Between East and West: Studies on the History of Memory, Commemoration and Reception of Medieval Culture [1 ed.] 9783737015981, 9783847115984

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Geschichte im mitteleuropäischen Kontext

Band 5

Schriftenreihe herausgegeben von Renata Skowron´ska

Nikolaus-Kopernikus-Universität Torun´

(Polnische Historische Mission an der Julius-Maximilians-Universität Würzburg)

Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu

(Polska Misja Historyczna przy Uniwersytecie Juliusza i Maksymiliana w Würzburgu)

Editorial Board Caspar Ehlers, Heinz-Dieter Heimann, Tomasz Jasin´ski, Ryszard Kaczmarek, Krzysztof Kopin´ski, Zdzisław Noga, Krzysztof Oz˙óg, Andrzej Radzimin´ski, Stanisław Roszak (Vorsitzender), Andrzej Sokala

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Piotr Pranke (ed.)

Between East and West Studies on the History of Memory, Commemoration and Reception of Medieval Culture

With 19 figures

V&R unipress

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Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über https://dnb.de abrufbar. © 2023 Brill | V&R unipress, Robert-Bosch-Breite 10, D-37079 Göttingen, ein Imprint der Brill-Gruppe (Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, Niederlande; Brill USA Inc., Boston MA, USA; Brill Asia Pte Ltd, Singapore; Brill Deutschland GmbH, Paderborn, Deutschland; Brill Österreich GmbH, Wien, Österreich) Koninklijke Brill NV umfasst die Imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau, V&R unipress und Wageningen Academic. Wo nicht anders angegeben, ist diese Publikation unter der Creative-Commons-Lizenz Namensnennung-Nicht kommerziell 4.0 lizenziert (siehe https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc/4.0/) und unter dem DOI 10.14220/9783737015981 abzurufen. Jede Verwertung in anderen als den durch diese Lizenz zugelassenen Fällen bedarf der vorherigen schriftlichen Einwilligung des Verlages. Umschlagabbildung: Bamberger Apokalypse, fol. 10v, Staatsbibliothek Bamberg Msc.Bibl.140. Quelle: wikimedia commons. Wissenschaftliches Sekretariat und Redaktion: Renata Skowron´ska und Marta Sikorska Philologische Redaktion (Englisch): Steve Jones Übersetzung von Abstracts und Schlüsselwörtern: Tim Brombley, Steve Jones, Marta Palczewska und Joanna Zahorska. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage | www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com ISSN 2701-9241 ISBN 978-3-7370-1598-1

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Contents

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

7

Mariusz Ciszak / Piotr Pranke Bolesław Chrobry, Empire and the Role of Memoria: The Political and Economical Understanding of Medieval Power Network . . . . . . . . . .

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Przemysław Urban´czyk Bolesław Chrobry – the Commemorator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

39

Marcin Lisiecki “Capital(s)” of the First Piast “State” in National Consciousness in Contemporary Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

53

Andrzej Pydyn / Mateusz Popek / Konrad Lewek Past from the Depths: The Results of Underwater Research on Lednica Lake . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Wojciech Chudziak The Chełmno Land in the Early Middle Ages – On the Border of the Worlds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Andrzej Pleszczyn´ski Bolesław the Brave (Chrobry) in the Records of Early Medieval Commemorative Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Carina Damm (Re)Constructing Sclavinia in Sagas and Skaldic Poetry

. . . . . . . . . . 125

Sirpa Aalto Remembrance of King Óláfr Tryggvason in the Kings’ Sagas . . . . . . . . 145

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Contents

Maciej Lubik Remembering a Mercenary – Kekaumenos’ Passage on King Haraldr Sigurðarson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Yanko M. Hristov On the Elusive Cult of the Early Medieval Bulgarian Prince and Martyr Enravota-Boyan (Voyn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 Georgios Kardaras The Eurasian Nomads’ Bad Memories of Byzantium: The Negative Image of an Empire in the 6th Century A.D. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 Gregory Leighton St Adalbert of Prague in the Memory Culture of the Teutonic Order in Prussia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 Tomasz Jacek Lis The Power of Slavic Kings: Selected Myths about the Middle Ages of Polish and Croatian Historiography in the Second Half of the 19th Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 Maciej Pawlikowski The Role of Photographer in the Inspection and Analysis of Cultural Heritage Artifacts Using Non-Invasive Photographic Methods . . . . . . . 247 List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259

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Introduction

This volume is fruit of the international scientific conference Between East and West – Studies on the History of Memory, Commemoration and Reception of Medieval Culture, which took place on 17–18 June 2022 at the Torun´ District Museum. The studies included in this volume were partly presented during the debates, while others were inspired by discussion on the topics presented. Together, they create a splendid cross-sectional picture of interdisciplinary research on the early Piast era against a European background. The conference was held under the patronage of the Minister of Culture and National Heritage – Deputy Prime Minister, Prof. Dr. Piotr Glin´ski – and under the patronage of the Mayor of Torun´ – Michał Zaleski. The conference was opened by the Deputy Minister of Culture and National Heritage, General Conservator of Monuments, Dr. Jarosław Sellin. We are delighted to have had the opportunity to conduct research and present the social and historical significance of the 1000th anniversary of the coronation of Bolesław the Brave, opening up new areas of academic discussion. The museum venue was an excellent choice in terms of popularising and transferring academic knowledge and the conference enabled outstanding medievalists from Poland and abroad to share their interdisciplinary scientific experiences. We would like to express our gratitude to those without whose commitment and support the conference would not have been possible. We would like to thank the authorities of the Nicolaus Copernicus University and the Nicolaus Copernicus University Faculty of Historical Sciences – especially Prof. Dr. Andrzej Sokala, Rector of the Nicolaus Copernicus University, Prof. Dr. Wojciech Wysota, Vice-Rector for Science and First Deputy Rector of the Nicolaus Copernicus University, as well as Prof. Dr. Stanisław Roszak, Dean of the Nicolaus Copernicus University Faculty of Historical Sciences. Undoubtedly, without the support and understanding of the Dean of the Nicolaus Copernicus University Faculty of Historical Sciences regarding the social need to celebrate the magnificent 1000th anniversary of the coronation of Bolesław the Brave with a series of scientific conferences, this publication would not have been possible. We

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Introduction

would also like to thank the Directorate of the Nicolaus Copernicus University Institute of History and Archives and the Directorate of the Nicolaus Copernicus University Institute of Archeology. We would like to thank in particular Prof. Dr. Andrzej Radzimin´ski, Head of the History of Scandinavia and Central and Eastern Europe Department. We would also like to thank Prof. Dr. Joanna Kucharzewska, Dean of the Nicolaus Copernicus University Faculty of Fine Arts as well as Prof. Dr. Mirosław Wachowiak, Vice-Dean of this faculty. We also wish to express our gratitude to Prof. Dr. Jerzy P. Łukaszewicz, Director of the Nicolaus Copernicus University Interdisciplinary Center for Modern Technologies, Deputy Mayors of Torun´ Zbigniew Fiderewicz and Adrian Mól, and Aleksandra Mierzejewska, Director of the District Museum in Torun´. We would like to express our gratitude to all those involved in the organisation of the event and the design work, especially our colleagues from the AGH University of Krakow, to whom we would also like to thank for preparing a presentation of archaeological monuments in AR technology free of charge, and in particular Prof. Dr. Krystian Kozioł, Dr. Stanisław Szombara and Dr. Paulina Lewin´ska. We would like to thank the Camerimage European Film Center and the “Tumult” Foundation in Torun´, especially Mr. Marek Z˙ydowicz, for their support and help in preparing accompanying events. We would like to especially thank all administration employees of the Nicolaus Copernicus University Faculty of Historical Sciences – especially Mrs. Agnieszka Korzybska, Mrs. Izabela Kujawska and Mr. Krystian Chyrkowski. We are grateful to the Izyda Zan´ko, Franciszek Rosiewicz and Aleksandra Thielmann – students of the Nicolaus Copernicus University – for their invaluable help, kindness and selfless support. We wish to emphasise that the choice of date for the session was symbolically linked with a desire to remember Bolesław the Brave and commemorate the 1000th anniversary of his coronation, thanks to the academic work of the conference participants. This is not to say that we ignore importance of his successor – Mieszko II and his wife Richeza – nor pay parallel attention to the importance of commemorative practices in the Middle Ages. The liturgical remembrance of the ancestors, caring for the salvation of the soul that accompanied commemoration, was one of the most important duties performed by the people of the Middle Ages. Memoria was a source of political friendship, defining the relations of power and prestige, and was an element that bound a given community in terms of individual and collective memory. It expressed the community’s desire to obtain salvation and determined how people acted in the past, combining groups of fundatores and debitores. Through the meaning of ritual and symbolic communication, it became an expression of dynastic, prayer and kin relations. It also gave rise to the elite community of res publica Christiana and the religious bond characteristic of Christianitas. The desire to obtain salvation for representatives

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Introduction

of the so-called temple communities initiated political (amicitia), commercial, minting, market, fiscal or production action. It gave sustenance to monastic communities, created a social framework for memory, and connected the spheres of the sacred and the profane, the living and the dead. For the people of the Middle Ages, memoria pro salute or pro remedio animae emphasised membership of a specific community, and expressed attachment to the liturgy and the idea of Christianitas as a universe combining all forms of human activity with a system of religious beliefs. The socio-cultural durability of commemorative practices – as well as the presence of lists of the dead on the altar during the liturgy – was associated with the belief held by medieval people about writing down the names of the dead in the heavenly book of life and faith in God’s omniscience. Commemorative practices were connected with reverence for the holy martyrs, the importance of their intercession and mediation in the relationship between man and God, the need for remembrance. They were the source of intercessory prayer and the most valuable gift of a particular family or community – initiated by the gift for the Blessed Virgin Mary and saints offered to prayer communities with a specific intention. Referring to the post-antiquity conviction about the meaning of the name invoked in the liturgy (as a form of existence), memoria referred to reciprocity and the social wish for eternity, and testified to the presence of the dead. It resulted from the belief that the fate of the human soul and its salvation could be influenced via the intercession of the living. This kind of conviction in the Christian world was one of the pillars of the sacred dimension of royal power. Thanks to the memoria of ancestors, the ruler became not only the founder and guardian of specific church institutions, emphasising the durability of power by sustaining the obligations of his predecessors for eternity, but be also became an intermediary leading to the salvation of a group of people related to him. He was the initiator and continuator of commemorative practices expressing the durability and continuity of power and the conviction about the importance of political and economic activity resulting from its sacral dimension. Although gratitude expressed here for the kindness and support shown to us allows only a very short introduction on the role of memoria, we count on further discussion of the meaning of Bolesław the Brave. May the next years of study contribute to the development of our knowledge, be a source of inspiration, scientific discourse, popularisation and social awareness of the progress of research on the meaning of early Piast rule, and may this constitute a social framework for memory and return to the meaning of the Piast origo gentis in terms of community. We also personally hope that thanks to the good will and support of our friends and the assistance given to us, we have a chance to become a small snow fall that initiates an avalanche of anniversary discussions, questions,

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publications, projects, exhibitions and further plans to commemorate the Piast ruler in Poland. The conference highlighted the potential of the Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, the research and conservation work conducted here, areas of study and the most up-to-date technical facilities that enable highly specialised conservation procedures. The concept of a dedicated social reception of knowledge in the field of interdisciplinary medieval studies, developed on the basis of neurohumanities, was presented. This notion is based on the latest results of research on the early Middle Ages and the transfer of accumulated knowledge resources using technology and neurocognitive impact in order to optimise research processes. The presentation entitled Bolizlauus Dux – Past, Present and Future – 1000 Anniversary of the Coronation of Bolesław the Brave – “Chrobry 2025”: Common Beginnings. Research on the Past and the Vision of the 22nd Century Museum – Past, Memory, Identity – Future also opened a panel on museology. Papers were presented in eight sessions that took place during individual panels. The Between East and West – Studies on the History of Memory, Commemoration and Reception of Medieval Culture conference and related studies were presented by around 30 researchers. Numerous discussions were held as well as exchanges of views, with ongoing debates transferred to behind-thescenes discussions. The academic directors of the conference was Dr. Piotr Pranke – and the secretary was Dr. Gregory Leighton. The administrative supervision was carried out by Dr. Jacek Rakoczy. We hope that in 2023 the Between East and West conference, which has been awarded the honorary patronage of the President of the Republic of Poland Andrzej Duda, will enjoy equally profound interest. Conference submissions from researchers from over a dozen countries representing the world’s leading universities give hope that this will become a regular event organised at the Nicolaus Copernicus University Faculty of History. Dr. Piotr Pranke

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Mariusz Ciszak / Piotr Pranke

Bolesław Chrobry, Empire and the Role of Memoria: The Political and Economical Understanding of Medieval Power Network

Abstract The establishment of the state of the first Piasts is a very widely discussed research issue. Unfortunalelly, in the subject literature recently attention didn’t been often devoted to the study of issues related to the Piast dynasty in the context of Res publica Christiana – and the importance of power structure. For this reason the organization of the first Piast state can be interpret – as a kind of corporatio militaris. Keywords: medieval history; Ottonians, Piast dynasty; Bolesław Chrobry; commemoration

The genesis of the early Piast rulership, the importance of dynastic relations and the prayer commitments undertaken by the Polish rulers within the Christian Empire has aroused the interest of several scholars dealing with the early Middle Ages.1 Mariusz Ciszak M.A. , independent researcher and archeologist, ORCID: https://orcid.org/ 0009-0008-8062-0088. Dr. Piotr Pranke, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-00019487-0143. 1 Among them one might mention, among others researchers such as Gerard Labuda, Aleksander Gieysztor, Jerzy Strzelczyk, Danuta Borawska, Jacek Hertel, Gerd Althoff, and Kazimierz Jasin´ski, but also Jarosław Wenta, Andrzej Pleszczyn´ski, Dariusz Andrzej Sikorski, Przemysław Wiszewski, Jacek Banaszkiewicz, and Przemysław Urban´czyk. Recently, ideas concerning the genesis of the early Piast rulership were summarised by Andrzej Wierzbicki. In this case, the aforementioned researcher distinguished groups of research hypotheses relating to both the theory of extra-ethnic and intra-ethnic conquest, a group of endogenous and mixed concepts, additionally pointing to the aspect of concepts derived from the theory of EngelsMorgan and defining the canon of research hypotheses formulated in the era of Millennium Research. He also pointed to the shaping of the post-millennium research, which primarily creates an image linking concepts developed on the basis of “normanomachia” with the results of more recent archaeological research and the revival of the importance of external concepts. In this case, he mainly referred to finds from the area of Wolin. This aspect was to be emphasised by the phenomenon of “rehabilitation of the conquest hypothesis”, the importance of evolutionary-conciliatory concepts and the role of interpretations relating to the homogeneity of past communities united by the Piasts. However, these considerations include no wider focus on the importance of economic stimulants of the emergence of early Piast rule

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Mariusz Ciszak / Piotr Pranke

What draws our attention here is not only the role of the aforementioned relations, but also a number of basic issues related to the definition of terms such as amicitia,2 the network of consanguineorum regum,3 and memoria4. The latter, on the one hand, indicated the outlook of the representatives of the Piast dynasty in the milieu of the Saxon ruling elite (as a testimony to the reception of certain elements of elite culture) and on the other hand, it defined the moment when they attained a specific political and legal position within the East French monarchy.5 It also stood as a testimony to the persistent and remarkably consistent dynastic policy followed by the Polish rulers who, following the Ezzonids

2

3 4 5

and the importance of the patrimony itself as an effect of specific transformations, created in this case as a kind of trade and military consortium, the apparent durability of which was based on rivalry and political friendship. It seems that in this case there is also no source definition of the power network of the first Piasts, and their perception through the prism of not so much a local phenomenon, but one analogous to the processes observed at source in Europe. Nor is there any emphasis on the relationship with the importance of the Ludolfings’ sphere of authority, and relations of a dynastic and religious nature. The latter may define the meaning of the Piast patrimony and their role in the structure of the Christiania empire, creating a dynamic image of continuation and changes characteristic of the elites forming power networks in the 10th–11th centuries: Wierzbicki 2019; Hertel 1980, pp. 151–164; Labuda 2006, p. 170; Borawska 1981, pp. 11–13; Strzelczyk 1992; Gieysztor 2000, p. 9; Jasin´ski 2000; Althoff 2002, pp. 294–297; Wenta 2010, pp. 483–491; Idem 2012; Banaszkiewicz 2004, p. 90; Pleszczyn´ski 2008; Idem 2006, p. 97; Wiszewski 2010; Kara 2009, pp. 11–46; Pranke 2022; Trawkowski 2005, pp. 42–46; Sikorski 2011, pp. 206, 228; Ludat 2000, p. 9. In this case, the literature has made considerable achievements and remains dependent on the historiographic concepts in force in a given period and the importance of jubilee research programs. Until now, the largest research programs influencing the shaping of contemporary historical awareness include, first and foremost, the period of the Millennium Research. Their goal was to create a body of knowledge which, in cognitive terms, would constitute a comprehensive and complementary research program on the beginnings of the Polish state: Buko 2017, p. 187; Re˛bkowski 2017, pp. 117–128; We˛cowski 2020, pp. 61–100; Wierzbicki 2017, pp. 96–116; Labuda 1947, p. 10; Hensel 1945, pp. 4–10; Kurnatowska 2008, pp. 167–174; Dekówna 2009, pp. 7–9; Szczerba 2018, pp. 248–252; Minta-Tworzowska 2013, pp. 19–21; Kluger 2020, pp. 287–326; Dygo 2021, p. 167; Guglielmotti / Varanini 2010, pp. 63–64; Jez˙dz˙ewski 1945, pp. 11–20; Rodzin´ska-Chora˛z˙y / Kamin´ska 2017, pp. 292–319; Kurnatowska 2009, pp. 24–28; Wyrwa 2014, p. 115; Młynarska-Kaletynowa 2018, pp. 177–178; Hensel 1966, pp. 244–267. In this case, the planned research program served to combine ideas of state, perceived through the prism of the constitution of communist power, with the concept of ethnicity in archaeological studies. The aforementioned concept was combined with the ideology of nation state and its continuation: cf. Błaszczyk 2013, p. 354; Assmann 2010, pp. 121–134; Schwartz 2016, pp. 15–19; Młynarska-Kaletynowa 2017, pp. 7–8. In the case of the Piast rulers, attention is drawn primarily to the alliance of the Polish rulers with the Empire indicated by Johannes Fried directed against the Velets and the Polabian Slavs. According to the aforementioned researcher, Empress Theophanu was thought to be an advocate of this concept: Fried 1991, p. 370; Lübke 2001, p. 379. Borawska 1979, p. 933; Lübke 2001, p. 269. Bueren / Ragetli / Bijsterved 2011, pp. 183–190. Wollasch 2004, p. 12; Althoff 1984, p. 15.

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Bolesław Chrobry, Empire and the Role of Memoria

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and Ottonians, would manifest their power within the aristocratic structures of the Empire.6 The Piasts, entering the arena of history, were perceived as allies of the Ottonians in an account by a monk at the monastery in Korbei and in the annals.7 At the same time, the dignities bestowed upon them were opposed, on the one hand,

6 The Piast dynastic tradition presented in the text of the Chronicle of Gallus Anonymous, emphasising the dynastic ties between the Piasts and the territory of the Empire. This is especially important for understanding the meaning of Casimir Charles the Restorer. Regardless of whether the circle of people associated with Richeza influenced the appearance of the rulers middle name in Gall’s narrative, it required the approval of the Polish rulers. At the same time, this name highlighted the connection with the imperial family. It is worth noting that the sister of Casimir Charles the Restorer was Gertrude. This name referred to St Gertrude – the daughter of Pipin of Landen, a saint who was especially respected by the Carolingians. Kazimierz Jasin´ski underlines that the place where the saint was revered was Nivelles, where Richeza’s sister Adelaide was a princess. Gertrude married the son of Jarosław the Wise Izasław. She was probably the mother of S´wie˛topełk and Jaropełek, who, as the aforementioned researcher points out, “would be referred to in her prayers as the only son”; Jasin´ski 2000, pp. 144–146; cf. also Sosnowski 2016 (1), pp. 133–135. “Postquam ergo magnus Bolezlauus de Mundo decessit, secundus Mescho, filius eius in regnum successit, qui iam vivente patre sororem tertii Ottonis imperatoris uxorem acceperat, de qua Kazimirum, id est Karolum, restauratorum Polonie, procrearat”; Maleczyn´ski 1952, lib. I, c. 17, p. 40. It seems that this is also evidenced by the necrology entries related to the activity of Casimir Charles the Restorer, as well as the tradition of the Ezzonid house emphasising the importance of the relationship with the Piasts. “Parum dixerim, si infra Romanum tantum orbem et non etiam apud exteras et barbaras gentes maxima viri foret opinio. Nam eodem tempore Poliniorum rex nomine Misecho, cum diversis, regiae tamen personae congruis, munerum speciebus missis procis, per prefati regnatoris interventum filiae eius, quae primogenita erat, Richezae petit consortium. Cuius, ut desiderabat, puella sponsalibus, quo decebat [cultu], multorum favoribus adaptatur; quoniam eiusdem occasione coniugii regnum Sclavorum regno Teutonicorum confoederati a multis spe non inani credebatur.” Waitz 1883, c. 12, pp. 132–133. “Eodem tempore Richeza regina, facto inter se et regem coniugem suum divortio per odium et instignationem cuiusdam suae pellicis, cum ei iam peperisset Gazimerum, cuius generosa posteritas divitiis et potestate nobiliter insignis permanet usque hodie, veste mutata, paucis se fugam clanculo agentem adiuvantibus, utpote fastus eius intolerabiles simulque et barbaros Sclavorun pertaesa ritus, venit ad imperatorem Cunradum in Saxoniam. A quo venerabiliter et ipsa suscepta est; et ipse nihilominus gloriosis ipsius xeniis magnifice honorificatus est.” Ibid., c. 24, p. 137; Pleszczyn´ski 2009, pp. 299–304. 7 Hirsch 1935 (hereinafter: Widukind), lib. III, c. 67, p. 141; ibid., lib. III, c. 69, pp. 143–144; ibid., lib. III, c. 69, p. 145. “Saxones Sclaviam invaserunt, quibus ad supplementum Misacho cum magno exercitu venit; qui totam terram illam incendiis et caedibus devastaverunt.” Pertz 1839 (2) (hereinafter: Annales Quedlinburgenses), p. 66. “Otto rex adhuc puerulus cum magno exercitu Saxonum perrexit in Sclaviam, ibique ad eum venit Misacho cum multitudine nimia, obtulitque ei unum camelum et alia xenia multa, se ipsum etiam subdidit potestatis illius. Qui simul progredientes, devasterunt totam terram illam incendiis et populationibus multis.” Ibid., p. 67. “Et eodem anno Saxones Sclaviam invaserunt, quibus ad supplementum Misaco cum magno exercitu venit; qui totam terram illam incendiis et caedibus multis devastaverunt.” Pertz 1839 (2) (hereinafter: Annales Hildesheimnenses), pp. 66–67; Rosik 2005, pp. 19–35.

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by part of the former aristocracy of the Empire.8 However, on the other hand, they allowed them to gain importance,9 attaining a dimension that transcended the honours achieved by some princes of the Reich.10 The awareness of the Piasts’ rank is of interest, accentuated in the dynastic tradition of Polish rulers, and the dimension of symbolic communication linking them with representatives of the Saxon dynasty, from political friendship through the deditio ritual – meaning complete dedication to the imperial will as well as re-inclusion in the group of imperial “allies”, “faithful supporters” and “friends of the emperor”.11 It was not without reason that it was associated with the symbolism of solemn processions on the Pentecost – clearly emphasising the transformation. The aforementioned ritual, on the one hand, crowned the period of conflict between Bolesław Chrobry and Henry II,12 or the wars of Bolesław the Wry-mouthed with Lothair III of Supplinburg. On the other hand, it marked the recognition of imperial authority and a return to the elite community associated with it.13 8 “Quam inique comparandi sunt antecessores nostri et contemporales! Vivente egregio Hodone pater istius Miseco domum, qua eum esse sciebat, crusinatus intrare vel eo assurgente numquam presumpsit sedere.” Holtzmann 1935 (hereinafter: Thietmar), lib. V, c. 10, p. 232. 9 “Domino M[isegoni] uirtuis uere cultori ueressimo, regique inuictissimo M[athild] suppremum in Christo gaudium ac felicem super hoste triumphum.” Kürbis 2000, p. 139. 10 This kind of accusation is present both in the Chronicle of Thietmar in which the Bishop of Merseburg accused the emperor of making a tributary a master, and in the context of Bolesław the Wry-mouthed, who had the honour of bearing a sword before the emperor; “Deus indulgeat imperatori, quod tributarium faciens dominumad hoc umquam elevavit, ut, oblita sui genitoris regula, semper sibi prepositos auderet in subiectionem paulatim detrahere villisimoque pecunie transeuntis inescatos amo in servitutis liberatisque detrimentum capere.” Thietmar, lib. V, c. 10, p. 232. 11 For details about the ritual cf. Warner 2001, pp. 255–283. Cf. also Bucc 2001, pp. 843–870. 12 “In cuius vigilia Bolizlaus cum securitate obsidum, quos secum detinuit, eo venit et optime suscipitur. In die sancto manibus applicatis regis miles efficitur et post sacramenta regi ad ecclesiam ornato incedenti armiger habetur. In secunda feria regem magnis muneribus a se et contectali sua oblatis placavit; ipse vero regia largitate hiis meliora et maiora cum beneficio diu desiderato suscepit et obsides suos cum honore et leticia remisit. Post hec Rusciam nostris auxiliantibus Bolizlaus peciit”. Thietmar, lib. VI, c. 91, p. 383. “Mortuo igitur Meschone, qui post obitum regis Bolezlaui parum vixit, Kazimirus cum matre imperialis puer parvulus remansit. Que cum libere filium educaret et pro modo femineo regnum honorifice gubernaret, traditores eam de regno propter invidiam eiecerunt, puerumque suum secum in regno quasi decepcionis obumbraculum tenuerunt.” Gall, lib. I, c. 18, p. 41; Althoff 2002, pp. 299–300. 13 “Imperator celebrat pascha Quidilingeburg, pentecosten Magadaburg, ubi Oudelricus dux Boemiorum et legati Bolizlavi ducis Polanorum et Godefredi ducis de Lovene, Ungrorum etiam et Danorum, nec non Slavorum cum principibus illuc confluentibus affuere, quos omnes cum dignis responsis remisit. Congregatio sanctimonalium canonicarum in Luttere ab imperatore commutatur in regularem vitam sancti Benedicti, et Eberhardus de monasterio sancti Iohannis baptistae illuc cum monachis missus, primus ibi ordinatur Abbas; et eodem anno a cesare imperatrice positis in fundamento ab ipsis primis lapidibis, novum monasterium incipitur. Imperator commemorationem sancti Petri ad vincula Nuenburch, et festivitatem Laurentii et assumptionem sanctae Marie in Merseburch celebrat. Illuc con-

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It seems that in terms of understanding the aforementioned act, a key role is played by the perception of the Piast rulers through the prism of the Empire’s opponents. Their participation in the power struggle in the Empire was also significant. It is worth noting that in both cases, the recognition of imperial power through deditio took place in centres associated with places endowed by the Ottonians and, after the death of Ekkehard I, supported by Bolesław Chrobry, among others. Henry II, also involved in wars in Italy and Lorraine, acquired the imperial crown only after a congress in Merseburg and granting Chrobry the fief that was rightly his (excluding Meissen previously conferred to Herman by the emperor).14 This paints a picture of how the Piasts defined their rights within the

fluebant cum primariis regni Bolizlauus atque Othelricus duces, et legati Grecorum imperatoris, honorificia secum munera ferentes, pacem ab imperatore et amiciciam ac auxilium contra Ruokerum tirannum poscentes, qui partem Romani imperii et eciam terram Grecorum nimis vexaverant. Quibus decenter remuneratis, cum suis legatis Havelbergensi episcopo Anshelmo et ceteris eis remisit in propria. Bolizlaus vero post sacramenta in die sancto manibus applicatis miles eius efficitur, et cesari ad ecclesiam processuro, gladium illius ante ipsum portavit. Postea causa orationis perrexit ad sanctum Godehardum, indeque rediens in Magadaburg propter peticionem imperatoris festiva processione sonantibus campanis suscipitur, quod nullus meminit prius umquam fuisse factum, ut talis persona ibidem susciperetur, nisi tempore Adalberti primi archipresulis, qui Hermannum ducem Saxoniae, virum prudentem et iustum et studiosum in defensione sanctarum ecclesiarum, ibidem simili modo suscepit, in quo tamen ipsum imperatorem Ottonem, auctorem et fundatorem illius loci, nimis offendit, et ut scriptum invenitur, vix tandem placavit, licet ille maioris reverentiae esset quam Sclavus et alienigena.” Pertz 1859, A. 1135, p. 185. 14 The importance of Magdeburg as a major center of relations with the area of early Piast rulership may be evidenced by the donations made to this centre. It is worth noting that they were analogous to the document issued for Meissen, stimulating the development of economic relations with the areas inhabited by the Slavs. “Noverit omnium fidelium nostrorum tam presentium quam futurorum industria, qualiter ob interventum Magadaburgensis aecclesie archiepiscopi Adalberti et ob ceterorum nostrorum fidelium instinctum mercatoribus Magadeburg habitantibus tam ipsis quam posteris suis tale ius concedimus quale noster pius genitor suis temporibus concessit habere, id scilicet quod ubique in nostro regno, non modo in Christianis sed etiam barbaricis regionibus, tam eundi quam redeundi licentia sit sine ullius molestia, et ne ab aliquo cogantur vectigalia persolvere urbibus pontibus aquis viis et inviis, nostra imperiali auctoritate penitus interdicimus, his locis exceptis: Mogontia, Colonia, Tiela, Bardonuuihc, et nec plura cel maiora exigantur vectigalia quam moris illorum erat persolvere.” Sickel 1893 (hereinafter: Die Urkunden Ottos II.), No. 112, p. 126. “Noverit omnium fidelium nostrorum tam presencium quam et futurorum industria, qualiter nos ob petitionem et interventum fidelium nostrorum, Willegisi videlicet archiepiscopi et Diemonis marchionis, pro memoria patris nostri, quoniam quidem quod coeperat ipse, nos perficere et meliorare oportebat, tradidimus quandam villam Setleboresdorf vocitatam iacentem in burcwardo Boruz dicto prope fluvium qui Albia dicitur, Misnensi ecclesiae cui venerabilis Folcholdus episcopus praeesse dinoscitur, cum omnibus rebus iuris nostri in eodem villae situ manentibus et accidentibus, proventus in theloneo quod ad fiscum nostrum pertinuerat, a civitate quae dicitur Belegora usque ad eiusdem Misnensis ecclesiae portum sursum indeque denuo per ambas plagas praefati fluminis Albiae deorsum sicque infra praefinitum terminum, ubicumque manus negociatorum ultra Albiam huc illucque sese diverterit, ex

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territory of the Empire and shows their interference in the affairs of succession to the imperial throne. It seems that the position of the rulers of Poland is evidenced not only by how Otto III, as emphasised in the Chronicle of Gallus Anonymus, raised the rank of Bolesław Chrobry during his pilgrimage to the tomb of St Adalbert of Prague,15 but a number of personal accounts, the remains of which are Piast dynastic entries.16 After the death of Henry II and the end of the Saxon dynasty, the Piasts, as imperial debitores, became guardians of the foundation of ruler and empress Cunigunde of Luxembourg, and took over their prayer commitments. This may be proven, inter alia, by the long tradition of Piast dynastic entries in the necrology from Bamberg. As Joachim Wollasch emphasises, this necrology – besides a recollection of Mieszko II – also contains a memoir of the Pomeranian mission of Otto, Bolesław III the Wry-mouthed, Markgraph Leopold, Lothair of Supplinburg, and Richeza.17 In this case, as Jarosław Wenta also indicates, the possible connection of the monastery in Fulda, whose necrology contains a memoir of Mieszko I, with the mother house for the monastery of Adalbert of Prague in Gniezno, is significant,18 as is the mention of the death of Mieszko I in the Annals of Hildesheim,19 or the entry dedicated to Bolesław Chrobry in Lüneburg, and entries from Merseburg and the afore-

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integro et absque ulla contradictione theloneum eidem praenominatae Misnensi sedi persolvant, veluti ad fiscum nostrum debuerint”. Ibid., No. 184, p. 209. “Cesar autem ad Citicensem perveniens urbe,, a secundo Hugone, eiusdem sedis provisori tercio, ut decuit imperatori, suscipitur. Deindeque recto itinere Misnensem tendens ad civitatem, a venerabili Egedo, huius aecclesiae episcopo, et a marchine Ekkihardo, qui apud eum inter precipuos habebatur, honorabiliter accipitur. Decursis tunc Milcini terminis huic ad Diedesisi pagum primo venienti Bolizlavus, qui maior laus non merito sed more antiquo interpretatur, parato in loco, qui Ilua dicitur, suimet hospicio, multum hilarisoccurrit. Qualiter autem cesar ab eodem tunc susciperetur et per sua usque ad Gnesin deduceretur, dictu incredibilie ac ineffabile est. Videns autem alonge urbem desideratam nudis pedibus supurbem desideratam nudis pedibus suppliciter advenit et ab episcopo eiusdem Ungero venerabiliter succeptus aecclesiam introducitur, et ad Christi gratiam sibi inpetrandam martyris Christi intercessio profusis lacrimis invitatur.” Thietmar, lib. IV, c. 45, p. 182. Wollasch 2004, p. 12. Ibid. “4 Id. Mai. Misicho marchio. Ob. Misicho com. et Scl”; cf. Waitz 1881 (hereinafter: Annales necrologici Fuldenses), p. 206. The definition of the Piast ruler as comes was included in Codex Fuldensis 1 (B1) on sheet 2. It includes entries for people who died in the years 986–992. The term marchio found in the Codex Vaticanus is associated with the time of Abbot Richert. Andrzej Pleszczyn´ski highlights that the entry about Mieszko comes from the second series of entries dated 971–1065. For more in necrologies from Fulda, cf. Pleszczyn´ski 2009, pp. 87–91. Further literature: Rutkowska-Płachcin´ska 2002, p. 21. “992 Misaco obiit, succesitque ei filius illius Bolizlavo”, Annales Hildesheimenses 1839, p. 69; “Bolizlavo vero, Misachonis filius, per seipsum ad dominum regem venire nequaquam walens – imminebat quippe illi Grande contra Ruscianos bellum – suos sibi saris fideliter milites in ministerium regis dixerat”, ibid., p. 69.

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mentioned Bamberg.20 According to Gerd Althoff, in the case of entries made in the Billung circle, the necrology almost exclusively featured representatives of the anti-imperial opposition.21 It seems that the growing position of the Piasts in the aforementioned structures, observed in dynastic and kin relations, may indicate the context of specific political events and also define the position of Piast dynasty representatives as active participants in the rivalry within the Saxon power elites. Politically and economically, the area of early Piast rulership, perceived through the prism of what may be considered a trade and military consortium, connected via dynastic and kinship relations, sought not only to establish a permanent presence within the southern trade route, but also to take over the centres of exchange with the area of the Empire. It seems that, contrary to historiographic views, the perception of Piast rulers was determined not so much by relations defined at the level of state determinism as by the long-lasting rivalry within the Ludolfing dynasty.22 What arouses interest when analysing the Chronicle of Thietmar, is the clear discrepancy between the accusations made against the Ottonians (who deprived Merserburg of its rightful role)23 and the perceived privileged position of the Swabian princes, the rulers of Bavaria and Burgundy.24 It is worth noting that the criticism expressed by the bishop was not only related to the lack of understanding of the universalist plans of Otto III,25 but also 20 Bolesław Chrobry was entered on 17 June as “Bolizlauus dux”; Althoff / Wollasch 1983, pp. 27, 37. Me dux: “Lanpertus siue Misico dux poloniorum decessit”, ibid., pp. 20, 29. “V Idus Maii Misico dux Poloniorum frater noster Hic dedit nobis palium unum et VI cappas puerorum et plurimum peccuniae unde facte sunt XXIII statue, que circa chorum sunt locate III candele”, Nospickel 2004, p. 238. Further entries associated with the Piasts in Bamberg: ibid., pp. 229, 248, 280; Leyser 1968, p. 34. 21 Althoff 1983, pp. XXXIV–XXXVII. The conflict of Bolesław Chrobry and his campaign against Henry II seem to be a continuation of the Piasts’ opposition to the succession of Bavarian princes, and a change in their policy after the convention in Quedlinburg. It is worth noting that Bruno of Querfurt was opposed to the improper treatment of Bolesław Chrobry at the hands of Henry II, arguing that the war waged with the emperor also weakened his capabilities and willingness to support missionary work; Karwasin´ska 1973, pp. 102–103; Tyszkiewicz 2009, pp. 181–183; Sosnowski 2016 (2), p. 76. 22 Pranke 2020. 23 “Tunc omnia nostram prius aecclesiam respicientia divisa sunt miserabiliter, Sclavonicae ritu familiae, quae accusata venundando dispergitur”, Thietmar, lib. III, c. 16, p. 116. 24 In this way, Henry II opposed the actions of the Ottomans, as the protector and donator of the Merseburg church. “Henricus enim rex ecclesiam nostram multis utilitatibus adauxit, in primis divino apparatu; tum de omnibus curtis, quas in Thuringia et Saxonia habuit, duas familias nobis tradidit. Evangelium auro et tabula eburnea ornatum et calicem aureum bene gemmatum cum patena et fistula dedit.” Ibid., lib. VI, c. 102, p. 395. 25 Thietmar considered some of the ruler’s activities to be eccentric at least. He not only spoke doubtfully about the restoration of the old Roman customs, but also disapproved of some of his decisions. In this case, he referred not only to the story of Otto III’s violation of the tomb of Charlemagne in Aachen, but also to the ruler’s numerous journeys, of which he was at least

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clearly highlighted the above-mentioned dynastic ties and support for the Bavarian line, whom he considered to be the rightful heirs to the throne. Although Thietmar is repeatedly perfidious in his account, trying to please representatives of the Saxon dynasty,26 the pages of the chronicle he wrote clearly show the superficiality of the above-mentioned procedures, after which the Bishop of Merseburg criticises the rulers of the Saxon dynasty.27 Thus, in the topical convention used by the chronicler, attention is drawn to both stories he “overheard”, which in a sense undermine the Ottonians’ rights to the crown, and the hidden consequences of the events he describes. The latter were to symbolically reflect the struggle of the good and the just with the evil embodied in oppositional values.28 And so, in the Chronicle of Thietmar, at the critical. “Imperator antiquam Romanorum consuetudinem iam ex parte magna deletam suis cupiens renovare temporibus, multa faciebat, quae diversi diverse sentiebant. Solus ad mensam quasi semicirculus factam loco caeteris eminenciori sedebat. Karoli cesaris ossa ubi requiescerent, cum dubitaret, rupto clam pavimento, ubi ea esse putavit, fodere, quosque haec in solio inventa sunt regio, iussit. Crucem auream, quae in collo eius pependit, cum vestimentorum parte adhuc imputribilium sumens, caetera cum veneratione magna reposuit. Sed quid memorem singulos eiusdem accessus et recessus per omnes suimet episcopatus et comitatus?” Ibid., lib. IV, c. 47, pp. 184, 186. 26 An example is the introduction to the history of Otto I the Great, whose deeds Thietmar praised him, calling him “the ornament of the kingdom shining with the shining splendor of vast glory”. However, this did not prevent him from conveying an earlier story about his father’s sins – and from giving birth to a ruler as a consequence of the actions of the evil one. The latter was to be completed only by the accession to the imperial throne of the Bavarian Ludolfing line. “Otto, decus regni, de stammate cretus herili Heinrici patris, fulgebat ubique coruscis Actibus, et solium concenderat inde paternum.” Ibid, lib. II, prologus, p. 36. 27 One example may be the story referring to the meaning of Theophanu, who, according to the chronicler, was supposed to be ‘different from the promised princess’, and many people were to oppose giving consent to the marriage; nevertheless, the marriage was concluded. As a result, Germany and Italy were to be joined by a renewed political friendship. “Qui filio suo uxorem ab imperatore Constantinopolitano desponsare desiderans, nunciis eiusdem, ob. Aliam causam ad se missis, suos fideliter commisit principes hanc legacionem ferentes. Quos in ipso itinere Greci solita calliditate ex improviso irruentes, alios occiderunt, quosquosdam vero captos domino suimet augusto presentabant. […] Qui mox magnificis muneribus comitatqueegreio non virginem desideratam, sed neptem suam, Theophanu vocatam, imperatori nostro trans mare mittens, suos absolvit amiciciamque optatam cesaris augusti promeruit. Fuere nonnulli, qui hanc fieri coniuncionem apud imperatorem inpedire studerent eandemque remitti consulerent. Quos idem non audivit, sed eandem dedit tunc filio suimet in uxorem, arridentibus cunctis Italiae Germaniaque primatibus.” Ibid., lib. II, c. 15, p. 55–56. 28 It is worth noting that the aforementioned structure was modelled on the biblical world, and the finitude contained therein. Thus, the sin present at the beginning of the reign of the representatives of the Saxon dynasty, although erased by the water of holy baptism, would weigh on subsequent rulers until the election of Emperor Henry II. In this case, Thietmar constructs the said expression in a special way. Although he often expresses his undisguised desire to praise the deeds of the emperors with beautiful words, in the subsequent pages of his work, he seems to remember his views and support for the Bavarian Ludolfing line. It seems that in this case the deeds of Thietmar’s predecessor on the bishop’s throne in Merseburg – a

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source of the aforementioned convention lies the story of the sin that, like original sin, lay at the foundation of the dynasty and the later power of the Ottonians. According to the Bishop of Merseburg’s narrative, Henry I got riotously drunk on Holy Thursday and then, on Good Friday, conceived a son with Matilda of Ringelheim at the urging of an evil spirit.29 The chronicler mentioned that Satan himself is said to have informed a certain venerable matron of this fact. The worried woman told the queen everything, asking that she might always be accompanied by bishops and priests, and that just after the birth of the child she might wash away the sin that had grown in him to the joy of the evil spirit.30 Although this story does not tell us directly which son of Henry the Fowler is referred to – and the narrative continues with an analogous exemplum regarding the consequences of a sin committed by the ruler31 – it should be presumed that the Bishop of Merseburg meant Otto the Great, as Henry’s successor and the first son from the ruler’s second marriage. The sin was not to be erased until the accession to the throne of a representative of the Bavarian Ludolfing dynasty – Henry II (as Henry III).32

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man named Bozo – was also of significance. The latter was mentioned by Thietmar as hailing from Bavaria. The chronicler remarked upon this on November 1; ibid., lib. II, c. 36–37, pp. 84–85. “Sed quia homo unusquisque proclivior est ad labendum, quam natura suimet muniatur ad standum, quam miserabiliter iste semel deliquerit, ad terrorem et ad devitandum piis nontaceam. In cena Domini nimis inebriatus, in sequenti nocte uxori suae multum repugnanti diabolico instinctu inclicite coniunctus est. Hoc factum autor tanti sceleris et humanae salutis irretitor Satanas cuidam venerandae sic prodidit matronae: ‘Mathild regina, nuper hortatu meo maritali consentiens voluptati, concepit filium sine omni dubio meum; et tu vide, ut tantum optime celes commissum’. Haec multum ob. Hoc clam tristis effecta, predictae hoc celeriter adnunciavit reginae, ammonen, ut semper episcopos atque presbiteros secum haberet et in ipsa pueri nativitate sacri baptismatis unda ablueret, quicquid in eo sibidilectum accidisse demon infaustus iactaret. Et sic Deo gratias egit. Videns autem daimon, id est omnia sciens, se prorsus esse delusum, domnam increpavit supra memoratam, talia subnectens: ‘Etsi mea nunc sit voluntas tuis frustrata blasphemiis, tamen in hoc profeci, quodblasfemiis, tamen in hoc profeci, quod ex eo et ex omnibus de lumbis eiusdem umquam progredientibus numquam deerit mea comes discordia, nec proveniet eis pax firma’. […] In diebus vero hiis, quibus regnare cepit tercius in numero ducum Heinricus et in ordine sceptriferorum secundus, tunc illa filex iniquitatis exaruit et pacis bonae flos virens enituit”; ibid., lib. I, c. 24, pp. 30, 32. Ibid. In the next paragraph, Thietmar cites as an exemple the story of a Magdeburg resident named Uffo. He was supposed to have forced his wife Gelzuza to spend the night with him under the influence of alcohol. This sin resulted in the conception of a child who was born prematurely and was said to have been born with disabilities that the mother considered as a result of God’s wrath for the sin she had committed. It was a clear allusion to the previously described act of Henry I and Matilda, the consequence of which was not only the lack of peace for the regnum branded in this way, but also a clear allusion about what could have met the ruler and his wife. Ibid., lib. I, c. 25, p. 32. Ibid., lib. I, c. 24, p. 32; Paulus 2015, pp. 40–42.

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Indeed, Henry II was the son of Henry II the Quarrelsome, grandson of Otto I’s younger brother, Henry I, Duke of Bavaria, and great-grandson of Henry the Fowler. It is worth emphasising that the latter was also burdened with sin. Thietmar recalls that Henry the Fowler not only refused to accept the anointment,33 but also “burned with passion” for the rich and beautiful virgin of the “royal family”– the aforementioned Matilda of Ringelheim.34 Thus, the ruler, in refusing to accept anointment at the hands of Heriger the Archbishop of Mainz, also opposed the tradition associated with the ceremony of selecting the rulers.35 33 After the death of Konrad I, Henry I was to receive the royal crown from the men of authority. However, he refused to receive anointment from the Archbishop of Mainz, Heriger; Thietmar, lib. I, c. 8, pp. 13–14. On the importance of Mainz and royal coronations in the time of the Ottonians cf. Hause 1992, pp. 135–153. 34 “Fama novi regis undiquessecus dispersa amicorum corda laetificat rebelliumque econtra mestificat, quia vir talis fuit, ut suos sciret sapienter tractare, inimicos autem callide viriliterque superare. Interea Tammo natus est; et mens regis ab amore uxoris decrescens, ob. Pulcritudinem et rem cuiusdam virginis, nomine Mathildis, secreto flagravit. Iam iamque latentis animi fervor erupit; et iniusto se hactenus multum peccasse conubio tandem professus, per affines legatosque suos filiam Theodrici et Reinildae, ex Vidicinni regis tribu exortam, interpellat, ut sibi voluisset satisfacere”. Thietmar, lib. I, c. 9, p. 14. “Heinricus rex obiit VI. Non. Iulii, cuius filius Otto pacificus, Saxoniae decus, iure hereditario paternis eligitur succedere regnis. Mechtild, inclita regina, obeunte coniuge suo, praefato scilicet rege Heinrico, coenobium in monte Quedelingensi, ut ipse prius decreverat, sancta devotione construere coepit. Hoc regnum gentibus esse voluit, hoc totis viribus fovet. Ibi, quia bene nata raro ac difficilime degenerare noverat, non vilis personae, sed summae ingenuitatis tirunculas canonicae religioni rite deservituras collegit easque usque ad extrema vitae istius caducae materno more spiritalium nec non carnalium copiis commodorum enutrire non destitit.” Annales Quedlinburgenses, A. 937, pp. 459–460. 35 The ritual of coordination was described by Widukind. “Defuncto itaque patre patriae et regum maximo optimo Heinrico omnis populus Francorum atque Saxonum iam olim designatum regem a patre, filium eius Oddonem, elegitsibi in principem. Universalisque electionis notantes locumiusserunt esse ad Aquasgrani palatii. Est autem locus ille proximus Iulo, a conditore Iulio Caesare cognominato. Cumque illo ventum esset, duces ac prefectorum principes cum caetera principium militum manu congregati in sixto basilicae Magni Karoli cohaerenti collocarunt novum ducem in solio ibidem constructo, manus ei dantes ac fidem pollicentes operamque suam contra omnes inimicos spondentes, more suo fecerunt eum regem. Dum ea geruntur a ducibus ac caetero magistratu, pontifex maximus cum universo sacerdotali ordine et omni plebe infra basilica prestolabatur processionem novi regis. Quo procedente pontifex obvius laeva sua dexteram tangit regis, suaque dextera lituumgestans, linea indutus, stola planetaque infulatus, progressusque in medium usque fani subsistit; et reversus ad populum, qui circumstabat – nam erant deambulatoria infra supraque in illa basilica in rotundum facto – quo ab omni populo cerni posset: ‘Eninquit adduco vobis a Deo electum et a domino rerum Heinrico olim designatum, nunc vero a cunctis principibus regem factum Oddonem; si vobis ista electio placeat, dextris in caelum levatis significate.’” Ad haec omnis populus dextras in excelsum levans cum clamore valido inprecati sunt Prospera novo duci. Proinde procedit pontifex cum rege tunica stricta more Francorum induto pone altare, super quod insygnia regalia posita erant, gladius cum balteo, clamis cum armillis, baculus cum sceptro ac diadema. Eo quippe tempore errat summus pontifex nomine Hildiberthus, Franco genere, monachus professione, nutritus vel doctus in Vuldo monasterio, et ad id

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The chronicler, referring to the Life of Saint Ulrich, then mentioned that the Archbishop of Mainz was supposed to have had a vision in which Saint Afra showed him two swords – one with a scabbard and the other without, pointing to an un anointed ruler.36 Interestingly, the accusations made against the Ottonians in the chronicle’s narrative regarding divine rights are analogous to the accusations levelled against Mieszko I and Bolesław Chrobry, sometimes even symbolically linked with the words “May God forgive the Emperor for making a master of a tributary”.37 It seems that the accusations made by the chronicler against Dobrawa,38 or Oda, the daughter of Theodoric from the Handelsleben family, may be similarly understood.39 The latter is considered not only to be the initiator of the Dagome iudex act (992)40 considered to be the oldest legal act

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honoris merito progrediens, ut pater eiusdem loci constitueretur, deinde summi pontificatus Mogontiacae sedis fastigium promeruisset.” Widukind, lib. II, c. 1, pp. 63–65. “Attamen in hoc eum equidem peccasse vereor, quia in Vita sancti patris Odalrici, quem idem rex post ad sacerdotalem promovit ordinem, legi sanctam Christi martirem Afram dilecto suo presuli multa in visu ostendisse, inter que duos enses, unum cum capulo aliumque sine eo, ac per eum Henricum regem consecracionis expertem demonstrasse. Sed hoc occulto Dei iudicio relinquens, amplius progrediar.” Thietmar, lib. I, c. 8, p. 15. “Deus indulgeat imperatori, quod tributarium faciens dominumad hoc umquam elevavit, ut, oblita sui genitoris regula, semper sibi prepositos auderet in subiectionem paulatim detrahere villisimoque pecunie transeuntis inescatos amo in servitutis liberatisque detrimentum capere.” Ibid., lib. V, c. 10, p. 232. “Unde Miseconis, Poleniorum incliti ducis et in superioribus libris ex magna parte signati, residuum ex plico factum. Hic a Boemia regione nobilem sibi uxorem senioris Bolizlavi duxerat sororem. Quae, sicut sonuit in nomine, apparuit veraciter in re. Dobrawa enim Sclavonice dicebatur, quod Teutonico sermone Bona interpretatur. Namque haec Christo fidelisdum coniugem suum vario gentilitatis errore implicitum esse perspiceret, sedula revolvit angustae mentis deliberacione, qualiterhunc sibi in fide”; ibid., lib. IV, c. 55, p. 194. “Audiens autem Wichmannus urbem captam sociosque afflictos ad orientem versus iterum se paganis inmersit, egitque cum Sclavis qui dicuntur Vuloini, quomodo Misacam amicum imperatoris bello lascesserent; quod eum minime latuit.” Widukind, lib. III, c. 69, pp. 143– 144. “Sed cum mater eiusdem obiret, pater eius unam sanctimonialem de monasterio, quod Calva dicitur, Thiedrici marchionis filiam, absque canonica auctoritate duxit. Oda fuit nomen eius, et magna errat presumptio illius. Spreverat enim sponsum caelestem, preponens ei virum militarem, quod cunctis aecclesiae rectoribus et maximeantistiti suimet venerabili Hiliwardo displicuit.” Thietmar, lib. IV, c. 57, p. 196. Wiszewski 1988, p. 84; Kurnatowska 1991, p. 82; Eadem 1998, p. 98. In this case, interest is evoked by the idea of perceiving the papal donation through the prism of the donation to Saint Peter in a way that is analogous to imperial donations. “Quin etiam computarium, in quo erant nomina procerum scripta defunctorum, in manum ipsius dans, animam illi commendavit Heinrici nec non et suam, sed et omniam quorum ipsa memoriam recolebat fidelium. Novissime quoque Ricburg abbatissa Northusensis moesta processit, reginae pedes flens amplectendo: Cui nos, ait, spes nostri omnium et solamen, desolatas relinquis? At illa, oculis elevatis et manibus expansis: Summo, inquit, vos commendo pastori. Credo enim meum prioris haud inmemorem promissionis, dicentis, se superstite suisque posteris eidem nunquam salomen desse coenobio; sin autem, vos ab hominibus relictae, quia Deus in se sperantes non deserit, primum quaerite regnum Dei, et omnia adicientur vobis. Deinde ad

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made at the behest of the Piasts, but also the probable initiator of relations between the Polish rulers and Augsburg.41 In this case, attention is drawn to both the need for the earlier appearance of Hodon and Mieszko before the imperial court,42 as well as the events related to the subsequent conventions in Quedlinburg.43 In the times of the Ottonians, the most important lords of the Empire met circumstantes conversadixit: Bene agite, cilicumque mihi subponite, me sursum versa, ut spirytus redeat ad Deum, caro vero redigatur in pulverem. His itaque omnibus iuxta divinum ordinem dispositis, plena dierum et perfecta aetale, exemplum boni operis posteris relinquens, soboles suas atque ex eis videns nepotes usque in quartam generationem, Mactildis regina Deo et angelis spiritum reddidit, migravitque ad Dominum 2. Idus Marcii in Quidilingaburg civitate, ibique in basilica sancti Servacii episcopi et confesoris honorifice tradita sepulturae, iuxta sepulcrum domini sui Heinrici requiescit.” Koepke 1852, c. 15, p. 581. 41 Dunin-Wa˛sowicz 2011, pp. 300–301; Juzepczuk 2018, p. 64. “Alio quoque tempore quidam dux Wandalorum, Misico nomine, cum sagitta toxicata in brachium vulneratus est. Qui cum sentiret, sese veneno nocivo esse percussum, et sibi inminere mortis interitum eadem hora putaret, cum magna fide et constantia votum vovit, ut brachium argentum cum manu quam cicius potuisset ad sanctum Oudalricum mittere non differet. Qui statim post votum relevatus a periculo, ad domum suam rediit, et brachium secundum suum votum componere praecepit. Cumque fabri brachium fabricare coepissent, et manum in eo fingerent, dux continuo de inminenti periculo liberatus surrexit, Deum laudans, qui cum per merita sui sancti episcopi de mortis periculo liberavit.” Waitz 1841 (hereinafter: Vita sancti Oudalrici), c. 22, p. 423. The state of research concerning the text of the life of St Ulrich was discussed by Dariusz Andrzej Sikorski: Sikorski 2013, pp. 304–306; See: dux Westfvalorum “Bernhardus dux Uuestualorum subscripsi”, Bresslau 1900–1903, No. 255, p. 296. “In regione Sclavorum filius Volizlawi ducis valitudinem incidit, et in tantam infirmitatem deductus est, ut pater eius et mater caeterique praesentes amici praesentem vitam cum ulterius habere posse desperarent. Cumque pater in his angustiis versaretur, ammonitus est de matre pueri et de aliis quibus notum fuit, quam multipliciter multi per merita sancti Oudalrici de diversis angustiis liberati essent. Continuo votum vovit, si filius eius ad vitam rediret, ut missis legatis sepulchrum sancti Oudalrici cum oblationibus visitaret. Eodem vero die filius ducis conversus ad vitam, consolationem patri non minimam obtulit. Qui cognoscens misericordiam Dei in filio, nuntios statim mittere et votum eius implere studuit. Qui venientes ad sepulchrum, obtulerunt 5 libras argenti et aureos quam plurimos et de cera quantum unus fortis soumarius portare potuit; mater etiam pueri seorsum denariorum aureorum bonam partem pro filio misit. Legati etiam altare sanctae Mariae cum auro et aliis oblationibus, sicut eis praeceptum est, devote visitaverunt, similiter et altare sanctae Afrae”, Vita sancti Oudalrici, c. 21, pp. 422–423. The memory of Saint Adalbert, present in the imperial tradition, also became significant from the point of view of the Piast rulers; Holder-Egger 1908, A. 966, p. 8. 42 Thietmar, lib. II, c. 29, pp. 74–75. 43 “Otto senior imperator cum iuniore venit Quidelingaburg, ibique celebraverunt pascha 10. Kal. April., et illuc venerunt ad eos legati Graecorum, Beneventanorum, Ungariorum, Bulgariorum, Danorum, Sclavorum, cum regiis muneribus; ac non longe post Otto senior pisu imperator Non. Mai obiit; cui domnus Otto successit.” Annales Hildesheimenses, A. 973, p. 23. It is worth underlining that the rivalry between the Piasts and the powerful men of the Empire, contrary to historiographic views, does not differ in this case from the conflicts between other powerful representatives of the Empire’s power elites. In this case, attention is drawn to the conflict between the Billungs and the von Stade graphs. In the latter case, the conflict between Herrman Billung and Henry the Bold von Stade culminated in the marriage between Berhard I and Hildegard, daughter of Henry. Gerd Althoff emphasises that after this event, both

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a number of times here, during which the Piasts were present.44 At the same time, a question arises as to the moment when the perception of Polish rulers among the Saxon power elite shifted. In this case, the changes observed in the times of Otto II and Empress Theophanu as well as the context of the rivalry between the Ottonians and Henry the Quarrelsome and the Bavarian Ludolfing line arouse interest in this case.45 It is worth underlining that here a key role was played by the relationship between the Piasts and the Prˇemyslids, as well as the return of their policy towards the rulers of Bavaria from the 980s.46 It seems that the entry dedicated to Mieszko I in the necrology from Fulda, where he was mentioned as Misicho marchio, comes et Sclavus, may testify to this.47 Information contained in the Chronicle of Thietmar suggesting the background of the above-mentioned conflict is also of interest. Bishop Merseburg mentioned that after Henry was elected king in Quedlinburg in 983, Mieszko, Msciwój and Boleslaus I, Duke of Bohemia were present, promising him allegiance.48 However, after this act, a conspiracy emerged against the aspirations of Henry the Quarrelsome who, after the death of Otto II, became the guardian of the minor Otto III.49 Among the conspirators, the chronicler mentions Margrave Theodoric, the earls Ekkehard, Binipo, Ezyko, Bernward, Zygfryd and his son, Fryderyk, Ziazo, Theodoryk, Zygbert, Hojko, Ekkehard, Beceko and Brunig.50

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families not only collaborated militarily and politically, but were also linked by a series of entries in the necrology in Lüneburg. The relationship between the Billungs and the Ekkehardines and the clan of Gerona is also relevant. Althoff 1984, pp. 40–42. Pleszczyn´ski 2008, pp. 108–109. On Theophanu cf. Wangerin 2014, pp. 716–736. Pleszczyn´ski 2006, p. 95. “4 Id. Mai Misicho marchio. Ob. Misicho com. et Scl.” Annales necrologici Fuldenses, p. 206. In this case, attention is drawn not only to the custody of Otto III, but also to the act of deditio, which was rejected “Anno dominicae incarnationis DCCCCLXXXIIII domna inperatrix Theuphano, tercji mater Ottonis et, pro dolor! in hoc ordine ultimi, novitate diri vulneris et unici absencia filii perculsa, ad Ethelheidam inperatricem Papiam civitatem veniens, magno succipitur luctu caritativoque lenitur solacio. Prefatus vero dux cum Poppone venerabili sub cuius potestate diu tenetur, et cum Ekberto comite unióculo Agripinam veniens, regem patronus legalis de Warino, ut predixi, archipresule suscepit, eiusdemque auxilium cum omnibus, quos ad sui gratiam convertere poterat, firmiter est adeptus. Dispositis autem, prout sibi placuit, cunctis dux ad Corbeiam cum eis venit ibique Thiedricum et Sicconem comites ac confratres nudis pedibus veniam postulantes dedignatur suscipere”. Thietmar, lib. IV, c. 1, p. 130. It is worth noting that at that time both Empress Theophanu and Adelaide were in Italy. Henry the Quarrelsome, after the death of Otto II, took Otto III from Archbishop Warin, gaining his support and that of a number of other Empire elites. In this way, he also built his faction in a bid to take over full power. Upon his arrival in Quedlinburg, where he spent Easter, he was proclaimed king by his followers who sang praise in his honor. “Inde egressus Heinricus proximum pascha Quidilingeburg festivis peregit gaudiis. Quo magnus regni primatus colligitur, a quibusdam autem venire illo nolentibus ad omnia diligenter inquirenda nuntius mittitur. Hac in festivitate idem a suis publice rex apellatur lau-

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In addition, the Archbishop of Mainz Willigis and Prince Konrad with a group of “other mighty men” also took action against Henry, as a consequence of which attempts to win their favour turned out to be unsuccessful for Henry. Henry tried to win over the powerful men of Bavaria, but he was forced to take Theophanu’s oath and to his opponents of the young king.51 Thietmar highlighted that at that time Boleslaus I, Duke of Bohemia was an ally of the ruler of the Bavarian Ludolfing line. He also seems to have become involved in the conflict by banishing the Bishop of Folkold, who found refuge with the aforementioned Archbishop of Mainz.52 However, the supporters of Otto III had an advantage, which forced Henry the Quarrelsome to make further concessions. Empress Adelaide, waiting in Pavia to see how events would pan out, and Theophanu came to Rara with the men or power at a pre-arranged meeting place. Otto III was then placed under the care of Hojka.53 During the next convention in Quedlinburg, Boleslaus I, Duke of Bohemia and Mieszko were already present as supporters of the young king.54 However, it would seem that despite the scene presented by Thietmar, indicating that the ruler was served by the most important dignitaries of the Empire, the conflict was not resolved. Probably the scene of the gathering at the royal court, illustrating the hierarchical return to order in the regnum area, may be seen through the prism of future events. The Piast ruler was to give Otto III numerous gifts, including a camel, which was admired by the chronicler.55

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dibusque divinis attolitur. Huc Miseco et Mistui et Bolizlovo duces cum caeteris ineffabilibus confluebant, auxilium sibi deinceps ut regi et domino cum iuramentis affirmantes. Multi ex his fidem violare ob. Timorem Dei non presumentes paululum evaserunt et ad civitatem Hesleburg, quo consocii eorum adversus ducem iam palam conspirantes conveniebant, festinavere. Quorum haec sunt nomina. Ex oriente hii comites cum Bernhardo duce Thiedrico marchione, Ekkihardus, Biio, Esic, Bernwardus comes et clericus, Sigefridus eiusque filius, Fredericus et filius, Frithericus et Ciazo confretres. Conprovincialium autem Thiedricus et Sibert confratres, Hoico, Ekkihardus et Bezeco germani, Brunig et sui, militesque sancti Martini iussu archipresulis Willigisi, quibus adherebat occidentalium maxima multitudo.” Thietmar, lib. IV, c. 2, pp. 132–134. “Hos dux, quibuscumque modis valuit, sibi coniugere temptans eosque a promissa regi suo sacramentis fide numquam vita comite recessuros unanimi eorum responso percipiens, coactus est futuri timore duelli cum iuramentis affirmare, ut III. Kal. Iulii ad locum, qui Rara vocatur, veniret puerumque matri suae illisque redderet.” Ibid., lib. IV, c. 4, pp. 135–136. Ibid., lib. IV, c. 6, p. 136. Ibid., lib. IV, c. 8, p. 140. Banaszkiewicz 2004, p. 91. Thietmar, lib. IV, c. 11–12, pp. 144–145. “DCCCCLXXXVI Otto rex adhuc puerulus cum magno exercitu Saxonum perrexit in Sclaviam, ibique ad eum venit Musacho cum multitudine nimia obtulitque ei unum camelum et alia xenia multa, se ipsum etiam subdidit potestati illius.” Annales Quedlinburgenses, A. 986, p. 476. “Otto rex adhuc puerulus cum magno exercitu perrexit in Slauoniam, ibique ad eum venit Miseco dux Polanorum cum multitudine nimia obtulitque ei unum camelum et alia xenia multa, se ipsum etiam subdidit potestati illius et tunc simul pergentes devastaverunt totam terram incendiis et depredationibus multis.” Nass 2006, p. 244.

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Mieszko then accompanied the ruler in subsequent military expeditions, which strengthened the act of political friendship. It was probably this act, along with gaining the sympathy of the Empress Theophanu, that then decided on the support of the Polish ruler in the conflict with Boleslaus I, Duke of Bohemia, who had allied with the Veleti. And although Thietmar does not disclose the exact reasons for the aforementioned conflict, apart from some general information about Mieszko’s occupation of lands belonging to Bolesław, he clearly mentions the actions taken by Theophanu and the help she offered to the Polish ruler.56 After Mieszko’s death in the tenth year of Otto III’s reign, his son, Bolesław Chrobry, was supposed to take full power, according to the chronicler, by acting against Oda and his brothers.57 According to the chronicle narrative, he would then marry the daughter of Margrave Rykdag, a Hungarian woman, and Emnilda, with whom he had two sons: Mieszko and Otto. It is worth noting that Rykdag, who had significant estates in Thuringia, was at the same time a significant benefactor the church of Saint Boniface in Fulda. Additionally, his sister, Alarica, founded a monastery in Gerbstadt. Interestingly, Bolesław Chrobry’s subsequent marriage with Judith of Hungary (according to Długosz) was supposed to bring him closer to the camp of Henry II. She was probably the sister of Saint Stephen, Henry II’s brother-in-law. However, this marriage turned out to be short-lived. It should be noted that the third marriage concluded by Chrobry strengthened relations with the territory of the Empire.58

56 Thietmar, lib. IV, c. 11–12, pp. 144–145. 57 “Anno autem dominice incarnationis octigentesimo nonagesimosecundo, regni autem tercji Ottonis decimo, octavo Kalendas Iunii prefatus dux iam senex febricitans ab hoc exilio ad patriam celeste˛ transivit, relinquens regnum suum plurimis dividendum, quod postea Bolizlavus, noverca et tribus fratribus expulsis excecatisque familiaribus suis Odilieno et Pribwoio, vulpina calliditate contraxit in unum. Hic ut tantum solus domineretur, ius et fas omne postposuit.” Ibid., lib. IV, c. 58, pp. 197–199. 58 “Duxit hic Ricdagi marchionis filiam, postmodum dimittens eam; post quam ab Ungaria sibi sumpsit uxorem, de qua habuit filium, Besprim nomine, similiter expellens eam. Tercia fuit Ermnildis, filia venerabilis senioris Dobremiri, que Christo Fidelis ad omne bonum instabilem coniugis sui mentem declinavit et immensa elemosinarum largitate et abstinencia utriusque maculas abluere non desistit. Peperit hec duos filios, Miseconem et alium, quem dilecti sui senioris nomine pater vocavit, filias quoque tres, quarum una est abtissa, secunda nupsit Heremanno comiti, tercia filio regis Wlodemiri, sicut dicturus sum.” Ibid., lib. IV, c. 58, p. 199. Rykdag of Meissen was a person with a significant fief between Halle and Merseburg. In addition, he was also thought to have allocated considerable funding for the church of Saint Boniface in Fulda. The margrave’s sister, Alaric, was also a person of great standing in northern Thuringia, as the founder and later abbess of the monastery in Erbstadt. In the case of Bolesław Chrobry’s marriages, attention is drawn to the information in the annals of Kamieniec, which mentions the relationship concluded by the ruler in 984. Perhaps the author of the annals meant the marriage contracted by Engelbert; Engelbert 1954, pp. 4–6.

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These relations are evidences by the founding of religious structures as well as the aforementioned numerous personal relationships related to centres such as Fulda, Augsburg, Bamberg, Lüneburg, Zwiefalten,59 Quedlinburg, Brauweiler, Regensburg, St Gilles, and Mis´nia. From the times of Otto II, the latter, was one of the most important centres of trade with the Slavs, and its importance can be 59 The Chronicle of Berthold from Zwiefalten mentions Bolesław the Wry-mouthed and Salomea of the Bergs. Information about Bolesław the Wry-mouthed and Salomea appear here along with entries about donations given to the Church by the Czech prince Władysław and Ryks, the Moravian prince Otto and Zofia née Berg “Bolezlaus dux Boloniae cappam nigram albos boves habentem intextos misit; in auro, argento, palliis et maxime in multiplicibus et diversis pretiosi velleris rebus plus quam septuaginta marcas huic monasterio contulit. Salome uxor eius stolam auream, duas albas ex sericis factas, urceum argentum quatuor marcas appendentem misit, scrinium eburneum auro insignitum, mantellum suum rubeum ad cappam aurifrisio decoratum, alium etiam mantellum ad casulam totum auro intextum, magno aurifrisio circumdatum, inferius limbum rubeum habentem, secundum morem gentis illius auro instellatum. Tria dorsalia, unum serico lembo circumdatum, unum albis leonibus plenum, unum rubeum, albis foliis plenum.” Pertz 1852, c. 13, pp. 103–104. “Vlatizlaus igitur, qui et Lauzlan, dux Boemiae, cum uxore sua Richinza, filia Heinrici comitis a Monte, viginti pallia ex serico facta dedit, diversis temporibus diversa donna in pretio triginta et eo amplius marcas habentia huic loco transmisit; insuper scutellam argenteam septem marcas appendentem abbati Oudalrico dono dedit. Sophia ductrix Moraviae, soror Richinzae, uxor Ottonis ducis, dedit unum vexilium, dalmaticam albam, duodecim pallia, sex marcas argenti aliaque perplura, capsam eburneam. Ipsa etiam cum sorore Richinza refectorium fratrum barbatorum cum dormitorio proprio sumptu a fundamentis extruxit et omnibus bonis istum locum cum sororibus suis implevit.” Ibid., c. 13, p. 103. It is worth underlining that in this case both the abundance and size of the donations made by Salomea née Berg are particularly emphasised. In this case, in the context of the will of Bolesław the Wry-mouthed, a question arises about the significance of the Sieradz-Łe˛czyca land. Regardless of this, Salome, and the donations made by her for only one year constituted the greatest donation for the aforementioned monastic community, thus testifying to the wealth of the initiator of the Piast memorial. “Denique ista prefata Salome ducissa semel in uno anno, me huic loco tunc presidente, per nuncios nostros haec sanctae Dei genitrici transmisit donna: Manum sancti Stephani prothomartiris cum cute, carnibus et unguibus excepto pollice, et alias reliquias sanctorum nonaginta, inter quas precipue enituit magna pars sanctae crucis, dens Iohannis baptistae, dens sancti Pangratii, dens sanctae Ceciliae, de sanguine Domini, de lacte sanctae Mariae, de catena sancti Petri. Insuper centum libras argenti, unam casulam cum aurifrisio decoratam, crucem auream plus quam quatuor marcas auri pondus habentem, calicem argenteum deauratum, urceum argenteum deauratum, pene sex marcas appendentem. Stolam auro decoratam cum fanone, unum perpendiculum vel cingulum, unam dalmaticam auro per totum contextam, quinquaginta vel plus marcarum precium habentem, unum subtile nigrum auro insignitum, unam mappulam vel fanonem auro contextum, quae duo 20 marcarum possunt habere precium. Unum dorsale ex sericis contextum, unum scrinium eburneum, unum cristallum pulcherrimum, tres equos, duas auri uncias, duas pelles, unam canam, alteram migalinam. Mitram episcopi cum chirothecis insuper quatuor marcas et tria pallia cum aliis munusculis. Haec omnia ad nos usque per multa terrarum spacia salva licet vix propter incurantes latrones et intacta venerunt. Nonulla vero, id est unum psalterium magnum auro conscriptum, unum dorsale, unum tapete, quae ambo ob. Sui magnitudinem quoniam duo equi ad haec portanda vix possent sufficere cum aliis rebus, quae adhuc silentio sunt tegenda, remanserunt.” Ibid., c. 14, p. 104.

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testified by the marriage of Bolesław Chrobry with Oda.60 It seems that the links between the Piasts and the Ottonian lineage, accentuated in the dynastic tradition of the Polish rulers, can be confirmed by commemorative notes included in the Annales Capituli Cracoviensis,61 Annales Kamenescenses,62 or Annales Polono60 This is evidenced by the diploma issued by said ruler in Frankfurt on 27 February 983, wherein Otto mentioned, inter alia, revenue from duties levied on the Elbe for the bishop’s church in Meissen. The document also indicates a huge number of merchants travelling for commercial purposes to the areas inhabited by the Slavs. It seems that the phenomenon of expanding the area of economic penetration – related to the development of church institutions in the territory of the Empire – was one of the economic stimulators of the development of statehood in the area of post-Carolingian Europe, as well as one of the elements of the policy pursued by Theophanu. “Noverit omnium fidelium nostrorum tam presencium quam et futurorum industria, qualiter nos ob petitionem et interventum fidelium nostrorum, Willegisi videlicet archiepiscopi et Diemonis marchionis, pro memoria patris nostri, quoniam quidem quod coeperat ipse, nos perficere et meliorare oportebat, tradidimus quandam villam Setleboresdorf vocitatam iacentem in burcwardo Boruz dicto prope fluvium qui Albia dicitur, Misnensi ecclesiae cui venerabilis Folcholdus episcopus praeesse dinoscitur, cum omnibus rebus iuris nostri in eodem villae situ manentibus et accidentibus, proventus in theloneo quod ad fiscum nostrum pertinuerat, a civitate quae dicitur Belegora usque ad eiusdem Misnensis ecclesiae portum sursum indeque denuo per ambas plagas praefati fluminis Albiae deorsum sicque infra praefinitum terminum, ubicumque manus negociatorum ultra Albiam huc illucque sese diverterit, ex integro et absque ulla contradictione theloneum eidem praenominatae Misnensi sedi persolvant, veluti ad fiscum nostrum debuerint.” Die Urkunden Ottos II., No. 184, p. 209. 61 The Annales Capituli Cracoviensis focus on a recollection of the Merovingians and Carolingians, as the predecessors of the Saxon dynasty. In this case, the notes referring to Charlemagne and Otto the Great are of special relevance. Fulda, Mainz and Sławnikowice are also mentioned here. The records were entered for the year 965: “965 Dubrovka ad Meskonem venit”. “966 Mesco dux Polonie baptizatur”; “968 iunior Otto per Leonem papam cum patre suo coronatur”; “981 Zlavnyk pater sancti Adalberti obiit”; “987 Strezizlava mater sancti Adalberti obiit”; “Otto imperator III obiit. Henricus successit”; “1016 Kazimirus dux natus est 8. Kal. Augusti, luna 16.”; “1025 primus Bolezlaus rex Magnus obiit. Lambertus filius eius succedit”; “1033 Otto dux obiit”. In the Annales Cracovienses compilati this entry is of interest: “1034 Mesko rex Polonie obiit”. “1038 Kazimirus obiit. Post hunc Boleslaus senior filius eius Largus rexit et exulavit in Ungariam, interfecto beato Stanislao episcopo. Et mortuo rege Boleslao aliisque fratribus Wladislaus dux solus regnavit et Iuditam Bohemam duxit, que filium ei tercium Boleslaum genuit per preces beati Egidii”; Pertz 1866, pp. 585–587. 62 “Mesco qui apellatus est rex Polonorum, cum esset gentilis, sub pacto conversionis accepit Danbrovcam filiam Boemie in uxorem, que venit ad eum anno incarnationis dominice nogentesimo seagesimo quinto, de qua genuit Bolezlaum Magnum. Iste Mesci habuit sororem nomine Atleydem, quam Iesse rex Ungarie accepit in uxorem. Que cum esset christiana, virum suum Iesse converit ad fidem Christi. Ista post visionem per beatum Stephanum prothomartyrem sibi revelatam concepit et genuit Stephanum regem Ungarie. Anno Domini 967. Bolezlaus Magnus natus est. […] Anno 984 Bolezlaus Magnus ducit uxorem. Anno 990 Mesco filius Bolezlai nascitur. […] Anno 1025. Bolezlaus Magnus obiit. Iste dictus animosus, cum esset unicus patri Mesconi primo et nepos ducis Boemie consobrinusque regis Ungarie, audaciam assumpsit ex eorum adiutorio. Iste manu potenti terminos Polonie dilatavit, versus orientem usque in porta Kiov, versus occidentem usque in Salam. Ecclesiam Dei exaltavit, episcopatus distinxit et dotavit et ditavit, attribuens eis predia, castra, familias et servicia,

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rum.63 It can be assumed that (regardless of the discussion about the source being contained Polish annals)64 in their oldest necrology section they recorded donations from the Piasts and dynastic relationships, giving them not only the informal leadership of the Reich in the Nordgau area (by tending to the royal foundation after Henry II), but also a defined, high social and legal position in the Empire thanks to the tradition of the Richeza house – the daughter of Count Palatine Ezzo and Matilda, Emperor Otto II’s sister. On the basis of commemorative practices and their foundations, the Piasts were included in the circle of the ruling elite of that time.65 Is it any wonder then that Archbishop Anno II’s efforts to bury the Polish queen in the Church of Our Lady ad Gradus in Cologne,66 where her remains were displayed on public display, were venerated during a holiday on March 21 called Festus Venerabilis Richaeze until the 17th century?67 In this case, attention is drawn to the relationship between the home monasteries of families from the circle of the Imperial aristocracy and their courts, and the importance of women connecting their husbands’ courts with home monasteries in the Empire.68 This is evidenced not only by the relations of the Piasts with the Ottonian family monastery in Gandersheim,69 Otto III’s foundations for Saint Adalbert,70 but also by the subsequent relationships of the

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omnem culturam eradicans ydolorum, fundans pacem et iusticiam in terra.” Röpell / Arndt 1866 (1), p. 581. “Anno Domini 967 Boleslaus Magnus, quui Chabri dicitur, natus est. Iste Bohemos et Ungaros edomuit et in flumine Salawa metis ferreris fines Polonie terminavit. Sed prius, anno Domini 965, Dambrovka ad Mieszkonem venit; tunc ecclesie et claustra, episcopatus, prepositure et alia beneficia, que tunc per Ipsos fieri poterant, construunturtate cesus fuit, ut in cronicis premissis habetur”. Röpell / Arndt 1866 (2), pp. 615–616. Nowakowski 2017, pp. 31–54; Wasilewski 1989, pp. 225–232. Engelbert 1954, p. 7. Pac 2015, p. 9. Lehmann 2002, pp. 352–353; Pac 2021, pp. 371–386. Pac 2013, p. 276. It is worth stressing that in this case the role of the Piasts as the guardians of the aforementioned foundation was of major significance. The daughters of Richeza served here as abbesses of the monastery. Engelbert 1954, p. 7. In a lost document of Otto III, tithes from royal income from Walcheren, Goslar and Dortmund as well as land estates in the Niederlandes were transferred to the Saint Adalbert foundation. Wisplinghoff 1972 (hereinafter: Rheinisches Urkundenbuch), No. 2, p. 3. The said foundation was then confirmed in a diploma issued by Henry II. In a diploma issued on 7 June 1005, the ruler upheld the obligations of his predecessor by transferring analogous funding to the said foundation. “Quapropter et pena exterriti et premio invitati, consilio quoque principium nostrorum subnixi illi, qui totum dedit et totum non exigit, sed ex toto decimam ad devotionem hominum suscitandam repetit, decimam ex Uualacre et Goslar et Trutmannie reditibus in omni re, que regalibus nunc usque subiacebat usibus, ad usum fratrum Aquisgrani in ecclesia sancti Adalberti habitantium concedimus in perpetuum esse volumus, capellam quoque in Ingilhem sitam, Luuesberg etiam cum omnibus, que per preceptum senioris et antecessoris nostri tertii Ottonis illo concessa fuerant, quatinus his utendo seniorisque nostri Ottonis memoriam habendo, qui eundem locum incepitimperfectumque ad

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Polish rulers with Brauweiler.71 In this case, interest is aroused not only by the forgeries of documents allegedly issued for the aforementioned community by Richeza,72 but also by the significant dimension of the donation made to Brauweiler. The queen maintained the obligations of her brother Otto by donating to the aforementioned monastic community various further income, rent charged in wax and confirmed donations from private persons.73 The economic context of the aforementioned relations and the dispute between the monastic community of Brauweiler and the Archbishop of Cologne are also of interest.74 The latter,

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perficiendum nobis reliquit, nostri quoque nostrorumque antecessorum non obliviscendo et ab ipso audiantur, cui cuncta debentur, et quod querunt se impetrasse letentur.” Rheinisches Urkundenbuch, No. 3, p. 4. The donation to the church of St Wojciech Soiron, Soumagne, Harleshausen, Horrem, Kaifenheim and the area near the foundation with the mill was additionally confirmed in a diploma issued on 13 August 1005 in Nienburg; Rheinisches Urkundenbuch, No. 4, p. 6. A further donation can be found in a document issued in Aachen in mid-April – late May 1018; Rheinisches Urkundenbuch, No. 5, p. 8. Jasin´ski 2000, pp. 115–117; Rheinisches Urkundenbuch, No. 85, p. 99; ibid. No. 86, pp. 99–100; ibid., No. 87, pp. 101–102. “Inde est, quod ego Richeza Polenie quondam regina post decessum patris mei domni Erenfridi illustrissimi comitis palatyni et matris mee deo devotissime Mathildis Brunwilarensi cenobio ab ipsis primum fundato paterne devotionis intuitu debitam cupiens exhibere reventiampossesiones ad ipsum predium Bruwilre pertinentes cum villis agris mansis mancipiis silvis pratis pascuis molis molendinis aquis aquarumque decursibus quesitis et acquirendis in ipso termino constituis, Cloteno etiam super Mosellam cum suis appendiciis, Mesenich et Rile cum omni integritate, sicut pater meus ea iure proprietatis legitime et pacifice possederat et iam dudum vivus et incolumis pro remedio animae suae et matris mee defuncte prefato monasterio cum filiorum consensu libere tradiderat, quemadmodum in privilegio domni Pilegrimi venerabilis Coloniensis archiepiscopi continetur.” Rheinisches Urkundenbuch, No. 94, p. 134; ibid., No. 96, pp. 138–139. “Notum esse volo tam praesentibus quam futuris, quia ego Richeza regina, postquam frater meus beatae memoriae Otto dux medietatem Brunwilrensis praedii, quae annuente fratre nostro Herimannoarchiepiscopo iam in usus nostros transierat, pro anima sua et pro parentum nostrorum ibidem pausantium eterna memoria deo sanctoque Nikolao reconsignavit, pro illo paulo post defuncto aliqua etiam de meo huic cartule indita monasterio illi statui addere velle habens bonum adhuc ampliora, si vita comes fuerit, conferre, quia illic locum sepulturae mee iuxta matrem meam elegii deo volente. Ansfridum videlicet clericum meum cum XIIII mansis ad Luttenrode et mancipiis suis et cum IIII carradis scozwines ad Clottono et insuper fratrem eius Ernost cum beneficio quod habet Dreise, id est II mansis et mancipiis suis. Ruotpertum capellanum meum et Embrichonem ministrum meum cum beneficiis suis, quae post mortem eorum deputavi ecclesie. Amborum vero assidua petitione devicta voluntati eorum assensem prebui et ab hac eos donatione absolvi ac pro eorum commutatione alios subnotatos cum beneficiis suis ibidem reconsignavi, Wolhardum scilicet cum suo et eo quod dedit Aedelgerus filiae suae uxori eius plus II mansis, Huozonem fratrem eius cum dimidia, Uinconem ad Geldesdorf cum II mansis et tertia de sellande et molendio I, Wipertum cum dimidia, Ecelinum ad Uurmeresdorp cum III, Eccelinum ad Mecchetenheim cum dimidia, Ruotpertum et Azewif ad IIII denariatascere, Milonem clericum cum III parte ecclesiae Rubolderrode, Uulfere cum possessione sua.” Ibid., No. 95, pp. 136–137. Ibid., No. 96, pp. 138–139; “Inde occasione data dominam Richezam reginam super quibusdam prediis, Salavelt videlicet et Koburk, quatenus de hiis precariam consentiens ea sancto Petro Colonie traderet convenimus.” Ibid., No. 97, p. 142.

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finally appearing before the papal court,75 may indicate the great political and economic importance of Richeza, who also used the title of queen until the end of her life. She probably contributed not only to supporting the efforts of Casimir the Restorer to regain his rightful authority, gaining support from both the Empire and Peter, Doge of Venice.76 Her position not only decided about burial against the queen’s will in the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary ad Gradus in Cologne, but also about the memorial of the Ezzonid house, also connected with the cult of Saint Nicholas.77 In this case, attention is drawn to a series of dynastic entries dedicated to Richeza, present both in Brauweiler and in the necrologies of Cologne Cathedral, St Geron’s Abbey in Cologne, Aachen and Brunwiler, and finally in the records of the Church of Our Lady ad Gradus in Cologne.78 First and foremost, the aforementioned documents demonstrate the enormous significance of the marriage of Mieszko II with Richeza, and how the Piast dynasty was to gain a significant position as a result of the marriage concluded with the Ezzonids. Among the Piast obituary entries, attention is also drawn to those devoted to Casimir the Restorer, his wife Dobroniega Maria and Bolesław the Bold.79 In the case of the Regensburg necrology, the dynastic entries dedicated to the Carolingians and Ottonians were the most numerous.80 It is worth underlining that the presence of the Arpads and Prˇemyslids was also noted in the necrology entries from Regensburg.81 Jarosław Wenta links the 75 Ibid., No. 98, pp. 144–145; We are talking about a document of Gregory VII issued between January and June 1077; ibid., No. 100, p. 148; ibid., No. 102, pp. 151–152. 76 “Hic Petrus etiam rogatus a Bohemicis, ne Kazimirum dimitteret, si cum eis amicitiam ab antecessoribus receptam retinere vellet, voce regali respondisse fertur: Si lex antiqua diffinierit, quod Vungarorum rex Bohemicorum ducis carcerarius fuerit, faciam que rogatis. Et sic Bohemorum legationi cum indignacione respondens, eorumque amicitiam vel inimiciciam parvipendens, datis Kazimiro C equis totidemque militibus, qui eum secuti fuerant, armis et vestibus preparatis eum honorifice dimisit, nec iter ei, quocumque vellet ire, denegavit. Kazimirus vero gratanter iter arripiens, ac in regionem festinanter Theutonicorum perveniens, apud matrem et imperatorem, quanto tempore nescio, fuerit conversatus, sed in militari miles audacissimus extitit comprabatus.” Gall, lib. I, c. 18, p. 42. 77 Rheinisches Urkundenbuch, No. 95, p. 137. It seems that the cult of Saint Nicholas as the patron saint of Casimir the Restorer’s family may be explained by the transfer of his center of power to Krakow. This aspect can be explained by a concept proposed by Gerard Labuda, indicated by Grzegorz Pac, concerning Richeza’s transfer of the cult of Saint Geron, Felix and Adauctus; Pac 2013, p. 230. 78 Jasin´ski 2000, pp. 117, 119. 79 The recollection of Casimir the Restorer was entered on March 19 (Gazmer dux). On January 28 and April 2, Kazimierz’s sons, Mieszko and Bolesław (Misico filius G… [ezn] eri; Polizlavs dux Slauorum) appear in the necrology. The necrology also contains an entry about Casimir’s wife, Dobroniega. It was entered on January 13 (Maria duc.); Freise / Guenich / Wollasch 1986, p. 205; Bishop Ederammus (episcopus): ibid., p. 201. 80 Ibid., p. 204. 81 On August 30 there is an entry reading Petrus rex Vngarior (um), while on January 10 there is a recollection by Brzetysław – Brazizlaus dux; ibid., p. 205.

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group of dynastic entries dedicated to the Piasts in this case with the activity of Casimir the Restorer and the economic importance of the southern trade route.82 It seems that the this concept finds a parallel in the privilege issued by Henry IV to merchants from this centre.83 This aspect draws attention to the political and material dimension of memoria and its clear connection with the Piasts’ ambition for an economic presence within the aristocratic structures of the Empire. The latter created conditions for the flow of goods and for extracting enormous profits from presence on the most important routes of exchange. Certainly, the economic significance of the Piast dynastic entries may be emphasised by the origin of the numismatic items present in silver deposits from the Wielkopolska area, and the directions in which the ore was dispersed. The latter, along with the persistent desire of the Polish rulers to function within the universalist Ottonian Empire, and joining the rivalry within the Saxon power elites, may testify to the durability of the image highlighted in the dynastic tradition of the Piast dynasty – giving a source account of the history of the Polish rulers in isolation from historiographic conviction about their secondary importance. Within the idea “Empire of Christ”, they became one of the most important families of High Medieval Europe. [Translated by Steven Jones]

Bibliography Printed sources Althoff, Gerd / Wollasch, Joachim (eds.): Die Totenbücher von Merseburg, Magdeburg und Lüneburg, in: Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Libri memoriales et necrologica. Nova series. 1983/2. Bresslau, Harry (ed.): Die Urkunden Heinrichs II. und Arduins, in: Monumenta Germanie Historica. Diplomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae. 1900–1903/3. Freise, Ekkehard / Guenich, Dieter / Wollasch, Joachim (eds.): Das Martyrolog-Necrolog von St. Emmeram zu Regensburg, in: Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Libri memoriales et necrologica. Nova series. 1986/3. Giese, Martina (eds.): Annales Quedlinburgenses, in: Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum. 2004/72. 82 Wenta 2010, pp. 489–490. 83 “Iudeis nostris Ratisponensibus bonas consuetudines suas a praedecessoribus suis per gratiam et favorem praedecessorum nostrorum ad tempora nostra derivatas concedimus et imperiali authoritate confirmamus, videlicet ut eis liceat aurum et argentum et quaelibet genera metallorum et res cuiuscunque mercationis vendere et antiquo more suo comparare, res et merces suas communitatnioni rerum exhibere et utilitatibus suis modis quibus consueverunt providere.” Gladiis / Gawlik 1978, No. 509, p. 697.

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Przemysław Urban´czyk

Bolesław Chrobry – the Commemorator

Abstract Bolesław Chrobry realized very well the symbolic power of the reverence of holy men. Already in 995–997 he issued coins which invoke VENCIESLAVVS, i. e. St Vaclav. In 997 his dignified treatment of the martyr bishop Adalbert’s body was positively noted in Europe. Another commemorating campaign started after 10/11 November 1003, when five inhabitants of a small monastery in Mie˛dzyrzecz were murdered. The next one was St BrunBoniface of Querfurt who lost his life in March 1009. That series of tragic events gave the prince excellent opportunities to promote himself and his state at the continental stage. Keywords: Bolesław Chrobry; Poland; Early Middle Ages; commemoration; martyrs

Bolesław Chrobry was very successful in many aspects of his ruling strategy. Especially fruitful was his early decision to ally with the Ottonian empire, which quickly brought him unusual political gains: promotion to the position of “brother and collaborator” of the empire; institutional independence of the Polish Church; removal of the tributary obligation due to the empire; and “appointment” to the status of the key ally in Otto III’s eastern strategy, which was manifested by the gift of the copy of the imperial “Holy Lance”. After breaking this alliance in 1002, he proved his military skills which eventually led to the domination over the neighbors: Kievan Rus’, Bohemia and the Saxon eastern marches. Finally, he achieved formal royal status when in 1025 he was officially crowned. Here, however, I will focus on his skillful exploitation of the symbolic sphere. Chrobry successfully exploited symbolic codes of the early medieval Christian civilization. The roots of his necessary knowledge must be sought in the political education received at his father’s court. Mieszko I himself used Christianity as a tool which helped him to build his position at the geopolitical stage. Later he turned out to be a clever strategist who opportunistically changed alliances. He Prof. Dr. Przemysław Urban´czyk, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyn´ski University in Warsaw, ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0151-6415.

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began his international career as an open opponent to the Ottonian empire but ended as its faithful ally. Bolesław, who inherited the Piast throne when he was already 25 years old, had had enough time to learn nuances of the diplomacy. One of the important lessons included his three quick “marriages” arranged by his father who eagerly tried to reposition himself at the dynamic geopolitical stage of Central Europe. The young prince must have been a diligent and intelligent “pupil” because after Mieszko’s death in 992 he entered the world of politics without any inferiority complex. Characteristic for his governance was his deft playing on religious emotions. This included commemoration of figures important for the Church. It is not easy to discern nuances of remembrance, commemoration and cult which were all tightly interwoven in the fabric of the medieval reality where the overwhelming presence of Christianity permeated all spheres of life. Therefore, commemoration must be discussed as an activity with a complex social and religious, as well as political, background. *** Mieszko’s marriage around 979 with the Saxon aristocrat Oda and his final alliance with the empire after 984 gained him the status equal to the imperial elites, which is symbolically confirmed by recording his death in the prominent list of obituaries kept at the famous Fulda monastery.1 This, however, was not sufficient for his ambitious son who aspired for a much higher status. Despite the painful lack of formal coronation, he felt equal to the kings and after 1000 he acted accordingly. He knew very well that Christian monarchs had obligations which included following specific rituals, using symbolic language and implementing courtly entourage as well as participating actively in spreading Christianity and reinforcing the Church. This included active commemoration, i. e. promoting and nursing remembrance of people whose exemplary lives deserved public reverence. A prominent position among them was occupied by saints – not only these already acknowledged but also likely candidates for sainthood. Their cult served as important tool for ideological unification and consolidation of larger societies around common ideals. Also, saint patrons ascertained divine protection and splendor for monarchs and their states. Throughout his long reign (992–1025) Bolesław Chrobry many times demonstrated his good understanding of the importance of religious symbolism for stability of early medieval monarchy. Acquainted by his father with functioning

1 Waitz 1881, p. 206.

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of the imperial court, he realized very well the symbolic power of the public reverence of exemplary figures presented to people as guiding lights to follow. We may infer an early example of such action from archaeological discoveries made under the Poznan´ cathedral church, which was modeled after the imperial temple built in Memleben.2 This monumental investment was probably initiated by Mieszko I sometime after 983, but it was completed by his son. In the geometric centre of the St Peter and St Paul’s cathedral excavations uncovered two empty tombs (Nos. 186 and 187) built one over the other (fig. 1).3 Despite the lack of any contents, researchers quickly agreed that the older one originally contained the corpse of Mieszko I, who died in May 992. An alternative interpretation suggested that the first Polish bishop Jordan, who died around 983, laid there. This guess is based on numerous examples of other 10th century bishops who were buried in the medio ecclesiae of their cathedrals – e. g. in Magdeburg, Cologne, Brandenburg, Meissen, Merseburg and Zittau.4 In fact both, Mieszko I and bishop Jordan were prospective candidates for sanctity and thus for holy patrons of the young state. Whoever was really buried so conspicuously in Poznan´, decision to commemorate him in such an ostentatious way, clearly indicates Bolesław Chrobry’s intention to imitate specific mortuary practices observed by the highest imperial elite. This testifies the conformity with cultural symbolism demonstrated by the monarch who aspired for the status of equal political partner for the empire and who, therefore, applied cultural codes accepted by the mighty neighbor. Much more firm is the ground for studying his use of the then overwhelming reverence for holy men. The first attempt is indicated by one of the earliest Polish coins inscribed reversely with two names: BOLIZLAVVS and VENCIEZLAVVS. These silver denars issued between 995 and 9975 refer to St Vaclav, uncle of Bolesław’s Bohemian mother Dobrava. This surprising commemoration of the canonized member of the Prˇemyslid dynasty shows that Chrobry tried to prey upon the already spreading cult of this first Slavic saint. This may raise a suspicion that he decided against the procedural complications involved in a possible attempt at canonizing the Christianizers of the Piast state, i. e. Mieszko I or Bishop Jordan. Instead, he turned to his Bohemian maternal ancestor who had been already acknowledged by the Church. Such a skillful manipulation would have placed the young prince among monarchs well acquainted with the language of religious-cultural symbols common for the Latin Christianity. 2 3 4 5

Bukowska 2009; Eadem 2013. See fig. 1 at the end of the chapter. Urban´czyk 2012, pp. 384–420. Suchodolski 2015, p. 85.

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Alternatively, these coins reflect premeditated use of religious symbolism in political competition between the Piasts and their Prˇemyslid cousins. Such a demonstrated reverence for their common saint ancestor could have even signaled preparation for claiming the Bohemian throne, which really took place in 1003. This suspicion may be supported by the St Vaclav patrocinium given to the basilica standing on the Wawel Hill in Kraków, which in year 1000 became the seat of bishops whose diocese bordered the bishopric of Prague. The Kraków cathedral church greatly outclassed the old St Vitus rotunda where the bones of St Vaclav were kept. The costly investment in Kraków indicated Bolesław’s intention to challenge his Bohemian cousins. *** In the Early Middle Ages the cult of relics “permeated practically all spheres of life”.6 The commonly shared conviction of the unbreakable mystic bond connecting the saints with their earthly remains (and even with their vestments or tools of torture) bestowed their graves with transcendental power emitted over pilgrims, but especially over their guardians. Relics assumed the martyrs’ ability to mediate between people and God, which made them effective tools for extensive consolidation of otherwise differentiated communities. Possession of saintly relics was especially important for younger Churches, which sought reinforcement of the faith among their subjects by the presence of holy people represented by their visible and often tangible material remains. Chrobry was well aware of these aspects of Christianity, which is testified by his actions taken after Bohemian Bishop Voytech-Adalbert met his martyrdom on 23 April 997. Awareness of the central function of worshiping martyrs and their relics, which spread throughout Europe,7 prompted Chrobry to acquire Adalbert’s mortal remains. His quick decision “to immediately buy out the martyr’s head and the holy body”8 and to bury them ceremonially in Gniezno, made him the “owner” of important holy relics. The anonymous author of the Tegernsee passion suggested that Bolesław, who met his envoys returning from Prussia well ahead of Gniezno, already then treated Adalbert’s dead body as holy relics.9 Thus, he made perfect use of this unique occasion to demonstrate his deep respect towards people who pursued the mission of spreading Christianity. Dignified treatment of the earthly remains of the already well known bishop, was positively noted in Europe and especially 6 7 8 9

Wetesko 2013, p. 144. Cf. Starnawska 2008; Wis´niewski 2011. Kurze 1889 (hereinafter: Thietmar), IV, 28. Wetesko 2013, p. 173.

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in the opinion-forming spheres of the empire.10 This testifies again to Chrobry’s skillfulness in playing with symbolic codes. The fame of the new martyr quickly grew as a result of the broadly circulated information on “millesimal miracles” which occurred near his grave.11 Such news quickly reached emperor Otto III who used his authority to raise St Adalbert’s cult from the diocesan to the pan-ecclesiastic level and thus to develop internationally the commemorating action originally initiated by Bolesław. He also decided to go with an unprecedented personal pilgrimage to Gniezno in March 1000. There, Bolesław firstly placed the holy relics in a hastily built small rotunda.12 This was a temporary solution only and soon the construction of a monumental church began there because in March 1000 Polish archbishopric was established in Gniezno which was promoted to the symbolic center of the Piast state. Thus the appropriate commemoration of the newest martyr resulted in a politically precious gain, i. e. independence of the Polish Church. According to the medieval theology, saints themselves decided about the places of their burials. Thus, it was St Adalbert himself who chose Gniezno as the location “where the holy body wants to rest”.13 It was, therefore, a great honor for Bolesław Chrobry that he as the only one among all people of our time deserved to bury martyr Adalbert in his state.14 This was for everybody a clear sign of particular favor of God, who made Bolesław his tool, when he firstly chose the prince for St Adalbert’s “assistant”15 and later allowed him to acquire the missionary’s dead body, to bury it, to commemorate St Adalbert and to sustain remembrance of his exemplary life. Having the original burial of a holy martyr had important political advantages because it symbolically reinforced the position of the given monarch and local bishop, who could appeal to sacral authority of their holy patron. Therefore, St Adalbert’s relics became object of devotional interest and desire and the right for his commemoration acquired political value. In many countries he was commemorated by founding altars, churches and monasteries.16 In Hungary already in 1001 St Adalbert’s patrocinium was added to the original St Mary’s invocation of the metropolitan cathedral in Esztergom. 10 “Quod Bolizlaus, Miseconis filius, comperiens, data mox pecunia martiris mercatur inclita cum capite membra”, Thietmar, IV, 28. 11 Karwasin´ska 1969 (hereinafter: Vita II), p. 29; Thietmar, IV, 44. 12 Janiak 2018, pp. 206–211, fig. XII.13. 13 “Est in parte regni civitas magna Gnezan, ubi nunc sacro corpori requiescere placuit, ubi miller miraculis fulget, et si corde veniunt, recta petentibus salutes currunt.” Vita II, p. 24. 14 Karwasin´ska 1973 (2) (hereinafter: Vita quinque), p. 6. 15 Vita II, p. 23. 16 Karwasin´ska 1958; see reprint of the article: Eadem 1996, pp. 97, 113; Dunin-Wa˛sowicz 1999.

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The quick canonization made St Voytech-Adalbert an obvious patron of the dynasty and the Piast state. This made obsolete other potential candidatures for this function, which could have been considered by Bolesław, i. e. Bishop Jordan, Prince Mieszko I or St Vaclav. Thus, one saint Czech replaced another saint Czech as the holy protector of Poland. His tomb established a sacral central point in Gniezno, whenceforth St Adalbert took the whole country under his divine protection. In Kraków “competition” of the two saints is materially expressed by the oldest churches. It was probably Bolesław Chrobry who founded a wooden church of St Adalbert in the town as a counterpart for St Vaclav’s cathedral already existing atop Wawel Hill. *** The next opportunity to organize a commemorating campaign occurred after 10/11 November 1003, when five inhabitants (two Italian missionaries Benedict and John, two Polish monks Matheus and Isaac and their cook Kristin) of a small monastery in Mezirichi (Mie˛dzyrzecz?) were murdered by local robbers during a night attack.17 The Italians had been sent to Poland from Ravenna one year earlier by personal order of emperor Otto III who thus responded to Bolesław’s request for professional missionaries. After their arrival in Poland the prince sent them to the western part of his state where a small wooden monastery was built. For more than a year they waited there in vain for a formal papal mandate. The first to react to their death was the Poznan´ bishop Unger, who announced the sanctity of the five martyrs and ceremonially buried them within their monastery. Miracles that occurred at their burial site attracted growing numbers of pilgrims and men keen on becoming monks. Bolesław watchfully reacted to this development and ordered an abbey to be built there.18 The site so quickly rose in fame that the German King Henry II purposefully rerouted his invading army to visit the abbey on 22 September 1005.19 17 Vita quinque, p. 13. 18 Ibid., p. 25. 19 “Profectus inde rex usque ad abbaciam, que Matcerize dicitur, pervenit et annumam Thebaide legionis festivitatem, qua maxima veneracione potuit, celebrate studuit. Qui, ne monasterium hoc et mansiones absencium monachorum -fugerant enim – aliquam molestiam a suis paterentur, sollerter prohibuit. Dehinc hostem in nulla suarum urbium pernoctare presumentem proxima queque vastando persequitur et non longiusquam duo miliaria ab urbe Poznani a suis primatibus rogatus consedit. Exercitus autem colligendis frugibus ceterisque rebus necessariis divisus magnum dampnum ab insidiantibus inimicis sustinuit. Bolizlaus interea per fidos intercessores regis graciam perciit, cuius benivolencia exaudiri mox meruitThagino autem archiepiscopus cum aliis familiaribus regis ad predictam civitatem a Bolizlavo rogatus venit et cum iuramentis ac emendacionibus dignis firma pacis federa aput eum pepigit”, Thietmar, VI, 27; Vita quinque, p. 16.

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According to a contemporary opinion, dignified commemoration of the Five Eremite Brothers quickly repaid the expenditure because they “protected the country, and the king’s army had to retreat without making any damage”.20 This promising development did not last long because the cult of men of low social rank was not prestigious enough. After their relics were stolen in 1038 by Bohemian prince Brˇetislav, their cult fell in oblivion for several hundred years. *** Similarly short-lasting was the cult of St Brun-Boniface of Querfurt who lost his life in March 1009 while trying to convert the pagan Balts. Bolesław Chrobry repeated his reaction provoked in 997 by the death of St Adalbert and he bought out Brun’s dead body. Unfortunately, we do not know the site of his burial. We may only guess that the prince tried to establish yet another cult centre founded upon the martyr’s burial. Among several suggestions (e. g. Przemys´l, Mogilno, Kałdus, Ostrów Lednicki) I find Giecz to be the most convincing location. This guess found material support in the crypt built in the early eleventh century church excavated there.21 The very large (210x60 cm) niche for relics must have been prepared for a coffin containing complete cadaver (fig. 2).22 And the only complete skeleton of a saint at that time could have been that of St Brun-Boniface only.23 If Bolesław hoped again for gains similar to those resulted from the skillful treatment of St Aalbert’s relics, he was quickly disappointed. This time his commemorating efforts did not result in any political gains because the geopolitical situation was diametrically different. For, diametrically different monarch ruled the empire and the Saxons treated Brun as a traitor, because he openly took the Polish side in Bolesław’s conflict with King Henry II. These circumstances resulted in unofficial but effective damnatio memoriae and St Brun’s cult however promoted by Chrobry could not spread beyond the Piast state where it also did not last long. We do not know what happened to St Brun’s relics, which disappeared without a trace. They could have been stolen and/or destroyed by the Bohemian army which invaded Poland in 1038. Such a behavior was typical for those times when taking revenge on an enemy included also mutilation of symbolically important

20 21 22 23

Vita quinque, p. 17; Karwasin´ska 1973 (1). Krysztofiak 2004, p. 188, fig. 5. See fig. 2 at the end of the chapter. Urban´czyk 2020, pp. 139–140.

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skeletons. In result of these circumstances Bolesław’s attempt at making use of yet another death of a holy missionary completely failed. *** The above analysis of the written sources and archaeological evidence shows Bolesław Chrobry as an intelligent strategist aware of the importance of commemoration and actively implementing it as a tool for reinforcement of his political power and geopolitical status. During the first hundred years of Poland’s history he was the monarch who actively undertook missionary actions and effectively introduced cult of specifically local saints. Admittedly, the majority of them were foreigners (Bohemian Voytech-Adalbert, Italians Benedict and John and Saxon Brun-Boniface of Querfurt), but among the Five Eremite Brothers were also three Poles (Isaac, Matheus and Kristin). Commemorative efforts undertaken after deaths of these people in 997, 1003 and 1009 did not yield similar results. Only the cult of St Adalbert survived and even developed nation-wide, while the memory of the other martyrs quickly faded away. This discrepancy is easy to explain, because the social status of the five monks murdered in 1003 was so low that their cult did not attract broader support, while the reverence of St Brun-Boniface was boycotted by the Saxon Church. These “failures” do not change the impression that Bolesław Chrobry mastered the language of symbolic communication used in medieval Christian Europe. He skillfully made use of the opportunities offered by tragic deaths of the devoted missionaries who regularly (with six year intervals) lost their lives for the cause of spreading the faith. That unusual series of tragic events gave the Polish prince opportunities to promote himself and his state at the continental stage and to be on par with other monarchs who enjoyed protection by holy men who laid down their lives for the proliferation of Christianity. Intelligent manipulation of religious symbolism implies that the early Piasts adopted the language of symbolic behavior very well, as demonstrated by their ability to operate non-verbal codes of communication. With his commemorative actions Bolesław earned good international reputation and effectively advanced his status among the Central-European monarchs. His exemplary treatment of the martyrs’ dead bodies positively echoed in Latin Europe, which found literary expression in three hagiographies written shortly after St Adalbert’s death by authors of different origins: Italian monk (Vita I),24 Saxon (arch)bishop (Vita II)25 and an anonymous Bavarian monk (Tegernsee passion).26 24 Karwasin´ska 1962. 25 Vita II.

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Chrobry made skillful use of the integrative function of the cult of local saints, who were to provide divine protection and good fortune for his subjects.27 The need for intercession of holy men attached people to key institutions (monarchy and Church) which in turn provided means for sustaining their cult. This reinforced people’s sense of affiliation to a larger trans-local community, symbolically centered around the Piast dynasty which was apparently favored by God represented by his saints. The analysis presented above concentrates on Bolesław’s assumed political pragmatism, which dominated his commemorative reactions after the series of deaths of missionaries who arrived to Poland during the period of twelve years (997–1009). However, one should not omit his personal emotions stemming from his true religiosity and from typical reactions of people faced with sudden deaths of persons who were well-known to them. Tragic news reaching the Piast court in 997, 1003 and 1009 must have had a shocking impact even on the man as strong as Bolesław Chrobry. *** Some historians suggest that already during Bolesław’s reign mythologization of the state’s early history was initiated. Soon, a corrected vision of the beginnings of the Polish Church was constructed “where St Adalbert played the main role”.28 In this vision Christianity was to be rooted in Poland by the holy bishop who was to lay symbolic (his martyrdom) and material (his relics) foundations for Polish Church. This vision is well expressed in the first Polish Chronicle written in the second decade of the 12th century by Gallus Anonymous at the court of Bolesław III the Wry-mouthed (1107–1138). This prince also ordered minting coins presenting himself being blessed by St Adalbert. These commemorative acts of reverence were surpassed by duke Mieszko III the Old who in the last quarter of the 12th century commissioned bronze doors installed in the Gniezno cathedral (fig. 3).29 This monumental artifact of national importance illustrates the life of St Adalbert. 1025 years after the death of St Voytech-Adalbert we have been still being faced with results of Bolesław’s commemorating efforts. Gniezno is still the spiritual center of the Polish Church where appealing to the remembrance of the country’s holy protector is visibly demonstrated in the main altar designed in the 17th century (fig. 4).30 26 27 28 29 30

Bielowski 1864. Wetesko 2013, pp. 16–17. Wiszewski 2008, p. 118, footnote No. 436. See fig. 3 at the end of the chapter. See fig. 4 at the end of the chapter.

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Interestingly, the thousand-years-long Polish-Bohemian competition for the priority in remarkable commemorating St Adalbert is still visible also in the Prague cathedral where a monumental figure of the saint has been recently placed in the middle of the main nave (fig. 5).31

Bibliography Printed sources Bielowski, August (ed.): Passio s. Adalperti martiris, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica. 1864/1, pp. 151–156. Karwasin´ska, Jadwiga (ed.): Epistola Brunonis ad Henricum regem, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica. Nova series. 1973/4/3, pp. 97–106. (1) Karwasin´ska, Jadwiga (ed.): Vita quinque fratrum eremitarum [seu] Vita uel passio Benedicti et Johannis sociorumque suorum, auctore Brunone Querfurtensi, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica. Nova series. 1973/4/3, pp. 27–84. (2) Karwasin´ska, Jadwiga: S. Adalberti Pragensis episcopi et martyris vita prior, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica. Nova series. 1962/4/1, pp. 3–47. Karwasin´ska, Jadwiga: S. Adalberti Pragensis episcopi et martyris vita altera auctore Brunone Querfurtensi, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica. Nova series. 1969/4/2, pp. 3–41. Kurze, Friedrich (ed.): Thietmari Merseburgensis episcopi Chronicon, in: Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum. 1889. Waitz, Georg (ed.): Annales necrologici Fuldenses, in: Supplementa tomorum I–XII. Pars I. Monumenta Germanie Historica. Scriptores in Folio. 1881/13, pp. 161–218.

Literature Bukowska, Aneta: Forma i geneza pierwszej katedry w Poznaniu, in: Janiak, Tomasz (ed.): Architektura roman´ska w Polsce. Nowe odkrycia i interpretacje. 2009, pp. 175–208. Bukowska, Aneta: Najstarsza katedra w Poznaniu. Problem formy i jej genezy w konteks´cie architektury około roku 1000. 2013. Dunin-Wa˛sowicz, Teresa: S´lady kultu ´swie˛tego Wojciecha w Europie Zachodniej około 1000 roku, in: Kurnatowska, Zofia (ed.): Tropami ´swie˛tego Wojciecha. 1999, pp. 221–234. Janiak, Tomasz: Katedra gniez´nien´ska we wczesnym ´sredniowieczu, in: Sawicki, Tomasz / Bis, Magdalena (eds.): Gniezno – wczesnos´redniowieczny zespół grodowy. 2018, pp. 189– 229. Karwasin´ska, Jadwiga: Studia krytyczne nad z˙ywotami ´sw. Wojciecha, biskupa praskiego. Vita I, part. 1–2, in: Studia Z´ródłoznawcze. Commentationes. 1958/2, pp. 41–49.

31 See fig. 5 at the end of the chapter.

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Karwasin´ska, Jadwiga: Studia krytyczne nad z˙ywotami ´sw. Wojciecha, biskupa praskiego. Vita I, part. 1–2, in: Karwasin´ska, Jadwiga (ed.): Wybór pism – ´swie˛ty Wojciech. 1996, pp. 85–121. Krysztofiak, Teresa: Wczesnopiastowski kos´ciół p.w. ´sw. Jana Chrzciciela w grodzie w Gieczu w ´swietle najnowszych odkryc´, in: Janiak, Tomasz / Stryniak, Dariusz (eds.): Pocza˛tki architektury monumentalnej w Polsce. 2004, pp. 181–191. Starnawska, Maria: S´wie˛tych z˙ycie po z˙yciu. Relikwie w kulturze religijnej na ziemiach polskich w ´sredniowieczu. 2008. Suchodolski, Stanisław: The Beginnings of Polish Coinage in the Light of Recent Research, in: Wiadomos´ci Numizmatyczne. 2015/59/1–2, pp. 67–94. Urban´czyk, Przemysław: Mieszko I tajemniczy. 2012. Urban´czyk, Przemysław: The Pace of the Early Christianisation of the Piast Lands, in: Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association. 2020/20, pp. 129–146. Wetesko, Leszek: Piastowie i ich pan´stwo w łacin´skiej Europie. Studia z dziejów kultury politycznej X i XI wieku. 2013. Wiszewski, Przemysław:“Domus Bolezlai”. W poszukiwaniu tradycji dynastycznej Piastów (do około 1138 roku). 2008. Wis´niewski, Robert: Narodziny kultu relikwii i jego najwczes´niejsze ´swiadectwa, in: Wis´niewski, Robert (ed.): Pocza˛tki kultu relikwii na Zachodzie. 2011, pp. 11–47.

Fig. 1. Remnants of two exclusive tombs discovered under the Poznan´ Cathedral (photo: Przemysław Urban´czyk 2016).

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Fig. 2. Sub-altar crypt with a niche for relics excavated in Giecz (photo: Przemysław Urban´czyk 2016).

Fig. 3. Bolesław Chrobry buying out St Adalbert’s body as depicted on the Gniezno Doors (photo: Przemysław Urban´czyk 2017).

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Fig. 4. St Adalbert at the main altar in the Gniezno Cathedral (photo: Przemysław Urban´czyk 2017).

Fig. 5. Statue of St Adalbert in the Prague Cathedral (photo: Przemysław Urban´czyk 2022).

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Marcin Lisiecki

“Capital(s)” of the First Piast “State” in National Consciousness in Contemporary Poland

Abstract The article aims to analyze the threads related to the search for the capital of the “state” of the first Piasts, in connection with archaeological discoveries in early medieval castles in Ostrów Lednicki, Giecz, and Grzybowo. The content in the public discourse, which is used to consolidate Polish national identity, will be examined. I shall show how the ideas and diagrams concerning the selection of places necessary for the authorities are created and their significance for political myths. Bearing in mind the logic of the argument, the article is divided into three parts. In the first, I shall show the capitals’ symbolic and ideological meaning. In the second part, I focus on analyzing the legends and myths that legitimize this choice. The third part answers why, despite the archaeological discoveries, Poles treat Gniezno as the capital of the “state” of the first Piasts. Keywords: political myths; national identity; public discourse; capital city; Piast dynasty

The Symbolic and Ideological Significance of the Capital – Introduction Each political structure, regardless of whether it already has a well-defined territory, an extensive institutional structure, and law, or is at the beginning of a difficult road of building an extensive network and legitimizing political power, has places of symbolic importance. I would like to add that this is primarily concerned with areas important for political power, which – referring to Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann – function as “first-order” locations and are objectively available and subjectively plausible.1 Such a place is, for example, the capital of a state that, apart from its political significance, has a wide range of symbolic and ideological meanings. I would like to add that these last two aspects will be of particular interest to me, and I shall focus on them in this article.

Prof. Dr. Marcin Lisiecki, Nicolaus Copernicus University, ORCID: https://0000-0001-6531-616X. 1 Bergman / Luckmann 1991, p. 110.

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Marcin Lisiecki

In the case of Poland – and bearing in mind the political history of this country, especially the years of partitions, until its complete disappearance from the maps of Europe – the issue of a capital city (in Polish: stolica) was not given special attention in official documents. In the Constitution of 3 May (Konstytucja 3 maja), from 1791, the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów; Res Publica Utriusque Nationis) discussion about political symbols and the capital are absent. Only in the Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic, from 22 July 1952, Art. 90 reads: “The capital of the Polish People’s Republic is the city of the heroic traditions of the Polish Nation – Warsaw.”2 Note that here the justification for choosing Warsaw as the capital city contains arguments referring to tradition, which is missing from the Polish Constitution of April 2, 1997, where Art. 29 is: “Warsaw shall be the capital of the Republic of Poland.”3 As examples of similar provisions, I can mention other constitutions of European countries, where it says that the capital of Spain is Madrid,4 Sofia in Bulgaria,5 and Prague in Czechia.6 Examples of such general provisions can be multiplied, but they do not exhaust the complexity of the political and systemic presentation of capital in the basic laws. Apart from a few cases of a more precise definition of the meaning of the capital, there are also such constitutions where they are not mentioned at all or have been made in an extremely general manner.7 A common feature of European fundamental laws is that they validate or (and) introduce a new political and legal order.8 In the context of decisions 2 “Stolica˛Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej jest miasto bohaterskich tradycji Narodu Polskiego – Warszawa”, Konstytucja Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej (1952) [2022], p. 370. 3 The English translation does not fully reflect the sense of the Polish text, as “shall be” was used, not “is” ( jest). And we are dealing with a performative statement. Cf. Austin 1962, p. 6. As we read in the Polish version: “Stolica˛ Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej jest Warszawa” [Warsaw is the capital of the Republic of Poland], Konstytucja Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej z 2 kwietnia 1997 r. [2022], art. 29. 4 Art. 5: “La capital del Estado es la villa de Madrid” [The capital of the State is the city of Madrid], Constitución Española (1978) [2022], p. 9. 5 Art. 169: “Столица на Република България е град София” [The Republic of Bulgaria shall have for its capital the City of Sofia], Конституция (1991) [2022]; Constitution (1991) [2022]. ˇ eské republiky je Praha” [The capital city of the Czech Republic is 6 Art. 13: “Hlavním meˇstem C ˇ eské republiky (1992) [2022]. Prague], Ústava C 7 Cf. Grabowski 2017, pp. 229–233. As example: art. 13 Constitution Republic of Croatia: “Glavni je grad Republike Hrvatske Zagreb. Grad Zagreb je posebna i jedinstvena teritorijalna i upravna cjelina, kojoj se ustrojstvo ured¯uje zakonom” [The capital of the Republic of Croatia is Zagreb. Status, jurisdiction and organization of the capital city of Zagreb shall be regulated by law], Ustav Republike Hrvatske (1990) [2022]. The Polish lawyer Radosław Grabowski gives an example of a general definition of the capital city, art. 12, section 11.1 of the Irish Constitution (1937): “The President shall have an official residence in or near the City of Dublin”, Constitution of Ireland (2020) [2022]. 8 Cf. Grabowski 2017.

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concerning the capitals of states, the constitutions to a large extent do not introduce additional information and therefore we cannot treat them as texts explaining what the uniqueness of these cities is consists of. The exception is, for example, Art. 90 from the Constitution of the Polish People’s Republic, which justified the choice of Warsaw as the capital city by referring to martyrdom.9 That is why we must look for guidelines helpful in understanding the meaning contained in the term “capital” outside official government documents, e. g., in the sense of words themselves, in political and national ideology as well as in common knowledge. At this point, I shall try to show the meanings contained in the sources. Without going into too many etymological details, let us note that in European languages we find four examples of different definitions of this concept. In the first case, these are words derived from the Proto-Indo-European *stòlъ meaning: the “seat”, “chair”, and “throne”.10 In this sense, it functions in Polish: stolica and in Russian: столица (stolitsa). In the second case, the basis is the Latin word caput meaning: “head”, “what is the main” or, and “the most important”,11 from which the beginning is taken from the English word capital, French le capitale, Italian capitale, Slovak kapitál, Ukrainian капітал (kapital) and Byelorussian капітал (kapital). The third example is the ancient Greek: μητρόπολη (mitrópoli), in which it is worth paying attention to the first part of the word, i. e., μητρό (mitró), meaning: “origin”, “source”, but also “mother”, which can be translated as “maternal city”.12 A similar sense is used in another Proto-Indo-European language, i. e., in Armenian in the word մայրաքաղաք (mayrak’aghak’), where մայր (mayr) means “mother” and աքաղաք (ak’aghak’) “city”. The last case is the use of literal translations when it comes to the meanings of Latin and Greek words. Such cases occur, for example, in German der Haupstadt, Greek πρωτεύουσα (protévousa), Czech hlavní meˇsto, Serbian главни град (glavni grad) and Hungarian fo˝város. All these words can be translated as “main city”. It is significant that in all cases, the concept includes references to something chief, root, or headquarters of state power that are intended to make the capital essential for politics, economics, or law.13 Apart from that, they are also and I shall devote special attention to this, places of identification and symbolism for national identity. 9 Let me remind you that the choice of Warsaw was not so obvious, because from the post-war years, the city that was selected for the capitals was Łódz´, cf. Waingertner 2019, p. 28; Wojtczuk [2022]. 10 Cf. Derksen 2008, p. 468. 11 Plezia 2007, pp. 435–436; Ca˘pu˘t [2022]. 12 Abramowiczówna / Appel 2021, p. 458; Abramowiczówna 1968, p. 148; Jurewicz 2001, p. 55; μήτηρ [2022]. 13 Cf. Kula 2011; Rawat [2022].

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Marcin Lisiecki

From Gniezno to Warsaw – Following Genealogical Myths In Polish public discourse, recorded, inter alia, in the general education system and legends have led three cities being credited as the capitals of Poland. In order, they are Gniezno, Cracow and Warsaw. It is worth noting that, among Poles, information about these three cities has been disseminated, although others in the past have also played the role of capital, such as Płock, Poznan´, Lublin, Chełm and Łódz´. The limitation to the above mentioned three cities is due to the need to demonstrate the cohesion and continuity of the Polish state, resulting from the uniqueness of places and events that took place in them. It should be emphasized that this type of knowledge is justified, neither in the historical sciences nor in any other ordered and rational knowledge, but only in the common discourse reproducing legends and political myths. For this reason, I shall point out a few examples of genealogical myths that emphasize the recognition of Gniezno, Cracow, and Warsaw as the only Polish capitals. In the case of Gniezno, there are two motifs found in dynastic chronicles: the legend of the Piast and Popiel from Gesta principum Polonorum (Deeds of the Princes of the Poles, 12th century), of Gallus Anonymus and the legends of Lech, Czech and Rus from the Polish-Hungarian Chronicle (Chronicon HungaricoPolonicum, 13th century), the Chronicle of Wielkopolska (Chronica Poloniae maioris, 14th century) and Jan Długosz, the Chronicles of the Polish Kingdom (Annales seu cronicae incliti Regni Poloniae, 15th century). It is also interesting and significant that the modern versions of these legends are not always consistent with the content of the source versions. And they have often been supplemented with new elements, which, depending on national needs, are to be reproduced by genealogical myths.14 The most telling example of incompatibility is the legend of Piast and Popiel, in which Gniezno was replaced by Kruszwica. And, in this form, it has been disseminated in popular stories for children and teenagers, as well as in public discourse.15 The situation is slightly different in the case of the legends about Lech, Czech, and Rus, as it contains the myth about the founding of Gniezno. Let’s look at an excerpt from Chronica Poloniae maioris: But when Lech wandered through vast forests with his offspring and where [now] the Polish kingdom exists, finally arriving in a charming place with very fertile fields, a great abundance of fish, and wild animals, he pitched his tents there. Desiring to build the first dwelling there, to provide shelter for himself and his own, he said: ‘Let’s build a

14 Cf. Lisiecki 2013; Biernat 1989, pp. 111–126. 15 Seidler / Rosin´ski 1977; Kraszewski 1946; Strzelecka [2022]; O Popielu i Pias´cie Kołodzieju [2022]; Kruszwica: legenda o Pias´cie Kołodzieju [2022].

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nest!’ Hence and this place today is called Gniezno, it is ‘building a nest’ [gniazdo – M.L.].16

In modern versions, it is quite faithfully repeated and sometimes supplemented with new elements indicating the presence of Polish genealogical myths. Namely: […] After a long journey, the forest thinned and the wanderers’ eyes saw a beautiful land interspersed with hills and lakes, reflecting the blue of the sky. The unusual sight delighted the brothers, especially Lech’s heart was touched. On one of the hills, the brothers saw a huge, spreading oak, and on it, a white eagle built its nest. This beautiful bird, at the sight of approaching people, spread its wings and soared into the air. Rus’ grabbed his bow, but Lech stopped him, as he took it as a sign to settle down here permanently and establish his city. The white eagle, which he saw against the setting purple sun, was chosen by Lech as the emblem of the state, and he called the city he built in this place Gniezdno. And so, for many centuries, the white eagle on the red field, fluttering on banners, led Polish knights, and later soldiers, to fight for the glory or freedom of our homeland. There is also the Gniezno stronghold, where our first princes and kings lived as the first Polish capital.17

And in another version: […] Just then, a scream rang above their heads. Everyone raised their heads and saw a great, majestic eagle with sparkling white feathers. The great bird had just landed in its nest on top of a great oak tree. It was an amazing sight to see such a beautiful white eagle against the background of the red-setting sun. It is a sign from the gods! – People shouted in unison. – It is a good omen – said smiling Lech. – We will settle here, and this magnificent bird will protect us. So it happened. A stronghold was built in the clearing, and in memory of the eagle’s nest,

16 Abgarowicz / Kübris 2010, p. 44; “Gdy zas´ Lech ze swoim potomstwem we˛drował przez rozległe lasy, gdzie [teraz] istnieje królestwo polskie, przybywszy wreszcie do pewnego uroczego miejsca, gdzie były bardzo z˙yzne pola, wielka obfitos´c´ ryb i dzikiego zwierza, tamz˙e rozbiły swe namioty. A pragna˛c tam zbudowac´ pierwsze mieszkanie, aby zapewnic´ schronienie sobie i swoim, rzekł: ‘Zbudujmy gniazdo!’.” 17 O Lechu, Czechu i Rusie [2022]; “Po długiej we˛drówce puszcza przerzedziła sie˛ i oczom we˛drowców ukazała sie˛ pie˛kna kraina poprzecinana pagórkami i jeziorami, w których odbijał sie˛ błe˛kit nieba. Niezwykły widok zachwycił braci, szczególnie zas´ uja˛ł serce Lecha. Na jednym z pagórków bracia dostrzegli ogromny, rozłoz˙ysty da˛b, a na nim swoje gniazdo zbudował biały orzeł. Ten pie˛kny ptak, na widok zbliz˙aja˛cych sie˛ ludzi, rozpostarł skrzydła i wzbił sie˛ w powietrze. Rus pochwycił za łuk, jednak Lech powstrzymał go, gdyz˙ uznał to za znak, by tu osia˛s´c´ na stałe i załoz˙yc´ swój gród. Biały orzeł, którego widział na tle zachodza˛cego purpura˛ słon´ca, obrał sobie Lech za godło pan´stwa, zas´ gród, który zbudował w tym miejscu, nazwał Gniezdnem. I tak na wiele wieków biały orzeł na czerwonym polu łopocza˛cy na chora˛gwiach prowadził polskich rycerzy, a póz´niej z˙ołnierzy do walki o chwałe˛ lub wolnos´c´ naszej ojczyzny. Pozostał takz˙e gród gniez´nien´ski, w którym jako w pierwszej stolicy Polski zamieszkiwali nasi pierwsi ksia˛z˙e˛ta i królowie.”

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it was called Gniezno. The white eagle on a red background became the coat of arms of the Polish state, which originates from Lech.18

And: – The end of our journey has come. I feel that this is our place and that is where we should stay. We will establish our settlement here. People rejoiced because they were already very tired, but they wanted the deities to give them a sign that this was the end of their journey. At this point, a loud shout was heard from somewhere above. The Slavs raised their heads to see where it was coming from and saw a great white eagle landing in a nest on top of a huge oak tree. The view was breathtaking. The white of the bird’s feathers stood out beautifully against the background of the red sky and the setting sun. Nobody doubted that this was the sign they were waiting for. A stronghold was built in the place where they camped. In honor of the bird that ended their journey, the settlement was given the shape of an eagle’s nest and called Gniezno, and the white eagle against the background of red became the emblem of the Lech family, and later the entire Polish state, to which this family began.19

Note that, compared to the original version of Chronica Poloniae maioris, the later legends contain many elements essential for the consolidation of national identity. We are dealing with a genealogical and etiological myth about the emergence of a new socio-political structure and the city of Gniezno. The choice of a place to live is important for the content of the myth because it corresponds to the typical patterns of rulers, a magical source of prosperity and growth for the entire community of living creatures.20 In later versions, new elements appear, such as the “white eagle” (in Polish: orzeł biały) and its nest built on the branches of a huge oak. And the original has been replaced by the intentional choice of the 18 Lech, Czech i Rus [2022], “Nagle Lech usłyszał jakis´ szum i ogromny cien´ przesuna˛ł sie˛ nad polana˛. Zaciekawieni ludzie podnies´li głowy. Ujrzeli orła, który powoli opadał na gniazdo, znajduja˛ce sie˛ w koronie wielkiego de˛bu. Na tle czerwonego, przedwieczornego nieba sylwetka ptaka odcinała sie˛ ostra˛biela˛. – To znak od bogów! – krzykne˛li zgodnym chórem ludzie. – To dobra wróz˙ba – rzekł us´miechnie˛ty Lech. – Tutaj sie˛ osiedlimy, a ten wspaniały ptak be˛dzie nas ochraniał. Tak tez˙ sie˛ stało. Na polanie zbudowano gród, a na pamia˛tke˛ orlego gniazda nazwano go Gnieznem. Orzeł biały na czerwonym tle stał sie˛ herbem pan´stwa polskiego, które bierze swój pocza˛tek od Lecha.” 19 Strzelecki [2022], “Nadszedł kres naszej podróz˙y. Czuje˛, iz˙ to jest nasze miejsce i tu powinnis´my zostac´. Tu załoz˙ymy nasza˛ osade˛. Ludzie ucieszyli sie˛ bo byli juz˙ bardzo strudzeni, jednak pragne˛li, aby bóstwa dały im znak, iz˙ jest to faktycznie koniec ich podróz˙y. W tym tez˙ momencie gdzies´ z góry rozległ sie˛ głos´ny okrzyk. Słowianie unies´li głowy, aby zobaczyc´ ska˛d on dobiega i ujrzeli wielkiego białego orła la˛duja˛cego w gniez´dzie na szczycie ogromnego de˛bu. Widok zapierał dech w piersiach. Biel piór ptaka odcinała sie˛ pie˛knie na tle czerwieni nieba i zachodza˛cego włas´nie słon´ca. Nikt nie miał wa˛tpliwos´ci, iz˙ jest to znak na który czekali. W miejscu w którym rozbili obóz zbudowano gród. Na czes´c´ ptaka, który zakon´czył ich we˛drówke˛ nadano osadzie kształt orlego gniazda i nazwano Gnieznem, zas´ biały orzeł na tle czerwieni stał sie˛ godłem rodu Lecha, a póz´niej całego pan´stwa polskiego, któremu ów ród dał swój pocza˛tek.” 20 Jung 1997, p. 259.

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place chosen by Lech, as indicated by the gods, and building a castle there, which later became a city. The very name of the city comes from the word “nest” (in Polish: gniazdo).21 The purpose of the choice of place is also indicated by the oak, on which the eagle had a nest, because this tree plays a special role in European and Slavic symbolism, as e. g., related to the seat of deities.22 The threads appearing in the later versions of the legend reproduce Polish political myths that are supposed to justify the use of the image of the “white eagle” on a red background as a national symbol. It is also significant for the formation of national ideology and the use of its contents and symbols that it can be understood loosely, and sometimes inconsistently. Such a situation has happened in the case of the “white eagle” used in the Polish coat of arms, which is difficult to identify in the world of animals. It is closest to the white-tailed eagle (Haliaeetus albicilla, in Polish: bielik), which is not representative of the genus Aquila to which the eagles belong. It turns out that it does not matter much for the national ideology and very often in Poland, contrary to taxonomy, the white-tailed eagle is considered an eagle. Finally, in the above quoted first fragment of a later legend, there is a fragment that relates how Rus wanted to shoot an eagle with a bow and was stopped by Lech.23 The meaning of this fragment lies in the reproduction of Polish national identity in opposition to Russia, whose ancestor is Rus. I would like to add that in these legends, the understanding of Gniezno corresponds to the Greek understanding of the capital as a μητρόπολη, that is, a unique “maternal city”, to which other meanings contained in Proto-Indo-European *stòlъ and Latin caput have been added. This appears only in the case of Gniezno because other cities already have meanings referring only to ProtoIndo-European and Latin sources. Moreover, the next capitals, i. e., Cracow and Warsaw, no longer have such an ideological and symbolic “load”, and their content is limited primarily to legitimizing the continuity of Poland as a state and Polish nationality. The main source of legends and myths about Cracow is Chronica seu originale regum et principum Poloniae (Chronicles of the Kings and Princes of Poland, 12th to 18th c.) of Wincenty Kadłubek and later references to it, such as Chronicle of Dzierzwa (Kronika Dzierzwy or Kronika Mierzwy, 14th century).24 According to these texts, Cracow was to be built by Krak after defeating the monster inhabiting the caves around the castle. In Kadłubek’s message it sounds like this: 21 22 23 24

Cf. Wolnicz-Pawłowska 2018. Szyjewski 2003, p. 46; Kowalski 2007, pp. 76–78. Cf. O Lechu, Czechu i Rusie [2022]. Kronika polska 1823, p. 10.

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And yes, on the rock of the whole eater25 the famous city was founded, named Gracchoovia after Gracch so that the memory of Gracchus would live forever. And so the funeral rites were not discontinued until they were closed with the completion of [building] the city. Some called it Cracow from the croaking of the ravens that flew there to the monster’s carcass.26

This short fragment contains two versions of the origin of the name Cracow. The first origin is different, i. e., from the name of the ruler Krak. The second version derives from the sound made by ravens, which in Polish is an onomatopoeia and reads: krakac´ (croak).27 In modern legends, the first version appears much more often, i. e., the origin of the name Cracow (Kraków) from the name Krak.28 In the context of the subject of the article, it should be added that the mythological content, contained in the earlier parts of the Kadłubek chronicle, does not refer directly to the theme of building Cracow. There is also no clear thread here that would show when and why Cracow was made the capital. We only know that this stronghold was to be built earlier than the seat of Piast and Mieszko I, which Kadłubek does not identify unequivocally with Gniezno, as Gall Anonym did in the Gesta principum Polonorum.29 On the one hand, it was supposed to show the connection between dynastic legends from Lesser Poland (Małopolska region) with earlier legends from Greater Poland (Wielkopolska region). And secondly, it may justify the later choice of Cracow as the capital of Poland as obvious, as it legitimizes antiquity and exceptional events. As in the case of Cracow, the legends about the uprising of Warsaw are not characterized by a multitude of symbols and ideas. They feature diagrams using different reasons for the emergence of the name Warsaw, which is derived from: Wars – a boy and Sawa – a girl, and, in another version, from Wars – a fisherman and Sawa – a mermaid. An important thread of the legends is the linking of the place where Warsaw was later established with important figures of the Piast dynasty, who are to strengthen the city’s status. In one version, it is the legendary prince Ziemomysł (Siemomysł),30 and in another – king Casimir I the Restorer 25 “Immo in scopulo holophagi mox fundata errat urbs insignis a nomine Gracci dieta Graccovia, ut aeterna Graccus viveret memoria; nec prius cessatum est ab”, Magistri Vincentii Chronicon Polonorum 1872, p. 169. In later versions the whole-eater is replaced with Wawel Dragon (Smok Wawelski). 26 Kübris 1996, p. 16; “A owszem, na skale całoz˙ercy wnet załoz˙ono sławne miasto, od imienia Grakcha nazwane Gracchovia, aby wiecznie z˙yła pamie˛c´ Grakcha. I póty nie zaprzestano obrze˛dów pogrzebowych, póki nie zostały zamknie˛te ukon´czeniem [budowy] miasta. Niektórzy nazwali je Krakowem od krakania kruków, które zleciały sie˛ tam do s´cierwa potwora.” 27 “Quam quidam a crocitatione corvorum, qui eo ad cadaver monstri confluxerant, Cravoviam dixerun”, Magistri Vincentii Chronicon Polonorum 1872, p. 257. 28 Cf. Legenda o królu Kraku [2022]. 29 Grodecki 1982, p. 11. 30 According to the chronicle of Gallus Anonymous Gesta principum Polonorum, he was to be the father of Mieszko I.

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(Kazimierz I Odnowiciel, 1016–1058).31 Let us note that in the stories showing the construction of Warsaw, there are references to Cracow and Gniezno, which should not be considered accidental, because they are intended to show the modern readers’ belief that there were three capitals in the history of Poland, i. e. Gniezno, Cracow and finally Warsaw.

In Search of the Capital of the “State” of the First Piasts At the level of national ideology, it is important to maintain the impression among the recipients – regardless of the connection with facts and data, e. g. from historical research – about the coherence of the message and the process of reproducing national identity and tying it to political power.32 We dealt with such a process in the narrative about three capitals, especially with the recognition of Gniezno as the first capital of the “state”33 of the first Piasts. This situation lasted until archaeological discoveries in several early medieval forts, mainly in Ostrów Lednicki, Giecz, and Grzybowo, and the discussion on the definition of the capital of the “state” of the first Piasts began. I would like to add that this article is not about joining historical and archaeological discussions regarding the role of these places in the power of the first Piasts, but about the analysis of national narratives presented in public discourse. We shall look at the messages disseminated by the main institution, including archaeological discoveries in early medieval castles in Ostrów Lednicki, Giecz, and Grzybowo, i. e. the Museum of the First Piasts at Lednica (Muzeum Pierwszych Piastów na Lednicy, hereinafter: MFP). And, at the very beginning, it 31 Legenda o Warsie i Sawie [2022]. 32 I want to add that the coherence of the message and the process is apparent here because, in many places, it is challenging to show inaccuracies and contradictions without much. Such inconsistencies will be discussed in this part of the article. 33 Alexander H. Joffe uses the term “state” similarly, cf.: Joffe 2018, p. 3. In this way, I wanted to express the lack of accuracy in the use of this term in historical sciences, especially about antiquity and the early Middle Ages, pointing to the national character of the discussion. This is mainly because historical knowledge is not always consistent with the findings of other disciplines of social sciences, especially political science and sociology, where the state must meet certain conditions, cf. Poggi 1990; Kaczorowski 2022; Kaczmarczyk 2022; Onion 2022; Wierzbicki 2019. Therefore, defining the political structure led by Mieszko I and later developed by his son Bolesław II the Brave as a state should be considered too far-reaching simplification, cf. Urban´czyk 2008, pp. 29–35; Idem 2015, pp. 21–26. However, in this article, I leave the question unanswered about the type of political structure managed by the first Piasts and refer to the relevant studies, cf. Urban´czyk 2008; Idem 2015; Re˛bkowski 2020, pp. 10–19. What follows from the topic of a non-smaller article, which will not concern the past and “state” of the first Piasts, but the present day and references to these ideas and symbols in the Polish political and national discourse.

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must be pointed out that, while in the case of Gniezno we are dealing with an extensive message, the museums in Ostrów Lednicki, Grzybowo and Giecz are limited in terms of language and are sometimes supplemented with pictures (mainly photos). One of the few examples of a multi-level message is the series of documentaries distributed by the aforementioned museum institution, entitled: The Mystery of the Beginnings of Poland (Tajemnica pocza˛tków Polski).34 When analyzing the content of the discoveries in the castles, it turns out that they go far beyond the research methodology of archaeological and historical research, approaching the persuasive message appropriate to the national discourse. I would like to add that my goal is not to discuss archaeological and historical content, but to show how the ideological message, reproduced by the MFP in the public space, is reproducing political myths. What can be seen in the fact that the goal of the information and tourist messages created by the museum is not only knowledge about early medieval castles, but most of all making them “imaginative places”. This means – referring to the research on the nation35 – creating, mainly through ideological and symbolic linguistic means, the meaning of castles and including them in the national discourse. Sometimes, they even become, using the concept of Ernesto Laclau, “empty signifiers”,36 the meaning of which is built based on rhetorical procedures.37 The content disseminated by museum institutions provokes an important question: is it possible to introduce changes in the national discourse in connection with archaeological discoveries or are we doomed to stick to the old, already established patterns? In other words, is it possible to establish the capital of the “state” of the first Piasts in a place other than Gniezno? Let’s take a look at the content disseminated by MFP concerning Ostrów Lednicki, and then the hillfort in Giecz and Grzybowo.38 First, this is a general description of the place: 34 The series consists of six films: 1. The Hidden Nest of the Dynasty (Ukryte gniazdo dynastii); 2. The Island of Rulers (Wyspa władców); 3. The City of Drowned Gods (Miasto zatopionych bogów); 4. The Cross and the Crown (Krzyz˙ i korona); 5. The Road to the Kingdom (Droga do królestwa); 6 From the Abyss of Prehistory (Z otchłani pradzejów). The series was created in 2012–2019 and was directed by Zdzisław Cozac. 35 I mean mainly the concepts of: “inventing traditions” of Eric Hobsbawm, cf. Hobsbawm 2020, “imagined community” of Benedict Anderson, cf. Anderson 2006, “banal nationalism” of Michael Billig, cf. Billig 2010 and as well as conception of Tim Edensor about the importance of the place for the national identity, cf. Edensor 2002. 36 Laclau 1996, p. 36. 37 Cf. Laclau 2005, pp. 69–71. 38 In the article, I limit myself to the information disseminated by the Museum of the First Piasts at Lednica, the leading museum institution dealing with research, popularization of knowledge, and services for tourists in the facilities in Ostrów Lednicki, Giecz, and Grzybowo. Besides, other sources contain similar and sometimes identical content, cf. Ostrów Lednicki relikty grodu pierwszych Piastów [2022]; Ostrów Lednicki – zwiedzanie, zabytki i atrakcje

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One of the most important towns of the Piast state used to be located in Ostrów Lednicki. In the area of today’s stronghold, there are, among others remains of the mighty ramparts and the prince’s palace with a chapel. Baptismal pools were discovered there, which indicate Ostrów as the probable place of the baptism of Mieszko I. […] This is where Bolesław the Brave most likely received Emperor Otto III. In the ruins of the chapel, a sensational discovery of the baptismal pools was made, which speaks for Ostrów Lednicki as the place where Mieszko I was baptized in 966. […] There are also foundations of a town church with tombs on the island, in which it is believed that the son of Bolesław the Brave, unknown by name, was buried […]. The Rulers’ Island is located among the picturesque areas of the Lednica Landscape Park, which is why a visit to Ostrów Lednicki is also a great opportunity to commune with the nature of Greater Poland.39

Then, the island itself: “A picturesque, situated island on Lake Lednica. In the Middle Ages, one of the most important centers of the state of the first Piasts.”40 And finally, details, i. e., a description of the ruins on the island: “Ruins of the palace complex built during the reign of Mieszko I and a Greek cross chapel with the remains of baptismal basins. Probably the place where Mieszko I was baptized.”41 Slightly different, as the descriptions of the Giecz stronghold are presented more generally, namely: One of the most important Piast central centers, placed by Gall Anonim (next to Gniezno, Poznan´, and Włocławek) on the list of significant towns of Bolesław the Brave. Compared to other strongholds built by the Piasts in the area where their dominion crystallized and from where their authority spread, Giecz is distinguished by an ex-

turystyczne [2022]; Baranowski [2022]; Rezerwat archeologiczny w Gieczu [2022]. Castle, museum, excavations, archaeological literature. It should be mentioned that the MFP also published the scientific periodicals Studia Lednickie since 1989, publishing articles on archaeological and historical research on the early Middle Ages and the “state” of the first Piasts. 39 Ostrów Lednicki 1 [2022]; “Na Ostrowie Lednickim mies´cił sie˛ niegdys´ jeden z najwaz˙niejszych grodów pan´stwa Piastów. Na terenie dzisiejszego grodziska znajduja˛ sie˛ m.in. pozostałos´ci pote˛z˙nych wałów obronnych i pałacu ksia˛z˙e˛cego z kaplica˛. Odkryto w niej baseny chrzcielne, które wskazuja˛ na Ostrów jako prawdopodobne miejscu chrztu Mieszka I. […] W miejscu tym najpewniej Bolesław Chrobry podejmował cesarza Ottona III. W ruinach kaplicy dokonano sensacyjnego odkrycia basenów chrzcielnych, które przemawiaja˛ za Ostrowem Lednickim jako miejscem chrztu Mieszka I w 966 roku. […] Wyspa Władców połoz˙ona jest pos´ród malowniczych terenów Lednickiego Parku Krajobrazowego, dlatego wizyta na Ostrowie Lednickim to równiez˙ doskonała okazja do obcowania z wielkopolska˛ przyroda˛.” 40 Ostrów Lednicki 2 [2022]. “Malowniczo połoz˙ona wyspa na jeziorze Lednica. W s´redniowieczu jeden z najwaz˙niejszych os´rodków pan´stwa pierwszych Piastów.” 41 Ibid. “Ruiny kompleksu pałacowego zbudowanego za czasów Mieszka I wraz z kaplica˛ na planie krzyz˙a greckiego z pozostałos´ciami basenów chrzcielnych. Prawdopodobnie miejsce chrztu Mieszka I.”

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ceptionally early record. Its origins are associated with a small stronghold erected in the 60s of the 9th century, still in the pre-state period.42

And: “The Giecz branch of the museum takes care of the remains of the mighty Piast stronghold, which is the only one of the strongholds of the first Piasts to have an archaeologically certified pre–state birth certificate.”43 MFP presents the least information regarding the castle in Grzybowo. In addition to residual details about the history of the object and the monuments found there, we read: “The stronghold in Grzybowo is one of the largest that was built during the formation of the early Piast state.”44 And: “The stronghold in Grzybowo, located near Wrzes´nia, is one of the largest and, at the same time, the most mysterious centers in the territory of the Piast dynasty. It is undoubtedly a place where significant events related to the beginnings of our country took place over 1000 years ago.”45 We can easily distinguish the patterns used in creating a museum message, the purpose of which is to show their uniqueness. They prove that these are the oldest castles and the most important economic and military sites for the community of the first Piasts. Unique archaeological finds distinguish them to confirm the previously mentioned features, for example, in Ostrów Lednicki: a restaurant, baptismal pools, a bridge, and armaments, and in Giecz: a helmet (szyszak) and precious stone.46 The use of phrases such as: – “[…] one of the most important towns of the Piast state” (Ostrów Lednicki); – “In the Middle Ages, one of the most important centers of the state of the first Piasts” (Ostrów Lednicki); – “One of the most important Piast central centers […]” (Giecz); – “[…] Giecz is distinguished by an exceptionally early record […]” (Giecz); – “[…] the remains of the mighty Piast stronghold […]” (Giecz);

42 Giecz 1 [2022]. “Jeden z najwaz˙niejszych piastowskich os´rodków centralnych, umieszczony przez Galla Anonima (obok Gniezna, Poznania i Włocławka) na lis´cie wielkich grodów Bolesława Chrobrego. Na tle innych warowni pobudowanych przez Piastów na obszarze, gdzie wykrystalizowało sie˛ i ska˛d rozprzestrzeniało sie˛ ich władztwo, Giecz wyróz˙nia wyja˛tkowo wczesna metryka. Jego pocza˛tki wia˛z˙a˛ sie˛ z niewielkim gródkiem wzniesionym w latach 60. IX wieku, jeszcze w okresie przedpan´stwowym.” 43 Giecz 2 [2022]. “Giecki oddział muzeum obejmuje swoja˛ opieka˛ pozostałos´ci pote˛z˙nego grodu piastowskiego, który jako jedyny z warowni pierwszych Piastów ma archeologicznie pos´wiadczona˛ przedpan´stwowa˛ metryke˛.” 44 Grzybowo [2022]. “Gród w Grzybowie, lez˙a˛cy niedaleko Wrzes´ni, nalez˙y do najwie˛kszych, a zarazem najbardziej tajemniczych os´rodków na obszarze władztwa Piastów. Jest bez wa˛tpienia miejscem, gdzie przeszło 1000 lat temu toczyły sie˛ istotne wydarzenia zwia˛zane z pocza˛tkami naszego pan´stwa.” 45 Zbiory – rezerwat archeologiczny gród w Grzybowie [2022]. 46 Cf. Ostrów Lednicki 2 [2022]; Giecz 2 [2022].

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– “[…] one of the largest that was built during the formation of the early Piast state” (Grzybowo); – “It is undoubtedly a place where significant events related to the beginnings of our country took place over 1000 years ago” (Grzybowo).47 These sentences are part of the national discourse conducted in the public space. The aim is not to describe the actual condition and role that individual gord (gród) played (or could have played) but to use them in legitimizing Polish political myths. They include the two most significant myths, the etiological and genealogical myths, whose task is to show the emergence or occupation of a specific territory and main seats of political power and the power itself. In addition, it legitimizes the right to the occupied territory and the continuity and uniqueness of political power. We can easily see that these are places related to the first rulers, who were to live there or (and) were born there: Mieszko I and Bolesław II the Brave, and important events that took place there, e. g., the visit of Emperor Otto III, reproducing the vision of “Poland as a strong state”.48 We are also dealing with a crucial political myth: the “baptism of Poland”, which was limited here to the “baptism of Mieszko I”49 in the Latin rite, which reproduces the “Pole-Catholic” national stereotype.50 It should be assumed that the information for tourists on the MFP Lednica website should be short and contain the main threads encouraging them to visit museums and learn about their attractions. I would like to add that these messages are to strengthen the perception of the towns of Ostrów Lednicki and Giecz as exceptional and legitimize their claims to be the capital of the “state” of the first Piasts. However, for the persuasiveness of the message to be more effective, more complex linguistic and visual procedures are necessary, and we cannot ignore how the passage of time affects the consolidation of the main ideas in the minds of the recipients. At this point, it is worth paying attention to the content of the series mentioned above, The Secret of the Beginnings of Poland, as it contains an extensive narrative about the vision of a “strong state of the first Piasts” and the reproduction of the legitimacy of the slogan “Pole-Catholic”. In the first

47 Ostrów Lednicki 1 [2022]; Ostrów Lednicki 2 [2022]; Giecz 1 [2022]; Giecz 2 [2022]; Grzybowo [2022]; Zbiory – rezerwat archeologiczny gród w Grzybowie [2022]. 48 We dealt with such a situation with the legends about the creation of Gniezno. They are also present in the first dynastic chronicles, to which the authors of information and tourist materials refer to Ostrów Lednicki, Giecz, and Grzybowo, cf. Giecz 1 [2022]; Rezerwat archeologiczny gród wczesnopiastowski w Gieczu [2022]. 49 Ostrów Lednicki 1 [2022]; Ostrów Lednicki 2 [2022]. 50 It can be proved by assigning the monuments in Ostrów Lednicki as “the national baptismal font”, cf. Ostrów Lednicki 3 [2022].

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episode, The Hidden Nest of the Dynasty, at the beginning of the film, there is a thread confirming this, for example: It was the beginning of the 60s of the 10th century when the west of Europe heard for the first time about a strong ruler of the forest areas previously considered pagan wilderness. Mieszko I, the king of the North, as chroniclers called him, built new castles in today’s Wielkopolska, armed his teams, and conquered new territories. In 966, he was baptized and joined a group of important European rulers. After his death, his son Bolesław Chrobry took over the power after him; the young state gained even more importance. The visit of Emperor Otto III to the Piast state in 1000, unique in the political realities of the time, was a confirmation of this. How did it happen that in less than half a century, the previously unknown Piast family managed to build a state from scratch that its neighboring rulers would respect?51

And also: “The first information about the dynasty that founded Poland comes from the beginning of the 12th century.”52 We are dealing here not so much with a description of history but with a vision of the beginning of Poland as an old, exceptional, and strong state, which a contemporary Pole should still recognize. Besides, the theme of the power and importance of the Piasts’ “state” and suggesting that these are the beginnings of Poland is constantly present in the series and visually enhanced with images of warriors, monarchs, places, or a flying eagle – the final emblem of Poland. It is also worth noting the suggestion of the emergence of Poland ex nihilo, which does not so much fit in the discussions of medievalist.53 Even so, it reproduces etiological and genealogical myths in which places or important figures appeared suddenly or out of nowhere. It should be added that, according to the content of the film, the viewer should be convinced that Poland was to appear suddenly and already “ready” to take its place. And today’s Poland is a direct continuation of the “state” of the first Piasts. This meaning is expressed in the excerpts included in the episode The Island of Rulers, concerning the stronghold in Ostrów Lednicki, namely: “An extraordinary place, hiding many secrets related to the be-

51 Tajemnice pocza˛tków Polski E02 [2022] [Time: 3:30–4:42]. “Był pocza˛tek lat 60. X wieku, gdy zachód Europy po raz pierwszy usłyszał o silnym władcy puszczan´skich terenów, uwaz˙anych wczes´niej za pogan´ska˛dzicz. Mieszko I – król Północy, jak nazywali go kronikarze. Na terenie dzisiejszej Wielkopolski wznosił nowe grody, zbroił swoje druz˙yny, podbijał nowe terytoria. W 966 roku przyja˛ł chrzest i doła˛czył do grona licza˛cych sie˛ władców europejskich. Gdy po jego ´smierci władze˛ po nim przeja˛ł syn Bolesław Chrobry młode pan´stwo jeszcze bardziej zyskało na znaczeniu. Wyja˛tkowa w ówczesnych realiach politycznych wizyta cesarza Ottona III w pan´stwie piastowskim w 1000 roku była tego potwierdzeniem. Jak to sie˛ stało, z˙e w niespełna pół wieku nieznany wczes´niej ród Piastów zdołał zbudowac´ od podstaw pan´stwo budza˛ce respekt sa˛siaduja˛cych z nim władców?” 52 Ibid. [Time: 7:02–7:08] “Pierwsze informacje o dynastii, która załoz˙yła Polske˛ pochodza˛ dopiero z pocza˛tku XII wieku.” 53 Cf. Wierzbicki 2019.

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ginnings of Poland.”54 And the following passage about the possibility of Mieszko I’s baptism: “Its uniqueness and artistic quality would provide a suitable setting for the royal baptism ceremony. However, it is probably never possible to prove or completely deny that the baptism of Mieszko I, and at the same time the symbolic baptism of the entire state, took place here.”55 Perhaps, because the scenarios of individual episodes were discussed with historians and archaeologists, they do not contain explicit content indicating that Ostrów Lednicki or Giecz could be the capital of “state” of the first Piasts. However, the film’s narrative is built in such a way that such theses are suggested, e. g., using leading questions reinforced with content about the uniqueness of these places. When comparing the meaning of early medieval castles, particularly Ostrów Lednicki, the same motives as in the case of Gniezno are used, i. e., the baptism of Mieszko I and the visit of Emperor Otto III.56 However, in these cases, there are no legends nor genealogical myths, such as those that exist regarding the uprising of Gniezno. Neither were there any memorable events mentioned in the public education system that repeated the belief that the first capital was located in this city. Referring to the concept of Aleida Assmann, the message of the MFP lacks the presence that might enable such cultural knowledge to be disseminated to all members of a given group.57 The importance of these types of remembrance for preserving knowledge about the past and consolidating national identity may be proved by the failure of public discourse and promotional and information campaigns carried out by museum institutions.58 This hypothesis is reinforced by the research results and the failure of the promotional and information campaigns carried out by Powiat Gniezno, entitled: This is Where Poland was Founded (Tu powstała Polska), on the Internet,59 at cultural events, and in publications of information guides and popular historical books. Their content deserves special attention, as it confirms the hypothesis that, despite attempts to indicate other places as possible capitals of the “state” of the first Piasts, Gniezno 54 Tajemnice pocza˛tków Polski E03 [2022] [Time: 3:05–7:08] “Miejsce niezwykłe, kryja˛ce wiele tajemnic zwia˛zanych z pocza˛tkami Polski.” 55 Ibid. [Time: 16:30–16:47] “Jego unikatowos´c´ i artystyczna jakos´c´ stwarzałyby odpowiednia˛ oprawe˛ dla ceremonii ksia˛z˙e˛cego chrztu. Jednak, zapewne, nigdy nie da sie˛ dowies´c´, ani tez˙ zupełnie zaprzeczyc´, z˙e chrzest Mieszka I, a zarazem symboliczny chrzest całego pan´stwa dokonał sie˛ włas´nie tu.” 56 In the case of Gniezno, the theme of the martyrdom of St Wojciech and his relics is found in the Gniezno cathedral. However, already in the 21st century, this thread is not very popular. It is not included in the national discourse, as it was in Poland several dozen years ago, although there are still exceptions, cf. Ostrów Lednicki. Tam powstała Polska [2022]; Szymoszyn 2010. 57 Assmann 2013, p. 61; cf. Eadem 1995. 58 I assume with a high degree of probability that this state of affairs is unlikely to change. 59 Cf. Powiat Gniezno. Tu powstała Polska 1 [2022]; Powiat Gniezno. Tu powstała Polska 2 [2022].

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still plays the most crucial role in consolidating the national identity of Poles. A telling example is the one disseminated in the texts of the action. This is where Poland was born, where the introductory description of the project reads: In principle, one should start with a few general remarks about the beginnings of the Polish state. Getting to know the origins of Poland (or rather the ‘state of the Piasts’) is not easy. […] In our case, they can be observed most strongly and fruitfully (with a consequence precisely for the emergence of a state organism), especially in Wielkopolska and, more precisely, in the Gniezno Land. […] At that time (ruled by Mieszko I, Bolesław the Brave, and even later!), it wasn’t easy to talk about the capital of one place. It isn’t easy to talk about one place – the capital (in modern terms). We use the term sedes regni principales to describe places in the capital, important ones, those playing the most important role, especially those manifesting themselves in the political and cultural landscape of the time. The then ruler conducted his rule based on several important points – the gords, which were at the head of the gords’ districts.60

It is difficult to disagree with the first sentence and the later interpretation, which are both historically accurate, but the conclusion raises reservations because, despite the uncertainty, Gniezno is unique.61 “The arguments in favor of the significant role of Gniezno are at least threefold. Two are purely scientific and result from research, interpretation of sources, and discussions by historians and archaeologists. The third is tradition – an argument beyond science that cannot be ignored!”62 The content of publications provided by Powiat Gniezno, which presents the primacy of Gniezno in the importance of the “state” of the first Piasts,63 is presented similarly. As an aside, it can be added that in the city and its vicinity, 60 Powiat Gniezno. Tu powstała Polska 1 [2022], pp. 1–2; “Mówia˛c o pocza˛tku naszego pan´stwa, w zasadzie trzeba by zacza˛c´ od kilku uwag ogólnych. Poznanie pocza˛tków Polski (czy raczej pan´stwa Piastów) nie jest łatwe. […] W naszym przypadku najsilniej i najowocniej daja˛ sie˛ one zaobserwowac´ (z konsekwencja˛ włas´nie dla powstania organizmu pan´stwowego) w Wielkopolsce, a s´cis´lej na Ziemi Gniez´niejskiej. […] W owym czasie (władanie Mieszka I, Bolesława Chrobrego, a przeciez˙ i póz´niej!) trudno mówic´ o stołecznos´ci jednego miejsca. Trudno mówic´ o jednym miejscu stolicy (w uje˛ciu współczesnym). Na okres´lenie miejsc stołecznych, waz˙nych, tych odgrywaja˛cych najbardziej istotna˛ roe˛ w ówczesnym krajobrazie polityczno-kulturowym, posługujemy sie˛ okres´leniem sedes regni principales. Ówczesny władca prowadził swoje rza˛dy w oparciu o kilka waz˙nych punktów – grodów, stoja˛cych na czele okre˛gów grodowych.” 61 To do justice, one should mention the action “Gniezno. Ostrów Lednicki. Baptismal font of Poland” organized by Poviat Gniezno, where more clearly is indicated the difficulty of defining not only the capital but the place of baptism of Mieszko I, and implicitly and ideologically Poland. 62 Powiat Gniezno. Tu powstała Polska 2 [2022]. “Argumenty przemawiaja˛ce za znacza˛ca˛ rola˛ Gniezna sa˛ co najmniej trojakiego pochodzenia. Dwa sa˛ czysto naukowe i wynikaja˛ z badan´, interpretacji z´ródeł i dyskusji historyków i archeologów. Trzeci to tradycja – a wie˛c argument poza naukowy, a jednak którego absolutnie nie moz˙na pomina˛c´!” 63 Cf. Zdanowski [2022]; Powiat Gniezno – tu powstała Polska [2022]; Szlak Piastowski.

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there are signs distributed by official municipal institutions, as well as murals and graffiti containing the slogans: “Gniezno – the first capital of Poland.”64 Let us also notice that in the quoted information, there is an attempt to start a discussion with the very concept of “capital” because our contemporary understandings do not coincide with earlier ones, especially those of the early medieval ages.65 However, as the authors state, the dominant version of the “capital” in public discourse is sedes regni principales,66 which extends the present understanding to previous centuries.67 And, for this reason, general discussions and those held within museum institutions are important, not so much for historical and archaeological knowledge, but for national ideology. The justifications for the above hypothesis are also presented in the results of quantitative and qualitative research carried out by the team preparing the Chrobry 2025 project.68 Namely, between 2021 and 2022, interviews with participants of events organized by the MFP69 were conducted, as well as validations of individual branches of this museum in Giecz, Ostrów Lednicki, and Grzybowo, as well as quantitative research. Without going into the details of the report, it should be assumed that Gniezno is considered the first capital of Poland (96%).70 In the Polish cultural memory, Gniezno is invariably considered the capital of the “state” of the first Piasts (and, by implication, Poland). This is what the research on the public discourse and the symbols used to reproduce the Polish national identity show contains references to Gniezno. It is also not without significance that the discussions about Ostrów Lednicki or Giecz are limited to Wielkopolska, i. e., the region of Poland, where all the places mentioned above are located. As an example of regionalization and its impact on beliefs, the results of the research on the assignment of MFP to the region of Poland can be given: Great Poland 54% (with Ostrów Lednicki indicated by 36% of respondents), 15% Masovia, 12% Silesia, 14% Lesser Poland, 4% Kuyavia and 1% Pomerania. This should testify not only to poor historical knowledge but also to a weak information campaign by museum institutions, which would contain, it should be emphasized, legends and genealogical myths competing with Gniezno. In other words, the view that

64 Examples include, for example, information boards on the railway platforms in Gniezno, cf. Gniezno [2022]; Wielkopolska dla ciebie – Gniezno [2022]; Gniezno ustawiło tabliczki [2022]; Doman´ski [2022]. 65 Cf. Re˛bkowski 2020; Urban´czyk 2005; Idem 2015; Kula 2011. 66 The headquarters of the kingdom, i. e., stolica from *stòlъ in the Polish meaning. In Polish, the word sedes nowadays means not a throne but a “toilet seat”. 67 Cf. Szczur 2021, pp. 48 and 58. 68 The project manager and originator is Dr. Piotr Pranke from Nicolaus Copernicus University. 69 The research covered employees and associates of museums, as well as visitors to museum institutions. 70 The remaining respondents replied: I do not know.

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Gniezno was the capital of the “state” of the first Piasts is repeated in Polish national discourse.

Conclusion In conclusion, I would like to devote a moment to the concepts that guided my analysis. According to the first, we live in the ruins of old meanings of specific places.71 The second concept is related to the attempt to answer the question: how can I understand what the “other” says to me? 72 These concepts should be treated as complementary and aimed at demonstrating the seemingly simple and, at the same time, controversial conclusion that knowledge about the past does not have to agree with the views and ideologies duplicated on the social and political level. In other words, opinions on worldview issues, that seem to be founded on the knowledge of the past, often deviate from their interpretation. Their claims are often inconsistent with it or even contradictory. We are dealing with such a situation with the search for the capital of the “state” of the first Piasts. They are considered mainly at the national level73 and often differ from accepted historical and archaeological knowledge.74 Placing ourselves in the communicative situation we frequently find ourselves in, regardless of whether we want it or avoid it – we face the necessity of contact with the “other”. In such cases, the “other” turns out to be not only the person who stands in front of me but also the person who has been gone for a long time and with whom I have contact thanks to his works.75 The “other” is also our entire environment and knowledge about it, which “says” something to us about itself. Finally, the “other” is the past, which leaves traces of its existence around us. And while the situation is much simpler in the case of hints of the not-so-distant past, old history is quite a challenge for us because “the other” speaks to us a little more quietly and in a much less understandable way. In such cases, we only deal with the “ruins of meanings” that we try to understand and sometimes make an essential element of our knowledge, memory, and identity. I want to add that the difficulties that arise in the places where knowledge about the past and current 71 Burszta 2019, p. 117. These words, but in a changed sense, come from the Polish anthropologist Wojciech J. Burszta, who based them on the philosophical concept of Paul Ricoeur contained in the book The Symbolism of Evil (Finitude et culpabilité. Vol. 2, La symbolique du mal). The change concerns taking into account the multiplicity of meanings and meanings, cf. Burszta 2004, p. 112; Idem 2019, p. 117; Ricoeur 1967, pp. 348–349. 72 Dybel 2012, p. 8. 73 Urban´czyk 2015, p. 23. 74 Cf. Re˛bkowski 2020; Urban´czyk 2005; Idem 2015; Kula 2011. 75 Dybel 2012, p. 8.

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socio-political practice intersect constitute an important research challenge, and questions about the possibility of good reading and understanding of ideas and values from the old times. And we deal with such cases in the search for the capital of the “state” of the first Piasts, which concern not only “reaching” the past but reproducing the national identity of contemporary Poles. We could see this in the fact that, despite the lack of unequivocal results from more detailed archaeological and historical research, Polish public discourse still believes that Gniezno was the capital of the “state” of the first Piasts. And the results of the quantitative and qualitative research conducted indicate that this situation will not change quickly (or not at all).

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Kronika polska przez Dzierswe˛ w kon´cu wieku XII napisana z dodatkiem rocznych dziejów w Ziemi Krakowskiej w szczególnos´ci w wieku XIII. 1823. Kruszwica: legenda o Pias´cie Kołodzieju, in: URL: https://dziedzictwo.ekai.pl/@@kruszwica _legenda_piast_kolodziej [23. 09. 2022]. Kübris, Brygida (transl.): Kadłubek, Wincenty: Kronika polska. 1996. Kula, Marcin: Przeprowadzki stolic, in: Studia Regionalne i Lokalne. 2011/1 (43), pp. 5–19. Laclau, Ernesto: Emacipations. 1996. Laclau, Ernesto: On Populist Reason. 2005. Lech, Czech i Rus, in: URL: https://www.polskatradycja.pl/legendy/wielkopolskie/lech-cz ech-i-rus.html [24. 09. 2022]. Legenda o królu Kraku, in: URL: https://www.polskatradycja.pl/legendy/malopolskie/leg enda-o-kraku.html [23. 09. 2022]. Legenda o Lechu, Czechu i Rusie, in: URL: https://www.polskaszkolaenfield.com/wp-con tent/uploads/2020/03/2020-03-14-klasa1B-Legenda.pdf [23. 09. 2022]. Legenda o Warsie i Sawie, in: URL: https://warsawtour.pl/legenda-o-warsie-i-sawie/ [14. 10. 2022]. Lisiecki, Marcin: Kronika Polska Galla Anonima w konteks´cie kształtowania sie˛ polskiej ´swiadomos´ci narodowej, in: Sprawy Narodowos´ciowe. Nowa Seria. 2013/42, pp. 131–142. Magistri Vincentii Chronicon Polonorum, in: Bielawski, August (ed.): Monumenta Poloniae Historica. 1872/2. O Lechu, Czechu i Rusie, in: URL: https://www.sredniawies.pl/czulnia2/legenda2.htm [24. 09. 2022]. O Popielu i Pias´cie Kołodzieju, in: URL: http://www.sredniawies.pl/czulnia2/legenda1.htm [24. 09. 2022]. Ostrów Lednicki – zwiedzanie, zabytki i atrakcje turystyczne, in: URL: https://www.podro zepoeuropie.pl/ostrow-lednicki-zwiedzanie/ [23. 09. 2022]. Ostrów Lednicki 1, in: https://www.lednicamuzeum.pl/strona,ostrow-lednicki-1.html [25. 09. 2022]. Ostrów Lednicki 2, in: URL: https://lednicamuzeum.pl/strona,ostrow-lednicki-3.html [25. 09. 2022]. Ostrów Lednicki 3, in: URL: https://lednicamuzeum.pl/strona,ostrow-lednicki-4.html [25. 09. 2022]. Ostrów Lednicki relikty grodu pierwszych Piastów, in: URL: https://www.zamkipolskie.com /ostrow/ostrow.html [25. 09. 2022]. Ostrów Lednicki. Tam powstała Polska, in: URL: http://podroze.swiatkobiety.pl/zwiedzaj -polske/news-ostrow-lednicki-tam-powstala-polska,nId,2219618 [27. 09. 2022]. Plezia, Marian (ed.): Słownik łacin´sko-polski. 2007/1. Poggi, Gianfranco: The State. Its Nature, Development and Prospects. 1990. Powiat Gniezno – tu powstała Polska, in: URL: https://tupowstalapolska.pl/fotki/files/files/ katalog/pl/tpp/gniezno_Tu_powstala_polska_X_2015_PL.pdf [18. 09. 2022]. Powiat Gniezno. Tu powstała Polska 1, in: URL: https://tupowstalapolska.pl/pl [18. 09. 2022]. Powiat Gniezno. Tu powstała Polska 2, in: URL: https://powiat-gniezno.pl/pl/dziedzictwo -kulturowe/tu-powstala-polska [18. 09. 2022]. Rawat, Rajiv: Global-local Perspectives in the Search for an Alternative Modernity. 2005, in: URL: http://prayaga.org/documents/paper-capitalcity.pdf [25. 10. 2022].

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Rezerwat archeologiczny gród wczesnopiastowski w Gieczu, in: URL: https://lednicamuze um.pl/strona,rezerwat-archeologiczny-grod-w-gieczu.html [30. 09. 2022]. Rezerwat archeologiczny w Gieczu. Gród, muzeum, wykopalisk, literatura archeologiczna, in: URL: http://www.giecz.pl/index.php [19. 09. 2022]. Re˛bkowski, Marian: Jak powstało Pomorze? Studium tworzenia pan´stwowos´ci we wczesnym ´sredniowieczu. 2020. Ricoeur, Paul: The Symbolism of Evil. 1967. Seidler, Barbara / Rosin´ski, Grzegorz: O Pias´cie Kołodzieju. Legenda Historia Polski. 1977/3. Strzelecka, Dominika: Polskie legendy: Piast Kołodziej, in: URL: https://www.bajkowyzaka tek.eu/2010/12/polskie-legendy-piast-kolodziej.html [15. 09. 2022]. Strzelecki, Marian: Polskie legendy: O Lechu, Czechu i Rusie – O powstaniu pan´stwa polskiego, in: URL: https://www.bajkowyzakatek.eu/2010/11/polskie-legendy-o-lechu-cze chu-i-rusie.html [25. 08. 2022]. Szczur, Stanisław: Historia Polski. S´redniowiecze. 2021. Szymoszyn, Anna: Bohater religijny w ´swie˛tej przestrzeni. Kult ´sw. Wojciecha na przełomie XX i XXI wieku. 2010. Tajemnice pocza˛tków Polski E02 – Ukryte gniazdo dynastii. Polskie filmy dokumentalne, in: URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2RYF97OFc6w [15. 10. 2022]. Tajemnice pocza˛tków Polski E03 – Wyspa władców. Polskie filmy dokumentalne, in: URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xjr8bfT2Js0 [15. 10. 2022]. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland, in: URL: https://www.sejm.gov.pl/prawo/kon st/angielski/kon1.htm [30. 09. 2022]. Urban´czyk, Przemysław: Trudne pocza˛tki Polski. 2008. Urban´czyk, Przemysław: Zanim Polska została Polska˛. 2015. Ustav Republike Hrvatske (1990), in: URL: https://narodne-novine.nn.hr/clanci/sluzbeni /1990_12_56_1092.html [25. 07. 2022]. Ústava Cˇeské republiky (1992), in: URL: https://www.psp.cz/docs/laws/constitution.html [25. 07. 2022]. Waingertner, Przemysław: Czwarta stolica. Kiedy Łódz´ rza˛dziła Polska˛. 2019. Wielkopolska dla ciebie – Gniezno, in: URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Oc4UVv uor2Q [29. 10. 2022]. Wierzbicki, Andrzej: Jak powstało pan´stwo polskie? Hipoteza podboju w historiografii polskiej XIX i XX wieku. 2019. Wojtczuk, Michał: Niewiele brakowało, a stolica˛ Polski byłaby Łódz´. 70 lat od ustawy o odbudowie Warszawy, in: Gazeta Wyborcza. Warszawa. 03. 07. 2017, in: URL: https://wa rszawa.wyborcza.pl/warszawa/7,54420,22044591,niewiele-brakowalo-a-stolica-polski-b ylaby-lodz-70-lat-od.html [25. 09. 2022]. Wolnicz-Pawłowska, Ewa: Nazwa Gniezno i przymiotnik Gniez´nien´ski, in: Sawicki, Tomasz / Bis, Magdalena (eds.): Gniezno. Wczesnos´redniowieczny zespół grodowy. 2018. Zbiory – rezerwat archeologiczny gród w Grzybowie 2, in: URL: https://lednicamuzeum.pl /strona,grzybowo-3.html [29. 08. 2022]. Zdanowski, Edmund: Z białym orłem w herbie. Gawe˛dy o Gniez´nie. 2008, in: URL: https:// tupowstalapolska.pl/fotki/files/files/katalog/gawedy/Gawedy%20o%20Gnieznie.pdf [25. 08. 2022].

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Andrzej Pydyn / Mateusz Popek / Konrad Lewek

Past from the Depths: The Results of Underwater Research on Lednica Lake

Abstract The article is devoted to research on underwater sites of Lake Lednica. The island of Ostrów Lednicki was a centre of the Early Piast State. The lake area includes four bridges, seven dugout boats and the largest collection of early medieval militaria in Central Europe, and many other trade and everyday items have been discovered. This settlement was above all a central place for the state of the first Piast dynasty, while also being an important centre of trade and interregional contacts. Keywords: early medieval; military; Ostrów Lednicki; underwater archaeology; Piast

Ostrów Lednicki Island on Lake Lednica comprises, with its entire early medieval residential complex of capital status, one of the most important archaeological sites in Poland. The first archaeological studies of this site were published in the mid-19th century.1 Since then, interdisciplinary archaeological research has been conducted on and around the island. It is also undoubtedly one of the most valuable underwater archaeological sites in Poland. This is evidenced by the relics of bridges in the lake, but also by the unique number of artefacts excavated from the lakebed.2 The history of underwater research in the Lake Lednica area dates to the late 1950s, when the relics of bridges connecting Ostrów Lednicki to the mainland were first located. In the early 1980s, Nicolaus Copernicus University’s Laboratory for Underwater Archaeology (Pracownia Archeologii Podwodnej Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu), led by Dr. Andrzej Kola and Dr. Gerard Wilke, began forty years of uninterrupted underwater research at Lake Lednica. Prof. Dr. Andrzej Pydyn, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, ORCID: https://orcid.org/ 0000-0001-9478-9863. Dr. Mateusz Popek, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, ORCID: https://orcid.org/00000002-5490-3585. Konrad Lewek M.A., Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, ORCID: https://orcid.org/00000001-7291-2744. 1 Górecki 2016, p. 30; Fogel 1991, pp. 12–31. 2 See fig. 1 at the end of the chapter.

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After a restructuring, the team now operates as the Centre for Underwater Archeaology of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´ (Centrum Archeologii Podwodnej Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu), and is continuing research on the lake.3 This forty years of underwater research activity has led to the discovery and analysis of four medieval bridges,4 seven dugout boats (logboats),5 the largest collection of early medieval militaria in Central Europe6 and a large collection of other archaeological artefacts. It should also be stressed that research in the Lake Lednica area is bringing new and interesting discoveries every year. The most valuable are subsequent finds of bridge crossings to Ledniczka Island, which lies to the south-west of Ostrów Lednicki.7 Dozens of archaeological sites have been documented around Lake Lednica. However, the most important is the residential and capital centre on the lake’s largest island. The settlement on the island experienced its greatest boom at the transition of the Early to the High Middle Ages, and especially at the turn of the millennium.8 At the end of the 9th century or beginning of the 10th, a stronghold was erected in the southern part of the island that was subsequently rebuilt and extended at least three times.9 Within the stronghold, in the latter 10th century, a palatium was erected. Its founder was Prince Mieszko I, and it was built at the same time as the bridges leading to the island. Significant events in the history of the early Piast dynasty are associated with the stronghold on Ostrów Lednicki. Emperor Otto III probably stayed here during his pilgrimage to the tomb of St Adalbert of Prague.10 The literature also contains other information about Ostrów Lednicki. The island may have been a “summer residence” of sorts. Gerard Labuda suggested that Prince Bolesław had imprisoned Przecława there after her abduction from Ruthenia in a. d. 1018.11 It is also highly probable that this stronghold was the place where Mieszko I and his elites were baptised, and the probable seat of Jordan, the first bishop of the Piast State.12 The importance of Ostrów Lednicki as a place of power and a long-distance transport hub is evidenced by Scandinavian imports13 and artefacts from eastern

3 Kola 2000, p. 12; Kola / Radka / Wilke 2016, p. 107. 4 Kurnatowska 2000; Kola / Wilke 2014; Kola / Radka / Wilke 2016; Pydyn et al. 2018; Pydyn / Popek 2020; Janowski et al. 2021. 5 Ossowski 2014. 6 Kurnatowska 2000; Kola / Wilke 2014; Sankiewicz 2013, p. 26. 7 Pydyn et al. 2018. 8 Wyrwa 2016, p. 303. 9 Górecki / Łastowiecki 2016, pp. 59–72. 10 Wyrwa 2016, p. 303. 11 Labuda 1985, pp. 103–113. 12 Górecki 2001. 13 Duczko 2016, pp. 299–301; Wrzesin´ski 2011, pp. 54–56; Wilke 2018, p. 58; Kotowicz 2013, p. 50.

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Past from the Depths: The Results of Underwater Research on Lednica Lake

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cultural circles.14 In other words, it was one of the most important centres of the emerging state of the first Piast dynasty. The Ledniczka Island site is also important in terms of settlement on Lake Lednica. It hosted an early medieval settlement whose remains were significantly destroyed by the development of a motte-type complex rising six metres above the island’s surface. Between an embankment and the stronghold there is a depression that may be the remnant of a moat.15 The motte-type construction on Ledniczka is associated with the castellany of Ostrów operating here, having been founded on the island in the 13th century or moved here from neighbouring Ostrów Lednicki at the end of that century.16 Comparing the written sources against archaeological research suggests that Ledniczka Island fell into disuse between a. d. 1471 and a. d. 1521.17 Another interpretation suggests that the complex was not a castellany, but rather the seat of the local magnate family Latalski.18 In the waters of Lake Lednica, the remains of four bridges have been located and documented. Two were found in the late 1050s and named the “Poznan´” and “Gniezno” bridges. Their names refer to the directions in which they led – to major centres of the early Piast state.19 The remains of two more bridges that functioned at different times20 and led to Ledniczka Island were found in 2017. The Gniezno bridge led from the island to the eastern lake shore and was 187 metres long and about five metres wide. It was built using beam construction and rebuilt several times. Dendrochronological analyses determined that the bridge was built in the 960s, after which it was rebuilt or repaired five times in the years 976–978, 979–981, 982–1006, 1007–1017 and 1032.21 After piles had been driven into the bed, they were bound into bundles that were connected with a yoke beam perpendicular to the bridge’s main axis. This constituted one pillar of the crossing. The pillars were connected to one other by laying joist beams on the yoke beams, forming the bridge’s spans and load-bearing structure. The last element was an arrangement of laths consituting the roadway.22 During the research, very many artefacts, including organic ones, were found that allow us to draw conclusions as to aspects of the life of medieval people: from agriculture,23 through everyday life,24 fashion25 and craftsmanship26 to the art of war.27 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

Banaszak et al. 2019. Górecki / Łastowiecki / Wrzesin´ski 1996, pp. 197–246. Les´ny 1976, p. 19; Górecki / Łastowiecki / Wrzesin´ski 1996, p. 239. Górecki / Łastowiecki / Wrzesin´ski 1996, p. 239. Ibid., p. 240. Kola / Radka / Wilke 2016, p. 107. Pydyn et al. 2018; Pydyn / Popek 2020; Pydyn / Lewek 2022. Kra˛piec 2000; Wilke 2000; Kola / Wilke 2016, pp. 111–117. Kra˛piec 2000, pp. 49–56; Wilke 2000, pp. 57–72; Kola / Wilke 2016, pp. 113–116. Szulta 2000; Radka 2014 (1).

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On the western side of the island was a bridge of about 440 metres long and five metres wide, which was named the Poznan´ bridge after the direction in which it led. It was built in a. d. 961–963, then rebuilt in the years 965–969, 980–981, 995– 1004, 1007–1009, 1015–1018, 1020–1026 and 1033. This crossing was similar in construction to the eastern bridge.28 Although the construction was broadly similar in principles to the eastern bridge, the bundles of piles at greater depths were found to comprise more elements than those nearer the shore. This was necessitated by the structure’s length and the lake’s considerable depth of up to 11 metres here.29 Sessile oak (Quercus petraea) was used in building both crossings, with trunks of 14–15 metres long and 12–22 centimetres in diameter being selected. Trees felled at age 21–60 years were mostly used, these accounting for 71.51% of all samples taken from exposed piles.30 On this bridge, as on the Gniezno bridge, numerous artefacts were found. In addition to military items, these were remains allowing us to draw conclusions about the life of the Ostrów Lednicki community in the Middle Ages.31 The bridge to Ledniczka is one of the most important archaeological discoveries made in the waters of Lake Lednica in the last two decades. At the current stage of research, it can be stated that two bridges led to Ledniczka Island, one having been erected in the Early Piast period at the beginning of the 10th century. It is not known when it fell into disuse, but it is unlikely to have survived the Gniezno and Poznan´ bridges. The second bridge to Ledniczka was erected in the 13th century or at the turn of 14th and can be connected with the construction of the motte-type structure on the island.32 Dendrochronology and a range of radiocarbon dates suggest that the bridge functioned here in the 10th century. This is confirmed by a few artefacts dating from this period, and particularly items of characteristic, richly decorated militaria. On the island, no archaeological layers have been found that have been unambiguously dated to a similarly period as the bridge.33 This may be due to the size of earthworks carried out here in the 13th and 14th centuries. Another probable bridge to Ledniczka was erected in the 13th century or the turn of the 14th. Its operation is now also confirmed by dendrochronological and radiocarbon datings. Also, the vast majority of artefacts obtained during un24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

Grupa 2000. Dra˛z˙kowska 2000. Matuszewska-Kola 2000. Głosek / Kirpicˇnikov 2000; Tokarski 2000. Radka 2014 (1); Wilke 2014; Kola / Radka / Wilke 2016, pp. 117–121. Wilke 2014, pp. 41–68; Kola / Radka / Wilke 2016, p. 120. Radka 2014 (1), pp. 41–68; Kola / Radka / Wilke 2016, p. 122. Kola / Wilke 2014. Pydyn et al. 2018; Pydyn / Popek 2020; Pydyn / Lewek 2022. Pydyn et al. 2018; Pydyn / Popek 2020.

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derwater research can be associated with the 13th- to 14th-century phase of the crossings’ use.34 At the same time, the general archaeological context in the form of the investigated motte-type residence broadly dated to the 13th to 14th centuries would justify the erection of a bridge connecting Ledniczka to the mainland. The function of this stronghold has not been fully explained;35 it was certainly no longer a seat of central power, but may have been a local authority seat, perhaps of a castellan or the residence of the local noble family. Aside from relics of bridges, the waters of Lake Lednica have also yielded a significant number of dugout boats. Among as many as seven specimens found in the lake, three are from the end of the Early Middle Ages or beginning of the High Middle Ages. Two medieval canoes have been excavated and lifted, while one remains in situ. They were made of woods such as oak, linden and poplar. Two of the discovered dugouts are unique artefacts of approximately ten metres long. This has resulted in some interesting interpretations. The first suggests that they were work boats and their considerable length was designed to help transport piles for building bridges, embankments or other building materials. Another associates these craft with a battle possibly fought in 1038 with the forces of Bretislav of Bohemia. However, it seems most likely that the large logboats performed a prestige function and served the ducal court.36 During the research into the bridges and during large-scale surveys around the island, numerous items of medieval militaria were found. These artefacts were concentrated on the western side of the island, on both sides of the relics of bridges.37 The items of arms and armour include 155 shaft-hole axes and 63 spear points38 (including three on spears preserved in their entirety),39 as well as eight swords,40 a conical helmet and a chain mail. However, in addition to the militaria, many other items (especially sickles) were found around the island. Axes are a very abundant category of militaria extracted from the lakebed. One hundred and forty-one have been documented. They include objects that can be considered work tools, but also very richly decorated objects. In many cases, hilts have also been preserved. The oldest items are from the 9th century and first half of the 10th. The largest group is dated to the latter 10th century and first half of the 11th. Part of the collection has also been dated to the Late Middle Ages. Most of

34 35 36 37 38 39 40

Pydyn et al. 2018; Pydyn / Popek 2020. Górecki / Łastowiecki / Wrzesin´ski 1996, p. 197. Ossowski 1999; Idem 2014; Radka 2017. Wilke 2006; Kola / Radka / Wilke 2016, p. 127. Sankiewicz 2018, p. 28. Idem 2013, p. 28. Idem 2011, p. 13; Pydyn / Lewek 2022.

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the artefacts are local products, but imports from Great Moravia, Pomerania, Scandinavia and Ruthenia have also been found.41 The next category of finds discovered in abundance in Lake Lednica is that of spears. 63 were found in the lakebed. It is worth mentioning that three the spears were preserved with their entire shafts intact. Most are local products, but the collection also includes imports from Scandinavia. Like the axes, the spears have been dated similarly to the construction and use of the Poznan´ and Gniezno bridges.42 Swords constitute another important category of artefacts found during the underwater research, with eight in total having been recovered. Six can be traced back to the beginnings of the Piast dynasty or a little later. All had the undecorated steel hilts typical of artefacts known from Central Europe. Two blades had the remains of the inscription “+VLFBERHT+”.43 Formally, these swords refer to many other artefacts known from Central and Eastern Europe,44 and therefore determining their provenance based on macroscopic analysis is not possible. The situation is different concerning the blade with the mentioned “+VLFBERHT+” inscription. Many specialists suggest, they were produced in an unknown workshop located in the Rhineland.45 A sword found in 2020 on the relics of the bridge leading to Ledniczka Island has more special features. The item was embedded pommel-first, and at an angle, into the lakebed. The sword was classified as type X in Jan Greve Thaulow Petersen’s division and can be dated to the latter 9th and 10th centuries. A brass potent cross symbol (a version of a Jerusalem cross) was fitted on the blade.46 This type of ornament is not common. It has only been observed on a few other swords. The closest analogy is the Hedeby find, which is also type X in the Petersen division and has an identical symbol in yellow metal on one of the flats of the blade.47 Another item of this type is known from Poland – from Reczków (Masovia Voivodeship). The sword binding suggests the 11th century, but the form of the cross itself is very similar to the Ostrów Lednicki artefact.48 This abundance of military artefacts found underwater has given rise to two widely differing interpretations. The first suggests that they are the traces of a battle that took place on the bridges and the western shore of the island. This battle is proposed to have been fought in a. d. 1038, with the attacking party 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

Sankiewicz / Wyrwa 2013, pp. 351–352. Sankiewicz 2018, pp. 27–33; Wilke 2018, pp. 33–88. Sankiewicz 2011, pp. 13–18. Pudło / Z˙abin´ski 2011, p. 25. Oakeshott 2002, pp. 7–8; Stalsberg 2008, p. 338. Kucypera et al. 2021. Gebig / Paulsen 1999, p. 79. Z˙abin´ski / Ste˛pin´ski / Biborski 2014, p. 47.

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having been the forces of Duke Bretislav of Bohemia.49 The second interpretation, however, connects these finds with the symbolic and sacral sphere. Riding tack taken from the lake is another category of artefacts containing items of foreign origin. Of two imported stirrups, one has analogues in Prussian or Lithuanian territories,50 and the other may come from northern or western Europe.51 Spurs have also been found under the water, some being ornamented. Since there are not many items of this type in the Slavic region, a foreign provenance can be considered here, too. An important argument supporting the recognition of Ostrów Lednicki as a trading centre is provided by trader weights. During the underwater research, eight such items were recovered. These are spherical weights with flat ends in a copper alloy sheath that are very typical of the medieval period. During terrestrial research, another 129 trader weights were found. Mentioned spherical weights are complemented by cuboctahedral weights, of which 14 have been recorded. There are also discoidal weights with a hole in the middle and many others. All these weights further emphasise the commercial importance of the Lednica settlement complex.52 In addition to luxury goods and militaria, underwater excavations have also yielded a very large collection of everyday objects, especially those made of organic materials. Many more such artefacts were found on the relics of the Gniezno bridge. There are agricultural tools, household items and remanants of fishing activities. It is also worth mentioning artefacts such as fragments of rope or leather, which are exceptionally rare in archaeological material. This allows us to very precisely reconstruct the everyday life of the medieval inhabitants of Ostrów Lednicki. Summarising the brief analysis of the medieval settlement and the finds from Lake Lednica, it should be noted that the island, but also the landscape around it, has undergone major anthropogenic changes. The early Piasts rebuilt the island’s settlement complex, but also the surrounding areas. In the waters surrounding Ostrów Lednicki, an exceptional abundance of military items and prestige objects from other cultural zones has been found. This suggests that the island was not only a central place, but also a place of intense exchange and a crossroads of trade routes. Objects from various parts of Europe prove that this trade had a supra-regional character, however. One might also be tempted to say that, among the network of connections of the time,

49 50 51 52

Wilke 2006, pp. 446–449. Górecki 2001, p. 148. Kaz´mierczak 2014, p. 141. Tabaka 2005, p. 131–144.

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Ostrów Lednicki (and probably Poznan´ and Gniezno as well as other large centres under the control of the Piast dynasty) should be treated as trade emporia. [Translated by Tim Brombley]

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Wrzesin´ski, Jacek: Grób ze srebrnym naszyjnikiem z Dziekanowic, in: Wrzesien´ski, Jacek / Wyrwa, Andrzej Marek (eds.): Srebrny Naszyjnik z kaptorgami i krzyz˙owata˛ zawieszka˛ z Dziekanowic. 2011, pp. 54–56. Wyrwa, Andrzej Marek: Podsumowanie, in: Kurnatowska, Zofia / Wyrwa, Andrzej Marek (eds.): Ostrów Lednicki. Rezydencjonalno-stołeczny os´rodek pierwszych Piastów. 2016, pp. 303–304. Z˙abin´ski, Grzegorz / Ste˛pin´ski, Janusz / Biborski, Marcin: Technology of Sword Blades from the La Tene Period to the Early Modern Age. The Case of What is Now Poland. 2014.

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Fig. 1. Localisation of Lednica Lake and relics of medieval bridges (M. Popek).

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Wojciech Chudziak

The Chełmno Land in the Early Middle Ages – On the Border of the Worlds

Abstract The Chełmno Land was subjected to various interregional influences coming from different directions in the early Middle Ages. This sketch takes a closer look at the issue of the area’s potential ties with the wider East, mainly Kievan Rus. These ties are most readable in the archaeological material in the case of pre-locational Chelmno and in the Gruczno cemetery (the period from the second half of the 11th to the beginning of the 13th century). These contacts were certainly primarily economic in nature and probably occurred bilaterally via merchants moving along the Pripyat-Bug route, as well as using both the overland and Vistula routes. Keywords: Chełmno Land; interregional contacts; long-distance routes; Rus and Byzantium, early Middle Ages

In the past, border areas situated on the outskirts of settlement regions underwent various socio-cultural processes typical of such a location. Of these, the most common include the phenomena of infiltration and acculturation, potentially ever present regardless of the natural tendency for the ethnic-cultural distinctiveness and identity of communities inhabiting specific territories to persevere. These processes are stimulated by interregional contacts including trade and the related communication infrastructure that allowed people, tangible goods of all kind, and ideas to move relatively quickly in space; in this respect, a significant part in this process is played by – as it is most often assumed – economic and socio-political factors. An instructive example of such an area is the territory that covers the interfluves of the Vistula, the Drwe˛ca, and the Osa, referred to in historiography as the Chełmno Land. Determined by the region’s main watercourses, these boundaries were probably formed only at the threshold of the Teutonic Order’s aggression in the third decade of the 13th century.1 In the pre-state period (9th–10th century), Prof. Dr. Wojciech Chudziak, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, ORCID: https://orcid.org/ 0000-0003-3409-0991. 1 Powierski 1973, p. 82.

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these rivers tended to serve as bridges of colonisation than barriers delimiting settlement development (fig. 1).2 The Chełmno Land was situated in the northeastern outskirts of the western Slavdom directly bordering a zone occupied by West Baltic tribes. Due to its specific geopolitical location in the Early Middle Ages, this area was exposed to various interregional influences from the direction of Greater Poland and Kujawy, Pomerania, Prussia and Masovia, and, in a broader perspective of the Central and Eastern Europe, including from Scandinavia, Rus’, and Western Europe.3 The Chełmno Land is therefore an excellent “testing ground” for undertaking socio-historical (including archaeological alone) comparative studies on the dynamics regarding how the local community’s settlements developed and the directions in which its culture grew in the context of foreign influence. Given the subject addressed in this publication, it is worth offering some insight into the idea that this area was potentially associated with the East in a broad sense, mainly Kievan Rus’ and the more distant realms of Byzantium and the Caliphate, albeit only indirectly. This issue has been repeatedly addressed in the literature during the course of various studies on the contact between the western Slavdom and its eastern neighbours.4 An important element of this discussion, at least from the perspective of studies on the Chełmno Land, is whether a far-reaching land trail leading across northern Masovia existed as an alternative to the traditional Vistula-Bug trail, examined in the context of distribution of Arab silver in the area of Poland (fig. 2).5 In the 9th century, just like Greater Poland and Kujawy, the Chełmno Land was basically outside the circulation area of Arab silver, as indirectly evidenced by the absence of silver deposits from that era. The sole exception is the deposit recently found in the Vistula River valley near Gzin-Kokocko, comprising about 250–300 oriental coins, mainly of rulers of the Abbasid dynasty minted in the years 750–862.6 It is difficult to draw an unequivocal conclusion as regards the origin of that single (as yet) find related to the second wave of the inflow of Arab silver into Europe. Hypothetically, it can be considered a mark that the Vikings’ had reached as far as the bend of the lower Vistula. It cannot be ruled out that this incursion was conducted from the emporium at Truso, which was at the peak of its growth at that time.7 That silver made its way to the Vistula region by sea, since the Prypec´Bug land trail leading from the east is not present in the hoards before the last 2 See fig. 1 at the end of the chapter. 3 See fig. 1 at the end of the chapter. 4 Chudziak 1997; Kowalewski 2003; Łosin´ski 2002; Markiewicz 2007; Wołoszyn 2007; Adamczyk 2018. 5 See fig. 2 at the end of the chapter. 6 Bogucki / Ilisch / Suchodolski 2016, pp. 224–225. 7 Jagodzin´ski 2010; Idem 2015.

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quarter of the 9th century, and is rather related to the transfer of silver towards seaside settlements, primarily, Wiskiauten in Sambia (Czechowo, after the year 882, Drohiczyn II, after the year 870/893; Klukowicze 902). It remains unclear as to the equivalent of the deposited ore mass and the likely party to the exchange of goods for silver. Relatively close to the location where the treasure was unearthed, there are remnants of a gord in Pien´, the beginnings of which are dated back to the second half of the 8th century and the first half of the 9th century. Two spurs with fasteners hooked to the inside, which were discovered in the accumulated layers of the gord, including one made of bronze, most likely of Carolingian origin, prove that tribal elites were present in this area.8 The location of the gord is consistent with the network of this type of settlements that occur in the three crucial settlement mesoregions related to the Vistula basin and its left-bank tributaries – that is, the Drwe˛ca and the Osa. These enclaves should be interpreted as supra-local communities that united the people centred in each case in several microregions with distinct fronts serving central socio-cultural functions (microregions like these are settlement complexes best-identified in the Chełmno Land in Gronowo and Napole).9 We assume that they were segmentary and in our view, on two levels of the complexity of settlement structures, they correspond to the designata of notions used by Bavarian Geographer regiones et civitates, where the other term is interpreted not as gords, but settlement agglomerations linked to the main microregional centres.10 On the border of the two main regions related directly to the Vistula on one side and to the Drwe˛ca basin on the other, there was an island settlement in Grodno. It was a place of old settlement traditions (a hillfort of Lusatian culture) used once again in the second half of the 9th century, as evidenced by a wooden bridge built in 880.11 The people inhabiting that area, based particularly in the Vistula region, were likely to have engaged in various cultural interactions with visitors from the north who were transferring Kufic silver upriver. It is difficult to determine whether these goods only included – as commonly assumed, due to the hardships of the journey and the costs of transport – slaves and forest products, mainly fur that was probably easily obtainable in the forests of the Chełmno Land, or whether in this case, the precious commodity was salt, which was mined in nearby Kujawy. Given the uniqueness of the discovery, these deliberations are obviously mainly speculative, and the interpretation is additionally hindered by the fact that the fronts of the mentioned territorial communities in the Chełmno Land seem to have partially disappeared in the second half of the 9th century. 8 9 10 11

Polin´ski 2019, fig. 5.18. Chudziak / Weinkauf 2019. Chudziak 2020, pp. 73–76. Chudziak /Weinkauf 2021.

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Arab silver deposits have been shown to have a different distribution in the discussed zone for the second third of the 10th century, primarily in the 950s, which corresponds to the younger stage of the third wave of this metal’s influx to the countries in the Baltic area.12 Let us recall that somewhat earlier, in the 930s and the 940s, it reached Greater Poland, where its arrival coincided with the beginnings of the building of Piast gords that served as the foundation for the spatial organisation of the early state.13 The absence of such finds in both the Chełmno-Dobrzyn´ zone and in Kujawy at this stage of the research allows us to exclude these areas from the zone where oriental silver potentially circulated at that time. This situation did not change until the early 950s and pertains mainly to the Chełmno-Dobrzyn´ zone, since in Kujawy no deposit from that era has been found as yet. One should not attribute this identity without prior reflection to the deposit of half-bracteates from Hedeby found in Kruszwica, whose dating is uncertain due to the context of the excavation.14 Based on the location of the silver treasures and the chronologically consistent hillforts, a hypothesis was formulated a quarter of a century ago that the area was within the range of a farreaching trail leading from Kievan Rus’ through Masovia towards Pomerania.15 Allegedly, evidence for this is the dirham hoard referring to the Prypec´ deposits found in Kowalewo Pomorskie (tpq 954–955), Balin (tpq 950), Tuchola (tpq 952/ 953), and Strzelce Dolne (tpq 949), dominated by dirhams of the Samanid dynasty minted in the years 892–954 in Samarkand, Bukhara, and as-Sas. This concept, adopted in the literature by Łosin´ski, is not necessarily an alternative to the view that this ore was distributed via a sea route leading from northern Rus’ towards the southern Baltic coast.16 In truth, both these variants of how the Arab ore was likely transferred by means of intermediaries of different nations are possibly true. The hoard of Kowalewo Pomorskie located in the Chełmno Land contained 45 coins most of which were minted by the Persian monarch Nasr ibn Ahmad and his son Nuh (ibn Nasr). It was unearthed close to the hillfort in Napole, where a bronze penannular brooch with faceted studs at the ends and a bone awl with Borre-style ornaments were found in layers dated back to the second half of the 10th century, both of rather foreign origin, usually liked to the Scandinavian environment. This hillfort is a remnant of one of many gords of this kind dated back to at least second half of the 10th century known from the Chełmno Land, some of which were likely erected back in the first half of the 10th century. In that period, the area was covered by a dense, relatively regular network of gords, many of which were built in lieu of former strongholds. Three 12 13 14 15 16

Łosin´ski 2002; Adamczyk 2014. Kara 2009. Bogucki / Ilisch / Suchodolski 2017. Chudziak 1997. Kowalewski 2003.

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decades ago, an opinion was formulated stating that they constitute elements of a large territorial-political structure situated in inter fluve of the Vistula, the Osa, and the Drwe˛ca, which served as the beginning of the historical Chełmno Land. In the neighbouring Dobrzyn´ Land, the only corresponding settlement was the gord in Borzymin, whereas on the other side of the Vistula, there were gords from the same period in Strzelce Dolne and Gruczno, most likely part of a distinct settlement structure that was developed on secular land (fig. 3).17 The chronology of the gords was determined on the basis of ceramics analyses, radiocarbon dating, and an analysis of its so-called sensitive determinants. As for the hillfort in Strzelce Dolne, one such determinant was the above-mentioned ore deposit found within the boundaries of a dwelling structure, totalling 29 elements with a prevalence of coins minted by Samanid rulers in 907–954. The research conducted over the last quarter of the century clarified many issues related to the functioning of the gord organisation in the discussed area. The key question that remains partially relevant pertains to its origin: should it be linked to the local system of chieftain strongholds (formed to counter the danger from Greater Poland and Kujawy), or are these gords a result of the Piast rule expanding over the lower Vistula, as Kurnatowska would interpret back in the day?18 It is likely that these areas are attributed to the Piasts in the mid-10th century indirectly based on the account given by Ibrahim ibn Yacub in Al-Bakri’s records announcing that the Mesca domains reached as far as the Prussian lands (Brus), which obviously does not mean that the mentioned gords were founded on his initiative. On the contrary; if anything, their layout rather shows them to be of local origin, integrally connected to the local territorial communities and the formation of the chieftain elites in this area. It is this type of elite that one should consider as potential participants in far-reaching trade, one of the main axes of which can be recreated along a line running across the settlements in Borzymin, Napole, Gronowo, Grodno, Chełmz˙a, and Kałdus, and west of the Vistula – the settlement in Gruczno. The reconstruction of the land trail on the Chełmno-Dobrzyn´ section shows that the key role in this structure was likely played by the settlement complex in Kałdus – that is, the historical Chełmno (fig. 5).19 It was situated at the intersection of the land route and the traditional Vistulian route that operated back in Antiquity. In the second half of the 10th century, a large gord was located there, covering an area of a hectare with shallow pit-houses, within whose premises there was a stone pile at the foot of the Saint Lawrence Hill, which is interpreted as

17 See fig. 3 at the end of the chapter. 18 Kurnatowska 2002. 19 See fig. 5 at the end of the chapter.

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a sacrificial site related to pre-Christian beliefs.20 In the boundaries of the hillfort, numerous items of foreign origin dated to that era were discovered (fig. 6),21 including a Samanid dirham from ca. mid-10th century, a segmental bead with gold film likely to have come from a Byzantine or a Muslim atelier, a gilded Borrestyle fitting, an element of a gilded clasp and a bronze penannular brooch, analogous to the one found in Napole. As the biggest settlement in the region, it served as the “gatekeeper” of the Vistula trail that opened the way to the Chełmno Land from the side of the Vistula, in line with the theory of gateway cities.22 Therefore, it is not unlikely that the target destination of the silver transfer was primarily the area of lower Powis´le, and that it did not reach early Baltic seaside settlements until later, most likely Gdan´sk (urbs Gyddanyzc23) and the more distant settlement of Kołobrzeg (via Radacz). Perhaps, as some researchers suppose, part of this quota was transferred towards Greater Poland, but as yet, no source documentation that would support this assumption has been found. It was mentioned above that no hoard of this dating has been yet confirmed in Kujawy except for single coins from Racice by Lake Gopło.24 Therefore, it is safe to assume that in that period, the Masovia-Pomerania trail that ran from Kievan Rus’ via the Chełmno Land was basically beyond the direct influence of the Piast rulers who used tomainly source silver using the Wolin trail (via Santok) and the Central Pomeranian trail (via the island in Z˙ółte), as well as across Central Poland (Łe˛czyca). This trade probably took place with the participation of the local elites and merchants that came from settlements in Rus’ and on the Vistula, chiefly Chełmno, among others, which at that time became the region’s most important socio-political and economic settlement. Therefore, controlling the trail in question required seizing that settlement and controlling the related area politically.25 This seems to have been the first essential step towards subjugating the entire lower Powis´le, including the settlement on the Motława (urbs Gyddanyzc). This probably did not happen before the 970s, when numerous coins of the Samanid emir Mansur ibn Nuh minted in the years 961–976 made their way to the transferred Arab ore mass. The best example of this is the Us´c´ hoard found near the Saint Lawrence Hill in Kałdus dated to after the year 973/975, which also included single Byzantine miliaresions (of Constantine VII, Constantine X, Romanos II, and Jan Tzimiskes), coins of Volga Bulgarians and specimens of German coins. A similar structure is that of two hoards from northern Masovia deposited after 975 in Ciechanów and Pu20 21 22 23 24 25

Chudziak 2003. See fig. 6 at the end of the chapter. Bojarski / Chudziak / Weinkauf 2017. Karwasin´ska / Abgarowicz 2009, p. 158. Bogucki / Ilisch / Suchodolski 2016. See fig. 7 at the end of the chapter.

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rzyce, which, the prevailing Arab coins aside, also include single Byzantine and West-European coins. The former contains the greatest deposit of coins minted by Mansur ibn Nuh unearthed in Poland so far. The Masovian finds provide the best evidence for a land trail linking Kievan Rus’ with the Chełmno Land. Assumedly, these dirhams made their way also to Central Poland across northern Masovia too. This is because there are premises suggesting that at that time, a land trail was opened leading directly from northern Masovia towards Kujawy and Greater Poland. The spatial distribution of Mansur ibn Nuh’s coins that supports the theory that they were transferred along such a route is instructive. In the Dobrzyn´ Land, the most recent discoveries of Arab coin deposits in Kołat-Rybniki and Sumin (?) prove that the part of the Rus’ trail that branches off in the vicinity of today’s Rypin also led directly towards Kujawy after 970/980. It was then that these areas fell within the range of the circulation of dirhams that were coming in to these lands most likely from the direction of Masovia. Thanks to Dorota Malarczyk’s analyses, we know that both these deposits there were Mansur ibn Nuh’s dirhams minted between the years 961–976. A specimen of this type was also found in an 11th-century hoard from Steklin that lies on the very same trail leading towards Kujawy.26 In turn, a hoard from Ga˛ski comes from Kujawy, the oldest ore hoard in this land deposited after 983. According to Malarczyk, the youngest Arab coins in this deposit are dirhams of a Buyid emir named Adud alDawla dated to the year 980/981 and of the Samanid ruler Mansur ibn Nuh (after 976). It is worth noting that the hoard of Ga˛ski coincides with the time when the fortified settlement in Kruszwica was built, dendrochronologically dated to the year 976 (fig. 7).27 This was a result of the incorporation of these lands to the Piast state and it becoming the headquarters of the Duke’s authorities.28 Back then, Chełmno played a similar role in the Chełmno Land to Kruszwica in Kujawy. Most likely, in the last quarter of the 10th century, it became part of the Piast state. This time frame and the first quarter of the subsequent century are related to the building of numerous strongholds in the Chełmno Land, often using remnants of earlier gords (Kałdus, Chełmz˙a, Grodno, Gronowo, Napole). It is argued that the dendrochronological results for the bridge in Grodno and the similarities in the ceramics indirectly show that many of them were erected or remodelled in the period from 998 to 1029.29 Some of these strongholds were situated along the newly established trail leading towards Prussia, which was, as it is known, of 26 27 28 29

Chudziak / Musiałowski / Weinkauf [2023]. See fig. 7 at the end of the chapter. Dzieduszycki 2008. Chudziak / Weinkauf 2019, fig. 2.22.

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political interest to the Piast dynasty. Moreover, it is not unlikely that the corpse of Bishop Adalbert of Prague was transported from Prussia via this route. Its existence is likely also supported by the account conveyed by Jan Długosz, according to which Bolesław I the Brave embarked on a campaign against Prussia in 1015 per terram Regni sui Culmensem and, having succeeded, ordered a border stone to be set in the middle of the Osa River. In the Chełmno Land, this trail crossed the route from Rus’ that apparently operated throughout the Early Middle Ages. However, the Vistula trail was of exceptional importance, as it opened the way for the Piasts towards the Baltic Sea. This context should be applied to the richly equipped chamber graves dated back to the fourth quarter of the 10th century and the first half of the 11th century discovered in Kałdus and Pien´.30 There is a clear concentration of these finds along the lower section of the Vistula River, particularly considering the graves known from Ciepłe that are analogous in terms of form.31 The interpretation of these exclusive burial sites is not unequivocal, as some researchers support their local, West-Slavic origin, pointing that the idea of building chamber graves is supra-regional and related to the high status of the buried.32 Many other researchers claim, however, that among the individuals resting in these graves, equipped with luxury items from various parts of contemporary Europe, there were some of foreign origin too (i.a., Michał Kara, Władysław Duczko, Wojciech Chudziak). Genetic studies of the burials from Ciepłe unequivocally confirm that at least some of them were related to the Scandinavian environment.33 The presence of elites of northern origin in Kałdus/Chełmno is particularly indicated by two artefacts with a runic inscriptions: a gaming piece and a lead pendant cross. Therefore, it is likely that among the buried people we can find mercenaries hired by the Piasts to oversee the lower Powis´le, which was the key trail linking Greater Poland with the mouth of the Vistula. Considering the mobility of Scandinavian elites and the transfer of items it entailed, one should not be surprised that the objects found in these graves came from the East. At present, it seems likely to me that this origin can be attributed to a bucket covered with bronze silver-plated sheet metal with mythological ornaments depicting birds and dragons, unearthed in chamber grave 37/06 in Pien´ and the wooden plate with gilded bronze fittings, ornamented with the Christian motif of the peridexion with a beast and birds sitting in the tree, found in chamber grave 60/00 in Kałdus (fig. 4).34 Given the style of the ornaments, I would venture to associate the ornamentation of the former to that found in the area of Rus’, while in the latter I 30 31 32 33 34

Bojarski et al. 2016. Wadyl 2019. Janowski 2015. Wadyl 2019, pp. 481–491. Chudziak 2001; see fig. 4 at the end of the chapter.

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would be inclined to see similarities to Byzantine ornamentation.35 However, it cannot be ruled out that the plate was created in the Anglo-Irish art circle, in which the influence of Eastern Christendom is also visible. Other items that made their way there via the eastern route were a necklace made of lapis lazuli discovered in chamber grave 32/06 in Pien´.36 The contact between Chełmno and Rus’ has been confirmed most comprehensively for the second half of the 11th century and the 12th century, when a craftand-trade settlement operated at the foot of Saint Lawrence Hill, the greatest in the Chełmno Land, related to the Castellan gord.37 The donation for the Benedictine monastery in Mogilno nonum forum cum tabernario in Culmine known from the so-called Mogilno forgery confirms its economic and political importance in that period, whereas the biggest early medieval necropolis in Kałdus known in that part of Pomerania is indicative of the high demographic potential of that settlement.38 Numerous mercantile utensils, weights, fragments of scales, and numerous coins coupled with remains of craft workshops serve as evidence of its early urban character.39 An archaeological testimony of its intense contact with Rus’ is given by numerous items of occidental provenance found in the stronghold, the settlement beyond the gord, and in the graveyard. Usually, we know neither the circumstances under which these objects found their way to the lower Powis´le, nor the exact route of that transfer. We do not know whether this took place via the land route or the Bug-Vistula water trail, both unquestionably in use in that period, though it is likely that the traffic varied depending on the changing socio-political climate. When considering their origin, it is always relevant to question whether here it is merely a question of a transfer of objects, or did it include people who were using them and, possibly, ideas resulting in the replication of cultural models. This problem is highly complex and requires in each case a detailed analysis of the cultural context of specific categories of items, as pointed out some time ago by Marcin Wołoszyn when examining artefacts of oriental provenance present in early medieval Poland.40 One should bear in mind that the rationale behind the so-called ethnic interpretation of archaeological artefacts is often questioned. As for the assemblage of objects from the historical settlement of Chełmno, attention should be paid not only to the single categories of finds originating in the East, but also the characteristic assemblage of such finds, whose closest analogy can be found in the nearby town of Kruszwica, which remained in close 35 36 37 38 39 40

Cf. Drewni Novgorod, pp. 82–85; Błaszczyk 1997, pp. 29–30. Błaszczyk 2020, p. 104. Chudziak et al. 2016. Kodeks dyplomatyczny Wielkopolski. Suplement. 1881/4/3. Chudziak et al. 2016. Wołoszyn 2007.

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contact with Kievan Rus’ (fig. 5–7).41 Firstly, here one should list over ten specimens of spindle whorls made of Volhynian shale found in Kałdus, repeatedly discussed in the context of Polish-Rus’ connections (fig. 7b).42 There is a common association made between Kievan craftsmanship and glazed ceramic products: rattles in the form of eggs (three items), a rattle with bulges and a small star (fig. 6c–d).43 An oriental (either Rus’ or Arab) provenance can be also attributed to numerous glass beads that occur individually and as necklaces, among others, cylindrical beads with a zigzag pattern (fig. 5a).44 One of them, of a mosaic-tyke type, found in layers of a 12th-century gord, came from the Middle East, though it was most likely manufactured much earlier (4–5th century).45 Other items of this kind that probably made their way directly from Rus’ to Chełmno included numerous beads made of semi-precious stones, carnelian, fluorite, and rock crystal mined in Transcaucasia,46 though it cannot be ruled out that they originated in the mountain ranges in southern Poland (fig. 7a).47 The Varangians of Rus’ are also associated with a bronze miniature axe dated to the 12th century, found in the ruins of a stone church (fig. 6b).48 Although this opinion has been questioned, no other convincing concept regarding their origin has been formulated.49 Another item that should be considered of occidental origin is a fragment of an amphora handle from the 12th century, unearthed at the hillfort, which was used for transporting wine or olive oil (fig. 6e).50 It is beyond question that eastern origin can also be attributed to a lead orthodox cross with crossshaped arms found in the settlement beyond the gord (fig. 5b),51 and a silk band with a gold thread made probably in Byzantium, found at one of the utility buildings.52 More luxurious bands of this kind were unearthed in the graveyard (graves 76/01 and 290/02).53 In the context of the relations that Chełmno had with Rus’ and Byzantium, another issue that sparks much interest is the matter of two flat antler plates formed into chess rooks found in the relics of the gord buildings (12th century) (fig. 6a).54 It was from the east that the concept of this elitist game

41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54

Dzieduszycki 2008; see fig. 5–7 at the end of the chapter. Wołoszyn 2010; Chudziak 2017, fig. 109; see fig. 7b at the end of the chapter. Kaczmarek 1998; Chudziak 2017; see fig. 6c–d at the end of the chapter. Markiewicz 2008; see fig. 5a at the end of the chapter. Chudziak 2017, p. 17. Ibid., p. 186, fig. 101. Błaszczyk 2020, p. 102; see fig. 7a at the end of the chapter. Chudziak 2003; Wołoszyn 2010; see fig. 6b at the end of the chapter. Kucypera / Pranke / Wadyl 2010. Wołoszyn 2010; Chudziak 2017, fig. 96; see fig. 6e at the end of the chapter. See fig. 5b at the end of the chapter. Grupa 2007, p. 108. Ibid., p. 109. Chudziak 2017, p. 175; see fig. 6a at the end of the chapter.

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trickled into the Polish land from.55 On the territory of Rus, one should also look for an analogy to a spoon-pendant made of bone, originally probably constituting one of the elements of a set of miniature instruments acting as an amulet.56 Discussing briefly the contacts between the historical settlement of Chełmno and Rus’, one cannot ignore the finds from the early medieval graveyard in Gruczno situated on the other side of the Vistula vis-à-vis Saint Lawrence Hill, two kilometres away, dated back to the end of the 11th century or the first half of the 13th century (fig. 8–11).57 In this respect, special attention is drawn to devotional objects from Rus’ or Byzantium with closely analogous finds from sites in Rus’ known from the area stretching from Kiev to Velky Novogrod (among others, pendants with a cross with arms of equal length, with a cross featuring a ring, a cross with a slanting lower bar, a diadem, or rings bearing similar symbols).58 Another item of Rus’ origin is a cuff-type bracelet with a plant ornament (fig. 8c).59 As in the case of Kałdus, these graves involve numerous glass products, including a bracelet covered with an enamel and professionally made glass beads whose provenance is associated with the territory of Rus’ (fig. 8b, 10).60 In turn, a unique find unearthed at the site takes the form of a glass star covered with an enamel bearing the mark of the Rurik dynasty, which is direct evidence of Rus’Varangian contact (fig. 8a).61Thanks to studies conducted by Małgorzata Grupa, it is also known that fragments of forehead bands preserved on the skulls of two women were made of precious silk with a gold thread, a product of specialist ateliers of Byzantium or the Far East (fig. 11a–b).62 In this case, one should note a zoomorphic ornament on one of the ribbons (grave 247) interpreted by the author of this study as a depiction of a griffin (fig. 11a).63 However, assuming that the depiction of that animal is hypothetically naturalistic, in this case, its anatomic features such as long legs, a long neck, the shape of its skull and, particularly, the bulgeon its back, would be indicative of an attempt to present a dromedary (?). The second of the ribbons discovered in grave 921 is decorated with a motif, characteristic of Byzantine and Rus’art, of two birds sitting by the 55 Sołtysiak 2014. 56 Chudziak 2003, fig. 45j; cf. Drewnij Novgorod 1985, fig. 118; Woronin / Karper 1951, fig. 194/1, 6. 57 See fig. 8–11 at the end of the chapter. 58 Boguwolski / Hyss 2005; cf. Drewnij Nowgorod 1985, fig. 86; see fig. 8d–e and 9 at the end of the chapter. 59 Drewnij Nowgorod 1985, fig. 122–124; see fig. 8c at the end of the chapter. 60 Boguwolski / Hyss 2005; Markiewicz 2008; Drewnij Nowgorod 1985, fig. 245–248; Wołoszyn 2010; see fig. 8b and 10 at the end of the chapter. 61 Boguwolski / Hyss 2005; Krysztofiak 2013, pp. 120–121; see fig. 8a at the end of the chapter. 62 Grupa 2009; see fig. 11a–b at the end of the chapter. 63 See fig. 11a at the end of the chapter.

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tree of life (arbor vitae).64 In turn, contacts with the Far East are suggested by cowry shells discovered in one of the graves, which occur in the warm waters of the Indo-Pacific) (fig. 10b).65 As shown in this brief review, the cultural contacts between Rus’ and the inhabitants of Chełmno before its foundation and the individuals buried in the cemetery in Gruczno, and in the case of Kruszwica, are well documented in the archaeological sources dating from the second half of the 11th century to the beginning of the 13th century. These contacts were definitely economic first and foremost, and were likely to have been pursued bilaterally by merchants who travelled along the Prypec´-Bug trail, as well as those using both the land route and the Vistula trail. It can be assumed that some items of eastern origin may have found their way to the Vistula as a result of various political and military contacts between the people of the two regions (e. g., gifts, booty). Furthermore, it is not unlikely that there was a flow of larger groups of people of Rus’ origin, indirect evidence of which are the personal belongings found in many graves in Gruczno that indicate that the individuals buried there were from that cultural circle. The contact with Rus’ was also maintained in the 13th century, in a new social-political reality after Chełmno was founded in 1233. This is because in the context of that settlement, reference is made to the establishment of trade contacts with Rus’, the route leading to Rus’, and information that confirms that merchants of Chełmno would take it when coming back from Rus’ by cart.66 [Translated by Joanna Zahorska]

Bibliography Printed sources Karwasin´ska, Jadwiga (ed.) / Abgarowicz, Kazimierz (transl.): Kanapariusz, Jan: S´wie˛tego Wojciecha z˙ywot pierwszy. 2009. Kodeks dyplomatyczny Wielkopolski. Suplement. 1881/4/3. Seraphim, August (ed.): Preussisches Urkundenbuch. 1909/1.2.

64 Woronin / Karper 1951, fig. 205/1–2; 211/1; 214; 245; see fig. 11b at the end of the chapter. 65 Boguwolski / Hyss 2005; see fig. 10b at the end of the chapter. 66 Seraphim 1909, No. 486.

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Polin´ski, Dariusz: Pien´, gm. Da˛browa Chełmin´ska (stanowisko 1), in: Chudziak, Wojciech / Bojarski, Jacek (eds.): Wczesnos´redniowieczne grodziska w Polsce. Powiat bydgoski, województwo kujawsko-pomorskie. 2019/1. Powierski, Jan: Studia nad struktura˛ administracyjno-terytorialna˛ ziemi chełmin´skiej i michałowskiej w okresie piastowskim, in: Prace Komisji Historii. 1973/9, pp. 3–86. Sołtysiak, Michał: Archeologia szachów. Przyczynek do badania zmian kulturowych dotycza˛cych pozycji kobiet w ´sredniowieczu, na przykładzie transformacji figury wezyra w królowa˛, in: Homo Ludens. 2014/1 (6), pp. 153–170. Wadyl, Sławomir: Cmentarzysko na tle ´srodkowo- i północnoeuropejskim, in: Wadyl, Sławomir (ed.): Ciepłe. Elitarna nekropola wczesnos´redniowieczna na Pomorzu Wschodnim. 2019, pp. 463–494. Wołoszyn, Marcin: Mie˛dzy Gnieznem, Krakowem a Kijowem. Archeologia o wczesnos´redniowiecznych relacjach polsko-ruskich i formowaniu polsko-ruskiego pogranicza, in: De˛biec, Maciej / Wołoszyn, Marcin (eds.): U z´ródeł Europy S´rodkowo-Wschodniej. Pogranicze polsko-ukrain´skie w perspektywie badan´ archeologicznych. 2007, pp. 177– 206. Wołoszyn, Marcin: Obecnos´´c ruska i skandynawska w Polsce w X–XII w. – wybrane problemy, in: Salomon, Maciej / Strzelczyk, Jerzy (eds.): We˛drówka i etnogeneza w staroz˙ytnos´ci i w ´sredniowieczu. 2010, pp. 245–276. Woronin, N. N. [Воронин, Н. Н.] / Karger, M. K. [Каргер, М. К.] (eds.): Istoria kultury drewniej Rusi [История културы древней Руси]. 1951/2.

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Fig. 1. Map of central Europe at the turn of the 10th and 11th centuries with marked main longdistance routes connecting the Chełmno land with Eastern Europe (drawing by Wiesław Ochotny).

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Fig. 2. Map of the Kuyavian-Pomeranian region with marked settlement zones and selected elements of settlement structures in the 2nd half of the 9th and 10th centuries (Chudziak 2017, fig. 9 with additions).

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Fig. 3. Strzelce Dolne, Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship. The hoard of silver Arab dirhams found in one of the dugouts at the fortified settlement (after 951) (Chudziak 2017, fig. 17).

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Fig. 4. Kałdus, Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship. Maple wood plate with bronze gilt fittings found in a chambered grave (site 4) (Chudziak 2001).

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Fig. 5. Kałdus, Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship: (a) glass necklaces (sites 1, 4) (Chudziak 2017, fig. 99; (b) cross – pendant (site 2).

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Fig. 6. Kałdus, Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship: (a) antler cladding in the shape of chess towers – site 2; (b) bronze miniature axe – site 3; (c) star – state 4; (d) rattle with buttons – site 4; (e) handle of a ceramic amphora – site 3 (Chudziak 2017).

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Fig. 7. Kałdus, Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship (selection from different sites): (a) semiprecious stones; (b) slate spinners (Chudziak 2017).

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Fig. 8. Gruczno, Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship: (a) ceramic enameled star; (b) glass bracelet; (c) lead bracelet; (d) bronze ring; (e) brass diadem (Boguwolski / Hyss 2005).

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Fig. 9. Gruczno, Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship: (a–d) bronze pendants – crosses (Boguwolski / Hyss 2005).

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Fig. 10. Gruczno, Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship. (a–b) glass necklaces (Markiewicz 2008, tab. 5 and tab. 10); (c) kauri shells (Boguwolski / Hyss 2005).

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Fig. 11. Gruczno, Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship. Ornaments on silk ribbons discovered in graves 247 and 921 (Grupa 2009, figs. 1–2).

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Andrzej Pleszczyn´ski

Bolesław the Brave (Chrobry) in the Records of Early Medieval Commemorative Sources

Abstract The text deals with the relationship of the first three rulers of Poland with religious centres (monasteries and cathedral chapters). Using one example from Poland and several examples of the Piasts’ links with the religious centres of the Reich, the ideological and political significance of the fraternity of Polish rulers with cult centres in the early Middle Ages is considered. Keywords: devotion of rulers; Piast dynasty; medieval obituaries; Polish-German relations; memoria

Kosmas of Prague in his Chronicle of the Bohemians recorded an interesting case of a Polish ruler being linked to a community of monks by devotional ties: Gazing down from on high on their suffering, their innocence of life, and their persistence in faith and works, God wished to reward them now for their holy labours and, as it were, to guide them back to their rejoicing fatherland by a wondrous path. Duke Mieszko, hearing of their good reputation and their holy way of life, went with a few followers to commend himself to these holy men; since he recognized their need, he gave them a great abundance of money, namely, a purse full of one hundred marks, receiving from them fraternity and community of prayers, he commended himself to them and very much asked that they perform memorials for him. Then, he went off happy to his hall.1

Prof. Dr. Andrzej Pleszczyn´ski, Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin, ORCID: https:// orcid.org/0000-0003-4830-5201. 1 Wolverton 2009, p. 98 – original Latin version: Bretholz 1923, p. 70 (I, 38): “Horum Deus x alto prospctans et vite innocentiam autque fidei et operis perservantiam cum iam laborum sanctorum suorum mercedem reddere vellet et, ut per viam mirabilem eos ad patriam reduceret exultabilem, dux Mesco audiens bonam famam eorum et conversationem sanctam, venit cum paucis, ut se commendaret hominibus sanctis, et ut eorum cognovit inopiam, dat eis magnam censum copiam, scilicet marsupium centum marcis plenum, et accipiens ab eis fraternitatem et orationem communitatem letus abiit ad suam aulam multum rogans et commendus se, ut sui habeant memoriam.”

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The donor of the community of monks was not Mieszko but his son Bolesław the Brave. The text refers to the monastery of the so-called Five Brothers of Poland, which was established in Mie˛dzyrzecz at the end of 1001.2 At that time, Mieszko had been dead for nine years.3 The importance of this congregation, founded by the disciples of St Romuald, lies in the fact that its ideological father was Emperor Otto III, who, according to Bruno of Querfurt, visited the hermits in Pereum and persuaded Romuald himself to allow some of his protégés to leave Italy and go to the north-western borderlands of what was then Poland, in order to strengthen Christianity there, and perhaps also to preach the gospel in the nearby Pomeranian and Lucitian countries, because the monastery was located on the main route from the interior of Poland to these countries. When this pious undertaking had already been decided, the Emperor presented the group of emissaries with missatici paramenta [et] optimi libri.4 The establishment of the monastery in western Greater Poland (Wielkopolska)5 was not, as we can see, some local initiative, but was backed by the authority of the emperor.6 Thus, the relationship that Bolesław the Brave concluded with the congregation also had to refer to the close political alliance of the German king (Roman emperor) with the Polish dukes existing before 1002.7 It should be mentioned that this devotional relationship of the Polish ruler with the ecclesiastical centre was not exceptional. Bolesław the Brave in 1005, as confirmed by the German chronicler Thietmar, was a brother of the cathedral community of St Maurice in Magdeburg.8 In addition, the name of Bolesław appears in the obituary of the main Billung family foundation – the monastery of St Michael in Lüneburg – but we do not know when the relationship between the ruler and this monastery was established.9 The son of Bolesław the Brave, Mieszko II gifted one of the monasteries of the beloved foundation of Henry II in Bamberg – St Michael – at an unknown time, but probably about a year 1021.10 He was associated with the foundation of St Lawrence in Merseburg as well.11 The 2 Sosnowski 2002, pp. 7–30; see also: Jasin´ski 2003, pp. 19–29; Rajman 2005, pp. 29–36. 3 Mieszko died on 25 May 992, as recorded in the chronicle of Thietmar (IV, 58) see: Warner 2001, p. 158. 4 Karwasin´ska 1973, p. 65. 5 Wiszewski 2021, pp. 495–496. 6 Pleszczyn´ski 2005, pp. 79–92; see also: Padberg 2004, pp. 311–334. 7 Pranke 2011, pp. 119–141. 8 Wolverton 2009, p. 260 (VI, 33); see comment: Michałowski 2005, pp. 55–69. 9 Althoff / Wollasch 1983, p. 27 (17.06): O[biit] Bolizlavus dux. 10 Nospickel 2004, p. 469: “Misico dux Polonorum frater noster. Hic dedit nobis pallium et VI cappas puerorum et plurimum pecuniae unde facta sunt XXIV statute que circa chorum sunt locate III candeli”. 11 Hesse 1834, p. 114 (10.05): “Lampertus siue Misico dux Poloniorum decessit”.

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name of the bishop of Poznan´, Unger (died 1012), is also written there and that of Gaudentius, the Archbishop of Gniezno (died c. 1020).12 This information should be combined with our knowledge about the similar devotional ties between Mieszko I and German religious centres. The father of Bolesław the Brave was a donor of the monastery in Fulda (of St Savior and St Sebastian), perhaps shortly before his death13 and, around a decade earlier, to the cathedral community of St Udalryk in Augsburg.14 This news makes it clear that the Piast dynasty, already in the oldest period of the Christian Polish state, was linked by devotional ties with the then most important cult centres of the Reich. We can therefore assume that, at the Piast court at the time in question, there was a culture of religious fraternal links between rulers and monasteries and chapters. Let us now consider what the meanings of these relationships were – especially for the person of Bolesław the Brave – while examining the authenticity of the accounts. First, we begin with the above-mentioned example of the Polish monastery established by the Italian Hermits and with Duke Bolesław’s brotherhood, which was recorded in the Chronicle of Bohemians by Cosmas of Prague in the early 12th century. The oldest preserved manuscripts of Cosmas’ work come from the end of the 12th century,15 and they are approximately two centuries later than the described history of the Hermits and their dynastic spiritual brother. However, the authenticity of the account of the Polish ruler’s devotional relationship with the eremitic monastery appears to be strongly attested. The researchers’ findings indicate that the passage about the Five Polish Brothers is plot compact and clearly distinguishable from the rest of the text, indicating that this passus was taken from some older account available to the chronicler. It was included in Kosmas’ text, it is believed, by the author himself, but in his younger, fuller version of the chronicle, which dominates later copies of the work. However, there is no legend of the Five Polish Brothers in the so-called Stockholm Manuscript, which was copied from the oldest version of the Chronicle of Bohemians.16 Thanks to Brun of Querfurt, a famous missionary and religious activist at the time, especially his Vita Quinque Fratrum,17 we know some details about the founding of the monastery in Mie˛dzyrzecz and relations of the monks with the 12 Althoff 1989, p. 186 (see also Diagramm 1). 13 In the Fulda Obituary Annals (Annales necrologici Fuldenses) we find two notes concerning Mieszko I. In one of the surviving versions of the obituaries Piast was called: comes et Sclavus (Schmidt 1978, p. 271), while in another he is called marchio (ibid., p. 451). 14 Berschin / Häse 1993, p. 380 (c. 2, 22). 15 Trˇesˇtík 1968. 16 Wojciechowska 1968, pp. 61, 179; Matla 2014, pp. 13–38; Labuda 1988, p. 285. 17 See footnote No. 4.

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Polish ruler. Interestingly, however, the Saxon noble author (a distant relative of the emperor) did not write anywhere about the brotherhood arrangement between the eremites and the Polish ruler. Probably, the matter was too obvious for him, as it was so prevalent at the time in these elite circles, that it was no worth to mention. However, the author has given a lot of information that illustrates the efforts of Bolesław to erect and strengthen the religious centre in Mie˛dyrzecz. Some of them show very well what the meaning of the brotherhood arrangement was at that time and why the ruler sought not only to erect a monastery, but also to maintain a close relationship with it. Taking a closer look at the issue will allow us to look for the most important elements. However, let us start by recalling Kosmas’ words. The terminology used to define the bond of the Polish ruler with the community of Mie˛dzyrzecz – fraternitatas et orationis communitas, according to the juxtaposition of specialists,18 seems to indicate a very strong and relatively rare spiritual link imitating full brotherhood – plena fraternitas.19 The devotional content of the relationship between Bolesław and the hermits consisted in a mutual exchange of services. The ruler contributed a votum – he built a monastery and church and obliged the surrounding population to provide services for the monks – as Brun of Quaerfurt [Bolesław Chrobry] wrote: “[…] showing them kindness in everything, in a secluded hermitage with great readiness he built a place and […] provided them with the necessary means to exist without difficulty”.20 The villages around the hermitage were also reported by Thietmar – they were ravaged by the army of Henry II passing through this area in 1005.21 In exchange for the gifts of the Polish ruler, the monks undertook to admit the Brave to the community prayers – such an arrangement assumed the symbolic presence of the ruler in the community of monks during the service. Although the name of the ruler was pronounced in certain parts of the mass as if out of obligation,22 due to the existence of a special relationship between the donor (ruler) and a group of eremites, the monks mentioned the ruler during every

18 Ebner 1890, pp. 4–7; there you could find a compilation of terminology. 19 The person entering such an arrangement had similar rights to the ordinary friars, also to a prebend, i. e. a fixed strictly measured portion of food, a certain number of vestments and other thinks needed, which was realised while staying in the monastery e. g. before important church festivals. Lay dignitaries who remained laymen paid considerable attention to such things. More on the phenomenon: Stupperich 1980, pp. 195–206; Groten 1983, pp. 1–34. 20 Karwasin´ska 1973, pp. 41–42: “[…] exhibensque illis omnem humanitatem, in quieta heremo quaelem huic uite congruum locum ipsi inuenerunt, diuite uoluntate edificauit et uite necessaria sine labore ministrauit” [translation by the author]. 21 Wolverton 2009, p. 255 (VI, 27). 22 Biehl 1937; Kantorowicz 1958.

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liturgy, and were obliged to say additional prayers exclusively for this person.23 The benefactor of the community was entered in the so-called books of life libri vitae (Friars’ books), which were recited at an earlier time during the mass, or, when there were already many entries, they were placed only on the altar.24 Everyone who was inscribed there became a member of the “spiritual family” gathered around the foundation. A strict distinction was made between prayers for the living and orations for the dead. The names of benefactors were later written in the obituaries, which led to their commemoration by the monks on the anniversaries of their death and on certain days afterwards. The obligations of the monks deriving from the act of fraternity went beyond the simple prayerful reparation of the community for the gift, since they presupposed an eternal oration.25 In the case of the donor-ruler, on the other hand, fraternitas went beyond the mere devotional and eschatological functions of this arrangement, as was the case with the fraternal relationships of ordinary laymen. The sense of the specific uniqueness of the ruler is well conveyed by the word commendare (to give in trust) used in Cosmas’ text, for it emphasised the ruler’s relationship of subordination to the sacred, contacting, as was believed, the earthly sphere at the place of foundation.26 In the case of the ruler, this kind of effect was perceived even more strongly, as it was thought that the monarch connected the community with God. Therefore, heaven’s grace was to flow down through his body to his subjects, but the king could also be the first to be punished when providence perceived that bad things were happening in his kingdom.27 The ruler himself, through his devotion, could influence the verdicts of God. In the situation described above, the tasks of a Christian ruler could only be fulfilled well if one had, in addition to personal charisma, the right medium at one’s disposal: a cult centre with a high reputation, relics of popular saints and the widest possible social recognition. It was believed that, through such a monastery, surrounded by an aura of holiness, the heavens could show their favour to the ruler, for the prayers made by the saintly monks on his behalf could not be fruitless – the gift binds and needs to be reciprocated, and, because of the ruler’s prosperity, the community under his control would also benefit.28 23 As it was believed, the memoria was supposed to make the physically absent appear in the prayer community. This was determined by the archaic belief that a name was an intrinsic part of a person and that the mere invocation of a name placed its bearer in a particular place and time: Oexle 1976, pp. 70–95, at 84, see also: Teske 1977, pp. 288–339. 24 Ebner 1890, p. 24. 25 Angenendt 1984, pp. 79–199. 26 Steinen 1967, pp. 23–30; Michałowski 1993, pp. 11–28. 27 Blattmann 1996, pp. 80–102. 28 Meyers / Wolfram 1982.

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Through the monastery – his own foundation – the ruler gained additional sanction of his rule in general and the heavenly support of a particular direction of it in particular. This is where devotion merged with politics. For, in addition to the ruler, the wealthy from his entourage were associated with the foundation – Bolesław the Brave came to the hermits cum paucis, by which term we should probably understand the ruler’s confidants. We know that the monastery’s benefactors also usually included its external allies. In the case of Mie˛dzyrzecz, the involvement of Emperor Otto III in the foundation is well attested here.29 We can conjecture, evidence being lacking due to the later demise of the monastery, that certain Saxon lords, allies of Boleslaw, may have been somehow involved in its support.30 It was obvious at the time that the sacred reinforced a certain political arrangement, a group of people united for certain purposes wanted to believe that they were gaining the sanction of heaven, a basic element of any union in archaic societies. The system of groups and their interdependence formed the basis of the system of power. Sacral reinforcement of the circle of people in one’s own neighbourhood, and of wider circles of political allies, was therefore in the interest of the dynasty. Likewise, gaining external allies outside the state. We know that in the times under discussion, the rulers of Poland for more than two decades had been allies of the German kings of the Ludolfing family. Both sides were united by a common opponent – the pagan Lutices, the Baltic Slavs forming the political confederation.31 The Lutices were exceptionally efficient militarily and posed a serious threat not only to Saxony, but also to Polish lands. The political alliance was strengthened by marriage ties: Mieszko I’s last wife was Oda, daughter of Dietrich of Haldensleben, the Margrave of the Nordmark.32 Bolesław the Brave married a certain Emnilda, daughter of an unknown prince, Dobromir. However, Thietmar spoke highly of this gentleman and this and the 29 Bruno wrote (Karwasin´ska 1973, p. 48) that Otto had some special plans for the establishment of an eremitic monastery in Poland. We know nothing further about what this was about. But we could only guess that the purpose of the monastery was a mission directed towards Pomerania and the Baltic Slavs still clinging to paganism at the time. Another message confirming the emperor’s involvement is that, when Romuald felt offended that the emperor was, as it were, arbitrarily directing his disciples John and Benedict to go to Poland, that Otto III went personally to Camaldoli to ask Romuald’s consent for the mission (ibid., p. 39). 30 It is worth noting here that Bruno, let us recall, a man who came from the noblest Saxon aristocracy, considered himself a fellow brother of the hermits of Mie˛dzyrzecz – Karwasin´ska 1973, p. 41 – where Bruno calls Benedict (the abbot of Mie˛dzyrzecz) his superior; ibid, pp. 58– 59: on these pages we read the news that monks directed to Poland went to Rome to get papal approval for the mission, but also for Bruno, p. 59 – here expressing Bruno as a member of the Polish convent. 31 Ludat 1971; Lübke 2001, pp. 475–496. 32 Pranke 2011; Berend 2013, p. 144.

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Saxon name of his daughter attest that Dobromir belonged to the Slavic aristocracy cooperating with the Saxon elite.33 Certainly, the above-mentioned links between Bolesław the Brave and the religious centres of the Reich were also part of the political alliance depicted here. Each of them – apart from its general function of linking people with the sacred and also with each other in the political field – had its own specificity and in its details was somewhat peculiar. Let us take a closer look at the issue. We know the least about the relationship between Bolesław and the community of the Magdeburg Cathedral. Thietmar wrote about it, accusing the Polish ruler that, as the brother of the Magdeburg clergy, he should not destroy their property, which allegedly happened during the war between the Polish duke and the German king Henry II, which broke out in 1002 and lasted intermittently until 1018.34 The text of the chronicle of the Bishop of Merseburg survived until the Second World War, and it was the basis for the publishing of the source. Apart from this, a slightly altered copy of the chronicle, which was once thought to be much younger, has been preserved in the Corvey monastery. Later research shows that the text was edited by Thietmar himself at the end of his life.35 The obituary record of St Michael’s monastery in Lüneburg, the main foundation of the Billung family, is – as confirmed by specialists – likewise undoubtedly authentic.36 The source is very interesting, rich in historical content. Next to the “Polish” records there are written names of the most powerful Saxon nobles, connected with the family whose representatives became hereditary princes of Saxony at that time.37 The obituary gives an idea of the then structure of the Saxon elite and shows their mutual connections as well. Many of the people inscribed in the obituary, like the Billungs themselves, were the political backers of the Ludolfings emperors: Otto I, and Otto II. In Otto’s case, the Saxon elite was divided, and a section of it resented the ruler for being too involved in Italy and neglecting Saxony.38 However, almost all Saxon magnates were in favour of an alliance with Poland against the pagan Lutices, long-time declared enemies of the Saxons, and later many of them secretly favoured the Polish ruler in his fight against King Henry II, who formed an alliance with the pagan Baltic Slavs against the Christian Poles.39 Henry of Schweinfurt was united with Bolesław by an open alliance, and the sons of the Margrave of Meissen. Ekkehard II, as well as the Billungs family and successive Archbishops of Magdeburg, were quietly in favour 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

Ludat 1971, pp. 21–36; Rupp 1996, pp. 165–169. Zeissberg 1867, pp. 265–432; Görich 1997, pp. 95–167. Giese 2018, pp. 73–99. Althoff 1989, pp. 46–51; Althoff / Wollasch 1983, pp. XXI–XXV. Goetz 1994, pp. 167–197. Warner 1999, pp. 1–18; Althoff 1996; Görich 1993. Weinfurter 2004, pp. 5–25.

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of the Polish ruler, which sometimes bordered on sabotage against the intentions of King Henry II.40 Many clerical and secular Saxon lords sought to support Boleslaw the Brave, as the policy of the all-German ruler did not suit their regional needs, as it not only weakened Poland but also supported the pagan Lutyens, the main opponent of the Archbishopric of Magdeburg and the East German lords, as well as the Piasts. This was the political ground of Boleslaw’s religious links with the religious centres of Saxony, a continuation of a similar policy of his father, Mieszko I. But more significant in the longer term, however, in a matter of historical consequences, were the Piasts’ relations with the religious complex in Bamberg.41 Of particular importance was the aforementioned gift of Mieszko II, probably made only after 1018, when the final peace came between Boleslaw the Brave and Henry II.42 Today, it is difficult to decipher what the act meant politically in detail, apart from its devotional and religious connections and perhaps also its prestigious significance. It seems that it could have been one of the components of consolidating peace and persuasion aimed at returning to the policy from before 1002; it is an alliance between the Reich and the Polish state, which was very favourable to the Piasts.43 Unfortunately, Thietmar was no longer alive and did not find his successor in the form of someone who would describe the situation in the region at the time as he did. This is why Polish-German relations and Polish history in general of that time are very poorly known. However, the example of Bamberg shows well how commemorative connections could work. Several decades after the death of Mieszko II, a young pupil of the Bamberg school was sent to Poland in the retinue of Judith Salicka, who was chosen as a wife for the Polish Duke Władysław Herman. Two decades later, he became a bishop and, as Otto of Bamberg, on the instructions of Polish Duke Boleslaw the Wry-mouth and in his name, led a mission of Christianisation of Pomerania,44 which completed – it seems – the tasks which the monastery of Mie˛dzyrzecz could not fulfil at the beginning of the 11th century due to the outbreak of war. Thus, we can see how a religious idea could stem from a certain policy, merge with it and last longer than it did, to later support another policy valid for another time.

40 Althoff 1989, pp. 110–114; Claude 1972, p. 252. 41 The bishopric and the religious centre there were to fulfil, as planned, missionary tasks for the Slavic areas – Enders 1973, pp. 161–180; Weinfurter 2001, pp. 53–82. 42 Hardt 2021, pp. 11–28. 43 Pleszczyn´ski 2001, pp. 409–425. 44 Rosik 2014.

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Bibliography Printed sources Althoff, Gerd / Wollasch, Joachim (eds.): Die Totenbücher von Merseburg, Magdeburg und Lüneburg, in: Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Libri memoriales et necrologica. Nova series. 1983/2. Berschin, Walter / Häse, Angelika (eds.): Gerhard von Augsburg: Vita Sancti Uodalrici. Die älteste Lebensbeschreibung des heiligen Ulrich. 1993. Hesse, Ludwig (ed.): Calendarium Merseburgense, in: Zeitschrift für Archivkunde, Diplomatik und Geschichte. 1834/1, pp. 101–150. Karwasin´ska, Jadwiga (ed.): Vita Quinque Fratrum Eremitarum [seu] Vita et passio Benedicti et Iohannis sociorumque suorum auctore Brunone Querfurtensi, in: Monumenta Poloniae Historica. Nova series. 1973/4/3. Nospickel, Johannes (ed.): Das Necrolog des Klosters Michelsberg in Bamberg. 2004. Warner, David A. (ed.): Ottonian Germany. The Chronicon of Thietmar of Merseburg. 2001. Wolverton, Lisa (ed.): Cosmas of Prague: The Chronicle of the Czechs. 2009.

Literature Albrecht, Alois (ed.): Otto, der Heilige. Bischof von Bamberg 1104–1139 und Apostel der Pommern 1124/1125 und 1128. Erzählt, verehrt und angerufen durch Jahrhunderte. 2014. Althoff, Gerd: Adels- und Königsfamilien im Spiegel ihrer Memorialüberlieferungen. Studien zum Totengedanken der Billunger und Ottonen. 1989. Althoff, Gerd: Otto III. 1996. Angenendt, Arnold: Theologie und Liturgie der mittelalterlichen Toten-Memoria, in: Schmidt, Karl / Wollasch, Joachim (eds.): Memoria. Der geschichtliche Zeugniswert des liturgischen Gedenkens im Mittelalter. 1984, pp. 79–199. Berend, Nora / Urban´czyk, Przemysław / Wiszewski, Przemyslaw: Central Europe in the High Middle Ages: Bohemia, Hungary and Poland, c. 900 – c. 1300. 2013. Biehl, Ludwig: Das liturgische Gebet für Kaiser und Reich. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Verhältnisses von Kirche und Staat. 1937. Blattmann, Marita: “Ein Unglück für sein Volk”. Der Zusammenhang zwischen Fehlverhalten des Königs und Volkswohl in Quellen des 7.–12. Jahrhunderts, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien. 1996/30, pp. 80–102. Claude, Dietrich: Geschichte des Erzbistums Magdeburg bis in das 12 Jahrhundert. 1972/1. Ebner, Adalbert: Die klösterliche Gebetsverbrüderungen bis zum Ausgange des karolingischen Zeitalters. 1890. Enders, Rudolf: Slawenmotiv bei der Gründung des Bistums Bamberg, in: Bericht des Historischen Vereins Bamberg. 1973/109, pp. 161–180. Giese, Martina: Thietmars Chronik. Vorlagen, handschriftliche Überlieferung und mittelalterliche Rezeption, in: Cottin, Markus / Merkel, Lisa (eds): Thietmars Welt. Ein Merseburger Bischof schreibt Geschichte. 2018, pp. 73–99.

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Goetz, Hans-Werner: Das Herzogtum der Billunger – Ein sächsischer Sonderweg?, in: Niedersächsisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte. 1994/66, pp. 167–197. Görich, Knut: Eine Wende im Osten: Heinrich II. und Boleslaw Chrobry, in: Schneidmüller, Bernd / Weinfurter, Stefan (eds.): Otto III. – Heinrich II. Eine Wende?. 1997, pp. 95–167. Görich, Knut: Kaiser Otto III. Romanus Saxonicus et Italicus. Kaiserliche Rompolitik und sächsische Historiographie. 1993. Groten, Manfred: Von der Gebetsverbrüderung zum Königskanonikat. Zu Vorgeschichte und Entwicklung der Königskanonikate an den Dom- und Stiftkirchen des deutschen Reiches, in: Historisches Jahrbuch. 1983/103, pp. 1–34. Hardt, Matthias: Der Frieden von Bautzen 1018. Mit einem Ausblick auf das Friedensversprechen von Sandewalde/ Sadowel (1218), in: Hardt, Matthias / Wołoszyn, Marcin (eds.): Ostmitteleuropäische Friedensschlüsse zwischen Mittelalter und Gegenwart. Zum 65. Geburtstag von Christian Lübke. 2021, pp. 11–28. Jasin´ski, Tomasz: Zapiski kronikarskie i rocznikarskie o Pie˛ciu Braciach Me˛czennikach, in: Jałoszyn´ski, Ryszard (ed.): Kult Pie˛ciu Braci Me˛czenników w Kazimierzu Biskupim. 2003, pp. 19–29. Kantorowicz, Ernst: Laudes regiae. Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Mediaeval Ruler Worship. 1958. Labuda, Gerard: Studia nad pocza˛tkami pan´stwa polskiego. 1988/2. Lübke, Christian: Das “junge Europa” in der Krise: gentilreligiöse Herausforderungen um 1000, in: Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa- Forschung. 2001/50/4, pp. 475–496. Ludat, Herbert: An Elbe und Oder um das Jahr 1000. Skizzen zur Politik des Ottonenreiches und der slawischen Mächte in Mitteleuropa. 1971. Matla, Marzena: Opowies´c´ Kosmasa o Pie˛ciu Braciach Me˛czennikach i jej potencjalne z´ródła – krótki przyczynek do dyskusji, in: Historia Salvorum Occidentis. 2014/2, pp. 13– 38. Meyers, Henry A. / Wolfram, Herwig: Medieval Kingship. 1982. Michałowski, Roman: “Princeps fundator”. Studium z dziejów kultury politycznej w Polsce X–XIII wieku. 1993. Michałowski, Roman: Bolesław Chrobry bratem kanoników magdeburskich. Próba nowego spojrzenia, in: Kwartalnik Historyczny. 2005/112, pp. 55–69. Oexle, Otto G.: Memoria und Memorialüberlieferung im frühen Mittelalter, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien. 1976/10, pp. 70–95. Padberg, Lutz E. von: Herrscher als Missionare. Spätantike und frühmittelalterliche Zeugnisse zur Rolle der Königsmacht im Christianisierungsprozess, in: Hägermann, Dieter / Haubrichs, Wolfgang / Jarnut, Jörg (eds.): Akkulturation. Probleme einer germanisch-romanischen Kultursynthese in Spätantike und frühem Mittelalter. 2004. Pleszczyn´ski, Andrzej: Otto III. und das Problem der Ostmission. Einige Bemerkungen über die politische und ideologische Grundlage eines Stiftes für Eremiten in Polen, in: Sommer, Petr (ed.): Der heilige Prokop, Böhmen und Mitteleuropa. 2005. Pleszczyn´ski, Andrzej: Poland as an Ally of the Holy Roman Empire, in: Urban´czyk, Przemysław (ed.): Europe around the Year 1000. 2001, pp. 409–425. Pranke, Piotr: Pierwsi Piastowie w kre˛gach arystokratycznych cesarstwa, in: Rocznik Antropologii Historii. 2011/1/1–2, pp. 119–141. Rajman, Jerzy: Eremici i pustelnicy w Polsce ´sredniowiecznej, in: Folia Historica Cracoviensia. 2005/11, pp. 29–36.

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Rosik, Stanisław: “Conversio gentis pomeranorum”. Studium ´swiadectwa o wydarzeniu (XII wiek). 2010. Rupp, Gabrielle: Ekkehardiner, Margrafen von Meißen, und ihre Beziehungen zum Reich und zu den Piasten. 1996. Schmidt, Karl (ed.): Die Klostergemeinschaft von Fulda im früheren Mittelalter. 1978/1. Sosnowski, Miłosz: Co wiadomo o lokalizacji pustelni tzw. Pie˛ciu Braci?, in: Roczniki Historyczne. 2002/68, pp. 7–30. Steinen, Wolfram von den: Der Kosmos des Mittelalters. Von Karl dem Grossen zu Bernard von Clairvaux. 1967. Stupperich, Robert: Bruderschaften, in: Finckenstein, Joachim (ed.): Theologische Realenzyklopädie. 1981/7, pp. 195–212. Teske, Wolfgang: Leien, Leienmönche und Leienbrüder in der Abtei Cluny, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien. 1977/11, pp. 288–339. Trˇesˇtík, Dusˇan: Kosmova kronika. Studie k pocˇátku˚m cˇeského deˇjepisectví a politického mysˇlení. 1968. Warner, David A.: Ideals and Action in the Reign of Otto III, in: Journal of Medieval History. 1999/25/1, pp. 1–18. Weinfurter, Stefan: Bamberg und das Reich in der Herrscheridee Heinrichs II., in: Historischer Verein Bamberg, Bericht. 2001/137, pp. 53–82. Weinfurter, Stefan: Kaiser Heinrich II. und Bolesław Chrobry. Herrscher mit ähnlichen Konzepten?, in: Questiones Medii Aevi Novae. 2004/9, pp. 5–25. Wiszewski, Przemysław: Grande-Pologne, in: Cevins, Marie-M. de (ed.): Démystifier l’Europe centrale: Boheme, Hongrie et Pologne du VIIe au XVIe siècle. 2021, pp. 495–496. Wojciechowska, Maria: Wste˛p, in: Wojciechowska, Maria (ed.): Kosmasa Kronika Czechów. 1968. Zeissberg, Heinrich: Kriege Kaiser Heinrich’s II. Mit Herzog Bolesław I. von Polen, in: Sitzungsberichte der phil.-hist. Classe. 1867/57, pp. 265–432.

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Carina Damm

(Re)Constructing Sclavinia in Sagas and Skaldic Poetry

Abstract This article aims to shed light on the medieval shaping of a Nordic cultural memory of the territories of today’s Western Poland and North-eastern Germany (ON Vinðland, lat. Sclavinia) by exploring its literary mediation via specialised carriers of memory. Those are, as will be suggested complementary to the Assmannian concept of kulturelles Gedächtnis (cultural memory), both human (authors, skalds) and non-human actors (texts, manuscripts), constituting the social networks of the premodern North. Keywords: Nordic memory studies; Viking Age; Middle Ages; collective memory; cultural memory

Introduction Our memory processes are eminently selective – a fact that becomes evident when acknowledging how some images from the past remain vibrant in our consciousnes1 to be even constantly re-shaped over the course of our lifetimes. Others, in turn, are easily forgotten and perhaps condemned to be withered from our and others’ minds forever. The emerging and highly productive field of memory studies hereby demonstrates that neural processes of remembering, including mnemonic strategies, as well as the manifold practices of commemoration, facilitate complex insights into past societies from medieval to postmodern times. Furthermore, it shows the increasing academic potential resulting in fruitful interdisciplinary studies which, only focusing on the Humanities, attract scholarly attention in diverse fields such as history, archaeology, religion, and art.2 Within the kaleidoscope of research topics addressed, we can Dr. Carina Damm, Leipzig University / Leibniz-Institut für Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Europa, ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7981-8520. 1 See Nordal 2018, p. XIII. 2 Exploring those topics from a broad, interdisciplinary perspective, the monumental, more than 1000 pages comprising Handbook of Pre-Modern Nordic Memory Studies by Glauser / Hermann / Mitchell 2018 gathers contributions from approximately eighty specialists in

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pinpoint the vivid interplay of memoria and oral as well as textual transmission, performance, and the powerful construction of identities. In all those interrelations, memory is understood not only as a cognitive phenomenon but as a process that is persistently subjected to renegotiation and dependent on social communication via external cultural media.3 Those carriers may be, according to Jan Assmann, “transferred from one situation to another and transmitted from one generation to another”, transforming memory into a genuinely socio-culturally shaped “metonym for physical contact between a remembering mind and a reminding object”.4 Assmann’s approach, in turn, is based on the considerations of the French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs who as early as in 1925 proposed the notion of an always selective mémoire collective,5 hence becoming one of the first representatives of “New cultural memory studies”.6 As Astrid Erll underlined, memory in that context serves as a metaphor, merely resembling the processes of individual remembrance in the attempt to reconstruct a shared, but never literally recaptured past.7 Cultural and social studies have proven to be the most productive fields for the inevitably interdisciplinary approach of collective memory from which most prominently more nuanced concepts such as Pierre Nora’s lieux de mémoire8 as well as Aleida and Jan Assmann’s kulturelles Gedächtnis emerged. In between Halbwachs’s “collective memory” and the Assmannian “cultural memory”, “communicative memory” was introduced as a third category, aimed to differentiate between the two earlier established approaches. It designates an informal, non-institutional memory level relying on everyday interaction and hence being temporally limited to the time frame of three interacting generations.9 As living modus memorandi, it stands opposed to the formalised “cultural memory” which is conveyed by diverse specialists such as priests, scholars, bards, and shamans whose agency is deeply embedded within ceremonial acts of remembrance, eventually creating a collective cultural identity.10 Taking that general backdrop as point of departure, this article focuses on how authors and poets of the high medieval North remembered and reconstructed the

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Viking-Age and medieval studies. Complementary to the edited volume, see the recent monograph by Hermann 2022. On the essential medieval concept of memoria as religious practice and liturgical commemoration of the deceased, see Dolezˇalová / Kiss / Wójcik 2016; Brenner / Cohen / Franklin-Brown 2013. Glauser / Hermann / Mitchell 2018, p. 7. Assmann 2008, p. 111. Halbwachs 1992, p. 38. Erll 2011, p. 13. Eadem 2008, p. 5. Nora 1989. Assmann 2008, p. 111. Ibid., p. 114.

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once Slavophone territories along the Southern Baltic coast known to them as Vinðland (land of the Wends [=Polabian and Pomeranian Slavs]), respectively “Sclavinia”, within their orally and literally transmitted stories between the 10th and 15th century. As Lena Rohrbach pointed out, the shaping of a cultural memory within the premodern North was indivisibly indebted to the mnemonic technique of writing and, as one needs to add, the flourishing production of Icelandic manuscripts, reaching its heyday in the 13th century.

Remembering Visma Around the year 1300, an anonymous Icelandic writer perpetuated a perhaps 600-year-old narrative on vellum which is now physically kept in the Arnamagnæan Collection in Copenhagen under the shelfmark AM 1 e β I fol. In his Catalogue over the Arnamagnæan Manuscript Collection (Katalog over den Arnamagnæanske håndskriftsamling), Kristian Kålund highlighted in 1889 the writer’s hand as “beautiful and regular” (smuk og regelmessig),11 whereas the initial and final folios are so blackened and worn (sværtede og slidte) that some passages are virtually impossible to decipher. Revealing furthermore its defective transmission, the manuscript is today known under its modern name So˛gubrot af fornkonungum (Saga fragment of Legendary Kings). At the centre of the narrative (ch. 8) stands the monumental Battle of Brávellir which is said to have taken place near the present-day eastern Swedish town of Bråviken sometime in the 8th century. Besides of its transmission within the Old Norse literary corpus, the battle occupies a central and clearly politicising position in Saxo Grammaticus’ Gesta Danorum, written around 1200.12 In both narratives, the hostile actions are determined by the last influential king of the Skjo˛ldungar, Haraldr hildito˛nn (battle tooth), fighting for supremacy over Svealand and Västergötland, where he had installed his nephew Sigurðr Hringr. According to So˛gubrot, Haraldr had spent his youth in Rus’ (Garðaríki) and is supported in the fight by a poly-ethnic army, including Polabian Slavonic troops (Vinda herr): Þar var skjaldmærin Visma ok önnur Heiðr, ok hefir hvártveggi komit með mikinn her til Haralds konungs. Visma bar merki hans. Með henni váru þessir kappar: Kári ok Milva. Vébjörg hét enn skjaldmær, er kom til Haralds konungs með mikinn her sunnan af Gotlandi, ok fylgdu henni margir kappar. Af þeim öllum var mestr ok ágætastr Ubbi

11 Kålund 1889, p. 4. 12 See the latest edition of Saxo’s Gesta Danorum by Friis-Jensen / Fisher 2015/1 (hereinafter: Gesta Danorum). The battle of Brávellir is comprehensively featured in lib. viii, cap. 1.1–5.2, pp. 532–550.

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inn fríski, Bratr írski, Ormr enski, Búi Brámuson, Ari eineygi, Geirálfr. Vismu skjaldmeyju fylgdi mikill Vinda herr. Váru þeir auðkenndir; þeir höfðu löng sverð ok buklara, en þeir höfðu ekki langa skjöldu sem aðrir menn.13

Although the text reproduces only fragmentarily a more recent version of the high medieval Skjo˛ldunga saga,14 the passage proves fruitful for the present study from several perspectives. Thus, the saga’s audience first gets acquainted with a shieldmaiden and standard-bearer named Visma, who fights alongside the Danish King Haraldr. Among Visma’s fighters (kappar) we can identify a certain Milva, whom the prehistorian Robert Beltz identified as early as in 1896 as the 10th century Abodrite prince Mstivoj/Mstislav.15 Beltz also established an obvious onomastic-toponymic connection between the skjaldmær Visma and the Baltic city of Wismar, which was founded around 1226 in a territory priorly settled by the West Slavic Abodrites.16 Also Haraldr’s opponent Sigurðr, who is eventually victorious in battle, is joined by a certain Dúkr vindverski. This Duc Sclauicus is also known to Saxo Grammaticus, who, however, places him in the entourage of the shieldmaiden Webiorg (So˛gubrot’s Vébjörg) from Gotland.17 The mutual influence of common Nordic narratives is most likely based on an encounter between Páll Jónsson, the supposed author of Skjo˛ldunga saga, and Saxo that must have taken place in 1195. At that time, the Icelander Páll had travelled to the metropolis Daniæ Lund for his episcopal consecration which coincides both in time and space with Saxo’s authoring of his “Deeds of the Danes”.18 In this context, more recent approaches, such as forwarded in the last two decades by Sverrir Jakobsson, Annette Lassen, and Gottskálk Jensson, emphasise the prestigious character of Saxo’s comprehensive national history, which inevitably must have left an impression on high medieval saga authors, and 13 “Present there were the shield-maidens Visma and Heiðr, and they had come with a great host to king King Haraldr. Visma bore his standard. With her were these champions: Kári and Milva. Vébjörg was the name of another shield-maiden who had come to king King Haraldr with a great host south from Gotland and was followed by many champions. Greatest and most famous of them all were Ubbi the Frisian, Bratr the Irish, Ormr the English, Búi the son of Bráma, Ari the One-Eyed, and Geirálfr. The shield-maiden Visma was accompanied by a great army of Wends. They were easy to identify; they had long swords and bucklers, but no long shields such as other men.” [Translation by the author] Rafn 1829, p. 379. 14 More precisely, the fragment preserves the last part of the now lost Skjo˛ldunga saga, which presumably was written at the end of the 12th century by the Skálholt Bishop Páll Jónsson. See Bjarni Guðnason 1982, p. xvii. 15 Beltz 1896, p. 34. 16 Nils Blomkvist, in turn, suggests that the personal name of the warrior Visma reflects the river name of the Vistula. See Blomkvist 2005, p. 247. 17 Gesta Danorum viii, 2.4, p. 534. On the image of female Viking-Age warriors from an archaeological, iconographic, and text-critical perspective, see Gardeła 2018. 18 See Lassen 2012, p. 45. Already in 1186, Knud VI (1163–1202) praised his royal seat in Civitate Lundensium as “Denmark’s metropolis”. See Christensen / Nielsen / Weibull 1977, p. 134.

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ultimately served them as an example for future works.19 Consequently, learned Icelandic writers such as the Skálholt bishop Páll Jónsson created their own origines gentium in the vernacular, which the Danish historian and antiquarian Carl Christian Rafn (1795–1864) summarised around 1830 and, until the present day problematically, as fornaldarsögur.20 Strikingly, the quoted episode from the saga fragment attests to the Icelandic author’s historical accuracy which surpasses the attempts of his continental European model Saxo. Although the Gesta Danorum likewise know of a “particularly experienced warrior” (militaris apprime peritam) named Wisna, she appears in the company of two Polabian Slavic military leaders named Barre and Gnizli. Accordingly, no memory of the 10th-century’s Abodrite dux Mstivoj is mediated in Saxo’s description of the battle, and is, moreover, absent from his entire monumental work despite of his local proximity to the once Slavophone Southern Baltic. The otherwise unknown name Gnizli/Gnisli rather suggests a semantic relation to the Old Norse verb gnísta (to howl/to growl), which recalls the historical equation of pagan Slavs as dogs or wolves I have discussed elsewhere.21 The intra-Nordic entanglement of the two authors as specialists, constructing and conveying a shared, yet divergent “cultural memory” of a Scandinavian “mythical primordial past”,22 is as well reflected in the strikingly extensive mental map drawn within So˛gubrot. Thus, in addition to Scandinavians, the Battle of Brávellir also involves Frisian, Irish, and English warriors, as well as a large “Wendish army” (mikill Vinda herr) supporting the Danish King Haraldr. From the preceding ch. 7, we even learn that he recruited forces from the Eastern Baltic (Austrríki) and Kiev (Kænugarðr). Here, it becomes apparent that the Icelandic author interweaves those actors from seemingly different cultural spheres into a constructed and expanded Nordic world, which is hence not exclusively constituted by the three Scandinavian kingdoms of Norway, Denmark, and Sweden. Such a perspective creates a remarkable contrast to the world view shaped within other contemporaneous written sources, for instance within the konungasögur, which provide predominantly laconic news on West Slavic populations paired with a stereotypical characterisation as others and diabolical antagonists to the Christian rulers of the North. In addition, the author of So˛gubrot reveals a rare visual specification of the powerful Polabian army. Thus, as ch. 8 relates, the 19 See Jakobsson 2003; Jensson 2009. 20 Within the comprehensive Routledge Research Companion to the Medieval Icelandic Sagas, the possibilities and limits of the Old Norse saga as literary genre are explored by Bampi 2017. Common characteristic of the so-called “Legendary sagas” is their narrative focus on events in Scandinavian prehistory prior to the settlement of Iceland around 870. 21 See Damm [in print] (1); Rosik 2020, p. 296. 22 Assmann 2008, p. 117.

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Wendish troops were easily recognisable by their long swords and small round shields (buklarar), although their shields (skildir) were not as long as those of the other men. Saxo provides a parallel description of the military contingents, but additionally knows of some striking details. According to the Gesta’s eighth book, the Wendish warriors bore some “sky-coloured shields” (prelongis ensibus aeriique coloris).23 Furthermore, Saxo introduces, as perhaps most illustrious figure, a certain Toki Iumensi who is to be identified as Pálnatoki, the legendary Danish jarl who according to numerous Old Norse sources was appointed by the Slavonic “king” Burizleifr to rule over Jómsborg-Wolin.24

Skaldic Memories of the Lechitæ Not only prose narratives of the medieval North served as material carriers of a shared cultural memory of the mythical Slavophone Baltic coast but also highly “memory dependent” oral poetry.25 Those so-called skaldic poems originated in the courtly environment of 9th century’s Norway and served, as Kate Heslop stressed recently, as vital mediators of “place-based memoria and embodied experience” throughout five centuries.26 One example of the over three hundred preserved skaldic poems is an untitled praise song in the metre runhent (endrhymed) to the Norwegian King Haraldr harðráði (1015–1066), composed in 1051 by the Icelander Þjóðólfr Arnórsson (c. 1010–1066 at Stamford Bridge). The first stanza recalls Haraldr’s Viking expeditions in the Baltic Sea region, which he undertook together with Eilífr, a son of Ingibjo˛rg Tryggvadóttir and Ro˛gnvaldr Úlfsson, Jarl of Gautland.27 As a prologue to the episode serves the escape of young Haraldr to Rus’ after the Battle of Stiklarstaðir in 1030. Having arrived in Garðaríki, Grand Prince Yaroslav the Wise (ON Jarizleifr) appoints Haraldr leader of the defence forces (ho˛fðingi yfir landvarnarmo˛nnum konungs)28 and places Eilífr at his side. This is followed in Snorri Sturluson’s Heimskringla by

23 24 25 26

Gesta Danorum viii, 2.5, p. 534. Morawiec 2018, p. 128; Stanisławski 2013, p. 222. Hermann 2017, p. 37. Heslop 2022, p. 4. For a comprehensive study on skaldic poetry as window to the political landscape of the 11th century, see Morawiec 2016. 27 According to Heimskringla (Óláfs saga helga, ch. 93), the Swedish king’s daughter Ingigerðr was accompanied by her relative Ro˛gnvaldr to Rus’ in 1019, where she married Yaroslav the Wise and appointed the jarl as governor over Ladoga (ON Aldeigjuborg). Fagrskinna (ch. 43, p. 218) relates that after Ro˛gnvaldr’s death, his son Eilífr, of whom the skald Þjóðólfr also reports, assumed that political function. On the presence of Ro˛gnvaldr in Rus’ and his campaign against the Poles, see Lubik 2023. 28 See Aðalbjarnarson 1951, p. 70.

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Þjóðólfr’s first stanza, commemorating how Scandinavian mercenaries pushed Eastern Wends (Austr-Vinðum) into a tight corner (o˛ngvan krók) in battle: Eitt ho˛fðusk at, Eilífr þars sat, ho˛fðingjar tveir; hamalt fylkðu þeir. Austr-Vinðum ók í o˛ngvan krók; vasa Læsum léttr liðsmanna réttr.

The Slavic formations are specified as Læsir, who are etymologically reminiscent of the Lechitæ in Chronica Polonorum written by the Cistercian Wincenty Kadłubek (1150–1223) between 1190 and his election to the Bishop of Kraków in 1208.29 Even if the skald Þjóðólfr himself did not accompany Haraldr to Rus’, the poem could well – as Tatjana Jackson has aptly remarked – reflect a military venture led by Yaroslav against the Poles in 1031.30 In addition to 15 Viking-Age works composed between 950 and 1055, the medieval text corpus contains four additional poems praising the valiant deeds of Scandinavian rulers in the fight against the West Slavic Vinðr. One of them is Markús Skeggjason’s Eiríksdrápa, which, having been written in 1103, represents the earliest work in the medieval skaldic text corpus referring to the Southern Baltic coast. Containing six references to its Slavophone populations, it also provides the richest evidence within all known Old Norse poetic sources. St. 4 of the drápa refers to a journey of the here praised jarl Eiríkr Sveinsson from Rus’ (ór Go˛rðum austan) to his Danish homeland, and thus to an episode that is elsewhere exclusively mentioned in Knýtlinga saga, written down c. 1260–1270.31

29 Plezia 1994. 30 This assumption is corroborated by a note from the East Slavonic chronicle Povest’ vremennykh let, which knows for the year 1030 that Yaroslav and Mstislav “after a revolt in the Polish country” (бысть мятежь в земли Лядьскѣ) raised a large army (вой многъ), and ˇ ervenian towns (грады invaded Poland (на Ляхы). As a result, they regained control over the C червеньскыя), which may have involved Scandinavian mercenaries under Haraldr harðráði’s command. See Jackson 2019, p. 159; Jakobsson 2020, p. 150; for the source text, see Adrianova–Perets / Likhachev / Sverdlov 1996. Notable is, that the scene provides one of the few battle descriptions of a military conflict fought on land and not at sea, since the two chieftains Óláfr and Eilífr formed their troops in a wedge-shaped formation (þeir fylkðu hamalt). That strategy had been applied in Greek Antiquity as έμβολον as early as in the 4th century BC by the Macedonian King Philip II and was continuously used by the Romans under the name of cuneus. 31 Knýtlinga saga, in turn, draws abundantly from Eiríksdrápa and merely provides an approximate chronology for the events described. Saxo’s Gesta Danorum, on the contrary, facilitate a terminus ante quem for Eiríkr’s otherwise unmentioned return from Rus’ by

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Vár o˛ndurt bjó Vinða rýrir veglig flaust ór Go˛rðum austan; hlýrum skaut á hola bôru helmings oddr í sumars broddi. Hlýðu studdi borðvið breiðan bróðir Knúts í veðri óðu; síðan knátti svikfolks eyðir snilli kenndr við Danmo˛rk lenda.

Reapplying the epithet of Vinða mýgir (destroyer/oppressor of the Wends) known from Þorgils fiskimaðr’s Lausavísur composed in 1055, the skald Markús here characterises the Danish ruler Eiríkr as Vinða rýrir (conqueror of the Wends).32 Another parallel in terms of content can be found in Sigvatr Þórðarson’s Víkingarvísur, praising the adolescent Óláfr Haraldsson around the year 1014 as Vinðum háttr (menace to the Wends). As in the latter case, however, no actual military conflict between Jarl Eiríkr and the featured Pomeranian populations can be deduced from the stanza. Rather, it is a skilfully deployed kenning which, according to Jakub Morawiec, was intended to impress the listeners in all its explicitness and to evoke associations that were already familiar to the audience thanks to the praise poems on emphatically Christian rulers such as the “holy Viking” King Óláfr Haraldsson.33 Consequently, Eiríkr’s mercilessness against the pagan Pomeranians, who are furthermore degraded as traitors (svikfolk), should be interpreted as the most fitting characterisation of his godliness, as well as righteous reign over Denmark.34 However, this argumentation is contradicted by the results gained within my study on the term Vinðr in written sources of the medieval North.35 For as shown therein, Icelandic and Norwegian skalds of the Viking Age did not exclusively apply the epithets of Vinða myrði (murderer of the Wends) or Vinðum háttr (menace to Wends) to illustrate the decisively Christian nature of the vaunted rulers. Rather, the total of six identified references are equally embedded in a Christian as well as a pagan environment of poetry production, which excludes a solely religiously motivated, dichotomous attribution.36

32 33 34 35 36

reporting that he, Ericus, was summoned from Sweden to Denmark after the death of his brother Olauus (ON Óláfr) in 1095. See Gesta Danorum xii, 3.1., p. 87; Carroll 2009, p. 434–437. The verb rýra, semantically related to the kenning, bears the meaning of “to diminish”/“to depreciate”. Morawiec 2020. See Idem 2018, p. 36. See Damm [in print] (2). The three praise poems to Christian rulers are Hallfreðr vandræðaskáld’s Erfidrápa in honour of Óláfr Tryggvason, Sigvatr Þórðarson’s Víkingarvísur on Óláfr Haraldsson, and a lausavísur by Þorgils fiskimaðr dedicated to Haraldr harðráði. Within a pagan environment came into being Einarr skálaglamm’s Vellekla on Jarl Hákon Sigurðarson, Halldórr ókristni’s (the

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This hypothesis is supported by the fact that the here examined early 12thcentury’s Eiríksdrápa contains the only text witness of such a Vinðr motif within the preserved high medieval skaldic poetry. If Christian authors of the North had used those derogative epithets primarily to emphasise the antagonistic role of the pagan Polabian and Pomeranian Slavs, we should expect significantly more evidence within the younger medieval text corpus. Intriguingly, skalds of the Viking-Age and High Middle Ages did not exclusively convey the literary allusion of a valiant Scandinavian ruler fighting hostile pagan Slavs in an immediate encounter between the two antagonistic parties. In fact, one of the most prominent poems from the Viking Age, known under the modern name of Víkingarvísur (Vísur about Viking Voyages),37 refers to young Óláfr Haraldsson as Vinðum háttr (menace to Wends) without implying the active participation of Slavophone actors in the episode. More precisely, st. 8 of the poem praises Óláfr’s military expedition against the English town of Canterbury (ON Kantaraborg) in 1011, resulting in the siege of the vital Anglo-Saxon archbishopric: Veitk, at víga mœtir Vinðum háttr inn átta styrkr gekk vo˛rðr at virki verðungar – styr gerði. Sinn môttut bœ banna borg Kantara – sorgar mart fekksk prúðum Po˛rtum portgreifar Ôleifi.

Against the notes of Fagrskinna and Legendary Óláfs saga helga, which deduct from Sigvatr’s kenning the presence of Slavonic troops, Snorri omits that extrapolation in his Heimskringla around 1230, most likely considering such a constellation of Dano-Norwegian-Slavonic antagonism in Viking-Age England as erroneous.38 Rather, the episode demonstrates how intensively the metaphor of a courageous Scandinavian ruler fighting Western Slavs along the Southern Baltic was inscribed into the Viking mind and memory, as well as the visual potential inherent to it. Hence, Óláfr’s court skald Sigvatr considered it irrelevant to mention in which context the Norwegian Viking had been hostile towards Slavs, rather building his work upon a consensus generally acknowledged by his audience. Eventually, as Jakub Morawiec has convincingly outlined, the powerful literary motif of a “conqueror of the Wends” needs to located in a broader Unchristian) Eiríksflokkr in praise of Hlaðirjarl Eiríkr Hákonarson, and an anonymous níðvísa, defaming the Danish King Haraldr Gormsson. 37 The untitled praise poem was composed by the Icelander Sigvatr Þórðarson who served in the retinue of Óláfr Haraldsson, and was godfather to the king’s son Magnús góði (1024–1047). 38 However, it has been suggested that Polabian Slavonic troops might have been among the defenders of Canterbury, see Labuda 1964, p. 135.

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context of Old Norse praise poetry, whereby it predominantly served to glorify militarily successful and intrepid Scandinavian rulers.39 “The aim was not to remind listeners of the king’s hostility towards Slavs, but to give a vivid reconstruction of Óláfr’s [determined] attitude in the fighting at Canterbury in September 1011.”40 After that excursus on skaldic epithets referring to military conflicts with Polabian and Pomeranian Slavs, I would like to return in the following to a discussion of the remaining stanzas of Markús Skeggjason’s Eiríksdrápa highlighting jarl Eiríkr Sveinsson’s fight against the pagan Slavs along the southern Baltic coast. St. 6 of the drápa specifies the brutal activities of the Danish ruler against Polabian groups, whose piracy (víking) he rigorously puts to an end: Vo˛rgum eyddi Vinða fergir; víking hepti konungr fíkjum; þjófa hendr lét þengill stýfa; þegnum kunni ósið hegna. Aldri frásk, at Eirekr vildi allréttligum dómi halla; hôla kunni sér til sælu sigrs valdari guðs lo˛g halda.

The introductory helmingr once more recalls Saxo’s Gesta Danorum, which likewise reports of constant attacks by Slavonic pirates on the Danish coasts and subsequently adds: “Nor did Erik crush the extensive power of the Wends and weaken their vigour just once, but pounded the unruly tempers of that race a second and a third time, and this with such force that he was never afterwards disturbed by the stormy tides of their piracy.”41 Particularly striking is the repeated literary connection between Vinðr and vargar,42 whereby the drápa does not apply the lexeme in the first semantic meaning of the untamed predator but refers to delinquents and, hence, outlaws, who the Nordic legal codes likewise label as “wolves”.43 The latter suggestions, in turn, support the Gesta Danorum which know of Eiríkr’s unyielding actions against proscripti in Iulin (Jumne/Wolin).44 St. 13 then reconstructs the historical 39 See Morawiec 2006. Also attested is a pejorative use to ridicule enemy rulers as shown within the anonymous níðvísa against King Haraldr Gormsson. 40 Morawiec 2006, pp. 712–713. 41 See Gesta Danorum xii, 4.2, p. 878: “Nec semel quidem Ericus Sclauici roboris amplitudinem pressit et neruos debilitauit, sed iterum ac tertio effrenata gentis illius ingenia tantopere retudit, ut nulla eum ulterius piratici estus procella pulsaret.” Translation by Friis-Jensen / Fisher 2015/2, p. 879. 42 “Wolves”, here in pl. dat. vo˛rgum. 43 See Damm [in print] (1). 44 See Gesta Danorum xii, 4.2, p. 876–877: “Preterea Alli et Herri, Scanie oriundi sed eius usum facinoribus demeriti, Iulinum, certissimum Danorum profugium, proscriptorum titulo pe-

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backdrop, explaining why an earlier passage in Eiríksdrápa refers to the opposing West Slavic populations as traitors (svikfolk): Veldi þorðut Vinðr at halda, villa gerðisk þeim at illu sunnan kom þá svikdómsmanna sáttarof þats buðlungr átti.45

In the third year of his reign – i. e., around 1098 – King Eiríkr Sveinsson set off for Rome where Pope Paschalis II granted him the request for a Danish archbishopric.46 During Eiríkr’s absence, the tributary Polabians are said to have broken loyalty to the Danish ruler, starting a rebellion by allying with the Salian Henry IV (1050–1106). Knýtlinga saga, in which the drápa is interpolated, reports on that matter how Henry (ON Heinrekr) was able to subjugate the entire population of Vinðland, who – contradictory to their invariably pagan belief – swore obedience to him.47 Furthermore, the prose narrative adds that the emperor appointed numerous local ho˛fðingjar (literally “chieftains”, here “rulers”) to administer the conquered Pomeranian territories, among them a certain Bjo˛rn, who ultimately even advanced to become the emperor’s brother-in-law.48 Upon his return from Rome, King Eiríkr prepares a war fleet and embarks towards Vinðland (here: Vinða go˛rðum = “settlements of the Wends”): Yngvi helt í óðastro˛ngum o˛ldugangi skipum þangat; hlýða skalf, en hristi grœðir hélug bo˛rð fyr Vinða go˛rðum.49

45

46 47 48

49

tiuerunt” [Meanwhile Alle and Herre, originating in Scania, but forfeiting its society on account of their crimes, sought Julin, an assured haven for Danes, under the name of outlaws]. Eiríksdrápa, st. 13: “Vinðr þorðut at halda veldi, þats buðlungr átti; villa gerðisk þeim at illu; þá kom sáttarof svikdómsmanna sunnan.” [The Wends had not dared to retain control of the realm which the ruler possessed; error turned to misery for them; then came [news of] the truce-breaking of the treacherous men from the south]. Carroll 2009, p. 444. See Waßenhoven 2006, p. 177. Only posthumously in 1104, Eiríkr’s wish for an archbishopric independent of Hamburg-Bremen was to be fulfilled with the founding of the see in Lund, at that time belonging to the Danish kingdom. Petersens / Olsen 1919–1925, ch. 75, p. 174: “[…] játaði þar allt fólk hlýðni keisaranum; heiðit var allt fólk í Vindlandi þá í þenna tíma.” [[…] all the people there professed obedience to the emperor; all people in Vinðland were heathen at that time; translation by the author]. Ibid.: “Keisarinn setti þar yfir marga höfðíngja til gæzlu yfir ríki þat; er hann hafði unnit; einn af þeim hét Björn, sá var ríkastr.” [The emperor appointed many chieftains to watch over that kingdom whom he had won; one of them was called Björn, he was the richest; translation by the author]. Eiríksdrápa, st. 14: “Yngvi helt skipum þangat í óðastro˛ngum o˛ldugangi; hlýða skalf, en grœðir hristi hélug bo˛rð fyr go˛rðum Vinða.” [The king steered his ships there in the furiously turbulent motion of the waves; the washboard trembled, and the ocean shook the frosted prows offshore from the settlements of the Wends; translation by Carroll 2009, p. 445].

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After having succeeded in defeating the chieftains appointed by Emperor Henry IV (st. 19), Eiríkr sets out plundering against the renegade Slavs, devastating their settlements (Vinða byggðum). The skald Markús further refers to the sorrowful hearts of the repentant “heathens” (heiðin hjo˛rtu lýða vôru hryggðarfull), to whom the pious King Eiríkr merely inflicts the deserved divinely punishment. That Christian motivation is again mirrored in the following second half stanza, which expressively tells of blazing flames that extended all the way to heaven (uppi í himni): Heiðin vôru hjo˛rtu lýða hryggðarfull í Vinða byggðum; eldi sveif of ótal haulda; Eirekr brenndi sali þeira. Eisur kyndusk hôtt í húsum; hallir nôðu vítt at falla; óttu leið, en uppi þótti elris grand í himni standa. Eirekr vas með uppreist hôri; undan flýðu Vinðr af stundu; gjo˛ld festu þá grimmir hauldar; gumnar urðu sigri numnir. Yngvi talði erfðir þangat; alþýða varð stilli hlýða; veldi réð því ástvinr aldar einart; lá þat fyrr und Sveini.

Stanza 21 furthermore praises how the extraordinarily successful (með uppreist hôri) Danish king forced the Wolinians to pay a tribute (gjo˛ld festu), and claimed his inheritance (Yngvi talði erfðir þangat). This right, in turn, revitalises connections of centuries-old claims of Danish rulers over West Slavonic territories.

Vinðland on the Mental Map of Latin Historiographers Remembered by Nordic writers as Vinðland and constructed by Latin historiographers as Sclavinia or Sclavania, the Western parts of the Southern Baltic Sea shore served as a violent arena of constant power struggles between Scandinavian and Polabian actors from the early 9th to the 12th century. The oldest preserved document bearing contemporary witness to some of the most symptomatic events of that period are the Royal Frankish Annals (Annales regni Francorum). Hence, for the year 808, they report on how the Danish petty King Gøtrik (Lat. Godofred, Eng. Gudfred) destroyed the tributary Abodritic emporium of Reric (near today’s Groß Strömkendorf in North-eastern Germany), abducted its

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merchants and resettled them to Sliesthorp/Hedeby within his domain of power.50 Still focusing on the port-of-trade near Wismar Bay, the Annales add for the following year 809 that Danes killed the local Abodritic ruler Drazˇko. Both reports materialise a systematic shift in the socio-political dynamics of the Transalbingian world after the end of the Saxon Wars in 804, in which Danish actors now assumed a central role by establishing powerful ties with the neighbouring Western Slavonic tribes of the Veleti, Linones, and Smeldingi. In his Chronica Slavorum, written between 1163 and 1172, Helmold of Bosau (c. 1120–tpq. 1177) refers – clearly influenced by Adam of Bremen’s Gesta Hammaburgensis – to further Slavophone tribal associations which he subsumes under the term Winithi or Winuli (Wends).51 One of the mentioned gentes are the Tollensians (Tholenzi, Pl. Dołe˛z˙anie) who settled at the shore of the Tollense river in today’s Mecklenburg-Vorpommern. Also known as Redarii, Helmold reconstructs their vulgatissima civitas Rethra, already destroyed in 1068,52 as a seat of idolatry (sedes ydolatriae) where a temple served the veneration of their highest deity Redigast (Radogosˇcˇ).53 That stereotypical motif of a capital of antichristian opposition then experiences an alteration in the course of the narrative and is applied to the Baltic island of Rügen. There, the Slavophone Rugiani worshipped the polycephalic god Svantevit until the destruction of their main sanctuary Arkona in 1168, led by the troops of Valdemar I (1131–1182) and Bishop Absalon of Roskilde (c. 1128–1201).54 In addition, Helmold refers to an island opposite to the Aldenburg (Starigard/Oldenburg) of the Wagri that was inhabited by Slavs (incoluntur a Slavi) and called Vemere.55 Today belonging to Denmark, Chronica Slavorum here reports on the island of Fehmarn, which also Adam of Bremen mentions as Imbra56 and at a somewhat later point in his Gesta as Fembre.57 It is noteworthy, that Adam, however, does not locate the island within the Slavic settlement area, but emphasises that it belongs to the Danish sphere of power. Furthermore, its inhabitants, like the neighbouring islands of

50 See Lübke 2001, pp. 24–25. On the social and economic importance of unfreedom in VikingAge Scandinavia and beyond, see Biermann / Jankowiak 2021. 51 Schmeidler 1937 (hereinafter: Helmoldi Cronica Slavorum), I, 2, pp. 7–9. On the image of Polabian Slavs in Adam’s Gesta Hammaburgensis, see Lübke 2022. 52 On the destruction of Rethra, see the note for the year 1068 in Annales Augustani, Pertz 1839, p. 128. 53 Helmoldi Cronica Slavorum, I, 2, p. 8. 54 The impact of the Danish military attack on Rügen and the consequent subjugation of the pagan Ranians is even mirrored in the Old Icelandic Konungsannáll, reporting laconically for the year 1170: “Skirðr Jarizmarr oc Vinðr.” [Baptism of Jaromar and the Polabian Slavs]. See Storm 1888, p. 117. 55 Helmoldi Cronica Slavorum, I, 2, p. 9. 56 Schmeidler 1917, IV, 16, p. 243. 57 Ibid., IV, 18, p. 244.

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the kingdom,58 were distinguished by their Christian faith.59 That perspective elucidates that the high medieval concept of Sclavinia was not statically based on territorial or linguistic borders, but was subject to constant redefinition in the course of Transalbian missionary activity.60 Rather, both on the mental map constructed by the Saxon missionary Bruno and one and a half centuries later by the Bosau cleric Helmold, Sclavinia embodied an area inhabited by Slavs that had not yet accepted the supremacy of the Christian faith. Accordingly, it is not surprising that the memory of the Slavophone areas conveyed by 12th- and 15thcenturies scriptores was narrowed down to those Polabian populations, who persistently resisted the missionary and expansionist interests of the neighbouring Saxons.61 That imagery is contrasted by the concept of the once Slavophone Baltic coast in the high medieval Old Norse accounts, frequently and often anachronistically reconstructing that maritime space as a place of the antagonistic pagan “other”.62 In this context, we need to stress the emergence of a Nordic literary culture within decidedly Christian networks, namely in the environment of vital Icelandic monasteries such as Þingeyrar, Helgafell, or Viðey, which functioned as productive centres of medieval scholarly culture – naturally interweaving their narratives with a tendentiously Christian worldview. Eventually, military ventures undertaken by Scandinavian rulers to the southern Baltic coast show that Vinðr, who were decidedly sketched as barbaric heathens, did not primarily pose a significant threat to their Nordic neighbours for religious reasons. Thus, contrary to the literary evidence of the high medieval North, the East Sea Slavic gentes had, at least nominally without exception, adopted the Christian faith in 1168 with the Danish conquest of Rügen. As a result of the missionary processes in the North, they had now become equal rivals to the Scandinavian rulers in the strive for territorial claims and hegemony in the southern Baltic region.

58 Ibid., IV, 16, p. 243. 59 Ibid.: “Danorum regnum aspiciunt, omnesque iam christianitatis titulo decoratae sunt.” [These […] islands belong to the kingdom of the Danes, and they all are distinguished by the honour of being Christian; translation by Tschan 2002, p. 197]. 60 This, in turn, is based on older traditions, which Eduard Mühle identified already within Ottonian accounts such as the ones by bishop Bruno of Querfurt (c. 974–1009), who successfully converted the seminomadic Pechenegs, but died a martyr’s death when resuming his missionary activity to the Prussians. See Mühle 2020, p. 280. 61 Mühle 2016, pp. 34–35. 62 See Aalto 2010; Morawiec 2009.

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Conclusion Applying memory studies as an innovative interpretative tool to gain insights into past societies, I sketched the medieval mental concepts of Vinðland and Sclavinia as reconstructed lieux de mémoire, based on the mnemonic technique of “the art of memory”, which was lively intertwined with the ancient rhetoric method of loci (places) and imagines (images). Exploring a geographically opposed arena of Scandinavian agency, namely the British Isles and Ireland, Gísli Sigurðsson recently emphasised that: […] people in Iceland had a general idea about this part of the world, its appearance, what the people were like, and who were the best-known leaders in different periods (not always very accurate). All of this suggests that saga writers were not gathering historical information from written works to use in their saga writing but rather operating with traditional memory.63

Following Gísli Sigurðsson’s invitation to conduct future work on “landscape as a memory tool for storytelling”,64 I am inclined to agree with his argument and transfer his findings on the southern Baltic coast as focal area for the following four reasons: 1. The analysed textual evidence within Old Norse and Latin tradition clearly testifies to a historically based knowledge about the (once) Slavophone areas of the southern Baltic. 2. In the case of the predominantly non-contemporary Old Norse accounts, that awareness of Scandinavian-Slavic (dis)entanglements was based on complex transfer processes that manifested themselves in the form of communication, interaction, and the exchange of ideas and commodities within long-distance networks of trade and power. 3. Earliest witnesses to those intercultural dynamics are the skaldic praise poems, composed orally as early as in the 10th century, whereby high medieval saga-writers such as Snorri drew extensively upon the corpus to verify the historical accuracy of their narratives. 4. By shaping a decidedly negative portrayal of West Slavic populations, Nordic and Central-European authors underlined the superiority of the Christian Scandinavian and Saxon rulers in the circum-Baltic power networks and eliminated the supposedly pagan Vinðr as rivals from the political mental map of the North.

63 Sigurðsson 2018, p. 664. 64 Schama 1995.

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The presented So˛gubrot eventually reflects the international and polyethnic dimension of early medieval contacts, linking actors from Scandinavia, Friesland, the British Isles, Rus’, and Vinðland within an all-Nordic worldview. In addition, the early 14th-century’s manuscript reflects the mentality of the clerical milieu in high medieval Iceland. Hence, while Danes and Swedes were attached to their old faith in Óðinn and Þórr, Icelandic writers saw no contradiction in creating a narrative in which the Nordic heroes and legendary founders of the Skjo˛ldungar dynasty, Haraldr and Sigurðr, are supported by Polabian Slavic forces. Only with the decidedly Christian narratives, as exemplified in the legends evolving around the “holy Viking” King Óláfr Haraldsson, the emphatically pagan-Slavic element fulfilled a conflictive function when intersecting with the Christian-Scandinavian cultural sphere. Against the nuanced accounts provided by Latin historiographers, the Old Norse environment predominantly subsumed the numerous West Slavic tribes inhabiting present-day Pomerania and North-eastern Germany under the umbrella terms of Wends’ (Vinðr). However, a vital exception is the discussed skaldic poem in runhent on the Norwegian King Haraldr harðráði, which specifies his ‘Eastern-Wendish’ enemies as Læsir, and hence provides an early Scandinavian cognate to the legendary Slavic Lechitae known from Wincenty Kadłubek’s Chronica Polonorum.

Future Research Considering the translatability of the lieu metaphor – as has been explored recently by Pim den Boer65 – future research might want to concentrate on similar phenomena of parallel textual representations within the Old Norse and Latin accounts of the medieval circum-Baltic and North Atlantic regions. Venturing a fresh approach to the well-known and often dichotomously contrasted writings of Snorri and Saxo, complementary insights could be gained by a comprehensive comparison between the Latin and Old Norse historiographic works whose study is, in my opinion and against the argument forwarded by Jirˇí Starý, neither a reason to be ashamed nor “too dusty”.66 On the contrary, it seems fruitful to incorporate less considered scriptores of the high medieval North, who constituted fluid mnemonic networks and, hence, provided the initial nodes for future cultural transfer processes as reflected prominently in Heimskringla and the Gesta Danorum. Those are, in turn, the Danish historiographer Sven Aggesen, best-known for his Brevis Historia Regum 65 Boer 2008. 66 Starý 2013.

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Dacie, as well Theodoricus Monachus’ Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium (1177–1188) and the anonymous Historia Norwegie (c. 1150–1175). Eventually, in such an attempt, an even intensified focus needs to be put on the temporal component of literary production, as well as the vital concepts of visualisation and medialisation in their vivid interplay within scribal, performative, and public ars memoria in the premodern Northern world.

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Jackson, Tatjana N.: Eastern Europe in Icelandic Sagas. 2019. Jakobsson, Sverrir: Den eksotiske fortid: Fornaldarsagaernes sociale funktion, in: Jakobsson, Ármann / Lassen, Annette / Ney, Agneta (eds.): Fornaldarsagornas struktur och ideologi. 2003, pp. 221–231. Jakobsson, Sverrir: The Varangians: In God’s Holy Fire. 2020. Jensson, Gottskálk: Were the Earliest fornaldarsögur Written in Latin?, in: Ney, Agneta / Jakobsson, Ármann / Lassen, Annette (eds.): Fornaldarsagaerne: Myter og virkelighed: Studier i de oldislandske fornaldarsögur Norðurlanda. 2009, pp. 79–91. Jesch, Judith: Sigvatr Þórðarson, Víkingarvísur, in: Whaley, Diana (ed.): Poetry from the Kings’ Sagas. 2012/1, pp. 532–554. Labuda, Gerard: Fragmenty dziejów słowian´szczyzny zachodniej. 1964/2. Lassen, Annette: Origines Gentium and the Learned Origin of Fornaldarsögur Norðurlanda, in: Lassen, Annette / Ney, Agneta / Jakobsson, Ármann (eds.): The Legendary Sagas. Origins and Development. 2012, pp. 33–58. Lubik, Maciej: Cross-border Cooperation between Óláfr Haraldsson and the Clan of Ro˛gnvaldr Úlfsson, in: Leighton, Gregory / Róz˙ycki, Łukasz / Pranke, Piotr (eds.): Continuation or Change? Borders and Frontiers in Late Antiquity and Medieval Europe. Landscape of Power Network, Military Organisation and Commerce. 2023, pp. 166–178. Lübke, Christian: Adam of Bremen’s View at the Polabian Slavs, in: Raffensperger, Christian (ed.): Authorship, Worldview, and Identity in Medieval Europe. 2022, pp. 201–218. Lübke, Christian: Die Beziehungen zwischen Elb- und Ostseeslawen und Dänen vom 9. bis zum 12. Jahrhundert: Eine andere Option elbslawischer Geschichte?, in: Harck, Ole / Lübke, Christian (eds.): Zwischen Reric und Bornhöved. Die Beziehungen zwischen den Dänen und ihren slawischen Nachbarn vom 9. bis ins 13. Jh. 2001, pp. 23–36. Morawiec, Jakub: Interdisciplinarity of Research on the Jómsborg Legend, in: Quaestiones Medii Aevi Novae. 2018, pp. 125–138. Morawiec, Jakub: Mie˛dzy poezja˛ a polityka˛. Rozgrywki polityczne w Skandynawii XI wieku w ´swietle poezji ówczesnych skaldów. 2016. Morawiec, Jakub: The Holy Viking, in: No Limits. 2020/1, pp. 8–9. Morawiec, Jakub: Vikings among the Slavs – Jombsborg and the Jomsvikings in Old Norse Tradition. 2009. Morawiec, Jakub: Vinða myrðir, Vinðum háttr. Viking Raids on the Territory of Slavs in the Light of Skaldic Poetry, in: McKinnell, John / Ashurst, David / Kick, Donata (eds.): The Fantastic in Old Norse/Icelandic Literature: Preprint Papers of the 13th International Saga Conference, Durham and York 6.–12. August 2006. 2006/2, pp. 707–717. Mühle, Eduard: Die Slaven im Mittelalter. 2016. Mühle, Eduard: Die Slawen im Mittelalter. Zwischen Idee und Wirklichkeit. 2020. Nora, Pierre: Les Lieux de Mémoire, in: Representations. 1989/26, pp. 7–24. Nordal, Guðrún: Foreword, in: Glauser, Jürg / Hermann, Pernille / Mitchell, Stephen A. (eds.): Handbook of Pre-Modern Nordic Memory Studies: Interdisciplinary Approaches. 2018, pp. XIII–XV. Rosik, Stanisław: The Slavic Religion in the Light of 11th- and 12th-Century German Chronicles (Thietmar of Merseburg, Adam of Bremen, Helmold of Bosau). 2020. Schama, Simon: Landscape and Memory. 1995.

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Sigurðsson, Gísli: Mental Maps, in: Glauser, Jürg / Hermann, Pernille / Mitchell, Stephen A. (eds.): Handbook of Pre-Modern Nordic Memory Studies: Interdisciplinary Approaches. 2018, pp. 660–665. Stanisławski, Błaz˙ej: Norse Culture in Wolin–Jómsborg, in: Moz´dzioch, Sławomir / Stanisławski, Błaz˙ej / Wiszewski, Przemysław (eds.): Scandinavian Culture in Medieval Poland. 2013, pp. 193–246. Starý, Jirˇí: Naivität und Kritik: Die altnordische Geschichtschreibung, in: Beck, Heinrich / Heizmann, Wilhelm / Nahl, Jan Alexander van (eds.): Snorri Sturluson – Historiker, Dichter, Politiker. 2013, pp. 93–127. Waßenhoven, Dominik: Skandinavier unterwegs in Europa (1000–1255). 2006. Whaley, Diana: Þjóðólfr Arnórsson, Runhent Poem about Haraldr, in: Gade, Kari Ellen (ed.): Poetry from the Kings’ Sagas. 2009/2, pp. 103–107.

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Sirpa Aalto

Remembrance of King Óláfr Tryggvason in the Kings’ Sagas

Abstract The remembrance of King Óláfr Tryggvason in the saga literature has been subject of various books and articles. In this article, I will examine the remembrance of Óláfr Tryggvason through one memory place (lieu de mémoire), Svo˛lðr, and three characters vital to his story and who also connect King Óláfr Tryggvason to the West Slavic area. The places and characters are important pieces for memorizing the story and, at the same time, are easily developed by the authors to suit the plot. Keywords: Kings’ Sagas; Viking Age; Pomerania; memory place

This article concentrates on remembrance of Norwegian King Óláfr Tryggvason who died around the year 1000 A.D. He is remembered especially as the king who began to convert Norwegians to Christianity but his fascinating life has also kept his memory alive in the Old Norse-Icelandic literary tradition. King Óláfr’s life was entwined with history of Norway – perhaps I should say more generally with Scandinavia – and the area of the West Slavs. Therefore, his commemoration and remembrance are of interest to historians in Poland too. To understand the importance of Óláfr Tryggvason’s remembrance in the Old Norse-Icelandic saga literature, it is crucial to understand the political framework of that era in northern Europe. When looking back to the era right before the year 1000 and beyond, it seems to be rather crucial in the North European history. The contemporary Christians were expecting that the end of the world was approaching and they – or at least some of them – were preparing for the second coming of Christ while at the same time the conversion process was only starting to proceed in the northern most European areas. The conversion process was intertwined with the formation of kingdoms in Scandinavia. The eastern trade route, Austrvegr, had begun to lose its meaning when the silver flow from the east started to decline towards the end of the 10th century. This had profound changes in the political landscape of Scandinavia: many Scandinavians would turn their Dr. Sirpa Aalto, University of Oulu, ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8773-8299.

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attention to west and to the British Isles. Many kings and local chieftains were adopting the new faith and not least because of the benefits it brought. Political power had been dispersed in Scandinavia, and local chieftains, whether they were called earls or kings, held power. However, during the 10th century this division of power was already changing when some powerful chieftains began to exert power on larger territorial areas.1 Therefore, for Scandinavians, the era around the year 1000 meant change in many ways. As we read from later medieval sources as well as from a contemporary runestone which was erected in Jelling by King Harald Bluetooth, in Scandinavia the Danes seem to have been first ones to adopt Christianity officially, and new bishoprics emerged in the Danish areas at the end of the 10th century.2 Conversion was also underway in Norway during the 10th century, and in the Old Norse Kings’ Sagas King Óláfr Tryggvason has been granted an important role in this pursuit. Yet this is just the official side of history that we perceive from later sources – as new archaeological excavations have supplemented our knowledge, the picture of conversion has become more vivid and multifaceted. For instance, the view that missionaries had been crucial in the conversion process has been questioned. More emphasis has been focused on the mutually beneficial symbiosis of clergy and kings who affected the conversion process.3 It seems that long before official conversion, Christianity had already won ground among Scandinavians. Whereas the official history tells how missionaries came from the German archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen and from the British Isles and emphasizes the role of kings in the conversion process, contact with Christianity was made everywhere the Scandinavian Vikings travelled.4 Christianity most probably did not replace the old local beliefs in Scandinavia but there was co-existence and time for syncretism before Christianity was officially adopted by rulers, and also after it had been declared as the only, official religion. With the official acceptance of Christianity religion, rulers gained a means of exerting power.5 The era around the year 1000 saw power struggles between Scandinavian kings that paved the way to three different Scandinavian kingdoms. Although the clashes especially between the Danes and Norwegians would continue in the coming centuries, it is reasonable to point out that the fates of kings Óláfr Tryggvason and his follower Óláfr Haraldsson entail essentially what the history of Norway at that time was about: would the Norwegians accept Christianity officially and would they serve a Danish or Norwegian king? In this article, I have chosen to concentrate on King Óláfr Tryggvason because his saga stands in the 1 2 3 4 5

Sawyer / Sawyer 1997, pp. 86–91; Brink 2008, pp. 87–112; Poulsen / Sindbæk 2011, pp. 18–26. Lund 1997. Winroth 2012. Sanmark 2004. Berend 2007.

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crux of these events, and his fate was bound also to the history of emerging Poland and the West-Slavic tribes. In this sense, examination of this missionary king in the historiography of Old Norse sources is appropriate regarding the conference theme: Between East and West – studies on the history of memory, commemoration and reception of medieval culture. I examine the remembrance of King Óláfr Tryggvason through the concept of memory places (lieux de mémoires) and by also applying this to three characters presented in the sagas. To summarize King Óláfr’s connections especially to the West-Slavs, it is necessary to run through the main points of his life. As a young man, Óláfr would raid the area of the West-Slavs called Vindland (Wendland) in the sagas. He met a daughter of local Prince Búrisláfr, Geira, and they were married. Óláfr helped his wife rule an area, which is not defined very well in the saga, but after her rather untimely death he left for new raids. The second conjunction with West Slavs took places years later, when Óláfr had become king of Norway. He married Danish princess Thyri, who had according to the sagas either been married to Óláfr’s former father-in-law Búrisláfr or was his fiancée, but who had refused to marry him because he was a heathen. The third conjunction happened, when Thyri insisted that Óláfr should claim her dowry from Búrisláfr. Óláfr left for Wendland and according to the sources had a successful meeting with Búrisláfr. King Óláfr was ambushed by his enemies King Sveinn of Denmark, King Óláfr of Swedes and Norwegian Earls Sveinn and Eiríkr on his way back to Norway and he died in the battle of Svo˛lðr. The sagas which recall King Óláfr’s life usually end here but saga of Óláfr Tryggvason written by a monk named Oddr around the beginning of the 13th century ends with an episode in which Óláfr was actually just wounded in the battle. The legend continues that he was saved by Ástriðr, sister of his former wife Geira, and as it is appropriate for a saga describing a saint-like king, Óláfr took exile and lived as a monk rest of his life probably in the Near East. This version is, of course, connected to the fact that the saga tries to depict Óláfr Tryggvason as a saint and predecessor of Óláfr Haraldsson, the real savior and converter of the Norwegians.6

Sources The earliest saga sources concerning King Óláfr Tryggvason hail from around the beginning of the 13th century and known as the Kings’ Sagas. His saga is included in compendia about the Norwegian kings such as Ágrip af Noregs konungasögum, Fagrskinna and Heimskringla, which were written at the end of the 12th century 6 Jónsson 1957; Einarsson 1985 (1), pp. 19–24; Einarsson 1985 (2), pp. 141–162; Aðalbjarnarson 1985, pp. 225–372.

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(Ágrip), around 1220 (Fagrskinna) and ca. 1235 (Heimskringla).7 His life is touched upon in Latin texts such as Historia Norwegiae and Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium by Theodoricus Monachus. The Icelandic monk Oddr Snorrason composed the socalled oldest Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar8 in Latin about 1190, but it is only preserved in three Icelandic translations. The version in AM 310 4to is interpolated with Jómsvíkinga saga, which, again, brings King Óláfr’s vita closer to the history of the West Slavic area. Oddr based his version of the saga to written and oral sources but apparently, he felt free to expand the saga with anecdotes.9 Jómsvíkinga saga, although concentrating on the Jómsvikings and their actions in present day area of Pomerania, Denmark, and Norway, is intertwined with the lore of Óláfr Tryggvason because of his connections to the West Slavic area and to the history of the Jómsvikings who had founded their stronghold in Wendland. We can consider that these two sagas were so intertwined that the contemporary audience must have been aware of both – the other being an “immanent” saga.10 The sagas about the kings of Norway are certainly based on real events, but when looking at the lore and tradition about King Óláfr Tryggvason we must see it in the context of the time of writing and Norse-Icelandic memory culture, that is, in the 12th and 13th centuries. As has been claimed, Icelandic authors of the Kings’ Sagas were not just writing about the history of kings but also their own history and thus creating their group identity.11 The history of Icelanders was intertwined with the history of Norwegians. One layer in the historiography of Kings’ sagas was the Christian worldview which gave it a framework and time concept: the Kings’ Sagas present a teleological history according to which it is inevitable in the history of the Norse people that they were bound to become Christians, and in many cases the time reckoning in the sagas reflect Christian chronology.12 In the most religiously biased sagas such as Oddr’s version, King Óláfr Tryggvason was commemorated as the predecessor of King Óláfr Haraldsson, later known as the Holy. In this context, the kings were compared to John the Baptist and Jesus Christ. We can observe similarities in all the sagas telling of King Óláfr Tryggvason, and these parts of the saga form the lore around him that was probably circulating as oral tradition becoming part of the Old Norse-Icelandic collective memory. I would next like to examine two aspects of this lore and discuss what is

7 8 9 10 11 12

Of these sagas, Ágrip is the briefest and mentions only the main events of King Óláfr’s life. Jónsson 1957. Haraldsson 1993, pp. 448–449; see also Jóhannesdóttir / Óskarsson 2014, p. 14. About the concept of an immanent saga and Jómsvíkinga saga, see Aalto 2018 (2). Jakobsson 1997; Aalto 2010. Aalto 2017, p. 323.

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their role in the remembrance of King Óláfr Tryggvason through them. These aspects are remembrance through places and people.

Lieux de mémoires – Remembrance of King Óláfr Tryggvason through Svo˛ldr I have earlier written about the importance of places and place names in Jómsvíkinga saga and in that context I have examined Svo˛lðr which is the place for last battle between Óláfr Tryggvason and his enemies.13 Jakub Morawiec has analysed the circumstances and reasons which lead to this battle in which Óláfr Tryggvason was confronted by King Sveinn of Denmark, King Óláfr of the Svear and Norwegian Earls Eiríkr and Sveinn.14 The exact place of Svo˛ldr has never been solved but the battle took place supposedly somewhere near Öresund.15 Jómsvíkinga saga itself concentrates on events before the rule of King Óláfr Tryggvason, but the Jómsvikings play a role also in his life, especially at the end of it in the battle of Svo˛lðr. As mentioned before, King Óláfr was related to the leader of the Jómsvikings, Earl Sigvaldi. Sigvaldi’s wife Ástriðr was sister to Óláfr’s first wife Geira. Sigvaldi joined King Óláfr’s enemies in secret and according to the sagas, he led Óláfr to a trap and Óláfr was surprised by his enemies when he was returning from Wendland to Norway. Fagrskinna states that the epic battle of Svo˛lðr was the most famous there has ever been in the northern lands,16 and it can be thus stated that Svo˛lðr became a lieu de mémoire (a memory place) in the saga literature. Even Ágrip that is otherwise very brief about King Óláfr Tryggvason’s life, concentrates on the battle of Svo˛lðr. This concept of lieux de mémoires was coined by French scholar Pierre Nora.17 It could refer to concrete places of remembrance such as statues or historical places. However, places of remembrance can exist on an abstract level, too, and they are also linked to memorizing. Francis Yates has been talking about toponyms as furniture of a mind.18 According to her, toponyms can act as auxiliary means to memorize a story, thus memory places. At the same time, they are building blocks of the story and possibly give credibility to it. If the audience was able to recognize the place names mentioned in the story, it would not just give context but also strengthen the belief in the credibility of the story, whether it is

13 14 15 16 17 18

Aalto 2016; Eadem 2018 (1). Morawiec 2009, pp. 230–232. On possible place of Svo˛ldr, see Morawiec 2009, pp. 209–231. Einarsson 1985 (2), p. 160; Finlay 2004, p. 127. Nora 1989. Yates 1966.

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historical or not.19 Theodore Andersson has argued that among saga themes that must have had a counterpart in oral tradition, toponyms are definitely important.20 Therefore, toponyms are thus also aids for memory. A narrative may employ various techniques to highlight a story, but as Margaret Clunies Ross has argued, this requires a mental model that assumes the existence of a unique pattern of events occurring over time.21 In other words, the audience has to be capable of interpreting the story and contextualizing it. It could be argued that Svo˛lðr is a special case of its own among toponyms of the sagas because it is surrounded by myths. First of all, its location cannot be confirmed, and the sagas – especially Oddr Snorrason’s version of King Óláfr Tryggvason’s saga – imply that King Óláfr may not have died in the battle but was saved possibly by his former sister-in-law Ástriðr.22 This mysterious end of King Óláfr Tryggvason was of course used as to enhance his saintly-like role paving the way to Óláfr Haraldsson the Holy. Heimskringla presents the end of the battle as followingly: En sú Vinðasnekkjan , er menn Ástríðar váru á, røri brot ok aptr undir Vinðland, ok var þat þegar rœða margra manna, at Óláfr konungr myndi steypt hafa af sér brynjunni í kafi ok kafat undan landskípunum, lagzk síðan til Vinðasnekkjunnar ok hefði men Ástríðar flutt hans til lands. Ok eru margar frásagnir um ferðir Óláfs konungs go˛rvar síðan af sumum mo˛nnum…23

While the author of Heimskringla, Snorri Sturluson, is not repeating Oddr’s version in full in which Óláfr is miraculously saved by Ástríðr and her crew, he refers to the “many stories” about King Óláfr told after his supposed death. Although the sagas tell how heavy-handedly King Óláfr Tryggvason tried to convert his subjects, his qualities as the converter of Norwegians and predecessor of King Óláfr Haraldsson, later known as the Holy, surpass his actions in the sagas. King Óláfr Tryggvason’s saga is a good example of how a popular saga of a Christian king is constructed. First, he has his adventures as a young man, then conversion to Christianity, misfortunes when ruling his people, then a heroic battle against enemies, and at the end death in a battle (or supposed escape 19 The question of historicity of sagas and the role of toponyms is, of course, much more complex than can be touched upon in this article. About the use of place names in the sagas and their meaning for the audience, see Aalto 2018 (1), pp. 80–81. 20 Andersson 2006, p. 16. 21 Clunies Ross 1994, p. 24. 22 Jónsson 1957, pp. 190–191. 23 Aðalbjarnarson 1985, pp. 367–368; [But the cruiser of Vinðr that Ástriðr’s men were on rowed away and back off Vinðland, and there was already a report [..] by many people that King Óláfr must have thrown off his coat of mail in the water and dived away from under the longships, afterwards swimming to the cruiser, and that Ástríðr’s men had taken him ashore. And there have been many stories made since about these travels of King Óláfr’s by some people…; translation by Finlay / Faulkes 2011, p. 230].

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according to the legend). The climax of the saga is conveniently taking place at sea where the actual location of the battle has not been confirmed, which adds a mythical dimension to King Óláfr’s lore. Svo˛lðr becomes thus an epic place in the cultural and collective memory of Old Norse-Icelandic saga tradition and it made its way into the skaldic poetry. As an example could be mentioned Skúli Þorsteinsson’s poem about Svo˛lðr:24 Fylgðak Frísa dolgi, (fekk ungr) þars spjo˛r sungu, – nú fiðr o˛ld, at eldumk – (aldrbót) ok Sigvalda, þás til móts við mœti malmþings í dyn hjalma sunnr fyr Svo˛lðrar mynni sárlauk roðinn bôrum.25

Thus, Svo˛lðr is epitomized both on prose and poetry. Its geographical location or, in fact, the lack of thereof does not matter. The place is inscribed into the lore of King Óláfr Tryggvason.

Remembrance through Characters The tradition connected to Óláfr Tryggvason entails several characters but I have chosen the following ones for examination: Earl Sigvaldi (leader of the Jómsvikings and Óláfr’s brother-in-law), Prince Búrisláfr (Óláfr’s father-in-law) and his daughter Ástriðr (Óláfr’s sister-in-law). These characters are essentially part of the West-Slavic contacts that King Óláfr had in his life. They offer a viewpoint to remembrance: the characters play a role especially at the end of King Óláfr’s life. Interestingly, these characters seem to be half historical and half-mythical themselves. Earl Sigvaldi was son of Ear Harald of Själland (Sealand) who joined the Jómsvikings and later became their leader when the founder of the Jómsvikings, Pálna-Tóki, died. Sigvaldi’s character has been subject of deeper analysis elsewhere so I conclude here only what has been pointed by earlier research.26 Sigvaldi is not a typical saga hero, and in fact, he is maybe an antihero. His looks are 24 Heslop 2017, p. 362. 25 The Scaldic Project [2022]; [I followed the Frisians’ enemy [= Eiríkr] and Sigvaldi, where spears sang; I got renown young – now people find I grow old –, when we [I] bore the reddened wound-leek [SWORD] into the din of helmets [BATTLE] against the meeter of the metal-assembly [BATTLE > WARRIOR] south before the mouth of Svolder; translation by Kate Heslop: Heslop 2017, p. 360. 26 Finlay 2006; Aalto 2009.

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depicted as suspicious (he is, for instance, said to have had a crooked nose) and he flees from the battle of Hjörungavágr in which the Jómsvikings and Danes were defeated by Norwegians. Sigvaldi also deceives King Óláfr and leads him to his enemies which in a way only confirms his suspicious reputation for the audience. In other words, he is the villain or even a Judas character in the lore of Óláfr Tryggvason. Sigvaldi is mentioned both in saga sources and skaldic poems, and his family roots have been connected to the elite group that supported the Jelling dynasty in Denmark, but otherwise his historical background is hard to confirm.27 Sigvaldi’s contrast is his wife Ástríðr, and the events in Óláfr Tryggvason’s lore underline the contradictory roles beyond that of the Jómsvíkinga saga, as a deceiver and helper respectively. Ástríðr was according to the sagas daughter of King Búrisláfr of Wendland and her sister Geira was married to King Óláfr Tryggvason. The women in general do not play prominent roles in either King Óláfr Tryggvason’s saga or in the Jómsvíkinga saga, but they do affect his fate. The roles of women in the saga literature fall into the following types according to Forrest Scott: The grand lady; the beautiful, helpless bride; the faithful wife; the egger-on of men.28 Ástríðr is definitely the grand lady but also the faithful wife who helps her husband with her advice. When Earl Sigvaldi promised to King Sveinn to attack Norwegians while he was heavily intoxicated and obviously regretted his promise later, Ástríðr softly yet determinedly pushed her husband to fulfill his oath. In other words, she looked after that her husband would keep his vow and thus maintain his honor and reputation. Ástríðr acts as Sigvaldi’s conscience and reminder how he should behave. For instance, after the battle of Hjörungavágr she indirectly criticizes her husband for not being very brave. In Oddr’s Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar she also rises above her husband with her behavior when helping King Óláfr to escape – this is thus not a question of whether the events are real or not, but what kind of role is given to her in the saga and how she is remembered. Ástríðr does not seem to be connected directly to any historical character but she is given the role of a loyal wife and grand lady in the sagas. The character of Prince Búrisláfr is the closest tie to Polish history in the saga. He remains as a background figure even if he basically has an important position as a ruler. For instance, when King Óláfr marries his daughter Geira, nothing is mentioned about Prince Búrisláfr’s role.29 It appears as if Princess Geira was an independent ruler and not dependent on her father. This depiction, of course, supports the saga’s plot and Óláfr’s role in helping Geira to rule over her territory. 27 Morawiec 2009, p. 101. 28 Scott 2002, p. 226. 29 Einarsson 1985 (1), p. 144; Aðalbjarnason 1985, p. 253.

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The character of the Wendish Prince Búrisláfr presented in the sagas cannot be attested, but I have earlier suggested that following historical characters may lie behind him: Prince Mstivoj (ca. 967–990/995?) of Obodritians, Prince Mieszko I (ca. 960–992) and Prince Bolesłav I Chrobry (992–1025),30 but also Duke Bolesłav Wrymouth (1086–1138). These princes were one way or other involved in the history of Pomerania/Wendland which was close to the Danes and also known to other Scandinavians. My hypothesis is that all these characters may have donated certain traits to the saga character Prince Búrisláfr. Prince Mstivoj was married to King Harald Bluetooth’s daughter Tofa, so this could have given background to the story of Prince Búrisláfr being engaged to Thyri in the Ólafs saga tradition. The fact that the Wendish prince is called Búrisláfr is plausible because after Mstivoj, history knows of several Bolesłavs who were more famous. Bolesłav I Chrobry who ruled at the end of the 10th century and at the beginning of the 11th century was probably familiar to the Scandinavians, but more likely Duke Bolesłav Wrymouth was more famous because he lived closer to the time of writing down the sagas. When the saga of King Óláfr was written down at the end of the 12th century, this latter Bolesłav’s reputation was maybe known to the authors. Scandinavian-Wendish/West-Slavic marriages are recorded in various medieval sources which show that West-Slavic rulers in general were known to the Scandinavians. Closest to the time of writing down of the sagas was the marriage between Danish Prince Magnus Nielsson and Ryksa who was daughter of Bolesłav Wrymouth.31 All in all, the character (and name) of Prince Búrisláfr seems thus to function as a stereotype for a Slavic ruler in the sagas, and it is impossible to connect him with just one historical character. Even if Prince Búrisláfr is a “silent character” (he speaks only in the Jómsvíkinga saga version AM 291 4to when asking advice from his daughter Ástríðr), his importance for the saga plot cannot be underestimated. After all, King Óláfr Tryggvason travels to meet his former father-in-law to negotiate about his wife’s dowry which was still in Búrisláfr’s possession. The negotiations were successful and there was no quarrel between the former son- and father-in-law. Nothing is mentioned that Búrisláfr would have been a heathen even if Thyri had refused to marry him because he was a heathen and old.32 To conclude, the key characters in Wendland are not prominently presented in the saga tradition of Óláfr Tryggvason but remain more as background figures. However, their background and story were certainly known to the audience via the Jómsvíkinga saga tradition. Interestingly, the character of Prince Búrisláfr seems to have been invented as a combination of historical characters – rulers of 30 Aalto 2009. 31 Morawiec 2009, pp. 79–80, 216–217. 32 Aðalbjarnason 1985, p. 341.

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West Slavs – and literary conventions. It shows that the presented saga characters – even with historical roots – consist of layers of remembrance. Historical and unhistorical characters are brought to life in the saga tradition, and contemporary and near-contemporary characters that the authors had heard about affected the remembrance. This supplements our knowledge about the nature of saga literature and how we should read it and interpret it.

Concluding Remarks Why is King Óláfr worthy of remembrance in the Old Norse sources? His fascinating life story was obviously worth telling. It took him from the Norwegian mountains to the court of Kievan Rus’ and to Viking expeditions in Baltic and in the British Isles, with him finally ending up as the king of Norway. His life story culminates in the epic sea battle of Svo˛lðr. Moreover, he has been elevated in the medieval Norse historiography as the figure who brought Christianity to Norway and started to convert Norwegians. As we know today, this is the narrative – commemoration – that medieval authors wanted to present. In reality, the conversion process had begun before Óláfr Tryggvason’s rule. However, the two Ólafs – Óláfr Tryggvason and Óláfr Haraldsson – were compared by medieval authors to John the Baptist and Jesus Christ. This presentation served, of course, the purposes of the Church and for those who were later in favor of canonizing King Óláfr Haraldsson. The tradition of King Óláfr Tryggvason is built on blocks which can be called memory places. In this article I have examined the building blocks that connect Óláfr’s remembrance to the West-Slavic area. In this context the building blocks are not just places but also characters. Historicity is not at the heart of the lore even if a kernel of truth lies there. The remembrance of different characters reveals that it has different layers which consist of the historical and un-historical. The events, characters and places in Óláfr Tryggvason’s saga show that the contacts between east and west were alive and well in the Viking Age and the events served to be repeated as part of the Old Norse collective memory. Depending on the saga version, the life of King Óláfr Tryggvason contains exciting, entertaining but as well as very humane elements that the audience may have been able to relate to, that which must have affected to the popularity of the lore. The perfect commemoration of a hero king contains the divine and humane at the same time: love, death, passion for religion and at the end, a miracle.

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Bibliography Printed sources Aðalbjarnarson, Bjarni: Heimskringla. 1985/1. Einarsson, Bjarni: Ágrip af Nóregskonunga so˛gum. 1985. (1) Einarsson, Bjarni: Fagrskinna – Nóregs konunga tal. 1985. (2) Finlay, Alison: Fagrskinna, a Catalogue of the Kings of Norway. 2004. Finlay, Alison / Faulkes, Anthony (transl.): Heimskringla. 2011/1. Jónsson, Guðni: Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar eftir Oddr munk. 1957. The Scaldic Project, in: URL: https://skaldic.org/m.php?p=wordtextlp&i=321156 [18. 09. 2022].

Literature Aalto, Sirpa: “Minnets möbler” – toponymer som representationer för kollektivt och kulturellt minne inom sagaforskning, in: Historisk Tidskrift för Finland. 2016/1, pp. 4–25. Aalto, Sirpa: Band of Brothers – the Case of the Jómsvikings, in: S´redniowiecze Polskie i Powszechne. 2009/1 (5), pp. 80–99. Aalto, Sirpa: Categorizing Otherness in the Kings’ Sagas. 2010. Aalto, Sirpa: Contextualising Jómsvíkinga Saga, in: Quaestiones Medii Aevi Novae. 2018/23, pp. 95–109. (2) Aalto, Sirpa: The Connection between Geographical Space and Collective Memory in Jómsvíkinga Saga, in: Bertell, Maths / Frog / Willson, Kendra (eds.): Contacts and Networks in Medieval Baltic Sea Region. 2018, pp. 67–87. (1) Aalto, Sirpa: Worldview, in: Jakobsson, Ármann / Jakobsson, Sverrir (eds.): The Routledge Research Companion to the Icelandic Sagas. 2017, pp. 318–326. Andersson, Theodore: Growth of the Medieval Icelandic Sagas (1180–1280). 2006. Berend, Nora: Introduction, in: Berend, Nora (ed.): Christianisation and the Rise of Christian Monarchy. Scandinavia, Central Europe and Rus’ c. 900–1200. 2007, pp. 1–46. Brink, Stefan: People and Land in Early Scandinavia, in: Garipzanov, Ildar H. / Geary, Patrick / Urban´czyk, Przemysław (eds.): Franks, Northmen, and Slavs. Identities and State Formation in Early Medieval Europe. 2008, pp. 87–112. Clunies Ross, Margaret: Prolonged Echoes. Old Norse Myths in Medieval Northern Society. 1994/1. Coser, Lewis A.: Introduction, in: Halbwachs, Maurice: On Collective Memory. 1952, pp. 1– 36. Finlay, Alison: History and Fantasy in Jómsvíkinga Saga, in: McKinnell, John / Ashurst, David / Kick, Donata (eds.): The Fantastic in Old Norse/Icelandic Literature. Sagas and the British Isles. Preprints of the 13th International Saga Conference, Durham and York, 6th–12th August. 2006/1, pp. 248–257. Haraldsson, Óláfr: Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar, in: Pulsiano, Phillip / Wolf, Kirsten (eds.): Medieval Scandinavia. An Encyclopedia. 1993, pp. 448–449.

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Heslop, Kate (ed.): Skúli Þorsteinsson, Poem about Svo˛lðr 2, in: Gade, Kari Ellen / Marold, Edith (eds.): Poetry from Treatises on Poetics. Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages. 2017/3, p. 360. Jakobsson, Ármann: Í leit að konungi. Konungsmynd íslenskra konungasagna. 1997. Jóhannesdóttir, Þórdís Edda / Óskarsson, Veturliði: The Manuscripts of Jómsvíkinga saga, in: Scripta Islandica. 2014/65, pp. 9–29. Lund, Niels: The Danish Empire and the End of the Viking Age, in: Sawyer, Peter (ed.): The Oxford Illustrated History of the Vikings. 1997. Morawiec, Jakub: Vikings Among the Slavs. Jomsborg and the Jomsvikings in Old Norse Tradition. 2009. Nora, Pierre: Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire, in: Representations. 1989/26, pp. 7–24. Poulsen, Bjørn / Sindbæk, Søren Michael: Settlment and Lordship in Viking and Early Medieval Scandinavia. 2011. Sanmark, Alexandra: Power and Conversion. A Comparative Study of Christianisation in Scandinavia. 2004. Sawyer, Birgit / Sawyer, Peter: Medieval Scandinavia. 1997. Scott, Forrest S.: The Woman Who Knows: Female Characters in Eyrbyggja Saga, in: Swenson, Karen / Anderson, Sarah M. (eds.): Cold Counsel: The Women in Old Norse Literature and Myth. 2002. Winroth, Anders: The Conversion of Scandinavia. Vikings, Merchants and Missionaries in the Remaking of Northern Europe. 2012. Yates, Francis: The Art of Memory. 1966.

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Maciej Lubik

Remembering a Mercenary – Kekaumenos’ Passage on King Haraldr Sigurðarson

Abstract The article discusses the exceptional passage devoted to the Varangian mercenary and Norwegian King Haraldr Sigurðarson, found in the Byzantine text written by Kekaumenos (11th century). The fact that Haraldr is remembered by a Byzantine writer and the way he is remembered are discussed in the contexts of the section that contains the passage and the writer’s personal experience. The article also shows the value of the passage as the source of information on Haraldr’s early political ambition. Keywords: Harald Sigurdsson (Hardrada); Kekaumenos; Magnus the Good; Varangians

A mercenary and a king – these are two main life roles than can be ascribed to Haraldr Sigurðarson (harðráði). Nonetheless, the medieval picture of his role of a leader of Scandinavian mercenaries seems to be determined by his role of the tough king who distinguished himself in the Norwegian state-formation period. The record of his activity during his mercenary service in Byzantium1 is preserved mainly in the kings’ sagas, and this activity – in the form it is narrated – is worthy of his status of one of the most valiant kings known to the Old Norse historiographical tradition. The depiction of Haraldr’s exploits during his service, offered by the sagas, highlights not only his bravery, but also his shrewdness. Thanks to these qualities, as the tradition suggests, Haraldr was able to give the emperor a number of victories against the Arabs in the Mediterranean region and surpassed the prominent Byzantine commander George Maniakes. Haraldr’s Dr. Maciej Lubik, University of Zielona Góra, ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5893-4995. 1 Various aspects of Haraldr’s stay in Byzantium are discussed in: Munch 1873, pp. 505–554; Storm 1884, pp. 354–386; Vasil’e´vskij 1908; Blöndal 1939, pp. 1–26; Stender-Petersen 1953; Vries de 1965, pp. 331–350; Poppe 1968; Dujcˇev 1970, pp. 201–210; Hendy 1970, pp. 187–197; Shepard 1973, pp. 145–150; Ellis Davidson 1976; Benedikz 1978; Grierson 1979, pp. 124–138; Ciggaar 1980, pp. 285–401; Morrisson 1981, pp. 131–140; Bagge 1990, pp. 169–192; DeVries 1999; Krag 1999, pp. 9–31; Brandes 2005, pp. 175–227; Wolin´ska 2009, pp. 65–85; Shepard 2011, pp. 473–482; Lubik 2013, pp. 35–61; Fylypchuk 2014, pp. 193–205; Jackson 2015, pp. 72–82; Scheel 2015; Jackson 2016, pp. 134–156; Böhm 2019, pp. 9–22; Jakobsson 2020.

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success in Byzantium and then his long and authoritarian rule seem to have made him the best remembered Varangian mercenary. However, while his mercenary service is widely narrated in the sagas, there is only one Byzantine source that recalls it: Advice and Anecdotes written by Kekaumenos. Kekaumenos’ story of Haraldr is far from the vivid portrayal of Haraldr’s accomplishments that is contained in the sagas. It rather presents a balanced recollection limited to a relatively short passage. Nonetheless, a Byzantine writer commemorating a Varangian mercenary may be considered exceptional. Hence, it is worth taking a closer look at the context of this passage to understand what lay behind Kekaumenos’ portrayal of Haraldr and behind his decision to mention the Norwegian in his work. Not much is known about Kekaumenos. He is not mentioned by other Byzantine contemporary sources, and all information about him is inferred from his own work. Even his name remains uncertain and has been deduced from the name of his father and grandfather. Kekaumenos could have been born around 1020 and died sometime after 1081. He was a moderate, provincial aristocrat, who probably owned some estates in the former Byzantine-Bulgarian borderland. Having devoted some part of his life to a military career, he composed (c. 1075– 1078) a collection of advice and anecdotes that is based on his own beliefs, experience, and stories he had become familiar with. A sizeable part of this work is comprised of military advice. Kekaumenos refers to this part as a strategikon, and later, the same name was used by a scribe as the title of the whole work. However, Kekaumenos largely deals with many other, non-military, matters, and since a strategikon is a generic name that labels military treatises, Kekaumenos’ work may be classified more as moralizing advisory literature, instructing the readers on how to properly conduct their private and public life and fulfill their duties. Hence, recent scholars use Advice and Anecdotes (or similar) as its title. The text survives in an incomplete form, and the scale of the lost material remains unknown. It is preserved in only one manuscript, which was produced probably in the 14th century in or close to Trebizond.2 The passage on Haraldr Sigurðarson is contained in the section titled Advice to an Emperor, which, as the title suggests, is to provide future emperors with guidance on various aspects of governance. The passage reads as follows: Haraltes was the son of the emperor [“βασιλέως”→βασιλεύς→basileus] of Barangia [“Βαραγγίας”]. He had a brother Hiulabos [Óláfr Haraldsson], who, after the death of his father, seized his father’s power and acknowledged his brother, Haraltes, as the second in power to himself in the empire. Then Haraltes, being still a young man, 2 See: Roueché 2013 (Introduction); Eadem 1988, p. 125; Eadem 2000, pp. 203–204; Savvides 1986–1987, pp. 12–27; Dudek 2018, pp. 197–199; Rance 2018, pp. 257–258; and, above all, Lemerle 1960.

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decided to come and give proskynesis to the blessed Emperor, lord Michael the Paphlagonian, and to see the Roman order. He took a troop along, five hundred great men. He arrived, and the emperor duly received him and sent him with his troop to Sicily, since the Roman army that fought for the island was there. Once he departed, he performed great deeds. When Sicily was subjugated, he returned to the emperor along with his troop, and the emperor bestowed the rank of manglabites upon him. Soon afterwards Delian rebelled in Bulgaria. Haraltes joined the emperor in company with his troop and fought against the enemies performing deeds worthy of his noble birth and bravery. Having suppressed Bulgaria, the emperor returned [to Constantinople]. At that time, I also fought for the emperor, to the best of my abilities. When we arrived in Mosynopolis, the emperor requited him for what he had done bestowing the rank of spatharokandidatos upon him. After the death of lord Michael and his nephew, the former emperor, in the time of Monomachos, Haraltes desired to return to his land. He obtained no permission, but nevertheless the exit was closed for him. However, he departed unnoticed and reigned in his land in place of his brother Hiulabos. He did not grumble about being rewarded with the rank of manglabites or spatharokandidatos. Moreover, he kept fidelity and goodwill towards the Romans while he ruled.3

In Kekaumenos’ passage, the overall image of Haraldr is almost entirely positive. The author says that in Bulgaria Haraldr performed deeds worthy of his “noble birth” (“εὐγενείας”) and “bravery” (“γενναιότητος”). The notion that lies behind the word gennaiótes (γενναιότης) is close to that of andreia (ἀνδρεία) – they both can be associated with the term valor, treated as a category that includes such qualities like bravery and manliness.4 As Paul Magdalino points out, Kekaumenos seems to share in his work the notion of an honorable man that rests 3 “Ἀράλτης βασιλέως μὲν Βαραγγίας ἦν υἱός, ἔχων δὲ ἀδελφὸν τὸν Ἱούλαβον, ὃς καὶ μετὰ θάνατον τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ κατέσχε τὴν πατρικὴν βασιλείαν, προβαλόμενος Ἀράλτην τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ δεύτερον μετ’αὐτοῦ ει᾿ς τὴν βασιλείαν. ὅς δὴ καὶ νέος ὦν ἠθέλησεν ει᾿σελθεῖν καὶ προσκυνῆσαι τῷ μακαριωτάτῳ βασιλεῖ κῦρ Μιχαὴλ τῷ Παφλάγονι. καὶ ἐν θέᾳ γενέσθαι τῆς ῥωμαϊκῆς καταστάσεως. ἤγαγε δὲ καὶ μετ’αὐτοῦ καὶ λαόν, ἄνδρας γενναίους πεντακοσίους καὶ ει᾿σῆλθε, καὶ ἐδέξατο αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεύς ὡς ἐνεδέχετο, καὶ ἀπέστειλεν αὐτὸν μετὰ τοῦ λαοῦ αὐτοῦ ει᾿ς Σικελίαν ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἦν ὁ ῥωμαϊκὸς στρατός, πολεμῶν τὴν νῆσον. καὶ ἀπελθὼν ἐνεδείξατο ἔργα μεγάλα. ὑποταγείσης δὲ τῆς Σικελίας ὑπέστρεψε μετὰ τοῦ λαοῦ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ ἐτίμησεν αὐτὸν μαγγλαβίτην. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἔλαχε τό τεμουλτεῦσαι τὸν Δελιάνον ει᾿ς Βουλγαρίαν. καὶ ἐσυνεταξίδευσε καὶ ὁ Ἀράλτης μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, ἔχων τὸν λαὸν αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐνεδείξατο ἔργα ει᾿ς τοὺς πολεμίους ἄξια τῆς εὐγενείας καὶ τῆς γενναιότητος αὐτοῦ. ὑποτάξας δὲ τὴν Βουλγαρίαν ὁ βασιλεύς ὑπέστρεψεν. ἤμην δὲ κἀγὼ τότε ἀγωνιζόμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλέως κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν. ἐλθόντων δὲ ἡμῶν ἐν Μεσινουπόλει, ἀμειβόμενος αὐτῷ ὁ βασιλεύς ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀγωνίσατο ἐτίμησεν αὐτὸν σπαθαροκανδιδάτην. μετὰ δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ κῦρ Μιχαὴλ καὶ τοῦ ἀνεψιοῦ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἀποβασιλέως ἠθέλησεν ἐπὶ τοῦ Μονομάχου αι᾿τησάμενος ὑποχωρῆσαι ει᾿ς τὴν χώραν αὐτοῦ, καὶ οὐ συνεχωρήθη, ἀλλὰ γέγονεν αὐτῷ στενὴ ἡ ἔξοδος. ὅμως λαθὼν ὑπεχώρησεν καὶ ἐβασίλευσεν ει᾿ς τὴν χώραν αὐτοῦ ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ, Ἱουλάβου. καὶ οὐκ ἐγόγγυσεν ὑπὲρ ὦν ἐτιμήθη μαγγλαβίτης ἢ σπαθαροκανδιδάτης, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον καὶ βασιλεύων ἐφύλαξε πίστιν καὶ ἀγάπην πρὸς Ῥωμαίους”, Roueché 2013, p. 97 (WJ; 97.02–97.27). 4 Though the word gennaiótes (γενναιότης) can be also interpreted as nobleness of character, nobility and noble birth, its coexistence with the word eugeneia (εὐγένεια) – i. e., noble birth – in Kekaumenos’ sentence allows one to assume that here its sense refers rather to bravery.

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upon three basic qualifications: eugeneia (εὐγένεια) – though the writer pays more attention to a high rank/office than good birth – andreia and wealth. Additionally, in Kekaumenos’ vision of the “Roman order”, one may pursue honor through exercise of authority.5 All this is found with reference to Haraldr. Kekaumenos speaks directly about Harald’s noble birth and bravery, while Haraldr’s wealth and exercise of authority – though his status in the purely Byzantine power and social structure, to which Kekaumenos’ view refers, is rather insignificant – may be inferred from the information about his status in Varangia (Barangia), before and after his service in Byzantium, and about his role of a warlord leading the troop of 500 great warriors. However, the quality of an honorable man that Kekaumenos seems to value the most is prudence,6 of which an example cannot be found in the passage on Haraldr, unless one sees Haraldr’s cunning and successful escape from Constantinople – breaking the emperor’s will at the same time – and then remaining still a friend of the Byzantines, but now being the emperor of Varangia, as an act of his foresight, calculation and discretion. Either way, Kekaumenos speaks highly of Haraldr offering the latter’s portrayal that, to some extent, corresponds to the image of an honorable man adopted, or rather envisaged, in his narrative. Haraldr’s characteristics – in the way he was perceived by Kekaumenos – being close to the Byzantine image of an honorable man are, however, not the only factor that made Haraldr worth mentioning. Other – and, as it seems, more important – factors appear to be Haraldr and Kekaumenos’ mutual involvement in the Bulgarian campaign and the context of the section that contains the passage on Haraldr. Both these factors are closely connected with the way Haraldr is characterized by the Byzantine writer. In the section that contains the passage on Haraldr, Kekaumenos offers advice to a generic emperor on various aspects of governance. In one of them, he advises an emperor not to bestow great honors or great offices upon foreigners who are not of royal birth in order not to, e. g., antagonize the Romans who have not been given this kind of honors and titles. He believes that the foreigner honored beyond the rank of spatharokandidatos becomes contemptuous and does not serve the emperor properly. He also claims that none of the old emperors elevated a Frank or a Varangian to a rank of high dignity – and scarcely elevated them to the rank of spatharios, which was not a significant rank and was lower than the rank of spatharokandidatos.7 All these non-royal foreigners, as Kekaumenos asserts, served only for bread and clothing. In Kekaumenos’ opinion, even for5 Magdalino 1989, pp. 201–203; cf. Kazhdan / Wharton Epstein 1990, pp. 104–110. 6 Magdalino 1989, p. 210. 7 Roueché 2013, 96.2 (commentary); Litavrin 2003, p. 544, note 829; Kazhdan 1991/3, pp. 1935– 1936.

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eigners of royal background should be exposed to some limitations regarding the bestowal of high honors. This opinion is not expressed plainly in words, but using three examples. In the first example, Kekaumenos tells us about Peter the Frank, who is mentioned as the “nephew of the emperor of Frankia” and the “nephew of the king of the Germans”.8 According to Kekaumenos, Emperor Basil II gave this Peter the rank of spatharios of the Chrysotriklinion9 and, not wanting to elevate him to the rank of a general (strategos) – since the emperor believed that this would offend the Romans – appointed him domestikos of the excubiti of Hellas, most probably a local commander,10 in place of Kekaumenos’ great-grandfather,11 Nikoulitzas. Then the author concludes by praising the emperor for being suitably cautious – tough he was still young at that time – towards the foreigner. The second example is much shorter and refers to Senekerim Arcruni, the last ruler of the Armenian kingdom of Vaspurakan. Kekaumenos reminds the reader that Senekerim gave his land to Basil II and became the emperor’s servant. For that he was given the rank of magister, which was a high-ranking dignity indeed,12 but at the same time Kekaumenos underlines that apart of this dignity Senekerim received nothing more, though, as the author asserts, he was a descendant of “ancient emperors”, and an “emperor” himself. Then comes the third example, the story of Haraldr. In this passage Kekaumenos accentuates Haraldr’s royal background, his accomplishments while campaigning on behalf of the emperor, and bestowing the ranks of manglabites and spatharokandidatos upon him in return. Both these ranks were not significant. Manglabites was a member of a unit of imperial bodyguards, however, the word may be interpreted as a “ship captain”,13 and thus associated with some position of command over naval forces. Spatharokandidatos, on the other hand, is a dignity sometimes associated with subaltern offices, and was above the rank of spatharios.14 It is the highest dignity that Kekaumenos considers appropriate for foreigners of nonroyal descent, tough it was still low. Since Haraldr was of royal birth and, additionally, achieved some success during his service, Kekaumenos concludes his story by stating that he “did not grumble” about being rewarded with only these ranks, but kept friendly attitude towards the Byzantines while he ruled in his 8 Both denotations may refer to Holy Roman Emperor and King of Germany Otto II (973–983, 961–983); the figure of Peter the Frank remains unknown (see Roueché 2013, 96.9, 96.14 (commentary); Litavrin 2003, pp. 548–550, notes 840–842). 9 See Litavrin 2003, pp. 550–551, note 849. 10 Cf.: ibid. 2003, pp. 547–548, notes 838, 839; Roueché 2013 (Introduction). 11 See Litavrin 2003, pp. 544–546, note 833; Roueché 2013 (Introduction). 12 See Kazhdan 1991/2, p. 1267; Litavrin 2003, pp. 552–553, note 857. 13 Kazhdan 1991/2, p. 1284; Litavrin 2003, p. 556, note 871. 14 Kazhdan 1991/3, p. 1936; Oikonomidès 1972, p. 292.

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country. In this way Kekaumenos suggests that there is nothing wrong in bestowing low ranks upon foreigners of royal descent. The question is why it is these three examples that Kekaumenos decided to provide in order to express his opinion? The answer may be found in Kekaumenos’ private life. The three stories are of different size. The story of Haraldr is the largest, the story of Peter the Frank is the second in size, and the story of Senekerim is the shortest. The size of each of these stories seems to reflect the extent to which all three figures are linked with Kekaumenos’ background. The Byzantine author seems to have relatively detailed knowledge about Haraldr – especially about his lineage and military career in Byzantium. Most importantly, Kekaumenos underscores that he himself fought in the Bulgarian campaign, in which Haraldr took part, and use plural form mentioning the return to Mosynopolis, which suggests that he and Haraldr returned there together. Additionally, as stated above, the overall image of Haraldr in this story is almost entirely positive. This image rests upon the information Kekaumenos uses, that is, Haraldr’s royal descent, his authority over great, loyal warriors, his bravery and military successes. At the same time Kekaumenos speaks highly of Haraldr by presenting him as the son of the basileus of Varangia. Moreover, Kekaumenos’ passage implies that Haraldr, as the successor of his father and brother – who had ruled the empire (βασιλεία) of Varangia – became a basileus himself. In the Byzantine nomenclature this title was the highest in rank and it was believed in Byzantium that the Byzantine emperors were the only ones entitled to use it, though in Byzantine sources the title is also applied in reference to foreigners.15 Kekaumenos uses the term basileus with regard to the Byzantine emperors, the emperor of “Frankia”, the ancient Roman emperors, the last Dacian king Decebalus (as the enemy of Emperor Trajan), King Abgar V of Edessa/Osroene (highly esteemed – as Kekaumenos explains – by Emperor Augustus), the Armenian rulers and the rulers of Persia (not to mention one Biblical figure).16 Hence, in Kekaumenos’ narrative, Haraldr, together with his father and brother, seem to belong to quite distinguished company. Presenting the rulers of Varangia – which, in the Byzantine worldview, was a rather barbarian country located far beyond the peripheries of the Byzantine world, and as a political entity plays no role in the Byzantine history, nor in the great ancient history – as basileis can be seen as a kind of nobilitation. Furthermore, Kekaumenos does not criticize Haraldr for his breach of the emperor’s ban. On the contrary, he presents Haraldr as a lifetime friend of the Byzantines. All this proves Kekaumenos’ positive 15 See Leszka 2018, pp. 341–345; Chrysos 1978, pp. 29–75; Kazhdan 1991/1, p. 264; Boron´ 2010, pp. 25–26, 37–45. 16 Roueché 2013, pp. 18 (WJ; 18.23); 33 (WJ; 33.19); 84 (WJ; 84.21); 58 (WJ; 58.03); 74 (WJ; 74.12– 74.15, 74.19–74.20); 84 (WJ; 84.19–84.20); 96 (WJ; 96.09–96.10, 96.25–96.30); 101 (WJ; 101.01– 101.19).

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attitude towards Haraldr. This attitude seems to result from their common military experience in Bulgaria, where Kekaumenos had a possibility to come into contact with Haraldr and his warriors. This possible acquaintance with the Norwegians and the hardships of the campaign Kekaumenos shared with them could give rise to his liking for Haraldr, and this sentiment not only transferred itself to the way Kekaumenos presents Haraldr, but, above all, underlies the fact that the writer decided to include the story of Haraldr in his work. When it comes to Peter the Frank and Senekerim, to whom Kekaumenos devotes less space, the context is different, but still both these figures can be associated with Kekaumenos’ background. The story of Peter the Frank is connected with the experience of Kekaumenos’ great-grandfather, whereas the story of Senekerim refers to the history of the ancestral land of Kekaumenos’ family, since they are believed to be of Armeno-Georgian descent. Another element that links the figures of Haraldr, Senekerim and Peter is that in Kekaumenos’ narrative, they all are connected not with average royal families, but with “basileian” dynasties. It seems, then, that there were two main reasons behind Kekaumenos’ decision to include the passage on Haraldr in his work. Firstly, it is the useful role of Haraldr’s story in expressing Kekaumenos’ opinion on the bestowal of high ranks upon foreigners. Secondly, it is Kekaumenos’ liking for Haraldr embedded in their common military experience. Kekaumenos’ liking for Haraldr, his decision to include the story of Haraldr in his work, and, above all, the fact that Kekaumenos and Haraldr participated in the same military campaign are not the only evidence that suggests that the Byzantine writer met the Norwegian and/or his warriors. This is also suggested by the extent of the information about Haraldr offered by Kekaumenos and by some pieces of information Kekaumenos offers regarding Haraldr’s background. Kekaumenos was a provincial nobleman living in the Balkans, but he seems to have been relatively well informed about Haraldr, though his knowledge is not without some flaws. He accurately defines Haraldr’s homeland, stating that he came from Barangia→Varangia, which is a Byzantine term that denotes Scandinavia. He also accurately associates Haraldr with Scandinavian elites; however, Haraldr was surely not a son of an emperor of Scandinavia, but, as it is believed, the son of the local chieftain or petty king (fylkiskonungr) in the Norwegian region of Ringerike (Sigurðr sýr). Kekaumenos also mentions Hiulabos, that is, Óláfr Haraldsson, who was in fact Haraldr’s half-brother by the same mother, and whose father was, most probably, the chieftain or petty king in the Norwegian region of Vestfold (Haraldr grenske). One of the factors that could have contributed to Kekaumenos’ faulty knowledge about the status of Haraldr’s father was the fact that Óláfr was indeed considered by many Scandinavians the royal ruler, though not of Scandinavia, but of Norway. Some of these Scandinavians

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visited Byzantium in Kekaumenos’ times. This includes Haraldr and his companions – who fled from Norway after Óláfr Haraldsson’s downfall in 1030 and finally came to Constantinople – and one may assume that they partly formed the source of Kekaumenos’ knowledge. Another factor that could have misled Kekaumenos regarding the status of Haraldr’s father is the fact that Haraldr himself became king after he returned to his fatherland – which was known to Kekaumenos. Hence, the royal status of Óláfr and Haraldr could have made Kekaumenos’ consider “their” father the emperor of “Varangia” too and treat them all as representatives of a single royal line. On the other hand, Óláfr Haraldsson seems to have been acknowledged by his followers as the representative of the old Norwegian royal line. Jakub Morawiec points to the skaldic poems composed by Óláfr’s court poets in which they use some stylistic devices to build Óláfr’s image as the descendant of Haraldr Fairhair, a semi-legendary king of Norway. This was to provide ideological legitimization for Óláfr’s reign,17 since his authority was not widely recognized in Norway, but rather challenged. The concept of Óláfr as a representative of a royal line was most probably shared by Haraldr and his troop – not only because they were former Óláfr’s followers, but as it also elevated the rank of Haraldr, who, in this way, could have been associated with the old royal line too. Hence, Kekaumenos’ confidence in Haraldr and Óláfr’s royal descent may have its source in Haraldr himself and/or his companions. Kekaumenos’ words that Óláfr recognized Haraldr as “the second in power to himself” provoke similar thoughts. He may have inferred the belief that Haraldr was the second in power from the fact that Óláfr and Haraldr were brothers, and from his probably incomplete information about the consecutive rulers of Norway, that is, that Óláfr was the “emperor” at first, and then his brother took reign after (in place of) him. However, one may ponder whether Kekaumenos’ contention that Haraldr was made the second in power by Óláfr is the result of his deduction (or imagination) or that there is something more behind it. It is more convincing that Kekaumenos’ words reflect again the standpoint of Haraldr and his companions. During his stay in Byzantium, Haraldr was a refuge. He fled his country after the battle of Stiklestad (29 July 1030), in which Óláfr died at the hands of the rebels who had deprived him of power nearly two years before. While Haraldr was abroad, the political situation in Norway changed radically. The reign of the Danes – who had sided with the rebels – became unpopular, and in 1035 the Norwegian elites overthrew them appointing Magnús (the Good), son of Óláfr Haraldsson, as their new ruler. Magnús was then still a child, ten or eleven years old, and an ideological aspect seems to have been essential for making him a king. 17 Morawiec 2016, pp. 320–323, 335.

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This aspect did not rest upon Magnús just being the son of the former ruler, but Magnús being the son of the saint king who suffered a heroic, martyr’s death in the battle against the adherents of the Danish usurpers.18 The cult of Óláfr Haraldsson began to develop before Magnús’ return to Norway. This is evidenced, inter alia, by the poem Glælognskviða, composed between 1031 and 1035 by Þórarinn loftunga. In this poem – which is the earliest source attesting to the development of the cult of Magnús’ father – St Óláfr seems to be perceived as the eternal king of Norway and guardian of its people, who holds the right to confer the power over his dominion to his earthly successors. It is believed that the cult of St Óláfr, at its very beginning, was connected with the succession of power in Norway, and the first who used it in this political dimension was the Danish regime – the young Sveinn Knútsson and his retinue, who had taken power in Norway near the time of the battle of Stiklestad.19 Then, the political utilization of the figure of St Óláfr continued after their fall. Thanks to the talent of the poets who composed during Magnús’ reign – and who, e. g., underlined in their poems the blood bonds linking him and Óláfr – the new king seems to be styled Óláfr’s heir in political and spiritual dimensions. An analysis of skaldic poetry leads to the well-founded assumption that the cult of St Óláfr was the ideological basis on which Magnús’ political milieu functioned and was used as an element of the dynastic policy highly important for the legitimization of Magnús’ royal authority. Moreover, this basis was not applied only to the Norwegian territories, but also used in the context of Magnús’ efforts to deprive Jarl Sveinn Úlfsson of the possibility to rule in Denmark and to strengthen his own authority there – these efforts seem to have been ideologically made under spiritual protection of his holy father.20 The later Old Norse prose sources suggest that Haraldr was not content with Magnús holding the whole power (at least in Norway) forever. Two 13th-century kings’ sagas, Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna, inform us that after Haraldr came to Sweden on his way back from Byzantium/Rus’ and then learned that there is no chance of assigning part of Magnús’ power to him, he entered into alliance with Sveinn Úlfsson, and they took military measures against Magnús by invading Denmark. The conflict ended with Magnus’ decision to share rule over Norway with his uncle.21 Another two 13th-century kings’ sagas, Heimskringla and Knýtlinga saga, agree with the essentials of this account, but say nothing about Haraldr’s initial hope of receiving a share of Magnus’ power or his initial meeting 18 Lubik 2020, pp. 203–233. 19 Ibid., pp. 210, 243–244, 253–256, 279–284; cf.: Morawiec 2016, pp. 450–456; Townend 2005, pp. 251–279. 20 Morawiec 2016, pp. 466–468, 471–478, 503–510; Idem 2013, pp. 39–41; Lubik 2020, pp. 213– 214, 221–233. 21 Jakobsson / Guðjónsson 2011, pp. 118–129; Einarsson 1984, pp. 238–246.

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with the nephew – according to these sources, after returning North, Haraldr immediately entered into alliance with Sveinn and turned against Magnús.22 Apart from the kings’ sagas, there are also 12th-century synoptics that refer to Haraldr’s return from exile. In Theodoricus Monachus’ De antiquitate regum Norwagiensium, Haraldr first appears in Øresund, where he meets Magnús, and when the negotiations fail, he decides to go and take power in Norway for himself (Sveinn joins him), but in the end, he is given half of the country.23 In Ágrip af Nóregskonungaso˛gum Haraldr appears first in Denmark and then a joyful meeting with his nephew is arranged, during which half of Norway is given to him.24 Though almost all these late prose sources are consistent in relation to Haraldr and Sveinn’s alliance against Magnús, their historical reliability – regarding this story – is questionable. Though Morkinskinna, Fagrskinna and Heimskringla allege more reliable sources – i. e., the skaldic poem composed by Valgarðr á Velli, who is supposed to have been Haraldr’s court poet, and the stanza composed by Bo˛lverkr Arnórsson, who may be associated with Haraldr’s court poets too25 – trying to authenticate their account, there is no certainty that most (apart from Bo˛lverkr Arnórsson’s stanza, which confirms that Magnús granted Haraldr a part of his realm) of the quoted stanzas actually refer to the events described by the prose texts. Valgarðr’s poem informs us that Haraldr indeed went from Rus’ to Sweden and that he attacked the Danish territories, and its content – in general – fits nicely the description of Haraldr’s return to Scandinavia and his rise to power in Norway found in the kings’ sagas. However, it remains unknown whether Valgarðr’s stanzas describe Haraldr and Sveinn’s campaigning against Magnús as it is held by the sagas. The poet does not mention Sveinn’s name; he does not suggest that Haraldr campaigned with an ally; he also does not mention Magnús’ name and gives no clue with regard to who the real Haraldr’s enemy was – apart from the inhabitants of the attacked territories, but they seem to be rather victims of the hostilities than Haraldr’s enemies. Valgarðr’s words about ravaging Denmark may well refer to Haraldr’s future raids, when, as the king of Norway, he fought Sveinn.26 Nonetheless, the Scandinavian historiographical tradition gives the general impression that Haraldr’s main motive to act against his nephew was his claim to rule in Norway – the impression reinforced by a passage found in Ágrip af Nóregskonungaso˛gum: “Hann flýði eftir fall hans braut ýr landi ok í Austrvega ok svá til Miklagarðs, ok segja sumir at hann tœki konungs nafn í Nóregi, en sumir 22 23 24 25 26

Aðalbjarnarson 2002, pp. 91–102; Guðnason 1982, pp. 132–133. Kraggerud 2018, c. 25, 27. Driscoll 2008, c. 39. See Gade 2009, pp. 286, 300. See Morawiec 2016, pp. 532–536.

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synja” (“After his [Óláfr’s] fall, he [Haraldr] fled the country to Austrvegr [Rus’] and went thereafter to Mikligarðr [Constantinople], and some say that he claimed the kingly title in Norway, but others deny this”).27 To some extent, this general impression corresponds to Valgarðr’s stanza quoted in the kings’ sagas to authenticate their accounts regarding the beginning of Haraldr and Sveinn’s raid on Denmark (in case of Heimskringla) or Haraldr’s journey to Denmark to negotiate with Magnús the division of power (in case of Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna). The stanza reads as follows: Eik slo˛ng und þér, yngvi ógnblíðr, í haf síðan – rétt vas yðr of ætlat óðal – frá Svíþjóðu. Hýnd bar rif, þars rennduð rétt á stag fyr slétta, skeið, en skelkðuð brúðir, Skáney, Do˛num nánar.28

There is no certainty that the prose context of this stanza reflects historical reality. If the stanza is treated alone – without the prose context – its content informs us that when Haraldr was some distance from Sweden and travelled past Skåne (the stanza does not explain why he was there, and the rest of the poem may suggest – only if we accept the order of the stanzas found in the sagas – that this was connected with Haraldr’s raid on the Danish territories after he returned from Rus’ and visited Sweden) rétt óðal (lawful inheritance) awaited him. Valgarðr composed his poem for Haraldr, and there is no doubt that the content of his stanzas must have been acceptable to Haraldr and Haraldr’s retinue. It means then that there was some “lawful inheritance” that, at some point of his career, Haraldr expected to acquire. The poet adds that the “inheritance” was “lawful” (inheritance is something that is rather lawful in itself or, at least, something that is seen as rightful), as if emphasizing this lawfulness was something that mattered. On the other hand, as Kari Ellen Gade explains, the word rétt (lawful) may be interpreted here also as an adverb “justly”29. The stanza would then inform us that the inheritance “justly” awaited Haraldr (which does not change the main 27 Driscoll 2008, c. 33 (apart from slight changes in the translation). Matthew J. Driscoll comments on this passage: “If by this it is meant that Haraldr claimed the kingship immediately after Óláfr’s death it is the only one of the sources to say so. If this is not what is meant, it is not clear what is” (Ibid., p. 100, note 99). 28 “Then the oak-ship sped beneath you into the ocean away from Sweden, battle-rejoicing lord; lawful inheritance awaited you. The warship carried a sail hoisted high where you scudded straight ahead past flat Skåne, and you scared women closely related to the Danes” (translation by Kari Ellen Gade), Gade 2009, p. 305. 29 Ibid.

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sense of the previous interpretation). Either way, it would not be ungrounded if one assumed that Valgarðr’s words refer to the realm previously governed by Óláfr Haraldsson that Haraldr expected to take over or, at least, to get a share of it after his return. However, the need to underline the lawfulness of the inheritance – or that the inheritance awaited Haraldr justly – may suggest that the question of Harald’s inheritance was complicated, and this emphasis resulted from (was an element of) his agenda. It cannot be excluded that the problem of Haraldr’s inheritance involved some military measures that almost lead to the direct confrontation between Harald’s and Magnús’ forces. In contrast to Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna, Heimskringla also cites three stanzas of Þjóðólfr Arnórsson, a court poet of Magnús and Haraldr,30 to support its prose account. The second of these stanzas is quoted between the passage on Haraldr and Sveinn’s raid on Denmark and the passage on Magnús sending his messengers south to Denmark with a mission to offer Haraldr the half share of Norway. The stanza reads as follows: Nús valmeiðum víðis – veit drótt mikinn ótta – – skeiðr hefr herr fyr hauðri – hætt góðs friðar vætta. Mildr vill Magnús halda morðs hlunngotum norðan, ítr en o˛nnur skreytir unnvigg Haraldr sunnan.31

The content of the stanza does not fit the prose account of Heimskringla perfectly. This may be the reason why Hulda-Hrokkinskinna – a kings’ saga (written in the last decades of the 13th century at the earliest), that is modelled mostly on Heimskringla – adds before the stanza that Magnús prepared his army with the intention to go south and meet Haraldr.32 The stanza – which does not constitute a part of any known poem – suggests that Magnús’ and Haraldr’s fleets sailed in each other’s direction. We do not know whether Þjóðólfr means the meeting during which the division of rule in Norway was negotiated. We do not know whether the two related leaders sailed in each other’s direction with the intention of military confrontation. We do not know if this is just an example of the theme

30 Ibid., pp. 57–58. 31 “Now it’s risky for the beams of the stallion of the ocean [(lit. ‘stallion-beams of the ocean’) SHIP > SEAFARERS] to expect a secure peace; the troop knows great fear; the host takes warships along the coast. Magnús, generous with slaughter, wishes to steer roller-steeds [SHIPS] from the north, while the excellent Haraldr equips other wave-horses [SHIPS] [to sail] from the south” (translation Diana Whaley), ibid., p. 159. 32 Hulda-Hrokkinskinna, pp. 176–177.

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of converging fleets,33 but referring to some particular historical events. However, the stanza implies that the events to which it refers created tension among the seafarers/warriors who, probably hoping for peace, did not know what to expect. Calling Magnús mildr morðs (generous with slaughter) suggests that the military aspect of the described events was of some importance. It is difficult to find other interpretations than to link these events and the sense of the tension and possible military confrontation that accompanied them with Haraldr’s aspiration of ruling in Norway (which was naturally against Magnús’ interests). Finally, Magnús and Haraldr probably came to terms without direct conflict between their forces, which is suggested not only by the prose sources, but also, and above all, by Bo˛lverkr Arnórsson’s stanza quoted in Heimskringla, Morkinskinna and Fagrskinna, and the third of Þjóðólfr Arnórsson’s stanzas that is quoted only in Heimskringla.34 Therefore, it appears that Haraldr’s pretense was acknowledged by Magnús. The evidence offered by the sources may lead to the conclusion that this acknowledgement was enforced by the military measures (show of strength)35 taken by Haraldr that were grounded on the claimed righteousness of his cause. What is particularly important in the context of Kekaumenos’ words about Óláfr “anointing” Haraldr the second in power – this claimed righteousness of Haraldr’s cause seems to have been based on his blood bonds with Óláfr Haraldsson and the remembrance of his loyal support given to Óláfr at the battle of Stiklestad, since – as Jakub Morawiec’s analysis of the skaldic poetry suggests – these two motifs (and the motif of the kinship and agreement between Haraldr and Magnús) were most probably utilized by Haraldr and his followers to uphold his rights to rule in Norway.36 In this way, Haraldr appears to have been the third ruler of Norway in a row, after Sveinn Knútsson and Magnús, who included the figure of his holy brother in his own political agenda. There are many uncertainties with regard to the events that preceded Haraldr’s rise to power in Norway. We do not know whether these events comprised some clashes in which Haraldr’s and Magnús’ forces were involved; however, the sources clearly imply that the situation was tense and that both sides were at least on the verge of direct military confrontation. This context of Haraldr’s attempt to secure his own position in Norway proves that he was not pleased about Magnús being the supreme ruler in his native land. He would rather have seen himself in the role of a king or, at least, a joint ruler. The vision of his own role in Norway was not thought up on his way back to Norway, but rather had already accom33 Cf. Gade 2009, p. 158 (comm. Diana Whaley). 34 According to Þjóðólfr Arnórsson, they came to terms during a joyful meeting that was held after Haraldr arrived in Denmark austan (from the east). Then Magnús offered Haraldr joint rule; see Gade 2009, p. 122; cf. ibid., p. 292. 35 Cf. Morawiec 2016, pp. 483–486. 36 See ibid., pp. 478–486.

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panied him, at least after a certain point in time, during his stay abroad.37 The service in Byzantium opened up possibilities to get experience, gain financial resources and increase his own prominence. In this way, it developed the conditions to raise or inflame Haraldr’s political ambition, allowing him to form, consciously or not, the basis for his return. Apart from military means, financial resources and fame, there was also a justification that Haraldr already needed in Byzantium to uphold his claim and to explain his decision to return to Norway and take his troop – or a sufficient part of it – back North. The traces of this justification may be found in Kekaumenos’ words. Haraldr’s ambition, his daring bid for power and the role that the figure of St Óláfr played in Sveinn Knútsson’s, Magnús’ and Haraldr’s political agendas, allow one to assume that Kekaumenos’ belief that Óláfr recognized Haraldr as “the second in power to himself” may reflect the standpoint of Haraldr and his troop. And it is rather they, not Kekaumenos’ imagination or his incorrect deduction, who should be seen as the source of this information. It is Haraldr who may be considered as the most interested in others seeing in him the one who had been made the second in power by his holy brother, and it is he who may be considered as the biggest beneficiary of such a belief. The assumption that Haraldr was “anointed” by Óláfr – regardless of whether Óláfr indeed recognized Haraldr as the second in power or not38 – by all means substantiated Haraldr’s claims to rule in Norway. However, it not only proved that Haraldr was entitled to rule in his holy brother’s kingdom, but also potentially struck the ideological basis of Magnús’ rules. Thus, it should not come as a surprise to us, if it turned out that Haraldr had upheld and spread this belief – as an important element of his agenda – while living in exile. Therefore, the assumption that Óláfr recognized Haraldr as the second in power may be perceived as another example of the utilization of the figure of Haraldr’s holy brother for political purposes. Upholding this belief was, however, not Kekaumenos’ intention. The information given by him seems to be just a reflection of what he learnt.39 Kekaumenos’ passage is particularly important regarding Haraldr’s participation in the Byzantine military campaigns. It proves the information drawn 37 Cf. note 27. 38 Interestingly, in Gesta Danorum (12th/13th century) Saxo Grammaticus mentions (anachronistically) Óláfr and Haraldr as joint rulers of Norway (Friis-Jensen / Fisher 2015, x.14.2). 39 It is also possible – tough it is less convincing – that Kekaumenos obtained the given information from Haraldr’s followers or other Scandinavians who appeared in Byzantium after Haraldr’s rise to power or even after his death (1066). Kekaumenos’ contact with some Scandinavians from whom he learned about Haraldr’s death may be deduced from the last sentence of his passage. The sentence is written in the past tense, which suggests that Kekaumenos was aware of the death of the Norwegian king. It is equally possible, however, that Kekaumenos got the information on Haraldr’s death “indirectly”, that is, from non-Scandinavians. This could possibly mean that Haraldr was somewhat popular in the Empire.

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from the Old Norse sources that Haraldr fought in Sicily and Bulgaria. This issue, and many others that regard Haraldr’s mercenary service, has already been researched by numerous scholars.40 Nevertheless, there is another military aspect of Haraldr’s presence in Byzantium, accentuated in Kekaumenos’ passage, which is worth highlighting. Kekaumenos claims that there were 500 great warriors who came with Haraldr – however, one should not pay much attention to the exact number given by the Byzantine author. There are several places in the passage where Kekaumenos mentions Haraldr’s troop and thereby accentuates its role. He states that Haraldr came to Byzantium with his troop, that Haraldr was sent to Sicily with his troop, that he returned to the emperor with his troop, and that he joined the campaign in Bulgaria with his troop. This indicates the importance that Haraldr’s own troop had in his mercenary activity in Byzantium. It suggests that Haraldr’s troop was not only the basis of his activity, but also a pillar of his status in foreign lands. Kekaumenos’ words may also suggest that the troop was not totally incorporated into some other unit, but rather formed a separate unit, which enjoyed some degree of independence, and which was indissociably linked with its leader. It is meaningful for Haraldr’s leadership over his troop that Kekaumenos mentions Haraldr as the royal descendant and then the rightful ruler. This leadership seems to have been legitimized by his royal status – it is this status that seems to have been the source of Haraldr’s authority among his men, especially if one considers that Haraldr was still quite a young man when he arrived in Byzantium, about twenty years old, but with some military experience gained while his previous stay in Rus’. It may be assumed then that during his exile Haraldr enjoyed the means that were essential to his future rise to power in his native land: the political agenda which formed the ideological basis – Haraldr manifested as the king “anointed” by his royal relative and, above all, the patron saint of Norway – and the retinue which formed the military basis. The retinue, which was experienced in battles, loyal to its successful leader who provided it with money, loot and glory, and which supported its leader’s claims. The logic supported by the Old Norse tradition may be seen as an ample ground to assume that many of the men that had come with Haraldr to Byzantium accompanied him while he was returning to Norway and supported him in his bid for power. In the research tradition on Haraldr, Kekaumenos’ passage is, above all, linked with the former’s mercenary career and used in this context as an independent, contemporary source that verifies the information given by other texts. However, next to or within this traditional approach, Haraldr’s royal status – expressed in Kekaumenos’ plain words as well as from between his lines – should be seen as an important feature of the story of Haraldr, narrated by the Byzantine writer. The 40 See note 1.

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information on Haraldr’s “basileian” status – Haraldr as the son and brother of the basileis of Varangia and as the basileus himself – constitutes, in a way, a framing device that clips the story together. The whole of Kekaumenos’ narration, contained within these frames, appears to serve the purpose (albeit it is not the only purpose of Kekaumenos’ passage) of showing Haraldr as an honorable man, a successful leader, brave and independent enough to act against the decision of the Byzantine emperor. A man worthy of his royal status. It is this status that allowed Kekaumenos to include the figure of Haraldr in his argumentation regarding the emperors’ policy towards foreigners. Nonetheless, it is not too farfetched to surmise that there would not have been a place for Haraldr in Kekaumenos’ work if it had not been for the writer’s liking for the Norwegian mercenary. The liking that resulted from their common military experience and results in interesting details of Kekaumenos’ narration – the details which shed light on Haraldr’s early political ambition.

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Krag, Claus: Harald Hardrådes ungdomsår og kongesagaene. Forholdet mellom sagaprosa, skaldekvad og muntlig tradisjon, in: Collegium Medievale. 1998/11, pp. 9–31. Lemerle, Paul: Prolégomènes à une édition critique et commentée des “Conseils et Récits” de Kékauménos. 1960. Leszka, Mirosław Jerzy: Car bułgarski Piotr (927–969) w bizantyn´skiej historiografii X–XII wieku, in: Vox Patrum. 2018/70, pp. 339–354. Lubik, Maciej: Olaf Haraldsson. Wiking, król, ´swie˛ty. 2020. Lubik, Maciej: Zasłuz˙ony najemnik w konstantynopolitan´skim wie˛zieniu. Zagadkowa rola Haralda Hardrady w rewolcie 1042 roku, in: In Gremium. Studia nad Historia˛, Kultura˛ i Polityka˛. 2013/7, pp. 35–61. Magdalino, Paul: Honour among Romaioi: The Framework of Social Values in the World of Digenes Akrites and Kekaumenos, in: Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies. 1989/13, pp. 183–218. Morawiec, Jakub: Epithets Awarded to Kings by the Skalds and Their Potential Value for Historical Studies: The Case of Magnús góði, in: S´redniowiecze Polskie i Powszechne. 2013/5 (9), pp. 33–43. Morawiec, Jakub: Mie˛dzy poezja˛ a polityka˛. Rozgrywki polityczne w Skandynawii XI wieku w ´swietle poezji ówczesnych skaldów. 2016. Morrisson, Cécile: Le rôle des varanges dans la transmission de la monnaie byzantine en Scandinavie, in: Zeitler, Rudolf von (ed.): Les Pays du Nord et Byzance (Scandinavie et Byzance). Actes du colloque nordique et international de byzantinologie tenu à Upsal 20–22 avril 1979. 1981, pp. 131–140. Munch, Peter Andreas: Kritiske Undersøgelser om vore Kongesagaers Fremstilling af Harald Sigurdssøns (Haardraades) Bedrifter i den græske Kejsers Tjeneste, in: Storm, Gustav (ed.): P.A. Munch. Samlede Afhandlinger. 1873/1, pp. 505–554. Oikonomidès, Nicolas: Les listes de préséance byzantines des IXe et Xe siècles. Introduction, texte, traduction et commentaire. 1972. Poppe, Andrzej: Pan´stwo i Kos´ciół na Rusi w XI w. 1968. Rance, Philip: Late Byzantine Elites and Military Literature: Authors, Readers and Manuscripts (c.1050–c.1450), in: Theotokis, Georgios / Yıldız, Aysel (eds.): A Military History of the Mediterranean Sea. Aspects of War, Diplomacy, and Military Elites. 2018, pp. 255–286. Roueché, Charlotte: Byzantine Writers and Readers: Storytelling in the Eleventh Century, in: Beaton, Roderick (ed.): The Greek Novel: AD 1–1985. 1988, pp. 123–133. Roueché, Charlotte: Defining the Foreign in Kekaumenos, in: Smythe, Dion C. (ed.): Strangers to Themselves: the Byzantine Outsider. Papers from the Thirty-second Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, March 1998. 2000, pp. 203–214. Savvides, Alexios G. C.: The Byzantine Family of Kekaumenos (Cecaumenus). (Late 10th– early 12th Century), in: Diptycha. 1986–1987/4, pp. 12–27. Scheel, Roland: Skandinavien und Byzanz. Bedingungen und Konsequenzen mittelalterlicher Kulturbeziehungen. 2015/1–2. Shepard, Jonathan: A Note on Harold Hardraada: The Date of his Arrival at Byzantium, in: Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik. 1973/22, pp. 145–150. Shepard, Jonathan: Middle Byzantine Military Culture, Harald Hardrada and Tall Stories, in: Yu Gvozdetskaja, Natalja / Konovalova, Irina G. / Melnikova, Elena Aleksandrovna /

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Podossinov, Alexandr (eds.): Stanzas of Friendship. Studies in Honour of Tatjana N. Jackson. 2011, pp. 473–482. Stender-Petersen, Adolf: Varangica. 1953. Storm, Gustav: Harald haardraade og væringerne i de græske keiseres tjeneste, in: Historisk tidsskrift (Norway). 1884/2, pp. 354–386. Townend, Matthew: Knútr and the Cult of St Óláfr: Poetry and Patronage in EleventhCentury Norway and England, in: Viking and Medieval Scandinavia. 2005/1, pp. 251– 279. Vasil’e´vskij, Vasi´lij Grigo´r’evicˇ [Васильевский, Василий Григорьевич]: Trudy [Труды]. 1908/1. Vries, Jan de: Normannisches Lehngut in den isländischen Königssagas, in: Heeroma, Klaas / Kylstra, Andries (eds.): Jan de Vries, Kleine Schriften. 1965, pp. 331–350. Wolin´ska, Teresa: Wareg w Bizancjum. Sycylijska przygoda Haralda Hardraade, in: Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia. 2009/15, pp. 65–85.

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Yanko M. Hristov

On the Elusive Cult of the Early Medieval Bulgarian Prince and Martyr Enravota-Boyan (Voyn)

Abstract The challenges of studying commemoration and the absence of such in medieval societies are numerous and diverse. On certain occasions, the obstacles are not a result of the lack of information, but are mainly due to the primary sources’ debatable nature. Such is the case of Enravota, the eldest son of Bulgarian Khan Omurtag (814/815–831). The Church commemorates him on March 28, but the cult’s initial ambiguities are rarely questioned. Due to this, the present text strives to achieve as much certainty as possible as to whether his saintly veneration was indeed settled in the medieval era. Keywords: martyrdom; canonization; dynastic saints; local christian cults; hagiography

Introduction In 2006, in a relatively extensive study dedicated to Slavic martyrs, to the challenges and peculiarities of the emergence, settlement and spread of their cults, it was noted that the earliest known martyr cult in the Slavic lands is that of Enravota († 833) – son of the Bulgarian Khan Omurtag (r. 814/815–831) – beheaded on the order of his brother Khan Malamir (r. 831–836).1 Nowadays, the cult of that member of the longest reigning early medieval Bulgarian dynasty is not widely known and cannot be said to be popular at all. Enravota’s name and the few details that are known about his personality are primarily available to a limited circle of people interested in the early medieval past of Southeastern Europe. In addition, it is noteworthy that the Bulgarian Orthodox Church commemorates him on March 28, but the reasons for choosing the date when the cult began and whether Prince Enravota was even venerated as

Prof. Dr. Yanko M. Hristov, South–West University “Neofit Rilski”, ORCID: https://orcid.org/ 0000-0001-7882-9749. 1 Karagyozov 2006, pp. 166–167, 172, 222, 257, 289. Cf. also: Bereznyak 2016, p. 172.

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a saint in the Middle Ages are rarely questioned.2 Largely, this ambiguity is the reason to focus again on the aspects and problems concerning the Bulgarian prince-martyr. The ambitious goal is to achieve as much certainty as possible as to whether the saintly veneration of the eldest son of Khan Omurtag (executed three decades before the Bulgarians’ conversion to Christianity), was settled during the early medieval era. On the one hand, this is related to an attempt to achieve profound knowledge about early medieval Bulgarian society, the pace and features of Christianization, the role of the local Christian community in the last decades of the pagan Bulgarian Khanate and, last but not least, the efforts of the clergy and the ruling dynasty to establish local cults from the third quarter of the 9th century onwards. On the other hand, the more substantial grounds of present-day knowledge as well as overall non-conditionality when it comes to Enravota’s medieval cult also brings the positives of a far more reasonable application of well-known proven productive research solutions concerning dynastic and ruler sanctity in the medieval era.

A Prince Executed Due to His Devotion to Christianity As may be expected, the information about Enravota’s tragic end in the first half of the 830s (probably in 833), by order of his then-ruling brother Malamir, may be found in a hagiographical work, the so-called The Martyrdom of the Fifteen Tiberioupolitan Martyrs (hereinafter: Martyrdom). The work was written more than two-and-a-half centuries after the prince’s tragic end and is known today by the only surviving copy: the so-called Baroccianus gr. 197, fols. 589–621. Given the probable use of protographs from the time of the so-called First Bulgarian State that have not reached our days, the chronological distance is not so problematic. It is far more disturbing, as its title suggests, that the work is dedicated to other saints, instead of to the beheaded prince. The Martyrdom is attributed to the highly educated Theophylact of Euripos (Euboea) – a disciple of the famous Michael Psellos, close to Emperor Michael VII Doukas (A.D. 1071–1078), teacher

2 Levkiyski / Bonchev 1991, p. 164. Cf. also: Hristov 2009, pp. 238–251; Cheshmedzhiev 2016, pp. 62–63. In fact, in a recently published article, the author deals with the old discussion of whether Enravota’s other name is the Bulgarian “Boyan/Bayan” or the Slavic “Voyn”, and does not touch on the enigma of his canonization. See Ilieva 2017, pp. 113–115. Soon after the submission of the present text, a new book of Prof. Dimo Cheshmedzhiev has been published. The chapter about the Enravota’s cult does not go beyond the ideas already presented by the author. Nevertheless, it is particularly useful with its lavish voluminous bibliography and summarizes all that has been achieved by the end of the first two decades of the 21st century. Cf. Cheshmedzhiev 2022, pp. 9–44.

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of his son Constantine.3 In the late-80s of the 11th century, by the order of Emperor Alexius I Comnenus (A.D. 1081–1118), Theophylact became the archbishop of the local Bulgarian Church. There is confidence in scholars’ milieu regarding the reliability of the information in the hagiographical work in question. The delineation of the Bulgarian ethnic and political boundaries; data on the rule of Khan Krum, Knyaz Boris, Knyaz Vladimir and Tsar Symeon; notes concerning the construction and renovation of churches; descriptions of the activities of the local authorities in the Strumitsa area; and remarks on the efforts of the Old Bulgarian clergy in the late ninth and early 10th century etc., correspond with what we know from archaeological research, epigraphic monuments and several other medieval narratives. Chapters 31–33 of the Martyrdom are entirely focused on the conversion of the Bulgarian prince to Christianity (through the assistance of the Byzantine captive Kinamon) and his refusal to return to his ancestral pagan beliefs, for which he was condemned to death. With the style characteristic of high Byzantine hagiography, with corresponding creative ideas and direct references to Psalms and Apostolic Epistles, this part of the hagiographical work also describes how Enravota was beheaded.4 Some passages deserve special attention. Even in the opening lines of chapter 31, we read: He [Khan Omurtag – Y.H.] was passed away and ended his life with three sons, the eldest of whom was named Enravota, the other – Zvinitsa, and the remaining one – Malomir [Khan Malamir – Y.H.], to whom his paternal authority was bequeathed. Enravota, who called himself Boı´¨nos [Voyn / Boyan], probably by God’s providence, remembered the best Christian – Kinamon, so therefore he sent to his brother Malomir and asked that Kinamon be carefully looked for and, when found, sent to him. He, unmindful of his brother’s errand, sought out the man and found him in prison, hungry, covered with mould, a pallid ghost so to speak of the former Kinamon. Taking him out of prison, he took care of him as best he could, and sent him to his brother Enravota.5

3 He is also the author of several other texts. Cf. Finetti / Bongiovanni 1754–1763; cf. also: Migne 1864. In addition to The Martyrdom of the Fifteen Tiberioupolitan Martyrs, Archbishop Theophylact is also associated with the compilation of another extensive hagiographical work – Life of the St. Clement of Ohrid. Both texts have modern critical editions and translations that ease the scholarly effort of using them. Cf. Simeon 1931, pp. 239–269; Milev 1966, pp. 77–147; Iliev 1994 (1), pp. 10–41; Idem (2) 42–79 [hereinafter: FGHB 9.2]; Idem 1995, pp. 62–120; Kiapidou 2015. 4 FGHB 9.2, pp. 64–67. Cf. also Kiapidou 2015, pp. 150–162. 5 “Ἐπεὶ δὲ οὗτος ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἐγένετο, ἐπὶ τρισὶν υἱοῖς καταλύει τὸν βίον˙ ὧν τῷ μὲν πρεσβυτέρῳ ὄνομα, Ἐνραβωτᾶς˙ τῷ δὲ ἑτέρῳ, Ζβηνίτζης˙ τῷ δὲ λοιπῷ, Μαλωμηρός˙ ᾧ δὴ καὶ ἡ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπεκληρώθη ἀρχή. Ὁ δὲ Ἐνραβωτᾶς, ὃς καὶ Βοΐνος ἐπωνομάζετο, ἐπεμνήσθην θείᾳ πάντως προμηθείᾳ τοῦ Χριστιανικωτάτου Κινάμωνος, καὶ δὴ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Μαλωμηρὸν πέμψας, ἀξιοῖ ἀναζητῆσαι τε τὸν Κινάμωνα μεμεριμνημένως, καὶ εὑρεθέντα, πρὸς αὑτὸν στεῖλαι. Ὁ δέ, οὐκ ἐν παρέργῳ τὴν ἐντολὴν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ θέμενος, ἐζήτησε τὸν ἄνδρα˙ καὶ εὑρὼν ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ, λιμοῦ, εὐρῶτος ἀνάμεστον, ἄχροὸν, ἐκτετηκότα, τοῦ πάλαι Κινάμωνος, ὡς ει᾿πεῖν, εἴδωλον˙ ἐξαγαγών, καὶ

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The following lines relate the story of how, during the talks with the Byzantine prisoner of war released from prison, the Bulgarian prince was attracted to Christianity and rejected the traditional religion of his ancestors. The change did not go unnoticed by his ruling brother. Substantial parts of the entire (relatively voluminous) chapter 33 of the Martyrdom are devoted to Khan Malamir’s reaction. The text reads: When his brother Malomir learned of this, he took it for great trouble, so he called his brother Enravota and, zealously standing up for his paternal gods, treated him not as a brother, but as an apostate from the ancestral religion. ‘I command you either to remove yourself from the foreign god, or know, he said, that to these (and showed the executioners and the sword), you will be handed over today!’ And he, because he chose death for Christ and longed for it more than his brother for blood, immediately answered his brother and told him the following: ‘No one can separate me from the love of Christ, neither fire, nor sword, nor scourges, nor any other severe torment (Romans 8: 39). It is better for me to die for the name of Christ than to live shamefully and lawlessly with the wicked…’.6

A few lines in another fragment from the chapter in question are no less eloquent: ‘[…] And I respect and honour Christ as the true God and creator and I give him the corresponding worship!’ Hearing this, his godless and lawless brother immediately imposed the punishment of being cut with a sword. And while he was leading him to the place of beheading, he was filled with a divine spirit to prophesy about the future, that ‘this faith, he said, for which I die today, will spread and multiply throughout the Bulgarian land, even if you think that it will limit it with my death. The sign of the cross will be stuck everywhere, God’s houses will be raised anew and pure priests will purely serve the pure God. And sacrifices of praise and confession will be offered to the LifeGiving Trinity. And the idols and their altars and their unclean temples will crumble and be destroyed as if they had never been. But you yourself, after the lapse of a few years, will badly throw away your wretched soul, without receiving any benefit from your cruelty. Having foretold this clearly, the fighter for Christ [verbatim “athlete of Christ” – Y.H.] bowed his head to the executioner and accepted life-giving death by the sword, and entrusted his precious soul into the hands of God. After that, Malomir’s life, having

κομιδῇ ἀξιώσας, ὡς ἐγχωροῦν ἦν στέλλει πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Ἐνραβωτᾶν.” FGHB 9.2, pp. 64– 65 [all translations of quotations by the author, proofread by Alexander Portalsky]. Cf. Kiapidou 2015, pp. 150–152. 6 “Μαθὼν δὲ ταῦτα ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ Μαλωμηρός, καὶ ἐν δεινῷ τὸ γεγονὸς θέμενος, μετακαλεῖται τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Ἐνραβωτᾶν˙ καὶ δὴ ζηλώσας ὑπὲρ τῶν πατρῴων θεῶν, οὐχ ὡς ἀδελφῷ προσηνέχθη τῷ Ἐνραβωτᾷ, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἀποστάτῃ πατροπαραδότου θρησκείας. Ἢ ἀποστῆναι παρεγγυῶ τοῦ ἀλλοτρίου Θεοῦ ἢ (τοῦς δημίους δείξας καὶ τὸ ξίφος) ἐκείνοις, φησίν, ἴσθι τὴν σήμερον παραδοθησόμενος. Ὁ δέ, τὸν διὰ Χριστὸν ἑλόμενος θάνατον, καὶ διψῶν τοῦτῳ μᾶλλον, ἢ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αἵματι εὐθέως πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοιάδε ἀποκρίνεται λέγων˙ Οὐδείς με χωρίσει τῆς ἀγάπης τοῦ Χριστοῦ, οὐ πῦρ, οὐ ξίφος, οὐ μάστιγες, οὐκ ἄλλη τις δεινὴ βάσανος. Καλόν μοι τὸ ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ, ἢ ζῇν με μετὰ ἀσεβῶν αι᾿σχρῶς καὶ παρανόμως.” Ibid., p. 66. Cf. Kiapidou 2015, pp. 156–158.

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lasted three years, was reaped prematurely by the sickle of justice, and the Bulgarian authority was inherited by his nephew, son of Zvinitsa.’7

Judging by the text, the prerequisites for assigning Enravota to the group of saints and his appropriate glorification as a martyr are self-evident. In addition, it seems reasonable to assume that the formation of a cult in his honour took place – or at least was significantly alleviated – soon after the triumph of Christianity in the time of Knyaz Boris (A.D. 852–889) or under his son Tsar Symeon (A.D. 893– 927). Enravota’s undisputed affiliation to Christianity and his ruler’s origin seem to make him a ready candidate to fill the saintly pantheon of the newly formed Bulgarian church as early as the third quarter of the 9th century. Moreover, given the relatively short chronological distance from the execution in the 830s to the Conversion in the mid-860s, and the efforts to Christianize the country in the years after, it can reasonably be assumed that the memory of the Bulgarian prince’s lobular seat was alive. This, in turn, provides an opportunity for his veneration to receive a serious boost, by transferring his relics and placing them in one of the churches built in Pliska. Precisely in connection with such an opportunity, a specific building in the socalled Outer City of the Old Bulgarian capital Pliska deserves special attention in terms of its plan and location. At the beginning of the 1970s, in the course of archaeological research, under the altar space of the so-called Great Basilica, traces of a cruciform building were found, formed by two equally long rectangular parts, intersecting perpendicularly and forming a cross, the arms of which are, on their narrow sides, rounded and create an imaginary circle with a diameter of 15.5 m.8 What remains of the building are the mortar pads (width about one meter) of the stone foundations, under which stakes – piles – were driven. None of the stone blocks of the foundations are preserved in their original 7 “[…] Τὸν δὲ Χριστὸν, ὡς ἀληθῆ Θεὸν καὶ Δημιουργόν, σέβομαι καὶ τιμῶ, καὶ τὴν κατὰ σχέσιν προσκύνησιν ἀπονέμω. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ ἄθεος καὶ παράνομος ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ, εὐθὺς τὴν διὰ ξίφους ἀπόφασιν αὐτῷ ἐναμείβεται. Ἐν ὅσῳ δὲ πρὸς τὸν τῆς σφαγῆς ὑπήγετο τόπον, θείου μὲν πληροῦται Πνεύματος, ἐκλαλεῖ δὲ προφητικῶς καὶ περὶ τῶν μελλόντων, ὡς ἄρα ἡ πίστις αὕτη, λέγων, δι’ ἧς ἐγὼ τελειοῦμαι σήμερον, ἐφαπλωθήσεται καὶ πλατυνθήσεται κατὰ πάσης τῆς Βουλγαρικῆς γῆς, κἂν ὑμεῖς τῷ ἐμῷ θανάτῳ συστεῖλαι ταύτην νομίζετε˙ παντὶ δὲ τόπῳ τὸ σημεῖον τοῦ σταυροῦ ἐμπαγήσεται, καὶ οἱ θεῖοι οἶκοι ἀνοικοδομηθήσονται, καὶ ἱερεῖς καθαροὶ τῷ καθαρῷ Θεῷ καθαρῶς λειτουργήσουσι˙ καὶ θυσίαι αι᾿νέσεως καὶ ἐξομολογήσεως τῇ ζωοποιῷ Τριάδι προσαχθήσονται. Εἴδωλα δὲ καὶ οἱ αὐτῶν βωμοὶ καὶ ἀνίεροι ναοὶ συτριβήσονται, καὶ ει᾿ς τὸ μὴ ὂν ὡς οὐκ ὄντες ἔσονται. Καὶ σὺ δὲ αὐτός, οὐ πολλῶν ἐτῶν ἐν τῷ μέσῷ παραῤῥυέντων τὴν ἀθλίαν ψυχὴν κακῶς ἀποῤῥίψεις, μηδὲν τῆς ὠμότητος ἀπονάμενος. Ταῦτα λαμπρῶς ἀποθεσπίσας ὁ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀθλητής, τὴν κεφαλὴν τῷ δημίῳ ὑπέκλινε, καὶ τὸν ζωηρὸν διὰ τοῦ ξίφους ὑπεδέξατο θάνατον, τὴν τιμίαν ψυχὴν ει᾿ς χεῖρας Θεοῦ παραθέμενος. Μαλωμηρῷ δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα τρεῖς ἐπιβεβιωκότι ἐνιαυτούς, τὸ τῆς δίκης ἄωρον δρέπανον τὸν τῆς ζωῆς θερισμὸν αὐτῷ ἐπήνεγκε. Διεδέξατο δὲ τὴν τῶν Βουλγάρων ἀρχὴν ὁ τοῦ Ζβηνίτζη υἱός, αὐτοῦ δὲ ἀνεψιός.” Ibid., pp. 66–67. Cf. Kiapidou 2015, pp. 158–162. 8 Totev 1984, pp. 164–166. Cf. also: Boyadzhiev 1986, pp. 28–32; Idem 2008, pp. 102, 112, 116–117; Vasilev [2022].

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place. Archaeological studies show that at a certain stage the building underwent a number of reconstructions, probably due to changes in its functional purpose. The secondary interventions in question on the building probably irreversibly affected its structural stability. The building, with an interesting cruciform plan inscribed in an imaginary circle, was part of a complex that included a settlement with dugouts, a necropolis, a well and several wooden buildings that were surrounded by a wooden fence. The main entrance to the enclosure was from the south, and it is significant that it leads to the fortress around the Palace Center, along a stone-paved road that is on the same axis as the southern arm of the cruciform building.9 The aspects concerning the cruciform building in question, which preceded the construction of the Great Basilica in Pliska, would not have been part of a study of Prince Enravota’s cult if it were not for the efforts of the Bulgarian archaeologist Pavel Georgiev. He suggested that the building was a martyrium, dedicated to the martyr prince canonized shortly after the execution, built on the spot where he was cut down and buried.10 The hypothesis in question has already been criticized at a relatively early stage. The counter-arguments are multipronged and refer to the debatability of the reasons as to how, when, by whom and why a martyrium (of impressive plan and dimensions) was built, necessitating the displacement of part of an existing settlement to perform open and public worship of the remains of one executed for treason.11 The skepticism towards the hypothesis that the cruciform building under the altar of the Great Basilica was a reliquary temple of Prince Enravota covers not only the functionaltype nature of the building, the ambiguities surrounding the time of its construction, stages of reconstruction, but is also related to cause of its destruction. The claim that it was possibly burned down during the pagan rebellion against the conversion efforts of Knyaz Boris in the spring of 866 seems plausible at first glance.12 However, as emphasized, there is a lack of indisputable archaeological evidence of the deliberate total burning of the building and its surroundings. The layer above the construction level of the building, in which small pieces of coal are found in places, does not show traces of a major fire. With much greater confidence, it can be pointed out that the deposition of the materials, including the insignificant quantity of small pieces of coal, from the layer in question, is the result of the complete levelling of the terrain due to the construction of the Great Basilica.13

9 10 11 12 13

Georgiev 1993, pp. 9–19, 41–57, 63–101. Ibid., pp. 110–111. Doncheva-Petkova 1995, pp. 196–205. Georgiev 1993, pp. 123–125. Vasilev [2022].

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In fact, the assumption that the cruciform building performed the functions of a martyrium is only one of several hypotheses about its purpose. According to Totyo Totev, who discovered the remains of the building during archaeological research in 1973, it was a church. Moreover, according to him, it is one of the earliest (the earliest), built after the Conversion of the Bulgarians in the mid-860s. In fact, a number of other scholars share the idea that the building was a church, and initially built as such according to the original design. However, with such a hypothesis, the main problem comes from the dating of the building. Even assuming that it was built immediately after the Conversion, the period of its existence and reconstruction was too short before it was destroyed and the foundations of the Great Basilica were laid in its place during the time of the Latin mission to Bulgaria (A.D. 867–870). It is not by chance that supporters of the hypothesis that the cruciform building is a church try to prove an earlier stage of its construction. It is significant that the chronology stretches from the first moments of the reign of Khan/Knyaz Boris (A.D. 852–889) to 853, or immediately after, to the beginning of the 8th century, and even to the early Byzantine era in the 6th century. This seems to further complicate the discussion and raises more questions than it offers answers. Thus, for example, it is very doubtful that an early Byzantine church would survive and continue to function in a region heavily affected by barbarian invasions, in which the capital center of Danube Bulgaria then grew. Nor are the arguments about the supposed motives that prompted a ruler from the pagan era (or a person from his entourage) to build a church, moving part of the dugout huts of a settlement that already existed on the site.14 In view of the above, it is hardly surprising that, in the last year, independently of each other, Galabina Yosifova and Yavor Vasilev again focused on the cruciform building under the altar of the Great Basilica in Pliska.15 The mentioned scholars summarize the opinions existing at this stage, regarding the location, layout, construction periods and stages of reconstruction, as well as the relationship with the other objects in the enclosed space (dugouts, wooden buildings, well, necropolis). The necessary attention is given to the hypotheses of a pagan Bulgarian temple, a mausoleum of a Bulgarian khan/s, an early Byzantine Christian tomb, a church from the era before the settlement of the Bulgarians on the Lower Danube, a baptismal church from the middle of the 9th century, including the possibility that it was a bathroom or a dwelling. Although among the scholars, the cult character of the building, to which a stone-paved road was laid 14 Cf. Totev 1984, pp. 165–169; Dzhingov 1973, p. 461; Chaneva-Dechevska 1984, p. 19; Milchev 1995, pp. 52–53; Mihaylov 1995, pp. 47–49; Tsanev 1998, pp. 162–166; Rashev 2008, pp. 99, 102–103. Cf. also inaccessible to me Hoddinott 1991, pp. 787–804. 15 Vasilev 2020, pp. 567–581; Yosifova 2021, pp. 22–43.

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to the ruler’s residence, is not really questioned. In addition, it is emphasized that, at some stage before its destruction, regardless of the original idea, the cruciform building in all probability functioned as a church. For Yosifova, this does not mean that it is the martyrium of Prince Enravota. The counterarguments against the hypothesis in question are unequivocal, as she affirms that the original purpose of the building was a Bulgarian pagan temple.16 Yavor Vasilev, on the other hand, is one the most consistent supporters of the idea that the cruciform building was built as a ruler’s mausoleum during the pagan era. He also adds a number of new details. In doing so, he relies not only on analogies commented on in earlier publications, but looks for additional parallels in Eurasia and, respectively, makes more bibliographic references to a wider range of studies.17 It is worth emphasizing that in the Cheshmedzhiev’s quite recently published book regarding dynastic cults in medieval Bulgaria, a significant part of the text concerning the cult of Enravota is focused on the weakness and dubiousness of Georgiev’s hypothesis.18 In presenting the entire discussion concerning the cruciform building, Cheshmedzhiev, Yosifova and Vasilev note that, in view of the preserved remains, certainty is only partially achievable, and there is plenty of room for too many “ifs”, “possibles” and “maybes”. The questions remain as to whose will and when the building was built, how many construction stages there are, and what are the real reasons for the topographical continuity (but with different architectural solutions) between the original ensemble and that of the Great Basilica. It is the concentration of so many mysteries, as well as the uncertainty of interpretations, that is the reason for Nikolay Hrisimov to emphasize that the cult (the mentioned scholar prefers to call it a “case study”) of Enravota and the problems surrounding the cruciform building should be considered separately.19

16 Yosifova 2021, pp. 37–40. Stantcho Vaklinov already discussed the functioning of the building as a pagan temple in the 1970s. In this connection, it can be recalled that a number of scholars are also inclined to accept the pagan origin and functions of the building, on which the largest and probably most widely used church in Pliska subsequently grew. Cf. Vaklinov 1974, pp. 28–39; cf. also: Idem 1977, pp. 169–172; Beshevliev 1981, p. 79; Stanilov 1982, p. 230; Vaklinov / Shtereva 1993, pp. 33–48; Teofilov 1993, pp. 73–92; Popkonstantinov 2005, pp. 24– 32; Gercheva 2016, pp. 550–552. 17 Vasilev [2022]; Idem 2020, pp. 567–581. 18 Cheshmedzhiev 2022, pp. 13–42. 19 Hrisimov 2018, p. 87. I use the opportunity to thank Yavor Vasilev and Nikolay Hrisimov for the additional ideas and guidance they shared with me during the preparation of this text. It is worth emphasizing that in the very recent study (which also became accessible after the submission of the present text) Mirela Ivanova offered an interesting viewpoint to the “case” of Enravota. She points out toward hagiographer’s inventive decision to describe a local Christian tradition by outlining resemblance between Christian histories of both Romans and

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A Personality and a Cult That Are Too Elusive Beyond the limits of archaeological research and its impossibility to fill in the gaps concerning the supposed medieval cult of Prince Enravota, as well as against the background of everything mentioned in chapters 31–33 of the Martyrdom, the absence of evidence about him in the other narratives of the era creates additional constraints to the deployment of research efforts. Enravota’s name is not mentioned in any of known Proto-Bulgarian epigraphic inscriptions from the first half of the 9th century. Until now, no Old Bulgarian texts for the cult of the Bulgarian prince-martyr have been found. If we exclude the known parts in the work of Archbishop Theophylact (with an alleged Old Bulgarian original source), there is not a single line about Enravota either in the preserved original Old Bulgarian narratives or within the texts that had been translated and compiled at the time in question. No Life (Martyrdom), Laudatio or Service is known. At this stage, the lack of even synaxarium notes, references in menologies or legendary notices is unconditional. No less surprising, the personality and the tragic end of the Bulgarian prince, for some reason, escaped the attention of the Byzantine chroniclers. Moreover, information about him is missing not only in the chronicles but also in a large variety of other texts, i. e. diplomatic correspondence, polemical or works with religious content, hagiographic and synaxaric texts, military manuals, political treatises, etc. The information in the cited part of The Martyrdom of the Fifteen Tiberioupolitan Martyrs does not correspond to the far more clearly distinguishable traces of the other two early medieval Bulgarian cults, which can be defined as ruler and dynastic – that of Khan/Knyaz Boris I – Michael, and his grandson Tsar Peter I. There are many notices preserved in sources of different types, volumes and content concerning their long reigns of both rulers. In the interest of objectivity, it must be admitted that a full-scale comparison between Prince Enravota, Knyaz Boris I and Tsar Peter I is impossible. The grounds for sainthood are different, and the only key unifying feature is their belonging to the same dynasty. Archbishop Theophylact of Ochrid unequivocally notes that Enravota did not stand on the throne, i. e. he was not a ruler, and there is nothing to suggest that he should have done so or that he had any claim to the throne. Indeed, as noted by Dimo Cheshmedzhiev, the question of the canonization of Knyaz Boris I remains open, (especially if at a relatively early stage his cult was “absorbed” by another one).20 Along with the clarifications provided by the mentioned scholar, Bulgarians, including the similarity concerning persecution and martyrdom of Christians executed by the pagan authorities. Cf. Ivanova 2022, pp. 675–694. 20 The large study by Dimo Cheshmedzhiev as well as his recent book, with their detailed bibliography and summarization of decades of efforts and academic achievements, are a

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however, both the celebration of the victory over the pagan rebellion discovered by Anatoliy Turilov (marked on March 28) and the celebration of Boris’s Day on May 2, which Aneta Nikolova draws attention to, are of essential importance. These church memorials point to an early local tradition in early medieval Bulgaria, according to which events and personalities important for spread and triumph of Christianity were mentioned in the menologies.21 Particularly counterproductive for highlighting the image of the holy martyr Enravota-Boyan (Voyn) is an examination of the cult of Tsar Peter I. Regardless of the lack of preserved (or at all written) Life and Laudatio of the Tsar, there is a sufficient number of unequivocal traces. Already, at the end of the 10th century, a church service had been written in his honour, from which it becomes clear that before his death the ruler accepted monasticism and retired to a monastery. Subsequently, the halo of sanctity and the legitimacy of the royal dignity were the reason for the persistent use of the name of Tsar Peter by the leaders of Bulgarian uprisings to overthrow Byzantine power in the second and third quarters of the 11th century as well as in the mid-1180s.22 Although his cult gradually declined in the late Middle Ages, his memory did not disappear and is reflected in texts of different types and content. Moreover, his ecclesiastical memory (with or without troparia) continues to be celebrated, whether due to the conservatism of the literary tradition or as a result of other reasons.23 Given the outlined specifics surrounding reports about Prince Enravota, it can hardly be considered surprising that, until the mid-19th century, his name and tragic fate were absent from the pages of studies devoted to the early medieval past of both Eastern and Southeastern Europe in general, and Bulgarian history during the period in particular.24 In 1845, the Russian scholar Nikolay V.

21 22 23

24

wonderful starting point on the question of rulers’ cults in medieval Bulgaria. Cf. Cheshmedzhiev 2020, pp. 154–183; Idem 2022; cf. also: Idem 1999, pp. 158–176; Nikolov 2018, pp. 214–221. Turilov 1999, pp. 28–31 (reprint: Idem 2012, pp. 103–125); Nikolova 2018, pp. 232–245. Kaymakamova 2018, pp. 457–478. Cf. Bilyarski 2001, pp. 32–44; Cheshmedzhiev 2003, pp. 23–37; Bilyarski 2004, pp. 17–42; Bilyarski / Yovcheva 2006, pp. 543–547; Cheshmedzhiev 2013, pp. 262–272; Polyvyannyy 2013, pp. 137–146; Cheshmedzhiev 2022, pp. 108–164. Cf. also inaccessible to me Cheshmedzhiev 2006, pp. 245–257. Enumerating all the scholars from the 16th to the beginning of the 19th century, in whose works there are no lines dedicated to this Bulgarian prince from the pagan era, hardly brings concrete research positives in the present short text. Names of the esteemed well-known scholars Mavro Orbini, Caesar Baronius, Joseph Simon Assemani, Charles du Fresne, Johann Christian von Engel, Johann Gottlieb Strieter, Pavel Jozef Sˇafárik can be mentioned for sufficient illustration. The list can easily be expanded, and for Bulgarian medieval studies, it seems appropriate to recall that we come across the lack in question in texts of Petar Bogdan Bakshev, Blasius Kleiner, Jovan Rajic´, Paisius of Hilendar, hieromonk Spyridon, and in Hristofor Zhefarovich’s Stemmatographia (published in 1741 in Vienna).

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Savel’yev-Rostislavich wrote a separate chapter, entitled Novyy istochnik’ dlya bolgarskoy istorii IX vѣka [A New Source Concerning the Bulgarian History in the 9th Century], in his Slavyanskiy sbornik [The Slavic Collectanea], published in St. Petersburg. This scholar, in his opening comments, noted with astonishment that the Martyrdom, the manuscript to which he had access, had not captured the attention of scholars, although it was listed among the manuscripts preserved in England and Ireland as early as 1697, and, half a century later, the hagiographic text was included in the third volume of the Venetian edition of the works of Archbishop Theophylact of Ochrid. Savel’yev-Rostislavich is not at all content with just a few critical notes, he tries to specify the chronology and the names of the rulers in 9th-century Bulgaria. He also takes the account of Enravota’s execution with great credence, and provides an excerpt with a partial translation and a condensed retelling of chapters 17–55, with rather detailed explanations and bibliographical references in footnotes where appropriate.25 A decade passed between the studies of the Russian scholar, until 1853, when the scholar, librarian and paleographer Henry Octavius Coxe, in an inventory he had prepared, again indicated the presence of the Martyrdom among the manuscripts stored in the Bodleian Library. Jacques-Paul Migne published the text of the work in 1864, making access to it much easier.26 Meanwhile, Todor Burmov used the information about the penetration of Christianity into the Bulgarian ruling family in the second quarter of the 9th century. His master’s thesis, with which he graduated from the Kyiv Theological Academy in 1857, was printed the following year in the Russian journal Khristianskoye chteniye, which enjoyed a wide audience, and, in 1859, in several parts, it was published in Bulgarian under the title Za nachaloto, razprostranenieto i utvarzhdenieto na hristiyanskata vyara mezhdu balgarite [As Regard the Beginning, Spread and Settlement of the Christian Religion among the Bulgarians] in the journal Balgarski knizhitsi.27 Given the idea of tracing and highlighting the time of appearance and the establishment of a cult of Enravota, it should be specially pointed out that the efforts of Archbishop Filaret Chernigovski and Nezhinski are of great importance. Crucial and with long-term consequences was the hierarch’s decision to include a short biographical text about “Knyaz Boyan” under the date of March 28 in Svyatyye yuzhnykh slavyan: opisaniya zhizni ikh [Saints of the Southern Slavs: A Description of Their Life], published in Chernigov in 1865 25 Savel’yev-Rostislavich 1845, pp. 37–60. 26 Coxe 1853, p. 349; Migne 1864, col. 151–222. 27 Cf. Burmov 1859, pp. 503–10. Online access to the 1858 editions of the journal Khristianskoye chteniye is currently impossible. The journal issues of 1850s are not available in Bulgarian libraries, which is why I am unable of enclosing here the Russian version of the Burmov’s study.

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(subsequently republished several times even before the end of the 19th century).28 On the same date, along with many other saints from different eras and regions, “Boyan, a Bulgarian knyaz, beheaded for Christ” was also mentioned by Archimandrite Sergiy in the second volume of Polnyy mesyatseslov Vostoka [The Complete Minaion of the East], published in Moscow in 1876. After the passage concerning the Bulgarian prince, Archimandrite Sergiy specifies in fine print that, according to the Moscopolea (present-day Voskopjë, Albania) edition of 1741, the date to be celebrated is not March 28, but November 28. However, the reference is only partially correct. It indeed points to the wellknown old printed edition, with church services and prologue lives of Bulgarian saints published in Greek, but again, it is a text dedicated to the Tiberioupolitan martyrs, not to Enravota.29 The service in question and an epitome of the Martyrdom (also called Short or Synaxarion Life of the Fifteen Tiberioupolitan Martyrs) are essential not only for the local character of the cult of the Tiberioupolitan martyrs but also for its deployment as a pan-Orthodox one. Recently, the efforts in this direction, with an emphasis on the activities of Gregorios Vizantios, bishop of Strumitsa (1818–1830) and Adrianopolis (1830–1840), have been examined by the Bulgarian scholar Ralitsa Ruseva.30 It is fair to say that to date, a solid grounding has been achieved in terms of knowledge about the revival of the cult of these early Christian saints in the late 9th century. There are unequivocal evidences that, starting from 10th to 11th centuries onwards, the texts (diverse in type, authorship and time of composition), circulated parallel to, both in Old Bulgarian and in Greek. At least some of the evidences in question show another (different) manuscript tradition(s) than that of Baroccianus gr. 197. This is a peculiarity that reasonably attracts due interest from various scholars of Southeastern Europe.31 28 The prominent hierarch of a diocese in the northern Ukrainian lands, then part of the Russian Empire, used the study of Savel’yev-Rostislavich to compile a biographical text for Enravota. Cf. Filaret 1865, pp. 70–75. 29 Sergiy 1876, p. 79. 30 Ruseva 2013, pp. 258–275. 31 Cf. with the applied bibliography: Zlatarski 1922, pp. 22–37 (reprint: Idem 1972, pp. 190–205); Vukanovic´ 1971, pp. 45–76; Aggelopoulos 1980, pp. 463–484; Velev 2002, pp. 111–141; Cheshmedzhiev 2002, pp. 251–263; Velev 2006, pp. 11–23; Hristova-Shomova 2011, pp. 727– 736; Cheshmedjiev 2011, pp. 143–156; Kiapidou 2012, pp. 27–47; Lourié 2020, pp. 333–343; Bonov 2021, pp. 58–66; Ivanova 2022, pp. 675–694. In 2018, a conference took place in Strumica (in North Macedonia). Multitudes of aspects and question concerning of the cult of the Fifteen Martyrs of Tiberioupolis have been put under discussion. Conference proceedings are useful on many levels, even despite inadequate quasi-historical allusions of one of the volume’s contributors. While talking about the revival of the cult of Tiberioupolitan Martyrs in the late 9th – early 10th century, Stefan Vlahov-Mitsov used inapplicable offensive antiBulgarian vocabulary from the times of Tito’s Yugoslavia. Cf. the entire volume: Atanasovski et al. 2019.

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As for the supposedly elusive cult of Enravota, an inaccurate reference by Archimandrite Sergius has caused tensions and is a reason for even greater scepticism. In the Short Life of the Fifteen Tiberioupolitan Martyrs (hereinafter: Short Life), none of the reasons that give grounds to assume settlement of a cult of the executed Bulgarian prince were mentioned. Enravota, Zvinitsa, and Malamir are named as sons of Khan Krum, instead of Khan Omurtag. Information about the latter is completely missing in the text. In addition, all that concerns the Byzantine captive Kinamon, Enravota’s renunciation of paganism, and his execution by order of his ruling younger brother Khan Malamir, have been omitted. Even the name of Enravota is written differently, instead of Ένραβωτᾶς (according to the Martyrdom) it is enclosed Ναβρωτᾶς. The clarification that he is also called Βοΐνος is another missing detail.32 The particularity in question is hardly accidental, insofar as the information about the Knyaz Boris I, about the short reign of his eldest son Knayz Vladimir, about Tsar Symeon, about the activities of the local authorities, etc., finds a place in the so-called Short Life.33 In addition, neither the well-known earlier nor later commemorations in the menologies, or the hymnography works for the Tiberioupolitan martyrs, connect their cult with any medieval veneration of the executed Bulgarian prince. The details of Enravota’s fate in the Martyrdom, and the account in Short Life, do not change this feature. Khan Omurtag’s eldest son is not mentioned as a saint – ἅγιος (or even as beatus – μᾰκάριος), which contrasts with the constant designation of the Tiberioupolitan martyrs as saints, whether referring to a specific member(s) of the group or all of them in total. The characteristic seems surprising and difficult to find a satisfactory explanation for, especially if it is assumed that there was an Old Bulgarian text in honour of the executed prince, as some of the scholars dealing with the problem believe.34 In this connection, we must say that Archbishop Filaret and Archimandrite Sergius apparently go further than both the medieval authors and the compilers of the Greek 18th and 19th century synaxaria, and include the executed Christian martyr Enravota in a group of personalities who deserve veneration as saints. Interestingly, while in the 1860–1870s high-ranking clergymen in Russia were apparently inclined to increase the list of Bulgarian saints, some of their contemporary scholars are not so convinced, or at least have certain doubts. Thus, for example, in his view of the accounts in chapters 28–31 of the Martyrdom, Yevgeny Yevsigneyevich Golubinsky seems to express skepticism. “We do not know to what extent the words of Archbishop Theophylact are to be believed, but in his legend about the Tiberioupolitan martyrs, he emphasizes 32 Melovski 1996, pp. 40–41. 33 Ibid., pp. 41–46. 34 Dragova 1970, pp. 105–129.

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that even before the conversion of Boris, there was a case of conversion to Christianity by a member of the Bulgarian ruling family […]” – we read on page 21 in his Kratkiy ocherk istorii pravoslavnykh tserkvey Bolgarskoy, Serbskoy i Rumynskoy ili Moldo–Valashskoy [A Brief Essay on the History of the Orthodox Churches: the Bulgarian, the Serbian and the Romanian, also Known as the Church of Moldova and Wallachia].35 In the following lines, he retells the information about Khan Omurtag and his three sons, the accession of Khan Malamir, the role of the Byzantine captive Kinamon in the renunciation of paganism by Enravota, and the martyrdom of the latter.36 The indicated part of Golubinsky’s Kratkiy ocherk influenced Konstantin J. Jirecˇek. In the History of the Bulgarians (Geschichte der Bulgarien/ Deˇjiny národa bulharského), published in Prague in 1876 in German and Czech, he refers to the studies of the mentioned Russian scholar when he writes about the events in the Bulgarian ruling house in the 830s.37 As early as 1881, Stephan S. Bobchev (a Bulgarian scholar, publicist and a well-known public figure) used Jirecˇek’s History and created a textbook for Bulgarian schools. With revisions and additions of some additional materials, the second and third editions of the textbook were published in 1891 and 1899, through which the Jirecˇek’s book, with all its ideas and achievements, became a source of historical knowledge for generations of Bulgarian students in the late 19th – early 20th century.38 In 1879, the book of another Russian scholar – Matvey Sokolov, titled Iz drevney istorii bolgar [From the historical past of the Bulgarians], was published. After Savel’yev-Rostislavich, Golubinsky and Jirecˇek, it was Sokolov who took another key step. After the main text of his study, which has undoubted merit, a special appendix contains translations into Russian of historical sources, presenting information about the Bulgarian Conversion to Christianity. Among the excerpts from a number of medieval Latin and Byzantine texts, from page 242 to page 250, a translation has been appended (partial in places) of chapters 27–54 of the Martyrdom. Sokolov’s translated portions of the work were used and quoted 35 “Не знаемъ, до какой степени заслуживаютъ вѣры слова архіепископа Ѳеофилакта, но въ своемъ сказаніи о тиверіупольскихъ мученикахъ онъ утверждаетъ, что еще прежде крещенія Бориса имѣлъ мѣсто случай обращенія въ христіанство членовъ болгарского княжеского дома […]”, Golubinskiy 1871, p. 21. 36 Ibid., pp. 21–22. 37 Jerecˇek 1876, pp. 149/120. The book quickly caused scholars response; in 1876 none other than esteemed and well-known Prof. Marin Drinov wrote a review in a letter to the editorial board of Periodichesko spisanie na Balgarskoto knizhovno druzhestvo v Braila. In some places, he is quite critical, including regarding the passages referring to the pagan era in the so-called First Bulgarian State. Cf. Drinov 1876, pp. 215–227 (reprint: Idem 1915, pp. 234– 246). In 1878, Jerecˇek’s book was translated into Russian, and in 1886, with additions and amendments by the author himself, it was also published in Bulgarian. Cf. Irechek 1878; Idem 1886. 38 Cf. Parvanov 2016, pp. 143–160.

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repeatedly in the latter years of the 19th and early 20th centuries. This seems to play the role of a final impetus for the unconditional inclusion in wide circulation of the information that the hagiographic work gives about the heirs of Khan Krum, the stages of Christianization and the relations between the individual members of the Bulgarian ruling family in the first half of the 9th century.39

Conclusion In volume 1 of Dimitar Tsuhlev’s Istoriya na balgarskata tsarkva [History of the Bulgarian Church], published in 1911, we read: Whether the Bulgarian church subsequently legalized the celebration on a special day of St. Enravota’s memory is not known. But the accounts of Archbishop Theophylact, which were undoubtedly taken from some synaxaria and service for St. Enravota, make it possible to convincingly say that the royal martyr Enravota was canonized by the Bulgarian church like the martyrs: Bishop Manuel and the others Bulgarian saints (who suffered in time of Krum, Tsok and Mortagon [Khan Omurtag – Y.H.]), but the synaxaria and his service were later lost, as it happened with many other of our saints.40

The cited opinion of the author of what is still considered today (a century later) to be one of the most detailed studies on the history of the Bulgarian church coincides with the long-standing hope among scholars that in an unknown (or poorly studied) text, more solid evidence that a cult of the beheaded prince existed in the Middle Ages. On the basis of the clarifications given above, at the present stage, the grounds are mostly in favour of the claim that the canonization of Enravota-Boyan (Voyn) is a rather indirect, though explainable, result of the efforts of a number of scholars from the mid-19th century. Due to their publications, the name and fate of the Bulgarian prince from the pagan era became known to a wider audience and were the reason that high Russian Orthodox hierarchs in the 1860–1870s included him in the group of saints of the Southern Slavs, which was subsequently accepted without question by the Bulgarian clergy of the late 19th – early 20th century. Of course, the reasoning and generalizations presented in this text may be subject to full or partial reassessment and rejection 39 Sokolov 1879, pp. 242–250. 40 “Да ли впослѣдствие българската църква е узаконила чествоването въ особенъ день памятьта на св. Енравота, – неизвѣстно. Но съобщенията на Ар. Теофилакта, които безспорно, сѫ били заети отъ нѣкой синаксаръ и служба за св. Енравота, даватъ възможностъ утвърдително да се дума, че царственния мѫченикъ Енравота е билъ канонизиранъ отъ българската църква, подобно на мѫченицитѣ: еп. Мануилъ и др., които пострадали при Крума, Цока и Мортагона, в числото на българскитѣ светии, ала синаксаря и службата му сетнѣ сѫ се изгубили, както това е станало съ много други наши светители.” Tsuhlev 1911, p. 193, n. 1.

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when a new, unknown historical source appears. Until such a turning point occurs, however, we must admit that it is not a medieval tradition of saint veneration, but rather the achievements in the field of source studies, Slavic studies and Bulgarian studies, which has led to the fact that, albeit with a centuries-old delay, the prince-martyr has taken his place among the saints of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church. [Proofread by Gergana Georgieva and Steven Jones]

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Georgios Kardaras

The Eurasian Nomads’ Bad Memories of Byzantium: The Negative Image of an Empire in the 6th Century A.D.

Abstract The perspective of the barbarian peoples towards the Sedentary Empires is a topic underexplored in research. Through relevant excerpts from the sources, this text examines the negative perspective of the nomadic peoples of the 6th century on the Byzantine Empire. That perspective includes similar ethical characterizations to those that the Byzantines attributed to the nomads (lying, treacherous behavior, ingratitude etc.). The main factors for this include the defense of the principles of nomadic society as well as the moral decline of the late Roman world. Keywords: barbarians; Ethnography; common places; Eurasian Nomads; Byzantine Empire

The relations of the Sedentary Empires with peoples living in barbaricum cover a wide spectrum of issues behind their hostilities. An investigation of their relations reveals the mutual need for contacts which are reflected in trade, military and cultural influences while, on the other hand, efforts to integrate the barbarians into the Empire’s territorial and administrative mechanisms are observed.1 Nevertheless, from both the sedentary and the nomadic point of view, the rift between the two words is obvious, considering “the image of the Other” and its impact on state policy and public opinion. Although the sedentary perspective on the barbarians is a well-studied topic, the contrary view has been neglected and here we shall attempt to outline some of its aspects as a preliminary work, regarding some testimonies from the 6th century A.D. In general, the long discussed “Other” is one who does not belong to one’s own circle and system of values. Furthermore, when this “Other” is in a threatening position, either through ideas or weapons, he acquires the face of “the Enemy”, accompanied by

Prof. Dr. Georgios Kardaras, Institute of Historical Research, National Hellenic Research Foundation, ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7888-1491. 1 See Pohl 1997; Hodges / Bowden 1998; Pohl / Wood / Reimitz 2001.

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negative traits.2 One of the features of the sedentary rhetoric as, for example, the Roman one towards the nomads and other barbarians, was the artificial “construction of enemy” based on certain common places (koinoi topoi) and methods such as the demonization and the dehumanization of “the Other”.3 Considering the Eurasian nomads in Byzantine sources, they are described with the same stereotypes (unfaithful, greedy, ugly, cruel, malicious, etc.). Such a negative portrait is a trope of ancient Ethnography, going back to Herodotus’s description of the Scythians, a name used in Byzantine sources as “umbrellaterm” for the Eurasian nomads or even the Goths (Scythians as well as the territory name Scythia).4 The nomadic peoples were viewed in light of the opposition between the “civilized” world and the “barbarians” (called ἔθνη or gentes/nationes),5 living outside the geographical and cultural boundaries of the Greek, and later the Roman, world and being therefore different in language, customs, or religious beliefs.6 One of the most important differences between the two worlds is the concept of freedom, which in nomadic societies is not an individual, but a collective value related to the entire community and its way of life. What was noticeable about the freedom of the nomads was the steppe, the herds of animals, the yurts, the lack of luxury dwellings, the warlike spirit of an illiterate society and other such traits. From that point of view, sedentary people had no freedom.7 On the other hand, as noted above, our purpose is to see “the other side of the coin”, namely the barbarian perspective of the sedentary world, focusing in our case on the contact between the Byzantines with nomadic polities during the 6th century, an examination that provides some examples of the negative image of the Byzantine Empire seen through nomadic eyes. The impression given is that the “nomadic rhetoric” also has morality as its main pillar, and within that frame we may note some focus points as lies, treacherous behavior, ingratitude etc. After some years of friendly relationships between the Byzantines and the Western Turks, based on trade relations and the common hostility towards the Avars,8 Byzantium concluded a treaty with the latter in 574, which offered them

2 Sardelic´ 2019, p. 269. 3 Burgersdijk 2016, pp. 111–132; Sardelic´ 2019, pp. 269–272. On the common places of the Roman authors for the barbarians, see Creer 2020, pp. 258–259, 263. 4 Pallas-Brown 2000, pp. 309–329; Batty 2007, pp. 279–282; Blei 2013, pp. 60–75; Kardaras 2018, pp. 8–10; Pohl 2018, pp. 5–7, 13, 26–28; Sardelic´ 2019, pp. 266, 273–275. On the ethnographical topoi for the nomads, see also Weiß 2007. 5 See Garipzanov / Geary / Urban´czyk 2008, pp. 1–14; Kardaras 2018, p. 8. 6 Pallas-Brown 2000, pp. 310–313; Batty 2007, pp. 264–272; Kardaras 2018, p. 8; Sardelic´ 2019, p. 270. 7 Stepanov 2003, pp. 518–521; Kardaras 2018, p. 8. 8 See Dobrovits 2011, p. 382; Stark 2008, p. 192; Kardaras 2018, pp. 25–27; Pohl 2018, pp. 50–53.

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an annual tribute for the first time.9 In 576, a Byzantine embassy under Valentinus arrived at the Turkish Khaganate and khagan Turxanthus took the opportunity to accuse the Byzantine emperor Justin I of being a liar, a trait unfamiliar to the Turks. ‘Are you not those very Romans who use ten tongues and lie with all of them?’ As he spoke he placed his ten fingers in his mouth. Then he continued, ‘As now there are ten fingers in my mouth, so you Romans have used many tongues. Sometimes you deceive me, sometimes my slaves, the Uarkhonitai. In a word, having flattered and deluded all the tribes with your various speeches and your treacherous designs, when harm descends upon their heads you abandon them and take all the benefits for yourselves. You envoys come to me dressed with lies, and he who has sent you deceives me equally. I shall kill you immediately and without delay. To lie is foreign and alien to a Turk. And your Emperor shall pay me due penalty, for he has spoken words of friendship to me while making a treaty with the Uarkhonitai, our slaves (he meant the Avars) who have fled their masters.’10

Emperor Justinian, an expert to political maneuvers, managed to turn two nomadic tribes – the Kutrigurs and the Utigurs – against each other at the shores of the Black and the Azov Sea. In 551/552, after a disaster suffered by the Utigurs, Justinian offered permission to settle on Byzantine soil, in Thrace, to some of the Kutrigurs.11 Sandilch, the ruler of the Utigurs, in protest, dispatched an embassy to Constantinople and his envoys, addressed to Justinian, used the behavior of the wolf as a motif.12 But when Sandil, the king of the Utigurs, learned this, he was exasperated and filled with anger, seeing that, while he himself, by way of punishing the Cutrigurs who were his kinsmen for the wrong they had done the Romans, had driven them from their ancestral abode, they for their part had been received by the emperor, had settled in the land of the Romans, and were going to live much more comfortably; he accordingly sent envoys to the emperor to remonstrate at what had been done […]. So when these envoys came into the presence of the Emperor Justinian, they stated that their king Sandil spoke through them as by a letter as follows: ‘I know a certain proverb which I have heard from my boyhood, and if I have not forgotten it, the proverb runs somewhat as follows. That wild beast, the wolf, might, they say, possibly not be unable actually to change in some degree the colour of his fur, but his character he doth not transform, nature not permitting him to change this’ […].13 9 Kardaras 2018, p. 33; Pohl 2018, pp. 77–78, 88, 232. 10 Blockley 1985, fr. 19.1, pp. 172–175; Dobrovits 2011, p. 385; Kardaras 2018, pp. 37–38; Pohl 2018, pp. 37, 227. Taking into account the first Byzantine embassy under Zemarchus to the khagan Sizabul/Istami, Menander Protector mentions as destination the mountain Ektag, likely the Altai Mountains. On the relevant discussion, see Stark 2008, p. 192, footnote 1086; Dobrovits 2011, pp. 386–387. 11 Dewing 1962, lib. VIII, 18.18–19.7, pp. 239–245; Mazal 2001, p. 191; Kardaras 2020, p. 86. 12 On the symbolism and representation of the wolf, see Tønnessen 2016, pp. 76–101. 13 Dewing 1962, lib. VIII, 19. 8–22, pp. 244–251; Mazal 2001, p. 191; Kardaras 2020, p. 86.

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Also, in a passage of Theophylactus Simokatta, the Avar envoy Koch, taking advantage of a discussion with General Priscus in 593, also accuses the Byzantines of being “first-class” liars, corruptors and untrustworthy of the treaties: What is this, O gods? Among those for whom devoutness is appropriate, impiety has newly been established close at hand. The Romans have broken peace, the law of treaties is debased, guarantees of agreement are scorned, respect for trust is squandered, the mediating oath has perished. […] You do wrong, Caesar, in impiously stealing the battle. The enterprise is not royal nor the design authoritative, but it is a robber’s plan, an act accursed by the people. Either lay down the adornment of your crown, or do not corrupt the decorum of authority. You have administered baseness to the barbarians: we should not have known about treaty-breaking, if we had not found you as teachers of deceit. […] In making war you do wrong; in making peace you are aggrieved […].14

Two years later (595), during the Avar siege of Singidona, the khagan asked the Byzantine General Priscus to “respect the treaties and feel shame for the surety of the oaths”.15 An expression used by the Avars in negotiations, namely “stealing the war”, concerns the dishonest behavior of the Byzantines.16 Trying to interpret the negative view and attitude of the nomads towards Byzantium in the 6th century, our approach will focus on two levels, first the nature of the nomadic societies and second the conditions that favored such a rhetoric by the nomads. The first level concerns the fear of sedentarization, in terms of which, as Anatoly Khazanov points out, the nomads faced many challenges and obstacles, both psychological and social. Sedentarization meant adapting to a new ecological and social environment – namely, models of thinking, behavior, the traditional system of values and way of life must be broken. The notion that a sedentary way of life is the antithesis of a nomadic one reflects not only the differences between the conditions prevailing in the two worlds, but probably also an integral part of nomadic ideology, fundamental for their negative attitude towards the sedentary world. The main obstacles against sedentarization, although on a different level, are in many respects connected with psychological, social and ecological factors, while mass sedentarization is frequently linked to the specific disintegration of a nomadic society. In most of the territory occupied by nomads, agriculture was economically able to compete effectively with pastoral nomadism only if supported by expensive irrigationworks and a large amount of capital investment, as well as the introduction of 14 De Boor 1887, lib. VI, 6.7–12, pp. 231–232; see also: Whitby 1986, pp. 167–168; Kardaras 2018, p. 10; Pohl 2018, pp. 172, 193. 15 De Boor 1887, lib. VII, 10.5, p. 263; see also: Whitby 1986, p. 193; Kotłowska / Róz˙ycki 2016, pp. 370–371; Pohl 2018, p. 181. 16 De Boor 1887, lib. VI, 6.8, p. 231 and lib. VII, 10.7, p. 263; see also: Whitby 1986, p. 193: “You are stealing the war, general. You have adulterated peace with confrontation, by making agreements like a friend and grappling like an enemy.”

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specific farming cultures.17 Considering this general frame, we may accept views claiming that sedenterization and farming were an offense to the nomadic mentality and customs, or that anything from sedentary civilizations was regarded as a threat to the traditional foundations as well as the stability and the liberty of the nomadic polity, which did not encourage any novelty.18 Inevitably, the negative attitude of the nomads also led to the demonization of the other side, the sedentary societies, expressed in various ways, mostly by mistrust and the promotion of “nomadic integrity”, often mingled with rituals and sacral invocations. Examples include the prominent role of the Shaman ritual of purification by fire when the Byzantine embassy under Zemarchus entered the territory of the Turkish Khaganate in 569: Certain others of their tribe appeared, who, they said, were exorcisers of their illomened things, and they came up to Zemarchus and his companions. They took all of the baggage that they were carrying and placed it onto the ground. Then they set fire branches frankincensed tree, chanted some barbarous words, in their Scythian tongue, making noise with bells and drums, waved above the frames, and falling into a frenzy and acting like madmen, supposed that they were diving away evil spirits. For in this way some men were thought to be averters of and guardians against evil. When they had chased away the evil beings as they supposed, and had led Zemarchus himself through the fire, they thought that by this means they had purified themselves also.19

In other cases, the Avars expressed their disapproval for the imperial gifts, saying e. g. that “enemies’ gifts are no gifts and bring no benefit”20 or even fear for them: “However, [the Avar khagan] since life was more valuable and desirable than all of these, he had been worrying about this and reflecting that many of the peoples who before times had come to this land had first been enticed with such gifts by the Romans, who in the end had attacked and destroyed them utterly.”21 Similar fears are expressed by the Turks for the Chinese gifts and way of life, which corrupted and softened the nomadic character and indirectly led to the dependence or subjugation of the Turks from China.22 To emphasize their loyalty and honesty, the nomads, in order to strengthen their oaths, used to invoke the God or other powers as judge at their agreements or disputes with the Byzantines. After the conclusion of the alliance with the 17 Khazanov 1994, pp. 83, 198–201. 18 Stepanov 2003, p. 517; Kradin 2015, p. 51. 19 Blockley 1985, fr. 10.3, pp. 118–119; Dobrovits 2011, p. 388; Pohl 2018, pp. 52, 255. See also above, footnote 8. 20 De Boor 1887, lib. VII, 15.11, p. 272 (Whitby 1986, p. 201) (year 598); Kotłowska / Róz˙ycki 2016, p. 371; Kardaras 2017, p. 121; Idem 2018, pp. 58–59; Pohl 2018, pp. 189–190. 21 Blockley 1985, fr. 25.2, pp. 226–227 (year 579); Kardaras 2017, pp. 120–121; Pohl 2018, pp. 85– 86. 22 Stepanov 2003, pp. 517–518; Pohl 2018, p. 227. See also Creer 2020, pp. 258, 264, on the weakness of the barbarians by the Roman goods.

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Byzantines in 568/569, the members of the Turkish delegation “raised their hands on high and swore upon their greatest oath that they were saying these things with honest intent. In addition they called down curses upon themselves, even upon Sizabul and upon their whole race, if their claims were false and could not be fulfilled.”23 Furthermore, before the siege of Sirmium in 579: Having these fears, the authorities in Singidunum asked khagan Baian to swear the oaths. He immediately drew his sword and swore the oaths of the Avars, invoking against himself and the whole Avar nation the sanction that, if he planned to build the bridge over the Save out of any design against the Romans, he and the whole Avar tribe should be destroyed by the sword, heaven above and God in the heavens should send fire against them, the mountains and the forests around fall upon them and the river Save overflow its banks and drown them. Thus were the barbarian oaths sworn by the Khagan.24

After the conclusion of the treaty with Byzantium in 598, “the Chagan spoke as follows, word for word: ‘May God judge between Maurice and between Chagan, between Avars and between Romans.’ For he accused the emperor of rocking the peace […]”25 – a motif similar to that of the negotiations close to Singidona in 595.26 Considering the second level, the nomads were likely aware that the late Roman world had lost its glorious past and was now weak in its fight against the barbarians. The weakness of the Empire in the 4th century is presented in the Roman digressions of Ammianus Marcellinus in his Res gestae, for example, who adopts patterns of ethnographic writing. Ammianus compared the Romans of his day with those of the idealized Republican past, portraying his contemporaries as similar to the barbarian peoples. Ammianus, focusing on the moral decline, points out that the Roman elite was greedy and cared only about money, slaves, women, fine clothing, and luxurious living, as well as the decline of the army and the important role of eunuchs in the imperial court. Despite the notes of Tyler Creer that Ammianus’ 4th-century Rome and the idealized Rome of the past were artificial projections and much of this material is artificial and not representative of historical reality, it would be rather difficult to accept that the moral decline

23 Blockley 1985, fr. 10.1, p. 117; Kardaras 2018, p. 26; Pohl 2018, pp. 37, 52. On the nomadic oaths, see Gmyrâ 2008, pp. 62–67; Pohl 2018, pp. 256–257. 24 Blockley 1985, fr. 25.1, pp. 220–221; Kardaras 2018, p. 40; Pohl 2018, pp. 85, 219, 256. 25 De Boor 1887, VII, 15.12–13, pp. 272–273; Whitby 1986, p. 201; Kotłowska / Róz˙ycki 2016, p. 371; Pohl 2018, p. 190. See also above, footnote 20. 26 De Boor 1887, VII, 10.8, p. 263; see also: Whitby 1986, p. 193: “May God judge between Chagan and between Maurice the emperor. May the recompense that is from God at some time demand an account.” Kotłowska / Róz˙ycki 2016, pp. 370–371; Kardaras 2018, p. 55.

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was not a crucial factor for the inner collapse of the Roman Empire before the final external blow by the barbarian peoples.27 From the above we may argue that the cultural rift between the sedentary societies and the nomadic world is also reflected in the rhetoric of one side towards the other. The already well-known negative perspective of the former on the nomads has its counterpart from the other side, with similar characterizations that are equally centered on ethics (lies, treacherous behavior, ingratitude etc.). Starting from the need to defend their own cultural environment and, on the other hand, the moral decline of the late Roman world, the nomads seem to imitate the ethnographic places of the sedentary in their own way in order to refute the typical rhetoric against the “barbarians” and to promote their own “moral advantage”. From the passages cited, it seems that, having gained a strong position, the nomadic peoples of the 6th century formed a kind of similar rendering with negative content against the Byzantine propaganda, continuing the older Roman perspective, with ultimate aim to defend their own traditional values.

Bibliography Printed sources Blockley, Roger C. (ed. and trans.): The History of Menander the Guardsman. 1985. Dewing, Henry B. (ed. and trans.): Procopius: History of the Wars. 1962/5. De Boor, Carolus (ed.): Theophylacti Simocattae, Historiae. 1887. Whitby, Michael and Mary (trans.): The History of Theophylact Simocatta. 1986.

Literature Batty, Roger: Rome and the Nomads. The Pontic Danubian Realm in Antiquity. 2007. Blei, Josephine: Skythen, Hunnen, Awaren und Ungarn. Zur Disposition ethnischer Gruppen in der mittelalterlichen Historiographie des 9. und 10. Jahrhunderts, in: Blei, Josephine / Bülow, Lars / Haushold, Antje (eds.): Heimat und Identität im Donauraum. Forschungen zur Semiotik und Geschichte. Beiträge einer interdisziplinären Tagung am 08./ 09. Juli 2011 in Passau. 2013, pp. 60–75. Burgersdijk, Diederik: Creating the Enemy: Ammianus Marcellinus’ Double Digression on Huns and Alans (Res Gestae 31.2), in: Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies. 2016/ 59/1, pp. 111–132.

27 Creer 2020, pp. 258–269.

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Creer, Tyler: Ethnography and the Roman Digressions of Ammianus Marcellinus, in: Histos. 2020/14, pp. 255–274. Dobrovits, Mihály: The Altaic World Through Byzantine Eyes: Some Remarks on the Historical Circumstances of Zemarchus’ Journey to the Turks (AD 569–570), in: Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungariae. 2011/64/4, pp. 373–409. Garipzanov, Ildar H. / Geary, Patrick / Urban´czyk, Przemysław: Introduction: Gentes, Gentile Identity, and State Formation in Early Medieval Europe, in: Garipzanov, Ildar H. / Geary, Patrick / Urban´czyk, Przemysław (eds.): Franks, Northmen and Slavs. Identities and State Formation in Early Medieval Europe. 2008, pp. 1–14. Gmyrâ, Lûdmila B. [Гмыря, Людмила Б.]: Klâtvodogovory nomadov Kavkazsko-Kaspijskogo regiona (V–VII vv.) [Клятводоговоры номадов Кавказско-Каспийского региона (V–VII вв.)], in: Izvestiâ Altajskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta [Известия Алтайского государственного университета]. 2008/4/3, pp. 62–67. Hodges, Adam / Bowden, Hugh (eds.): The Sixth Century. Production, Distribution and Demand. 1998. Kardaras, Georgios: The Byzantine Gold and the Methods of the Avars, in: Vyzantiiskii Vremennik. 2017/101, pp. 114–126. Kardaras, Georgios: Byzantium and the Avars, 6th–9th Century ad. Political, Diplomatic and Cultural Relations. 2018. Kardaras, Georgios: The Attitude of Justinian I (527–565) Towards the Eurasian Nomads. Manipulations and Aims, in: Panov, Mitko B. (ed.): Identities. Proceedings оf the 7th International Symposium “Days of Justinian I”, Skopje, 15–16 November, 2019. 2020, pp. 82–90. Khazanov, Anatoly M.: Nomads and the Outside World. 1994. Kotłowska, Anna / Róz˙ycki, Łukasz: The Role and Place of Speeches in the Work of Theophylact Simocatta, in: Vox Patrum. 2016/36 (66), pp. 353–382. Kradin, Nikolay N.: The Ecology of Inner Asian Pastoral Nomadism, in: Kardulias, Paul Nick (ed.): The Ecology of Pastoralism. 2015, pp. 41–70. Mazal, Otto: Justinian I und seine Zeit. Geschichte und Kultur des Byzantinischen Reiches im 6. Jahrhundert. 2001. Pallas-Brown, Rachael: East Roman Perception of the Avars in the Mid- and Late 6th Century, in: Mitchell, Stephen / Greatrex, Geoffrey (eds.): Ethnicity and Culture in Late Antiquity. 2000, pp. 309–329. Pohl, Walter (ed.): Kingdoms of the Empire. The Integration of Barbarians in Late Antiquity. 1997. Pohl, Walter / Wood, Ian / Reimitz, Helmut (eds.): The Transformation of Frontiers. From Late Antiquity to the Carolingians. 2001. Pohl, Walter: The Avars: A Steppe Empire in Europe, 567–822. 2018. Sardelic´, Mirko: Images of Eurasian Nomads in European Cultural Imaginary in the Middle Ages, in: Chen, Hao (ed.): Competing Narratives between Nomadic People and their Sedentary Neighbours. Papers of the 7th International Conference on the Medieval History of the Eurasian Steppe Nov. 9–12, 2018 Shanghai University, China. 2019, pp. 265–279. Stark, Sören: Die Altturkenzeit in Mittel- und Zentralasien. Archäologische und historische Studien. 2008.

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Stepanov, Tsvetelin: Freedom and Otherness: The Standpoint of Steppe Eurasia, in: Thracia. 2003/15, pp. 515–522. Tønnessen, Morten: Historicising the Cultural Semiotics of Wolf and Sheep, in: Pakistan Journal of Historical Studies. 2016/1/2, pp. 76–101. Weiß, Alexander (ed.): Der imaginierte Nomade Formel und Realitätsbezug bei antiken, mittelalterlichen und arabischen Autoren. 2007.

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Gregory Leighton

St Adalbert of Prague in the Memory Culture of the Teutonic Order in Prussia

Abstract This chapter examines how two the Teutonic Order, as an institution responsible for the Christianization of Prussia and Lithuania from the thirteenth to fifteenth century, selectively invoked the memory of St Adalbert of Prague / Wojciech. It reflects on the ways in which the memory of Adalbert / Wojciech was employed (and forgotten) by the Teutonic Order, contrasting it to the ways the memory of the saint was revived in the fifteenth century among Polish historians like Jan Długosz. Keywords: memory; Teutonic Order; cult of Saints; Prussia; Poland

The Christianization of the southern Baltic Zone, the region historically known as Prussia, is traditionally associated with roughly two centuries of campaigns spearheaded by the Teutonic Order, alongside regular participation from knights and noblemen from throughout the Empire and, throughout the 14th century, Europe as a whole.1 The Teutonic Knights, a monastic military corporation comprised primarily of knights from Germany and founded in the Holy Land, were ultimately defeated at the Battle of Grunwald/Tannenberg on 15 July 1410. Władysław II Jagiełło, King of Poland, and Vytautas the Great, the Grand Duke of Lithuania headed the army, and their victory signaled a significant decline for the Teutonic Order in Prussia politically, economically, and spiritually (as a territorial overlord or Landesherr).2 The encounter between the two armies provides a suitable backdrop for the subject of this chapter. As in other theatres of war in the Middle Ages, the pre-battle rituals included the chanting of hymns and prayers. The brothers of the Teutonic Order chanted the Easter hymn, Christ ist erstanden, a liturgical song dating back to the middle of the 10th century and used in Dr. Gregory Leighton, NAWA-Ulam Postdoctoral Fellow, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4203-2313. 1 Voigt 1827–1839; Töppen 1853, pp. 1–40; Perlbach 1889, pp. 71–120; Górski 1938; Idem 1977; Urban 1975; Nowak 1983; Sarnowsky 1998; Czaja 2005; Kwiatkowski 2012, pp. 22–39; Idem 2016, pp. 23–42; Leighton 2018, pp. 457–483; Idem 2022, pp. 393–408. 2 Sarnowsky 1998; Ekdahl 1976, pp. 131–143; Paravicini 1989, pp. 34–43.

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Germany since at least the early 12th century.3 In a sense, the Order’s performance of this chant echoed its victory at the Siege of Kaunas approximately 48 years earlier. Wigand von Marburg, a herald in the service of the Teutonic Order, offers the most-detailed account of this siege, and notes that the army of brothers and crusaders (peregrini) successfully defeated Ke˛stutis, the Grand Duke of Lithuania, after performing the chant more solito as part of the Easter liturgy.4 The Polish army, however, chanted another liturgical song, the Bogurodzica. It was connected with the first attempt to Christianize Prussia in the 10th century, namely in its attribution to St Adalbert of Prague, who was killed by the Prussians in April of 997.5 Jan Długosz referred to this hymn as a national song (carmen patrium). In doing so, he highlighted the evident power that St Adalbert/Wojciech had with respect to subsequent historical memory in Poland. The choices of pre-battle hymns here reveal an important element not only of the religious history of Prussia as a region, but also a division in terms of how the groups responsible for this history remembered it and preserved it. Why would the Teutonic Order, as an institution responsible for the Christianization of Prussia and Lithuania from the 13th to 15th century, not also invoke the memory of Adalbert in this episode?6 Conversely, what does the choice of hymn by the Polish and Lithuanian army reveal about the memory of the first contacts between Prussia and Christianity? These questions will guide the following chapter, with a specific focus on the main question of whether St Adalbert was part of the cultural memory of the Teutonic Order. “Cultural remembrance” (Erinnerungkultur) involves, broadly, the methods employed by peoples, groups, or societies in remembering and preserving their past, functioning to create a common sense of experience and expectation among groups, and to give form to influential stories and memories from the past. These serve to shape communities by bringing hope and continuity.7 With respect to the Baltic Zone, such an approach has been discussed in the work of Sebastian Kubon, Gregory Leighton, and others. These range from the depictions of Lithuanians based on the memory of the struggles to Christianize them, to the role of memory and remembrance as key to the communication of holy war at the turn of the 15th century.8 Based on the example concerning the “beginning of the end” of the Teutonic Order’s power in the southern Baltic described above, one is prompted to ask the 3 Kwiatkowski 2013, pp. 101–127, here pp. 113–116. 4 Wigand 2017, p. 304. For the context of this celebration, see Kwiatkowski 2013, pp. 113–116, and p. 126 for the chant of Christ ist erstanden at Tannenberg/Grunwald. 5 Celichowski 1911, p. 24. For context of the chant and its history, see Matla 2015, pp. 41–42. 6 Wüst 2013. 7 Assmann 2011, p. 2. 8 Kubon 2019, pp. 81–92.

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question as to why the Order chose to remember only peripherally the first “apostle of the Prussians” (apostolus prutenorum). However, it did create a past that it seemingly chose to put at the center of its historiographical discourse, and the communication of its identity abroad. The role of the Order as “christianizer” took center stage. Chronicles written by members of the Order, such as Peter von Dusburg, described how the earlier attempts to Christianize the region “did not bear fruit.”9 in addition to forming part of its foreign correspondence in the 15th century, in which recipients and potential supporters were instructed to remember the earlier and present struggles of the Order against the pagans.10 It is curious that a figure like Adalbert was not incorporated into this, for he clearly was a powerful local saint in the region of Sambia, as we will see in this chapter. We know of only one source written by a member of the Order in the 14th century concerning Adalbert’s life, in addition to a 15th-century foundation of a chapel linked to the saint. The present chapter will explore this puzzle by beginning with a background to St Adalbert and his mission to the terra Pruzzorum. It will then address his veneration by the Piast nobility in Poland, which began to decline significantly by the middle of the 13th century. Noting the seemingly sporadic veneration of Adalbert in the tradition of the Teutonic Order, it concludes with a remark on the ways in which Adalbert can be seen as an example for the ways different communities remembered saints and used them for a variety of goals.

Adalbert/Vojtech/Wojciech and Prussia St Adalbert/Vojtech/Wojciech was born in the 10th century to noble parents “in partibus Germaniae […] quem incolae Sclavoniam cognomine dicunt.”11 His father, Slavnic, was a noble man and upright, “exceptional” (perrarus) among his fellow citizens for his love of justice and piety.12 His mother, Strzeislava, was likewise pious and moral, according to Adalbert’s vita written by John Cana-

9 Wenta 2007, p. 22 (2.1), describing the mission of the first bishop of Prussia, Christian of Oliwa. 10 Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz (hereinafter: GStA PK), XX. HA, OF 3, p. 19: “…das euwer grosmechtikeit der heiligen Cristenheit und unsern, und unsers ordens gelugseligen vorgang und zunemen, allezeit gerne horet, nemelichin an desen enden der heiligen Cristenheit, da die gelytt der heiligen cristenheit unsers ordens bruder und unser armen undirsassen geschach von den ungloubigen, grose not und gefenknisse, und vorgissung eres blutes umbe die ere gotis und des heiligen cristengloubens swerlich lyden.” 11 Pertz 1841, p. 581. 12 Ibid, p. 582.

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parius around the year 1000.13 A subsequent version of his life was composed in 1004 by St Bruno of Querfurt who himself would be martyred while preaching to the Balts. Two later texts emerged concerning the miracles of Adalbert following his martyrdom in Prussia (23 April 997): the so-called Tempore illo, and the Miracula sancti Adalberti. As local (i. e., Polish) productions, these latter texts were important tools for legitimizing Polish royal and episcopal authority in the High Middle Ages, namely in the context of the development of Gniezno as a centre of royal power.14 However, it appears that the cult of Adalbert and its center in Gniezno took second place to the royal power center set up in Kraków. Adalbert was rebellious and itinerant, leaving his see in Prague without permission, and sought to visit the Holy Land. He was well-connected, personally knowing Otto III, Holy Roman Emperor and staying in Rome. However, it was his missionary zeal that defines his legacy in the history not just of Poland, but throughout the Middle Ages. This was predicted in his earliest vita, namely in that he was a student of Adalbert, Archbishop of Magdeburg, who had successfully conducted missionary work to the Polabian Slavs in the 10th century.15 The vita antiquor’s narrative of a vision that Adalbert had also predicts his eventual mission to Prussia and martyrdom.16 Adalbert, with the help of Bolesław Chrobry, then launched his mission into Prussia. The duke accompanied him to Gdansk, where Adalbert and his company held a mass, and then took them marinum litus, and returned. Adalbert’s mission began with evangelizing the people at a small island, though the party was expelled cum pugnis by the Prussians, the loci possessores. Canaparius’ vita then narrates the subsequent efforts of Adalbert and his party to preach and baptize the inhabitants, highlighting Adalbert as a miles Christi who uses the Psalms as his weapons in the face of violence. Ultimately, Adalbert and his party find themselves in a dark and wicked forest and come to a clearing (campestria), and after celebrating the liturgy, Adalbert is martyred.

13 Voigt 1898; Sosnowski 2021, pp. 99–124; Fried 2002, pp. 235–79. For an analysis of Fried’s thesis, see Gas¸par 2013, pp. 88–89. 14 Jezierski 2019, p. 212. 15 Pertz 1841. 16 Ibid.

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Adalbert/Vojtech/Wocjiech and the Piasts: Christianisation and Constructing Legitimacy Adalbert was canonized quickly after his death and became an important saint for the emerging Piast Dynasty. Bolełsaw Chrobry purchased his relics from the Prussians and moved them to the dynastic center of Gniezno. In 1000, only three years after Adalbert’s death, Otto III came to Gniezno to visit the shrine and bestowed gifts upon Bolesław: a piece of the lance of St Maurice, and a nail from Christ’s crucifixion. For his part, Boleslaw gave to the Otto the arm of St Adalbert.17 This event had a dramatic impact not just on the dissemination of Adalbert’s cult in Europe, but on the legitimization of the Piast Dynasty. Otto constructed churches dedicated to Adalbert abroad, such as the monastery of San Bartolomeo all’Isola in Rome, in addition to setting up a chapel of the saint in Aachen in 997.18 Until the 12th century, the link of Adalbert’s to Gniezno was significant to the Piasts. His relics were taken from Gniezno in 1038 to Prague by Bretislav I, Duke of Bohemia, but were returned again in 1127 to Gniezno.19 Moreover, the Piast rulers experienced a period of crisis in the 12th century, beginning with the end of the reign of Bolesław III Krzywousty (Wry-mouthed) in 1138.20 The political and fragmentation which emerged under the rule of his father, Władysław I Herman, resulted in a crisis for the Piasts and their center in Gniezno. Boleslaw III concentrated his efforts on bringing the Pomeranians under Piast control, but it is not clear the extent to which Adalbert was linked to these wars. Moreover, the rise of the cult of St Stanislaus in the 13th century and St Florian as well led to a decline in the veneration of St Adalbert. As a product of this competition, the Miracula sancti Adalberti were produced likely in Gniezno to try and reinforce the veneration of the saint. Jezierski has described this process as an attempt to “domesticate” Adalbert, and locate his sanctity more firmly within the geographical and historical realm of the Piasts.21 By the 13th century, St Adalbert was in direct competition with St Wenceslaus and St Lawrence as the royal saint of the Piasts, as Kraków emerged as their centre of power. This brings to light a significant problem in the history of Prussia and the role played by this saint in the memorial culture of the Teutonic Order, who did

17 Pertz 1841, p. 616. 18 Sosnowski 2016, p. 94; Jezierski 2019, p. 221. The foundation of the monastery in Aachen is recorded in the chronicle of Adémar de Chabannes (d. 1094), see Chavanon 1897, p. 153. Also see Wisplinghoff 1994, p. 3 (No. 2), and p. 4 (No. 3). 19 Jezierski 2019, p. 220. 20 Mrozowicz 1999, pp. 111–124, at pp. 111–113 for the fragmentation following Bolesław III’s death. 21 Jezierski 2019, p. 215.

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indeed venerate the saint by the 14th century, the time in which Adalbert had fallen to a second place among the royal saints venerated by the Piasts.22

Adalbert in the Ordensland: A Fragmented Tradition? While Adalbert as a royal saint may have faded from Piast memory, there was a link between the saint, his martyrdom, and Prussia that was present in the thirteenth century. Moreover, it was at this time when the power structures in the region changed dramatically: the Teutonic Order was summoned by Konrad, Duke of Mazovia, in 1226 to defend the borders of his lands from Prussian raids.23 They were entitled to all of the lands that they could conquer.24 Although the conquest began in the Kulm land (Ger. Kulmerland; Pol. Ziemia chełmin´ska), already by 1255 the crusaders had established themselves in Sambia, the region identified with Adalbert’s martyrdom. In that year, the illustrious crusader, Prˇemysl Ottokar II, ordered the construction of the castle at Königsberg (Rus. Kaliningrad; Pol. Królewiec) before departing home. Here, according to Peter von Dusburg, he ordered a castle to be built upon a hill, on which stood a grove (silva) called “Tuwangste.”25 Piotr Kubin has argued that Ottokar’s crusade also resulted in the foundation of the cathedral in Königsberg, which was dedicated to St Adalbert “patron of Bohemia” (patronus Boemie).26 As we will see in this section, though, the situation is not so cut and dry. For one, none of the Order’s chroniclers mention the saint in their narratives about the foundation of the city. This is surprising, considering how many aspects of Adalbert’s life stand out immediately in terms of why the Order should have venerated him at a higher level. The vita antiquior explicitly connects the region of Prussia with idolatry, when Adalbert “turned himself toward the fearful barbarians, and evil idolaters.”27 His death at the hand of a group of Prussians thus linked the region to Christianitas. Similar themes are present in the Teutonic Order’s historical canon.28 However, only three times do we see Adalbert in the documentary evidence for Prussia in the 13th century. In 1206, Innocent IV, writing to the prelates of Poland, 22 23 24 25

Gawlas 2002, p. 233. Boockmann 1980, pp. 66–93; Kwiatkowski 2007, pp. 131–169; Pluskowski 2013, pp. 89–139. Philippi 1882, p. 42 (No. 56); Jasin´ski 2008, pp. 132–153; Wüst 2013, p. 49. Wenta 2007, p. 104. For a detailed study of the history of Königsberg under the Teutonic Order, see Vercamer 2010. 26 Kubin 2018, p. 418, citing Emler 1893, p. 147. 27 Pertz 1841, p. 593: “Inde adversus diram barbariem prophanosque idolatras gladium predicationis acuens et aptans…an Pruzzorum fines adiret.” 28 Leighton 2018, pp. 457–483.

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referred to the tomb of the blessed Albert (!) the martyr.29 22 years later, we have a document referring to Johannes abbas beati Adalberti Plocensis. The Treaty of Christburg (14 February 1249) refers to Chomor sancti Adalberti, one of the churches destroyed by the Prussians in the First Prussian Uprising. It may have been near Lake Druz˙no, in the vicinity of Elbla˛g, or near Lubochowo.30 Some more “traditional” associations between the Order as a community and Adalbert appear in the 14th century, and the Order used this to link its territory with his martyrdom. Königsberg Cathedral, the seat of the Bishops of Sambia and main center from which the Order’s supporters would depart on the Reisen, was dedicated to St Adalbert on 11 January 1302 by Bishop Siegfried, who himself was a brother of the Order.31 The church foundation document links explicitly the memory of Adalbert, sanctus martyr et pontificis with the memory of the brothers of the Order. Specifically, these are the master, Konrad von Feuchtwangen, the Landmeister, Meinhard von Querfurt, and multorum fratrum eorundem. The text emphasizes how Adalbert, “by whose suffering we have been supported, not unworthy of him who, before God, had his merits examined, sanctified (consecravit) our diocese of Sambia by means of spilling his precious blood through martyrdom.”32 He was also commemorated in a liturgical book from Königsberg dating from the 14th century, at the level of duplex along with St George, a popular saint in the Order’s monastic calendar in addition to enjoying popular veneration among crusaders who came to participate in the campaigns (Reisen) against the Lithuanians in the fourteenth century.33 The foundation document of the cathedral is the earliest (and one of the clearest) examples of Adalbert in what Assmann would call the Teutonic Order’s memorial culture, which can be summarized in a general sense as “memories that form a community.”34 A martyr like Adalbert, directly linked to the mission against pagans, would be a natural choice for veneration among the brethren of a military monastic community. Peter von Dusburg, for example, exhorted his audience to remember the martyrdoms of brothers and compare them to the 29 Philippi 1882, pp. 2–4, here p. 3 (No. 4). 30 Szczepan´ski 2013, pp. 34–36. This was connected with the visit of Wulstan of Hedeby in the ninth century to Truso, see Labuda 2000, p. 58; Pluskowski 2013, pp. 65, 167, for the lake and its status. 31 Woelky / Mendthal 1891, p. 108 (No. 200). Also see Biskup 2007, p. 69. 32 Woelky / Mendthal 1891, p. 108 (No. 200): “ibidem domum dei nominis erigendo ad honorem sancti martiris et pontifices Adalberti, cuius suffragiis innitimur, et eundem patronum assumimus, non indigne eius, que paid deum habet, meritis recensitis, nostre enim dyocesis terram Sambiam in predicacione fidei christiane per martyrium aspersione preciosi sui sanguinis consecravit.” 33 Biblioteka Uniwersytecka w Toruniu: Rps. 156/III, fol. 3v; Paravicini 1989, pp. 63, 74, 86; Idem 1995, pp. 139–152. 34 Assmann 2002, p. 16.

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martyrology.35 However, Adalbert appears to have been venerated only sporadically within the Order. We also do not know of any examples of higher officials of the order being buried in the cathedral dedicated to Adalbert except for Lüder von Braunschweig (d. 1335).36 Only two examples of a knowledge of Adalbert appear in the Order’s historical writing which we can group alongside the dedication of Köngisberg Cathedral. Nicolaus von Jeroschin, one of the most important chroniclers in the Order’s history, composed a vita of St Adalbert in the fourteenth century. Finally, in the New Prussian Chronicle of Wigand von Marburg we are told of the relics of Adalbert still resting in Gniezno. This account concerns the Order’s attack on the city in 1331, during the Polish-Teutonic Wars. This comprises all of the references to Adalbert in the so-called “peak” (Blütezeit) of the Order’s literary culture in the 14th century. Those chronicles serve as one of the main examples of the Teutonic Order’s memory culture. They were not composed as sequential accounts the conquest and incorporation of Prussia by the Order but were instead imbued with exempla and situated within a broader phenomenon of the Order’s historical consciousness. The chroniclers incorporated the Prologue to the Order’s Rule (c. 1264), drawing on the ideas of spiritual knighthood and the biblical predecessors of the Order. Examples of this include the figures of Abraham, Moses, David, Joshua, and the Maccabees, but also depict the Order as connected to the Heavenly Jerusalem in the Book of Revelation. Both included an ethnographic account of Prussia as a place (the descriptio terrae Prussiae), a comment on the religious rites of the Prussians, and an account of the Order’s own historical predecessors: from Julius Caesar, to Christian, the first bishop of Prussia. The chronicles, then, build what we could call a memorial framework within which to depict the Order as God’s agent on earth, in addition to commemorating past Grand Masters of the Order. As Jarosław Wenta has noted, this forms an important component to the Order’s memoria as expressed in its historical writing and serves to reflect the Order’s memory culture in Prussia.37 That Adalbert is not at all mentioned in the texts presents a significant problem for the analysis of his memory within the Order as a community. However, the vita produced by Nicolaus von Jeroschin might provide some clues, particularly in terms of how the Order began to “re-remember” the saint and his place within the “pre-history” of Prussia (i. e., the time before the Order arrived). Most scholarship confirms that the text was commissioned by the Komtur of 35 Wenta 2007, p. 99 (3.66). 36 Strehlke 1863, p. 623, for Luder’s death. For his tomb, Herrmann 2007, p. 520, citing Woelky / Mendthahl 1891, p. 217 (No. 287). 37 Wenta 2000.

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Königsberg and Marshal of the Order, Gottfried von Heimberg.38 Of the 277 lines of text which remain today, we are lucky enough to find a reference to Heimberg as the patron (von Heimberg bruder Gotfried), and a reference to the author as Nicolaus.39 Descriptions of Adalbert in the fragment are similar to those presented in vita antiquior: he came from a land in Sclavonia, where the people were strong, but rejected the Christian faith for idols.40 It also narrates his birth and, ultimately, his destiny to serve God. These themes are also present in vita antiquior, as well as the vita quinquae fratrum (Bruno), and the miracula. However, the fragment ends cryptically after Nicolaus write “waz sal ich anders sagen”: what more should I say?41 That the Marshal of the Order commissioned it, though, speaks to the connection of Adalbert to the mission of the Order as God’s warriors against the pagans. In this way, we might suspect this as an example of the ways in which specific communities (e. g., holders of an office in the Order) venerated Adalbert. The Marshals were expected to lead campaigns of the Order against the Lithuanians. The main point of departure for the Reisen (expeditions against the Lithuanians headed by the Order) was his castle at Königsberg. Moreover, we do not only have this one fragment as evidence for the veneration of St Adalbert among the Marshals of the Order. In Wigand von Marburg’s account of the Order’s conquest of Gniezno in July of 1331, he explicitly states that it was the marshal of the Order “who sent a group of men to take the holy relics [of St Adalbert] in the cathedral.”42 Shockingly, the attack on Gniezno is not recorded in the chronicles of Peter von Dusburg or Nicolaus von Jeroschin. Where Wigand received this story of the attempt to take the relics of Adalbert is not entirely clear.43 Though highly tentative for the 14th century, we do have some evidence to support the argument that the marshals of the Order had some connection to Adalbert (at least at a local level), I think this places him within the group of saints venerated by the Order who were primarily martyrs who died for the faith, as well as the Virgin Mary.44 One should remember the Marian components to Adalbert’s vita first proposed by Canaparius: when he was sick, his mother and father placed him “on the altar of the Virgin”, which was also re-

38 Helm / Ziesemer 1951, p. 153; Arnold 1987, pp. 1081, 1085 (for the vita); Sosnowski 2021, p. 105. However, Wenta 2000, p. 220, suggests that it was not Nicolaus who was the author (though he still connects the work to Königsberg and Gottfried von Heimberg). 39 Strehlke 1863, p. 427. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid, p. 249. 42 Zonenberg / Kwiatkowski 2017, p. 176. 43 Leighton 2020, pp. 299–300. 44 Wüst 2013, pp. 22–26, for veneration of St George.

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peated in the vita quinquae fratrum.45 Curiously, it does not appear in the 13thcentury Miracula.46 It thus might make more sense to further consider some of the aspects in Adalbert’s story that would have appealed to the Order. In my opinion, his willingness to go “into the barbarian lands” and use the spiritual weaponry of preaching would have resonated with a corporation such as the Teutonic Order, especially those higher officials who were engaged in the Order’s struggle against not only the Lithuanians, but also the Prussians. The nature of such weapons was expanded upon by Peter von Dusburg, for example.47 In this light it is not a surprise that he would commission a vernacular saint’s life depicting martyrdom against the Prussians, in the region in which his office was stationed. Dietrich von Altenburg would later become a prolific Grand Master of the Order. Given Wigand von Marburg’s account, perhaps his time as Marshal would have connected him to the story of Adalbert. Ultimately, the 14th-century sources are simply too fragmentary, only allowing us to determine that the Order did adopt the veneration of the saint shortly after his significant decline within the Kingdom of Poland. By the turn of the 15th century the martyrdom of St Adalbert was linked exclusively with Sambia and the Marshal of the Teutonic Order. So, around 1422, did Ludwig von Lansee establish a chapel of St Adalbert at Tenkitten in the vicinity of Lochstedt castle. The foundation of the vicarage at Tenkitten has some interesting information in terms of how the Order remembered St Adalbert. Special liturgies were to be performed on his feast day, with the Marshal (or Ambermeister) collecting the offerings. The link between the maintenance of the chapel with the office of the Marshal is, to me, telling in terms of how the Order viewed the saint in relation to its mission, regardless of whether or not it was fighting against non-Christians in the Baltic. In this way, we can observe the creation of a memorial place (Erinnerungsort). In a letter shortly after its foundation requesting a perpetual vicarage for the shrine, an indulgence was also requested for visiting said chapel on the feast day of St Adalbert. This same chapel became an important local pilgrimage shrine in Sambia, but it also attracted visitors from further afield. In fact, one of the most famous of these visitors was the Bishop of Kraków, Zbigniew Oles´nicki. This man was linked with an increased veneration of Adalbert in Poland during the 15th century, namely in combination with St Stanislaus and St Florian, as has been explored in the work of Piotr Kołpak.48 His 1438 letter to the Grand Master, Paul 45 46 47 48

Pertz 1841, p. 582. For the version in the vita quinquae fratrum, see Ibid, p. 596. Kołpak 2018, pp. 210–218. Wenta 2007, pp. 31–44 (2.8–2.10). Also see Nielsen 2017, pp. 361–402, at pp. 399–402. Kołpak 2014.

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von Rusdorf, speaks especially of “that sacred place in your lands, in which the blessed saint Adalbert was crowned by means of martyrdom.”49 It is not entirely clear, though, that the Order at this time had successfully maintained the tradition that Adalbert was martyred in Sambia and communicated this abroad. Instead, this may speak to Oles´nicki’s own role in reviving the worship of the saint. In a letter confirming the papal indulgences and privileges granted to those visiting the shrine there is a reference to Adalbert being martyred “in the diocese of Sambia by the sea.”50 While it appears that interest in Adalbert among the Polish kings only revived in the 15th century, we can see that even at a peripheral level, Adalbert played a role in the religious culture of the Teutonic Order in Prussia.

Conclusion That Adalbert appears to have been venerated primarily by the marshals of the Order should not be overlooked, and perhaps speaks to a peripheral memoria of Adalbert linked specifically to their office and its base in Sambia. By the 15th century, these specific members of the Order continued to venerate the saint, creating an Errinerungsort that would survive into the 19th century. Indulgences for visiting this shrine even attracted key political and religious figures from the Kingdom of Poland. With respect to the ways that communities build memories and traditions, the peripheral memory of Adalbert and the development of his pilgrimage tradition in Sambia by the Order speaks to an interesting avenue for future research. In tracking Adalbert’s veneration from the 13th to the 15th century, this chapter has attempted to show the ways in which the Teutonic Order kept Adalbert’s memory alive while he was at the risk of being forgotten in other parts of Europe.

Bibliography Archival sources Biblioteka Uniwersytecka w Toruniu: Rps. 156/III (formerly Königsberg, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, Schieblade LXII). 49 GStA PK, XX. HA, OBA Nr. 7319: “Ceter[um] quia retulisse vobis p[re]me[m]ora[…] Comendatorem scribitis nostrum aliqu[a]ndo ad partes v[est]ras adventum […]sendum sacr[um] illum locum in quo p[re]potens sanctus patronus noster b[eat]us Adalbertus martirio est coronatus.” 50 GStA PK, XX. HA, OBA Nr. 28701. Undated.

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Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz: – XX. Hauptabteilung, Ordensbriefarchiv (OBA), Nr. 4036; 7319; 28701; – XX. Hauptabteilung, Ordensfoliant (OF), Nr. 17, fol. 205.

Printed sources Celichowski, Zygmunt (ed.): Cronica conflictus Wladislai regis Poloniae cum cruciferis anno Christi 1410. 1911. Chavanon, Jules (ed.): Adémar de Chabannes Chronique. 1897. Gas¸pars, Cristian: Life of Saint Adalbert Bishop of Prague and Martyr, in: Klaniczy, Gabor (ed.) / Gas¸pars, Cristian (trans.) / Miladninov, Marina (trans.): Saints of the Christianization Age of Central Europe (Tenth–Eleventh Centuries). 2012, pp. 77–182. Pertz, Georg Heinrich (ed.): Vita s. Adalberti episcopi. 1841, pp. 574–620. Phillipi, Rudolf (ed.): Preußisches Urkundenbuch. 1882/1/1. Wenta, Jarosław (ed.): Petrus de Dusburgk: Chronica terrae Prussiae. 2007. Wisplinghoff, Erich (ed.): Rheinisches Urkundenbuch. 1972/1. Woelky, Carl Peter / Mendthal, Hans (eds.): Urkundenbuch des Bisthums Samland. 1891/1. Zonenberg, Sławomir / Kwiatkowski, Krzysztof (eds. and trans.): Wigand von Marburg: Nowa kronika pruska. 2017.

Literature Arnold, Udo: Nicolaus von Jeroschin, in: Stammler, Wolfgang / Langosch, Karl / Ruh, Kurt (eds.): Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon. 1987/6, pp. 1081–1089. Bührer-Thierry, Geneviève: Saint national ou saint européen? Les tribulations d’Adalbert de Prague et de ses reliques dans le temps et dans l’espace (Xe–XIIe siècles), in: Cevins, Marie-Madeleine de / Marin, Olivier (eds.): Les saints et leur culte en Europe central au Moyen Âge (XIe–début du XVIe siècle). 2017, pp. 247–260. Czaja, Roman: Das Selbstverständnis der geistlichen Ritterordens im Mittelalter: Bilanz und Forschungsperspektive, in: Czaja, Roman / Sarnowsky, Jürgen (eds.): Selbstbild und Selbstverständnis der geistlichen Ritterorden. 2005, pp. 7–21. Ekdahl, Sven: Die “Banderia Prutenorum” des Jan Długosz – eine Quelle zur Schlacht bei Tannenberg 1410. 1976. Fried, Johannes: Gnesen – Aachen – Rom. Otto III. und der Kult des hl. Adalbert. Beobachtungen zum älteren Adalbertsleben, in: Borgolte, Michael (ed.): Polen und Deutschland vor 1000 Jahren. Die Berliner Tagung über den “Akt von Gnesen”. 2002, pp. 235–279. Gawlas, Sławomir: Der hl. Adalbert als Landespatron und die frühe Nationenbildung bei Polen, in: Borgolte, Michael (ed.): Polen und Deutschland vor 1000 Jahren. Die Berliner Tagung über den “Akt von Gnesen”. 2002, pp. 193–233. Górski, Karol: Ustrój pan´stwa i Zakonu Krzyz˙ackiego w Prusach. 1938. Górski, Karol: Zakon Krzyz˙acki a powstanie pan´stwa pruskiego. 1977. Helm, Karl / Ziesemer, Walther: Die Literatur des Deutschen Ritterordens. 1951.

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Herrmann, Christofer: Mittelalterliche Architektur im Preußenland. Untersuchungen zur Frage der Kunstlandschaft und -geographie. 2007. Jezierski, Wojtek: St. Adalbertus Domesticus. Patterns of Missioning and Episcopal Power in Poland and Scandinavia in the Eleventh to Thirteenth Centuries, in: Acta Poloniae Historica. 2019/119, pp. 209–260. Kołpak, Piotr: Rola patronów Królestwa Polskiego w geografii sakralnej póz´nos´redniowiecznego Krakowa, in: S´redniowiecze Polskie i Powszechne. 2014/10, pp. 158–190. Kołpak, Piotr: The Sanctity of Power. The Power of Sanctity. The Place of Saint Rulers in the Baltic Nations’ Collective Memory in the Middle Ages, in: Girsztowt, Aleksandra / Kitowski, Piotr / Gierszewski, Andrzej (eds.): Origines et mutationes. Transfer – Power – Exchange. 2017, pp. 201–214. Krzymuska-Fafius, Zofia: Kult ´sw. Wojciecha w misji ´sw. Ottona z Bambergu na Pomorzu, in: Kurnatowska, Zofia (ed.): Tropami ´sw. Wojciecha. 1999, pp. 285–292. Kubon, Sebastian: Die Wahrnehmung der Litauer durch den Deutschen Orden um 1400 und die Rolle des kollektiven Gedächtnisses, in: Studia historica Brunensia. 2019/66, pp. 81– 92. Kwiatkowski, Krzysztof: Christ ist erstanden… and Christians Win! Liturgy and the Sacralization of Armed Fight Against Pagans as Determinants of the Identity of the Members of the Teutonic Order in Prussia, in: Wenta, Jarosław (ed.): Sacred Space in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia. 2013, pp. 101–127. Kwiatkowski, Krzysztof: Wojska zakonu niemieckiego w Prusach 1230–1525: korporacja, jej pruskie władztwo, zbrojni, kultura wojny i aktywnos´c´ militarna. 2016. Kwiatkowski, Krzysztof: Zakon niemiecki jako “corporatio militaris”. 2012/1. Leighton, Gregory: Did the Teutonic Order Create a Sacred Landscape in Thirteenth-Century Prussia?, in: Journal of Medieval History. 2018/44, pp. 457–483. Leighton, Gregory: The Baltic Crusades (1147–1300), in: Curta, Florin (ed.): The Routledge Handbook of East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 500–1300. 2022, pp. 393–408. Marˇíková-Kubková, Jana: Saint Adalbert of Prague: A (Czech) Site of Memory, in: Gediga, Bogusław / Grossmann, Anna / Piotrowski, Wojciech (eds.): Orte der Erinnerung: Urgeschichite, Mittelalter und Gegenwart. 2015, pp. 465–483. Matla, Marzena: Carmen patrium “Bogurodzica” – czas powstania, kontekst historyczny i inspiracje, in: Kwartalnik historyczny. 2015/122, pp. 39–71. Mrozowicz, Wojciech: Die politische Rolle des Kultes des Hl. Adalbert, Stanislaus und der hl. Hedwig im Polen des 13. Jahrhunderts, in: Derwich, Marek / Dmitriev, Mikhail Vladimirovich (eds.): Fonctions sociales et politiques du culte des saints dans les sociétés de rite grec et latin au Moyen Âge et á l’époque modern. Approche comparative. 1999, pp. 111–124. Nowak, Zenon Hubert: Der Anteil der Ritterorden an der preußischen Mission: Mit Ausnahme des Deutschen Ordens, in: Nowak, Zenon Hubert (ed.): Die Rolle der Ritterorden in der Christianisierung und Kolonisierung des Ostseegebietes. 1983, pp. 79–91. Paravicini, Werner: Die Preußenreisen des europäischen Adels. 1989/1. Perlbach, Max: Preussisch-Polnische Studien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters. 1889. Sarnowsky, Jürgen: Der Deutsche Orden. 1998. Słupak, Piotr: Kult ´swie˛tych patronów Królestwa Polskiego w czasach Jagiellonów. 2020.

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Sosnowski, Miłosz: Die lateinische Quelle der Adalbert-Vita des Nikolaus von Jeroschin, in: Heckmann, Marie-Luise / Sarnowsky, Jürgen (eds.): Schriftlichkeit im Preußenland. 2021, pp. 99–124. Sosnowski, Miłosz: Est in parte regni ciuitas magna – ´sw. Wojciech w Gniez´nie, in: Adamski, Jakub / Janiak, Tomasz (eds.): Chrzest – ´sw. Wojciech – Polska. Dziedzictwo ´sredniowiecznego Gniezna. 2016, pp. 39–58. Sosnowski, Miłosz: Prussians as Bees, Prussians as Dogs: Metaphors and the Depiction of Pagan Society in the Early Hagiography of St. Adalbert of Prague, in: Reading Medieval Studies. 2013/39, pp. 25–48. Töppen, Max: Geschichte der preußischen Historiographie von P. von Dusburg bis auf K. Schütz. 1853. Urban, William: The Prussian Crusade. 1975. Vercamer, Grischa: Siedlungs-, Verwaltungs- und Sozialgeschichte der Komturei Königsberg im Deutschordensland Preußen (13.–16. Jahrhundert). 2010. Voigt, Heinrich Gisbert: Adalbert von Prag. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Kirche und des Mönchtums im zehnten Jahrhundert. 1898. Voigt, Johannes: Die Geschichte Preußens, von den ältesten Zeiten bis zum Untergange der Herrschaft des Deutschen Ordens. 1827–1839/1–9. Wenta, Jarosław: Studien über die Ordengeschichtsschreibung am Beispiel Preußens. 2000.

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Tomasz Jacek Lis

The Power of Slavic Kings: Selected Myths about the Middle Ages of Polish and Croatian Historiography in the Second Half of the 19th Century

Abstract In the article, the author tries to juxtapose several historiographically important problems that historians in autonomous Galicia and Banovina considered. The matter concerns the historical figure of the ruler considered to be the father of the nation, i. e. Tomislav, as well as the first two Piasts, Bolesław and Mieszko, the issue of space, and thus the attitude of Croatian historiography towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dalmatia, as well as the enemy, which for the Croats were initially Hungarians, while later Germans, who were considered the eternal enemies of Poles. Keywords: Historiography; Historians; Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria; Triune Kingdom of Croatia, Dalmatia and Slavonia; comparative history

As a result of the weakening of the central authority in Vienna in the 1860s, two state entities – the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria as well as the Triune Kingdom of Croatia, Dalmatia and Slavonia – received special powers as part of the autonomy granted to them. Although the two autonomous regions differed from each other,1 there are areas that were identical, such as education. The functioning of primary, secondary and finally higher education was given to national governments. In practice, this meant that both in Galicia and in “Banovina”, education was “nationalized”.2 For the development of history as a scientific discipline, this was very important, because academic centers became, like previous academic institutes, places of education, whose goals were not only

Dr. Tomasz Jacek Lis, Jagiellonian University, ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0188-5755. 1 The Hungarian-Croatian agreement was a legal act that was rigidly defined by a legal framework, which in 1868 caused jealousy in Galicia, where autonomy was based more on individual changes in the powers that the National Government gained; Pijaj 1992, pp. 80–82; cf. Heka 2019; Felczak 1968. 2 Both the competences of the National Government in Banowina and the National Government in Galicia (National School Council) lay in education, which in a short time was subjected to Croatization and Polonization; Goldstein 2007, p. 102; Majorek 1968, pp. 211–213.

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cognitive, but also much more subjective, because they were focused on the development of the national idea.3 The aim of this work is to compare selected issues from Polish and Croatian historiography from the 1860s to 1914 in relation to research on selected issues from the history of the Middle Ages, i. e., royal power, its territory, as well as the concept of the enemy. First, I would like to draw attention to the activities of historians associated with academic centers and scientific institutes in three cities, Zagreb, Krakow and Lviv. It was there that the most important institutions functioned, such as the Illyrian Matica (Matica Ilirijska4), the Yugoslav Academy of Science and Art (Jugoslavenska Akademija Znanosti i Umijetnosti – JAZU), the University of Zagreb, the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences in Krakow and the Krakow Academy, the National Ossolin´ski Institute in Lviv, and the Franz Joseph I University in Lviv. These institutions brought together scientists; historians, philologists, literary scholars, ethnologists, etc., who created “national” – Polish and Croatian – historiography. Academic societies are also important, but they have lost some of their influence on the formation of historical vision, along with the professionalization of the role of historian, who within the academic center dealt not only with history as a hobby, but for whom it was a full-time job. For the purposes of the article, I refer to the historiography, the effect of which was not only academic knowledge, but above all, to provide young people with such knowledge about the past that would strengthen pride in it as “national” historiography. Tadija Smicˇiklas (1843–1914), one of the most important Croatian historians, wrote about such historiography in the 1860s.5 A similar point of view can be found among historians representing other Slavic nations living in Austria-Hungary, such as Poles. Among Galician historians, connected especially with the Krakow environment, many were active politicians, and they combined their academic work with political duties. The representatives of the historical school in Krakow belong not only to the history of science, because if we look closer at their lives and activities, we can easily conclude that, to no less extent, we can recognize them as the leading representatives of the political life of that time6

3 Surman 2019, pp. 175−176. 4 After the word Illyrian was banned, it functioned as the Croatian Matica. 5 Arhiv Hrvatske Akademije Znanosti i Umjetnosti (hereinafter: AHAZU): Korespondencija Tadija Smicˇiklas, List Tadije Smicˇiklasa do Vatrislava Jagic´ [no day date 1866], sig. HR AHAZU56/37. 6 “Reprezentanci szkoły historycznej krakowskiej nalez˙a˛ nie tylko do dziejów nauki, jes´li bowiem przyjrzymy sie˛ bliz˙ej ich z˙yciu i działalnos´ci, łatwo dojdziemy do wniosku, z˙e chyba w nie mniejszej mierze uznac´ ich moz˙emy za czołowych przedstawicieli ówczesnego z˙ycia politycznego.” [Translated by Marta Palczewska] Buszko 1972, p. 191.

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– wrote Józef Buszko. This could not be without an impact on their work, which, apart from scientific goals, also wanted to shape the nation.7 Moreover, the autonomous authorities often supported such actions. The sense of “deep patriotism” turned out to be often crucial when filling professorships, as we can see by following the struggles of Ludwik Kubala and Ludwik Dembin´ski, who wanted to take over the leadership of the Department of World History in Lviv. It was the individual, apart from scientific, qualities such as attachment to Catholicism and patriotism, that ultimately had to tip the balance in favor of Dembin´ski,8 who was supported by the authorities of the Galician Viceroy. Historians were therefore considered not only as academics, but also, and perhaps above all, as educators of young people and instigators of the national spirit. After the success of the synthesis of the history of Croatia issued by Ferdo Sˇisˇic´ in 1906, he received numerous congratulations, among which he was congratulated not so much for his contribution to the development of the academic discipline, but above all, for his work to awaken “Croatianness” in the “Croatian nation” – especially in the younger generation. “I cannot refuse to greet you as successor in this esteemed position of your famous predecessor M. Mesic´a and T. Smicˇiklas. Live long for the benefit of science and the enlightenment of young people – the hope of the Croatian nation!”9 – wrote the enthusiastic Petar Karlic´ to his older colleague.

King Tomislav – Invented National Hero While in Galicia, after the emergence of autonomy, it was necessary to carry out the Polonization of universities; in the Triune Kingdom, there was no such need, as the first university was opened there in 1874, i. e. a few years after the signing of the Hungarian-Croatian agreement, when the issues of education were already on the side of the National Government. The academic staff was mostly Croatian, as was the language of instruction. Some of the employees of the then established Croatian History Department came from the Orthodox Academy, where classes in the History of Austria had previously been taught. This subject was taught by

7 Surman 2019, p. 176. 8 Toczek 2013, p. 76. 9 “Ne mogu sam oduseti, a da Vam ne cˇestitam – pozdravljajuc´i Vas kao nasljednika na osobi to cˇasnoj stolici slavnih Vam predsljednika M. Mesic´a I T. Smicˇiklasa. Zˇiveli nama dugo za korist znanosti i prosvetljenje nasˇe mladosti – nade hrvatskog naroda” [Translated by the author] AHAZU: Korespondencija Fedro Sˇisˇic´a, Letter from Petar Karlic´ to Fedro Sˇisˇic´, 17. 10. 1906, sig. HR-AHAZU-61/XIII.

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the head of the newly created department and, at the same time, the first rector of the Matija Mesic´ University (1826–1878).10 In 1879, he was replaced by the aforementioned Smicˇiklas, who was also the creator of a pioneering monograph aimed at discussing the history of Croatia in full. The monumental work was published in two volumes – the first in 1879 and the second in 1882. “I tried to write a pragmatic history according to the principles of contemporary historiography”11 – he wrote in the introduction to the second volume covering the period from the oldest times to 1526. Indeed, the later rector of the University of Zagreb based his work primarily on German historiography, in which the history of the state was told from the perspective of the ruler. “The center of Croatian history must be Croats and Croatia, but the main bearer of all events is their king, so you can never let him out of your sight”.12 Smicˇiklas and his work identify the Croatian historiography, which, on the one hand, was strongly embedded in the German historiographic tradition – focusing on the figure of the ruler and identifying the state with it, and, on the other hand, it responded to very contemporary problems by playing a purely didactic role. For Smicˇiklas, the creator of Croatian statehood, encompassing both Croatian and Dalmatian territories, was King Tomislav – whom he presents in a very plastic way using adjectives such as “young”, “strong” or “scary” – of course, for his opponents.13 Referring to Constantine Porphyrogenitus, he claimed that the first Croatian king had one of the largest armies in Europe at that time, more numerous than the German army.14 Tomislav, in 19th-century Croatia, was one of the most famous historical figures, who served not only as a topic for scientific dissertations, but also played his role in literature15 and art.16 Thanks to historical dissertations, emphasizing his role in the history of the country and the nation, the medieval ruler has become a symbol of “Croatianness”. He possessed what the young generation of Croats longed for – political freedom, economic independence and unity. Therefore, the figure of the first Croatian king quickly grew to a mythical rank, which was helped not only by writers or artists, but also by historians such as Vjekoslav Klaic´ (1849–1928), who, without any source, was able to describe, in his synthesis of the history of Croatia, with the smallest details the moment of the coronation of Tomislav.17 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

ˇ epulo 1997, pp. 62–63. Klaic´ 1925, p. 110; C Smicˇiklas 1882, p. VI. Ibid. Ibid., p. 215. Ibid., p. 216. Falski 2008, pp. 85–86. Ibid. Czerwin´ski 2020, p. 72.

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The coronation was a key element in building Tomislav’s myth as a symbol of Croatian unity. As the contemporary historian Dragutin Pavlicevic´ writes, “for the first time in history, Posavian Croatia and Seaside Croatia were under the sceptre of one ruler”.18 However, the facts are that Tomislav’s coronation and the extent of his authority remain debatable issues, which, in the absence of convincing sources, are not expected to be resolved in the near future.19 However, this did not prevent 19th-century historians from building a myth about the first Croatian king, who was supposed to wield huge power . This myth was born in the second half of the century. The first significant historian in the autonomous period, who drew attention to the fact of Tomisav’s coronation as a central event for national history, was Franjo Racˇki (1828–1894), historian, archaeologist, Catholic priest, and close collaborator of Josip Jurij Strossmayer. In 1871, he published a work on the coronation of Tomislav as part of the materials published by the Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts. In this work, however, there is no such level of excitement about the figure of the king, as well as the importance of the coronation as the cornerstone of the Croatian state. It served other purposes. First, Racˇki tried to show that the crown, and thus Croatian statehood, was associated with the western German empire and thus rejected the thesis that Tomislav received the crown from the hands of the Byzantine ruler.20 The figure of Tomislav, as the ruler who united Croats and was the creator of the state power, was popularized by the already mentioned Klaic´, who, in 1875, in the popular Zagreb magazine Hrvatska lipa,21 built the foundations for the future statue of the “invented”22 king. In his activities, he was followed by Ivan Kuklijevic´-Sakcinski (1816–1889), considered one of the most important Croatian historians, although de facto without a historical education, who already quite consciously treated Tomislav as a national hero.23 The first Croatian king fit perfectly into the costume of the national hero, into which he was put by historians along with other Croatian intellectuals. A young generation, unaware of the purposefulness behind the image of the first Croatian ruler, grew up in his cult. The subsequent historical works, which appeared at the Pavlicevic´ 2004, p. 44. Goldstein 1985, pp. 25–27. Gross 2004, pp. 301–302; Racˇki 1871, pp. 85–87. Klaic´ 1875, pp. 170–172. The origin of the “myth” of King Tomislav is a perfect example of what Eric Hobsbawn describes as an element of the “invented tradition.” According to the British historian, many of the symbols and attributes that we treat in terms of “centuries-old” are actually part of the 19th-century constructions that were created for a specific purpose. Besides, the baptism of Poland and the historical narrative created around this event can be treated similarly; Hobsbawn 2022, pp. 146–147. 23 Goldstein 1985, p. 26.

18 19 20 21 22

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turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, not only did not change this legendary image, but even added completely new elements to it, which, it should be firmly emphasized, had no justification in the sources, such as, mentioned many times by Smicˇiklas or Klaic´: vitality, chivalry,24 and, as the representative of the younger generation of Croatian historians Rudolf Horvat (1873–1947) wrote – sanctity.25 The motif of a noble, immaculate knight was very willingly used in art and literature, and was exposed on every possible occasion.26 Adding more and more new qualities corresponded so much to the needs of Croatian society at that time that, for many years, nobody actually argued with the legend of Tomislav – although his literary character was more and more distant from the original. Nobody undertook any discussions about the presented theses until in 1906, in his synthesis on the history of the Croats,27 Fedro Sˇisˇic´ referred to the arguments of Kukljevic´-Sakcinski and Smicˇiklas (of whom Sˇisˇic´ was a student), claiming that he could not agree with them, but only as to the place of the coronation, because their reference to the information contained in the chronicle of Pop Dukljanin is unbelievable.28 As for the rest of his qualities, the “father of Croatian historiography” treated them with silence, probably not wanting to contradict the national myth too much.

Mieszko I and Bolesław I the Brave – a Strong Father and an Even Stronger Son In a similar period, when the historical vision of Tomislav was being built in the Triune Kingdom, discussions continued in Galicia about the role of the first ruler confirmed by the sources. Paradoxically, however, the pioneering biography of Mieszko, described as the creator of Polish statehood,29 did not come out of the hands of a Polish historian, but the Austrian one – Heinrich Zeissberg (1839– 1899) – who was then professor at the University of Lviv. In his work, he emphasized, first of all, the importance of baptism as an act that saved Mieszko and his “state” from the aggression of Christian neighbors, as well as the broad political horizons that opened up with Christianization and coming closer to the Empire.30 Thus, the baptism of Poland was described as a fundamental event in

24 25 26 27 28 29 30

Klaic´ 1899, p. 71. Goldstein 1985, p. 27. Falski 2008, pp. 86–87. Sˇisˇic´ 1906. Idem 2004, p. 131. Strzelczyk 1992, p. 10. Zeissberg 1867, p. 41.

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history, and it is perceived as such today.31 But it was not always that way. As Leszek P. Słupecki noted, in the middle of the 19th century, the history of Poland did not start from 966 but went further back, while baptism was only one of the episodes, important but not crucial.32 The narrative changed only in the 1860s when making history, as the history of the state, became a key element of this discipline. So, if we are examining a state, then we need to determine its borders, as well as the period when it was created. To do this, we need sources, and in the case of the state of Mieszko I, there were not many of them in the period before the baptism. In fact, there were some mentions of the existence of some sort of an organized state, but there was not anything specific, like the baptism.33 What is interesting is that the act of baptism in 966 was as important for Polish historiography as the coronation of Tomislav for the Croatian, and not the coronation of Bolesław the Brave in 1025. This was because, in the 19th century, more importance was attached to the act of baptism and Poland’s position as a state in the group of Christian states than to the gaining of the crown by a particular ruler. This happened for several reasons. Both during the Prussian partition and the Russian partition, one of the attributes of a Pole was their Catholicism.34 Emphasizing the baptism of Poland as a genesis of the Polish state, with which the Polish nation was identified in the 19th century, was to prove that the cornerstone of Polishness was precisely the Catholic religion.35 However, this was not the only reason. The other reason, as important as emphasizing the role of religion in the formation of the nation, was the figure of the ruler himself, and even the Piast dynasty. While Tomislav and the dynasty from which he originated were widely considered to be an indigenous, Slavonic dynasty, and thus “their own”, the Piasts and, consequently, Mieszko were not so unambiguous in this respect. Doubts arose and still raised when it comes not only to his name,36 but also his origin. All this thanks to Karol Szajnocha (1818–1868), who first convincingly formulated the so-called Norman theory of the origin of the Lechites,37 later supported by the research of the Krakow historian Franciszek Piekosin´ski (1844–1906). This theory, although referring primarily to the nobility, cast a shadow on the person of the monarch, who could, like Rurik, originate not from the native Slavic elites, but from the Germanic Normans, being, as Henryk

31 Cf. Pomin 2017, pp. 183–185; Wyrwa 2016, p. 21; Górniak 2017 p. 29–30; there also the literature on the subject. 32 Słupecki 2007, pp. 14–15. 33 Urban´czyk 2012, p. 29. 34 Galos 1978, pp. 158–159. 35 Słupecki 2007, p. 16. 36 Kunstmann 1988, pp. 78–81; Sucharski 2015, pp. 233–244; Banasiak 2013, pp. 21–60. 37 Malczewska-Pawelec / Pawelec 2019, p. 246.

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Łowmian´ski ironized (1898–1984) – Mieszko the Viking.38 Therefore, instead of building the “cult” of the first ruler, a much greater focus was placed on the very act of baptism, because, unlike the figure of the ruler, it was not associated with any controversies. On the contrary, it was close to the current political tendencies, especially of the Cracovian Stan´czycy, for whom the Catholic religion was to be one of the foundations of the Austrian empire.39 The second of the Polish rulers and the first one who received the royal crown – Bolesław the Brave – was more liked by Galician historians. The son of Mieszko was more “national”, and thus “Polish” than his father – besides, he “fought” with Germans to a greater extent than he cooperated with them, and if he did so, it was only for his own benefit. Therefore, the description of Bolesław much more closely resembles how Tomislav was described. Józef Szujski, one of the main architects of the “Krakow school” in his synthesis of the history of Poland wrote about him: […] “for thirty-three years of his rule he had been conducting multilateral activity that put him in the ranks of great conquerors and organizers of states […]”.40 In the following part, the author points out that he used his friendship with the German emperor to gain power among the Slavs.41 A representative of the younger generation of the “Krakow school”, Michał Bobrzyn´ski, was known for his pro-monarchical attitude.42 Therefore, the strong personalities of the first Polish rulers, Mieszko and Bolesław, were particularly close to him. “If Mieczysław43 prepared a permanent basis for the state and the Polish nation, then Bolesław Chrobry built Poland on this basis and showed it the path along which it was to continue development.”44 The significance of the Bolesław the Brave is therefore greater for Galician historians than of Mieszko. However, the emotional burden associated with his character cannot be compared to Tomislav, as the Croatian king embodies not only the power of authority as in the case of the Bolesław the Brave; he is also responsible for the beginning of Croatian statehood, whose symbol was the coronation. In Galician historiography, the coronation of the Bolesław the Brave was not so important. It was important, but it did not mean the beginnings of the state, because this was another event unrelated to his person, but the figure of his 38 Łowmian´ski 1957, p. 14. 39 Wyka 1951, p. 131. 40 “[…] rozwija przez lat trzydzies´ci trzy rza˛dów swoich, działalnos´c´ wielostronna˛, która go stawia w rze˛dzie wielkich zdobywców i organizatorów pan´stw”, [translated by Marta Palczewska] Szujski 1880, p. 17. 41 Ibid., p. 18. 42 Kaute 1993, p. 10. 43 Some historians called Mieszko in this way in the 19th century. 44 “Jez˙eli Mieczysław przygotował dla pan´stwa i narodu polskiego trwała˛ podstawe˛, to Bolesław Chrobry na tej podstawie Polske˛ zbudował i wskazał jej droge˛, po której w dalszym swym rozwoju kroczyc´ miała.” [Translated by Marta Palczewska] Bobrzyn´ski 1927, p. 70.

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father, i. e., the baptism of 966. In conclusion, the historical figure of Tomislav accumulated these emotions, which had to be broken down in the case of two Piast rulers into Mieszko and Bolesław. It is worth adding another important issue, which meant that the first Polish rulers were not as mythologized as Tomislav. Despite its political connotations, the “Krakow school” was famous for its very critical approach to national history. Although this criticism related more to later epochs than to the Middle Ages, Bobrzyn´ski’s Dzieje Polski (History of Poland) meant that among the supporters of “national” history, very critical voices could be heard. On the other hand, after the publication of the synthesis, the author also met with many positive comments from people who emphasized that such a “brutal truth” is beneficial for the nation, which lost its independence in 1795 and had to endure two lost uprisings in 1831 and 1863. In a letter dated September 1879, Jan Karłowicz, a student of Ranke, wrote to his friend in Krakow: “The truth is often bitter: so, it is no wonder that all the users of our national hashish repaid you with an unpleasant thank you for the dose of the tasteless potion for their sobriety.”45 Among the Polish elites, it seems that there was a greater criticism of the past than among the Croatian ones. Therefore, although, of course, the figures of the first rulers were presented similarly, neither Mieszko nor the Bolesław the Brave could be compared with the first Croatian king in terms of the legend that was built around them.

United We Stand Strong According to historians, strong rulers such as Tomislav, Mieszko or Bolesław the Brave identified a strong, united state. The unity of the lands and the nation was to determine the strength of the medieval states of Polish and Croatia. “Now it is necessary to understand the same name of Croatia as kingdoms: all countries from Drava, Danube and Drina to the Adriatic Sea, now Croatia is one whole country”46 – Smicˇiklas wrote proudly about the past. In fact, nostalgia was stronger than the sense of pride, because the Croats of that time, within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, had only a strongly limited (every year more and more) autonomy, which, in addition, did not include all the 45 “Prawda bywa najcze˛´sciej gorzka˛: to tez˙ nie dziw, z˙e wszyscy pijacy haszyszu naszego narodowego odpłacili Panu niesłodkim podzie˛kowaniem za dawke˛ niesmacznej mikstury na ich otrzez´wienie.” Biblioteka Jagiellon´ska (Oddział Re˛kopisów): Korespondencja Michała Bobrzyn´skiego z lat 1869–1880, List Jana Karłowicza z 02. 09. 1879, sig. BJ Rkp. 8075 III. 46 “Sada istom pod imenom Hrvatske kao kraljevstva ima se razumje- vati sve zemlje od Dunava Drave i Drine do jadranskoga mora sada je istom Hrvatska jedna cjelokupna drzˇava.” Smicˇiklas 1882, pp. 221–222.

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lands to which they had claims. The figure of Tomislav was supposed to remind others that once Croatia was a strong, independent state, whose value was determined primarily by the fact that it was united. Therefore, the unification of the lands inhabited by Croats was the main goal for the national elites, which could not be achieved either after 1848 when ban Josip Jelacˇic´ helped the Habsburgs pacify the Hungarian uprising, nor also in the 60s, when the fate of the Hungarian-Croatian agreement was at stake.47 The coronation of Tomislav, colorfully described by Smicˇiklas and Klaic´, was to take place with the approval of the nation, which expressed its will to unite the Croatian lands. However, in the 19th century, the inhabitants of the “Croatian lands” were no longer so unanimous. In 1860, i. e., before the Triune Kingdom received autonomy in the Dalmatian parliament, a discussion took place, the effect of which was to join Dalmatia to the “motherland”. It turned out, however, that some parliamentarians representing the Italian-speaking population did not want to hear about such a solution.48 For the Zagreb elite, this event was like a stab in the back, because, when the opportunity for unification arose, it did not happen for external reasons, but internal – it appeared that not everyone wanted Dalmatia to unite with the rest of Croatia. Therefore, since Dalmatia did not feel such a strong cultural and historical connection with Croatia, it was necessary to make the local elites aware. This task, in addition to journalists, who played an overarching role in shaping public opinion, also fell to historians. They had to take on the important role of restoring the memory of the Croatian coast of the Adriatic. A key figure in this process was Frane Bulic´ (1846–1934), a Catholic priest who, in addition to theology, also completed his studies in archaeology at the University of Vienna.49 Bulic´ was employed at the Archaeological Museum in Split and took part in the most important archaeological discoveries, such as the excavation of the grave of Queen Helena, the wife of Mikhail, ruler of the Tripmirovic´ dynasty.50 Bulic´ was an authority with whom Zagreb historians consulted when writing books or articles. Besides, he was also very willing to use their help, thanks to which he provided himself with the latest academic literature. The example of correspondence with Sisˇic´ shows that the relationship between Bulic´ and the Zagreb historical community was very close.51 The clergyman not only shared his observations through correspondence, but also

47 48 49 50 51

Czerwin´ski 2020, pp. 406–407; Sarnic 1972, p. 143; Vranjesˇ-Sˇoljan 2021, pp. 226–227. Cetnarewicz 2001, pp. 25–26. Katic´ 1934, p. 386. Bulic´ 1898, pp. 19–24. AHAZU: Korespondencija Fedro Sˇisˇic´a, Letter from Petar Karlic´ to Fedro Sˇisˇic´, 18. 10. 1917, sig. HR-AHAZU-61/XIII.

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published a lot both in Croatian and Italian.52 When writing about the development of a certain vision of the Middle Ages in Croatian historiography, it is impossible to ignore Bulic´, who was the central figure in this process at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. Being an undisputed authority, he pushed for the vision of the Croatian Adriatic coast, where the alliance of the throne and the altar functioned harmoniously.53 “[…] they must now see that we Croats have our own history, that we were the Kingdom!”54 Franjo Bulic´ wrote during World War I, praising Fedro Sˇisˇic´ for his synthesis of the history of Croatia. The discoveries made by Bulic´ were fuel for Croatian historiography, which gained further arguments in defense of its “centuries-old” Croatian tradition, both in terms of Dalmatia and Croatia as a kingdom in general. And, as commonly is known, the deeper you could reach into history – the better. After all, there were further arguments confirming that the Croats were a kingdom long before 1102, the date when the union with Hungary was concluded. The repetitions of the arguments of the director of the Split archaeological museum can be found in the works of the most important historians of the era, such as Sˇisˇic´, Smicˇiklas or Klaic´. Soon, a generation of younger historians began to appear, whose interests focused mainly on the history of Dalmatia, such as Petar Karlic´ or Grga Novak. They worked as junior high school teachers like Novak, who combined pedagogical activities with conducting research and publishing scientific papers.55 Their role was therefore twofold. In addition to conducting research on the Croatian past, they passed the knowledge of national history “to the people”. It is worth remembering that the historical views of academics, both from Galicia and Banowina, (even those working exclusively at the university), resonated not only among students in lecture halls, but also among other people, as historians often visited with their lectures, for example, junior high schools or the main offices of associations.56 The effort that was put into the Croatization of Dalmatia soon paid off. The polarization of Dalmatian society led to the formation of unambiguous divisions between Croats, Serbs and Italians.57 The national Croatian propaganda, supported by archaeologists and historians,58 soon brought the expected results. Proportions began to change among the intellectual elites, which was also re52 Jelic´ 1894; Bulic´ 1906, pp. 113–192. 53 Bulic´ 1888, pp. 3–4. 54 “Moraju sada vidjeti da imamo i mi Hrvati nasˇu posebnu povijest, da smo bili Kraljestvo!” [Translated by the author] AHAZU: Korespondencija Fedro Sˇisˇic´a, Letter from Petar Karlic´ to Fedro Sˇisˇic´, 20. 10. 1917, sig. HR-AHAZU-61/XIII. 55 Grga Novak 1981, pp. 191–192. 56 Dybiec 2017, p. 81. 57 Stancˇic´ 1981, pp. 234–235. 58 From 1862, the Dalmatian Matica functioned in Dalmatia.

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flected in the political landscape. For example, from 1882, only Croats became mayors of Split.59 The elites were also Slavized. As can be seen from the example of officials, while in the period 1830–1870, one hundred percent of the civil administration spoke Italian, at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, there were already officials, most often newcomers from the Czech Republic or Banowina, from whom knowledge of this language was not required.60 Although political unification could not be achieved, the efforts carried out by the Zagreb elite certainly bore fruit in the field of education and culture, bringing the Dalmatian coast closer to Banowina. The longing for a united state, however, included not only Dalmatia, but, after 1878, also Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was called “Turkish Croatia”.61 In the 1840s, the Illyrian idea reached Bosnia, which was then a wilayah, but it covered only the Catholic part of society, above all a narrow group of intelligentsia, represented by Franciscans.62 Ante Starcˇevic´ had a much greater influence on Bosnia’s entry into the circles of interest of the Croatian elites. The leader of the Party of Rights stated that Bosnian Muslims are also Croats, but professing Islam.63 Therefore, when in 1878, the Austro-Hungarian army obtained in Berlin authorization to occupy the country, Croatian historiography also entered Bosnia and did not remain indifferent to this event. As soon as in July 1878, when the fate of the occupation of Bosnia was still at stake, Matica Hrvatska asked Vjekoslav Klaic´ to write the history of its lands. The Croatian historian got to work very quickly and at the end of the year, over 200 pages of Bosna. Podatci o zemljopisu i povijesti Bosne i Hercegovine,64 which constituted the first part of a wider publishing plan covering the comprehensive history of Bosnia, was in the hands of readers. Already in the first paragraph of the introduction, Klaic´ writes about Bosnia as a “beautiful Croatian land”.65 The book is devoted to the memory of Franjo Jukic´, a Franciscan who was involved in spreading the idea of Ilirism in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the further part, the author proves that the same Croatian nation lives in Bosnia.66 As Klaic´ did not make empty promises, in 1882 the first synthesis of Bosnian history was published, covering the history from antiquity to the fall of the medieval kingdom.67 Of course, earlier Croatian historians such as Racˇki or Kukuljevic´-Sakcinski, were 59 The first Croatian mayor of Split to start the trend of electing opponents of autonomists identified with Italy was Dr. Duje Rendic´-Miocˇevic´; Rendic´-Miocˇevic´ 2018, p. 16. 60 Lis 2022, pp. 232–234. 61 Grijak 2006, p. 70. 62 Frindic´ 1999, pp. 366–369; Protrka-Sˇtimec 2017, pp. 477–491. 63 Kisic´-Kolanovic´ 2009, pp. 19–21. 64 Klaic´ 1878. 65 Ibid., p. 1. 66 Ibid., p. 74. 67 Klaic´ 1882.

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interested in the medieval history of Bosnia, but their works were of a exiguous nature.68 In addition, these historians were more concerned with presenting problems of interest to them than with proving that Bosnia should belong to Croatia. However, it was only Klaic´ who set himself the goal of a comprehensive elaboration of the medieval history of this country, the aim of which was to show that it is a historical part of Croatia. Dubravko Lovrenovicˇ calls this process the ´ iro Truhelka, an archaeologist and Croatization of the Bosnian Middle Ages.69 C employee of the National Museum (Zemaljski Muzej) in Sarajevo, spoke even more strongly on this subject. In 1907, he published a brochure under the unambiguously sounding title Hrvatska Bosna. (Mi i “oni tamo”), in which he referred to arguments from the Middle Ages, claiming that Bosnia was from the beginning associated with the Croatian nation, and the institution of Bana is the best proof that “[…] Bosnia is entirely the result of the same state-forming idea as Croatia”.70 The necessity of unification of Croatian lands, which was declared not only by Pravasˇi, but also by clerical circles,71 could be heard during history classes conducted at university. Zagreb University, not only for ideological reasons, but also for practical reasons such as the Croatian language in which classes were conducted,72 was a place of education for young people from both Dalmatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.73 It is therefore difficult to overestimate the contribution of Zagreb University to the transfer of national ideas.

Polish Vision of Galician Historiography Galicia with its autonomy, and thus academia and culture, imbued with the “Polish spirit”, was the central place where national propaganda was practiced. History was of great importance here. It is no coincidence that it was in Galicia that the first professional historical society was established, which covered the whole of the “Polish lands” understood in the pre-partition borders.74 We refer to the Polish Historical Society, established in 1886, which published Kwartalnik Historyczny [Historical Quarterly], where historical treatises by researchers of 68 Racˇki 1872; Knezovic´ 2001, pp. 209–210. 69 Lovrenovic´ 2013, pp. 103–130; cf. Agicˇic´ 2003, pp. 141–143. 70 “[…] daje i Bosna tvorevina iste cjelovite, jedinstvene, drzˇavotvorne ideje, koja je stvorila Hrvatsku”, [translated by the author] Truhelka 1907, p. 33. 71 Strecha 2008, p. 46; "akovic´ 1985, pp. 139–141; Kljaic´ 2017, pp. 61–64. 72 For some residents of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the choice of the University of Zagreb was necessary due to difficulties with the German language. 73 Luetic´ 2019, pp. 175–178; Hasanbegovic´ 2007, pp. 32–38. 74 Dybiec 1995, p. 37.

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the past from all partitions were placed. That is why the history practiced in Krakow or Lviv was extremely important, because scientific and popularizing activities, such as the celebration of the Battle of Grunwald in 1910, enjoyed the interest of Poles from all partitions, building their sense of national community.75 The “Krakow Historical School” was remembered primarily due to its attitude to the fall of Poland, which was explained not so much by external threats as by internal problems, including, above all, the magnate anarchy, the lack of a strong ruler, etc.76 Its opposite was supposed to be the “Warsaw school”77, which, however, I do not discuss in relation to the past, due to the nature of the topic. Nevertheless, this does not mean that from the 1860s until the outbreak of World War I, historiography in Galicia was a monolith. On the contrary, the dividing line ran not only between the Krakow and Lviv environments, but there was also a visible division within these groups. Historians of historiography, such as Andrzej Feliks Grabski or Jerzy Maternicki, attempted to distinguish individual researchers according to their political views, such as supporters of national historiography, supporters of PPS, conservatives, popularists, etc.78 However, it is worth trying to examine it in a slightly different way, focusing not on the views, but on the generational affiliation of individual historians. The older generation, born in the 30s, 40s or 50s, asked themselves questions about the reasons for the fall of the Polish Republic, those born in the 60s, 70s, seeing the changing geopolitical situation in Europe at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, wondered how to regain independence or how is this new state was supposed to look like. This generation was represented by Szymon Askenazy, whose historical star shone at the Polish Historians meeting in 1900 in Krakow “in the very cradle of the school”.79 He formulated very critical judgments on the historical concepts of Smolka or Bobrzyn´ski, in which he was accompanied by students of the Faculty of History of the Jagiellonian University, Władysław Konopczyn´ski and Wacław Sobieski,80 who contested their masters. The questions asked by historians concerned, among others, the multinational community constituting the former Polish Republic, its relations with historic Lithuania and Ruthenia, whose nations began to gain their own national awareness in the 19th century, separate from the Polish one. It is worth reflecting on this issue for a moment. The Croats, in order to prove the Croatian nature of the Adriatic coast, had to refer to the Middle Ages, which had its advantages, but also its disadvantages. On the one hand, they could have conceived a much more 75 76 77 78 79 80

Dziedzic 2011, p. 133–137. Grabski 1983, pp. 342–346; Maternicki 2009, pp. 132–135. Wierzbicki 2006, pp. 2–3. Górny 2007, pp. 186. “samej kolebce szkoły”, Dutkiewicz 1958, pp. 41–42. Ibid.

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fabulous vision of their past, interpreting any existing sources, while on the other hand, the historical memory of the inhabitants dates back to the times of Napoleon or Venice, not Croatian kings. The Poles were somehow different. The awareness of the existence of the Polish Republic was strong among the elites. Admittedly, there was post-uprising pessimism in Krakow – which was even an object of ridicule on the part of historians of Lviv;81 however, there were hopes that the Polish state would arise in one form or another, although these possibilities were more closely connected with a closer relationship with Austria than with a completely independent Republic of Poland.82 Among the older generation of historians, the opinion was that the history of Poland should be viewed only from a perspective that takes into account only Polish interests. It was not possible to think that the Polish version of the past may conflict with the visions of representatives of, for example, the Ukrainian community. An example of such a point of view was the 1884 textbook Zarys historyi Polski i krajów ruskich z nia˛ poła˛czonych (An outline of the history of Poland and the Russian countries connected with it), written by Anatol Lewicki, a representative of gente Rutheni, natione Poloni.83 A year after its publication, it became an official textbook, used in secondary schools as well as by university students. The vision of history was presented there was from a typically Krakowian point of view; it focused on the ruler and his politics. The author devoted a little more space to the description of relations between Ruthenia and Poland, indicating, among others, the civilizational role of the Polish rulers, who were to contribute their activities to the consolidation of Christianity and Western culture.84 As in Croatian historiography, the unity of the country was assessed positively, while all attempts to break it down were clearly described as weakness. Therefore, Lewicki has no problem with the history of Ruthenia, which he somehow inscribes in the history of Poland. The history of Ruthenians, or worse – Ukrainians. However, the mere fact of paying more attention to the role of Ruthenians in the history of Poland should be noted as a novelty. Soon, however, historians appeared, who not only noticed Ruthenians as a separate ethnicity, but also tried to separate its history from the history of Poland. In 1891, the Ruthenians were awarded the Chair of World History at the University of Lviv, which primarily took into account the history of Eastern Europe, especially Ukraine and Russia. In 1894, it was managed by one of the most important Ukrainian historians of this period, Mychajło Hruszewski (1866– 81 82 83 84

Liske 1879, pp. 3–4. Drozdowski 2017, pp. 59–61. For Ruthenians with Polish national identity, see S´wia˛tek 2014. Lewicki 1884, pp. 54–55.

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1934). However, it was not, as it was calculated, a “bridge” connecting Ukrainians with Poles, but on the contrary, its nationalist views contributed to the exacerbation of the already bad Polish-Ukrainian relations at the University of Lviv.85 While Polish historians emphasized the positive role of Poles at the eastern borders of the state, Hruszewski, on the contrary, claimed that Poles have always exploited Ukrainians: Historical links between Poland and Ukraine boil down to the fact that the Ukrainian nation was robbed by Poland: it took possession of the riches of Ukraine: its lands, absorbed over the centuries everything that was more valuable in the Ukrainian environment, and reduced the Ukrainian nation to a mass of peasants working for the Polish nation and culture.86

My Enemy the Germans However, the figure of the king, or the royal dynasty connecting the state, is only part of the myth to which Polish and Croatian historians referred in the 19th century. The second part, perhaps even more important, was the legend of his military success. The accentuation of the victory centuries ago over the opponent, with whom the modern enemies (Magyars, Italians, Germans) are identified, served not only internal purposes, to encourage the young generation, but also to show the external opponents that we had already won against the same opponent, that it was not “them” but “us” who were the “top”. There was a consensus among Poles about the “enemy”. For centuries, it has been the Germans, the Swedes, and, in more recent history, the Russians. The situation was slightly more nuanced among Croatian historians. When we look at the first modern synthesis of the history of Croatia by Smicˇiklas, we will clearly notice the anti-Hungarian overtone of his book. In the context of the abovementioned Tomislav, the author gives the dates of both battles, about which the sources are either confirmed or completely unverifiable.87 The Hungarians are twice as dangerous to him. On the one hand, they were a military threat, attacking and robbing Slavs, and, on the other hand, they were a “wedge” separating southern and northern Slavs, which was unfavorable for Slavic cooperation.88 It is 85 Adamski 2009, pp. 151–152. 86 “Historyczne zwia˛zki Polski i Ukrainy sprowadzaja˛ sie˛ do tego, z˙e naród ukrain´ski był ograbiany przez polski: on zawładna˛ł bogactwami Ukrainy: jej ziemiami, wchłaniał w cia˛gu wieków wszystko, co bardziej wartos´ciowego pojawiało sie˛ w s´rodowisku ukrain´skim, i sprowadził naród ukrain´ski do masy parobków, pracuja˛cych na rzecz polskiego narodu i kultur.” [Translated by Marta Palczewska] Ibid., p. 148. 87 Goldstein 1885, p. 27. 88 Smicˇiklas 1882, p. 216.

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worth remembering that Smicˇiklas was ideologically close to Strossmayer, so he was inclined to the vision of a united Slavic land.89 Twenty years later, Klaic´’s synthesis was created in addition to the antiHungarian overtones, which, however, was already slightly more subdued, but also included anti-German themes. We can even find fragments there, where the author, writing about German successes over Croatian army fighting on behalf of Pope Gregory VII, states ironically: “this is how the Germans boast, and no one from the Croats wrote what it really was like”90. The German certificate should therefore have been treated with caution if it testified to success over the Croats. Another way of “neutralizing” the historical influences of the enemy, was to read the sources “the other way round”, which he did, e. g., Szajnocha. He proposed to read German chroniclers unfavorable to Bolesław the Brave in such a way that all insults directed towards him would be read as praises while disadvantages such as cruelty, were regarded as advantages.91 The growing resentment towards Western neighbors from the Slavs was visible in every aspect. The closer it got to the end of the century, the greater the enemy become the Germans. Of course, this is related to the political situation and the sense of growing threat from the Western empire, especially among the Slavs. The unrest of the late 19th century was transferred on a scale of 1:1 to the earlier epochs, making the Germans or the Teutonic Order more and more similar to the contemporary Prussians.92 This is interesting because many Polish or Croatian historians were pupils of… German universities, especially the University of Vienna. The proximity of German culture and the drawing of scientific models from it did not necessarily mean greater affection for Germany. Quite the contrary. Szajnocha is a perfect example here, whose parents were a Polish woman from impoverished Polish nobility and his father a Germanized Moravian. Nevertheless, the historian was one of the most anti-German Polish historians.93 However, it did not prevent him from being one of the pioneers of Norman theory of the beginnings of Polish history.94 Although, against this background, the conflict between Polish and German historians only broke out in the interwar period,95 it was already in the 19th century that the polarization of the Galician historical environment in this issue was noticeable.96 89 Kurelac 2000, pp. 46–47. 90 “No tako se hvale Nijemci, a od Hrvata nije nitko zapisao kako je u istini bilo”, Klaic´ 1982, p. 141. 91 Malczewska-Pawelec / Pawelec 2019, p. 221. 92 Cf. Ludorowski / Ludorowska 2000. 93 Malczewska-Pawelec / Pawelec 2019, pp. 221–222. 94 Simply put, the Normans were more “acceptable” to Szajnocha because they were a different Germanic tribe than the ancestors of the Germans, so he considered them less harmful; ibid., pp. 245–247. 95 Wierzbicki 2016, pp. 49–62.

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The common enemy also built the need for cooperation in the face of the existing threat. Therefore, Poles and Croats were eager to participate in various projects aimed at bringing Slavs closer together. Of course, among scientists there was no such far-reaching cooperation as, for example, in the journalism,97 but nevertheless there were common contacts. However, they were more the work of philologists than historians. The central figure to which Poles turned was undoubtedly the linguist and Slavist Vatroslav Jagic´ (1838–1923), in whose correspondence we can find hundreds of letters from Poles, especially from Galicia.98 Among the people with whom he maintained contact was Marian Zdziechowski (1861–1938), a great supporter of the Slavic community.99 Zdziechowski, together with another professor from Krakow, Feliks Koneczny (1862–1949), first created the Klub Słowian´ski (Slavic Club), and then published the magazine S´wiat Słowian´ski [Slavic World], the purpose of which was to inform the Galician reader about the situation of Slavs, especially Austro-Hungarians.100 Moreover, Koneczny was one of the most popular historians at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries in Galicia. His concept of civilization fit perfectly into the anti-German trend that prevailed among the Slavs. However, it is worth pointing to a rather original point of view that the Germanic origin of the Germans was not a problem but a “Byzantine spirit”, which was taken over by the Ottoman Empire. Thanks to him, the German emperors were to subordinate the church to the state and thus generate a conflict between the Poles attached to the papacy.101 In the vision of most historians of that time, the German was the most important historical enemy, not only for Poles, but for Slavs in general. Unlike Hungarians, Italians or Russians, Germans were a threat to both Croats and Poles. Therefore, in historical syntheses, the image of the German opponent will be similar in both Poles and Croats. With regard to the Middle Ages, it was emphasized, above all, that the Slavs valued freedom and peace in particular, while the Germans, on the contrary – in each of their historical “incarnations” – whether in the form of Germanic tribes, or medieval empires, or finally the Teutonic Order, were presented as supporters of absolutism, prone to conflict.

96 97 98 99 100 101

Miłkowski 1972, p. 75. S´wia˛tek 2020, pp. 376–177. See Hamm 1952. Opacki 1997. ´ uk 2019, pp. 57–61. C Koneczny 1998, pp. 199–201.

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Summary The “long century” was a very important period for the formation of national identities. Among the Poles and Croats, the inhabitants of the autonomous Galicia and Banowina had the best conditions for “creating” the nation,102 who, although limited in one way or another, could quite freely shape their educational policy, which had a direct impact on the mental state of their future elites. History was one of those elements that built national consciousness, allowing us to understand a certain historical continuity between the times past and what exists at present, even if this vision was not entirely related to the real state. Obviously, it cannot be argued that 19th-century medievalism was exclusively subordinate to the national idea because there were also critical voices indicating the problem of lack of objectivity in the opinions of historians.103 However, it is worth noting the social and political context of many of the statements that emerged at the time. The use of parallels seems to be a methodologically good solution. Thanks to the juxtaposition of the historical vision of Bolesław the Brave and Tomislav, the countries they created, or the silhouette of the enemy, we can see that the creation of certain myths is not a matter of one historian or one historiography, but it is a broader trend that occurred in the historiography practiced in the second half of the 19th century among researchers of history from Galicia and Croatia. Looking at how central an institution for Polish and Croatian historians Vienna was, and thanks to German historiography, as well as the problems both Croats and Poles struggled with, it should be assumed that the historiography of other Slavic nations living in Austria-Hungary must have functioned on similar principles, thus creating very similar theories about their own past.104 It is worth taking this opportunity to pay attention to one more important aspect. Various types of historical claims that arose in the 19th century under the influence of specific events, such as the threat from Germany or the desire to unite the state, are still a kind of “weapon”, although today it is mainly political. The aforementioned Dragutin Pavlicevic´ wrote his history of Croatia, in which he repeated word for word the opinion of Smicˇiklas and Klaic´ in the first half of the 1890s, at a time when Croatia was waging war against Yugoslavia. In turn, the baptism of Poland as the Genesis of the Polish state was raised on the occasion of the 1,050th anniversary of this event falling in 2016, primarily by authors associated with the Catholic Church. [Translated by Marta Palczewska] 102 Chlebowczyk 1983; Hroc 2008; Hobsbawm 2010. 103 Liske 1867, pp. 359–410. 104 Górny 2007, pp. 176–177.

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Bibliography Archival sources Arhiv Hrvatske Akademije Znanosti i Umjetnosti: – Korespondencija Fedro Sˇisˇic´a, sig. HR-AHAZU-61/XIII. – Korespondencija Tadija Smicˇiklas, sig. HR AHAZU-56. Biblioteka Jagiellon´ska (Oddział Re˛kopisów): – Korespondencja Michała Bobrzyn´skiego z lat 1869–1880, sig. BJ Rkp. 8075 III.

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Sˇarinic´, Josip: Nagodba Hrvatska. Postanak i osnove ustavne organizacije. 1972. Sˇisˇic´, Ferdo: Hrvatska povijest: Od najstarijih vremena do god. 1526. 1906. Sˇisˇic´, Ferdo: Povjest Hrvata. Pregled povjesti hrvatskog naroda 600–1526. Prvi dio. 2004. Słupecki, Leszek Paweł: Chrzest Polski w 966 roku. Mit pocza˛tku kraju?, in: Olko, Justyna (ed.): Dawne kultury w ideologiach XIX i XX wieku. 2007, pp. 11–22. Smicˇiklas, Tadija: Povjest Hrvatska. 1882/1. Stancˇic´, Niksˇa: Narodni preporod u Dalmaciji, in: Gross, Mirjana (ed.): Drusˇtveni razvoj u Hrvatskoj (od 16. stoljec´a do pocˇetka 20. stoljec´a). 1981, pp. 231–250. Strecha, Marko: “Mi smo Hrvati i katolici…”. Prvi hrvatski katolicˇki kongres. 2008. Strzelczyk, Jerzy: Mieszko Pierwszy. 1992. Sucharski, Robert A.: Jeszcze raz w kwestii imienia pierwszego historycznego władcy Polski, in: Kwartalnik Historyczny. 2015/123, pp. 233–244. Surman, Jan: Universities in Imperial Austria, 1848−1918: A Social History of a Multilingual Space. 2019. Szujski, Józef: Historyi polskiej tres´ciwie opowiedzianej ksia˛g dwanas´cie. 1880. S´wia˛tek, Adam: Gente Rutheni, natione Poloni. Z dziejów Rusinów narodowos´ci polskiej w Galicji. 2014. S´wia˛tek, Adam: II zjazd dziennikarzy słowian´skich w Krakowie w 1899 roku, in: Prace Historyczne. 2020/147, pp. 375–399. Toczek, Alfred: Lwowskie ´srodowisko historyczne i jego wkład w kulture˛ ksia˛z˙ki i prasy (1860–1918). 2013. ´ iro: Hrvatska Bosna (Mi i “oni tamo”). 1907. Truhelka, C ´ Urbanczyk, Przemysław: Mieszko Pierwszy Tajemniczy. 2012. Vranjesˇ-Sˇoljan, Bozˇena: Dalmacija. Stoljec´e povjesnih i demografskih mijena 1815–1918. 2021. Wierzbicki, Andrzej: Mie˛dzy endo- a egzogeneza˛ pan´stwa polskiego. Polemiki historyków polskich z historiografia˛ niemiecka˛ w czasach II Rzeczypospolitej, in: Klio Polska. Studia i materiały z Dziejów Historiografii Polskiej. 2016/8, pp. 49–62. Wierzbicki, Andrzej: Zwia˛zki “Przegla˛du Historycznego” z warszawska˛ szkoła˛ historyczna˛, in: Przegla˛d Historyczny. 2006/97, pp. 1–11. Wyka, Kazimierz: Teka Stan´czyka na tle historii Galicji w latach 1849–1869. 1951. Wyrwa, Andrzej M.: A.D. 966. Chrzest ksie˛cia Mieszka. Dylematy naukowe i znaczenie tego aktu dla przemian kulturowych na ziemiach polskich. Zagadnienia wybrane, in: Studia Lednickie. 2016/15, pp. 19–72. Zeissberg, Heinrich: Miseco I. (Mieczysław): der erste christliche beherrscher der Polen. 1867.

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Maciej Pawlikowski

The Role of Photographer in the Inspection and Analysis of Cultural Heritage Artifacts Using Non-Invasive Photographic Methods

Abstract The democratisation of imaging technology has allowed non-invasive investigative methods into the photographic studios of Galleries, Libraries, Archives and Museums (GLAM) to answer more complex research questions without employing scientific technologies. The role of a photographer has become a technical profession with a direct input in the research process. The Digital Content Unit at Cambridge University Library has been developed with those principles in mind and therefore proved their role in research process to be invaluable. Keywords: digitisation; heritage; photography; medieval; library

Introduction Photography of cultural heritage objects is based around three main objectives. First is the documentation or creation of visual reproduction. In libraries and archives photographic projects were often framed as preservation and accessibility projects, ranging from creating microfilm,1 mass scanning and digitisation2 to digital editions of special collections. Secondly, photography has been seen as a part of the storytelling which takes place around collections, complimenting activities such exhibitions and publications. In galleries and museums, the photography of objects carries many visual benefits, including education and engagement. This is also true for libraries and archives holding special collections, where the uniqueness and physicality of the materials as objects goes beyond their role as bearers of text. Thirdly, images themselves often become research data, containing information on the content of the materials which forms an important part of academic research. Maciej Pawlikowski M.A., University of Cambridge Libraries, ORCID: https://orcid.org/00000001-9125-429X. 1 McGowan 1994. 2 Verheusen 2008.

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To understand how the photographer’s role has changed over the years it is worth reviewing the transition from analogue to digital imaging. What kind of systems and resources have been used? When were image quality standards developed, and what resources were needed to accommodate this kind of work? It is important to highlight that cultural heritage institutions have varied levels of resourcing and use varied equipment. I will not be discussing specific examples or comparisons between institutions. I will focus on the general features and availability of digital cameras, with an approximate timeline to indicate the milestones of the digital transition. I will present the example of advanced imaging, which is very different from methods such as Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI),3 3D photogrammetry or Multispectral Imaging (MSI),4 which either transferred from different industries or were gradually developed for cultural heritage by scientists and made their way to photographic studios. Although these methods are extremely interesting and widely practiced in Galleries, Libraries, Archives and Museums (GLAM) photography studios, I would like to focus on the skills and methods of the photographer – their creative thinking, and critical approach to digital imaging. Much can be achieved with these alone, and they are often undervalued. Imaging requires specialist training, advanced expertise, and a deep level of understanding and experience with cultural heritage objects including their materiality.

The Role of the Photographer in GLAM Based Research There are three aspects which were strategically important for early cultural heritage digital photography. First was the size of the photographic sensor, which was crucial for detailed reproduction. It was simply the ratio between the size or the object and number of pixels determining how detailed the image was. The second factor was the time needed to acquire the image in a production environment. Both the image capture and development of a digital photograph could be sufficiently time consuming to require an additional operator. Software capabilities were also limited. Third, and by far the most important, was the quality of the image. This has improved dramatically over time as technology has developed. In the 1990s galleries and museums were mainly using high-quality medium or large format photography, so the digital transition was much easier with camera manufacturers offering digital backs mounted on the old analogue cameras. 3 Schroer 2012. 4 Jones et al. 2020.

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These cameras were also widely used in archives and libraries. However, microfilm was extremely popular as means of providing access to collections. The move to digital became divisive with the development of book scanners. Companies who had manufactured microfilming devices were shifting to the production of digital scanners which in principle were designed for operators with minimal expertise in imaging. The technology seemed to make it simple although, like the microfilm, it was prone to errors due to lack of quality controls and reliance on scanners as an ultimate solution. In photography the 1990s was characterised by a blending of digital and analogue methods, with experimental and analogue methods dominant at the start of the decade and digital cameras towards the end, as equipment and post processing software became widely adopted by the wider photographic industry. This laid a very strong foundation for the following decade, which was digital dominant. By 2005, a few medium format camera systems offered about 20 MP (megapixels) and 30 MP options as well as one of 40 MP, which made them suitable for cultural heritage applications. Larger camera sensors brought improvements in image quality and image processing methods. With consecutive releases of high-quality single shot cameras, digital photography became fully dominant in cultural heritage. The technological gap which occurred in the transition period led to the assumption that digital imaging does not require much expertise and is much simpler than analogue photography. Some attempts at a deeper dive into image quality and control occurred between 2000 and 2005, often rightfully focusing on a holistic approach to the digitisation process, sometimes going into practicalities of how to reproduce enough of the important detail of the object.5 The first significant digitisation standards were not published until 2010 by the Federal Agencies Digital Guidelines Initiative (FADGI),6 and the first European standards followed in 2012.7 Since then, digital photography has made a further technological leap. Image scientists and cultural heritage photographers focused on reviewing how to process images consistently to create visual representations closer to the original. Digital image quality is based on many factors which are highly dependent not only on the camera equipment but also on the expert knowledge of the photographer and the implementation of good practice. It is also worth highlighting that all the standards recommend final Quality Assessment by trained imaging specialists. Although we trust computation and automated processes to certain

5 Kenney 2000. 6 FADGI [2022]. 7 The Metamorfoze Programme [2022].

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degree, they are not fail-safe.8 In June 2022, the FADGI Still Imaging Group published for review the Draft of 3rd Edition of Technical Guidelines for Digitizing Cultural Heritage Materials. For the first time, such guidelines recognised the importance and necessity of trained cultural heritage photographers as an essential step for achieving those standards. These guidelines are informative, not prescriptive. Although they provide some practical advice, they are not meant to be a step-by-step manual for achieving results. No set of quality metrics or tests could ever replace the skill and experience of digitization professionals in evaluating the “goodness” of a digital representation of a physical item. However, the reverse is also true. Without a carefully designed and managed quality assurance program, no claim of FADGI conformance can be made. […] The intended audience for these Guidelines is cultural heritage digital imaging professionals and those who will be planning, managing and approving digitization projects. For those working on digital image capture and quality control, a foundation in photography and digital imaging is essential. Cultural Heritage digitization is a specialization within the imaging field that requires specific skills and experience.9

With the development of digital libraries and accessibility to digitised material came an accompanying rise in diverse research programmes based on digital collections. This has also brought the field of digital imaging into focus, and the question of the clerical labour behind the digitisation.10 The democratisation of technology has changed our field, so that while high resolution accurate imaging satisfies most use cases, the boundaries of research interest have expanded to include more complex questions. To satisfy them, we must create a dialogue between researchers, conservation scientists, imaging specialists, curators, and software developers.

Case Study Employing Complex Photographic Techniques An example from Cambridge University Library, which shows the scope and importance of photographers is the digitisation of the Rental Roll from the Augustinian Priory of Holy Trinity, Ipswich (MS Add. 10185).11 The roll provides a record of the rental income of the Augustinian Priory of Holy Trinity, Ipswich, England. It is undated but was “probably compiled about the middle of the reign of Henry the Third”, so around 1245.12 New information gained, following the digitisation and publication of the roll on Cambridge Digital Library, helped to 8 9 10 11 12

Kirchner et al. 2021. FADGI Draft [2022], p. 9. Martinez 2019. MS Add. 10185 [2022]. Hunt 1847, p. IV.

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establish that the roll cannot have been made after 16 June 1275 and may have been made as late as 1270.13 The digitisation of the roll was an unusual process, led by Amélie Deblauwe (Senior Photographer at the Library’s Digital Content Unit). The roll is over 4230 mm high and consists of seven and a half membranes of parchment. To photograph it consistently, we used an XYZ motorised table, designed for photographing very large materials. During this process, it was observed that an unrecorded portion of text, at the end of the second to the last membrane, was obscured by the stitching used to attach the final membrane.14 It was impossible to photograph the text with reflective light. Multispectral imaging could have been used had it been available, but, in this case, the photographers again adapted specialist equipment – a light box designed for the photography of transparencies and film negatives. The light box was fitted with flash lamps which produce very high-level output. The part of the stitched roll with obscured text was placed on the lightbox with the light shining through the parchment, so that the text could be revealed.15 The Digital Content Unit (DCU) also produced a video presenting the collaborative process of digitisation, which is available through Cambridge Digital Library.16 On each of the membranes, there was space left to accommodate the stitching. This was not the case on the membrane where text was folded. The makers did not anticipate adding another membrane to the roll. The photography confirmed that the text was not in fact lost. The entry – Pro terra Hugonis Mowe in willa de Sproutune heredes Thome de Porta – was rewritten in supposedly the same hand, just above the stitch with obscured text.

Equipment In galleries and museums, photographers often use motorised easels to capture multiple parts of paintings in a consistent manner, which then are stitched together into one large image. The XYZ table is a similar concept but designed so that the most fragile and oversized materials can be laid horizontally while being photographed. The stepper motor system can move the table precisely in a twoway axis. The table is made of 1 cm thick aluminium plate. It is 210x165 cm large and moves within a frame constructed of aluminium profiles and a goal-post structure with three pillars. The third axis is attached to the middle of the 13 14 15 16

Briggs 2019. See fig. 1 at the end of the chapter. See fig. 2 at the end of the chapter. Digitisation of MS Add. 10185 [2022].

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structure and holds the camera over the centre of the frame and the table. The upper structure also accommodates the light sources at different angles. The table’s Human-Machine Interface (HMI) controller performs a highly accurate movement of the table, calculating Region of Interest (ROI), the most efficient overlap ratios for image tiles, allowing comfortable transition between different camera viewpoints. Image capture and stitching is done externally to the XYZ table. The camera, lights and light modifiers can be easily adjusted or replaced. In this way, it is like other photographic stations used in the DCU studio, requiring an experienced photographer to adjust and manage the system and calibration process. The design is versatile, allowing the freedom to customise light modifiers, number of light sources etc. The controlled capture environment allows for an easier image stitching process with consistency and reliability. This is extremely important for flexible materials such as fabrics, thin parchment, and paper. The photographic lightbox has been designed based on a cube structure of 40x40x40 cm, where one side is semi-transparent white plastic material 3 mm thick, allowing uniform light through. This side is facing the camera. The opposite side of the cube contains the extracted photographic flashlight source, which is controlled by the modified base of a flashlight unit, attached to the side of the cube. The standard halogen bulb circuit is replaced with low energy LED lights. This unit has been designed for digitisation of all kinds of transparencies. The benefit of repurposing an old flashlight unit is a strong and consistent light source, which can penetrate high density material with a maximum of 800 W single flash of light. The unit has been tested for environmental conditions and, during consistent flashing in one second intervals for over 24 hours, the surface temperature does not change by more than 1˚C, which makes it suitable for the digitisation of most environmentally demanding materials such as nitrate films. In this case, the light source was strong enough to penetrate folded parchment and make it readable. Both pieces of equipment were purpose built for the DCU by local engineering companies, but the techniques and methods can be reproduced with different, more generic solutions and with a varied degree of consistency. Cameras can be rolled over large material with goal post structures which have been customassembled. Alternatively, the material could be accommodated on a safe surface, which could be rolled under any copy stand based photographic station. Light mixing boxes, which used to be a popular accessory in the developing process, can be easily repurposed to create strong and consistent light outputs, comparable to a purpose-designed lightbox. It would also be possible to use a simple glass table with a diffused light source. In any case, the equipment presented above is only supporting the photographic process, and it is not the limiting

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factor. It is the skilled photographer’s creative approach to the process which enables the result.

Image Processing The tiled captures need to go through the process of image stitching. Since the introduction of the XYZ table in 2016, DCU photographers have been using a number of different third-party software packages. The approaches diverge, depending on the material being photographed. The practice relies on the unique features of the object and may involve various steps. One important note is that the algorithms and stitching engines are constantly improving, producing faster and more accurate results. In any case, the original parts are always kept for preservation purposes. In the case of the medieval roll, Amélie used the Photomerge engine, provided as part of the Photoshop software package. This produced the final visualisation of the complete roll. The process of stitching revealed imperfections in the alignment of the parchment membranes caused in the process of creating the roll. The recovery of the writing, obscured in the folded part of the roll, required a more complex process than simply a single photograph with a lightbox. To capture a good resolution of the writing, the camera was placed close to the roll. In this setting, the depth of field was narrower than the thickness of the parchment fold. This means that a single photograph could only capture part of the text in focus. To resolve this problem, six different photographs with progressive focal planes were taken. The resulting images were then combined with a technique known as “focus stacking”, producing a clear image of the text for both the recto and the verso. The stacked image of a verso side was the one which provided the best results, so the final image of the text, seen through the back of the document, was then reversed so that the text would be easily readable. Thanks to the skill of Amélie, and the support of other photographers in the studio, this text has now been fully recovered. Both methods are examples of computational calculations, where sequences of images are united to create a dramatically different representation of a digital object. The features of the original artifact are displayed in the traditional 2D environment, allowing the artifact to be measured, analysed, surveyed, and presented in a way which was not possible before.

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Conclusions The role of the cultural heritage photographer has changed over the last decade in response to developments in digital technology and camera equipment. The democratization of technology created a false expectation that the digital would simplify the image creation process. Instead, it introduced many new opportunities and accompanying complexities, which have only recently started to be recognized as we strive to create preservation quality digital objects. Photographers are creators and enablers of research. They are highly specialised technicians who produce important research data. They are often passionate about heritage17 and play an important part in collection-based research.18 Despite this, they are rarely credited for their work. Digitisation is more than just images; we make the research happen. The digitisation process involves the photographer’s creative and intellectual input. Some research questions, which could be regarded as candidates for scientific imaging, can instead be answered with advanced photographic methods and good digital imaging knowledge. The combination of creative use of different methods can achieve results comparable with scientific imaging. Photographers in this aspect are also unique creators the makers of digital objects. For this process to be successful, we need to maintain dialogue with curators, conservators, and researchers. Progressive changes in technology proved that the skills of GLAM photographers are now more valuable than ever. Teams of highly trained technicians can shift to more scientific and highly technical imaging. Over the past two decades, we have observed how different institutions adopted these in different ways. Cambridge University Library has allowed their photographers to thrive and develop outstanding professional expertise.

Bibliography Literature Briggs, Keith: The Rentals of Holy Trinity Priory in Ipswich, in: Proceedings of the Suffolk Institute of Archaeology and History. 2019/44/3, pp. 456–461. Digitisation of MS Add. 10185, in: YouTube, URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Npf 3M2cvAs8 [24. 10. 2022].

17 Goodyear [2022]. 18 Digitisation of the Polonsky Foundation Greek Manuscripts [2022].

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Digitisation of the Polonsky Foundation Greek Manuscripts Project: a Reflection on Digital Technologies and Collective Memory, in: Cambridge University Library Special Collections Blog, URL: https://specialcollections-blog.lib.cam.ac.uk/?p=20239 [02. 11. 2022]. FADGI Draft of 3rd Edition of Technical Guidelines for Digitizing Cultural Heritage Materials, in: Federal Agencies Digital Guidelines Initiative, URL: https://www.digitiza tionguidelines.gov/guidelines/digitize-technical.html [24. 10. 2022]. FADGI, in: Federal Agencies Digital Guidelines Initiative, URL: https://www.digitizationg uidelines.gov [24. 10. 2022]. Goodyear, Charis: The Photographer Sharing the Secrets of Rare Manuscripts, in: University of Cambridge, URL: https://www.cam.ac.uk/this-cambridge-life/the-photographer-sha ring-the-secrets-of-rare-manuscripts [02. 11. 2022]. Hunt, William Powell (ed.): Two rentals of the Priory of the Holy Trinity in Ipswich, Suffolk, temp. Henry III and Edward I. 1847, in: British Library, URL: http://access.bl.uk/item/vie wer/ark:/81055/vdc_0000000563E2 [24. 10. 2022]. Jones, Cerys / Terras, Melissa / Duffy, Christina / Gibson, Adam: Understanding Multispectral Imaging of Cultural Heritage: Determining Best Practice in MSI Analysis of Historical Artefacts, in: Journal of Cultural Heritage. 2020/45, pp. 339–350. Kenney, Anne R. / Rieger, Oya Y. (eds.): Moving Theory into Practice. Digital Imaging for Libraries and Archives. 2000. Kirchner, Eric / Wijk, Carola van / Beek, Henni van / Koster, Tammo: Exploring the Limits of Color Accuracy in Technical Photography, in: Heritage Science. 2021/9 (57), in: URL: https://doi.org/10.1186/s40494-021-00536-x [24. 10. 2022]. Martinez, Merisa: Critical Approaches to ‘Clerical’ Work: Textual Transmission in Two Swedish Digital Resources, in: LIBER Quarterly. The Journal of the Association of European Research Libraries. 2019/29/1, pp. 1–44. McGowan, Ian D.: Cooperation between Legal Deposit Libraries in the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland, in: Alexandria. The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues. 1994/6/1, pp. 73–80, in: URL: https://doi.org/10.1177/ 095574909400600105 [24. 10. 2022]. MS Add. 10185, in: University of Cambridge Digital Library, URL: https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk /view/MS-ADD-10185/1 [24. 10. 2022]. Schroer, Carla: Advanced Imaging Tools for Museum and Library Conservation and Research, in: Bulletin of the American Society for Information Science and Technology. 2012/38/3, pp. 38–42, in: URL: https://doi.org/10.1002/bult.2012.1720380310 [24. 10. 2022]. The Metamorfoze Preservation Imaging Guidelines, in: URL: https://www.metamorfoze.nl /english/digitization [24. 10. 2022]. Verheusen, Astrid: Mass Digitisation by Libraries. Issues concerning Organisation, Quality and Efficiency, in: LIBER Quarterly. The Journal of the Association of European Research Libraries. 2008/18/1, pp. 28–38.

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Fig. 1. The fragment of the rental roll with the text obscured by a fold. Reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library (MS Add. 101850).

Fig. 2. The fragment of the rental roll with the recovered text imposed over the fold. Reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library (MS Add. 101850).

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Acknowledgments: Amélie Deblauwe for leading the photography of the roll. Mark Box for his imaging expertise. Błaz˙ej Mikuła for ongoing support and putting pictures into motion. Scott Maloney for insights of technical details. Huw Jones for proofreading and datasets publications. Ngaio Vince-Dewerse for making the digitisation safe. Dr. James Freeman for curatorial support. Matt Oxley and Dennis Murphy for engineering photographic ideas. Lesley Gray for her sense of direction. All DCU colleagues for ongoing hard work and belief in its purpose.

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List of Contributors

Dr. Sirpa Aalto, University of Oulu, Finland [Oulun yliopisto] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8773-8299 Historian. Main research interests: Old Norse-Icelandic saga literature, Icelandic and Norse Middle Ages, and interactions between Scandinavians and Sámi people in the medieval period, hunting in medieval Sweden, food culture in the early modern period in Finland, pseudohistories of ancient Finland, colonial perspectives in history and memorials Prof. Dr. Wojciech Chudziak, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, Poland [Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3409-0991 Archaeologist. Main research interests: archaeology of the West Slavs, including Pomerania and the Chełmno region, early medieval settlement, origins of slavic tribal states, interdisciplinarity in archaeology Mariusz Ciszak M.A., independent researcher ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0008-8062-0088 Archaeologist. Main research interests: cultural-creative processes in prehistory and the Middle Ages, interdisciplinarity in archaeology, digital technology in the humanities Dr. Carina Damm, Leipzig University, Germany [Universität Leipzig] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7981-8520 Historian. Main research interests: Viking-Age mobility and migration in the Circum-Baltic arena (c. 750–1100) and entanglements and cultural transfer between Scandinavia and Eastern Europe in the Early and High Middle Ages

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Prof. Dr. Yanko M. Hristov, South-West University “Neofit Rilski”, Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria [Югозападен университет “Неофит Рилски”] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7882-9749 Historian. Main research interests: Byzantine History in the Middle Ages, wars and captivity in the Middle Ages, Eurasian Nomads, Slavic Languages and Literature Dr. Georgios Kardaras, National Hellenic Research Foundation in Athens, Greece [Εθνικό Ίδρυμα Ερευνών] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7888-1491 Historian. Main research interests: relation of early Byzantium with its northern neighbours, the history and culture of the early Slavs and the Eurasian nomads Dr. Gregory Leighton, NAWA Ulam Postdoctoral Fellow in the Department of History and Archival Sciences, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, Poland [Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4203-2313 Historian. Main research interests: European History, especially the Teutonic Order and the Baltic crusades (13th–15th centuries) Konrad Lewek M.A., Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, Poland [Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000000172912744 PhD student in archaeology at the Academia Artium Humaniorum. Main research interests: cultural influences and state-building processes in central, eastern, and northern Europe during the Viking period and diplomatic contacts between Russia and Byzantium Dr. Tomasz Jacek Lis, Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland [Uniwersytet Jagiellon´ski w Krakowie] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0188-5755 Historian. Main research interests: 19th- and 20th-century history of South Slav and Polish-Balkan relations, narrative source editing. Assistant professor at the Modern World History Section. Prof. Dr. Marcin Lisiecki, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, Poland [Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6531-616X Philosopher. Main research interests: studies on nationalism, popular and folk culture, mythological studies, journalism, ethnology and cultural anthropology

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Dr. Maciej Lubik, University of Zielona Góra, Poland. [Uniwersytet Zielonogórski] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5893-4995 Historian. Main research interests: Religious changes in early medieval Scandinavia, the rules of the last “Viking” kings of Norway, and use of the kings’ sagas as a historical source. Assistant Professor in the Institute of History Maciej Pawlikowski M.A., University of Cambridge Libraries, Great Britain ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9125-429X Cultural Heritage Photographer. Main research interests: Digitisation, Digital Humanities, Digital Scholarship and Digital Preservation Prof. Dr. Andrzej Pleszczyn´ski, Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin. Poland [Uniwersytet im. Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4830-5201 Historian. Main research interests: Medievalism and the Middle Ages – the era in which European civilisation was formed, thought and plot structures (myths, stereotypes, archetypes and others), ideology of power – ways of its expression, permanence and variability of forms; confrontations – meetings of cultures Dr. Mateusz Popek, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, Poland [Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000000254903585 Underwater archaeologist. Main research interests: GIS and photogrammetry, medieval archaeology, especially early medieval harbours and seafaring, reconstructions of medieval maritime structures such as bridges and piers Dr. Piotr Pranke, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, Poland [Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9487-0143 Historian. Main research interests: history of medieval Scandinavia and Central and Eastern Europe, history of trade in the Viking era and the history of the Carolingian and Ottonian Empire and their influence on the shaping of the areas of “younger Europe” Prof. Dr. Andrzej Pydyn, Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun´, Poland [Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9478-9863 Underwater archaeologist. Main research interests: early maritime activities, long-distance trade from prehistory to the early medieval times, lakeside set-

Open-Access-Publikation (CC BY-NC 4.0) © 2023 V&R unipress | Brill Deutschland GmbH ISBN Print: 9783847115984 – ISBN E-Lib: 9783737015981

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List of Contributors

tlements, underwater survey methodology, archaeology of the wetlands. Director of the Centre for Underwater Archaeology Prof. Dr. Przemysław Urban´czyk, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyn´ski University in Warsaw and the Polish Academy of Sciences, Poland [Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyn´skiego w Warszawie oraz Polska Akademia Nauk] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0151-6415 Archaeologist, historian. Main research interests: archaeological history of Europe, Middle Ages in Poland, Central Europe, Scandinavia and the North Atlantic region

Open-Access-Publikation (CC BY-NC 4.0) © 2023 V&R unipress | Brill Deutschland GmbH ISBN Print: 9783847115984 – ISBN E-Lib: 9783737015981