027 where Geb replaces Bebon, sometimes seen as an avatar of Seth, as the guardian of the eighth hour, as noted in K. Griffin, ‘A Preliminary Report on the Hours of the Night in the Tomb of Karakhamun (TT 223)’, in E. Pischikova, J. Budka, and K. Griffin (eds.), Thebes in the First Millennium BC: Art and Archaeology of the Kushite Period and Beyond (London, 2018), p. 66.

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to be a suitable replacement for Seth in these texts. One is that the two gods figure in similar or closely related rites. Another is that they share chthonic aspects. A third is that Geb, like Seth, sometimes displays untoward behaviour. In addition, both are royal deities and Geb is Seth’s father. It may be that a combination of these factors gave rise to the practice of substituting his name for that of his son.369 One further factor, which may only be relevant in the case of the Edfu version of Spell 25, is that it was supposed to be recited by Horus and Geb.370 (b) In our text, Thoth is named as the fourth deity who will go with his ka. As explained in the previous note, this is his normal position in versions of Spell 25, apart from those which omit the name of Seth and move him up to the third position. Line 13 (a) The writing of Dd, ‘djed-pillar’, here consists of the hieratic sign for Dd (Gardiner SignList R11), a vertical stroke, and the demotic divine determinative. The djed-pillar is an Osirian symbol denoting stability, sometimes identified or represented as the god’s spine or backbone. It was erected at the conclusion of the god’s mysteries celebrated during the month of Khoiak as a symbol of his triumph and resurrection, in which the deceased could share.371 To my knowledge, only two other versions of Spell 25 include the djed-pillar in the list of deities who will go with their kas. These are the ones in the second chamber of Sokar in the temple of Edfu and the tomb of Padienisis at Saqqara. However, both name the pillar in the seventh position, not the fifth as in our version.372 The text inscribed on the mummy case mentioned in note (a) on the previous line, which enumerates various deities who will go to (sb xr) their kas, includes a god whose name is written , as if it were the toponym 9dw, ‘Busiris’ (Wb. 5, 630, 6), among them. This could be a writing of the word for ‘djed-pillar’. Alternatively, it could represent an epithet like 9dw, ‘he of Busiris’ (Wb. 5, 630, 7), or Dd 9dw, ‘the djed-pillar of Busiris’, perhaps in reference to Osiris.373 Although the text on the mummy case is not a version of Spell 25, it is nevertheless of interest that the name of the deity in question occurs in the fifth position there, exactly as Dd does in ours. Two possible explanations could account for the insertion of a reference to the djed-pillar at this point in the Bodleian manuscript. Most versions of Spell 25 conclude the list of deities who will go with their kas with a statement addressed directly to the deceased. In those inscribed in the pyramids of the fifth and sixth dynasties and coffins of the Middle Kingdom, this takes the form sb Dd=k Hna kA=k, ‘You yourself will go with your ka.’374 Later versions

369 See Smith in Bareš, Coppens, and Smoláriková (eds.), Egypt in Transition: Social and Religious Development of Egypt in the First Millennium BCE, p. 410 note 105; J. Kahl, ‘Religiöse Sprachsensibilität in den Pyramidentexten und Sargtexten am Beispiel des Names des Gottes Seth’, in S. Bickel and B. Mathieu (eds.), D’un monde à l’autre: Textes des Pyramides & Textes des Sarcophages (Cairo, 2004), pp. 237–9; and Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, p. 121. 370 Ibid., pp. 79 and 118. 371 Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 191−2. 372 See Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 208, line 17; Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 1 (1900), p. 239. 373 Cf. Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, p. 122 note 425. 374 Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1, p. 10, §17c; Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8, p. 6 (17c).

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substitute Dd.ti for Dd=k, with no change in meaning.375 Some versions substitute kA=f, ‘his ka’, for kA=k at the end of the sentence, as if Dd=k or Dd.ti referred to someone other than the addressee.376 Interestingly, the versions of Spell 25 in the eighteenth dynasty tombs of Qenamun and Rekhmire move the sentence sb Dd.ti Hna kA=f forward so that it occurs directly after the one which says that Thoth will go with his ka, analogous to the position of the words sby Dd Hna kA=f in our text.377 This might suggest that Dd in the Bodleian manuscript is a reinterpretation of the Dd=k or Dd.ti found in most other versions of Spell 25, neither of which is attested in demotic. But a look at the parallels suggests another explanation. In some of these, the fifth position in the enumeration of deities who will go with their kas is occupied by Dunanwi.378 As we saw in note (a) on the previous line, he is one of the four deities associated with purification, along with Horus, Seth, and Thoth. His name is not attested in demotic texts. In other versions, however, the fifth deity who is said to go with his ka is Osiris.379 In versions of the spell on Middle Kingdom coffins, both Dunanwi and Osiris are attested in the fifth position.380 Apart from being an Osirian symbol, ‘djed-pillar’ can be an epithet of Osiris himself (Wb. 5, 627, 8−10). So the statement that the djed-pillar will go with his ka in our text could be an allusion to that god, which would bring it into line with those parallels that name Osiris as the fifth deity. , 2nv-ir.v, as a demotic writing of the divine name Khentirti,

(b) For

see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 118. As noted there, the initial sign of the second element represents

. Compare writings of ir.t, ‘eye’, as

in line 9 above

and lines 17−19 below, where the initial sign represents . In the parallels, the position of this god in the enumeration of deities who will go with their kas varies from fourth to sixth. In some versions which include the name of Seth in the list, for example, those in the pyramids of the fifth and sixth dynasties, it comes seventh.381 Versions which agree with our text in placing Khentirti in the sixth position include those in the temple of Edfu, the tombs of Tjaennahebu, Psammetichus, and Padineith at Saqqara, and the tomb of Padiamenopet at Thebes, although none of these accords precisely with ours in their ordering of the five preceding gods.382 In all but the versions in the temple of Edfu and the tomb of Padiamenopet, 375 See, for example, Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 5 (1904), p. 79; Bresciani, Pernigotti, and Giangeri Silvis, La tomba di Ciennehebu, capo della flotta del re, plate 12; Daressy, Recueil de Travaux 17 (1895), p. 18. 376 E.g. Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8, p. 6 (17c); Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 1 (1900), p. 173; Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, p. 122. 377 Davies, The Tomb of Qen-Amūn at Thebes 1, plate 66; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 89. 378 Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, p. 120; idem, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 2, p. 13. 379 See, for example, Bresciani, Pernigotti, and Giangeri Silvis, La tomba di Ciennehebu, capo dell flotta del re, plate 12; Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 5 (1904), pp. 78−9; Daressy, Recueil de Travaux 17 (1895), p. 18. 380 Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8, p. 5 (17b). 381 Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1, p. 10, §17c. 382 See Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 208, line 17; Bresciani, Pernigotti, and Giangeri Silvis, La tomba di Ciennehebu, capo della flotta del re, plate 12; Daressy, Recueil de Travaux 17 (1895), p. 18; Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 1 (1900), p. 173; Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 2 (1901), p. 107; Schiaparelli, Il

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the name of Khentirti follows that of Osiris, as it does in some versions where Khentirti comes seventh rather than sixth. This could be taken as further evidence that the preceding sentence in our text which says that the djed-pillar will go with his ka is actually alluding to Osiris, as suggested in note (a) on the present line. On the other hand, in the versions of Spell 25 inscribed in the eighteenth dynasty Theban tombs of Rekhmire and Qenamun, the statement that Khentirti will go with his ka follows the one which says that Dd.ti will go with his ka, so the possibility that Dd, ‘djed-pillar’, in the preceding sentence of our text is a reinterpretation of the Dd.ti which occurs there cannot be excluded entirely.383 Line 14 (a) Our text is unique in employing the vocative i, ‘O’, at this point. The other versions use h(A), ‘hail’, or omit the vocative particle altogether. For the writing of mn, ‘so and so’, see note (b) on 8/9. Here and in line 20 below, mn is written without a horizontal stroke below it, unlike examples of that word elsewhere in the text. The other versions of the spell insert the name of the deceased individual for whom they were written at this point, except for the Edfu version which inserts ‘Osiris foremost in the West’. (b) For the unetymological writing of awy, ‘arms’, as if it were awy, ‘limbs’, in our text, see note (a) on 8/19. awy occurs twice in this line. The initial group of the second occurrence has been repeated in error, as it has in 9/2 and 9/11 as well. See note (c) on the former. Some New Kingdom Theban versions of Spell 25 read di kA=k m-bAH=k di kA=k m-x.t=k, ‘Your ka will be placed in front of you. Your ka will be placed behind you’, at this point.384 Nearly all other versions have a kA=k m-bAH=k a kA=k m-x.t=k, ‘The arm of your ka is in front of you. The arm of your ka is behind you.’ The only one to agree with our text in using the dual awy in both sentences is the one in the second chamber of Sokar in the temple of Edfu, which reads awy kA=k m-bAH=k awy kA=k m-x.t=k, ‘The arms of your ka are in front of you. The arms of your ka are behind you.’385 A garbled version of the spell in the twenty-sixth dynasty tomb of Karakhamun at Thebes appears to read a kA=k m-bAH=k, ‘The arm of your ka is in front of you’, but then follows this with awy kA=k m-x.t=k, ‘The arms of your ka are behind you’, thus mixing singular and dual.386 Another garbled version inscribed on an offering table of the same date belonging to a woman called Tsennitocris, now in Cairo (CG 23241), reads awy kA.wy=t mbAH=t -x.t=, ‘The arms of your two kas (sic) are in front of you and behind .’387 The paired statements affirming that the arm (or arms) of the ka are in front of and behind the beneficiary of the spell foreground the protective function that the ka exercises, while at the same time emphasising the physical proximity of the ka to the one whom it protects.388 Line 15 (a) m-ue, determined with the man with hand to mouth sign, is a writing of the Old and Middle Egyptian preposition m-x.t (Wb. 3, 345, 1−21). The initial sign is hieratic; the rest of libro dei funerali degli antichi Egiziani 2, p. 153. 383 See Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 89; Davies, The Tomb of Qen-Amūn at Thebes 1, plate 66. 384 E.g. Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, pp. 124−5; Davies, The Tomb of Qen-Amūn at Thebes 1, plate 66. The latter inserts n=k, ‘for you’, after di in both sentences. 385 Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 208, line 18. 386 Schiaparelli, Il libro dei funerali degli antichi Egiziani 2, p. 308. 387 A. Kamal, CGC: Tables des offrandes (Cairo, 1909), p. 162. 388 Cf. Altenmüller-Kesting, Reinigungsriten im ägyptischen Kult, pp. 28–9.

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the word is written in demotic. m-ue recurs later on in this line and in the next two lines as well, in each case written entirely in demotic. For the man with hand to mouth as the default determinative for words which had no fixed or regular orthography in demotic, see note (a) on 9/14. Compare Tablet Louvre E 10382, line 6, where m-x.t is written m-uA with man with hand to mouth determinative.389 For another demotic writing of this preposition, see P. Berlin 6750, x + 2/22. There the second element is written as if it were the noun x.t, ‘wood’ (Glossar, p. 370).390 In Column x + 2/17 of that text, the masculine singular nisbe adjective imy-x.t, ‘who is behind’, is written im-x.t. Once again the second element borrows the orthography of x.t, ‘wood’.391 Compare a demotic label in the vignette above Column 9 of P. Rhind 1 where the plural nisbe adjective imy.w-x.t, ‘those who are in the following of’, is written r-mw-ue.392 The phonetic signs of that adjective’s final element ue are the same as in our text, but instead of the man with hand to mouth, it is determined with the wood sign. (b) Some New Kingdom Theban versions of Spell 25 read di.n=i n=k kA=k m=bAH=k di.n=i n=k kA=k m-x.t=k, ‘I have placed your ka in front of you for you. I have placed your ka behind you for you’, in place of our text’s rwv kA=k m-bAH=k rwv kA=k m-ue=k.393 Nearly all other parallels read rd kA=k m-bAH=k rd kA=k m-x.t=k, ‘The foot of your ka is in front of you. The foot of your ka is behind you.’ The only exceptions are the versions of Spell 25 inscribed in the second chamber of Sokar in the temple of Edfu and on the offering table of Tsennitocris. The former substitutes the dual rd.wy, ‘feet’, for the singular rd, ‘foot’, in both sentences.394 The latter reads rd.wy kA.wy=t m-bAH=t, ‘The feet of your two kas (sic) are in front of you’, in the first sentence and omits the second altogether.395 Since our text agrees with the Edfu text in reading awy, ‘arms’, rather than the singular a, ‘arm’, in the preceding pair of sentences, it is logical to expect a dual form in this pair as well. rd.wy is written unetymologically in our text as if it were the verb rwv, ‘flourish’, thus allowing an alternative interpretation of the sentence pair rwv kA=k m-bAH=k rwv kA=k m-ue=k as ‘Your ka will flourish in front of you. Your ka will flourish behind you.’ Most versions of Spell 25 insert a vocative h(A) NN, ‘hail NN’, before the pair of sentences that speak about the feet of the beneficiary’s ka. In asserting that these are in front of and behind him, the utterance highlights both the protective role of the ka and its close physical proximity to the person whom it guards. Cf. notes (a) and (b) on line 14 above. Line 16 (a) srwv, which occurs twice in this line, is a demotic writing of the causative verb srwD, ‘fest sein lassen, gedeihen lassen’ (Wb. 4, 194, 7–23). The scribe mistakenly inserted a short vertical stroke after the initial sign of the second occurrence, perhaps through confusion with 389 Widmer in Hoffmann and Thissen (eds.), Res Severa Verum Gaudium: Festschrift für Karl-Theodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8. Juni 2004, pp. 654, 660, and 677, with plate 51. 390 Widmer, Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765, pp. 92 and 155 with plate 2. 391 Ibid., p. 91 with plate 2. As Widmer notes (ibid., pp. 148 and 155), it cannot be excluded that m-x.t in the first passage cited is the nisbe adjective as well. 392 Möller, Die beiden Totenpapyrus Rhind des Museums zu Edinburg, p. 40 and plate 9; Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, p. 117. 393 See e.g. Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 2, p. 15; Davies, The Tomb of Qen-Amūn at Thebes 1, plate 66. 394 Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 208, line 18. 395 Kamal, CGC: Tables des offrandes, p. 162.

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the initial consonant of the noun kA, ‘ka’, which both precedes and follows it. The form of the verb used here is the passive sDm=f. For examples of this form elsewhere in the Bodleian manuscript and in other demotic texts, see note (c) on 8/7. In this and the ensuing line, our text expands the theme of the ka and its relation to the deceased with two further pairs of sentences which do not occur in any of the parallels. The first pair, srwv kA=k m-bAH=k srwv kA=k m-ue=k, ‘Your ka will be made to flourish in front of you. Your ka will be made to flourish behind you’, is an obvious development of the preceding pair. What is of particular interest is the fact that our scribe based this development, not on the original meaning of that pair of sentences, which refer to the feet of the ka, but rather on the alternative interpretation of them made possible by the unetymological writing of rd.wy, ‘feet’, as if it were the verb rwv, ‘flourish’. According to that interpretation, the ka of the deceased will flourish in front of and behind him. Now the text adds that the ka will be made to flourish in those positions. (b) The second pair of additional sentences inserted at this point in our text is identical with the first pair, except it substitutes a verb written tbtb (variant: tbtbv), determined with the man with hand to mouth sign, for srwv. Elsewhere in demotic there is a noun tbtb with the same determinative which means ‘rites, ceremonies’.396 In hieroglyphic and hieratic texts there are two verbs written dbdb with this determinative. One is used to describe the irregular beating of a sick person’s heart (Wb. 5, 442, 5). The other means ‘eat, crunch’ or similar.397 None of these really fits in the present context. My tentative translation ‘proceed’ assumes that our tbtb is related to the tbtb, ‘tread, proceed, walk’, discussed in P. Wilson, A Ptolemaic Lexikon (Leuven, 1997), p. 1134, even though it lacks that verb’s walking legs determinative. A connection with Coptic tobtb, ‘form, fabricate’ (Crum, A Coptic Dictionary, pp. 401–2), seems less plausible. The alternatives proposed so far all assume that tbtb/tbtbv is a verb. Another possibility worth considering, however, is that it is an unetymological writing of the dual noun Tbw.ty denoting the soles of the feet and, by extension, the feet themselves (Wb. 5, 361–2). Elsewhere in demotic, this noun can be written tbty or tbvy.398 In non-demotic texts, it is often written . One could imagine that a misunderstanding or reinterpretation of the constituent signs of that writing as Tbw.(t) + Tbw.(t) might have given rise to the tbtb of our text. Furthermore, the v in the variant form tbtbv could be explained as a relict of the feminine dual ending of Tbw.ty. If this interpretation is correct, then the sentence pair tbtb kA=k m=bAH=k tbtbv kA=k m=ue=k would mean ‘The soles of your ka are in front of you. The soles of your ka are behind you.’ This would be an obvious development of the sentence pair in line 15 above which affirms that the feet of the deceased’s ka are in front of and behind him, like the words srwv kA=k m-bAH=k srwv kA=k m-ue=k discussed in the preceding note, only in this instance based on the original meaning of the sentences in question rather than the alternative interpretation of them permitted by the unetymological writing of the word for ‘feet’ as if it were rwv, ‘flourish’.

396 Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, p. 99; C. Arlt, Deine Seele möge leben für Immer und Ewig (Leuven, Paris, Walpole, 2011), pp. 81–2 and plate 47. 397 See A. Blackman and H. Fairman, ‘The Myth of Horus at Edfu–II’, JEA 29 (1943), pp. 29–30. 398 Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, pp. 42 and 183; idem, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 148 and 185; CDD, letter t (14/7/2012), pp. 160−4.

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Line 17 (a) tbtbv, with the man with hand to mouth determinative, is a variant of the tbtb which occurs in the preceding line. For possible ways of interpreting this problematic word, see note (b) ad loc. (b) For iy.y.n as a demotic writing of the Old Egyptian sDm.n=f form ii.n=(i) (with omitted first person singular suffix pronoun), see note (b) on 8/1. In the present line, the scribe has mistakenly written in.y.n instead of iy.y.n, perhaps in anticipation of the verb in, ‘bring’, which follows immediately after, or influenced by the fact that both iy, ‘come’, and in, ‘bring’, begin with the same sign. Yet another factor may have been that ii.n=(i) and in were pronounced similarly. Cf. the writing of the former as in in the Edfu version of Pyramid Text Spell 32, discussed in note (b) on 10/9. (c) The writing of ir.t 1r here is slightly unusual. The initial sign of ir.t is written over what looks like the first part of 1r, as if the scribe started to write the latter word immediately after the preceding n=k, omitting the former, but then realised his error and corrected himself. For ‘eye of Horus’ as a term denoting offerings, see note (c) on line 9 above. Our text is unique in reading iy.y.n in=y n=k ir.t 1r at this point.399 The versions of the spell in the pyramids of the fifth and sixth dynasties substitute (r)di.n=(i) n=k ir.t 1r, ‘(I) have given you the eye of Horus.’400 So do most later versions, although a few employ a sDm=f form, rdi=(i), instead of the sDm.n=f form (r)di.n=(i).401 The version in the Saite period tomb of Psammetichus at Saqqara has rdi.tw n=k ir.t 1r, ‘The eye of Horus has been given to you.’402 Exceptionally, the versions in the temple of Edfu and the tomb of Padiamenopet at Thebes read mn n=k ir.t 1r, ‘Take for yourself the eye of Horus.’403 Most versions of Spell 25 insert a vocative addressed to the beneficiary before this sentence, with or without the particle hA preceding it. Line 18 (a) htm with man with hand to mouth determinative is a demotic writing of the Htm, ‘provide, be provided’, which appears in the parallels.404 Neither Glossar nor the CDD record any other demotic examples of this verb. It is worth noting that in the version of Spell 25 in the second chamber of Sokar in the temple of Edfu, Htm is written ideogrammatically with the hieroglyph depicting a cormorant (Gardiner Sign-List G35), which normally has the value ao, instead of the expected goose (Gardiner Sign-List G38).405 My translation assumes that the verb is a future sDm=f introducing a purpose clause, but it could also be an imperative with Hr=k as its object.406

399 Compare line 9 above and the opening words of Pyramid Text Spell 29: iw.n=(i) in=(i) n=k ir.t 1r Htm=k Hr=k im=s, ‘(I) have come, bringing you the eye of Horus, that you might provide your face with it’ (Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1, p. 113, §20a−b). 400 Ibid., p. 11, §18c. 401 See, for example, Bresciani, Pernigotti, and Giangeri Silvis, La tomba di Ciennehebu, capo della flotta del re, plate 12; Daressy, Recueil de Travaux 17 (1895), p. 18; Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 1 (1900), p. 239. 402 Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 1 (1900), p. 173. 403 Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 209, line 1; Schiaparelli, Il libro dei funerali degli antichi Egiziani 2, p. 154. 404 See Wb. 3, 196−7. 405 Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 209, line 1. 406 Cf. Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, pp. 126−8.

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(b) For the writing of the prepronominal form of the preposition m as im with man with hand to mouth determinative here, see note (b) on 8/5. (c) ptpt in our text corresponds to pDpD in the parallels. For the verb in question, see Wb. 1, 571, 11 (there translated ‘anhaften’ with a query). This is in fact a reduplicated form of pD, ‘ausspannen, ausstrecken’, which can be used with reference to the diffusion of incense and other fragrances (Wb. 1, 568, 13). In the parallels, pDpD is generally written without a determinative. The only exceptions write it as pD sp-2 with the bow determinative, which confirms the derivation of the verb from pD.407 In our text, the verb is followed by a tall vertical sign which is slightly damaged, making its identification difficult. This is unlikely to be the man with hand to mouth since it extends too far below the line. It looks more like the stroke at the end of the verb iw, ‘come’, in the line immediately below. In my transliteration and translation, I have interpreted the vertical stroke as the third person plural suffix pronoun. This is regularly used in our text to mark the subject after a sDm=f form. See note (a) on 8/5. In some instances, it extends below the line in the same way as the stroke after ptpt here. See, for example, sDm=w in 8/11 and ir=w in 8/16. Against this interpretation it might be argued that the parallels all agree in reading pDpD rather than pDpD=w, but I am unable to suggest a better alternative. (d) mw here is a demotic writing of the enclitic particle my, for which see Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar³, p. 185. Most other versions of Spell 25 omit this particle. Those that do include it date to the Late Period and write it as m.408 For ‘eye of Horus’ as a term denoting offerings, see note (c) on line 9 above. (c) For the writing of the sail determinative of sty, ‘fragrance’, here, see note (a) on line 10 above. This writing of sty recurs in the line immediately following. Line 19 (a) For ‘eye of Horus’ as a term denoting offerings, see note (c) on line 9 above. No other version of Spell 25 agrees precisely with ours in concluding with the words ptpt=w mw n=k ir.t 1r iw sty=s r-r=k iw sty ir.t 1r r-r=k. Most condense them to a greater or lesser extent. Broadly speaking, two main variants are attested. The first, and more common, is exemplified by the versions of the spell in the pyramids of the fifth and sixth dynasties, which read pDpD sTy ir.t 1r r=k, ‘The fragrance of the eye of Horus will be diffused for you.’409 The second variant is exemplified by some Middle and New Kingdom versions which read pDpD sTy=s r=k sTy ir.t 1r r=k, ‘Its fragrance will be diffused for you, the fragrance of the eye of Horus is for you.’410 (b) Spell 25 concludes at this point. Some versions add a title at the end, e.g. Dd-mdw sp-4 snTr x.t, ‘Words to be spoken four times: incense and fire’,411 or sD.t snTr, ‘fire and incense’.412 (c) Column 10 of our text concludes with a bipartite lustration formula, the first part of which proclaims purity for Osiris and the second part purity for the deceased: wab sp-2 Wsir 407 See e.g. Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8, p. 8 (18d); Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 5 (1904), p. 79; Schiaparelli, Il libro dei funerali degli antichi Egiziani 2, pp. 154 and 308. 408 See, for example, Barsanti and Maspero, ASAE 5 (1904), p. 79; Schiaparelli, Il libro dei funerali degli antichi Egiziani 2, p. 308. 409 Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1, p. 12, §18d. 410 E.g. Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8, p. 8 (18d); Schiaparelli, Il libro dei funerali degli antichi Egiziani 2, p. 154; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 89−90; Cauville and Devauchelle, Le temple d’Edfou 1, p. 209, line 1. 411 Sethe, Die altaegyptischen Pyramidentexte 1, p. 12, §18d. 412 Allen, The Egyptian Coffin Texts 8, p. 8 (18d).

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xnv Imnv wab sp-2 Wsir mn. For comparable lustration formulas in other demotic texts for the afterlife, see Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, pp. 74 and 86; idem, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 27−9, 32, and 168. As these examples show, such formulas are typically employed either to mark the ends of individual compositions within a manuscript, or else the ends of individual sections within a composition. In the present case, it is logical to assume that the bipartite lustration formula marks the conclusion of the text which has just come to an end, i.e. the composite of Pyramid Text Spells 32 and 25 which occupies lines 7−19 of this column, although it cannot be excluded that it relates to the entire sequence of offering spells inscribed in Columns 8−10, and not only the final one. When a ritual text includes phrases or formulas addressed or referring to Osiris which are repeated with the name of a deceased person substituted for that of the god, this is generally taken as evidence that the text in question was originally composed for use in the temple cult of Osiris and subsequently adapted for use in the cult of the dead, the references to the deceased having been added secondarily.413 But this is not true of every text which contains such phrases or formulas. Some, including compositions which incorporate bipartite lustration formulas very similar to the one in our papyrus, were clearly composed specifically for use in the mortuary proceedings of ordinary deceased individuals, and never saw service in the temple cult. In such cases, the insertion of the god’s name, not the deceased’s, is secondary, its inclusion probably being due to motives of piety.414 Line 20 (a) For the writing of wab, ‘pure’, with a house determinative here, see note (f) on 8/13. For that of mn, ‘so and so’, see note (b) on 8/9. Here and in line 14 above, mn is written without a horizontal stroke below it, unlike examples of that word elsewhere in the text. (b) The verb mr, ‘attraction’, is written with sun and divine determinatives after the man with hand to mouth sign. For other demotic examples of mr displaying the same combination of determinatives, see Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, p. 49; idem, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 158 and 212. Our text expands the concluding bipartite lustration formula with the addition of two epithets, Hwn nfr, ‘fair youth’, and bny mr, ‘whose attraction is sweet’. Although these can be applied to a range of deities, both are well attested for Osiris too. They appear in texts recited by Isis and Nephthys in order to restore that god to life and express the love and desire that those goddesses feel for him.415 Sometimes they occur in conjunction and in the same sequence as in our text.416 By extension, the epithets can be applied to the deceased as well as Osiris, and we should probably interpret them as referring to both in this instance. As Kucharek notes, from the reign of Ptolemy X Alexander I (107−88 BC) onward, the words ‘fair youth whose attraction is sweet’ were employed as an element in the Horus names of Ptolemaic kings.417 The Roman emperors Augustus, Tiberius, Claudius,

413 Smith in Backes and Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and GrecoRoman Egypt, pp. 161–77; idem, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 247. 414 Ibid., pp. 247−8. 415 See Leitz (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 1, pp. 802–4; idem (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen 5, pp. 95–7; Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit, pp. 70−1. 416 Ibid., pp. 283 and 357. 417 Ibid., p. 357; J. von Beckerath, Handbuch der ägyptischen Königsnamen (Mainz, 1999), pp. 242–7.

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Titus, and Domitian incorporated them in their Horus names as well.418 Given that the ritual texts on the Bodleian papyrus were written in the reign of Augustus (see Introduction, section 5), this could have influenced our scribe’s decision to insert them here.

Column 11 Line 1 (a) The text preserved in the final column of Bodleian MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) is a demotic version of Spell 171 of the Book of the Dead (according to Pleyte’s numbering). Three other versions of this spell are known. Two, those preserved in P. Leiden T 31 and P. Louvre N 3248, are written in hieratic. The third, preserved in P. Strasbourg 3 verso, is written in demotic like our text.419 The title of the spell, which is only preserved in the hieratic versions, is rA n sx Hmt, ‘Spell for striking the copper’.420 (b) sr is a demotic writing of earlier siar, ‘emporsteigen lassen’ (Wb. 4, 32–3). See CDD, letter s (15/11/2013), p. 293. For graphic variation between sr and siar in other texts, see Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 188–9, and references cited there. The use of sr here permits an alternative understanding of the opening words of the line as ‘A torch will be disposed’ (scil. in the tomb). The traces after the r of sr here are of the signs that precede the man with hand to mouth determinative. Cf. writings of Sty, ‘secret’, in 9/8, and sby, ‘go’, in 10/11–13. sr in this syntactic context must be a future passive sDm=f. For this form elsewhere in demotic, see note (c) on 8/7. Other versions of the spell substitute stA, ‘light, kindle’, for sr, yielding the sentence ‘A torch will be lit in the tomb.’ In P. Strasbourg 3 verso, stA is written unetymologically as if it were sty, ‘serpent’, permitting the sentence to be understood as ‘Serpent and torch are in the tomb’, thus evoking the protective aspect of the torch as eye of the sun god, in other words, his uraeus.421 Allusion is made to this aspect in line 3 below as well. With the variation between sr and stA in the different versions of the present spell, compare different versions of the title of Book of the Dead Spell 137B, where rA n siar tkA, ‘Spell for elevating a torch’, varies with rA n stA tkA, ‘Spell for lighting a torch’.422 rA n siar tkA also occurs as the title in some manuscripts of Spell 137A.423 Torches were frequently employed in mortuary and offering

418 Ibid., pp. 248–9, 252–3, and 256–7; J.-C. Grenier, Les titulaires des empereurs romains dans les documents en langue égyptien (Brussels, 1989), pp. 87–9, 91, and 93. 419 See Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 389–93 and 650; idem in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 347–8. For a photograph of the Strasbourg papyrus, see Smith, The Liturgy of Opening the Mouth for Breathing, plate 11. Images of the Leiden and Louvre texts are available on the website of the Bonn University Totenbuch Project (http:/totenbuch.awk.nrw.de/), where they have the numbers TM56996 and TM56756 respectively. 420 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 349–50. On the significance of this title, see note (b) on line 7 below. 421 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 351 and 356. 422 See D. Luft, Das Anzünden der Fackel: Untersuchungen zu Spruch 137 des Totenbuches (Wiesbaden, 2009), pp. 210–11 and 308. 423 Ibid., pp. 166–7 and 234.

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contexts, whether for apotropaic purposes or as a means of purification.424 Both functions are prominent in this and the ensuing lines of our spell. (c) The noun tk, ‘torch’, is determined with the brazier. Compare the undamaged example of that determinative in the writing of uwA, ‘altar’, in 8/13. Our text breaks off after the preposition m. The other three versions agree in reading StA.t, ‘tomb’, after the preposition, so that word can be restored at the end of this line with some confidence. Line 2 (a) The preposition Hr and the following noun knHw, ‘darkness’, are written in hieratic. The orthography of both is precisely as it is in the hieratic columns of the manuscript. See, for example, Hr in 7/10 and 7/14, and knHw in 7/6. Comparison of the latter with the writing of knHw in the present line suggests that what looks, at first sight, like an almost vertical demotic evil determinative at the end of the word here425 is really the hieratic sun sign with a diagonal stroke above it, as in Ra, ‘Re’, in 1/5 or Iwnw, ‘Heliopolis’, in 6/3 and 6/4. (b) The line breaks off after the preposition Xn, ‘in’. P. Leiden T 31 has nn pr kky m-aoA=k, ‘Darkness will not appear in your presence’, at this point.426 P. Strasbourg 3 verso substitutes hy, ‘fall’, for pr but is otherwise the same. In that text, m-aoA=k is written unetymologically as if it were m ao=k, ‘when you enter’, evoking the idea that the torch provides illumination which in turn permits movement.427 For the unetymological writing of m-aoA as m ao there, see note (a) on 9/5. (c) Owing to the divergence between our text and the parallels at this point it is difficult to suggest a restoration for the end of the line. Perhaps the object of the preposition Xn was the suffix pronoun s, referring back to the noun StA.t, ‘tomb’, which probably stood at the end of the preceding line. The sense would then be ‘A torch will be elevated in [the tomb] on account of the darkness in [it].’ Darkness was dreaded by the deceased inasmuch as it restricted their ability to see and move around while providing concealment for inimical forces that might attack them under its cover. See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 155 and 166, and Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit, pp. 558−60, both with references to earlier literature. Line 3 (a) The only completely preserved word in this line is written as if it were the noun ntr.t, ‘goddess’. In view of the parallels, however, ntr.t is clearly an unetymological writing of Dr.t, ‘hand’. This is followed by a tall sign which could be either s or H and a series of traces. P. Louvre N 3248 has Dr.t sHAp=s tw, ‘The hand will conceal you’, at this point. P. Leiden T 31 reads Dr.t sHAp=f. P. Strasbourg 3 verso has Dr.t Htp tw=s v=y. Htp there is written with the man with hand to mouth determinative. v=y is the usual writing of the Middle Egyptian second 424 See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), p. 189, and literature cited there, to which add Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 354–6; Tacke, Das Opferritual des ägyptischen Neuen Reiches 2, pp. 181–92 and 263–72; Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult: Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten 1, pp. 441−2; Luft, Das Anzünden der Fackel: Untersuchungen zu Spruch 137 des Totenbuches, passim. 425 For demotic writings of kky, ‘darkness’, with the evil determinative, see Glossar, p. 568. 426 The end of the sentence is lost in P. Louvre N 3248 but m-ao[A=t] (the feminine suffix pronoun reflecting the gender of the beneficiary) can be restored with confidence. 427 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 351 and 356; Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 1, p. 133.

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person singular masculine dependent pronoun tw in the Strasbourg text. Could H{t}p = HAp? The latter verb is used with the same sense as sHAp (Wb. 3, 30−1), but this still leaves the tw before the suffix pronoun unaccounted for.428 If the tall sign after ntr.t in our text is s, then this could be the initial sign of sH(A)p. If it is H, then one could have had Htp as in P. Strasbourg 3 verso. The tall sign is followed by a pair of poorly preserved signs, one above the other. All that survives of the lower one is a horizontal stroke, which could be the remains of a p. This would suit either sH(A)p or Htp.429 Further traces are visible just before the break at the end of the line. These could represent the third person singular feminine suffix pronoun s followed by the right tip of the k in the dependent pronoun v=k. If so, the line will have read ntr.t sH(A)p=s (or Htp=s) v=k, ‘The hand will conceal you.’ (b) Of interest is the fact that our text employs ntr.t as an unetymological writing of the Dr.t, ‘hand’, of the parallels. The hand which is said to protect the deceased by concealing them in those texts is that of the sun god, i.e. the uraeus. Compare the inscription on the healing statue of Djedher (Cairo JE 46341) which speaks of ‘this hand of Atum which dispels the storm in the sky and the disturbance which was in Heliopolis, which fights victoriously and protects its lord, mighty one who safeguards Re on that day of the great combat’.430 Thus the hand is a divine being, and our text emphasises this by writing Dr.t, ‘hand’, unetymologically as if it were ntr.t, ‘goddess’. The orthography of the latter can be used for the former since not only do both nouns refer to the same protective deity, they are phonetically very similar as well, as we see from their Coptic forms tvre and Ntvre. Line 4 (a) sAvA at the beginning of the line is written with man with hand to mouth determinative. Compare the noun sAv with the same determinative which occurs in P. BM EA 10508, 5/8. The meaning of this is uncertain. It has been variously conjectured to signify ‘ransom’ or ‘nobility, rank’.431 The hieratic parallels, depending on the gender of the beneficiary, read saHa Dd HA=k/t, ‘The djed-pillar will be raised behind you’, at this point. P. Strasbourg 3 verso substitutes sHv m-HA=k, with the noun sHv, ‘illumination’, used as an unetymological writing of saHa Dd, which allows an alternative understanding of the sentence as ‘Illumination is behind you.’432 Evidently sAvA in our text represents a further stage of phonetic reduction in which the orthography of the enigmatic noun sAv attested in P. BM EA 10508 has been used as the equivalent of saHa Dd, omitting the H of saHa which is still present in its counterpart sHv. For the passive sDm=f form here, see note (c) on 8/7. If the noun sAv really does mean ‘nobility, rank’ as some have conjectured, then this would permit an alternative understanding of the present line as ‘Nobility is to the fore’ or similar. Both unetymological writings of saHa Dd, sHv and sAvA, treat the word for djed-pillar as if it had only one consonant. Could this reflect the actual pronunciation of the word? Compare the verb Dd, ‘speak, say’, which was reduced to D. On the other hand, in London-Leiden Magical Papyrus, 5/11, the noun ‘djed-pillar’ is glossed tat in Old Coptic, which suggests that its final 428 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 349 and 351. 429 For H above a low, flat sign in our papyrus, compare the writing of Htp, ‘offerings’, in 8/6 and 8/20. 430 E. Jelínková-Reymond, Les inscriptions de la statue guérisseuse de Djed-Her-Le-Sauveur (Cairo, 1956), p. 7. 431 CDD, letter s (15/11/2013), p. 39. 432 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 351, 356, and 358.

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consonant was actually preserved.433 The writing of that noun as twt in P. Rhind 1, 10/d9, points to the same conclusion, despite the evidence of our text to the contrary.434 Perhaps confusion arose because the hieroglyphic sign Dd (Gardiner Sign-List R11), which can be used as a logogram to write the noun meaning ‘djed-pillar’, is sometimes used with the alphabetic value d or t.435 (b) Our text diverges from the parallels by substituting tA H.t, ‘at the front’, for the preposition (m)-HA, ‘behind’. The second element of m-HA is written with the house determinative in P. Strasbourg 3 verso, an orthography well-attested in hieroglyphic texts but unusual in demotic.436 (c) For the djed-pillar as an Osirian symbol denoting stability, sometimes identified or represented as the god’s spine or backbone, see note (a) on 10/13. This also exercised a protective function, as illustrated in a spell which was supposed to be recited over a djed-pillar of faience placed upright on a clay brick in a niche in a tomb wall.437 The words of the spell were meant to be inscribed on the brick as well: ‘O you who comes seeking, whose strides are exposed to view, whose face is concealed, whose hiding is revealed by the light. I am the one who stands behind, the djed-pillar. I am indeed the one who stands behind, the djed-pillar, on the day of warding off the slaughter. I am the protection of Osiris.’438 Noteworthy is the fact that the upright djed-pillar in this formula exercises its protective function behind the one whom it is supposed to safeguard, as it does in three of the four versions of our text. Also significant is the association between the pillar and illumination.439 Light reveals the presence of the enemy who would use the darkness for concealment and so frustrates his attack.440 Of particular interest is the fact that the words quoted in the preceding paragraph are actually included in the rubric of Book of the Dead Spell 137A in one New Kingdom manuscript.441 This spell is one of the best known torch rituals from ancient Egypt. As we have seen, one version of its title is rA n siar tkA, ‘Spell for elevating a torch’, referring to the same act as the initial line of our spell.442 In view of this association between the djedpillar and illumination, it is easy to see why the scribe of P. Strasbourg 3 verso chose to write 433 F. Ll. Griffith and H. Thompson, The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leiden 2 (London, 1905), plate 5. 434 See Möller, Die beiden Totenpapyrus Rhind des Museums zu Edinburg, p. 46 and plate 10. 435 See, for instance, G. Vittmann, ‘Ein Mumienbrett im Britischen Museum (BM 36502)’, in M. Bietak, J. Holaubek, H. Mukarovsky, and H. Satzinger (eds.), Zwischen den beiden Ewigkeiten: Festschrift Gertrud Thausing (Vienna, 1994), p. 226. 436 See Wb. 3, 10, 1−13. 437 For the use of bricks in conjunction with amulets like the djed-pillar for apotropaic purposes in tombs, see L. Bareš, ‘Magical Bricks and Protective Amulets from the Saite-Persian Shaft Tombs at Abusir’, in F. Haikal (ed.), Mélanges offerts à Ola el-Aguizy (Cairo, 2015), pp. 51–9. 438 Budge, The Chapters of Coming Forth by Day 2, p. 195, lines 10−12; G. Lapp, The Papyrus of Nu (BM EA 10477) (London, 1997), plate 78. For an actual specimen of a clay brick with this formula inscribed on it, see M. Heerma van Voss, ‘An Egyptian Magical Brick’, JEOL 18 (1964), pp. 314–16. The brick is of New Kingdom date and comes from Deir el-Medina. An example of a djed-pillar standing upright in situ in a niche in the tomb of Tutankhamun is illustrated ibid., plate 17(C). 439 The literal meaning of sHD, the verb which I have translated as ‘exposed to view’ and ‘revealed by the light’ above, is actually ‘illuminate’. 440 The version of this text on the brick published by Heerma van Voss (see third reference cited in note 438 above) substitutes ‘whose strides are repulsed (xsf)’ for ‘whose strides are exposed to view’, reinforcing the point that the light keeps the enemy at bay. 441 See first reference cited in note 438. 442 See note (b) on 11/1.

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saHa Dd as if it were sHv, thus permitting the alternative understanding of the sentence ‘The djed-pillar will be raised behind you’ as ‘Illumination is behind you.’ Line 5 (a) sAx, ‘glorify’, is written sX with man with hand to mouth determinative in our text. The other demotic version of the spell, P. Strasbourg 3 verso, omits the determinative.443 As usual in this spell, our text writes the second person singular masculine dependent pronoun as v=k (P. Strasbourg 3 verso omits). (b) The orthography of sn.ty, ‘two sisters’, is rather unusual in our text. The demotic sign used to write sn, ‘brother’, is written twice at the beginning of the word. The second instance is followed by the seated man determinative with which sn sometimes concludes.444 The sign after that appears to be a ligature of t above an egg sign, a combination frequently used to determine names of goddesses or epithets denoting them. Compare writings of the divine name 1sy.t, ‘Hesat’, in 8/15 and 9/21. The word ends with the divine determinative. Traces of this same writing of sn.ty are visible at the end of 9/5.445 The demotic writing in P. Strasbourg 3 verso is much simpler, consisting of sn followed by 2.t, the feminine form of the number 2, and a divine determinative.446 On the glorifications recited for the deceased by the ‘two sisters’ (scil. Isis and Nephthys), see note (a) on 9/6. (c) I am unable to read the traces after sn.ty. The hieratic parallels agree in reading m nyny, ‘with gestures of greeting’, here. P. Strasbourg 3 verso substitutes a word written nA with man with hand to mouth determinative after the preposition m, which is evidently meant to be an unreduplicated form of nyny.447 The traces immediately after the divine determinative of sn.ty in our text resemble a horizontal s above h or x, which is difficult to reconcile with the parallels. Line 6 (a) The sDm.tw=f form aS.tw is written aS.y.v in our text. For this writing, see reference cited in note (c) on 8/5. For reasons that are unclear to me, the parallel in P. Strasbourg 3 verso has a causative form saS here instead of aS.448 (b) sAx.w, ‘glorifications’, is written sX.w with man with hand to mouth determinative in our text. In P. Strasbourg 3 verso, this noun appears as sXA with the writing determinative. Compare the previous line where the verb sAx, ‘glorify’, is written sX; also examples of sAx.w written sxA.w cited in Wb. 4, 24, 4, and A.-K. Gill, ‘The “Glorifications” of Herisenef in the Museo Egizio (P. Turin Cat. 2117 [R 08])’, Rivista del Museo Egizio 3 (2019), p. 11 note (m).

443 444 445 446 447

Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, p. 358. Cf. examples cited in Glossar, p. 436. See note (c) ad loc. Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, p. 358. Ibid., pp. 352 and 358. If n=i n=i, ‘to me, to me!’, the etymology of nyny proposed in Assmann, Tod und Jenseits im alten Ägypten, p. 261, and Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit, pp. 466−7, is correct, then nA could represent simple n=i. 448 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 349, 352, and 358.

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Line 7 (a) For the sDm.tw=f form wsu.y.v in our text, see reference cited in note (c) on 8/5. This is followed by the dative n=k and a word written , in hieratic, which looks as if should be the noun Hm.w, ‘servants’.449 The parallels diverge from our text at this point. P. Leiden T 31 and P. Louvre N 3248 have sx.tw n=k Hmt, ‘The copper will be struck for you.’ P. Strasbourg 3 verso reads nsu.y.v n=k Hmt instead of wsu.y.v n=k Hm.w.450 I assume that nsu, written with man with hand to mouth determinative, is a mistake for the wsu of our text.451 Evidently, both are unetymological writings of the verb sx, ‘strike’, which appears in the two hieratic parallels, while Hm.w in our text is an unetymological writing of the noun Hmt, ‘copper’, which appears in all three other versions of the spell. The unetymological writings of sx as if it were wsu, ‘make wide, extensive’, and Hmt as if it were Hm.w, ‘servants’, permit an alternative understanding of this sentence in our text as ‘Servants will be made extensive for you.’ (b) As observed in note (a) on 11/1, the title of our spell, preserved only in the hieratic versions, is rA n sx Hmt, ‘Spell for striking the copper’.452 Barguet translates rA n sx Hmt in this title as ‘Formule pour frotter l’allume-feu’, scil. to produce a spark from which a flame may be kindled.453 sx is certainly attested in expressions referring to the lighting of fires, but normally it is followed by a noun meaning ‘torch’ or similar.454 Accordingly, I interpret the action described in the title of our spell and in the present line as that of striking copper gongs or cymbals. In a number of Egyptian sources, Isis and Nephthys are said to sing or recite glorifications in the embalming place to the accompaniment of such percussion instruments. The clashing of the cymbals not only lends a rhythmic impetus to their chanting, it helps to awaken the deceased and may have an apotropaic function as well.455 Although they have no connection with the lighting of torches per se, cymbals serve a purpose analogous or complementary to that of torches. This is the reason why the two are sometimes employed in the same ritual context, as here.456 (c) The restoration Xr-[tp=k] at the end of the line is based on the parallels. For the hieratic Xr sign, compare the writing of Xr-ntr, ‘god’s domain’, in 2/8. P. Strasbourg 3 verso writes the preposition as X-tp rather than Xr-tp, reflecting the loss of the final consonant of Xr in its prenominal form.457

449 I owe this reading to Ann-Katrin Gill. 450 The unambiguously written Hmt in that text shows that this, rather than biA, is the correct reading in the hieratic versions as well. 451 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 349, 352, and 358. 452 Ibid., pp. 349–50. 453 P. Barguet, Le Livre des Morts des anciens Égyptiens (Paris, 1967), p. 254. 454 See Wb. 3, 467, 9 (sx stA, sx Ha.t); Luft, Das Anzünden der Fackel: Untersuchungen zu Spruch 137 des Totenbuches, p. 59. 455 See Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 391, and references cited there; Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit, pp. 598−9. 456 For another instance of the use of cymbals and torches in conjunction, see Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, p. 53. 457 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 349, 352, and 359.

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Line 8 iw tA nb wu corresponds to iw tA nb m wu in P. Strasbourg 3 verso. The latter substitutes tA, ‘land’, for the tA, ‘time’, of our text and inserts a preposition m before wu. The sun determinative in the Strasbourg version shows that wu is the noun meaning ‘Dunkelheit, Nacht’ (Glossar, p. 98), even though in our text the noun is determined with the man with hand to mouth. The latter is used regularly with alphabetic spellings like this one in our papyrus. The two hieratic parallels read r-Tnw-n rwhA, ‘each night’, at this point.458 Evidently, iw tA nb and iw tA nb m in the demotic versions are unetymological writings of r-Tnw-n, with the final consonant of nb shifting to m as in Coptic nim. These writings permit two alternative, rather more poetic, interpretations of the phrase under consideration, as ‘when every time is (as) night’ in our text and ‘when every land is in darkness’ in the Strasbourg parallel. It is of interest that the demotic versions substitute wu for rwhA, despite the fact that the latter is wellattested in demotic.459 Line 9 (a) The determinative of the verb nhs at the beginning of the line has been lost. This was probably the eye sign followed by a vertical stroke, as in 9/10. The hieratic versions both read nhs here. P. Strasbourg 3 verso reads nhs=f, with the suffix pronoun anticipating the nominal subject 1r, ‘Horus’. I have not restored f after nhs in our text, but there would be sufficient room for it. (b) Here and in the following sentence, the Bodleian text uses the dependent pronoun v=k where the parallels employ the Middle Egyptian form tw. In P. Strasbourg 3 verso, the latter is written v=y.460 (c) The verb in the final sentence in this line is damaged. The traces could represent either tw, ‘give’, or D, ‘say’. The former is sometimes written without the terminal vertical stroke in our text. Compare examples in 8/15−17. There is a clear trace of the suffix pronoun f after the verb. The sentence concludes with the dative n=k, ‘to you’, and the noun HD.t, ‘brightness’, which is written in hieratic. The parallels read D=f n=k/t h(A)y, ‘He (scil. Horus) will say “hail” to you’, at this point.461 This suggests that D, ‘say’, should be read in the Bodleian text as well, but the result would be a sentence ‘He will say “brightness” to you’ which makes little sense to me. Accordingly, I have opted to read tw, ‘give’, instead. Line 10 (a) With the exception of the opening words Ts v=k, ‘raise yourself’, this entire line is written in hieratic. The parallels expand the initial sentence slightly by inserting a second imperative after this one. P. Leiden T 31 and P. Louvre N 3248 read Ts tw pna tw Hr nmi.t=k/t, ‘Raise yourself, turn yourself over on your bier.’ P. Strasbourg 3 verso reads Ts v=y pna v=y Ah nnm=k, with the same meaning as in the hieratic texts.462 For v=y as a demotic writing of the Middle Egyptian second person singular masculine dependent pronoun tw, see note (f) on 8/2. Ah is a 458 459 460 461

Ibid., pp. 349, 353, and 359. Glossar, pp. 251−2. See note (f) on 8/2. Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 349 and 359. 462 Ibid., pp. 349, 353, and 359. Cf. Kucharek, Die Klagelieder von Isis und Nephthys in Texten der GriechischRömischen Zeit, p. 75; Herbin, RdE 54 (2003), pp. 85−6.

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demotic writing of the preposition Hr, common in demotic religious texts.463 nnm in the Strasbourg text, written with man with hand to mouth determinative, is a demotic writing of the noun nnm.t, ‘bier’, for which see note (a) on 9/13. (b) The remainder of line 10 is separated from what precedes by a blank space. These words should have occupied the next line on their own, but it would appear that the scribe forgot to insert them where they belonged and had to add them at the end of this line, leaving a space between them and the preceding sentence to avoid confusion. The words in question are iw n=k sTA wrH, which I propose to translate ‘The one who brings unguent will come to you.’ The writing of iw, ‘come’, here is taller and narrower than some other examples of that verb. See, however, 7/10 for a very similar hieratic writing of iw. With the hieratic writing of n=k here, cf. 7/6. sTA is written with the sign depicting a bolt combined with a cord (Gardiner Sign-List V2) above walking legs. Compare the hieratic writing of RA-sTAw, ‘Rosetau’, in 3/10. (c) The parallels diverge significantly at this point. The hieratic versions have mAA=k/t sty.w itn, ‘You will see the rays of the sun disk.’464 P. Strasbourg 3 verso reads Xnm n=k stw itm, ‘The rays of the sun disk will suffuse you’, with n=k written above the line. The verb Xnm is written unetymologically there, with a water determinative, as if it were the noun Xnm.t, ‘well’.465 At first sight, our text might seem to have no connection with the parallels. However, ‘unguent’ in this context could be a figurative term for the solar deity’s rays, which are described elsewhere metaphorically as anointing (wrH) the deceased’s body when they shine upon him. For this motif, see Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 22, 310, 343, and 526−7; Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, p. 444. If we interpret ‘the one who brings unguent’ as an epithet of the sun god Re, then our text conveys essentially the same meaning as the parallels, viz. that the dead person will enjoy close physical proximity to the rays of that deity and benefit accordingly. In this respect the rays are a symbol of ‘Gottesnähe’. The torch itself can represent the sun’s light which falls upon the deceased’s breast. See Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien 2, pp. 239, 243, and 245. Line 11 (a) For the unetymological writing of the noun bw, ‘place’, as if it were by, ‘ba’, see note (d) on 8/21. A further example occurs in the line immediately below this one. The initial element of rA-wA.t, ‘road’, is written in demotic, but the second element, as well as the following suffix pronoun k and adjective nb, ‘every’, are written in hieratic. (b) The parallels diverge slightly at this point. The hieratic versions read wab m rA-wA.t=k/t nb.t, which could mean either ‘Purity exists in every road of yours’ or ‘Be pure in every road of yours.’ P. Strasbourg 3 verso has by wab by w(i)A=k nb, ‘The place is pure, i.e. the locality of every road of yours.’466 The noun bw, ‘place’, is written by there, as it is in our text, while wA.t, ‘road’, is written unetymologically as if it were w(i)A, ‘bark’. Compare the writings of the latter noun in 8/10, 8/20, and 9/5 of our text. These omit the final A found in the Strasbourg text and add a divine determinative after the wood determinative. A bark, like a road, permits 463 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, p. 353. 464 The noun itn, ‘sun disk’, is not actually preserved in P. Louvre N 3248. 465 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 349, 353, and 359. 466 Ibid., pp. 350, 354, and 359.

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freedom of movement, so it is not surprising that one word should be written for the other.467 The w(i)A is specifically the bark of the sun god, so this unetymological writing further underscores the association between the deceased and the sun made in the preceding sentence. The repetition of by is unexpected, and one wonders whether wab by in P. Strasbourg 3 verso might not simply represent wab. Line 12 (a) The clause introduced by iw here stands in parallel to the clause in the preceding line. The sense is that, just as every place of the deceased is pure, so too is every place of Osiris. For the writing of bw, ‘place’, as if it were by, ‘ba’, see note (d) on 8/21. (b) The writing of xnv, ‘foremost in’, after Wsir omits the final v. For fuller writings of xnv, see 8/1, 10/7, and 10/13. The following Imnt, ‘West’, lacks the final v present in some examples of that word as well. For the writing of this noun without v, see note (c) on 10/7. (c) The word after 4kr is damaged, but the traces are sufficient to show that this was Wsir. Compare the better preserved example of that divine name earlier in the line. Although the preposition Hr can mean ‘in’ (Wb. 3, 131, 27−8), one wonders whether the Hr Ipw that follows is not a mistake for Hr-ib Ipw, ‘who dwells in Ipu’.468 For Ipw as an alternative name for Akhmim, the capital of the ninth Upper Egyptian nome, see note (b) on 8/6. (d) The hieratic parallels conclude with mr kA=k/t im Wsir NN at this point. mr is a relative form qualifying the preceding rA-wA.t=k/t nb.t, thus ‘every road of yours where your ka wishes to be, Osiris of NN’. The version of P. Strasbourg 3 verso is more elaborate: by nb mr kk=k im Wsir xnv Imnt pr mAa-xrw by nb mr kk=k Wsir pA mne pr mAa-xrw. The initial by nb there is in apposition to the preceding w(i)A=k nb, discussed in note (b) on 11/11. Thus we can translate ‘every road of yours, every place where your ka wishes to be, Osiris foremost in the West, who comes forth triumphant, (and) every place where your ka wishes to be, Osiris of so and so, who comes forth triumphant’.469 Noteworthy features here are: the use of by, ‘ba’, as an unetymological writing of bw, ‘place’, for which see note (d) on line 8/21; the writing of mr, ‘wish’, with an initial m instead of the mr sign, perhaps reflecting the loss of the word’s second consonant (cf. Coptic me); the writing of the word for ‘ka’ as kk rather than kA, with an extra k instead of A and a man with hand to mouth determinative;470 and the rather abbreviated writings of pr, ‘come forth’, with mAa-xrw after the first one added above the line. Line 13 (a) The second part of the expression mAa-xrw has been omitted in this line. The epithet pr n mAa- describes Sokar Osiris, mentioned in the preceding line, and corresponds to the 467 See Smith, Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7), pp. 90−2 and 136. For what may be additional examples of this unetymological writing of the word for ‘road’, see Smith, Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, pp. 278 and 283, although as noted there it cannot be excluded that the word for ‘bark’ is actually intended in these passages, particularly in view of the nautical imagery with which they are heavily imbued. Similarly, a passage in a hieratic ritual text, P. Turin Cat 2117 (R 08), 1/15, has wiA where the parallels read wA.t. See Gill, Rivista del Museo Egizio 3 (2019), p. 10 note (i) (reference courtesy of AnnKatrin Gill). 468 Cf. @st wry.t mw.t-ntr Hr-ib Ipw, ‘Isis the great, the mother of the god, who dwells in Ipu’, in P. BM 10507, 4/14−15 (Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, plate 4). 469 Smith in Widmer and Devauchelle (eds.), Actes du IXᵉ Congrés International des Études Démotiques, pp. 350, 354, and 359. 470 In the first instance of kk, the suffix pronoun actually starts under the second k rather than the determinative, so perhaps the scribe confused the two.

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pr mAa-xrw which describes Osiris foremost in the West in P. Strasbourg 3 verso. There is no counterpart in our text for the ‘Osiris of so and so, who comes forth triumphant’ in the Strasbourg parallel. (b) Our text concludes with the ritual instruction D-mt.t sp 4, ‘words for recitation four times’, which do not occur in any of the parallels. Apotropaic texts frequently contain such instructions. The number four represents totality or perfection. Thus reciting a text four times means that it has been uttered perfectly.471 Furthermore, reciting a text, or part of one, while facing each of the four cardinal points in turn, is supposed to drive away any inimical beings that might approach from these directions.472 Some versions of Spell 137A of the Book of the Dead refer to the lighting of four torches for the deceased rather than one. Like the torch in our spell, these can be personified as protective goddesses.473 It is not inconceivable that each of the four recitations of our spell may have been accompanied by the lighting of a separate torch, one for each of the four cardinal points.

471 Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, p. 74. 472 See Vuilleumier, Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10, pp. 216−17. 473 Luft, Das Anzünden der Fackel: Untersuchungen zu Spruch 137 des Totenbuches, pp. 164–5 and 234. Cf. Assmann, Tod und Jenseits im alten Ägypten, pp. 223 and 557 note 3.

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Smith, M. Papyrus Harkness (MMA 31.9.7) (Oxford, 2005). — ‘The Provenience of Papyrus Harkness’, in A. Leahy and J. Tait (eds.), Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honour of H.S. Smith (London, 1999), pp. 283–93. — ‘The Reign of Seth: Egyptian Perspectives from the First Millennium BCE’, in L. Bareš, F. Coppens, and K. Smoláriková (eds.), Egypt in Transition: Social and Religious Development of Egypt in the First Millennium BCE (Prague, 2010), pp. 396–430. — ‘Remarks on the Orthography of Some Archaisms in Demotic Religious Texts’, Enchoria 8 (1978), part 2, pp. 17–27. — ‘A Second Dynasty King in a Demotic Papyrus of the Roman Period’, JEA 66 (1980), pp. 173–4. — ‘Thinker, God, Creator, or Earth Maker?’, in a forthcoming Festschrift volume. — Traversing Eternity: Texts for the Afterlife from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt (Oxford, 2009). — ‘Whose Ritual? Osirian Texts and Texts Written for the Deceased in P. BM EA 10209: A Case Study’, in B. Backes and J. Dieleman (eds.), Liturgical Texts for Osiris and the Deceased in Late Period and Greco-Roman Egypt (Wiesbaden, 2015), pp. 161–77. Spiegelberg, W. CGC: Demotische Inschriften und Papyri (Berlin, 1932). — Der demotische Text der Priesterdekrete von Kanopus und Memphis (Rosettana) (Heidelberg, 1922). Stadler, M. Der Totenpapyrus des Pa-Month (P. Bibl. Nat. 149) (Wiesbaden, 2003). Tacke, N. Das Opferritual des ägyptischen Neuen Reiches, 2 volumes (Leuven, Paris, Walpole, 2013). Theis, C. Deine Seele zum Himmel, dein Leichnam zur Erde (Hamburg, 2011). Töpfer, S. Das Balsamierungsritual (Wiesbaden, 2015). Vandier, J. Le papyrus Jumilhac (Paris, 1961). Vernus, P. ‘Traditional Egyptian I: Dynamics’, in W. Wendrich (ed.), UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0bg342rh. Vinson, S. The Craft of a Good Scribe: History, Narrative and Meaning in the First Tale of Setne Khaemwas (Leiden and Boston, 2018). — ‘Go Figure: Metaphor, Metonymy and the Practice of Translation in the “First Tale of Setne Khaemwas”’, in A. Dodson, J. Johnston, and W. Monkhouse (eds.), A Good Scribe and an Exceedingly Wise Man: Studies in Honour of W.J. Tait (London, 2014), pp. 305–21. Virey, P. ‘La tombe des vignes à Thèbes (suite et fin)’, Recueil de Travaux 22 (1900), pp. 83–97. Vittmann, G. Altägyptische Wegmetaphorik (Vienna, 1999). — ‘Ein Mumienbrett im Britischen Museum (BM 36502)’, in M. Bietak, J. Holaubek, H. Mukarovsky, and H. Satzinger (eds.), Zwischen den beiden Ewigkeiten: Festschrift Gertrud Thausing (Vienna, 1994), pp. 222–75. — ‘Die Mumienschilder in Petries Dendereh’, ZÄS 112 (1985), pp. 153–68. Vleeming, S. Demotic and Greek-Demotic Mummy Labels and Other Short Texts Gathered from Many Publications, 2 volumes (Leuven, Paris, Walpole, 2011). — The Gooseherds of Hou (Pap. Hou): A Dossier Relating to Various Agricultural Affairs from Provincial Egypt of the Early Fifth Century B.C. (Leuven, 1991). — ‘A Hieroglyphic-Demotic Stela from Akhmim’, in F. Hoffmann and H.J. Thissen (eds.), Res Severa Verum Gaudium: Festschrift für Karl-Theodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8. Juni 2004 (Leuven, Paris, Dudley, 2004), pp. 623–37. Vos, R. The Apis Embalming Ritual P. Vindob. 3873 (Leuven, 1993). Vuilleumier, S. Un rituel osirien en faveur de particuliers à l’époque ptolémaïque: Papyrus Princeton Pharaonic Roll 10 (Wiesbaden, 2016). van Walsem, R. The Coffin of Djedmonthuiufankh in the National Museum of Antiquities at Leiden 1 (Leiden, 1997). Widmer, G. ‘Une invocation à la déesse (tablette démotique Louvre E 10382)’, in F. Hoffmann and H.J. Thissen (eds.), Res Severa Verum Gaudium: Festschrift für Karl-Theodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8 Juni 2004 (Leuven, Paris, Dudley, 2004), pp. 651–86. — Résurrection d’Osiris – Naissance d’Horus: Les papyrus Berlin P. 6750 et Berlin P. 8765 (Berlin, 2015).

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Widmer, G. ‘Words and Writing in Demotic Ritual Texts from Soknopaiu Nesos’, in J. Quack (ed.), Ägyptische Rituale der griechisch-römischen Zeit (Tübingen, 2014), pp. 133–44. Willems, H. The Coffin of Heqata (Cairo JdE 36418) (Leuven, 1996). — ‘The Social and Ritual Context of a Mortuary Liturgy of the Middle Kingdom (CT Spells 30–41)’, in H. Willems (ed.), Social Aspects of Funerary Culture in the Egyptian Old and Middle Kingdoms (Leuven, Paris, Sterling, 2001), pp. 253–372. Winkler, A. ‘The Efflux That Issued from Osiris’, Göttinger Miszellen 211 (2006), pp. 125–39. De Wit, C. Les inscriptions du temple d’Opet, à Karnak, 3 volumes (Brussels, 1958–68). Žabkar, L. A Study of the Ba Concept in Ancient Egyptian Texts (Chicago, 1968). Zandee, J. De hymnen aan Amon van Papyrus Leiden I 350 (Leiden, 1947).

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5. Glossary The Glossary lists every occurrence of each word in the demotic columns of Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P). It is divided into four sections: general vocabulary, divine names, toponyms, and traces of unidentifiable words. Numbers are listed at the end of the first part. Occurrences of words written in hieratic or with semi-hieratic orthographies are marked with the symbols [H] and [semi-H] respectively. Damaged and poorly preserved occurrences of words are marked with the symbol [dam]. The use of this is restricted to cases where substantial damage has been suffered, i.e. not merely the loss of a small part of a sign or signs. One specimen of each distinctive writing of every word in the text is reproduced in facsimile. In a few instances, two facsimiles are provided for the same occurrence of a word. In such cases, the first displays the word as it appears with the papyrus in its actual present state, while the second shows how it looks after digital reconstruction. The notes to which reference is made in some entries are those of the Commentary.

A. General Vocabulary A Aw

‘gifts’. 9/16. See note (a) ad loc.

Ab

‘eastern’. 9/16.

Amw

‘who are in’. 8/10. See note (d) ad loc.

AmHA.t

‘underworld’. 9/10, 9/11. See note (c) on 9/10.

At

‘moment’. 8/14 [H].

At.t

‘back’, used with the sense of ‘what is on the back’, i.e. clothing. 8/18. See note (f) ad loc.

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5. Glossary

i i

vocative ‘O’. 10/14.

iAw

noun ‘praise’. 9/10.

iy

‘come’. 8/1 (twice, second example [dam]); 10/9.

iypn

masculine singular demonstrative adjective ‘this’. 8/4. See note (a) ad loc.

iw

circumstantial converter. 8/2, 8/13; 11/11, 11/12. iw in 8/2 could also be part of the imperfect participle i-wn or a writing of the preposition r. See note (d) ad loc.

iw-H.t

unetymological writing of aHaw, ‘time’. 9/4 [semi-H]. See note (a) ad loc.

iw tA nb

unetymological writing of r-Tnw-n, ‘each’. 11/8. See note ad loc.

iw

‘come’. 8/3; 9/8 [dam]; 10/18, 10/19.

11/10 [H]. For the

writing in 11/10, see note (c) ad loc. ib

‘heart’. 8/3; 10/10.

ipt.w

‘fowl’. 10/5. For the writing, see note (b) ad loc.

im

prepronominal form of the preposition m, q.v.

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A. General Vocabulary

im

imperative form of iy, ‘come’. 10/4, 10/10. 10/4. For the latter writing, see note (c) on 10/4.

r-im

variant of the above. 10/3 (twice, second example [dam]), 10/5. See note (b) on 10/3.

Imnt

‘West’. 10/7; 11/12. (Imnv). 8/1, 8/6, 8/9 [dam]; 10/3, 10/19. In all instances, except for 8/6 and 8/9, in the epithet xnv Imnt, ‘foremost in the West’. For the writings, see note (c) on 10/7.

imnt

‘western’. 9/15.

in

‘bring’. 10/9, 10/17. In 10/17, in is also written erroneously once for iy, ‘come’. See note (b) ad loc.

iny

‘block’. 8/17.

ir

verb. Special forms with second person singular masculine suffix pronoun subject: 8/21 [dam].

8/10 [dam], 8/20. Meanings:

(a) ‘make, perform’. 8/10 (ir=k) [dam], 8/16. (b) ‘assume, take’ (a form or place). 8/20 (ir=k), 8/21 (ir=k) [dam]; 9/12. (c) ‘delimit’ (time). 9/4. ir

in the combination ir any. See under any.

ir.v

‘eyes’ (+ suffix pronoun). 9/9.

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176

5. Glossary

ir.v

in the divine name 2nv-ir.v. See under 2nv in section B of the Glossary.

ir.t-1r

‘eye of Horus’. 10/9, 10/18, 10/19. 10/17. For the writing in 10/17, see note (c) ad loc. For ‘eye of Horus’ as a term denoting offerings, see note (c) on 10/9.

iry.w-aA

‘doorkeepers’. 8/10.

8/12.

9/11. For the writings of this word, see note (e) on 8/10. irp

‘wine’. 8/16.

irt

‘milk’. 8/16, 8/18 (twice); 9/21.

ih

writing of the preposition Hr. Meanings: (a) ‘on, upon’. 8/17; 9/13, 9/19. (b) ‘over’. 8/18. (c) ‘from’. 8/19. (d) ‘at’. 8/20. For the writing, see note (c) on 8/17. See also Hr.

ihy

‘hail’. 8/9.

iuy

noun. Meanings: (a) ‘offering, offerings’. 8/2, 8/5, 8/8; 10/4 (twice), 10/5. (b) ‘thing’. 10/5. For the possibility that iuy in 10/4 and 10/5 might be an unetymological writing of xA, ‘thousand’, see note (b) on 10/4.

is

‘tomb’. 8/14 [dam]. See note (c) ad loc.

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A. General Vocabulary

itn

‘sun disk’. 9/4 [H].

iv

‘father’. 8/16; 9/20; 10/9.

y y

first person singular suffix pronoun. 8/2, 8/5; 10/9, 10/17. For the possibility that y in 8/5 is part of a writing of the suffix pronoun sn as ysn, see note (a) ad loc.

y

element in the compound m-bAH=y. See under bAH.

y.n

writing of the element n of the sDm.n=f form + first person singular suffix pronoun subject. 8/1; 10/9, 10/17. See note (b) on 8/1.

y.v

writing of the element tw of the passive sDm.tw=f form. 8/5, 8/8; 9/12 [dam]; 11/6, 11/7. See note (c) on 8/5.

yay

‘wash’. 8/9, 8/17.

a aA

adjective ‘great’. 8/20, 8/21. Feminine form aA.t: 9/6. 8/14 [H]. For the writing of aA.t in 8/14, see note (a) ad loc. For the possibility that aA.t in 9/6 may be part of the combination H.t-aA.t, ‘great mansion’, see notes (c) and (d) ad loc.

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178

awy

5. Glossary

unetymological writing of awy, ‘arms, hands’. 8/19; 9/9, 9/13; 10/14. See note (a) on 8/19. 9/2, 9/11; 10/14. See note (c) on 9/2. For the possibility that awy in 9/11 is an unetymological writing of aA.w, ‘doors’, see note (b) ad loc.

ir any

writing of ra nb, ‘every day’. 8/16 (in the combination m-mny nt ir any); 9/4, 9/9. See note (b) on 8/16.

anx

as verb ‘live’. 8/7, 8/14; 9/15, 9/17. as noun ‘life’. 8/2 [dam]. For anx in the expression x.t n anx, ‘tree of life’, see under x.t. For anx in the toponym 6A-nb-anx, see under tA in section C of the Glossary.

anx

adjective ‘living’. 8/21.

ax

‘brazier’. 8/7. See note (a) ad loc.

aS

verb. Meanings: (a) ‘recite’. 11/6. (b) ‘call out’. 8/10.

ao

‘enter’. 8/12; 9/8.

m ao

unetymological writing of preposition m-aoA, ‘before’. 9/5. See note (a) ad loc and note (b) on 11/2.

atX

verb ‘brew’. 9/12 [dam]. See note (a) ad loc.

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179

A. General Vocabulary

w w

third person plural suffix pronoun. 8/11, 8/16, 8/19; 9/10, 9/20; 10/10, 10/18. Except in 10/10, w is only used to mark the subject of a sDm=f form.

w(iA)

‘bark’. 8/10, 8/20; 9/5.

wA.t

‘road’, in the compound rA-wA.t, ‘road’. See under rA.

wAD tH

unetymological writing of wDHw, ‘altar’. 9/7. See note (b) ad loc.

wab

‘be pure’. 10/19; 11/11. 8/13, 8/14; 10/20. For the writing with house determinative, see note (f) on 8/13. wab in 8/14 could also be an unetymological writing of wbA, ‘be opened’. See note (f) ad loc.

wab

‘pure one’. 8/14. Or verb ‘be pure’? See note (f) on 8/14.

wn

substantive ‘some, something’. 8/2. Or verb ‘to be’ or part of imperfect participle i-wn? See note (d) on 8/2.

wn

‘be open’. 8/11 (four times), 8/12; 9/11.

wnn

nominal sDm=f form of verb wn, ‘be’. 8/4. See note (e) ad loc. 9/17. See note (c) ad loc.

wnn

unetymological writing of wyn, ‘neglect, ignore’? 9/19. See note (c) ad loc.

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180

5. Glossary

wr

‘great’, in the toponym 6A-wr. See under tA in section C of the Glossary.

wr

‘sing’. 8/5 (twice). See note (a) ad loc.

wrH

‘unguent’. 11/10 [H].

wu

‘night’. 11/8. For the writing, see note ad loc.

wsn.v

writing of wsvn, ‘travel freely’. 8/12. See note (e) ad loc.

wsu

unetymological writing of sx, ‘strike’. 11/7. See note (a) ad loc.

wtH

‘cup’. 9/12.

wtH

unetymological writing of the noun wDHw, ‘altar’. 8/20. See note (a) ad loc.

wv

verb ‘present’. 8/2 [dam]. For the writing, see note (a) ad loc. b

m-bAH

‘in front of’. 10/14, 10/17. 10/15.

10/16.

m-bAH=y

adverb ‘in the presence’. 8/13. See note (c) ad loc.

by

‘ba’. 8/7, 8/14, 8/21; 10/2. 8/21; 9/16, 9/17. 9/12. Or is the last an unetymological writing of bw,

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A. General Vocabulary

‘place’? See note (a) on 9/12. Plural form:

8/13; 9/19.

by

unetymological writing of bw, ‘place’. 8/21; 11/11 [dam], 11/12 [dam]. See note (d) on 8/21.

bwbw

‘brightness(?)’. 8/6. 8/9. Element in H.(t)-bwbw, the name of a sanctuary. See under H.(t).

bny

‘sweet’. 10/20.

bHA

unetymological writing of baH, ‘flood’. 9/9. See note (a) ad loc.

bk

‘shine brightly’. 8/4. See note (c) ad loc. p

p

element in 6pp, portmanteau writing of toponyms 8p, ‘Dep’, and P, ‘Pe’. See under 6pp in section C of the Glossary.

p.t

‘sky’. 8/3 [dam], 8/11, 8/21; 10/2 [dam].

pAy

masculine singular demonstrative ‘that’, used syntactically as if it were pn. 9/18. See note (f) ad loc.

pay

‘loaves’. 8/3. Or unetymological writing of pay, ‘rise, fly up’? See note (d) on 8/3.

r-pnn

unetymological writing of masculine singular demonstrative adjective ipn, ‘this’. 10/7 (twice), 10/8. See note (b) on 10/7.

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5. Glossary

pr

verb. Meanings: (a) ‘come, go forth’. 8/12, 8/13 [dam]; 9/19, 9/20 [dam], 9/21; 10/9, 10/10; 11/13. (b) ‘appear’. 9/19.

psD.t

‘Ennead’. 8/1.

pke

‘open up’. 9/5. See note (b) ad loc.

ptpt

verb ‘diffuse’. 10/18. See note (c) ad loc.

8/13.

f f

third person singular masculine suffix pronoun. 8/3, 8/15, 8/20; 9/2 (twice, second example [dam]), 9/8 (twice, first example [dam]), 9/13, 9/14; 10/1(?) [dam], 10/11 (twice), 10/12 (twice), 10/13, 10/14; 11/9 (twice). For the uncertain example of f in 10/1, see note (b) ad loc.

ftft

‘wave branches’ (action predicated of trees). 8/4. See note (g) ad loc. m

m

preposition. Prepronominal form: (im). Meanings: (a) ‘in’. 8/2, 8/4 (twice), 8/5, 8/6, 8/7, 8/8, 8/12(?), 8/14, 8/17 (twice), 8/19 (twice), 8/20; 9/1, 9/7, 9/9, 9/10 (twice), 9/11,

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A. General Vocabulary

9/12, 9/17, 9/18 (twice); 11/1, 11/11. The example of m in 8/12 could also be introducing the direct object of a verb. See note (b) ad loc. See also n-m below. (b) ‘as’. 9/2. (c) ‘into’. 9/13 (in the expression ir Xrb m, ‘transform into’. (d) ‘at’. 9/15 (twice), 9/16 (twice). 9/15 [H]. (e) ‘with, by means of’. 9/6; 10/18 (im). (f) ‘together with’. 8/5 (im); 9/12. Or is the latter ‘in’? See note (a) ad loc. (g) ‘consisting of’. 8/10, 8/18; 10/4, 10/5 (twice). (h) ‘through’ (agent). 8/3. (i) ‘through’ (a portal). 9/8 (im) [dam]. (j) ‘from’. 8/3, 8/13, 8/18; 9/20 [dam], 9/21. For im as the prepronominal form of m, see note (a) on 8/5. For m in the compounds m ao, m-bAH, mbAH=y, m-mny, m-rwv, and m-ue, see under the second elements. See also n and n-m. n-m

double writing of the preposition m, ‘in’. 9/14. See note (b) ad loc.

mAA

‘see’. 9/10.

mAa

‘be justified’. 9/1 [dam], 9/6.

mAa-

defective writing of mAa-xrw, ‘triumph’. 11/13. See note (a) ad loc.

mAa-xrw

‘justification’. 9/14. For the writing, see note (b) ad loc.

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5. Glossary

mAa.t

‘Maat’. 8/1.

n-mAa.t

‘true’. 9/12.

mAnw

‘western mountains’. 9/10. See note (b) ad loc.

mi.wt

‘roads’. 8/11. 8/14. For the writings, see note (f) on 8/11.

mw

‘water’. 8/9, 8/15, 8/19; 9/20.

mw

writing of preposition mi, ‘like’. 8/12 (twice), 8/13, 8/14; 9/18. See note (d) on 8/12.

mw

writing of the enclitic particle my. 10/18. See note (d) ad loc.

mw.t

‘mother’. 8/16; 9/20; 10/9.

mfky

‘turquoise’. 8/18 [dam].

mn

‘so and so’. 8/9; 10/3, 10/8. 10/14, 10/20. See note (b) on 8/9.

mne

‘exist permanently, endure’. 8/6.

m-mny

‘daily’. 8/16 (in the combination m-mny nt ir any). See note (b) ad loc.

mnbi.t

‘bed’. 9/13. See note (a) ad loc.

mnx

‘linen’. 8/19.

mr

verb ‘desire’. 8/21.

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A. General Vocabulary

mr

noun ‘attraction’. 10/20. For the writing, see note (b) ad loc.

mH

‘wreath’. 9/13.

mHr

‘milk jug’. 8/18. See note (c) ad loc.

mHv

‘northern’. 9/15.

mt.t

‘speech’. 8/20. For mt.t in the locution D-mt.t, ‘words for recitation’, see under D.

mty

‘vessels’. 8/14.

mtH

verb ‘crown’. 9/14. See note (a) ad loc. n

n

in n-n=k, unetymological writing of n=k, q.v.

n

genitival adjective. 8/7, 8/11 (twice), 8/12, 8/20 (twice), 8/21; 9/7; 10/6; 11/12.

n

preposition (< m), ‘in’. 11/13. For n in n-m, n mAa.t, and n-n=k, see under the second elements. See also m.

n=k

preposition n, ‘to, for’, with second person singular masculine suffix pronoun object. 8/3, 8/4 (twice), 8/5 (twice), 8/7, 8/8, 8/11 (four times), 8/12 [dam], 8/15 (three times), 8/16 (three times), 8/17, 8/19, 8/20; 9/4 [dam], 9/11 (twice), 9/17, 9/20; 10/9, 10/10,

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5. Glossary

10/17, 10/18; 11/6, 11/7, 11/9. 11/10 [H]. See note (b) ad loc. (n-n=k). 8/9. For this unetymological writing, see note (c) ad loc. nA

plural definite article. 9/7, 9/10 (twice). See note (a) on 8/11.

nw

plural genitival adjective. 8/18. See note (d) ad loc.

nb

‘lord’. 8/1 (twice), 8/2, 8/12; 10/8. For nb in the toponym 6A-nb-anx, see under tA in section C of the Glossary.

nb

‘every’. 8/2, 8/4, 8/5, 8/21; 11/11, 11/12. 11/11 [H].

nb

in iw tA nb, unetymological writing of r-Tnw-n, ‘each’. See under iw.

nphA.t

‘basin’. 8/18. See note (a) ad loc.

nfr

noun ‘perfection’. 8/3.

nfr

adjective ‘fair’. 10/20.

nmi.t

‘bier’. 11/10 [H].

nn

‘primeval ocean’. 8/2, 8/3. For the writing, see note (e) on 8/2.

nn

Middle Egyptian predicative negative. 9/19. See note (b) ad loc.

nnmA.t

‘bier’. 9/13. See note (a) ad loc.

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A. General Vocabulary

nhy

‘sycamore’. 8/9, 8/10. /

8/8. See note (c) ad

loc. nhs

‘awaken’. 9/10; 11/9 [dam].

nHH

‘eternity’. 8/12; 9/17.

nswA

‘summons’. 8/11. See note (b) ad loc.

nt

feminine singular genitival adjective. 8/8, 8/13, 8/18 (twice). See note (b) on 8/8.

nt

feminine plural genitival adjective. 9/14. See note (c) ad loc.

nt

relative converter. 8/14; 9/10.

nt

in the combination m-mny nt ir any. 8/16. See note (b) ad loc.

nt-a

‘habit’. 9/20. See note (a) ad loc.

ntr

‘god’. 8/20, 8/21. Plural form: 9/14. For ntr in the compound Xr-ntr, ‘god’s domain’, see under Xr.

ntr.t

unetymological writing of Dr.t, ‘hand’. 11/3. See notes (a) and (b) ad loc.

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188

5. Glossary

r r

preposition. Form with second person singular masculine suffix pronoun object: (r-r=k). Meanings: (a) ‘to’. 8/10; 9/19; 10/4 (twice), 10/5, 10/6, 10/18 (r-r=k), 10/19 (r-r=k). (b) ‘at’. 8/21; 9/14; 10/10. (c) ‘in order to’. 9/9, 9/10. (d) ‘up to, until’. 9/17. (e) ‘destined for’. 8/7, 8/21. See note (b) on 8/7. (f) in the combination Sm r, ‘approach’. 9/18. See note (d) ad loc. For r in r-im, r-pnn, and r-gs, see under the second elements.

rA-wA.t

‘road’. 11/11 [semi-H]. For the writing, see note (a) ad loc.

rwv

‘flourish’. 8/14.

rwv

unetymological writing of rd.wy, ‘feet’. 10/15 (twice). See note (b) ad loc. See also rv.

m-rwv

‘outside’. 8/14. See note (b) ad loc.

rpy

‘be renewed’. 8/7.

rn

‘name’. 9/12.

rs

‘southern’. 9/15.

rv

‘feet’. 8/17. See also rwv.

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189

A. General Vocabulary

h hrw

‘day’. 9/18.

htm

‘be provided’. 10/18. See note (a) ad loc.

H H.t

‘front’. 8/4(?); 11/4. For the uncertain example of H.t in 8/4, see note (c) ad loc. In the compound preposition Xr-H.t, ‘before’. 8/10.

H.t

in iw-H.t, unetymological writing of aHaw, ‘time’. See under iw.

H.(t)-bwbw

‘mansion of brightness(?)’. 8/6. 8/8–9. See note (c) on 8/6 and note (f) on 8/8.

Hay

‘jubilation’. 8/2.

HwA

‘rain, flood’. 8/4. See note (b) ad loc.

Hwn

‘youth’. 10/20.

Hbs.w

‘garments’. 8/19.

Hm.w

unetymological writing of Hmt, ‘copper’. 11/7 [H]. See note (a) ad loc.

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190

5. Glossary

Hms

‘sit’. 8/10, 8/21.

Hny

‘steersman’. 9/2.

Hna

preposition ‘with’. 10/11 (twice), 10/12 (twice), 10/13, 10/14.

Hno

‘beer’. 10/4. 8/15.

Hr

‘face’. 8/2, 8/5, 8/9, 8/14; 10/18.

Hr

preposition. Meanings: (a) ‘in’. 11/12. Or defective writing of Hr-ib, ‘who dwells in’? See note (c) on 11/12. (b) ‘on account of’. 11/2 [H]. (c) ‘upon’. 11/10 [H]. See also ih.

Ho

‘ruler’. 8/1; 10/8. For the writing, see note (e) on 8/1.

Htwt

‘illumination’. 9/8 [dam]. See note (b) ad loc.

Htp

‘offerings, oblations’. 8/6, 8/20. For the writing, see note (d) on 8/6. Form with plural marker: Htp.w. 9/16. For the writing, see note (a) ad loc.

Hv

‘silver’. 8/17. For the writing, see note (d) ad loc.

HD.t

‘brightness’. 11/9 [H].

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191

A. General Vocabulary

x x.t n anx

‘tree of life’, term denoting edible plants. 8/7. See note (d) ad loc.

xfv-H.v

‘forecourt’. 8/7. For the writing with final v before a suffix pronoun, see note (b) ad loc.

xnv

‘foremost in’. In the Osirian epithet xnv Imnv, ‘foremost in the West’. 8/1; 10/3 [dam], 10/7, 10/19. 11/12. For the latter writing, see note (b) on 11/12.

xr

unetymological writing of preposition xr, ‘through the agency of’. 10/9. See note (a) ad loc. See also urA.

xrw

‘voice’. 9/1 [dam], 9/6 (twice); 10/10. For xrw in the compound mAa-xrw, see under mAa. u

m-ue

writing of preposition m-x.t, ‘behind’. 10/15, 10/16, 10/17. 10/15 [semi-H]. See note (a) on 10/15.

uwA

‘altar’. 8/13.

urA

writing of preposition xr, ‘into the presence of’. 8/1 (twice). See note (c) ad loc. See also xr.

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192

5. Glossary

X Xe.(t)

‘womb’. 9/18.

Xn

preposition ‘in’. 11/2 [dam].

Xr

preposition. Form with third person singular feminine suffix pronoun object: (Xrr-r=s). Meanings: (a) ‘under, beneath’. 8/9. (b) ‘bearing, carrying’. 9/13. (c) ‘through’. 10/10 (Xr-rr=s). For Xr in the compounds Xr-H.t and Xr-tp, see under the second elements.

Xr-ntr

‘god’s domain’. 8/12. See note (a) ad loc.

Xrb

noun ‘form’. 8/21; 9/12.

s s

third person singular feminine suffix pronoun. 9/8, 9/12, 9/13 (twice); 10/18 (twice). 8/15 (twice), 8/16.

s

third person singular masculine dependent pronoun. 8/10. See note (a) ad loc.

s.t

‘place’. 8/6, 8/20; 9/7, 9/18, 9/19. For the writing, see note (e) on 8/6.

s.wt svr

‘sleeping places’. 9/14. See note (c) ad loc.

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193

A. General Vocabulary

sA

‘son’. 9/13. 8/16; 9/20; 10/9 (all with following suffix pronoun k). See note (a) on 8/16.

sAvA

unetymological writing of saHa Dd, ‘the djed-pillar will be raised’. 11/4. See note (a) ad loc.

saHa

‘halt, cause to stand’. 9/5.

saSA

‘be enriched’. 8/3. Or ‘be esteemed, honoured’? See note (c) on 8/3.

swr

‘drink’. 8/18, 8/20.

sbA

‘door’. 9/11. Plural form: 8/12.

sby

unetymological writing of sby, ‘go’. 10/11 (twice), 10/12 (twice), 10/13 (twice). See note (a) on 10/11.

sbuA

‘portal’. 9/7.

sp

‘time’. 10/10; 11/13.

sp-2

‘twice’. 8/18; 9/10 [dam]; 10/3, 10/10, 10/11, 10/19, 10/20.

spy.w

‘nomes’. 9/17.

sfx

‘divest’. 8/18.

smne

‘fortify’. 9/11.

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194

5. Glossary

sn

third person plural suffix pronoun. 9/6, 9/11, 9/19. See note (a) on 8/5.

sn

third person plural dependent pronoun. 8/5. Or part of third person plural suffix pronoun ysn? See note (a) on 8/5.

sn.ty

‘two sisters’. 10/5 [dam]; 11/5. See note (b) on 11/5.

snmy

‘meal’. 8/10. In the locution ir snmy, ‘make (one’s) meal’. See note (b) on 8/10.

sntr

‘censings’. 8/16.

sr

unetymological writing of siar, ‘elevate’. 11/1. See note (b) ad loc.

srwv

‘make to flourish’. 10/16. 10/16. See note (a) ad loc.

srt

‘make to flourish’. 8/7.

sH

‘mummy’. 8/7.

sxne

‘alight’. 8/21. See note (c) ad loc.

sxnv

‘promote’. 9/14. See note (c) ad loc.

sX

‘glorify’. 11/5. See note (a) ad loc.

sX.w

‘glorifications’. 11/6. See note (b) ad loc.

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195

A. General Vocabulary

sXA.t

term denoting a type of building. 8/4. See note (d) ad loc.

sty

‘fragrance’. 10/18, 10/19. For the writing, see note (c) on 10/18.

sty

‘pour out’. 8/8.

sv

‘withdraw, retreat’. 9/10. Or ‘drag’? See note (a) on 9/10. See also sTA.

svr

‘sleep’. In the compound s.wt svr, ‘sleeping places’. See under s.wt.

sTA

‘bring’. 11/10 [H]. See note (b) ad loc for the writing. See also sv.

sDm

‘hear’. 8/20.

8/11.

S SybA

unetymological writing of Sb.w, ‘food’. 8/13. See note (e) ad loc.

Sp

‘take, receive’. 8/9, 8/13, 8/18; 9/9, 9/13, 9/16.

Sm

‘approach’ (construed with r). 9/18. See note (d) ad loc.

Sn

‘tree’. 8/4.

Sty

adjective ‘secret’. 9/8.

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196

5. Glossary

o ob

‘be refreshed’. 10/10. For the writing, see note (a) ad loc.

obH

as verb ‘present’. 8/5. as noun ‘libations’. 8/16.

obH

as verb ‘pour out’ (libations). 9/17, 9/20. See note (a) on 9/17. as noun ‘libation’. 10/7 (twice, first example [dam]), 10/8.

obH tp

unetymological writing of obH Htp, ‘libations and offerings’. 8/19. See note (e) ad loc.

obHv

in 1.t-obHv, unetymological writing of toponym 1w.t-kA-PtH, ‘Memphis’. See under H.t in section C of the Glossary.

obvH

in 1.t-obvH, unetymological writing of toponym 1w.t-kA-PtH, ‘Memphis’. See under H.t in section C of the Glossary. k

k

second person singular masculine suffix pronoun. 8/1, 8/2 (twice), 8/3 (five times), 8/6, 8/7 (three times), 8/9 (twice), 8/10 (five times), 8/12 (three times), 8/13 (twice), 8/14 (three times), 8/16 (three times), 8/17 (three times), 8/18 (twice), 8/19, 8/20 (four times), 8/21 (six times); 9/1, 9/5, 9/6, 9/7, 9/9 (twice), 9/10 (twice), 9/11, 9/12 (twice), 9/14, 9/15 (twice), 9/16 (twice), 9/17, 9/18 (twice), 9/19 (twice), 9/20 (four times); 10/4 (twice), 10/5, 10/7 (twice), 10/8, 10/9 (three times),

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A. General Vocabulary

10/10, 10/14 (twice), 10/15 (six times), 10/16 (four times), 10/17 (three times), 10/18. 11/10, 11/11 [H]. kA

‘ka’. 10/11, 10/12 (twice, first example [dam]), 10/13, 10/14 (twice), 10/15 (three times), 10/16 (twice), 10/17 (twice). See note (b) on 10/11. 10/11. For the writing, see note (c) ad loc.

knHw

‘darkness’. 11/2 [H]. For the writing, see note (a) ad loc.

krty

‘twin caverns’. 9/21. See note (a) ad loc.

kky

‘darkness’. 8/15.

g gm

‘find’. 9/20. See note (b) ad loc.

grg

verb. Meanings: (a) ‘establish’. 8/3. (b) ‘be ready’. 9/9 (written ).

gs

‘side’. 9/15 (twice), 9/16. 9/15, 9/16 (both with following suffix pronoun k). For the writing, see note on 9/15.

r-gs

‘beside’. 8/21; 9/6.

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198

5. Glossary

t tA

feminine singular definite article. 8/3, 8/11 (twice), 8/12; 10/6; 11/4.

tA

‘land, earth’. 8/4, 8/11; 9/19. For the possibility that one should read the plural form tA.w in 9/19, see note (b) ad loc. For tA as an element in the toponyms 6A-wr and 6A-nb-anx, see section C of the Glossary.

tA

‘time’. In iw tA nb, unetymological writing of r-Tnw-n, ‘each’. See under iw.

tAy

‘bread, loaves’. 8/10, 8/13, 8/15, 8/17 (twice); 10/4 [dam]. 8/19.

tw

‘give’. 8/19, 8/20. 8/15 (three times, first example [dam]), 8/16 (twice), 8/17; 11/9. For the possibility that tw in 11/9 should be read as D, ‘say’, see note (c) ad loc.

twA

‘adore, praise’. 8/2 (twice). 11/9.

twA.t

‘underworld’. 8/11 (twice); 10/6 [H]. 8/12 [H]. 8/2 [semi-H]; 9/1 [dam] (could be [H] or [semi-H], determinative is too poorly preserved to tell). For the possibility that twA.t in 8/2 means ‘tomb’ or is an unetymological writing of D.t, ‘body’, see note (c) ad loc.

tbtb

‘proceed(?)’. 10/16. Or unetymological writing of Tbw.ty,

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A. General Vocabulary

‘feet, soles of feet’? See note (b) ad loc. tbtbv

variant of the preceding. 10/17.

Xr-tp

preposition ‘in the presence of’. 11/7 [H] [dam]. See note (c) ad loc.

tp

in obH tp, unetymological writing of obH Htp, ‘libations and offerings’. See under obH.

tpH

‘cavern’. 8/3.

tfwA

‘provisions’. 8/20.

tmmwA

‘sexual bliss’. 8/4. See note (f) ad loc.

tntn

‘arrange(?)’. 8/10. For the meaning, see note (a) ad loc.

thn

name of a type of plant. 8/6. See note (f) ad loc.

tH

‘straw’, in wAD tH, unetymological writing of wDHw, ‘altar’. See under wAD.

tk

‘torch’. 11/1.

v v

stative ending of verb with third person singular masculine noun subject. 8/6. See note (d) ad loc.

v=y

unetymological writing of second person singular masculine dependent pronoun tw. 8/2. See note (f) ad loc.

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5. Glossary

v=k

second person singular masculine dependent pronoun. 8/2, 8/18; 9/13, 9/14; 11/5, 11/9 (twice, first example [dam]), 11/10. T

Ts

‘raise’. 11/10.

D D

‘say, sing’, in unetymological writing of DADA.t, ‘tribunal’. 9/6 [dam]. See notes (b) and (c) ad loc.

D-mt.t

‘words for recitation’. 11/13.

Dt

‘eternity’. 8/20 [dam]; 9/8 [dam]; 10/6.

Dd

‘djed-pillar’. 10/13 [semi-H]. See note (a) ad loc.

Numbers 4

‘four’. 8/17; 10/10; 11/13.

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B. Divine Names

B. Divine Names @st

‘Isis’. 8/20; 9/12.

Itm

‘Atum’. 9/7 [dam]; 10/6.

Wsir

‘Osiris’. The name is used: (a) To designate the god. 8/1; 10/7 (twice), 10/19; 11/12 (twice). In most instances Wsir is followed by the epithet xnv Imnt, ‘foremost in the West’. Exceptions are the first example in 10/7, where it stands on its own, and the second example in 11/12, where it occurs in the combination 4kr Wsir, ‘Sokar Osiris’. (b) To designate the deceased in the locution Wsir mn, ‘Osiris of so and so’. 8/9; 10/3, 10/8, 10/14, 10/20.

Nw.t

‘Nut’. 9/15 [H].

Nwn

unetymological writing of Nn.t, the name of the goddess of the lower sky. 9/18. See note (b) ad loc.

NpA

‘Nepit’. 8/15. See note (a) ad loc.

Nn

‘Nun’. 9/15. See note (a) ad loc and note (e) on 8/2.

Ra

‘Re’. 8/20 [dam]; 9/7. [H].

Rnn.t

‘Renenutet’. 8/16.

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8/12

202

5. Glossary

1.t-1r

‘Hathor’. 8/15.

1apy

‘Hapi’. 8/3, 8/15 [dam].

1r

‘Horus’. 9/2 [dam], 9/13; 10/11; 11/9. For 1r in the divine name 4X-1r, see under sX. For 1r in the compound ir.t-1r, see under ir.t in section A of the Glossary.

1sy.t

‘Hesat’. 8/15; 9/21 [semi-H]. For the writing, see note (a) on 8/15.

2nv-ir.v

‘Khentirti’. 10/13. For the writing, see note (b) ad loc.

4phA

variant form of the divine name ‘Seth’, also unetymological writing of sAb.(w) Hr. 9/9. See note (c) ad loc and note (a) on 9/10.

4H

unetymological writing of 4AH, ‘Orion’. 9/18. See note (a) ad loc.

4X-1r

‘Sekhat-Hor’. 8/18. See note (e) ad loc.

4kr

‘Sokar’. 11/12 (in the combination 4kr Wsir).

5w

‘Shu’. 8/8. For the writing, see note (d) ad loc.

9/15 [H].

Gbk

‘Geb’. 10/12. For the writing, see note (a) ad loc.

6yy.t

‘Tayit’. 8/19 [semi-H]. For the writing, see note (b) ad loc.

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C. Toponyms

6fny

‘Tefnut’. 9/16.

6ny

‘(Ta)tenen’. 9/9. See note (b) ad loc.

9Hwty

‘Thoth’. 10/12.

C. Toponyms Iwnw

‘Heliopolis’. 8/13, 8/19.

Ibt

‘Abydos’. 8/17; 9/3; 10/8.

Ipw

‘Akhmim’. 8/8; 9/3 [dam]; 11/12. / 8/6. For the writings, see note (b) on 8/6.

BHt

‘Behdet’, probably modern-day Nag al-Mashayikh. 8/6, 8/8; 9/3. See note (a) on 8/6.

1.t-obHv

unetymological writing of 1w.tkA-PtH, ‘Memphis’. 8/19. See note (d) ad loc.

1.t-obvH

variant of the above. 8/17. See note (b) ad loc.

6A-wr

‘nome of Abydos’. 9/1 [dam]. 9/3 [dam]. For the writing, see note (b) on 9/1.

6A-nb-anx

‘Land of the Lord of Life’. 9/17. See note (b) ad loc.

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5. Glossary

6pp

portmanteau writing of toponyms 6p, ‘Dep’, and P, ‘Pe’. 9/18. See note (a) ad loc.

6n

‘This’. 8/5, 8/8.

9dw

‘Busiris’. 10/8 [H]. See note (a) ad loc.

D. Traces of Unidentifiable Words (listed in order of occurrence) 8/2. See note (g) ad loc. 8/3.

8/4: traces of H.t, ‘front’, at the end? See note (c) ad loc.

8/8: XybA.t, ‘shade, shadow’? See note (a) ad loc. 8/13: mw, writing of m, ‘from’, or mi, ‘like’? See note (b) ad loc. 9/6: feminine t ending of H.t, ‘mansion’? See note (c) ad loc. 10/1: gm, ‘find’, or imperative im, ‘come’? See note (b) ad loc. 10/6: word ending in vessel determinative. See note (a) ad loc. 11/3: beginning of sHAp or Htp? See note (a) ad loc. 11/3: suffix pronoun s followed by v=k? See note (a) ad loc.

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D. Traces of Unidentifiable Words (listed in order of occurrence)

11/5: horizontal s above h or x? See note (c) ad loc.

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Plates

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Plate 1

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Digital reconstruction

Current mounting

Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) (front)

Plate 2

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Digital reconstruction

Current mounting

Bodl. MS. Egypt. a. 3(P) (back)

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© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

Column 9 (digital reconstruction)

Plate 13

5

10

15

20

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6

Plate 14

Column 10 (digital reconstruction)

5

10

15

20

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11331-1 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19947-6